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AUTOBIOGRAPHY

OF

Dr. Thomas H. Barton,

THE SELF-MADE PHYSICIAN

OF

SYRACUSE, OHIO,

INCLUDlN(j A HISTORY OF THE

FourtK Reft West Ya. YoL UfY,

WITH AX ACCOUNT OF

COL. LIGHTBURN'S RETREAT

DOWN THE KANAWHA VALLEY, OEX. GRANT'S VICKSBURG AND CHATTANOOGA CAMPAKiNS, TO(tETHER WITH THE SEVERAL BATTLES IN AVHICH THE FOURTH REfJilIENT AVAS ENGAGED, AND ITS LOSSES BY DISEASE, DE- SERTION AND IN BATTLE.

BY DR. T H. BARTON.

CHARLESTON :

West Virginia Pkinting ( o ,

Ls90.

ICiilercil iicc'cDiling di .'in Acl (if ('(iii,i,'ri'ss in Uiv year one thousand eight humlred and

ninety,

JiV TJIO.MAS H. I'.ARTUN, in the (illiee of llie I,i)>rarian of lonuiess, at Washington, I). C.

PREFACE.

lu the year 1SS5 I first conceived the idea of writing a history of my life ; but upon thinking over the subject, I had serious doubts as to whether such a work would justify the cost of publication, and, for a time, the jDroject was laid aside. Frona that time, how- ever, up to the latter part of 1887, the idea almost constantly in- truded itself upon my mind, and I finally divulged my plans to my wife. But she was opposed to the undertaking, claiming that in consequence of advancing years and failing healtli I had better abandon the idea. I did not accept this advice, and the ISth of April, 1888, found me seated at my table, pen in hand, jotting down my in- fant recollections. From that time to the present, I have spent the greater portion of my leisure hours in the preparation of this work.

I am aware that the public is well supplied with the biographies and autobiographies of our distinguished men, of the generals who have led our armies to victory, of the statesmen who have shaped the policy of the government, of eminent divines, poets, moralists, historians, philosophers, lawyers, legislators, even of criminals, who have spent their lives in solitary confinement, or perished on the scaffold. But the common or ordinary men, those who have failed to reach the summit of fame have hot come to the front and given their experience in the battle of life. Such is the design of the author. It will be my object in the present work to portray, in plain and concise language, the struggles of a lifetime.

My first plan was to give my own personal history, together with a history of the Fourth Regiment of West Virginia Infantry Volun- teers, of which organization I was the Hospital Steward ; but upon divulging this scheme to some of my literary acquaintances, I was advised to include a history of General Grant's Vicksburg and Chattanooga campaigns in which the Fourth Virginia participated, together with a detailed account of the battles and seiges in which this regiment was engaged, and its losses in battle and by disease and desertion. Accordingly, I have adopted this plan. I have con- sulted the most eminent authorities on the late war, and believe the

IV

statements contained in this portion of my narrative to be correct.

The author is well aware that he has not attained to wealth, honor or renown. Neither has he acquired distinction as a physician and surgeon. After a lifetime of hard labor, he is still at the foot of the ladder of fame Yet, nevertheless, he entertains hopes that this volume may prove interesting to a large class of readers. To the young practitioner of medicine especially, he trusts these pages may afford some useful hints, if in no other way than through the mis- takes and failures of the writer. To his old comrades of the Fourth "West Virginia regiment he extends a cordial greeting, and trusts that these battle-scarred veterans may find pleasure in reviewing the scenes and incidents of their army life. He further hopes that the genei'al reader will find the war history of sufficient interest to merit his attention. In the preparation of this portion of his work the author has aimed at conciseness of style and accuracy of detail.

Syracuse, Ohio, \ rptTi^ atttttot?

September 30th, LS«9. | ^HE AUTHOR.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Ancestry — Birth— Character — Early Youth — Incidents — The Dis- trict School — Farm Labor — Recreations — Religious Revival — Church Trial — A Bereavement.

CHAPTER II.

Remarriage of My Father — Laboring on My Own Account — A Re- trospect—School Teacher — Death of my Sister Mary — My Patri- mony— Student of Medicine — Addison — Character of my Brother — Old Time Celebrations — Cholera Epidemic of 1849 — A Reso- lution.

CHAPTER III.

The Practicing Physician — Pageville- -Dr. Lowell — Medical Prac- tice— Change of Location — Leon — State of Society in Virginia — Epidemic of Malarial Fever —Dr. O. G. Chace — Love — Courtship — Marriage — Domestic — A Loss — A greater Loss — Removal to Ches- ter, Ohio.

CHAPTER IV. The Village of Chester— Medical Practice— Dr. J. W- McGrath— Sec- ond Love — Marriage — Domestic — Unpopular with the People of Chester— Dr. James Dias— The Comet of 1857— Death of My Father — Change ofLocation — The Town of Syracuse — The Syra- cuse Coal and Salt Co— Coal and Salt Industries — Contract with the Miners — Dr. D. L. Star — Dr. Adams — Dr. .Joseph Bean — Dr. Samuel Bean — Birth of a Son — An Affray — An Alarm of War.

CHAPTER V

Presidential Election of 18G0 — Political Parties — The Seceded States — The Southern Confederacy— Star of the West — Fort Sumpter — The President's Call for Troops^Independent Company— -Recruit- ing for the Fourth W Va. Regiment — Enlistment — Company and Regimental Officers — At Point Pleasant — At Spencer, in Roane County — Cam]3 Life^ — Return to Point Pleasant — At Ceredo — Incidents of Camp Life — Appointed Hospital Steward — Moved to Charleston — At Chapmansville — Scouting — Death of Major Hall — Col. Lightburn's Retreat from the Kanawha Valley — Causes of the Retreat — The Retreat — Arrival at Ravenswood — Visit to my Family — Return to Point Pleasant — Second Advance up the Kanawha — Ordered to Vicksburg.

CHAPTER VL

Description of Vicksburg — Its Defences — The Campaign Against that Stronghold — Grant's First Campaign — Defeat of Sherman at Haines' Bluff"- His Retreat — The Fourth W Va. Regiment mov- ed to Vicksburg — Camp at Young's Point — Arrival of Grant — The Canal at Young's Point — Cutting the Levee at Lake Providence — And at Moon Lake — The Mississippi Flotilla — Yazoo Pass Expedi- tion— The Queen of the West — Loss of that Vessel — Loss of the In- dianola — Farragut runs the Batteries at Port Hudson — Steel Bayou or Deer Creek Expedition — Failure of the Expedition.

CHAPTER VII.

Dissatisfaction with Gen. Grant— "Visiting Statesmen"— Tlie North- ern Press— Concentration of the Army— Running the Batteries at Vicksburg— Grierson's Raid— Movement of the Army down the Mississippi— Hherman makes a Feint on Haines' Bluff— Crossing the river at Bruinsburg— Grant's Rapid Movements— Thompson's Plantation— Battle of Port Gibson— Capture of Grand Gulf— Move- ment towards Jackson— Battle of Raymond — Battle of Jackson — Capture of the City— Destruction of Confederate Property— Grant moves West— Battle of Champion's Hill— Forcing the Big Black River— Pemberton retires within the lines of Vicksburg.

CHAPTER VIII.

Defences of Vicksburg — Review of the Campaign — The Federal and Confederate Forces — The Rebels Evacuate Haines' Bluff— Opening of the Yazoo — First Assault on Vicksburg — Second Assault — Failure — Dismissal of MeClernand — Final investment of Vicksburg — The Seige — Progress of the Seige — Grant Receives Reinforcements — The Confederates Attack Young's Point and Milikins Bend — Johnson Crosses the Big Black to relieve Pemberton — Failure to relieve Vicksburg — First Mine Exploded- A&sault and Failure — Second Mine Exploded — Peniberton's Di's))erate Situation — Is advised by his Division Commanders to Surrender -Correspondence of Grant and Pemberton — Terms of (Capitulation — Last Effort of the Con- federates to Relieve Vicksburg — The Surrender — Condition of the City— Results of the Campaign.

CHAPTER IX.

Personal Experience— Y'ouu<j;'s Point- Ueorganization of the Army- Sickness Among the Troops Surgeons Ackley and Waterman — Ackley Resigns -Pliilst)n anil Waterman Promoted — Incidents — The Canal -Inspection of the Hospital -Running the Blockade — Grant JNlovcs down the River- Slierman's Feint on v'^icksburg — Moving towards the Front — CJrand Gulf— On the March — Passing Champion's Hill— Effects of the Battle — Hard Marching — Want of Provisions And of Water — In the Rear of Vicksburg — First As- sault- Second Assault—Casualities -Charge of the 8th Wisconsin — Old Abe- I'he Seige — Blowing up the Fort — Scarcity of Water — Exchanging Bread for Tobacco -Appointed Surgeon of the 2d. Mississippi Colored Regiment — Incidents- Surrender of Vicksburg — News from Home — Sickness and B'urlough.

CHAPTER X.

Description of Chattanooga— And of the Surrounding Country— And of the Tennessee River- Battle of Stone River -Retreat of Bragg — Rosecrans takes Chattanooga— And follows Bragg to Chickamauga —Battle of — Federal Losses— Movements of Burnside— He takes Knoxville— And Cumberland Gap— Rosecrans Retreats to Chat- tanooga—Bragg's Position— Rosecrans in Danger— He is reinforced by Hooker-Grant in Command-He opens communications and establishes the "Cracker Line"— Jeflerson Davis visits Bragf- Longstreet moves towards Knoxville — And Attacks Burnside— Sherman ordered to Chattanooga-His Movements-Arrives at Chattanooga— Plan of the Battle— Prepe rations for the En^aa-e ment— Movements of Thomas— And of Sherman— And of Hooker

at Lookout Mountain — Results of the Second Day's Eno-affement

Renewal of the Battle— Grant's Orders— Hooker's Movements— And of Sherman— Thomas Assaults Missionary Ridge— Defeat of the Confederates— Results of the Campaign— Reflections on the Subject.

Vll

CHAPTER XI.

Sherman Ordered to Relieve Knoxville — Longstreet Attacks Burn- side — Battle of Can bell Station — Knoxville Threatened — Move- ments of Sherman — Longstreet Attacks Knoxville — He is Repulsed — End of the Western Campaign — The Fourth W Va. Regiment — It Moves with Sherman's Army — Goes into Winter Quarters — The Veterans Consolidated with the Eighth Missouri — The Non- Veterans Mustered Out — Service of the Veterans — Losses of the Regiment — Reflections on the subject — Personal History — Sick- ness— A Furlough — The Journey Home — Home "Sweet Home" — Extension of Furlough — The Gallipolis Hospital — My Treatment — At Home — A Case of Forcible Detention — Removal to Syracuse — Return to the Hospital — Incidents — Washington's Birthday — The Journey to Wheeling — An Algebraic Problem — At Baltimore — The "Soldiers Rest" — Return to Wheeling — Mustered Out — Home at Last.

CHAPTER XII.

Division of the Subject — Financial — Settlement of My Property — It is Deeded to My Wife — The Town of Syracuse — Improvements — Prices of Commodities — I resume my Profession — Extent of My Practice — My Competitors — Surgical Practice — An Injured Coal Miner — His Treatment — Death of Jacob Henry — His C!haracter — Death of Robert Snowball — Some Remarkable ("ases — INledical Practice — An Attempted Robbery — The Cholera — Its Fatal Effects — A Patient wlio had feasted on Black Haws — Professional Courtesy — Code of Medical Ethics — Criticisuis on My Practice — The Malarial Fever — A Drunken Hnsbancf — Effects of Superstition — The "Wild Man" of Syracuse — Joshua Quillin's "Spirit" — A Case of Superstition — Medicial Societies.

CHAPTER XIII. Holding Office — The Spring Election of 1867 — Nominations for Justice of the Peace — My Candidacy — The Election — Commis- sioned Justice of the Peace — Sworn into Office — The Docket — Swan's Treatise — Classes of Crimes and Misdemeanors — Revision of the Criminal Code — Swan and Sailor's Statutes — Warner's Criminal Code — Civil Practice — Marriages — Criminal Practice — A Defective State Warrant — A Search Warrant — My Second Candi- dacy— Re-elected — A Question of Jurisdiction — Warren's Revised Criminal Code — A Writ of Habeas Corpus — Criminal Cases— A Hard Day's Work — "Nannie Rags" — James Ewing — George Durky — John Borham — A Strange Bill of Particulars — D. A. Minx — Martin Hays — The New Civil Docket — Close of Office.

CHAPTER XIV Physician and Druggist — Financial — Erection of New Dwelling — A Suit of Law — Erection of a New Drugstore — Cost of Mechanical Labor — Resume of the Drug Business — Burdsal and Brother — Retail Liquor Dealer — Borrowing Money — Collecting Medical Fees — "Strikes" Among the Miners — Reduction of Wages — Negotiating a Loan — This Effort proves a Failure-Suit of Burdsal and Brother- Judgment Against Me — Action of My Creditors — Selling Out — The Sheriff Levies on My Goods — W T. A. Lallance — He Purchases My Stock of Drugs — The Results — Reflections on the Subject — The Credit System — Improvement of My Affair — Proposed Change of Location — My Wife's Views on the Subject — We Again Commence Business — A Glimpse of Prosperity — A Pleasant Visit — Addition to our Real Estate.

Vlll

CHAPTER XV

A Retrospect— Building Castles in the Air— A sudden Change— Sell- ing Out— Reasons for so Doing— The Credit System— Removal to Indiana— The New Location— Purchasing Property— The Old Log Cabin— A Dream Fulfilled— New Residence— Visi't to Syracuse- Second \'isit— Sickness— The Climate in Indiana— Return to Syra- cuse—My Changed Circumstances— I Resume my Profession— Dr. E. H. Trickle— Affairs in Indiana— Litigation— Suit of Law Against James E wing— The Result— The Game of Croquet— A Sad Bereave- ment.

CHAPTER XVI.

Treatment of Paupers— Resume of the Subject— At Leon, Virginia— At Chester, Ohio — At Syracuse— A Dangerous Case — Litigation — Action Against the Inlmary Directors — The Poor Laws of Ohio- Duties of Township Trustees — And of Infirmary Directors — Diffi- culty with the Trustees — Their Unfair Ruling— Controversy with W N Jones - Xcwspaj^er Correspondence — Mr. Jones' Answer — My Rei)ly in the Tele2;rapli- .Vnd in the Republican — Demand foi- Xews])a])ers Cliaiif^c in (he Action of the Trustees Cost of Treating the Poor in 1877 New Trustees Elected— Their Action — And of the Infimary Direclors A Wrctclied Case of Pauperism — Ijiti,L,'ation with f heTruslci-s -Trial before the Justice -And at the CJourt of ( 'oninion Pk'as — \nd I)i-<tiict Court— Kxpensc of the Liti- i^ation — Election oflsSii 1 receive more Liberai Treatment- Gen- eral Iteview of the Subject -Case at JNIinersville — Cost of Pauper- ism in isss.

CHAPTER XVII

CONC'l-l'SION.

Resume of the Dru.u: Business T^ocation at Carletonville— Firm of G. R. JSarton & Co— Building up a Trade— Firm of T. H. Barton & Co- Iteniarriage Professional Labor- Sale of our Indiana Pro- perty—Division of the Proceeds My Financial Condition— A New Home- Donustic — Our Children — Death of my Brother James — The Drug Business -Our Purchases and Sales-Gains and Loses A Young Druggist- The Drug Traile at Syracuse- Medical Ethics Result of Changes in Medical Treatment— Epidemic of 1882— Fatal Cases -Dr. J. W Hoff— Dr. C. Rathburn— Dr. Ross— Win- ters of 18s;!-l -Flood of 1881— Destruction of Property— Suffering Among the Laboring Classes -Coinmissarv Supplies— Disabil- ity Pension— Epidemic of l,S,S(i -Fatal Cases— Prostrated by Sick- ness—Quality of my Practice— Improvement— Dr. Milford Roush —Dr. I. N. Holmes— Conclusion.

SUPPLIOMENT. The Physician and Patient— Requisites of the Physician— Itinerant Pliysicians— TheTraveling Quack— The Specialist— Their Methods —The Advertising of Receipts for (^ertain Diseases— The Code of Medical Ethics— Rights Duties and Privileges of the Attending Physician— And ot the Patient and His Friends— Consultations- Mode of Conducting them— Violations of the Code of Ethics— Re- flections on the Subject — Compensation of Physicians— An An- peal to the Public. ^

AUTDBIDGRAPHY

OF

* T. H. BARTDN. *

CHAPTER I.

EARLY YOUTH.

I am sprung, on my father's side, from a family of English ancestry. My great-grandfather was born in England, but died in America. My grandfather, James Barton, was born in Harford county, Maryland, but I do not know the date of his birth. He served in the Continental Army during the war of the revolution, and afterwards held the officeof jailor at Belair, Maryland. He was the father of six children ; John, Permelia, Thomas S., Mary, Ann and Casandra. He died at Peach Bot- tom, on the Susquehanna river, in 1810.

My father, Thomas S. Barton, was born March 8, 1790, in Harford county, Maryland, at or near the town of Belair. About the year 1814 he moved to Marietta, Ohio ; thence to Lancaster, Ohio, where he became acquainted with Catharine Harman, a lady of German descent, to whom he was married about the first of September, 1818. Four children were the fruit of this union: Elizabeth, born June 12th, 1819; Mary, born February 22cl, 1821 ; James, born August 8th, 1823 ; I am

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

the youngest child, and was born on the eighth of December, 1828.

My father, while yet a single man, served with distinction in the American army during the war of 1812. He was after- wards known as Captain Barton, and resided at Marietta Ohio, when the battle of New Orleans was fought ; and when the news of that great victory reached Marietta, he assisted in illuminating that city in honor of the event. Candles and bon- fires were the sources of illumination.

And the year 1818, my father removed from Lancaster to Bedford township, Meigs county, Ohio ; and soon afterwards to Uppei Scipio, where he purchased a small piece of land. On the receipt of my mother's interest in her father's estate, it being two hundred dollars, current money of the realm, he ex- changed his farm in Upper Scipio for another, situated in the same township, on the Mud fork of Leading creek, and con- taining about 131 acres of land. The old-fashioned hewed log house in which I was born was still standing in 1875, It was rectangular in form, twenty-six feet long, eighteen feet wide and fourteen and a half feet high. It contained two stories; there were small windows of twelve lights of glass ; a door opened on each side of the building, and a substantial brick chimney was placed at the north end. The brook flowed near by ; there was "orchard, and meadow, and deep tangled wild-wood;" a well of sparkling water, with its time-honored old oaken bucket. These were the scenes of my childhood.

"As fancy reverts to my father's plantation, And sighs for the bucket which hangs in the well,

The old oaken bucket, the iron bound bucket, The moss covered bucket, which hangs in the well."

I was the youngest child, and occupied a superior place in the affections of the family. I was naturally mischievous, irritable in disposition, yet obedient to my parents, and fond of work and hard study. My father was very pious, and lived a Methodist after the straightest sect. Morning and evening he would read a chapter from the New Testament and hold family prayer. Among our small collection of books were the Testament and spelling book. These volumes were about the same size, and covered with the same kind of cloth. One

THOS. H. BARTON.

morning I placed the spelling book on the Testament, within reach of my father, who, when ready to read and pray, picked up the spelling book, opened it, closed the book again and laid it down, and reached for the Testament. At this moment I exclaimed : "Pap, the next time you read, you had better get the almanac." Luckily for me, he paid no attention to my suggestion, but went on as usual with his devotions.

When about five years of age, an incident occurred which made a strong impression on my mind, and exerted an influence to keep me from using profane language. One morning, immediately after breakfast, my mother and sisters were performing some labor in the garden, having left the dishes unwashed on the table. Now, it was an unusual thing, at least for one of my age, to see a chicken in the house. Finally, the old cock succeeded in getting on the table. "Chook ! chook ! chook ! chook !" calling the hens about him. I saw the chicken on the table, and raji out, crying as loud as I could : "Mamma ! Mamma ! the old rooster is on the table, just a-playing h — 1 !" I shall never forget the uproar and laughter at my expense.

On another occasion, when about seven years old, in com- pany with my brother James, I went to my father's clearing, and while there imagined I saw a beautiful piece of wood. It sparkled and glistened in the bright sunshine. I moved toward it, with the intention of picking it up, exclaiming : "See, Jim, what a pretty stick of wood." At that moment my brother caught me by the shoulder, telling me at the same time that it was a snake. It was a large rattlesnake, having twelve rattles, and therefore thirteen years old. Being stretched at full length on the ground, its enormous size and bright, shining appear- ance deceived me. It was a narrow escape.

Mr. B. F, Erwin worked for my father in the clearing. On one occasion, Mr. Erwin had with him some of the unadulterated juice of the corn. He proposed to give me a dram, if I would gather some brush and assist him at his labor. I readily con- sented, and went to work with a will, but in a short time wanted "more dram," which was given me. The effect waj exhilarating, but I soon began to experience strange sensations. I became dizzy. The whole field looked to me as if it were

AUTOBIOGRAPHY (IF

going round and round. I succeeded, however, in making my way to the house. It was my first dissipation.

Among my youthful companions were two brothers : John and William Hicks. John was a good swimmer, as was also my brother. William and I could not swim. We were bathing in the creek, and heavy rain had swelled the stream to the top of its bank. I had taken off my clothes, and waded into the shallow water, but had accidentally gone beyond my depth, when the swift current bore me rapidly to the center of the stream. Here was a snag to which I clung until rescued by William Hicks.

During harvest time it was part of my labor to carry water to the workman in the field. For this service I was promised three cents a day. I did good service slaking the thirst of the horny handed laborers. One day an old lady named Hidrick passed through the meadow and inquired what I was doing. I informed her that I was carrying water to the har- vest hands. "Tommy," said Mrs. Hidrick, "do they give you anything for carrying water?" "Yes," said I, "Pap is to give me three cents a day." "Tommy, ihat isn't enough; you ought to have six and a fourth cents a day, and don't carry any more water till you have the i)romise of an ad- vance of wages." I obeyed her injunction. Soon the workman began to call after me for more water; but I was on a "strike," and their calls were in vain. At length my father conceded the demand and promised the much desired advance. Whether this occurrence was the origin of strikes in IM.eigs county, or whether they are due to more extensive combina- tions, I leave to the reader. One thing is clear : I was one among the first "strikers" in the county.

I lived in the days of log cabins and hard cider. My father made large quantities of the juice of the apple. The apples were pounded in a large iron kettle, a heavy maul, with a pin through the handle, worked by two men, being used for that purpose. The press was constructed of two heavy pieces of timber, about twenty feet in length, securely fixed on blocks. Between these pieces, a heavy beam, ten or twelve inches square, was placed ; the three pieces being fastened together at one end with a pin. Near the other end was a platform, with gutters to carry off the cider, on which was placed the

THOS. H. BARTON.

box containing the pounded apples. The beam was raised onto the box by means of leverage. Mr. Erwin, whom I have already mentioned, worked for my father. He was honest, a good worker, trustworthy in every respect, but inclined to superstition. I was about five years old, when, one evening, in the fall of the year, my father, brother, and Mr. Erwin were at work making cider. It was nuite dark, and one of them observed alight rise, apparently out of the ground. Their at- tention was immediately fixed on the strange light. While looking and wondering, another light rose, and then another, and vanished in the air. They gazed intently in the direction from which the lights appeared to rise, but saw nothing in the gloom. Mr. Erwin then said to my father. '"Barton let us go to the house, something may happen to us, the cider press may fall down and kill or cripple some of us." There was no more cider made that night. They were greatly alarmed at the strange apparition, came to the house, and related the facts to the family. Three days afterwards, Mr. Erwin's mother, a venerable old lady, died suddenly; and this occurrence tended to strengthen the idea of superstition. It made a strong im- pression on my youthful mind, aud we all believed that the strange lights were a token of her death. I have no doubt that Mr. Erwin always entertained that belief. Science, however, would have relieved our own minds from superstition, and told us that the inflammable gas, occasioned by the decompo- sition of vegetable substances on marshy ground, had ignited, causing the jack-a-lantern to make its appearance.

When six years ot age I commenced going to school. William McMahan wielded the birch. Mr. McMahan's resi- dence, in which the school was taught, was a double log house distant about two miles from our home, and my path lay across the creek, over fences and through fields and woods. The school system of Ohio was then in its infancy. The rural districts were dotted with log school houses, in which the pedagogues labored "to teach the young idea how to shoot." There was one term of three months during the winter, but none in the summer, and the schools were supported in part by public subscription. A knowledge of reading, writing, spell- ing, geography, and of arithmetic, to the "Single Rule of

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Three," was regarded as a sufficient qualification on the part of the teacher. We were poorly supplied with books. Those used in our school were Webster's American Spelling-book, the Primary reader, the New Testament, and the English reader. Some of the advanced scholars read from a History of the United States, and a work entitled American Biography. The pupils were required to "go through" the spelling book before they were permitted to read. Smith's Geography was used, and a work on arithmetic called the Western Calculator. Web- ster's Elementary Spelling book was introduced in 1836, and steel pens and McGuffey's reader came into use about the same time.

The exercises consisted mainly of reading and spelling. Four times a day, between ench intermission, the pupils read round. There were three classes in spelling ; first, second, and third. The class stood in line, and beginning at the left, each pupil spelled a word pronounced by the teacher, and if a word was misspelled, it passed down the line until it was spelled correctly. The successful scholar then took his station next above the one who failed. It vvas an honor to "leave off head," and a certain number of head marks was a badge of distinc- tion. No grammar was studied in the school. There were no classes in Arithmetic, and no exercises on the black board. The students in Arithmetic recited separately, and were re- quired to memorize the rules and solve the problems : and if a problem was found too difficult for solution by the student, it was brought to the teacher, who "worked it."

I was fond of school and learned rapidly ; but would some- times become very tired over the long hard words in the spell- ing book. I was yet in the third class, when, on one occasion, the second class were spelling for head, a word went "round the class." The teacher overheard me whisper to my brother that I could spell that word, "Thomas," said he, "rise and spell it." I did so, and was promoted to be head boy of the class, and felt as important as General Jackson in the presiden- tial chair. On a future occasion, my brother having "left off head" fourteen times in succession, the teacher made a rule that whoever did so twice in succession sljould go to the foot. This left me at the head, but I did not like the idea of being

THOS. H. BARTON.

turned to the foot, and intentionally missed a word, so that I might remain near the head of the class.

Hollis Downing was my second teacher. A new school house had been erected in the district. This edifice was about twenty feet square, constructed of logs hewed on one side, thus giving the interior a smooth and even appearance. The spaces be- tween the logs were filled with pieces of wood daubed over with mud. The seats were made of slabs, split off timber, dressed moderately smooth, with pins for legs, but destitute of any rest for the back. On each side of the building a log was cut out and a long narrow window put in. Steel pens were unknown at the time, and, for the benefit of those who used the goose quill, boards about eighteen inches wide, fixed in the form of desks, extended along two sides of the building. There was a puncheon floor, and "cat and clay" chimney, with a huge fire place capable of holding logs of wood five or six feet in length. Such is a general idea of the country school house fifty years ago.

Mr. Downing was kind, humane, and benevolent; lenient in his conduct towards the pupils, and took an active interest in the progress of the school. One day, when the ground was deeply covered with snow, nearly all the boys left the play ground, repaired to the state road on the hill, got sleds and boards, and went "coasting." It was a gala noon time for the students. We were absent about two hours when, returning to school, we saw Mr. Downing standing in the door, a smile on his face, and a large switch in his hand. The boys expect- ed to get a whipping; but, on entering the school room, Mr. Downing gave each boy, except my brother and myself, a slight tap with the switch, remarking at the same time, "Get your book."

Robert Townsend, my third teacher, under whom I learned rapidly, was well educated for the times, and kept a good school. Amos Stevens, who succeeded Mr. Townsend, was also fairly educated in the English language, and during his term, I commenced learning to write. The first copy was a round hand in large letters ; but writing was hard to learn on account of my being left handed.

Daniel Dudley, a single man born in one of the Eastern

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

States, and better educated then any of his predecessors, was our next teacher. Mr. Dudley was small of stature, peevish and morose, cross and irritable in his disposition, but kept good order in the school. During the noon hour, as he was one day walking in the wood near the play ground, and a large tree stood between him and the boys, one of them proposed to "snowball the teacher." The snowballs flew thick and fast and some of them hit the tree. As Mr. Dudley stepped from behind the tree, he was struck in the breast by a snowball. The boys then ceased throwing, school was called, and some of the larger boys were called up to answer for the misde- meanor. "Who hit me with the snowball?" inquired the teacher. One of the boys called out : "It was Perry Riggs." Another said : "It was Enoch McMahan," some one said : "It was Jim Barton," and others claimed it was Bill Saddler. Unable to ascertain who did it, the teacher talked to the boys about fifteen minutes, and then went on as usual with the ex- ercises.

John Cain, a l)oy about my age, sat beside me in school, and was one of my classmates. We were studying the spelling lesson, and one of the words was cain, spelled and defined : Cain, a man's name ; cane, a shrub, or staff". I studied in a loud whisper: "C-a-i-n, a lazy man's name; C-a-n-e, a shrub, or staff." John began to cry, which soon attracted the teach- er's attention. "John," said Mr. Dudley. "What is the matter with you?" John replied : "Nothing, sir." "Has Thomas done anything to you?" "Xo, sir," answered John. Turning to me the teacher said : "Thomas, have you done anything to him?" "No, sir," I answered : "I am studying my spelling lesson." The teacher left us, but John continued to cry until the class was called up to spell.

Near the close of Mr. Dudley's term of school, my brother got into a dispute with Enos McMahan, a boy about his own age, and a son of our former preceptor. Enos picked up several large chips and pieces of wood intending to strike my brother, but James would knock them out of his hand. This was con- tinued till school was called, when, as they were near the door, my brother struck Enos a powerful blow over one of his eyes, bruising the flesh and causing the blood to flow. When in the

THOS. H. BARTON. 9

school room the teacher asked Enos, what was the matter with his eye? "Jim Barton hit me," replied Enos. The pre- ceptor then inquired : "What did he hit you with, did he hit you with a club?" "No, sir," replied Enos, "he hit me with his fist." I "vas a peaceable, obedient pupil, and feared there would be trouble, but the teacher proceeded with the school as if nothing had occurred. It is probable Mr. Dudley feared that the blood-letting process might be applied to himself. James who left school on account of this trouble, was after- wards arrested, brought before a Justice of the Peace, and fined five dollars and costs, but the fine and costs were neyer collected.

I was eleven years old at the close of Mr. Dudley's school, I had attended six terms of the district school, including two to Mr. McMahan. I studied hard and learned rapidly; was at- tentive a,nd obedient to my teacher ; was regarded as the best scholar of my age, and few stood higher in the school than I did. Our facilities for reading, as I have already remarked, were limited, but I made good use of those in my possession. In the American Biography I read of the heroes of the Revo- lution ; of the generals who conducted the sieges and battles ; and of the statesmen who shaped the policy of the govern- ment. The reading of the battles of the Revolution afforded me delight, and fixed within me a sentiment of patriotism which has never been erased.

During the summer months, until near eighteen years of age, I worked for my father on the farm. How different was the labor then and now ! When I think of the improvements which have been made in farming, I always think of the pro" duction of wheat in the old times in Ohio. There are few who are old enough to remember the manner in which it was pro- duced for the market. The grain was sowed broadcast, and covered with the harrow. The sickle and cradle supplied the place of the reaper and binder. It was threshed with a flail? a machine made of two pieces of wood fastened together by a piece of leather. The farmer swung the flail over his head, and it was about as dangerous to his own head as it was to the heads of wheat that he was aiming it at. A large ring was sometimes made, in which the wheat was threshed by the

2

10 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

tramp of horses. It was separated from the chaff by an artificial agitation of the atmosphere, produced by a sheet or bag held by two men, one at one end and the other at the other, with a third pouring out the wheat at the top. I have seen this operation performed. It was also separated by the fanning mill, a machine which produced the necessary agita- tion of the atmosphere by means of a wheel, similar in form to the wheel of a steamboat. The operator turned a crank which communicated the motion to the wheel, and also to the selves, and the chaff was blown away from one end of the ma- chine.

It is needless to speak of the many implements in use among the farmers. A large amount of the labor was per- formed with the hoe; the plow turned the soil to the right; grass was cut with the scythe and gathered with the hand rake. Labor was cheap, seldom exceeding fifty cents a day.

]\[a]ile sugar was a staple product. It sweetened our tea and coffee, and answered every other purpose for which sugar is used. It was made from the sap of the sugar maple (the Acer S'lcchtn-imnn). Two or three auger holes were bored into the tree, but not deep enough to go through the sappy part of the wood, and into these were inserted reeds of the shumach shrub (the Rlnis Glahriiin). Wooden troughs were placed under these spouts, to receive the drippings from the tree. An ex- cavation which answered the purpose of a furnace, was made in the ground, and over this were placed the kettles contain- ing the sugar-water. The sap was then boiled to a syrup and clarified with milk or the whites of eggs, and was further evaporated in smaller kettles. This labor was performed in February and March, and was often regarded as a recreation by those engaged in it.

Nor must I omit the labors of our grandmothers. Wool was carded into rolls, spun into thread on the spinning-wheel, and woven into cloth on the hand loom, thus providing the family with jeans and flannels. Cotton was also woven into a kind ot cloth called "homespun," the cotton yarn for the warp being purchased at the store. Soft soap was manufac- tured from grease and water impregnated with the alkaline properties ol the ashes of wood. These labors, together with

THOS. H. BARTON. 11

the product of the garden, the dairy and the poultry yard, afforded material aid towards the general support of the fam- ily. The calico dress was a luxury, and "store clothes" were worn only by the gentleman.

When the farmer came to market his products, he found the prices far below those of the present time. Wheat was sold in the market at thirty-seven and a half to fifty cents a bushel ; corn and potatoes at twenty to twenty-five cents a bushel ; butter at eight t6 ten cents a pound ; eggs at three to five cents a dozen ; beef at one and a half to two, and pork at two to three cents a pound. As for everything the farmer bought — everything he could not raise — he paid more than double, and in some instances more than three times the present prices for like commodities. He toiled from early dawn till late at night ; yet, regardless of all this, farm life had its charms, and my most pleasant reminiscences are those of the home of mj' childhood.

During the summer succeeding ^Nlr. Dudley's term, a new school district was laid out in our neighborhood, and an un- occupied log cabin was used as a school-house. My sister, Elizabeth, who had sufficient education, was employed to teach. At this school I studied orthography, reading, writ- ing, arithmetic and geography. I used Ray's arithmetic and Smith's geography. Mary Ann Barton, a cousin of mine, suc- ceeded Elizabeth, and the school was taught in the same old log school-house. Miss Barton was a skillful teacher, and among the best scholars was Maria Hopkins, daughter of the Rev. James H. Hopkins, a local preacher and farmer, and afterwards an ordained minister of the M. E. church. All of father's children attended this school. My brother was re- garded as the best scholar in arithmetic; my sister Elizabeth the best in spelling, and my sister Mary carried off the palm in writing.

For two or three weeks, during the winter succeeding Miss Barton's term, I attended a school taught by my sister Eliza- beth in another district. A new building, called the Hopkins school-house, in honor of the Rev. James H. Hopkins, was now erected in the district, and my brother James, was employed to teach the school. The new school-house, tljough far in-

12 AUTOBIOGRAPAY OP

ferior to those of the present time, made a fine appearance, and was a great improvement on the old log structure near Page- town. During this term of school I added Kirkham's English grammar to my former studies.

Benjamin Hughes was my next teacher, and under his in- struction I completed my course at the district school. In arithmetic I studied as for as profit and loss, when, on one occasion, I came across the following problem :

"Sold a quantity of corn, at $1 per bushel, and gained 25 per cent. ; sold of the same to the amount of $59.40, and gained 35 per cent. ; at what rate did I sell ; how many bushels in the hist lot?"

After studying the problem for some time I brought it to the teacher, who, after looking it over for a few minutes, told me that it would take two hours to solve it. I finally solved it without his assistance.

Miss Maria Hopkins, who succeeded Mr. Hughes was inca- pable of teaching me, and I was compelled to seek other fields. The Uev. Mr. Howe, a Presli\terian, whose christian name I do not now remember, taught in the old school house near Page- town, and I attended his school for a short time. I desired to study Algebra. My brothnr had purchased Bridge's Alge- brn, an elementary work, from which I had learned the first principles, and he had afterwards exchanged it for Harney's Algebra. The latter contained the general principles of the science, together with a series ot abstruse problems, but with- out answers, and there were few solutions or demonstrations. The students were re(iuired to verify the answers. I knew very little about forming an equation and soon got embarrassed on the following problem :

"A man's age was three times that of his wife when he mar- ried her. After they had lived together fifteen years, his age was twice hers. What were their ages when married?"

I brought the problem to the teacher, but he could not solve it. In the evening, I showed it to my brother, who took a piece of chalk, made a few letters and figures on the side of the house, and easily found the unknown quantities. The prob- lem admits of an easy solution by algebra. I then left school and pursued my studies at home. My mother who took an

THOS. H. BARTON. 13

active interest in my progress, had told me that when old enough, she intended to send me to college. This stimulated me to extra exertions. I pursued my course in algebra as far as logarithms without the aid of a teacher. I procured a copy of Comstock's Natural Philosophy, and soon became familiar with the principles of mechanics, hydrostatics, hydraulics, pneumatics, electricity and optics. I studied the laws of at- traction and gravitation ; learned the minor principles of astronomy, and could tell the approximate distance of the earth and planets from the sun, together with their revolutions around it. I could also explain the causes which produced the changes of the seasons, and of eclipses of the sun and moon ; I read books of travels, and works on biography and history, and endeavored, by all the means within my power, to store my mind with useful knowledge.

Nor must I pass over in silence the sports and diversions, the pleasures and sorrows of school life. There were pleas- ant rambles through the wood, gathering and eating the June- berry — called also the service-berry. This shrub, (the genus Crat;rgus) grows in dense forests and is one of the earliest to bloom in the Spring. Its fruit which is very delicious and healthy, ripens in June ; hence the name of June-berry. The species is now almost extinct, the woodman's axe having cleared it away.

The spelling-school was the theatre at which the test of scholarship was displayed. These tournaments were held fre- quently and class was arrayed against class, and school against school. Two leaders were selected who then pro- ceeded "to choose up." The opposing forces were stationed at opposite sides of the room, and the words, pronounced by the teacher or conductor, were passed alternately from side to side. After the preliminary exercises were conducted for a sufficient length of time, the dispositions were then made for the final conflict. The contestants, like the Greeks of old, drew out their forces in line, and fought man to man — each man endeavoring to spell down the other side. If a word ffas misspelled the delinquent stepped from the ranks. Thus a superior knowledge of orthography, not unmixed with cour- age, decided the fate of the day.

14 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

Athletic sports were the chief sources of recreation among the male portion of the scholars. There were contests of wrestling, scuffling, running and jumping. Town ball, from which the national game originated, was the principal field exercise. An equal number of players was chosen on each side, and the first to the bat was decided b.y chance or mutual agreement. The number of bases was indefinite, and their for- mation was governed by the contour of the ground on which the game was played. The players were either "crossed out" between the bases, caught out behind the bat, "on a fly," or on the first bound. The curve was unknown ; there were no dead balls, and no uniformity as to the number of innings. The inning ended only when all the players on both sides were put out. Disputed points were settled by mutual agreement with- out the aid of an umpire.

The revolution of half a century has brought about many changes in the school system of Ohio. The class of old fash- ioned scliool-master? (the writer among the number) with their modes both of rigid discipline and instruction, have either passed away or long since survived their usefulness. The old log school-houses have been supplanted by new and costly edifices, well furnished for the convenience both of teachers and scholars. Improved text-books and modes of instruction have been introduced, and the ideas of fifty years ago have been succeeded by a thorough system of universal education.

I was a large boy for my age ; fairly well developed, muscu- lar, and was not indifferent to the sports of the day. On one occasion, at recess, Simeon Ellis, a boy about my own size but two years older, proposed to wrestle. We took fair hold of each other at "side hold," and he, being the oldest, gave me the under hold. We wrestled for near five minutes, but kept on our feet. I purposely exerted myself, for my best girl, Amanda Hopkings, stood in the door looking at us.

My brother, when twenty-one years old stood five feet ten and a half inches in height, and he weighed two hundred pounds. He was well developed, muscular, fond of athletic sports, an expert at wrestling, and the champions were numer- ous that he laid on the ground. His choice was always "side

THOS. H. BARTON. 15

hold," and I never knew any man to get the advantage of him at wrestling. John Sylvester was about forty years old, about the same height as my brother, and weighed over two hundred pounds. He was a powerful athlete and an expert at "catch- as-catch-can." On one occasion, at a large gathering of men ai Harrisonville, one David Dunlap, offered to bet five dollars that Sylvester could throw down any two men in the crowd. Joseph Heaton, a cousin of mine, also an athlete, together with my brother, stepped out to accept the challenge, but Sylvester failed to cover the bet. It was then proposed that James and Sylvester should try their strength and skill, but they could not agree as to the mode of wrestling. My brother desired to wrestle at "side hold," while Sylvester insisted on "catch- as-catch-can." While engaged in settling the preliminaries, Sylvester suddenly grabbed my brother, got hold of one of his legs, raised him about two feet, thinking to lay him on the ground. At the same time James caught Sylvester around the neck and came down on his feet, only to be raised again the second time. Each one kept his hold, and Sylvester raised my brother the third time and threw him on his hips. The bout lasted about two minutes, and it was very evident that Sylvester had exerted all his strength, for he was blowing hard and his limbs were in a spasmodic condition for ten or fifteen minutes, while James looked as fresh and vigorous as ever.

James had been successful at school, and had obtained an excellent education in the English branches. He was an ex- pert in arithmetic, and could solve the most abstruse problems by arithmetical calculation. Captain Vance, father of Col. John L. Vance, of Gallipolis, gave it as his opinion that my brother was one among the best arithmeticians in the State of Ohio. James was married in September, 1845, to Miss Ange- line Reeves, an estimable young lady of Alexander township, Athens county, Ohio.

When I was about eleven years of age the Church of the United Brethreia in Christ had a great revival of religion at Harrisonville. The Rev. Koutsinger, a German who preached in the English language, conducted the services, and a large number of persons embraced religion and joined the church. At the close of Rev, Koutsinger's efforts the Methodists com-

16 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

menced a series of meetings at the same place, and the minis- ter, the Rev. Mr. Hayes, was assisted by Rev. Koutsinger. The people were greatly stirred up, and the consequence was that the Methodists had perhaps the greatest revival of religion ever known in Meigs county. While attending these meetings I became thoroughly under conviction, and convinced of a day of judgment after death, where every one will be called upon to answer for '"the deeds done in the body " I would go to the mourners bench and there offer up my humble petition to the God who rules the universe, and to Jesus, the son of David, the Lamb of God, "who hath power on earth to forgive sins." Although very young, I was thoroughly convinced of the error of my ways, and of the necessity of repentance and faith in the Lord .Jesus Christ. I became a member of the M. E. church.

About this time a class of the Methodists was organized, and the meetings were held at father's house. There was preaching every alternate Sabbath, and Bro. Frame, a local preacher of the neighborhood, conducted the services. Bro. Frame, whom I greatly admired and loved, always dressed very plainly, and his manner of preaching would now l)e called an exhortation. After the sermon was over, Bro. Calvert would exhort, and make a powerful appeal to sinners, and Bro. Burroughs would then conclude the exercises with singing and prayer. These meetings were always followed by a sumptuous feast. The fatted chickens would be killed, and the brethren, or the most of them, invited to tarry for dinner. Father's house was noted for hospitality, and the brethren never failed to partake of a square meal.

One Sabbeth morning Bro. Frame preached at father's house. He wore a home-spun linen shirt, without any collar-button ; and a thread, to which was attached a large darning-needle, supplied the fastening. As he warmed up to his subject, I was greatly amused to observe the darning-needle vibrating to and fro like the pendulum of a clock.

One evening when prayer-meeting had been appointed at our house, three boys came very early; one of them, Alvin Sexton, who was five or six years older than myself, proposed to take a walk. I readily accepted the invitation and after we had proceeded about one hundred yards. Sexton said to

THOS. H. BARTON. 17

me : ''Tom, we want you to get down on your knees and pray for us." I objected, telling him at the same time, that it would be wrong to do so. The other boys joined in urging me to pray for them, but no persuasion on their part could cause me to "cast my pearl before swine, lest they come again and rend you."

The black hawk was then the wild bird of the forest, and his depredations in the poultry yard were numerous and destruc- tive. The good house-wife was always anxious for the care of the brood, and various devices were employed as a means of protection. One Sabbath morning, during Church services, a loud cackling was heard in the yard — the unfailing token of approaching danger. My mother, ever anxious on the sub- ject, gave me to understand that she wanted me to drive the hawk away. I went out quietly and returned, only to be rep- rimanded by the minister; for, in my frantic efforts, I not only disturbed the hawk, but the religious exercises as well.

These religious meetings were continued for a number of years, and there was preaching every alternate Friday by the ordained minister. My father always took an active interest in church afifairs ; was kind and benevolent, and always will- ing to lend a helping hand to the poor in time of need. He was tenacious as to what he believed to be his rights ; but ever ready to do justice as between man and man. New em- igrants settled in the neighborhood, with some of whom father had a controversy, and they could not come to any terms of settlement. At length James Blundon, a prominent church member, preferred charges against my father, for no other rea- son, as I believe, than to injure his character. Blundon no doubt anticipated an easy victory, as father was not well versed either in the laws of the land or the canon of the church. At length, the cause came on for trial before a com- mittee of church members, and father was found guilty as charged in the specifications, and expelled from the church. He appealed the case to the quarterly conference, and the pre- siding elder referred the matter back, on account of an unfair hearing before the committee. The cause was then tried over again at father's residence, and a large concourse of saints and sinners came to hear the trial. He was again found guilty

18 AUTOBIOGRAPHY (>F

and expelled. The case was once more carried up to the quar- terly conference, and father was there finally acquitted of the charges, and re-instated in full membership.

Alfred Cheadle was the poet laureate of the neighborhood, and, in memory of this great church trial, composed the fol- lowing lines :

'Twas in the pleasant month of May,

All nature being gay. 'Twas Blundon that charged Barton, All on the thirteenth day.

He charged him and he slandered him,

Most scaudelously severe. They had it up hill and down hill

First one and then the other. And every time they met in class,

It was sister and brother.

And the case it was a surly aim.

That Barton did his standing gain. Then Hopkins took the case in hand.

And smote the people on every hand. Till Hanlin withdrew

And left the social band.

Then Hopkins smote the people

Oh every siile, Till Ellis left the church -

Likewise his dear bride. Then Barton gained the victory.

And conquered all at last.

And now the warfare- having ended,

,V stranger steps in. lie passed for a saint and was freed from all sin.

They appointed him class-leader, lie's the last class-leader that ever I saw.

He's left the little church. And gone to study law.

This wretched doggerel was frequently sung by a full chorus

of voices to a time contained in the old Missouri harmony.

The people as usual in such cases, were divided in opinion on

the merits of the cause ; and the trial, like all similiar trials

had an injurious effect on the welfare of the church. I have

given its history with the object of illustrating my father's

strength of will and tenacity of purpose.

*******

I now approach an event of my life, so indelible, so sudden

and yet so solemn, so bound up with all my infant recollections,

that, from the beginning of my narrative, I have seen it grow-

THOS. H. BARTON. 19

ing larger and larger as I advanced, and casting its shadows over all that had preceeded it. It haunted me in my dreams, and even at this day, its remembrance is fraught with sorrow. Moreover, it was the turning point of my life, and formed the basis of my future career.

My mother, whom I have thus far rarely mentioned, but whom I dearly loved, was now about sixty years old. She was plain in her manner and attire ; a devoted christian, an affectionate companion, and a kind and indulgent mother. About the first of June, 1845, she burned or scalded (or thought she had done so) the fore-finger of her right hand. The finger smarted and burned very much, and this was followed by a fever. Dr. French, an old gentleman who practiced as a physician in our neighborhood, but who had little if any knowledge of the science of medicine, treated her, and ex- plained the case in some way. At first, father did not think there was anything serious, but she gradually grew worse, the finger being greatly swollen, and Dr. Dickson, of Albany, Athens county, was sent for. Dr. Dickson pronounced the trouble erysipelas — a disease of which we had never before heard. The arm soon commenced to swell, and the swelling extended to the body Her vital powers failed rapidly, and she passed quietly away on the eighth of June, 1845. Her body was consigned to the tomb, and her spirit ascended to the God who gave it, where

"There is a land beyond the sky, Where happy spirits never sigh. Then, erring souls, your sins deplore. And sing of where we'll die no more."

CHAPTER II.

TEACHER AND STUDENT OF MEDICINE.

I was approaching my seventeenth birthday when my mother died. Her last years had been the happiest of her life, and they were far from being the least happy of mine. It was not till after the last sad rites had been' performed, and her body laid to rest in the old graveyard near Harrisonville, that I

20 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

began to realize the loneliness of my situation, and to com- prehend, in its full import, the irreparable loss that I had sustained. I was then pursuing my studies in algebra and natural philosophy, and her counsel and advice, her cheerful words and promises had been to me a source of encouragement.

Another event occurred soon afterwards which, in connec- tion with the death of my mother, exerted a powerful influence in shaping my future career. One day, I think it was about the first of February in the following year, a lady, accom- panied by her daughter, called at our house. The mother was about thirty-eight years old, and the daughter, who was in very feeble health, about twenty. They had consulted a botanical doctor in regard to the young lady's condition, and had called at our place on their way home. Father, who was noted for his hospitality, invited them to remain for dinner, and a sumptuous feast was prepared. A few hours were jiassed in pleasant conversation, and father seemed well pleased with the elder lady

Great events are frequently brought about by the most trifling causes. The friendly visit was returned, and it soon become evident that cupid was hard at work, and that father was enamored of the elder lady Her name was Margaret Zickafoos Berkley. The marriage was arranged to come off" in March, and the nuptials were to be solemnized at the bride's residence.

The wedding preparations were soon completed, and when the appointed time arrived, father, together with my brother ond sisters, set out on horseback for their destination. It had been decided that I should remain at home, but I had never witnessed a marriage ceremony, and my curiosity was aroused.

I followed the procession on foot, and being young and active, arrived at the bride's residence in time to hear a deep, sonorous voice round oft the words: "I pronounce you man wife."

As I entered the room, a pleasant group met my gaze. Con- spicuous among the number I recognized the familiar form of my father. His tall figure stood erect, and his countenance beamed with delight, while the bride, arrayed in her best attire, was radiant with smiles and blushes.

THOS. H. BARTON. 21

The widow Berkley was the mother of eight children when this marriage was consummated. Their names were : Simeon, Catharine, Lucy, Martha, William, Joseph, Amanda and James. I have given their names in the order of Iheir ages, and the four younger children came to live with my father. The fruits of this union were John W., born in December, 1846, and Sarah M., born July loth, 1849.

During the summer succeding my father's re-marriage, I labored on the farm, and as-isted in raising a crop. I also performed some labor during harvest, and other work on my own account. Late in the fall, several young men who were going to the iron furnaces in Lawrence county, requested me to join-them. I did so, and labored for a short time at a saw- mill, ai?d chopped wood for a gentleman named Porter, who had a contract to furnish wood for the furnaces. In the intervals of labor during the summer, I had taken up the sub- ject of chemistry, and had incidentally mentioned that fact to my employer. One day Mr Porter remarked to me : "Tom, as you have studied chemistry, how would you like to buy a recipe for curing cancer? " He suggested, at the same time, that he would sell me such recipe in part payment for my wages. I reflected for a few moments, and replied : " Will it cure a cancer? " There was a laugh at the expense of my employer, and I heard no more of the recipe for curing cancer.

This work, however, was not so pleasant as farming, and I soon returned home. But farm labor at this time was equiva- lent to working for my board, and clothing myself, for it was all that father could now do to maintain his family, and it became self-evident that I must be the architect of my own fortune.

I was well qualified to teach the district school, having passed a successful examination at Pomeroy Mr. Halliday, county auditor, was the examiner, and he granted me a certificate. With this document in my hands, I sought the field of my future labors, and, through the influence of John Chilcote, of Columbia township, obtained a school in his district. * * * * * * *

Let me pause for a moment upon a memorable period of my life. Weeks, months, seasons have passed away. They seem

22 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

little more than a summer day and a winter evening. Now, the garden where I played in my infancy is all in bloom, and glittering in the bright sunshine ; and now the fields and wood are deeply covered with a mantle of snow. In a breath, the brook that flows through my pleasant rambles is splashing in the summer sun ; is ruffled by the winter wind, or congealed with a coating of ice. No stream presents a more pleasing picture as it flashe's and rolls away, and hastens to mingle its drops with the father of waters.

My school days ! The silent gliding on of those years — the unseen, unfelt movement of my life— from childhood up to youth. Let me think, as I look back through the vista of time, whether there are any monuments which mark n«iy pro- gress.

A moment, and I occupy my place in the family circle, where we all assemble morning and evening for devotional services. The cheerful fireside, the brii-'ht sunlight, the birds and flowers, the fields and wood, the pleasant companionship of those whom I dearly loved, are wings that take me back, in a pleas- ing reverie, to the home of my childhood. Ah, what changes have come over the old home ! New faces are gathered around the hearthstone. And now it is that I begin to miss a familiar form, with which my infant recollections were so long associ- ated. I do not speak of her now, for I know too well that she will never more return.

In the space of a thought I am in the school-room, and hear the hum of many voices, and recognize the features of my youthful companions. Now, we are conning over the long, hard lessons and preparing for recitation; and now we are on the play-ground, animated with the sports and recreations of the day. I am not the last boy in the school. In the course of a few years I have risen rapidly But the teacher seems, as yet, a great way off — a mighty creature whose giddy heighth is un- attainable. I am impressed with the stores of knowledge he has mastered, with the honorable station that he occupies, and wonder whether I will ever attain that dignity. I chiefly wonder what he will be in after years, and what the world will do to maintain itself against him.

Time has stolen on unobserved, and other changes have

THOS. H. BARTON. 23

taken place m the old home. James is a teacher now, and has commenced the study of medicine, and is going to be a physician. I think James is a noble fellow, and wonder whether I, even I, will be able to follow in his footsteps.

A blank, through which the heroes and warriors of antiquity march on in a seemingly endless procession — and what comes next ! I have passed my eighteenth mile-stone, I have completed my studies at the district schools. I have accomplished more, I am familiar with the principles of alge- bra and natural philosophy, and have passed a successful ex- amination in the English branches of education. I am the master, now ; and look down on the line of boys under me, with a condescending interest in such of them as bring to

my mind the boy I was myself when I first came to school. *******

I have paused tor a moment to see the shaows of those years go by me. They are gone, and I resume my narrative.

I entered upon my new field of labor ; and, for a young man eighteen years old, taught a good school, the major portion of the scholars learned rapidly, and I had the pleasure of knowing that my labors were crowned with success. Let not the reader smile when I tell him that I received only eight and one third dollars a month, and]boarded with^the scholars, for experienced teachers seldom received more than fifteen dollars a month for their services. With the proceeds of my labor I purchased broadcloth at two dollars and fifty cents a yard, and cassimere at one dollar a yard ; and, for the first time in my life, walked abroad in a fine suit of clothes.

It is not without a lingering feeling of sorrow that I come to record the death of my sister Mary. She was dignified in her manner, kind and gentle in her disposition, and amiable in her social relations. It seems that the best are sometimes called away first. In the last days of August she complained of feeling unwell, and was soon afterwards confined to her bed. I went for my brother, but he did not think that Mary was seriously ill. There had been no sickness among the children other than the diseases incident to childhood, and James was loth to believe that there was any danger. I insisted, however, that he should take charge of the case. He did so, pronounced

24

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the disease typhoid fever, and commenced treating her. But she gradually grew worse ; good counsel was called to see her, yet it was all of no avail. At length she became delirious. Dysentery and hemorrhage of the bowels set in, and she slowly sank and passed quietly away

Our facilities for procuring proper remedies were limited, and I have sometimes thought that had the nature and path- ology of her disease been understood then, as would be now, her life might have been saved.

Mary died with full faith in her Redeemer. I believe that she was prepared to go. As we stood around her dying bed- side she professed religion, and gave us good counsel and advice. Jared Stiles, an intelligent young man, a sta,unch Universalist, and a friend and acquaintance of hers from in- fancy, visited her during her last sickness. She exhorted Mr. Stiles to renounce his belief; telling him that universalism might do to live by, but that it would be wanting in death. She died in September, 1S47, and was laid to rest by the side of her mother.

"Sister, thou was't mild anrl lovely,

Gentle as the summer breeze. Pleasant as the air of evening,

When it floats among the trees." *******

I was now pursuing the stud}'^ of chemistry, but without the aid of a teacher. In this connection I will relate a circum- stance in regard to a steam and botanic physician. During the summer one of my step-sisters had an attack of malarial in- termittent fever, and the botanic doctor was called to treat her, I was then studying the alkaloids — morphine, strychnine, bucine, etc. I thought this an excellent opportunity to learn something about chemistry, and requested the doctor to ex- plain the meaning of the word alkaloid. He replied that he did not know. I was greatly surprised to find that a practic- ing physician, apparently in good standing, should be so igno- rant. Think of this, ye sons of Esculapius ! Here was a physician, having an extensive practice both in Meigs and Athens counties, who did not know the meaning of the term alkaloid !

About this time father sold his farm on Mud Fork to the

THOS. H. BARTON. 25

Eev. T. A. Welsh, and purchased a smaller one near Harrison- ville. From the proceeds of the sale he gave my sister Eliza- beth and myself two hundred dollars each. He had previously assisted James, and had partly furnished him the means to obtain an education. These gifts, not unworthy of father's ability, were the only patrimony we received.

During the summer my brother taught school at Albany. I attended his school for about two months ; and, in the follow- ing winter, taught at Bolen's Mills, in Lee township, Athens county. I think it is now a part of Vinton county. My sti- pend was increased to ten dollars a month, but my efforts were not entirely successful. Some of the pupils learned rap- idly, while others appeared indifferent. It was a difficult school to teach and equally hard to govern, for a large por- tion of the scholars were full of what the Rev. Lorenzo Dow calls "the old boy."

While teaching at Bolen's Mills a brutal affair occurred in the neighborhood. This was no less than a prize fight, the result of an old fued, and Abraham Martin and Abraham Lewellyn were the participants. I was attending a singing- school, one evening, and it was announced that a fight at fisli- cufFs was to come off near by. The singing-school was broken up; the young ladies went to their several homes, and the young men and boys repaired to the scene of action. I went also. A ring was formed, and a man about forty years old acted as referee. Neither Marquis of Queensburry or London Ring rules were to govern, and time was to be called only when one or the other was conquered. The preliminaries were soon adjusted, and the men sprang at each other, "rough and tumble," and fought furiously for fifteen minutes, when Lewellyn gave up. Both men were severely punished.

My sister Elizabeth' was not averse to the tender passion of love. She became affianced to Christopher Spilman, a re- spectable young farmer of Columbia township, and they were married August 27th, 1848.

My next field of labor was at Kygerville, in Gallia county, where I received the moderate sum of $15 a month for my services, and boarded in turn with the scholars. Here I had a large school, forty and sometimes forty-five scholars being

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26 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

in attendance. It was a difficult school to teach, for the pupils were in all grades, from the " A B C " to the higher English branches. Hon. J. P Bradbury, afterwards prosecuting at- torney of Meigs county, judge of the Court of Common Pleas and Cireuit Courts, and at this writing one of the judges of the Supreme Court of Ohio, attended this school.

Early in the succeeding spring, I attended the academy at Albany for six weeks. The preceptor, whose name I do not now remember, had an excellent education, and was a bach- elor. Here I studied English grammar, Latin and botany In botany I recited with Miss Rhoda Bissel, but pursued my course in Latin alone. I studied through the Latin grammar, and commenced to read easy sentences. This term closed my academic education.

During the summer I taught at Bennett's Mills, in Green- field township, Gallia county There was a large number of pupils in attendance, and I received twelve dollars a month for mv labor, and boarded with the scholars. The pupils, howfver, were young, and the school was easily taught and governed.

I will now relate my first ex))erience as a traveler. I had never been far from home, and had never traveled on a steamboat. .'-^ome time in August, I think it was after the close of my last school, I took passage at Addison for the town of Hanging Rock. Being very large, tall, of a fair com- plexion, light hair and smooth face, I presented a fair target for the young bloods to have si)ort with. I was annoyed in various ways by three or four young meo, and I had incau- tiously informed them in regard to my business. I took it all calmly till a gentleman about forty years of age said to me : " Young man, if they annoy you any more, draw your fist on them ; that will settle them." I am not quarrelsome, neither am I wholly destitute of fear; and, having fonnd a friend on board, I resolved to take my own part, even if it had to be done by hard blows. An opportunity soon presented itself. I was standing by the guards, conversing with a gentleman named Robinson, and while we were talking, one of the roughs came out and began to taunt me. Without saying a word, I moved toward him with my left duke in position (I am left-

THOS. H. BARTON. 27

handed) and with resolution written on my countenance. The rowdy turned and shrugged up his shoulders in order to avoid the blow. Luckily, or unluckily, I missed my man ; for at that instant Mr. Robinson caught me around the waist, not only arresting the bl-ow, but tearing my Irish linen coat, as well. Although failing to punish the ruffian as he richly deserved, yet I had the satisfaction of knowing that perfect order reigned on that steamboat while I remained on it. xMy linen coat being ruined, I donned my broadcloth..

In August, 1849,1 commenced the study of medicine under the preceptorship of my brother James. He had located at Campaign Creek, now Addison, in Gallia County; was well respected as a physician, and was building up an extensive and lucrative practice.

Soon after James located at Addison, typhoid fever became prevalent in that locality, and he was called to see a young lady, named Berry, who was threatened with an attack of that disease. He gave her some medicine, explained the nature of the disease, and told her friends that he regarded the patient in a dangerous condition. A noted physician of Gallipolis. who had a large practice in the neighborhood, but with whom James would not consult, was also called to see her. He took occasion to disparage James, telling Miss Berry's friends that the young doctor was ignorant of the science of medicine, that the patient was by no means in a serious condition, that her trouble was only the result of a slight cold, and that she would be well in a short time. But the young lady died, as James had anticipated, and his diagnosis of the case in oppo- sition to the views of his older and more experienced compet- itor, gave him a start in business and established his reputa- tion as a physician.

During my two years course of study I read in succession the following works on medicine : 1. Cruvilhier's Human An- atomy. 2. Dunglison's Human Physiology. 3. The United States Dispensatory. 4. Cooper's Surgical Dictionary. This was an excellent work on surgery, arranged in alphabetical order, and a standard authority on that subject. 5. Watson's Lectures oft the Practice of Physic. This was an English work, revised by Dr. Francis Conder, of Philadelphia. 6.

28 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

Churchill on Obstetrics. 7 Dewees on the Diseases of Chil- dren. 8. Wood's Theory and Practice of Medicine. 9. Wil- son's Human Anatomy. I used Hooper's Medico Lexicon as a book of reference on medical terms. These works, written and compiled by the most eminent physicians and specialists of Europe and America, were all of standard authority on the different subjects of which they treat.

James, who was five years older than myself, had studied medicine urwler Dr. Joseph Dickson, of Albany He had been a close student and observer, and was pains-taking in his efforts to advance my interest. There was in him kind-hearted- ness and industry, penetration and close reasoning, an un- clouded intellect, superiorit}' to passion, solid judgment, auvd a directness that went straight to its end. He was of rare good humor, and fond of a practical joke. Composed and candid, he knew how to conciliate and convince. Firm in his convictions, free from rancor and suspicion of flattery, he could neither be cajoled or intimidated..

When I had been with my brother about a week, a dispute arose betvveen us in regard to the synonims of the Jamestown weed (D'ilii.r(( Sirtinioninin. ) I contended that thorn-apple and and Jamestown weed were one and the same plant ; but James differed in opinion, and to argue against him was like breath- ing against a trade-wind. After consulting the authorities on the suliject, we found that I was right.

A few months after I began my course, Thomjison Reeves, a brother-in-law of James' also commenced the study of medi- cine under his preceptorship. This was a great help to us both. We studied togethor and were of mutual benefit to each other.

During my stay nt Addison, l)oating, swimming, and bathing, were my chief sources of recreation. I was an excellent swim- mer, and swam across the Ohio on the first trial. I have since frequently swam thai river twice in succession without stop- ping.

In those primitive times, dances and apple-cuttings were the sources of amusement among the young ; but I rarely went in society, for my time was largely occupied with rri'y studies, I did not attend church regularly, for the nearest place of wor- ship was two miles distant.

THOS. H. BARTON. 29

Then as now, the Fourth of July was the great national holi- day. I have frequently thought that the old celebrations were superior to those of the present time. Less powder was burned and less bunting displayed, but there was more real patriot- ism and fraternal feeling among the people. A pleasant grove was selected, and when the day arrived the tables were set and loaded with the delicacies of the season. The procession was then formed, and it moved to the strains of martial music. Each gentleman escorted a lady, and they took their stations at opposite sides of the table. The Declaration of Independ- ence was read, and speeches were then made. The orator dwelt on the glories of his country ; on its vast extent, bounded only by the ocean, the lakes, and the gulf; on its immense re- courses, its variety of soil and climate, and on its mineral and agricultural wealth ; on the heroes of the revolution, the generals who achieved its triumphs, and on the statesmen who shaped the policy of tho government; on the stars and stripes as the emblem of his nationality; on the principles of civil liberty regulated by law, on the blessings we enjoy under its benign influence, and on the duties we owe to posterity to transmit unimpaired this the best birthright and noblest inheritence of mankind.

I had the pleasure of attending one of these old time gather- ings at Cheshire. Having procured a suitable conveyance, I sought the residence of Miss Francis Leonard, daughter of a wealthy farmer of that locality, and escorted her to the cele- bration. We took our position near the center of the proces- sion ; but the column was broken during the march, and we reached the table at the head of the procession. The day passed off pleasantly; there were cordial greetings among friends and acquaintances, both at meeting and parting, and the exercises, conducted in their primitive simplicity, were en- joyed alike by the old and the young.

The shade of a dead negro rises before me, like the ghost in the tragedy of Hamlet. Who is dead negro, and what shall I do with him? He is one of the unfortunate unknowns; and he died on a steamboat, and was buried one mile south of Campaign creek, on the bank of the Ohio. Here was an op- portunity to procure a skeleton. With this object in view, one

30 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

dark night near the hour of twelve, James procured a skiff, and, in company with Mr. Reeves and myself, proceeded silently down the river. We v^^ere armed with spade and mat- tock, and moved cautiously, one rowing the skiff, and the others standing guard. Arrived at the grave, without any dis- turbance, we soon had the negro resurrected.. We carried the body to the skiff, and re-interred it on the opposite side of the river, intending, when the excitement incident to such an oc- currence should subside, to repossess ourselves of the remains, dissect the body, and keep the bones for a skeleton. Next day intense excitement prevailed in the neighborhood. The tracks of carriage wheels were observed to go to and return from the empty grave. We were accused by some, but the general opin- ion was that other parties did the work. The remains, how- ever, were never again disturbed.

In the winter of 1849-50, I taught the district school at Ad- dison. The number in attendance was small, but some of the scholars were well advanced. It was a pleasant and interesting school. There being a failure of the public funds, about one third of my salary was apportioned among the students, and the consequence was that I lost a part of it. Teachers of the present time have every reason to be thankful, for the common school laws of Ohio now afford ample means for their com- pensation.

During the following winter I taught near the mouth of Kyger creek. Here I had some excellent scholars ; and I was paid from the public funds. This was much better than hav- ing to collect any part of my salary. While teaching, I con- tinued the study of medicine at night.

It is not without a feeling of pride that I come to the first case in which I was called upon to administer medicine. It came about in this way. In the summer of 1850, my brother had an attack of cholera, and in a few hours, lost an abund- ance of adipose tissue. Dr. Morgan, of Gallipolis, was called, and, through his skill, together with the assistance of Mr. Reeves and myself, James was soon in a fair way to recover. One night shortly afterwards, a message was sent to my brother, requesting him to visit an old lady, named McCown, who was reported to have a violent attack of cholera morbus. Being

THOS. H. BARTON. 31

unable to go, I was sent in his stead, and he gave me minute instructions in regard to the case. I was a young student of medicine, and the old lady and her friends were not well pleased with my visit, and insisted that James would have to come, sick or well, or they would send to Gallipolis for a phy- sician. I prevailed on them, however, to give her some medi- cine, which relieved her. They finally sent for my brother, but when he arrived the patient was doing much better, and soon afterwards recovered. His visit was unnecessary. This occurred in the year succeeding the great cholera epidemic of 1849.

In 1832, the Asiatic cholera, or cholera asphixia, made its appearance in the United States for the first time, coming by way of Canada. Following the course of the large rivers, it soon reached Buffalo ; and then spread irregularly, occurring in towns and cities, distant from each other, but without affect- ing the intervening districts till a subsequent period. It ap- peared in the city of New York, June 27th, and continued two months, during which period there were three thousand four hundred deaths. In Albany it showed itself at the same time as in New York ; and it spread rapidly to the cities of" Phila- delphia, Baltimore and Washington. It commenced in Cincin- nati in July, became epidemic in September, and continued through most of the summer of 1833. In the southern states it was particularly fatal amongst the slave population, who fell ready and easy victims to its power. The malady was fatal beyond all precedent, in New Orleans and St. Louis ; and the middle states never before knew so terrible a visitation.

From the north, the disease also extended itself along the borders of the great lakes, and soon its ravages began at Detroit. In the six eastern states there were only a few cases^ principally in the seaport towns of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut.

And now again, this fearful scourge reappeared, in 1849, to darken the land, carrying sorrow into many homes, terror into every heart, and sweeping tens of thousands into the grave. In New Orleans, it broke out about the middle of De- cember, 1848, and continued through the winter. So frightful were its ravages that it is estimated to have decimated the in-

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

habitants that remained in some wards of the city. The pestilence made its appeasance in New York in May, and so violent was its spread that during the week ending July 21st, more than seven hundred deaths occurred. In Boston, during June, July, August and September, the number of deaths from cholera exceeded six hundred. But it was far more terrible in Cincinnati and St. Louis, the victims in each of these cities being upwards of six thousand. Over the east and the west, the north and the south, the destroying angel spread his baleful wings. In view of this terrible calamity, the third day of August, 1849, was appointed by the President of the United States as a day of fasting and prayer, that God would " avert the pestilence that walketh in darkness, and the destruction that wasteth at noonday."

Concerning the origin, or producing causes of cholera and other epidemics, authorities have differed so widely that little of a conclusive character on these points can be presented ; and the same may be said respecting the modes of treatment. In regard to cholera, a brief outline of the symptoms and progress of the disease may not be inappropriate. This fear- ful disease sometimes commences without any premonitory symptoms ; beginning with purging and vomiting — the first discharges being the natural contents of the stomach and bowels. These are immediately followed by liquid passages resembling rice-water, and not unfrequently having the ap- pearance of whey. The disease more frequently sets in with a painless diarrhoea, lasting from a few hours to one or two days'. The evacuations soon become more copious, and almost incessant, from a pint to two quarts being passed at each discharge. Under the effects of these copious evacua- tions, attended by severe cramping of the extremities, the patient emaciates rapidly, and in a few hours the extremities become of an icy coldness ; the tongue, and even the breath, becomes cold ; the hands and feet look as if they had been soaked in water ; the countenance assumes a ghastly appear- ance ; the pulse becomes weak, thread-like, and finally ceases to beat ; but life is even yet not extinct. A state of profound collapse now sets in; the victim lying motionless in his bed, or he is sometimes wild and delirious. His thirst is extreme.

THOS. H. BARTON. 33

and he is constantly calling for cold water, but although his extremities are icy cold, they appear to him hot and burning.

This disease usually runs its course, from a few hours to two or three days, before a fatal termination takes place. If the patient reco\'ers, a week or ten days elapses before he is convalescent. The disease cannot be controled by thera- peutical remedies, except in the first stages.

With respect to this awful visitation, it may be interesting as well as instructive, to notice some of the various phenom- ena that attended it. In no place, perhaps, were the effects of a deathly epidemic upon human conduct exhibited more strik- ingly than in the city of Philadelphia. The dread of the contagion drove parents from their children, and even wives from their husbands. All the ties of affection and con- sanguinity were rent asunder in the ardor of self-preserva- tion. Such was the degree of consternation, that, according to Mr. Carey, the historian of that period, most of the inhabitants who could by any means make it convenient, fled from the city ; of those that remained, many shut themselves up ia their houses, being afraid to walk the streets. The smoke of tobacco was regarded as a preventative, and many persons, even women and small boys, had cigars almost constantly in their mouths. Others, placing full confidence in garlic, chewed it almost the whole day ; some kept it in their pockets and shoes. Many houses were scarcely a moment free from the smell of gunpowder, burned tobacco, sprinkled vinegar, etc. Churches, libraries and other places of public resort were closed. Those persons who ventured abroad had hand- kerchiefs or sponges impregnated with vinegar or camphor at their noses; some had smelling bottles full of thieves' vinegar; others carried pieces of tarred rope in their hands and pockets, also camphor bags tied around their necks. The dead were car- ried to the grave on the shafts of a chair, the horse driven by a negro, unattended by friend or relation, and without any sort of ceremony. People shifted their course at the sight of a hearse coming towards them. Many never travelled on the side-walk, but went in the middle of the streets, to avoid being infected from the houses of the dead. Friends and acquaintances avoided each other on the highway, or only signified their re-

5

34 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

gard by a formal nod. The time-honored custom of hand- shaking fell into disrepute, and many recoiled with affright at even the proffer of a hand A person wearing crape or other appearance of mourning was shunned like a viper, and many congratulated themselves highly on the skill and address with which they got to the windward of any person whom they met. Consternation was carried beyond all bounds. Men of affluent fortunes were abandoned to the care of any stranger, black or white, who could be procured. In some cases, no money or in- fluence could procure proper attendance. In regard to the poor, the case was even far Worse than with the rich. Many of them perished without a human being to hand them a drink of water, or to perform any medical or charitable office.

Terrible as some of the cities of the United States have suf- fered from epidemics, they bear no comparison, in this respect, to the devastations by cholera in the cities of London and Paris, in the latter of which, with true French sensibility, the people have erected one of the finest monuments com- memorative of the unfortunate victims.

The year 1850 was rendered memorable by the visit of Jenny Lind to the United States. The Swedish Nightingale arrived in New York on the first of September, and, after a successful tour of the Eastern cities, wended her way to the West. I did not see or hear her; but word was passed along the line that Jenny was coming, and I had the pleasure of view- ing the steamboat that carried the fair singer down the Ohio.

During my course of study I was called upon, in several in- stances, to administer medicine. In the'case of Mrs. McCown, as already related, my efforts were crowned with success. On another occasion, while at home on a visit, my half-brother, John Wesley, had an attack of croup. Dr. Day, the family physician, being absent from home, I was requested to take charge of the case. I went to Dr. Day's office, and, with the assistance of Jared Stiles, a student of medicine, prepared some remedies — tartar emetic and ipecac — and the patient was quickly relieved. I will relate another instance wherein, ac- cording to my judgment, I acted with wisdom and discretion. A child of a near neighbor, named Carpenter, was suddenly taken with fever. I saw the child, and was requested to pre-

THOS. H. BARTON. 35

scribe for it. This I refused to do, at the same time telling its mother to send for the family physician. The family doctor was sent for, but the child died in a few days. I regarded the patient in too dangerous a condition for a novice in medicine. I am now approaching another important period of my ca- reer. I have reached another round of the ladder of life. During my pleasant sojourn at Addison I had been assiduous in my studies, and had made good use of my time ; but my funds were now almost exhausted, and my financial condition was such that I could no longer remain a student of medicine. In view of this, and having selected a location, I resolved to begin my profession as a practicing physician.

CHAPTER III.

THE PRACTICING PHYSICIAN.

This chapter opens with the beginning of my chosen pro- fession. In July, 1851 — I think it was about the fourth of that month — I commenced the practice of medicine at Pageville. I was recognized by the fraternity, and also by the citizens, as a physician, though I think some of the people looked on me with suspicion, as being young and inefficient and lack- ing the skill and experience requisite to my chosen calling. Moreover, there was another obstacle in the way, which I could not remove. A competitor, in the person of Dr. L. P_ Lowell, a young physician of Albany, soon afterwards located at the same place.

It is not the design of these pages to mention the numerous cases that demanded my services, or to weary the reader with minute details of medical practice. A limited number will be sufficient. I trust that, ere the close of this volume, there will be enough that is of stirring interest to merit the reader's at- tention .

I soon had an opportunity for testing my skill. One Sab- bath morning, while attending a singing-school, a gentleman came in great haste, requesting me to see a sick child. I laid down the music-book, went with him, and soon relieved the

36 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

patient of a large number of lumbricoid worms. On another occasion, I was called to treat a child whose parents were illit- erate. The case was not serious, and, after treating the child a few days, I pronounced it out of danger. Next day, how- ever, the child's father came for me in great haste, stating that it was worse, and requesting the attendance of Dr. Lowell for consultation. To this I consented ; but only on the ground that Dr. Lowell's services were necessary. I saw the child myself, and found that it was hungry and crying for food. Although he was illiterate, I will give this man credit for re- questing counsel, instead of calling it without my knowledge or consent. In another instance, I was treating a lady who had an inflamed breast, which, in my experience, is a painful affection. Finally, an old physician, whose name I do not now remember, was called for consultation. The old doctor sugge-ted that the breast was ready for the lancet. I disagreed with him, but he, being the oldest and having the most experi- ence, prevailed, and he plunged the lancet into the forming abcess, only to draw a few drops of blood. A few days after- wards I opened the al>cess, letting out the puss or matter, and the patient was quickly relieved.

I had several cases of surgery, and gave fair satisfaction; three cases of obstetrical practice, with success ; and I lost one case. I was called to see a child that was deaf and dumb, and was unable to determine what ailed it. The patient had symp- toms of cerebro spinal meningitis. The symptoms also re. sembled lockjaw ( Tetaimn,) and also strychnine poisoning. At this time I had never heard or read of cerebro spinal meningitis. The child died on the following day, being the only case Host during my practice at Pageville.

I passed the time pleasantly at this quiet village. Being near my old home, I was enabled frequently to visit and review the scenes of my childhood. I passed part of my leisure hours in company with the young ladies ; and. was a frequent attend- ant at church and sabbath-school. During the winter, a ly- ceum was organized, of which the Rev. T, A. Welsh was chosen president, and I participated in the literary exercises. Meanwhile, I continued my studies, and endeavored, by all the means within my power, to make myself proficient in the science of medicine.

THOS. H. BARTON. 37

Dr. Lowell was gentlemanly in his deportment, and treated me with courtesy ; but it soon became evident that two youiij:; physicians could not maintain themselves here. Being a mar- ried man, and the owner of real estate, my opponent had the advantage. In May, 1852, I visited my brother at Addison, and he informed me that there was a more favorable location at the mouth of Thirteen, in Mason county, Virginia. Having visited that place, and being pleased with the situation, I con- cluded to locate there. I left the field to Dr. Lowell, who, by some means, lost his property and moved away, leaving the village without a physician. Before parting with him, I will mention one case that came under his treatment, a lady, the mother of a child that cried with hunger, suddenly fell ill, and the young doctor was called to treat the case ; but the lady died soon after he commenced treating her. I have related this fact, not with a view to disparage Dr. Lowell, but to cau- tion the young disciples of Esculapius that they need not ex- nect that success will attend them in every instance, or that they will meet with universal approval; for in my experience, the old addage still holds good,

"I do not like you Dr DeU, The reason why, I cannot tell."

The village of Leon, at which I fixed my location, is pleas- antly situated on the right bank of the Kanawha river, twelve miles above Point Pleasant. I left Pageville in June, and having arrived at my destination, proceeded to inform the good people of Leon, and the adjacent country, that I had come among them for the purpose of practicing medicine, trusting that, by careful attention to my profession, to merit a share of their patronage. Thomas Dunn kept a hotel at Leon, and I took up my residence with him.

It is not an easy task to describe the state of society as it then existed in Western Virginia. The grades of social standing were much more closely drawn than in Ohio. There were three classes of society : first, second and third, or per- haps it would be fully as well to designate them ; upper ten middle ten, and lower ten. The distinguishing feature of these classes was, that they consisted, respectively, of the wealthy, the middle class, and the poor. Here and there

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

could be found an old locofoco, who owned a few slaves, and who prided himself on his aristocratic standing, and influ- ence in his community. Wealth and influence, however, were not the only passports to the bes-t society. A moderate com- petence, with a record of good moral character, were also deemed necessary qualifications. Educational facilities were limited, and the tone of society in its intellectual aspect, seemed of an inferior grade. An illustration of this may be obtained from the following facts. Elisha Chapman, a resi- dent of Leon, was a subscriber to the Saturday Evening Post; a weekly newspaper published in New York. This paper con- tained serial stories, and among the number was a novel en- titled : ''The Curse of Clifton." I had the pleasure of reading this novel to several of my female acquaintances : The land- lady with whom I boarded, two old married ladies, and two or three younger ones, being of the number. I was heard with the greatest attention. Although these ladies belonged to the best society, and moved amongst the upper ten, the novel was ac- cepted by them as if every statement it contained was a posi- tive fact. Other instances fell under my observation, which tended to establish the truth of my conclusion in regard to the intellectual standing of Virginia society.

I began my profession at Leon with a fair prospect of suc- cess. Beginning with a case of catarrhal croup, I had some practice every week till the first of August. In the preceding April, there had been a flood of the Ohio and Kanawha, known as the great flood of 1852. All the low ground in the vicinity of Leon was submerged with back-water from the Ohio. There was also a rank growth of vegetation, and, by the first of August, tho soil and atmosphere were in a condition to generate a miasma called malaria. About this time malarial feyer broke out on both sides of the Kanawha, and raged with great violence-three or four members of a family being often affected at the same time. It fell to my lot to treat these cases and I at once recognized the disease as malarial remittent fever, com- monly called bilious fever. In some of the most serious cases, counsel was called from Point Pleasant, and also from Buffalo. The physicians, who were called for consultation, treated me very courteously, and aided me all they could. My brother

THOS. H. BARTON. 39

also came to see some of my patients. During this time, I treated a large number of cases, and was kept constantly em- ployed, both day and night. For two or three weeks I had very little rest, and began to feel like the Arkansaw doctor when he proposed " hauling in sail."

This fever commences with a moderate chill, and generally lasts from three to eight days. In some of the most serious cases, the fever is of high grade, attended with violent head- ache, hot and dry skin, violent delirium, and vomiting; the pulse full and tense, ranging from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty. In from six to eight hours these symptons begin to abate, the fever ending in a mild prespira- tion. Their is the remission, lasting from two to eight hours. The patient then experiences another chill of moderate severity, followed by an increase of the ajjove symptoms, unless the disease is arrested by proper remedies. By prompt and ener- getic treatment this malady is easily controlled. During this epidemic, or rather endemic, I had the satisfaction of knowing that all my patients recovered.

About the first of September, Dr. O. G. Chase, who had formerly been located at Leon, put in an appearance ; and pro- posed that we practice in partnership. To this proposition I relunctantly gave my consent, and soon found that I had " caught a tartar." Dr. Chase was a remarkable man in many ways. He was well educated and intelligent, and boasted that he had attended three different schools of medicine, the Allo- pathic (the regular school,) the Eclectic, and the Homeopathic He claimed to be fresh from the Homeopathic college at Cincin- nati, but he did not attempt to practice that system of medicine. He paid no attention to any code of medical ethics, and would do all in his power against his fellow-physicians, not even ex- cepting his associate in business. Amongst the profession, like Ishmael of old, "his hand was against every man, and every man's hand against him."

The autumnal frosts killed the malaria, and the fever abat- ed. During the fall and winter there were some cases of malarial intermittent fever. Late in the fall, Dr. Chase and I dissolved partnership, though we kept on terms of friendship and intimacy, and disagreed only in the practice of medicine.

40 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

I will report one case that came under my treatment at this time. A lady, about fifty years old, had malarial fever with a typhoid type. Her case was protracted longer than usual, and she was considerably reduced in flesh and strength. The fever, however, had nearly abated, and, at this stage, a physician from Point Pleasant was called for consultation. He looked and acted like a gentleman ; but he came in a state of intoxica- tion, examined the patient in that condition, pronounced her liver diseased, and recommended calomel. I feigned to agree with him, for he treated me very politely Subsequently, how- ever,! informed the lady's husband that calomel was unneces- sary, and that she stood in need of tonics. These were ad- ministered, and i-he soon afterwards recovered.

This epidemic, or perhaps I should again call it an endemic, afforded me an excellent schooling in the treatment of malar- ial disease. 1 lost no cases of malarial fever; yet, regardless of all this, I failed to have my services properly appreciated. Some people said that I looked too young for a physician, while others claimed that I was inexperienced, but that with time and practice I would improve. Others, again, thought that my habits and deportment were too plain and common. One man, a fisherman by occupation, told me plainly, that I cured my patients too quickly ; that they came to the conclu- sion that but little ailed them; that had I let them become very low, and then cured them, I would get great praise for my skill and ability Bear in mind, there is much truth in this man's logic. I was compared rather unfavorably with Dr. Chase. And this reminds me of the words of an Irishman, who made the comparison. John Dunn, a genuine son of Erin, informed my land-lady that he had heard people say : "Whin Docthor Barthon ixamined- a patient, ha'd procade shlowly, and whin he was done ha'd sit and study about it jest as if he didn't know what to do. But the ither fellow 'ud fale their pulse a minute, and look at the patient, and ha'd know all about it." I proceeded, however, on the motto of David Crockett : "Be sure you are right and then go ahead."

Regardless of these unfavorable criticisms. I now began to entertain bright anticipations of the future ; and felt assured that I would soon have sufficient means to attend a course of

THOS. H. BARTON. 41

lectures at a medical college. But the fees for medical services were extremely low ; yet, low as they were, I was unable to collect more than fifty per cent, of mine. In consequence of this, I was compelled to abandon the hope of a collegiate education.

I have already remarked that educational facilities, in Vir- ginia, were limited. During ihe winter Dr. Chase and I taught school in the same neighborhood. The schools were about half a mile apart. This may seem strange to the teachers of Ohio schools ; but in Virginia the schools were made up wholly by subscription. There were no directors, or boards of educa- tion, with authority to employ any one. The expectant teacher circulated a paper among the people for signatures, and if a sufficient number of pupils ccmld be obtained, the school would be taught. The wealthy and middling classes paid their tuition, and the poor were educated from a fund provided by the county. The rate of tuition was fixed at about two dollars and fifty cents for a term of three months. The teacher certi- fied as to those who were unable to pay, and received the amount of their tuition from the county treasury.

T am uncertain, at this writing, whether Dr. Chase or myself first applied for the school. Be that as it may, he obtained the largest number of scholars. While he canvassed for the school he also solicited subscriptions for a History of the War of the Revolution ; and a number of persons were led to be- lieve that the book was a premium for sending their children to his school. However, when the histories were delivered, the subscribers were required not only to pay for the books, but the tuition of their children as well.

The spring of 1853 opened pleasantly, and was followed by

a warm and dry summer. Such weather is conducive to health

in the region of the Kanawha, and there was very little malarial

fever during this year.

*******

Love, courtship, marriage ; these w^ords form the links of a delicate chain from which has been unwreathed many a romance. But I am not a Lothario, and in my story the reader will find nothing romaptic. Although not a stranger to love and its subtle influences, I did not enter the field of courtship

6

42 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

at an early age. I was in my nineteenth year ere I sought the society of young ladies, and some of my first oiferiugs at the shrine of the god of love were rejected. Being very largei tall and somewhat awkward in my manners, I did not make the most favorable impression, and I entered society only to be jilted a few times by the fair sex. Time, however, cures many defects, and during my sojourn at Pageville, I had sufficiently thrown off the embarrassments of youth, and had acquired such a degree of self-possession, as to make mj-self acceptable to my female acquaintances. I have heretofore re- marked that while at Pageville I passed a portion of my leisure hours in female society I had a strong attachment for Miss A. N., and about the same time, felt a deep affection for for Miss A. B. They were estimable young ladies; but I had as yet no thought of marriage.

I now return to Leon. The state of society in western Virginia has already been sufficiently described. I will only add that the grades of social standing were so closely drawn that when marriage was consummated between those of a different grade, the couple were regarded as being unequally matched.

There was no church society at Leon, but the Baptists had a church two miles up the river, near the turnpike. Religious services were held here monthly, and the people would attend from several miles around, and the old building would gen- erally be crowded to its utmost capacity. I was a frequent attendant at this church, not from religious motives, but to enjoy the society of the Virginia damsels. It was the custom then, as it has been, no doubt, from time immemorial, for the young gentlemen to escort their lady friends to church.

The thread of my narrative now takes me back a few months in the order of time. One Sabbath morning, in the preceding October, that is to say, in October, 1852, I attended church, and had the pleasure of escorting Miss J. G., an estimable young lady of the first class, to her home. I had left my horse in the stable and come afoot, for no other purpose than to enjoy the company of Miss J. G. We passed the time pleas- antly, and while walking along the road, three couple of young gentlemen and ladies rode by, and as they dashed past us, I

THOS. H. BARTON. 43

was favorably impressed with the appearance of one of the young ladies. Turning to my companion, I inquired who this young lady was, and where she resided. Miss J. G. informed me that her riame was Martha Newman, and that she lived four miles below Leon, on the opposite side of the Kanawha ; telling me, at the same time, that Miss Newman was a friend and acquaintance of hers, aud that she was a very respectable young lady. I only remarked that she was verj^ handsome. Miss J. G. replied : " Doctor, you will probabl}'^ marry her some time in the future." I simply answered : " I think not."

From that moment, I desired the acquaintance of the fair Martha. Her name was Martha IMaria, and during the winter I improved every opportunit}- in a quiet way to learn some- thing of her character. Every one spoke well of her. The only fault, if fault it may be called, that I learned of her was that she was accused of being a coquette. Meanwhile, I devoted my attention to Miss E. T., a young lady of respecta- bility, and when spring came had almost given up Martha. I had failed to make her acquaintance. How shall I accomplish this? Oh, for the boldness of an Othello ! that I might go directly to her father's house, recount my deeds of valor, and demand the hand of his daughter in marriage !

The long desired moment at length arrived. One Sabbath morning, in the time of April showers, Mr. Kaufman, a friend and acquaintance of mine, called at my office and requested me to accompany him to the residence of Hamilton Greenlee, and from there we would go to church. I at first objected. Mr. Kaufman then informed me that Miss Newman was at Mr. Greenlee's. Here was the golden opportunity ; shall I embrace it? My resolution is instantly taken : Yes, I will go to Ham- ilton Greenlee's.

I make some sort of preparations for the visit, but I am so bewildered, that I hardly know what they were. I have an indistinct recollection of brushes, and combs, and bear's grease ; of polished boots, of starched shirts, and of fancy handkerchiefs ; of my spending a good deal of time before the mirror, arranging my cravat; of my toilet being com- pleted, and of my being at last ready to go ; of our walking

44 AUTOBIOGRjiPHY OP

quietly along the road that balmy April morning; of arriv- ing at Mr. Greenlee's house, and of being kindly welcomed by Miss Jane Greenlee. I am in a kind of half-sleeping, half- waking dream,

" Doctor Barton, I make you acquainted with Miss Martha Newman. Miss Newman, Doctor Barton." It is the pleasant voice of Miss J. G., who makes the introduction. No doubt I hear this, because I know that it was said. I make a bow, in a mechanical sort of a way. and speak to Martha ; but I can- not recall the words, for I am in such a state that I hardly know or realize what is going on.

The lady who stood before me was about twenty-three years of age, and a little below the medium height. She was of fair complexion, dark hair, and blue eyes. Her form was faultless ; her voice seemed gentleand melodious; her manners appeared elegant and refined, and her every movement was attended with grace and dignity.

We went to church. A number of young gentlemen and ladies went in company On this delightful April morning the sun shone brightly, and the birds sang sweetly; but the shining of the sun, and the singing of the birds had no eftect upon me. All nature seemed wrapped up in Martha. As we walked along the road, a great, awkward fellow, with red hair, but with a good deal of inipetuosity about him, managed, in some way, to place himselt by the side of Martha. Although cool and collected, I have a finge of jealousy of Red Top, and fear that, for the present, at least, it is all over with me.

The church is a quiet enough place. I am sure; but it might be an iron furnace in full blast, for any sedative effect it has on me ; I am too far gone for that.

The service is at length got through with, quietly and gravely, and we all walk away together. But now I succeed in placing myself by her side. Red Top is done for, and I care no more for him. /walked with Martha, / talked with Martha, and / escorted her to the residence of a friend nearby- It is the home of William Sullivan, where two of her brothers are boarding, and I passed a pleasant evening in her company there.

The suspense of many months is over. The turmoil of the

THOS. H. BARTON. 45

day is passed. The storm is succeeded by a calm. I am in the presence of Martha. We have an hour or two of quiet conversation together, and she informs me that she will be pleased to entertain me at her father's house, one week from the following Saturday evening.

Why does every one appear to look on me with suspicion this Saturday afternoon, as I wend my way down the Kana- wha? I inquire for the most convenient place to cross the river and the fellow accuses me of going to see Miss Newman. I am ferried across the stream by some men, who are working on a raft, and they accuse me of going to see Miss Newman. They seem to understand my affairs so well, that they inform me of the Newman residence, and direct me to it, without my having to inquire for its locality.

I approach the Newman home with a light heart and a vigorous step, and am received at the door with a friendly greeting from Martha, "Doctor Barton, this is my father; my mother, Doctor Barton," I am standing in the presence of her parents.

Walter Newman was approaching his three score years and ten. He was of medium size and heighth, but his form was somewhat bent with age, and his hair was white with the frosts of many winters. Moreover he seemed careworn, as if the burdens of life set heavily upon him. He was an owner of real estate, but I did not know how much, I afterwards learned that he had once been in affluent circumstances, and owned a farm in Mason county, where Hartford City now stands.

Elizabeth Newman, who was about fifteen years younger than her husband, was of medium heighth, and appeared strong and robust. Her hair was slightly tinged with gray, but she was graceful in her appearance. She was well preserved ; her step was elastic, and the bloom of youth still lingered on her cheeks. The elder Newmans were members of the M. E. church, as was also Martha.

I soon became a frequent visitor at the Newman residence. My attention to Martha was assiduous, and I passed many pleasant hours in her company. We went to church together and took pleasant rambles through the fields and wood, gath- ering wild flowers, and conversing on the beauties of nature.

46 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

Still, I am credulous, I am in a kind of half-hopeful, half- doubtful state ; for I have been told that Martha is a coquette, and how am I to know that she may not be leading me on, till far enough, and then cast me off? However, I am very- careful in my advances, and take affairs calmly. Still, I am desperately in earnest, and by the middle of July, we are en- gaged to be married.

The form of a rival, who seeks to supplant me in the affect- ions of the fair Martha, rises before me. Who is this rival? He is a young widower, and is represented as being a local preacher, and a good business man. I am informed of this afterwards by Martha herself. And now comes the strange, if not romantic, part of my story. About this time, a young lady came to visit the Newmans ; I was introduced to her by Martha, and I gave these young ladies my undivided attention. The visitor was a sister-in-law of my rival, and her visit occurred at the same time my competitor made his appearance. She was handsome, graceful, agreeable in conversation, but her con- duct puzzled me. When in her society she seemed more than ordinarily friendly, and her advances led me to believe (or were designed to do so) that my company was very agreeable and that I occupied a place in her affections. Can it be that she was trying to win me from Martha, and thus make the way clear for her brother-in-law, and when this is accomplished, then cast me off? But the best laid plains of the most skill- ful tac-ticians sometiraes fail. No general, either in siege or battle, conducted his operations more cautiously or skillfully than I did : and while my rival talked philosophy to the old people, I whispered love to Martha.

It has been said that the course of true love never did run smoothly One Sabbath morning, while on my way to visit a patient, who lived on the opposite side of the river from Leon, I fell in company with a young lady, and walked for a short distance with her ; and while walking together, we were over- taken by Lawrence, a brother of Martha. Mr. Newman took umbrage at this affair, for he no doubt supposed that I was this young lady's gallant, and that I would prove untrue to his sister. But in this he was mistaken ; and I may here add, that my engagement with Martha was my first, and that she alone was the subject of my affections.

THOS. H. BARTON. 47

During my next visit, I perceived that a change had come over her. That unavoidable affair had come to her knowl- edge, and, no doubt, she entertained doubts in regard to my honor. But she did not mention the occurrence and only re- quested me to obtain a certificate o£ good moral character from my friends in Ohio. To this I objected, but told her that she might write to some of the leading gentlemen of Meigs County in regard to my standing. She was satisfied, and, from this time forward, there was nothing to change the cur- rent of our affections. To her views of this affair I attached no blame, for she had always associated with the best society, and she stood high in the estimation of her friends.

And now I am about to be married to Martha. Her father and mother have given their consent ; the nuptials are to be solemnized at the bride's residence, and the marriage cere- mony is to be performed by the Rev. Taylor, of the M. E. Church.

We were married on the fifteenth of September. A few of

her nearest relatives, and one gentleman whom I had invited,

were the only guests at our quiet wedding. I hear the solemn

words pronounced, and know that we are now united in the

bonds of matrimony

*******

A neat little cottage, with an office attached, stands in the village of Leon. I had purchased this property some time before our marriage, giving my house in part payment. The wedding tour — a visit to my brother at Addison— being com- pleted, and having spent a short time at her father's house, we moved to Leon and began the journey of life.

During the succeeding winter, I taught school at Leon, and when absent from home on professional duty, Martha, who had sufficient education, taught the scholars. On one occa- sion, I was called to visit a patient, who lived several miles distant, and did not return till the following day. On reach- ing home, I found that my wife had opened the school; she was hearing a class in reading and perfect order prevailed. Had a pin fallen on the floor the noise would have been per- ceptible. I have no doubt that the scholars liked her better than they did me. . About the same time we also assisted in organizing a Union Sabbath School.

48 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

The summer and fall of 1854, like the preceding year, was warm and dry I carefully attended to my professional duties, and, in general, was successful, I do not remember losing a patient during that year. In January, I commenced taking the American Journal of Medical Sciences. This is one of the best medical journals in the world, and the Medical News and Library came with it. While at Leon, I continued to take these journals, spent much of my time in study, and thus endeavored to make myself successful in the practice of medicine.

I can not close this period of my history without a parting shot at Dr. Chase. He and I were now trying to see which of us could stand the hardest knocks, and hold out longest. There was great diversity of opinion in regard to our respective merits. Some persons even said that Dr. Chase did not read medical works, and that he knew it all without reference to the books. Great idea ! About this time the young doctor took to him- self a better half, but soon after sought another location, leaving the practice to me. Although he was my competitor, and an active partizan, yet, at this writing, I entertain.no unkind feelings towards him, and in closing my connection with him, endeavor to cast the mantle of charity over all his faults.

Throughout the spring and summer of 1855, my practice was fair, and having no competition, I had hopes of establishing myself permanently at Leon, but the events of that year, which I am now to record, changed my destiny.

On New Year's day, our home was gladdened by the presence of a little stranger, who came to visit us. We named him James Walter, but he was not a rugged child, and when the chilling winds of March arrived he became affected with pneumonia. His life was but a span, the Spirit lingered faintly in its mortal tenement, and unconscious of its earthly exis- tence, took wing.

"Flowers forever are springing

In that home so fair, Thousands of children are singing

Praises to .Jesus there , How they swell the glad anthems,

Ever around the bright throne^; When, O when shall I see thee,

Beavitiful. beautiful home."

THOS. H. BARTO^f. 49

We lost our first born on the twentieth of March ; but my cup of sorrow was, as yet, unfilled, and although more than a third of a century has passed away, the scenes of those days are still vivid to my memory.

In the last days of June, scarlet fever made its appearance in the vicinity of Leon ; and from a distance, there was also rumor of small-pox. Martha requested to be vaccinated, and, having no vaccine virus at hand. Dr. White, of Buffalo, per- formed the operation. This was in the first week of July. The virus took effect, and was apparently running its natural course.

On the following Sabbath morning, Martha and I walked to the top of an eminence, overlooking the village of Leon. There was a beautiful prospect of a Kanawha village ; the river flowed at our feet; the forrests were clothed in green, and the clustered village in the valley below appeared like a gem in the stretch of landscape. We conversed on the scenery around us, and all nature seemed in harmony with our thoughts. Martha and I had never before passed the time so pleasantly as we did on this occasion. Ah, little did I then know what another week would bring forth !

On Tuesdcjy morning, she arose with a fever, which increased

during the day, and in the evening the rash of scarlet fever

made its appearance. Her throat was very much inflamed,

and, in spite of all my efforts she continued slowly to fail. I

think it was on Thursday, that Dr. White was called to see

her, but our united endeavors proved unavailing.

*******

It is Saturday morning, I have watched with her throughout the long vigils of the night, and I now know that my wife will soon leave me. I have taken that truth to heart. I have tried, however imperfectly, to resign myself, and to control myself. I had parted with loved ones before, but I am now called upon to bear a deeper sorrow.

I have withdrawn myself from her for a moment, and our servant comes to me, with tears in her eyes, and tells me : "Martha has requested me to meet her in heaven."

It is over, a sense of profound sorrow comes over me, and for a time, I am crushed beneath this load of grief. I en-

7

50 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

deavored, however feebly, to seek consolation in the lines I have dedicated to her memory : •

"There is a home eternal,

Beautiful and bright, Where sweet joys supernal

Never are dimmed by night ; White robed angels are singing, Ever around the bright throne ; When, O, when, shall I see thee,

Beautifnl, beautiful home."

*******

The Rev. Totton, of the M. E. Church, preached the funeral. The text was from the eleventh verse (latter clause) of the fourth chapter of Amos. I returned from the solemn cere- mony lonely and sad. I can not describe the state of my mind beneath its load of sorrow. It seemed that th^ future was walled up to me, that the energy and action of my life were at an end, and that all that was dear to me lay buned in the grave. For a time, my fondest hopes and anticipations lingered round the simple tablet, which marks her last resting place near the village of Leon.

"The hopes that my soul have cherished.

Have withered, one by one, And tho' life's flowers have perished,

I'm left to linger on."

*******

From this scene cf sorrow, I must now resume the journey of my story.

Soon after the death of my wife, I visited my relations in Ohio, and they sympathized with me in my bereavement. Having spent a week or two with my friends in Meigs County, I returned to Leon, being determined to establish myself in practice there. I soon had an abundance of work, for one of those epidemics of malarial fever had again made its appear- ance.

I had always been healthy, and free from sickness, other than the troubles incident to childhood. My constitution was robust and I little thought that I would have to succumb to the malady of malaria, and that my powerful frame would be shaken with the disease. But I soon became affected <rith this fever, and at the same time, one of my wisdom teeth (last

'THOS. H. SARTO>f. 61

molar) begin to make its appearance. The result of this erup- tion was an abcess of the lower maxila and the cheek, which disabled me so much, that for the time being, I again visited my brother at Addison. He treated me for the fever, and I had th6 offending tooth extracted by Dr. Sternman, of Gallipolis.

On the first of November I was again among the hills of Western Virginia, once more willing to plunge into the swamps and fogs of the Kanawha valley From the hale, strong man that I had been, I was changed to a feeble looking person with a sallow complexion. But my health was improving. I at- tended strictly to my professional duties, having all that I could do throughout November. When threatened with a chill, I took the usual quantity of quinine. The frosts of December, however, had. a salutary effect, and relieved the people from the scourge of malaria.

About this time a teacher of geography came into the neighborhood, and proposed to organize a class in this study. He used Pelton's maps, on which were engraved the natural and political divisions of the earth, and the location of the large cities and towns. No names were printed on the maps, and a key was used, containing descriptive poetry, and also letters and figures, which referred to the maps. This system of teaching geography consisted of learning to sing the des- criptive poetry.

I attended this school, not from educational motives, but for the purpose of recreation, and in order to relieve the monotony of my surroundings. Still, I took an interest in the school, and, having an excellent memory, soon became pro- ficient in the geographical exercises. I here append a frag- ment of the poetry on South America.

' 'The map which here we station, For present explanation, Is a delineation

Of South America. And now 'tis our commission. To sing of each division. The name with great precision, Each ocean, sea and hay.

"The mountains are before us. Their snowy tops rise o'er us. And now in lively chorus

52 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

With the Andes we commence, See, Aearai ascending, Lo, Geral's cliffs Impending, Brazilian range extending,

And volcan's vapor dense.

"IlUmani next in order. Stands upon Bolivia's border, Like a bold gigantic warder.

And Sorata'sheighths ascend, Cotopaxi next we mention, Give Pichincha some attention. And with the steep ascension,

Of the Chimborazo end.

"All this we mean to mention. To help your apprehension. So give vour best attention To all that we may say."

These lines were sung to the tune of " We're a Band of Free- man," contained in the Ohio Harmonist. The poetic feet are imperfect, though the harmony and melody of the tune is good. The preceptor, whose name I do not now remember, was a pleasant and agreeable gentleman, and his school was well attended, the novelty of the exercises attracting quite a number of scholars.

The winter of 1855-6 was excessively cold. During Janu- ary and February, there was snow upon snow, and it did not melt away till the last of March. And now my health im- proved rapidly, and T tipped the beam at one hundred and eighty. But I still felt the loneliness of my situation, and tried, in many ways, to be cheerful'and jovial, in order to pass away the time. " Coasting," or sliding down hill on boards was my chief source of recreation. I soon became proficient in this exercise, and could glide down precipitous highths for hundreds of yards with perfect safety. I became an expert, and could take children in my arms, and carry them along without the least danger.

From my last visit to Ohio, I had returned to Leon with the intention of making that place my permanent residence. But the loss of my wife still laid heavily upon my mind. When at home with her father and mother, I did not enjoy myself as I formerly did. I had been very successful in my practice, but the fees for medical services, as already stated, were ex- tremely low and difficult of collection. There was very little

THOS. H. BARTON. 53

practice during the spring and summer of 1856, but up to this time I had no idea of changing my location. In June I visited my father at Harrisonville, and also my cousins, Joseph and Jackson Heaton. On learning of my bereavement, my cousins informed me that Chester, Ohio, would be a good location, there being no physician at that place except Dr. Cornell, who was old and feeble. I visited Chester, was pleased with the situation, and decided to make the change. The last days of June were fixed upon for my departure from the shores of the Kanawha. I severed my connections with my new made friends and relatives, and, not without the deepest emotions, bade farewell to father and mother New- man.

CHAPTER IV

THE PRACTICING PHYSICIAN.

The village of Chester is located on the left bank of Shade river, near the center of the township, and about seven miles from the Ohio river, at the mouth of Kerr's run. In 1822 the county seat was located here by commissioners appointed by the Legislature, and in due time the usual public buildings were erected. This location of the county seat drew after it the usual result, an increase of business and inhabitants, and for twenty years it was a busy and prosperous town. A large number of new buildings were erected. An educational insti- tute was incorporated under the name of " Meigs County High School and Teachers' Institute,-" and a neat, substantial brick edifice was erected for its use. In 1841 the county seat was removed to Pomeroy. In consequence of this action, much business was taken away from the town, and many citizens left the place.

Chester is pleasantly situated. The court-house and seminary occupy a conspicuous position upon an eminence near the center of the town, thus giving the village a pictur- esque and antique appearance from a distance. There is still a considerable amount of business transacted at Chester, as it

64 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

is the center of an extensive and prosperous farming com- munity.

At the time of my locating at this place, there were two churches : the Methodist Episcopal and the Presbyterian. The old court house was unoccupied, and the seminary building was used for school purposes. There was one hotel, kept by John Bestow, with whom I boarded.

The second of July, 1856, found me once more in Ohio, and located at the village of Chester, ready to offer my services in the healing art. On the fourth the people held a celebra- tion of the national holiday. I attended this gathering, and was well pleased with the exercises.

During the first two weeks I had some professional calls. I then observed a number of hand-bills posted by the side of mine, and headed as follows : " Dr. J. W McGath, Eclectic Practitioner of Medicine and Surgery." These hand-bills read : " After nine years of careful observation and study, he has become perfectly satisfied that efficient substitutes have been found for mercury and all such indigestible agents. Hence the superiority of the eclectic over the alopathic system of medicine." I will here remark that although a practitioner of the alopathic system, I have always studied and used the common sense system as well.

It did not take me long to size up Dr. McGath, for I soon found that he was an impostor, not knowing the first princi- ples of the science of medicine. At first, however, he had more practice than I, for he was regarded by many as ray equal, and, no doubt, a large portion of the people looked upon him as my superior as a physician.

One day, while absent from the village, a call was left at my office. The patient lived in the country, and Dr. McGath was taken to see the case. After returning to the hotel, and learning that a call had been left for me, I went to see the sick man, and found that Dr. McGath had been there, pro- nounced the disease pneumonia, and prescribed for the case. His dose was ten drops of the tincture of veratrum viride, to be given every four hours. This medicine is a powerful arterial sedative, and may do for a robust person, but not for one in (ielicate health. One evening, aboyt three days afterwards, I

THOS. H. BARTON. 55

was again called to see the case, the messenger stating that his friends thought that the man would would die. I hastened to his bedside, and found him sweating profusely- The pulse rate was about forty per minute, and he was very weak. I prescribed stimulants, and in a few days, the patient was on his feet again.

I related these facts to my landlord, who immediately re- plied : "D — n him, why did't you let him die, for he is of no account." This was poor satisfaction for me, for I hoped to receive praise for my ability. I also stated to a prominent Methodist, that in my opinion, I had been instrumental in saving this man's life; but the good brother only replied: "Probably it was the turn of the disease, when you first saw him." Here, I again failed to make an impression, and from that time to the present, I have indulged in very little boasting, as to what I had done, or was able to do. I have reported this case, in order to remind young physicians that they will receive very little praise for their services, if the patient is poor and disreputable.

Dr. McGath remained at Chester for about two months, and then moved away, leaving the practice to me. I was ac- quainted with his wife, prior to their marriage, and she was an estimable young lady.

About this time, I was called to treat a case of typhoid fever ; but it proved fatal in spite of all my exertions. The patient was a little girl of about ten summers, and she was the daughter of William Johnson, a merchant and a promi- nent citizen of Chester. The child died in the fourth week of the disease. The people of Chester, or the major portion of them, now thought they had found me guilty of incompe- tency They had proof positive ot my deficiency in medicine, in the death of this child. So at least, it seemed from their actions and conversation. I am however, of the opinion, that Mr. Johnson and his family thought otherwise.

During the autumn of this year, I had considerable prac- tice, but found it almost impossible to collect the fees for my medical services. It should be remembered, that this was the beginning of the great financial panic of 1857 There had been a failure of the crops, and business throughout the coun- try was extremely dull.

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Once more, I have reached a memorable period of my life. Once more, I have come to the conclusion that "it is not good for man to be alone." I have again fallen a victim to the ten- der passion of love, and am to appear, once more, before the hymenial altar. More than a year had passed away since the death of Martha, and I had, as yet, no thoughts of marriage. But I am now to experience, for the second time, the shafts of Cupid.

One day, soon after locating at Chester, a young lady called at my office, to purchase some opium for her mother. Having no opium, I sold her a yial of laudanum, but she returned in a few hours, and politely informed me that her mother would not have it. I gave her back the money, and she returned home. Her name was Emily L. Parsons.

Miss Parsons was a young lady of twenty summers ; was pleasant in her manners and deportment, and agreeable in conversation. She was about the medium size, of a fair and clear complexion, flaxen hair, and deep blue eyes. She could not be called fleshy, but she had a sufficient amount of adipose tissue to give her a noble and dignified appearance.

This was my first acquaintance with Emily. I afterwards met her at Mr. Johnson's, during the sickness of his child, and she assisted in nursing the little one. I was formally in- troduced to her by Mrs. Johnson, and we soon became well acquainted, and would frequently have private conversations together. She informed me that I would be welcomed at her father's house, where I soon became a frequent visitor, and learned to love her dearly. My love for her was not the im- pulse of a moment, but it grew with our acquaintance, and became deep and lasting.

Daniel Parsons, the father of Emily, was about fifty years old, and apparently in the prime of life. He was born and raised in the state of New York, and was one of the best mechanics of that State, and he had no equal in Meigs county. He was a cabinent maker, and could do almost any kind of mechanical work. He was also an inventor, and had invented and patented a wheel for mill work ; he also invented a spin- ning machine which did good service. Mr. Parsons had a

THOS. H. BARTON. 67

limited education, but was a noted practitioner before justice's courts, and he was firm and even obstinate in his belief.

Elizabeth Parsons was about the same age as her husband. Her maiden name was Harper, and she was born in the state of JMaine.

Among the fair sex, there were other candidates for matri- mony at the village of Chester. Soon after the death of his child, I commenced boarding with Mr. Johnson. On one occasion, an old lady and her daughter came to visit the Johnsons. The old lady was about sixty-five, and the daughter who was a widow, and the mother of two children, was about thirty-five years of age. Mrs. Johnson, Emily, and I, were present. Presently the old lady said to me : "Doctor, if you want a girl, I have one for you." I replied : "Madam, where is your daughter?" "She is right here doctor," at the same time pointing to the widow. Had a clap of thunder broken from a cloudless sky, I could not have been more surprised. For a moment, I was stunned, not knowing what to answer. To render the episode still more interesting, Mrs. Johnson and Emily were biting their lips to keep from laughing. However. I was not a sucker, and could not be caught.

Emily soon became very dear to me, and I enjoyed myself when in her society. As the months wore away my love for her became stronger, and in due time, we were engaged to be married. Our plighted troth is to be made good on the second of December ; we are to be united at the bride's residence, and the Rev. B. F. McElfresh, of the M. E. Church, has been selected as the officiating minister.

Important business now takes me to the city of Pomeroy There is an indispensable document, connected with my aff"airs, which I must procure ; and while at the capitol of Meigs county, I meet an old friend and acquaintance, and inform him concerning my business. "Tom," said he, "is it a wider woman, or gal, that you are going to marry this time?" I replied : "It is a girl." And my old friend answered : "It is a girl is it, bully for you, Tom !"

And now, I am about to enter, for the second time, into the state of connubial bliss. We have a quiet wedding, a few of her nearest relatives, and one gentleman, whom I have taken

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with me, being present. Again I hear the solemn words pro- nounced, and know that it is my dear wife beside me whom I love so well.

Hark ! What is this which now disturbs our peace ! We have partaken of the wedding feast, and are enjoying ourselves in quiet conversation. The shade of night had spread its dark mantle over the earth, when the sharp report of a gun rang out on the clear air. This was followed by the beating of drums, the tooting of tin horns, the ringing of bells, the beating of tin pans, and, high above the din, was heard the yell of human voices. Had pandemonium broken loose, the tumult could not have been worse. At intervals, numerous voices would call upon me to treat them ; they kept up the clamor for several hours, but were compelled to go away disappointed. Had I been properly serenaded with appropriate music, I would have responded, and they would have been received by the family

with a kindly greeting.

*******

We began our wedded life in humble circumstances, being poor with respect to this world's goods. But we were rich in each other's love, and my dear wife stood by me in our humble condition. We spent the hone3'moon at her own home, and our bridal tour was a visit to my father at Harrisonville. We commenced house keeping about Christmas, .and our chief wedding gift was an ontfit of furniture made by her father's hands.

During the spring of 1857. my practice improved to some extent; but I now found that the major portion of the citizens of Chester had put their veto upon me. For they said : "Dr. Barton, we have kept you down so far, and we intend to keep you down. You shall never rise to eminence in your profes- sion here. We do not care how much you study, or how at- tentive you may be to vour calling. We care nothing for your skill and ability, for we do not intend to give you a chance."

This conduct was partly on account of my father-in-law be- ing unpopular with the denizens of Chester. Whemever there was a disturbance in the church, or a suit at law, wherein he was interested or took part, Mr. Parsons usually came out best. Hence, his unpopularity. But I can not understand why the good people of Chester should retaliate on me.

THOS. H. BARTON. 59

In the latter part of the preceding winter, one James Dias, a physician, located at Chester. Dr. Dias was proud, haughty, and overbearing. Moveover, he was arogant in his manners, gave me the cold shoulder, did not consult with me, and sel- dom spoke to me. I have no doubt that he was advised to act in this manner by some of the Chesterites. The result was, that we had nothing to do with each other. I acknowledge this to have been wrong, but when the breach was once made, I was as deeply in the mud as he was in the mire.

Dr. Dias had the majority with him, and obtained the most practice. I bad a large number of friends and relatives, who lived from three to five miles from the village, and they em- ployed me, did all they could for me, and my practice was mainly in that direction.

I will report another case that came under my treatment, while ai Chester. The patient was a child about three years old, and it was afflicted with catarrhal fever ; but was by no means, in a dangerous condition. At the same time I was treating a patient, who lived in the country. I had seen the child on three several occasions, and on the morning of the fourth visit, a little girl came to me, and said that I need not come, for the child was much better. I then went to the country ; but in my absence I was again sent for to see the little sufferer, the messenger telling my wife that the child was worse. Dr. Dias was then employed to treat the case. Herein my competitor violated the code of medical ethics. His duty was to visit and prescribe for the patient and then retire. I have never had the least doubt that these messengers were sent to me with lies in their mouths, and for no other purpose than to injure my reputation and professional standing.

I have always been free to acknowledge my failings and shortcomings ; but however numerous my faults may have been, I have always been truthful, and could never stoop to fraud or deception to accomplish my ends. In the name of our common practice, I could not retaliate on Dr. Dias ; but I soon obtained ample satisfaction, and it came about in another way.

During the summer or autumn there was a rumor that a comet was about to make its appearance in the starry heavens.

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Every one was anxious to catch a glimpse of the stranger, on its return to the solar system ; and every one seemed equally anxious to be the first observer.

One morning, about the third hour, Dr. Dias was called up from his quiet slumbers to visit a patient, and, in his peram- bulations cast his eyes upwards and toward the east, and thought he saw the comet. Being the first to observe the strange visitor, caused him to feel very proud of the accom- plishment. Next day, it was noised about the village : "Dr. Dias saw the comet last night." The word was in everybody's mouth that Dr. Dias had seen the comet. Even little children joined in the chorus, and their piping voices could be heard on the streets : "Dr. Dias saw the comet."

I had studied astronomy, and was familiar with the move- ments of the planets, and had some knowledge in regard to the nature of comets. These bodies usually move in very eccentric orbits, approaching very near to the sun in their perihelion, and receding to a very great distance from it at their aphelion. A comet commonly consists of three parts : the nucleus, the envelope, or coma, and the tail, but one or more of these parts are frequently wanting.

"So from the dread immensity of space Returning, with accelerated course, TIic rusliing comet to tlie suu descends."

I was very eager to see the stranger, and on the following night, rose from my slumbers, and went to the door facing the east. Here I had a good view of Dr. Dias' supposed comet. I will now explain the phenomenon. Venus and Jupiter were morning stars and in conjunction: that is they were appar- ently very near to each other, and in line with the earth. Ve- nus appeared joined to Jupiter, but it did not eclipse the latter planet. It was a beautiful sight. This planetary aspect is well worthy ofan observation, and it occurs only after a long cycle of years. On the following day, and for several days afterwards, I took great pleasure in explaining Dr. Dias' comet. I am free to admit that I took great delight at his discomfiture, and with this episode in our affairs, I close my connection

with him.

*******

I am, once more, called upon to mourn the loss of a near

THOS. H. BARTON. 61

and dear relative. About the tenth of September, James Berkley came to my house, and informed me that my father was vomiting blood. I knew that this meant hemorrhage of the stomach, and that, at my fathers age, it would no doubt prove fatal. Fifteen miles of travel took me to Harrisonville, but, ere my arrival, I learned the sad intelligence of his death. He was taken sick at the fourth hoar, and quietly passed away at the eleventh being in the sixty eighth year of his age. His last request was that he might see bis sons before he died. On being asked if he felt willing to go, he replied : " I am in the hands of a kind and loving Savior." His sacred dust re- poses by the side of his wife in the old graveyard, near Harri- sonville.

'•Asleep In Jesus! Oh, for me May such a blissful refuge be ! Securely shall my ashes lie. And wait the summons from on high."

I had experienced sorrow before, and now felt the pangs of grief in the loss of a dear parent ; but there was also hap- piness in store for me. On the first of October, a little stranger came to visit us. As it eame with the intention of making our home its permanent abode, we named the young visitor Martha Maria. There had been another Martha, whose

name I dearly cherished.

*******

Throughout the summer and autumn of this year, I reso- lutely continued my practice, and resolved, regardless of all opposition, to establish myself permanently at Chester. The hard blows that I had sustained, only stimulated me to greater exertions, and I now felt more confident than ever before, of being able to maintain my profession here. But I am once again to experience the mutations of fortune, and the instabil- ity of human action.

About the first of December, I learned that one of my patrons, who was indebted to me, had moved to Syracuse. One morning, I concluded to visit that place, and, although the sky was overcast with clouds, I mounted my horse, and began my journey. Soon the rain began to descend; but it was not in my nature to turn back, either for rain, snow, the heat of summer, or the cold of winter. I kept on my journey

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and soon arrived at my destination. Having completed my business, I inquired of some of the citizens of Syracuse, whether any physician was located there. Being answered in the negative, I then made inquiries in regard to the situation and they informed me that they thought Syracuse would be a good place for a physician. My resolution was instantly taken. I will locate at Syracuse ; I will make this place my future home, and the battle ground of my chosen profession. And thus it came about that the change was made, I have en- titled my book — what I afterwards became — "The Self-made Physician, of Syracuse, Ohio."

On returning home, I informed my wife in regard to my plans, and she readily consented to the proposed change. In a few days I was again at Syracuse, and boarded for about two weeks with Peter Lallance. Meanwhile, I made the neces- sary preparations, and the last days of December found me permanently located at Syracuse.

Syracuse is situated on the Ohio river, about four miles above Pomeroy. The village contained, in 1858, about four hundred inhabitants. Like all other mining and manufactur- ing towns, it contained a mixed population, composed of Welsh, English, Irish, Germans, Scotch, and native born Americans. In regard to occupations, there were farmers, merchants, mechanics, coal miners, day laborers, and two or three saloon-keepers. These were mainly dependent for their prosperity upon the mining of coal. This industry is carried on by the Syracuse Coal & Salt Company, a body corporate, organized under the laws of Connecticut, and doing business in Ohio. The coal is of an excellent quality, the vein being about five feet in thickness, and eighty feet below the surface. About eighteen months prior to my arrival, the company sunk a shaft and commenced operations.

Syracuse had at this time, two general stores, one black- smith shop, one boot and shoe shop, one boarding house, and one church — the Methodist Episcopal. No school-house had as yet, been erected, but there were two or three saloons where cheap whiskey was sold.

It has been said that "a rolling stone gathers no moss :" it is equally true that a "setting hen never grows fat." Up to this

THOS. H. BARTON. 63

time, my practice had not been lucrative, my income being hardly sufficient to meet my expenses. I had found it ex- tremely difficult, and, in many instances impossible, to make collections. I had left a large amount of uncollected debts behind me at Pageville, three or four hundred dollars at Leon, and about two hundred at Chester. I had lost my property at Leon, in consequence of being unable to collect the fees for my medical services. I had purchased this property partly on credit, and could not meet my financial engagements.

I have already stated, in a previous chapter, that I received a gift of two hundred dollars from my father ; but this sum was mainly spent in obtaining a medical education. At the beginning of my practice, my worldly goods consisted of a horse, saddle and bridle, and medical books worth about fifteen dollars.

And now, on this first da,y of January, 1858, I find myself in no better condition than at the commencement of my professional career. I had been worsted, at three localities, and, up to this time, my profession had been a failure. At this point, I desire the reader to pause for a moment, and reflect as to what he would have done under like circumstances. Let the reader answer, in his own mind, whether he would have given up the practice of medicine in disgust, or whether he would have done as I then did. My finances were now at a very low ebb, and my life, thus far, had been a failure. But I felt more resolute and determined than ever before, and resolved once more, to establish myself in my chosen pro- fession.

During my stay with Peter Lallance, who was a gentleman and very obliging, I had a number of professional calls, and now felt satisfied that I had, at last, obtained a good location for the practice of medicine. However, there were other con- siderations, which soon convinced me that I had made a virtu- ous change. I had left the Lilliputians behind me at Chester, and found myself among the Brobdingnagians of Syracuse.

I moved my family into a new building, and paid five dol- lars a month for rent. This property is now owned and occu- pied by David Vaughn. At this time, the miners were on a strike for their wages, and the result was that nearly all of

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the day laborers were out of employment. I hardly knew what the word strike meant, but afterwards learned a great deal in regard to the meaning of that term.

One evening soon after locating at Syracuse, Timothy Stiles came to my office, and informed me that my services were re- quired at the grocery. There had been a bloody affray at the saloon, and Bully Bill Richards and Bill Davis, the Cart, were the participants. At first, I did not understand why Mr. Davis had this title attached to his name. I afterwards learned, that in Wales, there are many persons bearing the same family name, and that, in order to make a distinction, certain titles are given them, the person being designated, either by the place of his birth, or the occupation hefollov^^s. Mr. Richards had received a longitudinal incission about four inches in length, on the front part of one of his arms, at the elbow joint. This was made with a knife, and it came near severing the large artery of his arm. He recovered in due time. Mr. Davis, who was the saloon keeper, had also sustained severe injuries. He had lust a large chunk ot his nasal proboscis, and also a part of the digital extremity of one of his hands (the thumb). These injuries were done by the other man's teeth. He had chewed the thumb so that it could not be replaced, and it was amputated at the first joint. I put a paper nose on him, but was not s(i successful as the Arkansaw Doctor in a similar case, and his countenance was afterwards very much disfigured. The cause of all this trouble was a dog fight, and an overdose of whisky

About this time, A\'illiam Long, a coal miner, asked me this abrupt question. "Are you a great surgeon." I answered in the negative, telling him, at the same time, that I could treat common or ordinary surgical cases. This answer injured me in the practice of surgery; for it was soon noised about that I knew nothing in regard to surgery. It was evident, however, that Mr. Long and I did not understand each other. I had a fair knowledge of the science of surgery, but was not a great surgeon like Sir Astley Cooper, of England, or Professor Gib- son, of this country.

I had entertained hopes that no other physician would locate at this place, but I was doomed to be disappointed. About

THOS. H. BARTON. 65

the first of January, Dr. D. L. Star, of Point Pleasant, made his appearance, and soon afterwards moved his family to Syracuse. I was sliglitly acquainted with him at Leon, and he was a gentleman, and a well read physician, but was not familiar with the latest discoveries in medicine. He was a local preach- er, and a member of the M. E. Church, and on Sabbath morn- ings, looked more like a clergyman than a physician. I soon learned that he would not be very much in my way, as he did not intend to make the practice of medicine a specialty. His main object was to be a miller, and he moved an old gristmill from the Kanawha River to Syracuse, and put it in operation. Our opponents were Dr. Guthrie, of Pomeroy, and Dr. J. R. Philson, of Racine, both of whom are now deceased. They were gentlemen and first class physicians, and 1 have frequent- ly consulted with Dr. Philson.

During the remainder of this winter and the succeeding spring, I did a very fair business. On the first of March, the miners were paid off, and resumed their occupation. This strike lasted from the preceding December. No miner was permitted to work ; no coal could be obtained at the mines, and slack and wood were used for fuel.

In March, I made a contract with the miners in regard to medical treatment. They proposed to give me twenty-five cents a month for each head of a family, and this sum was to be paid whether they were sick or well. I was to treat them when called upon, but was not to be deprived of other practice, and was to receive my pay at the office of the coal company. At first I objected, on the ground that the amount was in- sufficient ; but they informed me that it was more than double the sum paid in the old country, and that in Wales the price was only half a shilling a month. I finally accepted the offer, and was also to furnish the medicines free of charge. I will here inform the reader, that medicines were not so costly then as at a later date, and were given in a more crude state, with- out syrups or elixirs. This contract did not prove advantage- ous to me, although I was kept very busy, treating seventy or eighty families, besides attending to other duties. But my patrons soon became dissatisfied. Some wanted medicines of their own choice, patent medicines, etc.; while others wanted

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turpentine to use in paint. I generally refused them, and would lose some of ray twenty-five cent customers. One of my patrons, who was not a party to the contract, actually re- fused to pay a small amount, and never did pay it, telling me that I practiced for the miners for twenty-five cents a month. This contract expired on the first of October.

During the first year at Syracuse, [ obtained a large amount of practice, but found it extremely difficult to make collections. Apide from the contract with the miners, my receipts would probably reach fifty per cent, of the amounts charged. Neither did I have the best success in retaining my patrons, for if I lost a case of sicliness by death, or had counsel called, there were those who would accuse me of incompetency, and when- ever I lost a patient, I would lose a dozen friends.

In the latter part of this year (I think this was the time), Dr. Adams, of Letart, came to Syracuse ; but he did not move his famih-*to this place. He was about sixty years old, intel- ligfiit, and a regular physician in good professional standing.

But he had one fault: being a too frequent visitor at the saloons. Here he would treat his friends, and they would treat him, and he soon becanie very popular wiih the drinking class. Neither was he unpopular among the old settlers, for thcv knew him to be an experienced jdiysician. The result was that he obtained considerable practice, and I was left in the background by a number of my patrons. In six or seven months after locating here. Dr. Adams concluded to collect his medical fees ; but when he presented his bills to his drink- ing friends, some of them said : " Doctor, we have employed you, but we have also recommended you to our neighbors, and done all we could for you, and here you are wanting us to pay you for your seruices." This meant that they had already paid him with their recommendations. Dr. Adams soon after- wards left Syracuse.

Throughout the year 1859 my practice was fair, but not lucrative. In the summer of this year I purchased a town lot from Quartes Bridgeman, and on it erected a cottage building twenty-two feet long and eighteen feet wide, and we moved into our new home in the month of August. I had bought a lot from Mr. Bridgeman in the preceding year, and commenced

THOS. H. BARTON. 67

erecting a house, but financial embarrassments prevented me from completing this building, and I afterwards sold the property

My wife was energetic, and did all she could to aid me finan- cially. With my assistance, she taught a select school, and we had good success, and gave general satisfaction. One day a very amusing incident occurred. My little daughter, then about two years old, had found my cigar box, and made her appearance in the school room with a cigar in her mouth and two or three in each hand. This school closes my experience as a pedagogue.

The year 1860 opened with a fair amount of practice, and it continued throughout the year. My services were now fre- quently required at Minersville, and I also obtained consider- able practice at Hartford City and New Haven, on the opposite side of the river. But there was a large floating population at Syracuse and Minersville, and it was not uncommon for some of my patrons to move away without settling their accounts. Thus, in numerous instances, I lost the fees for my professional services.

And on the eighth of March, a son was born unto us. We named him George Reynalde, m honor of Sir Thomas Reynalde, of England. Sir Thomas lived contemporary with Queen Elizabeth, and he was a celebrated physician and author of that age.

Concerning the following occurrence, I have no apology to make in regard to my conduct, and if I have no other sin to answer for at the last day, I feel assured that when I come to knock at the gates of St. Peter, I will not be denied admission :

One day in August I had business at the company store, and when I had gone about half way, I observed a number of men engaged in a fight. As I approached nearer to them, it became evident that half a dozen or more were engaged against one. I desire the reader to bear in mind that I had no inten- tion of taking any part in the affray, and I was also a friend to all parties. When very near to them I called out : " Men, take it fair, and let two fight at a time." Although intoxicated, they recognized me at once, and I heard several voices saying, " If it is fair play you want, we will give you fair play." With

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this they left their enemy and gathered around me like a swarm of bumble bees (Bombus) when a boy has disturbed their nest, and with no more intelligence than half a dozen hounds fighting a cur. I should have sought safety in flight, but notwithstanding their savage appearance, I thought to appease them with kind words. But they gave me no chance, and when within striking distance, began to make passes at me with their fists, while at the same time I kept my eyes on them, and placed myself in an attitude of defence.

And now the battle began in earnest. One man who had a good view of the field informed me afterwards that in the first encounter I sent several of them to grass. I am uncertain, how- ever, in regard to this, for I did not have time to look to the ground. At this instant ©ne of them had the audacity to grapple with me. Instead of jerking awa}^ from him, as I should have done, I took the " grapevine lock," and laid him on the ground. At this moment T heard the chime of his comrade's voices: " Gjve it to him ! Give it to him ! Give it to him ! "

At this period of the contest I received a tew slight injuries on my forehead, and also on my back, which was very large, and a conspicuous object for a target. I afterwards learned that these blows were given with rocks. I at once found that this mode of fighting would not do, notwithstanding I had one of them down, and in about the space of a flash of lightning I was on my feet again, facing my other antagonists. During this lull in the conflict, we stood facing each other like Gen. McClellan and Gen. Lee after the battle of Malvern Hill, when both armies had received such hard pounding that neither side felt willing to renew the struggle.

After waiting for a minute or two, and no one making an attack, I concluded to leave the field. But before doing so, I picked up two small bowlders of a size suitable to throw to good advantage at short range ; and as I deliberately moved away, kept one eye turned to the rear, and my arms by my side in about the attitude of a base ball pitcher when intend- ing to deceive the man at the bat. I had not gone more than two rods, when one of them came running after me with a rock in his hand, and when about fifteen feet distant, hurled the missile at me, but missed his mark. He then sought safety in

THOS. H. BARTON. 69

flight ; but as he turned to go, one of the bowlders left my hand, struck him between the shoulders, and felled him to the earth. No doubt the rock struck him on the spinal column, for he had spinal irritation for many months.

At one point in the conflict, some of them asked me if I had enough ; I replied that I did not come here to fight. I left them when ready to go, but not before, I had sustained no serious injuries, neither was I exhausted. My poweriui strength, great activity, firm bearing, and presence of mind saved me. For years afterwards, I bore the name of being a great pugilist.

And what became of their enemy? He ran away in order to procure a weapon, and did not again make his appearence on the field. His name was Jacob Henry, and he was a notorious character in Syracuse at that time.

About this time I began to experience, as I often had before, considerable opposition in the practice of medicine. In the latter part of this year, if I am correct in regard to the date, Joseph Bean, a physician of the Physio Medical School, locat- ed at Syracuse. Dr. Bean had every appearance of a gentle- man, was unexceptionable in his manners and deportment, a member of the M. E. church, and a regular attendant at church and Sabbath school. At first sight, compared with myself, he would be regarded as my superior. Had Prof. H. C. Wood, or Dr. J. F Meigs, of Philadelphia; or Prof. Whittaker, of Cin- cinnati, been here at the same time, Dr. Bean would have been considered, by a large number of the people, as the equal of those celebrated physicians. I teel confident, however, that if anyone had put this simple question to him : Is the clavicle a bone or a muscle, and if a bone, where does it belong-he could not have answered.

Soon afterwards, Samuel Bean, a brother of Joseph, moved his family here, and commenced practicing medicine. Samuel, if I am correctly informed, had studied medicine for about two months, and came out a full-fledged physician. He was at once recognized as a physician in good standing and obtained some practice. These gentleman belonged to the Physio Medi- cal School, and practiced that system of medicine. They had attended some kind of an institution, or college, and claimed to have obtained diplomas.

70 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

At the close of this year, and during the first six months of 1861, my professional business was not promising. I have al- ready alluded to the great financial panic of 1857, and this continued for several years with more or less severity Not- withstanding all opposition, I had obtained a fair amount of practice ; but still found it extremely difficult to make coUec- lections. This was largely due to the stringency of the times, and the general depression of business throughout the coun- try.

And now, ten years of my professional life have rolled away. During all that time, I had improved every opportunity, both by study and observation, to make myself successful in my chosen calling. Still, I had not been so successful as I could have desired ; and, after ten years of hard study and much ex- perience, find myself, in the e^itimation of many persons, the same that I was when I began mv professional career. I was cast down, but not discouraged ; for I felt that behind the cloud was a silver lining.

And now I am about to witness another change in the drama of life. I must arrange, once more, to shift the scene. The sound of war has reverberated throughout the land, the notes of preparation are being heard, and I must prepare to take part in the conflict.

"And nearer, clearer, deadlier than before !

Arm ! Arm ! it is— it is the cannon's opening roar !"

CHAPTER V

THE CAMPAIGN IN WEST VIRGINIA.

The presidential election of 1860 resulted in the choice of Abraham Lincoln. The political issues turned mainly upon the question of slavery in the territories. The democratic party, already weakened by the Kansas question, now finally divided into two sections. The northern wing nominated Ste- phen A. Douglass, of Illinois, as its candidate. It held that congress had no power either to sanction or forbid slavery in the territories, and that the question could be decided only by

THOS. H. BARTON. 71

the people thereof, who alone were interested in it. The south- ern wing chose John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, as its candidate, and declared it to be the express duty of congress to sanction and protect slavery in all the territories of the re- public, and maintained that the constitution, of its own force, carried slavery into them. The Republican party nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, as its standard bearer. This party denied all intention to interfere with the domestic insti- tutions of any of the states of the Union, but declared its deter- mination to prevent the introduction of slavery into the terri- tories by congressional legislation, and denounced as false the doctrine that the constitution established slavery in any part of the Union. It asserted the right of every community to manage its local affairs in its own way, and denounced the in- vasion of Virginia by John Brown as wicked and unjustifiable. A fourth party known as the Constitutional Union party, nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and adopted the following vague and indefinite platform : "The Union, the constitution, and the enforcement of the laws." The contest was bitter be- yond all precedent. Mr. Lincoln was elected by a plurality of the popular vote, and a majority of fifty-seven votes over all competition in the electoral college. Thus the great Democra- tic party, which had had almost uninterrupted control of the government from the beginning of the century, was split into fragments and driven from the field.

The southern states had threatened to withdraw from the Union in the event of the election of a president hostile to slavery, and now proceeded to put their threats into execution. As soon as the election of Mr. Lincoln was definitely ascer- tained, the legislature of South Carolina summoned a conven- tion of the people of that state, -n hich met on the 17th of December, 1860. This convention adopted an ordinance of secession, and on the twentieth, the state withdrew from the Union. The secession of South Carolina was soon followed by that of Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisana and Texas. The forts, arsenals and other property of the United States in these states were seized by the rebel authori- ties, and held by the rebel troops, except Port Sumter, in Charleston harbor, and Fort Fickins, on Santa Rosa Island,

72 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

near Pensacola. Florida. Fort Moultrie had been occupied by a garrison of eighty men, under Major Robert Anderson, who, on the night of December twenty-fifth, withdrew from Moul- trie, and threw his command into Fort Sumpter.

The federal government was at this time almost helpless. The regular army then about 16,000 strong was posted on the Indian frontier, and the available vessels of the navy were nearly all in foreign waters. Many of the most prominent officials, including cabinet ministers, were in open sympathy with the rebellious states, and President Buchanan seemed only anxious to delay any definite action in the matter until the inauguration of his successor. In his last annual mes- sage, the president denied the right of the general government to coerce a state. In summing up his view.s on this point, Mr. Buchanan said: "The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live in the affections of the fieople, it must one day perish. Congress possesses many means of preserving it by conciliation ; but the sword was not placed in their hand to preserve it by force." The president was in favor of conceding to the south everything but separ- ate independence, and thus by his timidity, lost the advantages which the government would have obtained by a firm and resolute course.

Various plans were proposed in congress and b}' the states for a settlement of the national troubles, but none were attended with success. Early in January, 1861, the steamer ■' Star of the West" was dispatched to Charleston by the gov- ernment with re-enforcements and supplies for Fort Sumter. She attempted to enter the harbor on the ninth, and was fired upon and turned back by the South Carolina batteries.

On the 4tb of February, 1861, a convention of delegates from the six seceded states met at Montgomery, Alabama, and or- ganized the new republic of the '■ Confederate States of America," and on the eighth, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected president of the provisional government.

The first act of the Republican administration, which came into power on the fourth of March, was to send an expedition to Charleston harbor for the relief of Fort Sumter. Governor

THOS. H. BARTON. 73

Pickens, of South Carolina, was at ouce advised of the depart- ure of this expedition, and the Confederate government thereupon ordered General Beauregard, commanding its forces at Charleston, to reduce Fort Sumter. The bombard- ment was begun on the morning of the 12th of April, and was continued until the afternoon of the 13th, when the fort surrendered.

The opening gun of this assault on the government woke the nation from its slumber. Upon the fall of Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued his proclamation for 75,000 troops to aid in suppressing the rebellion against the laws of the United States. The call was obej^ed with alacrity Through- out the north and west the people sprang to arms, the ranks were soon tilled, and this great political issue — the preserva- tion of the Union was to be decided by the sword.

"And there was mounting In hot haste; the steed, The mustering squadron, and the clattering car,

Went pouring forward with impetuous speed. And swiftly forming in the rani^s of war." *******

I did not take an active part in the presidential campaign but was opposed to the extension of slavery in the territories, and cast my ballot for the Republican candidate. I did this regardless of consequences, little knowing what the result would be if Mr. Lincoln should be elected. I had no idea that this would bring war on our once happy and pros- perous country, and that millions of men would be arrayed against each other in deadly conflict. But when the little rebellious state of South Carolina raised her back, like a cat when ready to leap upon its prey, and leaped out of the Union, the news was regarded by every one as ominous ; and when state after state seceded, without even a threat from the chief executive, how we then wished for a president like Andrew Jackson.

President Lincoln's call for 75,000 volunteers to put down the rebellion was received with applause. Recruiting began at once, and a company was soon raised from Pomeroy, Racine and Syracuse. The people were animated with patriotism; party spirit became a thing of the past, and the battle cry with nearly every one was—" Down with the traitors— up with the flag ! "

74 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

About the first of June, an independent company of militia was organized at Syracuse. This was an organization of our own getting up, and we elected officers, and would frequently meet for drill. When on parade, my little daughter, then in her fifth year, would sometimes march by my side with a regular step, and as much of a soldier bearing as any one in the company.

One warm day in June, after we had gone through our military evolutions, and had seated ourselves to rest under the spreading branches of a large beech tree, we observed Mr. Isaac Carleton corwing towards us. Mr. Carleton was a native of Ireland, and had emigrated to this country about the year 1S20, and soon afterwards settled in this vicinity, and was at this time, a wealthy land-owner of Syracuse. He was a very portlv old gentleman, and weighed nearly four hundred pounds .Mr. Carleton approached us very slowly, puffing and blowing as he came, and when he came to us and had rested for a few ininutes, he opened out on us in genuine Irish stvle. "'Boys, this is all nonsense. If a dozen old women were to come along with broomsticks in their hands, thev could make the whole kit of you run."

Mr Carleton m>^aat no insult by these remarks, for he was thoroughly loyal, and throughout the war his generosity to the wives of iniligent soldiers was munificent. However one of our number was highly off"ended a,t what was meant for a prac- tical joke. The off"ended comrade sprang to his feet, rolled up his shirt sleeves, swore he would have revenge on Mr. Carle- ton, and moved towards him with clinched fists. Three of four men then seized him, and had a hard struggle to keep him away from thi» old gentleman.

About thf first of Julv. Judge P B. Stansberrv and William Brown, of Pomeroy, and Ephraim Carson, of Racine, began recruiting for the fourth regiment of West Virginia infantry. They were assisted by Britton Cook, of Syracuse, and myself. A company was soon made up. I joined this organization and became a member fif Company E.

In taking this step, I was actuated by motives of patriotism. I shouldered my musket in defence of the Union; but I had no idea of abandoning my profession, and intended, if spared,

THOS. H. BARTON. 75

to resume the practice of medicine at the expiration of my term of service. Mj' wife was patriotic, and readily gave her consent to my enlistment. But it was hard to part with the loved ones, not knowing whether or not I would ever return ; and when I was about to bid farewell to those who were near and dear to me, my little daughter said. "Doc. you must not go to war, for you will get shot."

Company E. was mustered into the United States service, July 22d, 1861, and went into camp at Mason City, West Vir- ginia. I was advised by some of the comrades to be a candidate for the office of Second Lieutenant, but held back till near the hour of election. I then wrote a number of ballots, and went to the place of election, when the loud hurrah of the company was heard cheering the newly elected officers. William Brown was chosen Captain; P B. Stansberry, First Lieutenant; and Ephraim Carson, Second Lieutenant. These gentlemen are all well known in Meigs county, and were men of integrity and ability, and made able and efficient officers.

Company E. was recruited mainly at Pomeroy, Racine and Syracuse, with a few recruits from Mason county, West Vir- ginia. Companies H., and K. were recruited in West Virginia, the former from the counties along the Kanawha River, and the latter at or near Grafton. The other companies were re- cruited in Meigs, Gallia, and Athens counties, Ohio, and Mason county, West Virginia. The regimental officers were : J. A. J. Lightburn, Colonel; William H. H. Russell, Lieutenant Colonel; and John P. Hall, Major. George K. Ackley, of Racine, was appointed Surgeon of the regiment.

And now I am about to enter upon the life of a soldier. While at Mason City our company received their arms and accoutrements, and donned their blue uniforms. The muskets were of the old pattern, used by the armies of Generals Scott and Taylor in the Mexican war.

Early in the month of August we were ordered to Point Pleasant, and were soon steaming down the Ohio on a transport. We now began the study of military tactics, and by the last of August I had learned much of the company drill and the manual of arms. During this month, permits were freely given to those who wished to visit the loved ones

76 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

at home. On two occasions, if I remember correctly, I had the pleasure of visiting my wife and children.

The active military service of the regiment began about the first of September. One morning, long before the cock crew, we were called up from a roll on the ground by a roll of drums, and the old familiar command was heard — " Fall in ! " We obeyed orders, but were kept standing in the ranks till after daylight, when, having partaken of a ha?ty breakfast, four companies of the regiment, including Company E, were marched on board a transport, and were soon steaming up the Kanawha. The command disembarked at the mouth of Pocataligo, marched about eight miles up that river, and bivouaced. This was our first bivouac, and we laid on our arms in line of battle.

Late in the night the familiar form of Lieutenant Carson was seen ajiproaching the bivouac, and he laid his body down beside me. On the following morning I was awake very early and found my hat, gun, knapsack and other accoutrements safe by my side. The lieutenant was also soon awake, and on picking up what he supposed to be his hat, found that he had picked up a citizen's hat, apparently very much worn, and in a dilapidated condition. On looking at it, the lieutenant ex- claimed : ■' Where is mv hat? This is not mine." Observing my hat Iving on the ground near by. Comrade Carson picked it up, and regardless of m^^ protest put it on his head. How- ever, before ive received marching orders, a citizen came into camp with a soldier's liatin his hand This I appropriated to my own itse, and while it lasted, had the honor of wearing the head-gear iif a lieuteuant.

From tlie Kanawha we marched to Spencer, in Roane county, that ]>lace being our destination. The object of this movement was to relieve the Union home guards, who were hard pressed by the rebel bushwhackers. The home guards were beseiged for about three days, but ere our arrival, they had gained the victory, and driven the confederates away. It is also very probable that the rebels received information that a detachment of the " Bloody Fourth " was on the march for the relief of Spencer, and acted accordingly.

We now began to experience the privations of camp life.

THOS. H. BARTON. 77

While on the march up the Pocataligo, some of my messmates traded our coffee, or the most of it, for green corn, and this deprived me for several days of my accustomed aromatic beverage. During the first week at Spencer, provisions were scarce, and there was also much suffering among the soldiers from want of hospital stores. However, in about ten days a train arrived with the necessary and much needed supplies.

The time was now mainly spent in scouting, and we brought in numerous squads of "secesh," who took the oath to support the Constitution of the United States. Many also came in voluntarily, delivered up their arms and took the oath.

As soon as the necessary medical supplies arrived, Surgeon Ackley established a hospital, and I was detailed as acting hospital steward. This gave me an excellent opportunity to observe the surgeon's treatment of gun shot wounds, and the diseases incident to military service. An opportunity soon presented itself for Dr. Ackley to try his skill as an army sur- geon. A gentleman named Gibson, who was a Union man and resided near Spencer, was shot in the face by a bush- whacker, the missile breaking or comminuting both sides of the lower maxilla, and also horribly lacerating the muscles of the face. I assisted in removing the fragments of bone, con- sisting of all that part of the bone to the angle, including the teeth. He was fed with milk and soups by means of a tube inserted into the stomach. The wound healed, but left him destitute of his lower teeth.

About the first of November, Captain Brown was left in command of the post at Spencer, and the other companies under Col. Lightburn, returned to Point Pleasant. Dr. Ackley accompanied the troops to the Point, leaving me as acting as- sistant surgeon. I performed my duties to the best of my ability, and nothing serious occurred.

Early in December, we received orders to join the regiment and were soon under way towards Ravenswood. This was a very disagreeable march, for there was an abundance of rain, and the creeks were swollen to the top of their banks. We marched through the rain and mud, plunged through the streams, being frequently in the water up to our waists. This, however was only a foretaste of our military experience.

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From Ravenswood the company was transported on a steamer to Point Pleasant. I then learned that W A. Kallous- souski, of Company N., a native of Poland and an excellent pharmacist, was the acting hospital steward, and I was there- upon transferred to the ranks. I also found that John R. Philson, of Racine, Ohio, had been appointed assistant sur- geon, and George S. Woodhull, chaplain of the regiment.

Some time in December, Col. Lightburn received orders to move his regiment to Ceredo, and a government transport soon carried us to our destination. The Fifth West Va. In- fantry was then stationed at Ceredo, but they were soon after- wards removed to another point and our regiment took their place. About this time I superceded Comrade Kalloussouski in the stewardship, and received a permanent appointment as regimental hospital steward.

The regiment spent the winter and early part of the succeed- ing spring at Ceredo. There was a battalion drill nearly every day and the regiment was noted for its fine appearance, noble bearing, and correct military movements.

Nothing occurred of interest in a military way ; but sickness prevailed extensively among the troops, pneumonia, bronchi- tis, typhoid fever, diarrhea and rheumatism being the prevail- ing diseases. Very frequently I had fifty prescriptions to fill daily, and comrade Kalloussouski would be sometimes detail- ed to assist me at the hospital. The bugle sounded the sick call at nine in the morning, when the out door sick would be marched to the hospital, escorted by a non-commissioned of- ficers. The regiment lost eight men by disease terminating in death, eleven were discharged for disability, one accidentally shot, and one was discharged by civil authority. Up to this time the losses at Point Pleasant were, by disease terminating in death, five ; discharged for disability, two ; deserted, one ; making a total loss to the regiment during 1861, of twenty -nine enlisted men.

Camp life, however, furnished many incidents of amuse- ment, and these occurred at Ceredo, as well as at other places. Talesian R. Williams, familiarly known in the regiment as "Tally," was a good soldier, but loved too well to "look upon the wine when it is red, and giveth its color in the cup." I

THOS. H. BARTOK. 79

kept essence of cinnamon and peppermint for sale at the dis- pensary, and the boys would frequently trade with me. The essence was put up in three fourths ounce vials. One day, Tally came to the dis^pensary, and asked me what I would charge for half a dozen vials of the essence of peppermint, the empty vials to be returned. We at once agreed in regard to the price, and I filled his order and received my pay. I sup- posed that he intended to take the essence to his quarters, but instead of doing so, he uncorked one of the vials and emptied the contents into his stomach, then another, and another until the half dozen vials were emptied. He then returned the empty vials, and started for his quarters. Soon afterwards, however, he was arrested for being boisterous, and was placed in the guard house. He had in his gastric cavity one fourth pint of alcohol and one drachm of the oil of peppermint. Such a dose is sufficient to kill a common man, but it had no other effect on Tally than to cause intoxication and make him boisterous.

Col. Lightburn issued an order that no intoxicating liquors should be brought into camp ; but the boys soon devised a plan to checkmate the colonel's order. A soldier, who was thirsty and wished to satisfy his desire would procure a pass, so that he could go to Cattlettsburg, Kentucky, where there was an abundance of the unadulterated juice of the corn. Here he would imbibe to his satisfaction, and, in order to bring some to his comrades, would fill the barrel of his musket with whisky, cork up the muzzle, and thus escape the scrutiny of the guard.

Surgeon Ackley was, at this time, in the prime of life, witty and jovial, of rare good humor, and fond of a practical joke. On one occasion, he took the jug containing my alcohol, and emptied the contents into another vessel, at the same time filling my alcohol jug with water. He knew that I was about to prepare a supply of the essence of cinnamon, and kept him self in readiness to watch the performance. I put the usual amount of the oil of cinnamon into a pint bottle, and then filled it with what I supposed to be alcohol. I was greatly surprised to observe that the ingredients would not mix, while the surgeon, together with several of the hospital attendants, enjoyed my perplexity.

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Comrade Kalloussouski was rather fond of the hospital whiskey. One day, I put some tartar emetic into a bottle of whiskey and placed it in a conspicuous place ; soon afterwards my assistant helped himself to a dram. It acted on him with good effect as an emetic, vomiting him very freely. Such kind reader, was life in the army.

About the last of April, 1862, Col. Lightburn reeeived orders to evacuate Ceredo, and move his regiment to Charleston. We were marched on board a transport and were soon under way, every soldier being well pleased with the change. Soon after our arrival at Charleston, two companies, under the com- mand of Major Hall, with Surgeon Philson and myself to care for the sick and wounded, were ordered to Chapmansville in Logan county. This place took its name from Mr. Chapman, who was a prominent citizen of that locality, and his residence was used as a hospital and guard house, leaving sufficient room for himself and family, A rude fort was soon con- structed. It was built of logs from some old buildings, to- gether with other timber, and contained about half an acre of ground. We had one .smooth bore gun, and, in the event of danger from Jenkin's cavalry were to be reinforced by two additional companies, making four in all, that being the largest force at any time at Chapmansville. The rest of the regi- ment remained at Charleston, doing guard and provost duty.

An old gentleman named Stickley, who was a clergyman and had two sons in company K., lived with the regiment and messed at the hospital. One day, it was announced that Bro. Stickley would preach on the following Sabbath, and a large congregation turned out to hear the sermon. Besides soldiers, there was a large number of ladies in attendance, and the boys were well pleased to see sunbonnets and calico. Bro. Stickley preached an excellent Union sermon, and en- deavored to convey sentiments of patriotism as well as the truths of the gospel. Another appointment was then made for the following Sabbath ; but when the time arrived, the good old minister was much surprised to find that he had no hearers except gentlemen in blue coats. His former sermon had scared the ladies, and they would not come to hear him. This shows but little Union sentiment then existing at Chap- mansville.

thos. h. barton. 81

Our time was now mainly employed in doing guard duty, and small parties would frequently be sent out on a scouting expedition. On the 6th of August, Major Hall, with a force ot forty-eight men under his command, was met at Beach Creek, near Logan Court House, by about two hundred rebel cavalry or mounted infantry, under Col. Stratton and Major Witcher. A sharp skirmish ensued in which Major Hall and two privates were killed and twelve wounded. Of the Confederates, Major Witcher was killed, and two or three were wounded. Upon the death of their commander, the scouting party retreated, bearing their wounded comrades with them.

In the death of Major Hall, the regiment lost an able and efficient officer. He was young, brave, generous and kind ; a graduate of West Point, and well qualified to fill the honor- able station that he occupied. His body was recovered and interred at Charleston, and the remains were afterwards re- moved to Point Pleasant.

The command fared well at this place in the way of rations, trading their supplies of coffee, pork, beans and rice, for chickens and butter. Moreover, we enjoyed ourselves and had no fear of being attacked and captured by the enemy. But since the war, I have many times thought of our situation. The country between Charleston and Chapmansville is wild and picturesque, being intersected with narrow valleys and deep ravines surrounded with high hills. I have often won- dered why we could feel safe in this lonely situation. Here was a mere handful of men, in an enemy's country, fifty miles from the nearest post of Union soldiers, and in great danger of being overpowered by a superior force, and either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. But the soldier soon becomes accustomed to danger, and is calm and resolute and even cheerful in the presence of death.

The regiment lost five men at Chapmansville : Three were killed in action, one died of disease, and one deserted. At Charleston the loss was seventeen : Three died of disease, one was accidentally shot, two were drowned, two deserted, and nine were discharged for disability. The total loss of the regiment up to this time was fifty-one.

The next military experience which the regiment was called 11

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upon to undergo was Colonel Lightburn's retreat from the Kanawha valley. This, I believe, is unwritten history — at least I have never read any account of it. That the reader may understand the subject intelligently, I have arranged it under the following heads : 1. A brief sketch of the military move- ments in Virginia and around Washington, which caused this retreat. 2. Colonel Lightburn's preliminary operations. 3. The retreat.

]. During the night after the battle of Malvern Hill, fought July 1st, 1862, General McClellan retreated to Harrison's Landing, on the James river, under the protection of the gov- ernment gunboats. Here he remained for some time, and the armies, both of Lee and McClellan, had received such hard pounding that neither seemed anxious to renew the conflict.

General Pope was at this time in command of the Army of Northern Virginia, having under him a force of about fifty thousand men, together with all the troops in and around Washington.

McClellan remained in camp till the fourth of August, when General Halleck, who was commander-in-chief of all the Union armies, ordered him to evacuate Harrison's Landing and report at Washington, the object being to move overland on Richmond, according to the president's original plans General Lee must have learned of this contemplated move, for he thereupon sent General Stonewall Jackson's corps to the Rappahannock to watch Pope. This move resulted in the battle of Cedar Mountain, between Jackson's corps and the advanced forces of the Union army under General Banks. This battle was fought on the ninth of August, and General Banks was defeated.

McClellan evacuated Harrison's Landing on the sixteenth of August, and a part of his army arrived on the Potomac in time to assist Pope. Upon the withdrawal of McClellan from the James. Lee joined Jackson with his whole force, and attacked Pope, hoping to defeat him before he could be joined by McClellan. He penetrated to his rear, destroyed his depot of supplies at Manassas, and defeated him in a series of battles on the 28th, 29th and 30th of August — the last engage- ment, the second battle of Bull Run, being one of the best

THOS. H. BARTON. 83

fought fields of the war — and drove him within the lines of Washington. General Lee now conceived the idea of invading Maryland, and taking Washington in the rear, and great anxiety was felt for the safety of the capital.

While these important moves were being made on the chess- board of Virginia, General Cox was in command in the Kana- wha S^alley, having under him a force of twelve or fifteen thousand men, stationed at various points from Charleston to the mountains. In view of the danger in the east. Gen. Cox was withdrawn from the Kanawha, together with all the troops that could be spared. He took with him eight orten thousand men, and arrived on the Potomac in time to participate in the battles of South Mountain and Antietam. He left behind him in the valley one brigade, composed of the 34th and 37th Ohio and the 4th and 9th West Virginia regiments, with a detach- ment of two companies of the 2nd West Virginia cavalry, under the command of Col. Lightburn.

2. With this small force Col. Lightburn had to protect the valley of the Kanawha, and he also had a large amount of gov- ernment property under his charge. The brigade was stationed at different localities from Charleston to Fayette Court House, including the force atChapmansville.

Early in September intelligence was received that Gen. Loring was marching down the valley with an army estimated to have been from eight to ten thousand strong; and Col. Lightburn began to call in the several detachments under his command, and make preparations to retreat, his object being to show a firm front to the enemy, and at the same time avoid a general engagement.

On the 10th of September our command received orders to evacuate Chapmansville and report at Charleston as soon as possible. We were soon on the march, taking with us our provisions and medical stores, and on the morning of the 13th arrived at Brownstown, on the Kanawha. I now learned that Gen. Loring was making a rapid march down the valley. About the 10th his command had reached Fayette, where Col. Sieber, of the 37th Ohio, was encamped. Col. Sieber was in a fort, and had about half a dozen howiters, manned by a detail from his regiment. Here he was attacked by the

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Confederate advance, and some fighting occurred. Col. Light- burn, fearing that he would be surrounded and cut off, ordered hitn to evacuate Fayette and retreat to Charleston. To this order, Col. Sieber replied, in genuine Teutonic style : " Curnelle, I can hold my posish for any length of time." His German blood was up, and he wanted to inflict additional pun- ishment upon his insolent adversary. Lightburn thereupon sent him a peremptory order to come forthwith, and also sent two companies of the Fourth regiment to his assistance, and the retreat commenced. Col. Sieber reached Charleston about noon on the 13th, and, during his retreat, more or less shirmishing took place.

On the morning of the same day. Surgeon Ackley met us at Brownstown, where he procured a small flat boat on which were placed our provisions and hospital supplies. He also brought with him a squad of hospital attendants to assist in taking our supplies to Charleston. The surgeon labored like a private soldier. The river was very shallow, and, for ten miles we had a laborious task rowing and pushing our boat along. We reached Charleston about noon, and six or seven of the hospital attendants were then detailed to take the boat and cargo to Point Pleasant.

3. The tale of rout and disaster is always the same. Intense excitement prevailed in the city. The streets were thronged with people, many of whom were preparing to follow our army, or leave the town, for they feared that the battle of Charleston was about to be fought over their heads. All the government property, for which there was transportation, was now placed on a train, and, about two in the afternoon, the train started in advance for Havenswood on the Ohio river. About one o'clock Col. Lightburn crossed Elk river, and the torch was applied to the government building containing the stores that could not be removed. The bridge across Elk was then destroyed.

Charleston is situated at the confluence of the Kanawha and the Elk, the two rivers forming at their junction very nearly a right angle. A turnpike follows the course of the Kanawha, and crosses the Elk at Charleston. Col. Lightburn, as I now remember, formed his line of battle as follows : The 9th West

THOS. H, BARTON. 85

Virginia regiment was placed near the mouth of Elk, fronting that stream. The 34th Ohio was formed at a right angle with the 9th West Virginia, and fronted the Kanawha. The 4th West Virginia and 37th Ohio were formed near the Elk, east of the pike, their lines extending some distance up that river. Two companies of the 2nd West Virginia cavalry were sta tioned in a barn at a short distance to the rear of the 34th Ohio. Our old smooth-bore gun and Col. Siebert's battery of howitzer's were placed on a small eminence east of the turn- pike.

The confederates opened the engagement from a battery on a hill south of Charleston, our battery replying. The rebels had a parrot gun on the opposite side of the Kanawha. It was now about two in the afternoon. Surgeon Ackley and myself, together with several of the hospital attendants, were on the pike about one hundred yards north of the Elk. Early in the engagemnet I walked near the 9th West Virginia and 34th Ohio, to observe what was going on on the other side of these rivers. The 9th West Virginia were building a breastwork with rails. The rebels were very busy, and in a few minutes I heard the boom of a gun on the opposite side of the Kana- wha, and at the same time saw a red projectile sailing grace- fully through the air, with the usual curvilinear movement. It passed about twelve feet above the 34th Ohio, struck the ground about fifty paces in the rear, rebounded and struck the barn where the cavalry were stationed, burning the barn, but doing no other damage. At this moment an officer (I suppose he was the colonel) stepped to the front, waved his sword, and his clear voice rang out : " Atten-t-i-o-n ! Thirty- fourth Ohio ! By companies, to the rear into line, March ! "

The captains of their respective companies instantly re- peated the command, and the regiment was on its way to the rear. I began to think that this meant business, and also faced about and "marched," being very careful, however, to keep near to the flank of the 34th Ohio. I had rejoined Surgeon Ackley but a few minutes, when another red hot projectile was thrown from the enemy's battery, struck the fence about twenty yards from us, tearing up the fence and burying itself in the ground. We then took shelter behind a

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large oak tree. From this time I had a poor chance for ob- servation, and lost the further action of the 9th West Virginia and 34th Ohio.

The firing from the artillery was rapid for the number of guns engaged. Our old smooth-bore was manned by a detail from the regiment, under the command of a private of com- pany K. He was a native of Sweden, a well drilled soldier, and I regret that I can not give his name, for he was a noble fellow, and stood by his gun till the last moment. One of the gunners was killed, and at this instant, another was about to desert his post, when the Swede turned on him furiously and said : "Comrade, come back and man this gun, or I will blow you through with my revolver." The order was instantly obeyed, and the comrade returned to his duty.

The artillery ceased firing about five o'clock. The 4th West Virginia and 37th Ohio did some skirmishing along Elk River, but did not come to a close engagement, the river being between the contending forces. These regiments held their position till sunset, when they were ordered to retreai. The skirmishing, however, continued till darkness set in, when the enemy fell back to Charleston. Our regiment being spread out to a considerable distance on the skirmish line, caused a detachment of two companies to be left on the field, but dur- ing the night they rejoined the command.

Soon after the first gun was fired, a smoke was seen about half a mile down the Kanawha. This was from the boat con- taining our supplies. Surgeon Ackley's squad of hospital at- tendants had applied the torch to the boat and cargo, and were no doubt, making rapid strides towards Point Pleasant.

Col. Lightburn, together with the officers and soldiers under his command, deserve great praise for their firnmess during this engagement. The enemy, with vasth' superior numbers, did not seem to act with much energy, and appeared satisfied to remain in Charleston, where they could procure plenty of salt for their fresh beef. The Fourth regiment lost six men. Company A had two killed. Company B two, Company C one, and Company E, one killed. I can not give the number of the wounded, and the Confederate loss is unknown.

During the retreat from Fayette, George W Gilliland, of

THOS. H. BARTON. 87

Company C, and three or four others were taken prisoners near Brownstown. They were taken to Libby prison where they remained for several months, and were then exchanged. Comrade Gilliland is a resident of Syracuse, Ohio, anfl at pre- sent a prominent merchant of this place.

Col. Lightburn reached Ravenswood soon after midnignt on the 16th of September. Since leaving Chapmansville, I had been five days on the march, and felt weary and exhausted, and when the army halted in the night, which it did several times. I laid down on the ground and would soon be asleep. On the following morning, I took a leave of absence on my own responsibility — commonly called a '"French," and walked across the country to Chester, where my wife was then resid- ing. I arrived in time for dinner, tired, hungry and footsore, and had a happy reunion with my wife and children, six months absence in the army having created an eager desire to see the loved ones at home. Next day I bid them farewell, spent one night with my brother at Addison, and rejoined the regiment at Point Pleasant.

Col. Lightburn continued his march, and reached Racine on the evening of the 1 6th. Here some of the officers and soldiers of Company E had the pleasure of spending one night at home with their iriends. Next day our regiment marched on board a transport, which took them to Point Pleasant ; the other regiments arrived on the same day, and the army went into camp. Col. Lightburn began to throw up intrenchments, and he was soon afterwards reinforced by two regiments of Gen. Morgan's command, after the retreat from Cumberland Gap.

At this time, the affairs of the government were in a deplor- able condition in Virginia and West Virginia. Three months previous, Gen. McClellan had Richmond beseiged, having in his possession all the northern, eastern, and southern parts of Virginia, leaving the rebels in possession of the south-western parts. Gen. Cox held the whole of western Virginia. But, in the short space of three months the governmerjt was driven to the necessity of acting on the defensive.

Early in October, Gen. Cox returned from the east with his command, and preparatians were immediately commenced for another advance up the Kanawha. He had a divisional drill

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on the southern side of the Kanawha, and it was a grand and imposing affair. This was the first opportunity I had to ob- serve the evolutions of a large army. During our say at Point Pleasant* I was visited by my wife and children, and once more enjoyed the pleasure of a family reunion.

On the 16th of October, Gen. Cox commenced his advance, the 4th West Virginia regiment being in the rear. We had not proceeded naore than a mile or two, when we were over- taken by a physician, who kept a small drug store at Point Pleasant. Surgeon Ackley had used his store as a dispensary, and I had kept a file of the prescriptions, so that the doctor could obtain his pay from the government, provided he was lo3'al. He demanded a voucher for the value of his medicines, but was quietly informed by Surgeon Ackley that he had ex- pressed sentiments of disloyalty, and he was compelled to go away disappointed.

I was now among familiar scenes. When the regiment arrived opposite the Newman residence, I crossed the river, spent half an hour with father and mother Newman, and left my dear Martha's picture with them for safe keeping. This was the last time that I ever saw them. That night, the regi- ment encamped near the old Baptist church that I have men- tioned in a former chapter. I passed the night with William Sullivan ; and, in the morning spent half an hour at the tomb of my wife and child. I heard the loud beat of the drum and the shrill notes of the fife ; but on this balmy autumn morning I had no taste for martial music. My mind was in the past, reviewing those scenes which had once been dear to me, but were never more to return.

Gen. Cox arrived at Charleston on the 20th, but found that the enemy had evacuated that place, and they were no doubt, making rapid strides towards the mountains. After a short stay at Charleston, Gen. Cox resumed his march, our regiment following in the rear, till we reached Gauley Bridge at the junction of the New and Gauley Rivers. Here the Fourth regi- ment went into camp. Surgeons Ackley and Philson had a furnace constructed under the hospital tent. This arrange- ment kept up a regular and uniform heat, and was of great benefit to the sick soldiers,

THOS. H. BARTON. 89

In the latter part of November, Col. Lightburn received or- ders to move his regiment to Fayette Court House. Soon after our arrival, the boys commenced building winter quarters, expecting to spend the winter at this place. But they were doomed to be disappointed. Preparations were being made for a vigorous campaign against Vicksburg, and the regiment was soon to be on its way to the Sunny South.

CHAPTER VI.

THE CAMPAIGN OP VICKSBURG

Vicksburg is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi river, three hundred and ninety-five miles above New Orleans, and seven hundred and thirty-nine below St. Louis. It is dis- tant by water from Cairo about six hundred and thirty miles, and from Memphis nearly four hundred miles. It is also over a hundred miles above Natchez. Vicksburg was of vast im- portance to the enemy as a strategic point. It occupies the first high ground coming to the river below Memphis. From there a railroad runs east connecting with other roads, leading to all points of the Southern States. A railroad also starts from the opposite side of the river, extending west as far as Shreveport, Louisiana. Moreover, Vicksburg was, at this time, the only connection between the parts of the confederacy divided by the Mississippi ; and, while held by the enemy, the free navigation of the river was prevented. The city is on elevated ground and the river just above it, makes a sharp turn to the north-east, rounds a point, and returns on its course south-west, thus forming a tongue of land twelve miles long and one wide, with intersections between Vicksburg and Tuscumbia.

Art was brought to the assistance of nature in order to render the city impregnable. A bluff below the town was surrounded with a fort, and the defences were otherwise formidable. The bank of the river rises gradually for two miles back, and on this curved slope lies the town, imbeded in a natural cradle. Above and below the city, on the sides of the slope, lay the

X8

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batteries. Haines' Bluff, naturally intersected with gullies, lay further to the north, and was also strongly fortified with abattis and felled timber to the width on an average of a mile. At the foot of the bluff the enemy had constructed rifle pits the entire way. Above the rifle pits, and in the face of the bluff, they had erected batteries mounting one gun each all the way along. On the summit of the bluff, earthworks were thrown up, in order to cover the artillery whenever it should be brought into action. Thurf these entire ranges of hills to the north and west of Vicksburg was one complete, bristling fortiflcation, well worthy of being designated — as it was by the Confederates — the "Gibraltar of America."

The history of the campaign of Vicksburg naturally divides itself into four periods. The first, commencing with the com- bined movemeats of Grant and Sherman in November, 1862, terminates when Grant assumed command in person at Youngs Point, January 30th, 1863.

The second opens with Grant's attempt to cut a canal ac-oss the tongue of land opposite Vicksburg, and thus change the channel of the Missisi^ippi. This period embraces the history of the Yazoo Pass, Lake Providence, and Deer creek expedi- tions; the running of the rebel batteries at Port Hudson by Farrngut; the loss of the government ram Queen of the West and the destruction of the gun-boat Indianola. The period terminates on the 16th of April, when the army was concen- trated at Miliken's Bend, j)reparatory to crossing the Missis- sippi at Grand Gulf. The principal events of the first two periods are related in the present chapter.

The third L'eriod, commencing with the movement of the fleet and arn)y down the Mississippi, terminates with the final investment of Vicksburg, May 22d, 1863. It embraces an ac- count of the running of the Confederate batteries at Vicksburg; the movement of the army down the west bank of the Missis- sippi; the crossing of the river at Bruinsburg; the battle of Port Gibson, Raymond, Jackson and Champion's Hill; the forcing of the Big Black river, and the driving of Pemberton within the fortifications of Vicksburg.

The fourth period covers a space of forty three days, and embraces the seige proper, from its investment till the surren-

THOS. H. BARTON. 91

der of the city, July 4th, 1863. The army of the Tennessee, which accomplished this brilliant achievement, consisted of four corps — the 13th commanded by McClernand ; the 15th, under the command of Sherman ; the 16th, commanded by Hurlburt, and the 17th, under the command of McPherson.

On the 2nd of November, 1862, Generals Grant and Sherman planned an expedition against this formidable place. At this time their headquarters was at Memphis, Tennessee. Sherman was to proceed down the river on transports to Vicksburg and attack the rebels in front, and was to be assisted by Gen. Banks from New Orleans, together with Farragut's fleet of gun boats, which was to ascend the river in order to divert the at- tention of the enemy south of Vicksburg ; while Grant himself was to proceed by rail to Jackson City in the rear of Vicks- burg, and draw the enemy from the place. "On the 28th of November, General Hamilton's corps was put in motion for Holly Springs, which point he reached on the following day. The remaining troops followed; and, on the 1st of December, Grant encamped at Lumpkin's Mills, seven miles north of the Tallahatchie river. The enemy, commanded by General Pem- berton, had thrown up extensive works, with a view of defend- ing the passage of the river; but simultaneously with the advance of Hamilton, General Hovey had been detached with a division, seven thousand strong, of General Curtis' troops, from Helena, Arkansas, to cross the river, and make a flank movement upon the Confederate position on the Tallahatchie. Intelligence of this movement caused Van Dorn, who held the Confederate advance, to fall back, and on the 3d he passed through Oxford, his rear guard skirmishing with the Federal advance ; General Pemberton continued his retreat to Grenada under the impression that the combined force under Curtis and Grant, in his front, was very large. Hovey, however, after destroying some property on the railroad, and boats on the river, returned to Helena, when Pemberton immediately assumed the offensive. Grants headquarters were at Oxford, and his chief depot of supplies at Holly Springs, thirty miles north."

Col. Murphy was in command at this place, having a force of about fifteen hundred men, and he also had a large amount

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of army supplies under his charge. Van Dorn tliereupon made a flank movement, reached Holly Springs on the 20th of December, and demanded the surrender of the garrison. Col. Murphy surrendered, without offering any resistance, and almost simultaneously Jackson, Tennessee, Hvimboldt and Trenton were captured by the enemy, the garrisons making their escape. Grant's communications with the North were thus cut off, and the supplies for his army either captured or destroyed.

"Up to this time it had been regarded as an axiom of war that large bodies of troops must operate from a base of sup- plies which they always covered and guarded in all forward movements."' (Grant's Memoirs, Vol. I. p 424. ) Gen. Grant had not yet learned that an ;irmy could subsist in an enemy's country without a base of supplies, otherwise he could have pushed on after Pemberton, and crowded him to the gates of Vicksburg. Instead of this, however, Grant retraced his steps to Holly Springs, and began preparations to return to Mem- phis, leaving Pemberton, who then fell back to Vicksburg.

Meanwhile, Slierman proceeded down the river; and on the 2Gth of December, entered the mouth of the Yazoo river, nine miles above Vicksburg, he being entirely ignorant of Grant's failure in the co-operation plan. He had no means of flanking the formidable works in front of Vicksburg; and, on the 27th, landed his troops just below Haines' Bluff, and formed his line of battle. Pemberton returned to Vicksburg as soon as Grant commenced his retrograde movement, and the combined armies of Price and Pemberton amounted to fifty thousand men, and they had one hundred and sixty pieces of artillery The defenders outnumbered the storming yjarty both in men and guns. Sherman faced his men south, and commenced the desperate attempt of carr^nng this formidable place by storm. Brigade followed brigade over ravines and gullies up the precipitous acclivity to the first line of works ; and when the shades of evening closed in, by almost superhuman exer- tion, had carried the first line of intretichments. Skirmishing continued throughout the 27th, and on the 28th, Sherman, still ignorant of Grant's failure in the rear, ordered a general assault upon the rebel stronghold. At the word of command

THOS. H. BARTON. 93

the men dashed forward with the utmost impetuosity, clearing the rifle-pits on the brow of the center hill on which the city lay. Onward and upward they went until they had cleared the second line of defence, reinforcements coming up to their assistance. But they were met by such a murderous fire from the concealed enemy behind his works, that their efforts were all in vain. Vicksburg could not be taken from the front. The advance brigades were then withdrawn Next day, Sher- man, under a flag of truce, buried his dead. He then retraced his steps, and returned to Young's Point, Louisiana.

Gen. Banks failed to be of any service in this campaign. Sherman had no assistance except the gunboats, and they lailed to silence any of the rebel guns, the hight of the city above the river causing their shot to be thrown over the forts. Although the campaign snded in failure and disaster, yet it was the beginning of a series of operations destined to result in capturing the rebel Gibralter, opening the Mississippi river, and bisecting the Southern Confederacy.

On the 2d of January, 1863, Gen. McClernand arrived at

Young's Point, and being Sherman's senior, was placed in

command. A council of war was held, and it was determined

to reduce Arkansas Post, fifty miles up the Arkansas river.

McClernand waived his right to command, and thereupon

the troops were placed under Sherman, who proceeded with

dispatch, and took the place by storm. The fruits of this

victory were five thousand prisoners and seventeen pieces of

artillery.

*******

I now return to Fayette Court House. About the 15th of December, 1862, the 4th West Virginia, together with the 37th and 47th Ohio regiments, were ordered south. Our regiment was placed in advance, marched to the head of navigation on the Kanawha, and then took passage on a government trans- port for Gallipolis, Ohio.

In September, while the regiment was at Point Pleasant, a merchant tailor of Gallipolis came to me, and I employed him to make me a blue coat, according to the army regulations, agreeing to pay therefor the sum of fifteen dollars, current money of the realm. I hoped that we might go down the

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river unobserved by the tailor, but he was on the lookout, and came on board of our boat with the coat in his hand. The garment was made of excellent material, and fit me nicely, and when I put it on, it made me look like an army officer. I shall have occasion to refer to this coat at a future period of my narrative.

We were soon under way, steaming down the beautiful Ohio, not knowing where we would stop, but thinking Vicksburg, Mississippi, to be our destination. We reached Louisville, Kentucky, on Christmas, but were as yet uncertain whether we would proceed to Vicksburg, or go to Tennessee by rail.

The brigade went into camp at Louisville, and while at this place, several girls, about eighteen or twenty years old, and very poorly clad, came into camp with their arms full of plug tobacco, hailing every soldier they met : " Der yer want some terbaccer? " They did not let me escape, and hailed me in the same way; but I did not buy any of their "terbaccer," because I did not use the weed. It is to be hoped that they met with success, for they needed money to purchase decent cloth- ing.

On the 28th, newsboys came into camp with the morning papers, crying : " Morning papers ! ther's been a battle at Vicksburg." The papers were in great demand among the soldiers, and on reading the news, we learned that Sherman had taken the outer works of Vicksburg, and expected to be able to capture the city. On the SOth, the newsboys again made their appearance, shouting : " Morning papers ! ther's been another battle at Vicksburg." We then sincerely hoped that Sherman had been successful, but to our great surprise and sorrow, we read the sad intelligence that he had been repulsed. Soon afterwards we were again on board a transport, steaming down the Ohio, our destination being Vicksburg.

Traveling on a crowded transport is very disagreeable, and the soldier soon becomes eager to go ashore. Moreover, there is always more or less sickness among the troops, and the discipline of the army is likewise very much impaired.

When the brigade reached Cairo, Illinois, we were met by about eighteen or twenty thousand western troops, and a fleet of shout twenty transports carried the army down the Missis-

THOS. H. BARTON. 95

sippi. The fleet arrived at Memphis in due time, and the troops were disembarked on the opposite side of the river. It was a bright, warm afternoon, and I improved the time viewing the cicv. But during the forepart of the night a hard rain fell, which turned to snow, and in the morning there was a covering of five or six inches of snow on the ground. This was very disagreeable for the soldiers. One man named Ferrell had a congestive chill. I found part of the trunk of a hollow tree which had been hollowed out like a trough, and put him in it to keep him off the ground. Surgeon Philson ordered large doses of quinine, which soon relieved him.

From Memphis to Vicksburg, I performed the duty of army surgeon ; and, for a portion of the time, lost sight of Surgeon Philson. Considerable sickness prevailed on account of the crowded condition of the troops, and the constant use of river water. This caused irritation of the stomach and diarrhea, and large numbers of the soldiers were affected in this way. I had a short and uniform routine in the manner of my examin- ations. I would feel the pulse, count the number of pulsations, look at the tongue, and then inquire of the patient in regard to his appetite, and the condition of his stomach and bowels, and whether or not he was affected with vomiting and diarrhea. Having ascertained the facts, I would act accordingly.

A feeling of relief was felt throughout the army, when the

fleet hove in sight of Vicksburg. About the 20th of January,

1863, the troops were disembarked at Young's Point, and every

officer and soldier stepped on shore with a light heart. They

were free from bondage on the transports. During the first

night, several of the hospital attendants and myself slept on

the levees, which was covered with a heavy layer of grass. We

spread a gum blanket on the dead grass, and over it a woolen

one, covering ourselves with a woolen blanket, and over it a

gum one. This was the best night's sleep I enjoyed for many

months.

*******

The army encamped at Young's Point without any shelter from the heavy rains, except the broad canopy of the heavens. The troops were not allowed tents on account of being within easy range of the rebel batteries on the bluffs above Vicksburg.

96 AtTTOBlOeiRAPHY (ip

Many of the soldiers dug holes in the levee, and covered them with gum blankets, thus living more like wild animals than Union soldiers fighting to maintain the best government on earth. But they bore it patiently, for they knew it to be a dire necessity.

Throughout the winter of 1862-3, the rains had been almost incessant along the lower Mississippi, and the low ground was submerged with water. In consequence ot this, the army was encamped for many miles along the river front. The troops had to occupy the levees and the ground immediately behind, and their camps extended from Young's Point to Lake Provi- dence, seventy miles above Vicksburg.

Gen. Grant arrived at Young's Point on the 29th of January, assumed command of all the troops operating against th,e confederate stronghold, and immediately turned his attention to opening a canal across the tongue of land opposite Vicks- burg. If this could be accomplished, the navigation of the Mississippi would be opened, and Vicksburg left an inland city. In 1862, Gen. Thomas Williams opened a small ditch about ten or twelve feet wide and as many deep, across this neck of land, in hopes that a rise in the river would cut a new channel, and thus open the river to the government transports. Gen. McClernand, after the expedition against Arkansas Post, was ordered by Gen. Halleck to enlarge this ditch, and several thousand men were put to work upon it. At the head of the canal, a large dam was erected to keep the river out until the work could be completed. Gen. Grant now prosecuted the scheme with great vigor, and about five thousand men were em- ployed in its construction. He had, however, very little con- fidence in the success of the plan, for if a new channel could have been opened, it would have been unsafe for navigation, being so near the batteries of Vicksburg. Moreover, at the head of the canal the water of the river had scarcely any current, and there was little chance of its changing the course of the stream. Gen. Grant's idea, however, was to amuse the people of the north with the notion that something was being done; and, at the same time, divert the attention of the rebels. Be- sides, it was better to keep the soldiers employed, than permit them to remain idle in their tents. For two months the news

THOS. H. BARTON. 97

flashed over the wires : "Grant is still digging." The dam at the head of the canal finally gave way, and let the water in be- fore it was completed, and all further operations on it were suspended.

Gen. Grant was aware, from previous operations, that Vicks- burg could not be taken from the front, and that the only way to take the city, would be to cross the Mississippi, attack the enemy in the rear, while, at the same time, the gunboats were to shell the city from the river.

While engaged in constructing the canal at Young's Point, Grant was also devising other plans to open the river. On the 30th of January, Gen. MePherson, who was stationed with his corps at Lake Providence, was ordered to cut the levee at that point. Many predicted that this would make a new channel for the Mississippi through the mouth of Red river just above Port Hudson and four hundred miles below Vicksburg.

Lake Providence is a part of the old bed of the Mississippi, about a mile from the present channel. It is six miles long and has an outlet through Bayou Baxter, Bayou Macon, and the Tonsas, Washita and Red rivers, the last three rivers being navigable streams. A channel was cut from the Mississippi to Lake Providence, and a small steamer of about thirty tons burden, passed into the Lake. An exploring expedition found these waters so obstructed with trees au,d fallen timber, that it would be a herculean task to remove them. Moreover, by this route, the distance from Lake Providence to the mouth of Red river was about four hundred and seventy miles, and the Tensas, Washita and Red rivers being, as has been said, navi- gable streams, would give the rebels an excellent opportunity to obstruct the passage of troops and Government supplies. The canal at Young's Point proved a failure, and this work was also abandoned.

Simultaneously with these operations. Grant planned an expedition with the object of getting in the rear of Vicksburg from the north. He sent Lieutenant-Colonel Wilson of his staff to Helena, Arkansas, with a view, if possible, to open a way through Moon Lake and the old Yazoo Pass. Moon Lake is situated nearly opposite Helena, and a narrow strip of land lies between this lake and the river, a dam or levee having

13

98 ADTOBIOSRAPHY OF

been constructed to keep the waters of the Mississippi from flowing into Moon Lake. This lake connects with the Yazoo Pass, which flows into Cold Water River, and this unites with the Tallahatchie, which in turn flows into the Yallabusha, the two last mentioned rivers forming the Yazoo. Moon Lake is about two hundred and fifty miles from the mouth of the Yazoo River. The Cold Water and the Tallahatchie were formerly navigable streams, but after the construction of the levee between Moon Lake and the Mississippi, these rivers were rendered unnavigable.

On the '2d of February, this dam, or levee, was cut. The water flowed through like a torrent, and soon removed the ob- struction, and flooded the surrounding country. On the 24th General Ross, with a brigade of 4,600 men on transports, and accompanied by two gunboats, passed into Moon Lake. He passed out of this lake into the Cold Water, and then into the Tallahatchie river. "It was a strange spectacle to see these ves- sels threading their way under overarching cypress trees, and plunging into apparently interminable swamps. It was like sailing through a flooded forest, made still more dangerous by the rapid flow of the swollen waters, which the Mississippi sent with headlong fury through this new channel. The paddle wheels instead of being used to propel the vessels, incessantly backed water to prevent their too rapid descent among the gi- gantic trees, whose overhanging branches sometimes swept the decks."

Gen. Ross' progress was necessarily slow, and he would sometimes not advance more than half a mile an hour. Ashe approached the Yazoo, the most difficult part of his task seem- ed accomplished, steaming down the river to the rear of Vieks- burg being an easy task. But the enemy had anticipated his approach, and had erected a fort at the confluence of the Talla- hatchie and Yallabusha, and named it FortPemberton in hon- or of their commander at Vicksburg. It was erected on a small piece of land almost in the form of an island and only about two feet above water at that stage of the river. Infantry were unavailable, in consequence of the surrounding country being submerged with water. Lieutenant Watson Smith was in com- mand of the gunboats, and on the 11th of March, and again on

THOS. H. BARTON. 99

the 13th he attacked Fort Pemberton, but failed to reduce the place. One of the gunboats was disabled. Smith lost six men killed and twenty-five wounded. The Confederate loss was probably less.

Fort Pemberton .vas so little above the water that hopes were entertained that a rise of two feet would drive the enemy out. With this object in view, a second cut was made in the Missis- sippi levee opposite Helena, six miles above the former cut. This, however, failed to accomplis^h the desired result, and Ross, with his fleet, started back. On the 22nd he was met at Yazoo pass by Gen. Quinby with a brigade, and he, being the superior officer, assumed command. Quinby thereupon re- turned with the fleet to Fort Pemberton, and made an inspec- tion, but found that nothing further could be accomplished. The whole force then returned, and this scheme, as well as the others, proved a failure, and had to be abandoned.

The part performed by the Mississippi flotilla in the seige of Vicksburg, and the Steel Bayou or Deer Creek expedition, are graphically described in an article written by W H. Michael, late of the United States navy, and published in the National Tribune, June 28th, 1888. For the closing pages of this chapter, I have drawn my information from Mr. Michael's article.

The fall of Arkansas Post caused the hasty evacuation of St. Charles, on the White river. The enemy escaped on steam- boats, taking with him great guns, and everything of value. But our boats followed so closely that the guns, which he had unloaded at Duvall's Bluff, and was in the act of loading them on the cars for Little Rock, fell into our hands. Our vessels continued the chase as far as was prudent to go. Orders came for the army to return to Vicksburg, when, on the 30th of January, 1863, Grant assumed command in person, and entered upon one of the most wonderful military performances of history.

The tin clads were scattered along the Mississippi between Cairo and the mouth of the Yazoo, ready to co-operate with the army in any movement against Vicksburg. Other tin clads were patroling the Cumberland and Tennessee, and the Ohio between Paducah and Louisville.

Upon Porter's return from Arkansas Post, he ordered the

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ram Queen of the West to run the batteries at Vicksburg and break up communication between that place and the Red River country, from which locality Pemberton's army was drawing its principal supplies. The Queen protected her sides with cotton bales, and started on her perilous mission at 4 : 20 in the morning of February 2nd. With thirty or more guns playing on her, she rammed the rebel ram Vicksburg, which was lying at the wharf, doing her considerable damage. She was struck several times, and the cotton bales set on fire, but without serious damage or loss she accomplished her ex- citing passage.

The Queen now entered upon her work of destroying fiat boats and other crafts used by the enemy in running supplies across the nver. She made several important captures of steamboats, and was in the midst of a most remarkable career of usefulness, when through the rashness of her young com- mander, Ellet, not then twenty years of age, she ventured too far up Red River, and was disabled off Gordon's landing by a battery that was too heavy for her. Unable to move his vessel, and prevented from burning her by having a wounded officer aboard, Ellet escaped with a part of his crew on cotton bales to a prize-steamer lying below. Some of the crew had taken the small boats, and made their escape without their commander's knowledge. Their explanation was that they desired to hurry up the steamer for the removal of the wounded officer. Thus the best ram of the fleet had passed into the hands of the enemy, with nothing but her steam pipe cut. When Ellet got into the Mississippi, he found the powerful iron clad Indianola, which had run the batteries on the 12th, awaiting him with coal and supplies. She had arrived a little too late to curb the impetuosity of the young Ellet and save the squadron from humiliation and loss. The Indianola turned her head up stream with the coal barges in tow, but made very slow progress against the current.

The Queen was hastily repaired by the rebels, and in com- pany with the ram Welsh, started in hot pursuit of Elett's fleeing party. When they entered the Mississippi and found the Indianola, they hurriedly retreated into Red River, where they were joined by two armed cotton clad steamers. Thus

THOS. H. BARTON. 101

reinforced, they returned for the purpose of attack. The In- dianola offered them battle in daylight, but they declined it, preferring to take their chances under cover of darkness, when their antagonist would find it difficult to use her heavy guns to advantage. The fight was carried on for two hours, with spirit and dash on the part of the rams, and with dogged determination on the part of the Indianola. But in the dark- ness the rams had the advantage, and by rapid movements escaped the shots of the iron clad, and succeeded in repeatedly ramming her in the weakest parts till they sank her. Thus two of the best vessels of the squadron passed into the enemy's hands within two weeks, and the river between Vicksburg and Port Hudson was again in their undisturbed possession.

In hopes of caue.ing the enemy to blow up the Indianola, which they were already trying to rai-=;e, a mock monitor, con- structed out of an old mud scow, with barrels for chimneys and mud furnaces, from which poured forth volumes of dense smoke, was sent down. The dummy drew forth from the rebel batteries a most terrific fire, but in dignified and contemptuous silence she floated by. The Queen of the West had come up with pumps to use in raising the Indianola, and when she saw the formidable dummy bearing down on her, she turned and fled percipitately She carried the alarming news to the Welsh, and together they proceeded with all haste for Ked River, leaving the party at work on the Indianola to take care of themselves. They hurriedly placed a couple of the Indi- anola's guns muzzle to muzzle and fired them off, set her upper works on fire, and escaped to the shore.

The dummy accomplished more than was expected of it, and while the ruse caused unbounded fun on our side of the river, the enemy, when he discovered the trick played upon him, could hardly suppress his rage. The newspapers pub- lished in Vicksburg denounced the officers in command of the batteries as consummate stupids, because they "couldn't tell an old scow from a monitor."

The Queen of the West did not venture again into the Mis- sissippi, but went on some mission into the bayous, where she fell in with some of Farragut's vessels, and was destroyed. The Welsh remained very quiet in Red River till the close of

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the war, when she nearly succeeded in escaping into the gulf with a valuable cargo of cotton. The telegraph, however, was swifter than she, and our vessels overhauled her below New Orleans, when her crew ran her ashore and set her on fire.

Farragut, hearing of the loss of the Queen of the West and Indianola, determined to run the batteries at Port Hudson, and if possible recapture them before they could be repaired, and take up a position under the batteries at Vicksburg or Port Hudson. After a hard and most gallant fight with the batteries, in which he sustained severe loss, he succeeded in getting by with the Hartford and Albatross. When he arrived at the wreck of the Indianola, he learned that the dummy had done the work for him, and he proceeded on up to the lower batteries of Vicksburg. He communicated with the squadron above, requesting that a ram be sent him, so that he would be prepared for the Queen of the West and Welsh, should they venture out to attack him. Porter was absent on the Deer Creek expedition, and there was some hesitancy about complying with Farragut's request. Gen. Ellet, how ever, concluded to send the rams Switzerland and Lancaster below though neither vessel was fit to make the venture. The former got through considerably damaged, while the other was so completely riddled that she sunk within range of the enemy's guns. Her crew were compelled to make her escape on cotton bales.

With this force Farragut blockaded the river between Vicks- burg and Port Hudson effectively, and it was never again in l>iissessic)u of the enemy. Vicksburg being thus completely cut off from her main depot of supplies, was greath' weakened, and the event of Grant's success in the reduction of the place, was now only a question of time.

To show the extraordinary character of some of the work done by the gun boats, it is only necessary to give a brief de- scription of what is known as the Steel's Bayou or Deer Creek expedition, which was made under the personal direction of Admiral Porter, when untiring energy, indifference to all kinds of danger, and wonderful resources of genius would have made it successful, if it had been possible to succaed. While this remarkable expedition was being made,'another by vv^ay of the

THOS. H. BARTON. 103

Yaz©o Pass (as already related) was making almost identically the same history

The ironclads Louisville, Carondolet, Mound City, Cincin- nati, Pittsburg, two mortar boats and four tugs, were selected for the expedition. Sherman was to accompany the boats with 10,000 men. Grant had gone with Porter on a tug some miles in the direction the expedition would take, and was hopeful that it might succeed, and Porter admits that he was quite confident that he would be throwing shells into Vicks- burg from the rear within a week. The rains had swollen the Mississippi and Yazoo to an unprecedented hight, and the back water had converted the countrj^ into a vast sea, studded with trees. The average depth of the water was seventeen feet. Great forests had become channels, and whenever open places were found, the vessels could run at good speed. Into this forest sea the fleet plunged, and for many miles enjoyed most novel and comfortable sailing. The animals of the forest that could climb had taken refuge in the immense trees as their only ark of safety, coons, wild cats, mice and reptiles were every where seen clinging to the limbs overhead, and look- ing down in apparent wonder and alarm, at the singular in- trusion. Porter says : "It was a curious sight to see a line of iron clads pushing their way through the long, wide lanes in the woods without touching on either side, though occasionally a rude tree would throw its briarean arms around the smoke stacks of an iron clad or transport, and knock them out of perpendicular. It looked as if the world had suddenly turned topsy-turvy. The situation was so wild and unnatural that I would not have been surprised to have seen a rebel ram lurk- ing somewhere in the bushes ready to spring upon us ; or if one had suddenly slid down a tree and attacked us, it would hardly have added to the novelty of the experience."

The fleet had gone perhaps ten miles when it came to a forestr of very large trees — old monarchs of the woods- — whose branches was so dense that a ray of the sun rarely penetrated them. Here the line of battle was broken. The boats could not squeeze through the trees, and, as a last resort, the experi- ment of ramming them down with the heavy iron clads was tried, and proved successful. In the thoroughly soaked earth the roots gave way, and the boats butted their way through.

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Sherman disembarked his troops on the banks of Cypress Bayou, and gave the pleasing assurance to Porter that the "boats would have a d — 1 of a time getting through," the force of which remark was fully realized ere long. This bayou was a kind of canal between the Big Sunflower and the Yazoo, en- tering into the latter not far from Haine's Bluff. On one side was a high levee protecting finely improved plantations; on the other side was a vast overflow. There was about nine feet of water in the ditch, and the wide ironclads nearly touched each side, Sherman was to follow along the levee, and find no fault with the gunboats if they failed to keep step. But some- how the boats got ahead — kind o' fell out of ranks as it were — and came near being bagged for their want of discipline. A few miles on, several hundred bales of cotton were found piled along the levee. Suddenly they burst into a blaze, and men were seen sneaking from pile to pile with torches setting them' on fire. A truthful contrai)and informed Porter that it would require two days for the cotton to burn up. Rather than wait he gave orders to keep the exposed side of the vessels wet down with hose, and go ahead fast. It was a red-hot under- taking, but the vessels got through slightly scorched and a few men blistered. The darkies lining the bank looked on in utter amazement, but when the advance ironclad crashed through a bridge spanning the ditch, as if it had been made of straw, then exclaimed in concert: "De good Lo'd, what will dem Linkum gunboats do nex I !"

Two more bridges were butted down, when the Cincinnati became entangled in a patch of small willows, which bound her as firmly as the Lilliputians held Gulliver. By cutting under water with jack-knives, and by backing and push- ing the boats got through, only to meet yet other and not less insurmountable obstructions. The ditch got narrower, and the large trees that lined the banks were so near together, that men had to hew down the sides of many of them to allow the boats to squeeze through. Dead limbs would fall down on the skylights and small boats, making a wreck of all. Sometimes rats, mice, squirrels, lizzards and snakes would fall upon the decks, or upon the head of some luckless sailor, who was try- ing to keep the decks clear, and dodge the falling timbers at

THOS. H. BARTON. 105

the same time. An old gray coon fell upon the deck, and al- though stunned by the fall, recovered himself, and fought his way overboard. The boats made eight miles that day, and when they tied up, Sherman was nowhere in sight. Things looked rather discouraging. Pirouetting through the woods with iron clads, tugs and mortar boats, while rich in novelty, was not the kindof cruising Jack Tar would fall in love with. In fact it had already grown tedious and depressing. The boats tied up for the night, and Porter hoped that Sherman would certainly come by daylight. The darkies who were standing about, at sundown, mysteriously and suddenly disappeared. Faint strokes of axes were heard in the dim distance. All was suggestive, and a tug was sent ahead to reconnoitre. She soon discovered that the enemy was "on to the gunboat racket," and had rounded up the darkies, and with pistols and guns to 'their heads was forcing them to plj' the ax in felling trees into and across the ditch. A few shells from a twelve pound howitzer dispersed the choppers, and the tug returned to re- port. The iron clads moved ahead by the light of lanterns, carried by men on the banks. In the morning it was discover- ed that Rolling Fork was not far off, and though Porter felt uneasy because of Sherman's tardiness, he concluded to enter the Rolling Fork in the hope of finding more sea room. The iron clads pushed ahead, and were again bound fast by mil- lions of little willows that seemed to have sprung up in the interest of the Southern Confederacy. While cutting and slashing at these provokingly tough little withes, the enemy, hidden from our view by the dense undergrowth, suddenly opened on the boats with a rifled battery. Sunken down be- tween the banks of the ditch, the guns of the iron clads were utterly useless. Our only defense was the clumsy mortar. Taking the distance by sound, the mortarboats were able to drop a few thirteen inch shells among the enemy with surprising effect. He was silenced for the time being. It was now pain- fully apparent that Sherman was needed by the gunboats.

A darkie who called himselt a telegraph, agreed to take a message back to Sherman for fifty cents. He tucked the folded message into a pocket of his thick "calabash kiver," and darted off. Soon after a steamboat came up the Rolling Fork and

14

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landed below, and as nearly as could be made out, was landing troops, evidently from Vicksburg. A battery of Whitworth guns soon opened on us with shells, which burst over the boats but did no harm so long as the men kept between decks. But somebody had to get out and cut the willows. The mortar boats were again brought into play, and succeeding in silenc- ing the enemy's guns. But he was no sooner silenced in one place than he would open fire from a new position. It was getting decidedly uncomfortable for the navy. A tug went back to hurry Sherman up, but was headed off by the enemy in the rear. Learning this, Porter ordered a retreat. But how could the boats run backward when they could hardly run iorward? The rudders were unshipped, and after much trouble, a backward movement, in the true sense of the term, was be- gun. After a while, the iron clads could use their guns, and the enemy was made to realize the difference between a twelve' pound shell and a hundred pound shrapnell. Thus the strangest of all fights raged until dark. No attack was made on the boats during the night, but next morning, when the enemy seemed about to make another charge, it was noticed that he made a most sudden and inexplicable retreat toward the Rolling Fork. This was soon explained by one of Sher- man's officers riding up, and saying that he guessed the army had come up just about the right time.

When Sherman came up on an old white horse his boys.had captured, he hailed the admiral and said: "Why the deuce did you get into such an ugly scrape? So much for you navy fellows getting out of 3'our element. This is the most infernal expedition I was ever on." He continued : "Who in thunder proposed such a mad scheme? Your gun boats look sick — like half picked geese — but I am ready to go with you anywhere." Porter said that he'd had enough of bush- whacking, and proposed hunting a deeper and more open sea. Besides, it was reasonable to suppose that an enemy as wary as the rebels had proved themselves to be, would make an effort to dam up the mouth of the bayou with cotton, and leave the boats literally wallowing in the mud, or would blow them up with torpedoes. So the boats got out of there as fast as they could bump along. The soldiers, as they marched

THOS. H, BARTON. 107

along, jibed the sailors with such remarks as : "Jack, you'd better stick to the briny !" "How do you like playing turtle, anyway?" "Better let bush-whacking out to old Tecump's boys."

The boats, in a sadly used up condition, finally got out and returned to anchorage above Vicksburg, where they were speedily put in repair.

The other expedition through Yazoo Pass, as already re- lated, returned in much the same condition, neither having accomplished more than to show the enemy and the country that Grants army and Porter's squadron were bound in some way or other to secure possession of the Confederate strong- hold. Grant and Porter shared the opinion ot President Lin- coln, as the latter had expressed it, that "Vicksburg was the backbone of the rebellion, and the key to the situation," and they were determined that this important point should be taken.

CHAPTER VII.

THE CAMPAIGN OF VICKSBURG. — CONTINUED.

The Deer Creek expedition was the fourth attempt to get in the rear of Vicksburg. As I have already related in the pre- ceding chapter, it ended in failure. The original canal scheme was abandoned on the 27th of March. The effort to make a water-way through Lake Providence and the connect- ing baj'ous was also abandoned as wholly impracticable about the same time.

As early as the 4th of February, Grant had written to Gen- eral Halleck concerning the advisability of opening a water course from Youngs Point or Milikin's Bend by the way of Richmond, Louisiana, to New Carthage, twenty-five or thirty miles above Grand Gulf. At Youngs Point and also at Mili- ken's Bend, channels or bayous start, which enter into other bayous, which in turn flow into the Mississippi at New Carth- age. Before the levee was constructed, these channels were much larger than at present, but after the water from the river was shut off, they had grown up with a dense growth of tim-

108 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

ber, which had to be removed before letting in the water from the river. Grant, with his usual untiring energy, commenced opening this passage, and the work was prosecuted with great vigor. The work was continued until the water of the river began to recede, and the road to Richmond, Louisiana, emerged from the water. The levee at the head of the chan- nel was then cut, and a small steamer and a few transports passed through. But the waters of the Mississippi continued to fall very rapidly, and this scheme, as well as the others, proved worthless and had to be abandoned.

^Vhile engaged in these arduous labors, and while endeavor- ing to obtain a foot-hold on the Vicksburg side of the river, Grant was visited by some " distinguished " citizens from the northern states, who did all that lay in their power to induce him to divulge his plans. But the Silent Man kept his own counsel. Some of the northern newspapers accused him of being dilatory, and incompetent to command a large army. Some of them clamored for his removal, and even went so far as to name his successor. Among those mentioned were Hunter, McClellan, McClernand and Fremont. Numbers of these newspapers were sent south' and circulated among the troops of Grant's com- mand.

Under the constitution, the President, in time of war, is

Commander-in-chief of the army and navy, and is responsible

for the selection of commanders. With all the pressure brought

to bear upon them, both President Lincoln and General Hal-

leck stood by Grant till the end of the campaign.

*******

About tlie middle of April, Grnnt commenced concentrating his troops at Miliken's Bend and Young's Point, preparatory to moving liis army belo^v Vicksburg, which move was to crown his long, tedious and discouraging labors with success. He did not communicate his plans to any of his officers, till ready for the contemplated move. Admiral Porter, who was the first officer to whom Grant divulged his scheme, was in command of the Mississippi Flotilla, and his co-operation was necessary to the success of the proposed undertaking. The army, except Sherman's corps, was to move down the river to New Carthage, and Porter, with the gun boats as a convey for

THOS. H. BARTON. 109

the transports, was to run the batteries at Vicksburg, proceed down the river, attack the enemy at Grand Gulf, and, if possi- ble, silence their guns, so that the army could safely cross over; while Sherman, with the fifteenth army corps, was to make a demonstration against Haine's Bluff, divert the atten- tion of the enemy, and prevent him from sending re-inforce- ments to Grand Gulf.

On the 16th, Porter was ready to start on his perilous ex- pedition. He had his vessels well protected with bales of cot- ton, hay and grain, which would be of use to the army, if safe- ly transported past the rebel batteries. On the night of the same day at the hour often, his fleet was ready to move. The flagship Benton was in advance. Then followed the Layfayette with the Price lashed to her side. Next came in succession, the Louisville, Mound City, Pittsburg and Carondolet all being naval vessels. These were followed by the transports, Forrest Queen, Silver Wave, and Henry Clay, each one towing barges loaded with coal. The gunboat Tuscumbia brought up the rear. A terrific cannonade was opened on the fleet, as soon as it was discovered by the enemy, to which Porter replied, and thunder answered thunder from land and water. The rebels had antic- ipated this movement, and had collected a vast amount of combustible material, which was set on fire, making a huge bonfire. Some buildings on the Louisiana side of the river were also set on fire, thereby lighting up the heavens with a lurid glare, and making the broad bosom of the river as bright as day. Two heavy shots struck the Forrest Queen, and she be- came unmanagable, and was taken in tow by a gunboat. "The Henry Clay was struck by a shell, whieh set her barricade of cotton bales on fire, and she soon flamed back to the beacon lights on the shore. Blazing like a mighty torch, she sent her jets of flame, capped with angry wreaths of black curling smoke far up into the midnight heavens." The crew escaped into their boats, and took refuge on the Louisiana shore. The Silver Wave passed through unharmed, and she was the only one of the transports that got through without any damage. The gunboats received no injury worth mentioning. One man was killed and two "wounded.

On the 22d, six steamers towing twelve barges loaded with

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army supplies, ran the batteries, with the loss of one boat, the others being more or less disabled. About half the barges got through safely. Volunteers were called for to man the boats, and more presented themselves than was necessary, and the choice had to be decided by lot. So eager were they to join in the desperate undertaking, that a boy, who had drawn a successful number, was offered one hundred dollars by a soldier for his chance ; but the spirited little fellow refused the offer, and he passed through this terrible gauntlet uninjured.

While Grant was thus concentrating his troops, and bring- ing down his gunboats and transports, with a view of forcing the Mississippi at Grand Gulf, Col. Grierson, by his orders, was making a cavalry raid with three regiments 1,700 strong, and a battery of artillery. He left LaGrange, Tennessee, on the 17th of April, riding in the rear of all the Confederate forces opposing Grant down to Batton Rouge, destroying the rail- roads, burning depots, cars, bridges and large quantities of military supplies. He sent out detachments right and left to destroy telegraphs, magazines and manufactories. In sixteen days he traveled no less than 600 miles, and during the last thirty hours marched eighty miles, fought two skirmishes, de- stroyed a Confederate camp, and captured several prisoners. They were so completely worn out that, on reaching Batton Rouge, three fourths of the men are said to have been asleep in their saddles. They succeeded, for the time being, in effec- tually cutting the communiciations of Vicksburg with the east.

On the 29th of March, Grant ordered McClernand, with his corps of four divisions, to march by way of Richmond, Louis- iana to New Carthage, hoping that he might capture Grand Gulf before the balance of the army could get there. But the roads were mirey, and in such a bad condition, that he made slow progess, being compelled to construct corduroy roads over the swamps, and bridges across the bayous. Four bridges had to be built across bayous, two of them over six hundred feet long, making in all about two thousand feet of bridging. He reached New Carthage on the 6th of April, with one divi- sion of his artillery, but found the place surrounded with water, in consequence of the levee to Bayou Vidal being cut or broken

THOS. H. BARTON. Ill

in several places. He then continued his march to Perkin's Plantation, about ten miles further down the river. On the 17th, Grant visited New Carthage in person. On the next, or the following day, he returned to Miliken's Bend, and, on the 20th, issued his final order for the movement of the army

The Thirteenth army corps, commanded by Major-General John A. McClernand, constituted the left wing. The Fifteenth army corps, Major-General W T. Sherman commanding, con- stituted the right wing; and the Seventeentharmy corps, com- manded by Major-General James B. McPherson, constituted the center. The order of march to New Madrid was from right to left. The troops were required to bivouac, until proper facilities could be afforded for the transportation of camp equipage. One tent was allowed to each company for the pro- tection of rations from rain ; and one wall tent for each regi- mental, brigade and division headquarters. General hospitals for all sick and wounded soldiers were established between Duckport and Miliken's Bend. Transportation was provided for ten days' supply of rations, and commanders were authoriz- ed to collect all beef cattle, corn or other necessary supplies on the line of march; but the wonton destruction of property, the taking of articles useless for military purposes, and the search- ing of houses without proper authority, were positively pro- hibited.

On the 24th, Grant's headquarters were with the ad- vance at Perkins' plantation. A reconnoisance was made with small boats, in order to find a suitable landing above Grand Gulf, but none was found practicable. The army then ad- vanced to Hard Times, twenty miles further down the river, and nearly opposite Grand Gulf, which is about seventy-five milles below Miliken's Bend. McClernand reached Hard Times on the 27th, and he was closely followed by McPherson. Grant then determined to make an attempt to effect a landing on the opposite side of the river. About 10,000 men of McClernand's corps were embarked on transports, with the object of taking Grand Gulf by storm, provided the gunboats succeeded in silencing the rebel guns. At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 29th, Porter attacked this well defended place with eight gunboats, to which the enemy replied with great

112 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

vigor. The battle continued till half past one in the afternoon without silencing any of the Confederate guns. Porter then withdrew his fleet, and the enemy ceased firing. The navy lost, in this engagement, eighteen killed and sixty-five wounded.

Grand Gulf is equally as defensible upon its front as Vicks- burg. It is situated on a high bluff, where the river runs at the very foot of it. The place was strongly fortified by the enemy, and a front attack was not deemed advisable. Porter was thereupon requested to run the batteries with his fleet, and take charge of the transports, all of which would be needed below.

There is a bend in the Mississippi River at Grand Gulf almost similar in form to the one at Vicksburg. At dusk, when concealed from the view of the enemy, McClernand dis- embarked his command on the Louisiana shore, and under cover of darkness the troops marched across the point of land unobserved. The gunboats and transports ran the batteries successfully, and when morning came, the enemy saw Porter's whole fleet three or four miles down the river, and the shore lined with Union soldiers. Grant expected to find a landing at Rodney, about nine miles below, but during the night a colored man came in who informed him that a good landing could be found at Bruinsburg, a few miles above Rodney, from which point there is a good road leading to Port Gibson, some twelve miles in the interior. The information was found to be correct, and the troops were disembarked at Bruinsburg with- out opposition. Grant was now on the eastern side of the Mississippi.

On the 27th, Sherman, who was left in the rear at Young's Point, was ordered to make a feint on Haines' Bluff, in order to distract the attention of the enemy, and prevent him from sending reinforcements to Grand Gulf. On the 29th, he, with ten regiments of infantry and eight gunboats, landed his troops on the old battle ground of the preceeding December, and made every possible demonstration. The infantry were drawn up in line of battle, and the gunboats thundered on the rebel batteries upon the heights. But on the same day that Grant crossed the Mississippi at Bruinsburg, he ordered Sher-

THOS. H. BARTON. 113

men to return as speedily as possible. Sherman immediately embarked his troops and steamed down the Yazoo, and his advance was soon marching down the Louisiana shore to join the main army.

Grant was now in close proximity to the enemy, with a force, when concentrated, of about 35,000 men. The Confederates occupied Haine's Bluff, Vicksburg, Grand Gulf and Jackson with a force of nearly 60,000 effective troops, Jackson is fifty miles east of Vicksburg and is connected with it by a railroad. Grant's first problem was to capture Grand Gulf to use as a base for future operations.

The Union General did not pause to concentrate his army, like an over-prudent commander would have done, for this would have given the Confederates an opportunity to do the same thing. His plan was to push out boldly, and beat the enemy in detail, before his scattered forces could be brought together. Grant stripped his army for the race, and freed it of all incumbrance except arms and amunition and a small supply of rations. He himself was without tent, blanket, over- coat or mess chest.

The army landed at Bruinsburg on the 30th, and on the 1st of May, McClernand advanced into the interior. The bluffs were reached an hour before sunset, and McClernand pushed on, hoping to reach Port Gibson, and save the bridge spanning the Bayou Pierre, before it could be destroyed by the enemy. Port Gibson was also a strategic point of considerable import- ance, it being the starting point of roads leading to Grand Gulf, Jackson and Vicksburg.

McClernand's advance met the enemy at Thompson's plan- tation, about five miles west of Port Gibson, and some skirm- ishing occurred during the night. The Confederates occupied a strong natural position with most of the garrison from Grand Gulf, numbering about 8,000 men, under the command of Gen- eral Bowen, who hoped to hold his position until reinforced by General Loring from Vicksburg ; but Loring did not arrive in time to render much assistance south of Port Gibson. The country in this part of Mississippi is very rough, the roads running along the ridges except when they occasionally pass from one ridge to another. Near the point selected by Bowen

15

114 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

to defend, the road divides taking two ridges, and again unites just outpide the town. Here McClernand had to divide his force, and it was not only divided, but was also separated by a deep ravine between the two ridges, which rendered it diffi- cult if not quite impossible, for one flank to reinforce the other without marching back to the junction of the roads. The divisions of Hovey, Karr and Smith were placed on the right flank, and that of Osterhaus on the left. The latter, as he advanced, became hard pressed by the enemy and sustained a slight repulse. At this critical moment Grant ordered two brigades of Logan's division to his assistance, and Osterhaus was then ordered to renew his front attack. It was successful and unattended by serious loss. Throughout the day, the enemy was pushed back on the right, and when the shades of evening closed in, the troops went into bivouac two miles from Port Gibson.

In this engagement the Union loss was one hundred and thirty killed, seven hundred and eighteen wounded and five missing. We took one thousand prisoners and five pieces of arlillery. the number of the Confederate killed and wounded being unknown.

Early on the following morning our victorious columns marched through Port Gibson, the enemy having retreated in the direction of Raymond, burning the bridge which spanned the South Fork of the Bayou Pierre, Grant immediately began building a bridge across this stream, the work being superin- tended by Col. J. N. Wilson, a member of his staff. The bridge was completed during the night, and on the morning of the 3d of May, the Union forces were in hot pursuit of the retreating enemy. On the same day, McClernand marched eight miles to the North Fork of Bayou Pierre.

Meanwhile, McPherson had crossed the Mississippi, reached Hankinson's ferry on the Big Black River, seized the ferry boat, and sent a detachment of his command across, and several miles on the road to Vicksburg. When the junction of the road leading to Vicksburg with the road from Grand Gulf to Raymond and Jackson was reached, Logan with his division was turned to the left towards Grand Gulf. Grant now learned that the enemy was in full retreat, and had aban- doned his heavy guns and evacuated the place.

THOS. H. BARTON. 115

Up to this time it had been Grant's intention to secure Grand Gulf, as a base of supplies, and detach McClernand's corps to co-operate with Banks in the reduction of Port Hud- son. But while at Grand Gulf, he learned that Banks, who was on the Red River, could not be at Port Hudson before the 10th of May, and then with only 15,000 men. This informa- tion brought about a different plan of campaign from the one originally intended, Grant therefore determined to move independently of Banks, cut loose from his base, destroy the rebel force in rear of Vicksburg, and invest or capture the city.

On the 6th, Sherman crossed the Mississippi with the main part of his command, leaving Blair's division as a guard to the train, and while he was making rapid marches to join the main army. Grant was, at the same time, making demonstra- tions as if about to cross the Big Black River, and attack Vicksburg on the south. This so confused Pemberton that he did not venture to move his army out of Vicksburg to assist the rebel forces at Raymond and Jackson. On the 3d, Hurl- but, who had been left at Memphis, was ordered to send four regiments of his command to Miliken's Bend to relieve Blair's division ; and on the 5th he was ordered to send Lauman's division in addition, the latter to join the main army in the field.

Up to this time Grant had depended mainly for subsistence on the resources of the country, and had pressed into the ser- vice vehicles of every discription, even ox-carts and express wagons, as a means of transportation. On the 6th, the regular train arrived at the front with a supply of hard bread, bacon, salt and coffee ; and having his army well in hand, he was now prepared to move.

Intelligence was received that the Confederates were now moving north to reinforce Pemberton. Grant knew that while he was closing in on the enemy, they were also closing in up- on him, and that he would soon be between two fires. "With the daring of Napoleon, he determined to enact over again that great chieftain's famous Italian campaign, when, with 50,000 men, he attacked in detail and beat an army of a hundred and fifty thousand, and killed and wounded, and took prisoners a

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number equal to his whole force." His success depended on rapid movements and hard fighting ; and having determined to cut loose from his base at Grand Gulf, he informed the com- mander-in-chief at Washington accordingly

During the night of the 6th, McPherson concentrated his troops east of the Big Black, and on the following morning, moved on the road towards Jackson by way of Rocky Springs, Utica and Raymond. That night he and McClernand were both at Rocky Springs, ten miles east of Hankingon's ferry. On the 8th, McClernand moved to Big Sandy, and Sherman marched from Grand Gulf to Hankinson's ferry, while Mc- Pherson advanced to a point a few miles west of Utica. The 10th, Sherman moved to Big Sandy. McPherson to Utica, while McClernand was still at Big Sandy. On the 11th, Mc- Clernand was at Five Mile Creek, Sherman at Auburn and McPherson advanced five miles from Utica On May 12th, both Sherman and McClernand were at Five Mile Creek, and McPherson at Raymond, after a battle at Fourteen Mile Creek some skirmishing occurred, in which the Union force lost tour killed and twenty-four wounded.

Grant's line was now seven miles south of the Vicksburgand Jackson Railroad, and nearly parallel with it. Up to this time, his movements had been made without serious opposi- tion. On the 12th, McClernand's pickets were within two miles of Edward's Station, where the enemy had concentrated a considerable force, under the conimand of General Gregg, of Texas, and he evidently expected the Union army to make an attack, McClernand, however withdrew his advance without an engagement. McPherson encountered the enemy, 5,000 strong, supported by two batteries, about two miles from Ray- mond. This was about two in the afternoon. Logan's divi- sion was in advance, and the Second Ohio Bridade was order- ed to move towards the heavy timber, which concealed the enemy, who opened upon them a destructive fire. The first and third brigades, under Smith and Dennis, were ordered for- ward in support, but could not dislodge the enemy, and were compelled to give ground when the artillery opened upon them. This was replied to by the Eighth Michigan battery. The Confederates then made an attempt to capture this bat-

THOS. H. BARTON. 117

ter3% but were repulsed with heavy loss, and fell back to a posi- tion in the rear of Farnden's Creek. The brigades of Smith and Dennis renewed the attack, but were outflanked by the enemy, and a desperate struggle ensued in which the Union loss was heavy, the 20th Ohio, and 23d Indiana suffering severely. The enemy was now gaining ground, when McPher- son ordered the road in the rear to be cleared of wagons, and the balance of Logan's division and Crocker's, which was still in the rear, to move forward with dispatch. The order was obeyed with alacrity. The opportune arrival of Stevenson's brigade restored the battle, and, ere Crocker could get his com- mand io position, the Confederates were routed and driven from the field.

In this engagement McPherson lost (16 killed, 339 wounded, and 37 missing — nearly all of which were from Logan's divi- sion. The enemy's loss was 100 killed, 305 wounded, and 415 were taken prisoners.

Pemberton was now on Grant's left with a force of nearly 60,000 men, and a force was also collected on his right at Jackson, the point where all the railroads communicating with Vicksburg connect, and it was also the depot for the supply of men and stores for the Confederate army at Vicksburg. Grant now determined to move rapidly towards Jackson, and destroy or drive away any force in that direction, and then turn on Pemberton. On the 18th, McPherson marched to Clinton, fifteen miles west of Jackson, and destroyed the railroad and telegraph, while Sherman, with the exception of Blair's divi- sion, which was still in the rear, moved to Raymond. The divisions of McClernand's command followed Sherman, one division being left on the Big Black to watch Pemberton. On the same day. General Joseph E. Johnston arrived at Jackson from Tennessee, and assumed command of all the rebel forces in that part of Mississippi.

There are two roads leading from Raymond to Jackson. The northern road leads past Clinton, and the direct, or southern one, by the way of Mississippi Springs. Early on the morn- ing of the 14th, McPherson and Sherman were on the march, latter taking the direct route past Mississippi Springs, and these generals arranged to reach Jackson at the same hour. Mc-

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demand's corps was divided. One division moved to Clinton in order to reinforce McPherson ; one to Mississippi Springs to reinforce Sherman, if it should be necessary |to do so, while the third moved to Raymond within supporting distance of either wing of the army.

Grant had notified Halleck that he intended to attack the State capitol on the 14th. A courier carried the dispatch to Cirand Gulf through an unprotected country.

During the preceding night Johnston had been reinforced bv Georgia and South Carolina regiments, and his force amounted to about 11,000 men, and more were expected. The rain had fallen in torrents, and the roads were in a rairey con- dition. This, hdwever, did not discourage the troops. About nine in the forenoon, Crocker, of Mf'Pherson's corps, who was in advance, came upon the enemy's pickets, and speedily drovi' tlu'm in upon the main body Tliev proved to be the troojis under (In-gg, wlio had been driven out of Raymond. Crocker advanced the l)rigades of Holmes and Sanborn, jireceded by a strong skirmish line, and drove the enemy back upon high ground, about two miles from the city. Mc- Pherson followed with the rest of his command, till within reach of the enemy's guns, when he halted, made a reconnoi- sance. and formed his line of battle. While these moves were being made, Sherman also came upon the rebel pickets some distance- out of the town, and speedily drove them in. He was (Minfronted by a Confederate battery, which enfiladed the road and commanded a bridge spanning a stream over whicli lie had to pass. The stream was forced, and the enemy llaid-ccid and driven within the main line. Grant, who was with Sherman, thereupon directed him to send a force to the right, and to reconnoiter as far as Pearl River. This movement, to- gether with McPherson's pressure, no doubt led Johnson to order a retreat, leaving only the men at the guns to retard the Union advance while he was getting away

Grant's loss in this engagement was 41 killed and 249 wounded. The enemy's losses were 845 killed, wounded and captured, and seventeen pieces of artillery. The Confederates also set fire to their magazines, containing a large amount of commissary stores.

THOS. H. BARTON. 119

Grant entered the capital of Mississippi with the head of the army, and rode immediately to the state house, where he was soon followed by Sherman. The troops patrolled the streets, collecting the prisoners at the capitol building. Grant and Sherman went together into a manufactory where tent- cloth, with " C. S. A." woven in each bolt, was being manu- factured. Their presence did not seem to attract the attention of either the manager or operatives, most of whom were girls. Finally Grant told Sherman that he thought they had done work enough, and the operatives were then informed that they could leave, and take with them all the cloth they pould carry away The torch was then applied to the building, which, to- gether with an immense amount of cotton in bales, stacked outside, was destroyed. About four in the afternoon Grant sent fur the corps commanders and directed the disposition to be made of their troops. Sherman was to remain in Jackson long enough to destroy everything that would be of value to the enemy, and break up the place as a railroad center and manufacturing city of military supplies. This work was thoroughly accomplished. Grant slept that night in the room that Johnston is said to have occupied the night before.

General Johnston was probably the ablest officer in the Con- federate service, and he fully recognized the military genius and formidable character of his antagonist, and that Pember- ton, though animated with the best intentions, was wholly in- adequate to the occasion. On the night of the 13th he sent a dispatch to Pemberton, at Edward's Station, ordering him to establish communication, that he might be reinforced, and to come up at once, in the rear of Grant, with all the available troops that could be assembled. This dispatch was sent in triplicate, by different messengers, but one of them was a man who had been ostensibly drummed out of Memphis by Hurlbut as a spy, but who was in fact a spy. and he delivered his copy of Johnston's dispatch to McPherson, who forwarded it to Grant. With characteristic promptness. Grant ordered McPherson to move early in the morning back to Bolton, about twenty miles west of Jackson, and the nearest point where Johnston would reach the road and reinforce Pemberton. He also informed McClernand of the capture of Jackson, and ordered him to

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turn his forces toward Bolton Station, and make all dispatch in getting there. To Blair he gave the same order.

Pemberton expected, by a movement towards Raymond, to cut Grant's line of com'munication, when in fact Grant had cut it himself; his men were carrying their supplies with them, and were hastening with no uncertain steps to form a new base on the Yazoo. On the 15th, Pemberton left Edwards Station for Raymond, while at the same time Grant was mak- ing forced marches westward. The Confederate general, when too late, saw his mistake, and was compelled to order a back- ward movement, and indeed, to attempt to cross Grant's front in order to unite with Johnston. He was caught in the act of so doing, and was thus compelled to fight the battle of Cham- pion's Hill, and had to figlit it alone.

About five o'clock on the morning of the 16th, Grantlearned from two railroad employes win* had passed through Pember- ton s army in tlie night, tliat it ouisisted of alxiut 25,000 men and tiMi batteries of artillery He also learned its position. Up to tliis time it had been his intention to leave Sherman at Jackson another day, in order to complete his work; but on receiving this intelligence Grant sent him an order to move rajiidly to Bolton, and to i)ut one division, with an ammunition train, on the road at once. Within an hour after receiving this order. Steel's division was on the march.

The Confederate position at Champion's Hill was well chosen. Gen. Grant says : " Champion's Hill, where Pember- ton ha<l chosen his position to receive us, whether taken by accident or design, was well selected. It is one of the highest [)oints in that section, and commanded all the ground in range. On the east side of the ridge, which is quite precipitous, is a ravine running first north, then westerly, terminating at Ba- ker's Creek. It was grown up thickly with large trees and undergrowth, making it difficult to penetrate with troops, even when not defended. The ridge occupied by the enemy termin- ated abruptly where the ravine turns westerly. The left of the enemy occupied the north end of the ridge. The Bolton and Edwards Station wagon road turns almost due south at this point, and ascends the ridge, which it follows for about a mile ; then turning west, descends by a gentle declivity to

THOS. H. BARTON. 121-

Baker's Creek, nearly a mile away. On the west side, the slope of the ridge is gradual, and is cultivated from near the summit to the Creek. There was, when we were there, a nar- row belt of timber near the summit west of the road."

From Raymond there is a direct road to Edwards Station some three miles west of Champion's Hill, and there is also one to Bolton. From this latter road there is still another, which leaves it about three and a half miles before reaching Bolton, and leads direct to the same station. Pemberton's lines covered all these roads and faced east. Hovey's line, when it first drove in the Confederate pickets, was formed parallel to that of the enemy, and confronted his left. At an early hour Grant reached the crossing of the Jackson railroad with the road from Raymond to Bolton, and there found Mc- Pherson's advance and his pioneer corps engaged in rebuilding a bridge. The train of Hovey's division was blocking up the road ; he ordered it aside and pushed the troops through. Passing to the front, he found Hovey's division getting into line, and nearly ready for battle. Grant did not wish the en- gagement to begin before he could hear from McClernand, to whom he sent messages to press forward rapidly. Firing, however, commenced, and by eleven o'clock it increased to the dignity of a battle. For some time Hovey's division bore the brunt of the conflict ; and about noon he made a charge and captured a battery, but being hard pressed, was compelled to abandon it. The enemy proving too strong, that division had to be reinforced. Meantime, Logan's divi- sion was working to the enemy's left and rear, and greatly weakening his resistance on the front. Grant had no fear for the issue, for he knew that he would soon be reinforced by McCler- nand. Up to this time his position had been with Hovey, who was the moet heavily pressed ; but about noon he moved with a part of his staff around by the right, until he came up with Logan, who was now in the Confederate rear, and near the road leading down to Bakers Creek. But neither Grant nor Logan knew that they had cut off the retreat of the enemy. Just at this important juncture a messenger came from Hovey, asking for more reinforcements. None could be spared. An order was then given to move McPherson's command by the left

16

122 AUTOBIOGRAPHY (tP

flank around to Hovey. This movement uncovered the rebel line of retreat, which was soon taken advantage of by the Confederates, who fled precipitately

The battle of Champion's Hill lasted about four hours hard fighting, preceded by two or three hours of severe skirmishing, and was fought mainly by Hovey's division of McClernand's corps. Grant had in this battle about 15,C00 men actually en- gaged. His losses were 410 killed, 1,841 wounded, and 187 missing. Hovey alone lost 1,200 killed, wounded and miss- ing— more than one-third of his division. The Confederate losses in killed and wounded were over 3,000, and about the same number were captured in battle and in pursuit. A large iiiiniunt of war material was abandoned by the enemy, and jiiikeil u]> nil tlu' field, among it thirty pieces of artillery Among the Conifderate killed was General Tilghman, who had tdinicrlv di'i'fndiMl Fort Fleni-y He was struck by a fragrant of a shell, and died almost instantly. Had McClernand come u]) \\ith r: asoiiablc jiromptness. or had Grant known the ground as lie afterwards did, his success might have been ivcn greater. As it was, F.oring's divisicm wa.s cut off from the main armv, and failed to reach Vicksburg.

The ])ursuit continued as long as it was light enought to see the roai). 'i'lie night of the 16t.li of May. found McClernand's command l)ivouaia'd from two to six miles west of the battle field, along the line of the road to Vicksburg. On the morn- ing of tlic ITtli, the j)ursuit was continued, with McClernand's corps in ailvance. Sherman, who was at Bolton, was ordered to turn north to Bridgeport. The Confederates were found sti-onglv posied on both sides of the Big Black River. This stream, on its way to the Mississippi, runs due south, after leaving Bridgeport, until it approaches Champion's Hill, when it bends westwardly for a few miles, and then renews it south- erly course. The direct road to Vicksburg crosses the stream after it resumes its southerly course. The Confederates in- trenched themselves on the east bank of the river, hopino- to hold it until their material should have crossed, and they oc- cupied a strong position when McClernand's advance came up with them. At ten o'clock Carr's division assaulted the works, and carried them with little resistance, capturing eigh-

THOS. H. BARTON. 123

teen guns and 1,751 prisoners, comprising Green's Missouri Brigade, and that of General Vaughn. The Federal losses were 39 killed, 237 wounded and three missing — General Oster- haus being among the wounded. Meantime, the main body of the enemy had crossed, and planted batteries so as to com- mand the bridge, which was then destro\'ed. It was now about nine o'clock. Orders were given for the construction of three bridges, as soon as the work could be commenced. Lum- ber was taken from buildings, cotton gins and whatever could be found for this purpose. One bridge was constructed from felled trees, their tops interlacing in the river without being entirely severed from their stumps. By nine o'clock on the morning of the 18th, all the bridges were conipleted, and the troops crossed over.

While Grant was making his dispositions for an assault on the Confederate works, he was approached by an officer from Bank's staff, who presented him with a letter from General Halleck, dated the 11th of May. It had been sent by way of New Orleans to Bank's to be forwarded to Grant. It ordered him to return to Grand Gulf and co-operate from there with Banks against Port Hudson, and then with their combined forces proceed to invest Vicksburg, Grant informed the officer that the order came too late, and that Halleck would not give it now if he knew the situation. The bearer of the dispatch, however, insisted that the order ought to be obeyed, and was giving arguments in support of his views, when loud cheering was heard on the right. Lawler, of Carr's division, was in his shirt sleeves, and leading a charge against the enemy. Grant immediately mounted his horse and rode in the direction of the charge, and saw no more of the officer who delivered the order. There can be no doubt that had Grant obeyed this order, the seige of Vicksburg would have lasted several months longer than it did. No commander can successfully conduct a campaign at the distance of a thousand miles from the field of operations.

Sherman, who had paroled the prisoners taken at Jackson, and left his sick and wounded in tjae care of competent sur- geons, reached Raymond about noon on the 17th where he found Blair with a pontoon train in readiness, A few of the

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enemy were intrenched on the opposite bank, but during the night and early morning a crossing was effected, and a small number of Confederates taken prisoners.

Grant's plans were now fast approaching their consumma- tion. During the night of the 18th, Pemberton's routed troops fell back within the lines of Vicksburg, and with them also entered many planters and their families, who had been living near the city A scene of indescribable confusion prevailed — the cries of youna; children and the lamentations of women beintr mingled with the blasphemous oaths of the soldiers. 'That niii;ht, soon after dark. Grant rode up and had an inter- view with Sherman. The two commanders crossed the bridge, and sputtd themselves on a fallen tree, in the light of a pile of burning fence-rail-, while the eager and swift-marching men (if ihe ir)ih Ciirjis filed \>y them and disappeared in the dark- ness. Crunt had marclied I'OO miles, had fought four battles, taken '.'D L'uns, (•ai)tured (1,000 prisoners — more than all, he had cut off Pemberton s escape. He detailed his plans for the next dav, after which he returned through tiie forest to his own heaihiuarters."

On the following niomini;, when Sherman's troops were within tlitee and a half miles of Vjcksburg, that general turn- ed to the right in order to get possession of the Walnut Hills on the Yazoo Kiver. He obtained tliis position before night, .and communications were thus opened with Porter, who was on the Yazoo, and Mie new base of supplies was secured. Mc- Pherson followed Sherman, and halted where that general turned off. McClernand came up by the Jackson road, filing to his left at Mount Alban's. By these dispositions the three armv cor|>s completed the investment of Vicksburg on the morning of the 19th. Sherman was on the right, overlooking the Yazoo River ; McPherson covered the enemy's centre, while McClernand covered their lefi, his left flank resting close to the Mississippi, a few miles above Warrenton. General Pem- berton, on retiring within his works, felt himself unable to de- fend as long a line as the highths from Vicksburg to Haines' Bluff, and evacuated the latter place before Sherman's arrival.

Johntson had feared for the worse. As soon as he learned of Pemberton's defeat at Champion's Hill, he sent him the fol-

THOS. H. BARTON. 125

lowing dispatch : "If Haines' Bluff be untenable, Vicksburg is of no value ; it cannot be held. If you are invested in it you must ultimately surrender. Instead of losing both troops and place, you must, if possible, save the troops. If not too late, evacuate Vicksburg and. its dependencies forthwith, and march northeast." But it was too late. The Confederate stronghold and the army defending it, were destined to be sur- rendered.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE CAMPAIGN OF VICKSBURG. — CONCLUDED.

Vicksburg is admirably situated for defence on the land side, the adjacent country being a vast plateau, over which a num- ber of small hills seem to have been sown broadcast, these eminences being higher than the city itself. On the northern part of this plateau the hills are higher than on the southern. The approach to these eminences from the east is intersected with deep ravines and gullies, cut by the water ; and in some places these ravines were filled with an impenetrable growth of canebrakes, while the tops of the ridges were covered with a heavy growth of timber. The enemy had his batteries planted on a series of redoubts, so that he could sweep his front and en- filade every commanding position, and if his outer works were carried, he could then fall back to an inner line and still be on higher ground. The Confederate line of defence followed the crest of the hills from the north of the city eastward, then southerly around the Jackson road, about three miles back of the city ; thence in a southwesterly direction to the river. Deep ravines of the description given, lay in front of these de- fences. Grant's line was more than fifteen miles long, extend- ing from Haines' Bluff to Vicksburg, thence to Warrenton ; that of the enemy about seven. To add to all this. Grant had an enemy in the rear at Canton and Jackson, who was constantly being reinforced, which required a second line of defence facing the other way He did not have a sufiicient force to man these

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works. General Halleck, however, appreciated the situation, and forwarded reinforcements as speedily as possible.

Grant's army commenced crossing the Mississippi at Brmns- burg, April 30th. On the 18th of May the army was in the rear of Vicksburg, on the 19th, just twenty days after crossing the river, the city was completely invested, and an assault was about to be made. Five distinct battles, besides almost con- tinuous skirmishing, had been fought and won by the Union arms. The capitol of Mississippi had been taken, and im- mense quantities of military supplies either captured or des- troyed ; over 6,000 prisoners, 27 heavy cannon, and 61 field pieces had fallen into our hands, and 400 miles of the Missis- sippi River rendered free to navigation. Up to this time the whole force which crossed the river was less than 43,000 men, while the Confederates had at Vicksburg, Grand Gulf and Jack- son, and on the line of march between these places, more than 60,000 available troops. All these troops had to be met. They were in their own country, and rear guards were unnecessary. But they were met and conquered in detail ; at Port Gibson, about 8,000; at Raymond, 5,000; at Jackson, near 11,000; at Champion's Hill, 25,000 ; and at the Big Black River about 4,000. Up to this time the Federal losses were 695 killed ; 3,425 wounded, and 259 missing.

These achievements are among the most brilliant military performances in the annals of history, and have cast a halo of glory over the commander of the Union armies.

*******

The Confederates evacuated their position at Haines' Bluff on the 17th. Admiral Porter, speaking of them says : "Such a net-work of forts I never saw." Sherman in a letter to Gen- eral M. L. Smith, discribes the situation and his own satisfac- tion in obtaining possession of it. "As soon as we had fixed things in Jackson, I made good time in reaching the very point above Vicksburg that we had worked so hard and thank- lessly for last January It has fulfilled all my expectations, and we now have high and commanding ground, and haul our stores from our old landing at Chickasaw Bayou. The very roads made by the enemy, which enabled him to mass his troops so promptly before us, are now ours, and answer an

THOS. H. BARTON. 127

admirable purpose. I ride often to the very signal hill from which all our movements were telegraphed, and enjoy an in- ternal satisfaction, that after five months' patient labor and fighting, I can now reciprocate the compliment. We are close upon the enemy ; our artillery reaches every part of the city, which, I am told, has become like a prairie-dog village, all burrowed in the earth."

The Yazoo River was now open, and nothing presented the gunboats passing up that stream. On the 20th, five went up to Yazoo City. Here was an extensive yard for the construction of war-vessels. The Arkansas was built at this place. The Mobile was ready for her plating ; the Republic was fitting for a ram with armor of railroad iron ; on the stocks there was a new steamer 310 feet long and 70 feet beam. She was to be plated with four and a half inch iron. These, together with the ma- chine shops and other establishments, were destroyed. *******

Early on the morning of the 19th, Grant opened up an artil- lery fire at long range, which was feebly responded to by the enemy, while, at the same time, heavy skirmishing was kept up by the infantry. Osterhaup, who was on the extreme left, advanced within about six hundred yards of the rebel position, where he found himself confronted by fifteen redoubts, from which the artillery opened up a heavy fire on his exposed ranks. At two o'clock in the afternoon. Grant ordered a general advance on the Confederate intrenchments. Incon- sequence of the officer's watches not being set alike, the three corps did not advance at the same time. The assault, however, resulted in securing more advanced positions for all the troops, where they were fully covered from the fire of the enemy.

The 20th, and 21st, were spent in making roads to the Yazoo River, and in strengthening the Federal position. A large portion of the army had now been for three weeks with only five days rations issued by the commissary. Food was abun- dant, but the troops began to feel the want of bread. While making his rounds on the 21st, a soldier who recognized Grant, remarked in a low voice; "Hard Tack." In a moment the cry was taken up all along the line : "Hard Tack ! Hard

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Tack!" The general then informed those nearest him that their wants would soon be supplied, when the cry was instant- ly changed to cheers.

Grant now determined on a second assault. Johnston was in his rear, only fifty miles away, with an army very nearly equal to his own, and the Confederate general was being rein- forced. There was danger of his coming to the assistance of Pemberton, and either raising the seige, or preventing the cap- ture of the garrison. Moreover, the enemy had been much de- moralized by his defeats at Champion's Hill and the Big Black, and the troops believed that they could carry the works in their front, and did not relish the idea of working in trenches, unless they were permitted to try.

The assault was ordered to commence at ten in the forenoon of the '2"2d. Grant ordered the corps commanders to set their watches by his, so that they should all move promptly at the same moment. He took a position near the center of the front, from which he could see all of .McPherson's, a part of Sher- man's, and McClernatul's advancing columns. From the whole Union line the artillery opened up aterrificfire, which seemed to shake the hills to their foundations, while the infan- try sprang forward with a resolute determination to carry the inticnchmiMits. On the right, Thayer's brigade of Steel's divi- sion was the first to encounter tlie enemy. Blair's division, to the left (^f Thayer, came up about the same time, and were met at ev(^ry point by overwhelming numbers of unseen foes, with nothing in view but volumes of dense and curling smoke. Some of the advance regiments reached the parapet at several points, and succeeded in planting the stars and stripes on the rebel works, but were quickly driven off. McPherson, who was in the center, moved his corps up to the intrenchments, and part of his advance reached the parapet. Here they were met by overwhelming numbers, and were compelled to abandon the prize before them. On the left, the divisions of Carr and Oster- haus were in the advance. These troops moved forward with undaunted courage, and a few succeeded in planting their flags on the outer slopes of the bastions, and a desperate struggle ensued, but the position was too strong to be taken by assault. McClernand now reported that he had gained the enemy's in-

THOS. H. BARTON. 129

trenchments at several points, and wanted reinforcements His request was repeated, and Qainby's division of the 17th corps was sent to his assistance. Sherman and McPherson were ordered to renew their assaults in order to create a diversion in favor of McClernand. This last attack only served to in- crease the Federal casualities, without resulting in any advan- tage. In this engagement Grant lost about 3,000 me-n, -one third of them through the renewal of the attack at McCler- nand's request. The Confederate loss was more than 1,000. Porter aided the assault by keeping up a bombardment with his mortar boats, and by sending four gunboats to silence both the water and hill batteries. They engaged the water batteries at a distance of four hundred yards, but so great was the noise and smoke that Porter neither heard nor saw anything of the battle that was going on in the rear. After four hours hard fighting, Grant fell back, and when night came on those troops that had reached the enemy's line and been compelled to remain there for security all day, were with- drawn, and thus ended the last assault upon Vicksburg.

McClernand overestimated his advantage in this engage- ment. A few weeks afterwards he published a letter of con- gratulation, which he caused to be read to his corps, recapit- ulating the services they had rendered. This letter was read by the soldiers of the other commands, and Sherman and McPherson immediately informed Grant of its contents, who thereupon dismissed McClernand from the service, and ap- pointed General Ord in his stead.

Pemberton, who felt much elated over the victories of the 19th and 22nd, addressed his troops as follows: "You have heard that I was incompetent, and a traitor, and that it was my intention to sell Vicksburg. Follow me, and you will see the cost at which I will sell Vicksburg. When the last pound of beef, bacon and flour, the last grain of corn, the last cow, and hog, and horse, and dog, shall have been con- sumed, and the last man shall have perished in the trenches,

then, and only then, will I sell Vicksburg."

*******

We now approach the last act of the grand drama of the campaign of Vicksburg. Immediately after the disasterous

17

130 AUTOBIOeRAPHY OF

repulse of the 22nd, Grant sat down to the tedious operation of a siegje. In the interval between the assaults of the 19th and 22nd, roads were completed from the Yazoo River and Chickasaw Baj'ou, around the rear of the army, in order to bring up supplies of food and ammunition. Ground had also been selected and cleared, on which the troops were to be en- camped, tents and cooking utensils were brought up, and all was now ready for the pick and spade. Hurlbut and Prentiss were ordered to send forward all the troops that could be spared from their commands. A force of cavalry was also needed to guard the fords of the Big Black, and to observe, Johnston. Bragg was confronting Rosecrans in Tennessee, but was sending reinforcements to Johnston, and the Confed- erates were making the most strenuous efforts to raise the siege, even at the risk of losing ground elsewhere.

At the beginning of the siege, Grant was deficient in heavy siege guns and mortars. Porter sent him a battery of heavy naval guns. Some of the engineers took pieces of the tough- est timber, bored them out and hooped them firmly with bands of iron. They were used for throwing six and twelve pound shells into the city. By the latter part of June there were about 250 pieces of artillery in position.

From the commencement, Grant pushed, the siege with vigor. He immediately began his parallels of approach, and mounted his siege guns about 500 or 600 yards from the rebel works. As soon as one parallel was completed he advanced his army, livery week found his soldiers nearer the doomed city, and in in one month's time from the beginning of the siege, he had a line of works along his whole front, so close to the enemy that the opposing troops could converse with each other, and make exchanges of bread for tobacco.

The besiegers had the great advantage of being sheltered from the hot sun by the woods, and many springs of excellent water were found in the ravines. Besides the investing line on the land side of Vicksburg, extending from Haines' Bluff to Warrenton, they had a line of infantry on the other side of the Mississippi, across the peninsula which the city over- looks ; there were gunboats both above and below, and there were in addition six 13-inch mortars and two 200-pound parrot guns mounted on rafts.

THOS. H. BARTON. 131

At the investment of Vicksburg Grant's army was about 30,000 strong. General Halleck, when informed of the situa- tion, sent him all the reinforcements from other places that could be spared. On June 3d a brigade arrived from Hurlbut's corps under the command of General Kimbal, and were sent to Mechanicsburg, between Haines' Bluff and the Big Black River. On the 8th a whole division of Hurlbut's command arrived under Gen. Souy Smith, and was at once sent to Haines' Bluff, and Gen. C. C. Washburn was placed in com- mand at that place. Gen. Herron reached Vicksburg on the 11th, with a division from the department of the Missouri, and his force was stationed on the left near Warrenton, so as to cut effectually all cummunication between Pemberton and Johnston. Herron's intrenchment^; extended to the edge of the water of the Mississippi. On the 14th, General Park arrived wirh two divisions from Burnside's corps, and was ordered to Haines' Bluff. The besieging army now numbered about 70,000 men.

Johnston, as has been stated, was at Jackson, and was being reinforced. This caused Grant some uneasiness. He knew the importance of Vicksburg to the Confederate government, and that the capture of this stronghold would l<^ad to the fall of Port Hudson, and the opening of the Mississippi to the Union. He knew that Johnston would do all that lay in his power to relieve Pemberton and save Vicksburg. Grant there- fore strongly fortified Haines' Bluff on the east side, and from there erected a chain of fortifications to the Big Black River. He also erected strong posts at the crossing of the railroad over that stream.

On the 26th of May, Blair's division was sent up the Yazoo River to repel a rebel force supposed to be in that locality, and to take all the food and forage that could be found. Blair returned in one week with a large supply of forage and provis- ions, and a number of cattle was also brought in for the use of the army.

On the 7th of June, a Confederate force, about 3,000 strong, under the command of Gen. McCulloch, of Gen. Richard Tay- lor's command, attempted to surprise the garrison at Young's Point and Miliken's Bend. The force at Young's Point num-

132 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

bered 500 men ; that at Miliken's Bend consisted of a brigade of colored troops, and a few companies of the 22d Iowa regi- ment. A part of the enemy appeared at Young's Point in broad daylight, but seeing a gun-boat hastily retreated. "The other Confederate force under McCuUoch reached its destina- tion before daylight, drove in the pickets, and in a hand to hand fight forced the colored and white troops back to the river bank, where they found shelter and safety under the guns of the Choctaw. The fire of the heavy guns of these vessels was so terrific that the enemy, though flushed with victory and drunken with rage at the colored troop?, withdrew in confu- sion. In view of Gen. Taylor's suggestive report that, 'unfor- tunately some -50 negroes had been taken prisoners' it may be inferred that had the gun-boat not been there to drive off Mc- Culloch's savage soldiers, the colored troops would have fared as they subsequently did at Fort Pillow at the hands of Forest and his murderous fiends." Grant immediately sent over Mower's brigade to their assistance.

On the -2d, Grant received positive information that Johns- ton had crossed the Big Black River, with the intention of making an attack in the rear, in order to relieve Pemberton. Sherman was thereupon placed in command of all the troops in the rear, having a force of upwards of 30,000 men. Grant's army was now strong enough to take the offensive against Johnston, and still be able to hold Pemberton in Vicksburg ; but he concluded that it would be policy to first dispose of Pemberton, and then turn on Johnston and drive him from the state. Pemberton put his soldiers on half rations, and by the latter part of this month provisions had become scarce, and the inhabitants grew thin and pale in their narrow dens. The soldiers limbs became stiffened and swolleji for want of exercise, by lying so long in the trenches, and begged their commander to surrender the city. Grant pushed the siege with all the en- ergy that characterized him. The land batteries daily kept playing on the devoted citadel, while Porter on the front, day and night kept up a continuous bombardment, his 13-inch shells crashing through the buildings, or dropping in the streets, forced the inhabitants to seek shelter in caves dug in the earth. It is affirmed that as many as twenty-five persons found shelter in a single one of these caverns.

THOS. H. BARTON. 133

On the 22d, information was received that Pemberton had men engaged in building boats, with the intention of making his escape with the garrison to the opposite side of the river. Grant immediately informed Porter of the contermplated move, and the admiral renewed his vigilance on the Mississppi. A large quantity of combustible material was collected on the Louisiana shore, ready to be ignited had Pemberton made the attempt.

Grant continued the siege with unabated vigor. At three points on the Jackson road, in front of Ransom's brigade, a sap was run up to the Confederate parapet, and by the 25th of June it was undermined, and the mine charged; the enemy had countermined, but failed to reach the Union mine. At three o'clock on that day^ all being ready, the mine was ex- ploded, while at the same time, Grant opened up a heavy ar- tillery fire alonghis whole line. A terrific explosion took place and the miners were blown in all directions, some of them coming down on the Federal side, still alive. Among these was a colored man, who had been underground at work when the explosion occurred, and was thrown within Grant's lines. He was not seriously injured but terribly frightened. On be- ing asked how far he had gone up, replied : "Dun no, massa, but t'ink 'bout t'ree mile." He was taken to General Logan's quarters, where he did service till the end of the siege.

The effect of this explosion was to blow the top of the hill off, and make a crater where it stood, but the breach was not sufficient to enable a column of attack to pass through. Two regiments entered the chasm, from which a desperate effort was made to expel them, but they held their position. The main part of the enemy retreated before the explosion took place to an inner line on higher ground. From here, however, they threw down hand-grenades, which did some execution. The enemy could lay their grenades on the parapets, and roll them down upon the Union troops, while the latter had to throw theirs to a considerable hight in order to reach the Confederates. They also threw down shells with the fuses lit into the midst of the unprotected ranks. The assaulting force finally withdrew, and left the chasm in possession of the enemy. Grant's loss in this affair was about thirty killed and svounded.

134 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

On the 1st of July, another mine was exploded to the right of the Jackson road, destroying an entire tebel redan, killing and wounding a number of its occupants, and leaving an im- mense chasm where it stood. Grant did not make a second attack, his experience of the 25th, admonished him of the dan- ger attending such an assault. He sustained no loss in this ex- plosion, and the loss on each side in both explosions was pro- bably about equal. From this time forward the work of min- ing, and pushing the Federal position was vigorously prose- cuted, and Grant now determined to run a number of mines, and have them ready by the Gth, explode them all at the same time, and make an assault immediatelv after. At three points, one in front of each corps, the contending forces were only divided liy the parapet. By the 1st pf July, the Federal ap- proaches had reached the enemy's ditch at a number of places. At ten points they were now within from five to one hundred yards of the Confederates, and orders were given to make all pie])arati(ins for a final assault on the 6th of July

In the meantime, Pemberton managed to keep.up a corres- ])ondence with the rebel government. He was assured by Jefferson Davis that Johnston would receive reinforcements sufficient to raise the seige. In his dire extremity, he vainly cast his eyes towards the east to catch some tidings of John- ston's approach. He felt as if he was forsaken l)v his own government. For food and ammunition he was reduced to the last extremity He had a powerful fleet guarding every point on his river front, and an army in his rear commanded by one of the most consumate generals of modern times. On the 1st of Julv- he seeing no hope of outside relief, addressed the fol- lowing letter to each of his four division commanders :

"Unless the seige of Vicksburg is raised, or supplies are thrown in, it will be necessary very shortly to evacuate the place. I see no prospect of the former, and there are many great, if not insuperable obstacles in the way of the latter. You are, therefore, requested to inform me with as little delay as possible, as to the condition of your troops and their ability to make the marches and undergo the fatigues necessary to ac- complish a successful evacuation."

Two of his generals suggested surrender, and the other two

THOS. H. BARTON. 135

practically acquiesced. It was conceded that an attempt to evacuate would fail. On the 3d about ten in the forenoon, white flags appeared on a part of the Confederate works and hostilities immediately ceased along that part of the line. On the same day. General Bowen, under a flag of truce, brought a sealed dispatch for General Grant, proposing to surrender, and the following correspondence took place :

Headquarters, Vicksburg, \ July 3d, 1863. /

"Major-General Grant, Commanding United States, Forces : "General: — I have the honor to propose an armistice for

hours, with the view to arranging terms for the capitulation of Vicks- burg, To this end if agreeable to you, I will appoint three commis- sioners to meet a lilse number to be nannd by yourself, at such place and hour to-day as you may find convenient. I Tiiake this proposi- tion to save the further effusion of blood, « hich must otherwise be shed to a frightful extent, feeling myself fully able to maintain my position for a yet indefinite period. This communication will be handed you under a flag of truce, by ^Major-General John S. Bowen. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"J, C Pembbbton."

To this General Grant replied as follows :

"Headquarters, Department of Tennessee, In the Field, near Vicksburg, July 3d, 1863.

"LiEUTENANT-GsNERii L J C. Pemberton, Commanding Confeder- ate Forces &r. "General :— Your note of this date, just received, proposing an armistice for several hour.s, for the purpose of arranging terms of capi- tulation through commissioners, to be appointed, etc. The useless effusion of blood you propose stopping by this course can be ended at any time you may choose, by the unconditional surrender of the city and garrison. Men who have shown so much endurance and courage as those now in Vicksburg, will always challenge the respect of an adversary, and I can assure you will be treated with all the respect due to prisoners of war. I do not favor the proposition of appointing commissioners to arrange the terms of capitulation, because I have no terms other than those indicated above.

"I am General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"U S Grant, Major-General."

General Bowen also suggested that Grant and Pemberton

136 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

should have a personal interview To this Grant sent a verbal message stating that, if Pemberton desired it, he would meet him in front of McPherson's corps at three o'clock that after- noon. This interview took place at the appointed time, but no terms could be extorted from Grant other than those con- tained in his reply to Pemberton's letter, and the conference ended; he, however agreeing by ten o'clock that night to send another letter, containing his final terms of capitulation. His ultimatum was as follows :

"Headquarters DEPART:\rENT of Tennessee, \ "Near Vicksburg, July 3d, 1863. J

"Lieutenant-General J. <\ Pembektos, Commanding Confeder- ate Forces, Vicksburg, Mississippi:

"Gexeral: — 111 couforiuity with agreement of this afternoon, I will submit the following proposition for the surrender of the city of Vicksburg, public stores, etc. On your accepting the terms proposed, I will march iu one division as a guard, and take i)ossession at eight A. M. to-morrow. As soon as rolls can be made out, and paroles be signed by officers and men, you will be allowed to march out of our lines, the offlcers taking with tht^m their side-arms and clothing, and the field, staff and cavalry offlcers one horse each. The rank and file will be allowed all their clothing, liut no other property.

If these conditions are accepted, any amount of rations you may deem necessary can be taken from the st(jrts you now have, and also the necessary cooking utensils for prep (ring them. Thirty wagons also, counting two two-horse or mule teams as one, will be allowed to transpoi-t such articles as cannot be carried along. The .same con- ditions will be allowed to all sick and wounded officers and soldiers as fast as tliey become able to travel. The paroles for these latter must be signed, however, whilst officers present are authorized to sign the roll of prisoners,

"I am, General, very respectfully, your (»bedient servant,

"U. S. Grant, Major Gmcral."

General Pemberton''s reply was as follows :

"Headquarters, Vicksburg, ~| July 3d, 1863. /

"Major General Grant, Commanding United States Forces:

"General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your

comraunicatiou of this date, proposing terms of capitulation for this

garrison and post. In the main your terms are accepted; but in

justice both to the honor and spirit of my troops, manifested in the

THOS. H. BARTON. 137

defence of Vicksburg, I have to submit the following amendments, which, if accepted to by you, will perfect the agreement between us. At ten o'clock A. M. to-morrow, I propose to evacuate the works in and ftround Vicksburg, aud to surrender the city and garrison under my command, by marching out with my colors and arms, stacking them in front of my present lines. After which you will take pos- session. Officers to retain 'uheir side-arms and personal property, and the rights and property of citizens to be respected,

"I am. General, yours very respectfully,

"J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-Oeneral.''^

General Grant immediately replied as follows :

"Headquarters, Department op Tennessee, ) Eepore Vicksburg, July 4th, 1863. j

"Lieutenant-GeneraIj Pemberton, Commandhuj Forces in Vicksburg: ''General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of 3d July. 'I'he amendment proposed by you cannot be acceded to in full. It will be necessary to furnish every officer and man with a parole signed by himself, which, with the completion of the roll of prisoneis, will necessarily take sometime. Again, I can make no stipulations with regard to the treatment of citizens and their private property. While I do not propose to cause them any undue annoyance or loss, I cannot consent to leave myself under any restraint by stipulations. The property which officers will be allowed to take with them will be as stated in my proposition of last evening; that is, officers will be allowed their private baggage and side-arms, and mounted officers one horse each If you .mean by your proposition for each brigade to mai ch to the front of the lines now occupied by it, and stack arms at ten o'clock A. M. and then return to the inside and there remain as prisoners until prop- erly paroled, I will make no objection to it. Should no notification be received of your acceptance of my terms by nine o'clock a. m., I shall regard them as having been rejected, and shall act accordingly. Bhould these terms be accepted, white flags should be displayed along your lines to prevent such of my troops as may not have been notified from firing upon your men.

"I am. General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, "U. S. Grant, Major General, U. S. A."

To this the subjoined answer was received :

"Headquarters, Vicksburg, 1 July 4th, 1863. f

"Majob-Genbral U. S. Grant, Commanding United States

Forces:

18

138 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

"General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your comnriunication of this date, and in reply, to say that the terms pro- posed by you are accepted,

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant QeneraV

*******

General Pemberton, in his report, says :

"If it should be asked why the 4th of July was selected as the day for surrender, the answer is obvious : I believed that upon that day I should obtain better terms. Well aware of the vanity of our foe, I knew they would attach vast import- ance to the entrance on the 4th of July into the stronghold of the great river, and that, to gratify their national vanity they would vJeld then what could not be extorted from them at any

other time.''

********

On the 4th of July, Gen. Holmes, with a force of about 10,000 men of the trans-Mississippi command, made an attack on Helena, Arkansas. He was totally defeated \)\ Gen. Pren- tiss, who was in command at Helena with less than 4,200 men. Holmes reported his loss at 1,636, of which 173 were killed. The Federal loss was 57 killed, 127 wounded and between 30 and 40 missing. This was the last effort of the Confederates to -aise the siege of Vicksburg.

Pemberton, having accepted the terms of capitulation, the garrison of Vicksburg marched out of their works at the appointed time, formed line in front, stacked their arms and marched back as prisoners of war. This scene was witnessed by the whole Union army without cheering. Logan's division was the first to enter the city, and the flag of one of the regi- ments of his division soon floated over the court house. The prisoners were kindly treated, and the Union soldiers were no sooner within the lines than the two armies began to fraternize. Bread was given to the hungry Confederates by those who were so recently engaged in starving them out.

On the afternoon of the 4th, Grant sent Captain Wm. M. Dunn, of his staff, to Cairo, the nearest point where the tele- graph could be reached, with a dispatch to Gen. Halleck. It read as follows :

THOS. H. BARTON. 139

'' The enemy surrendered this morning. The only terms

allowed is their parole as prisoners of war. This I regard as

a great advantage to us at this moment. It saves probably

several days in the capture, and leaves troops and transports

ready for immediate service. Sherman, with a large force,

moves immediately on Johnston, to drive him from the state.

I will send troops to the relief of Banks, and return the 9th

army corps to Burnside."

********

Pemberton and his army were kept in Vicksburg until the whole could be paroled. By the llth, just one week after the surrender, the paroles were completed, and the Confederate garrison marched out. The paroles were in duplicate, and signed by the commanding officers of the companies and regiments, and also b}' each individual soldier, one being re- tained by the soldier signing and the other by the Federal authorities. Hundreds refused to sign their paroles, prefer- ring to be sent to the north as prisoners to being sent back to the rebel army. During the siege a large number of them voluntarily came into the Union lines, and requested to be sent north, wliere they could find employment till the war was over and they could go to their several homes. Many deserted and comparatively few ever returned to the Confederate ser- vice. There was great anxiety among the officers to carry off their negroes under the title of personal property, but it was positively forbidden by Grant.

If it may be asked why Grant did not insist upon an uncon- ditional surrender, the ans'ver is obvious: According to the terms of the cartri then in force, prisoners captured by either armv were required to be forwarded as speedily as possible to either Aiken's Landing, on the James River, or to Vicks- burg, there to be exchanged, or to be paroled until they could be exchanged. A Confederate officer was then at Vicksburg. having full authority to make the exchange. Had Grant insisted upon an unconditional surrender, these pris- oners would have had to be transported to Cairo, and thence by rail to Baltimore or Washington, thence again by steamer to Aiken's Landing— all at very great expense. Here they would have been paroled, because the Confederates did not

140 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

have prisoners to give in exchange. Moreover, Pemberton's army was largely composed of men whose homes were in the southwest, and it was believed that many of them were tired of the war, and were anxious to return to the peaceful avo- cations of life.

Vicksburg was riddled with shot and shell, nearly every house in the city being shot through. Some had a corner blown off, and of manj- the walls were bulged. There were large craters in the streets, where ihe 13 inch shells had burst, the pillars of the piazzas were split in pieces. It is said that there was not a whole pane of glaes within five miles. About 300 houses were occupied as hospitals. The inhabitants literal- ly buried themselves in the ground, to avoid destruction from the iron hail above and around them.

The result of the campaign of Vicksburg, as summed up by General Grant was : ''The defeat of the enemy in five battles outside of Vickyburg ; the occupation of Jackson, the capitol of the State of Missis'sippi ; and the capture of Vicksburg, its gar- rison, and munitions of war; a loss to the enemy of 37,000 prisoners, among whom were 15 general officers ; at least 10,000 killed and wounded, and among the killed Generals Tracy. Tilghmiin, and Green; and hundreds, perhaps thousands of stragglers, who can never be collected and reorganized. Arms and munitions of war for an army of 60,000 men have fallen into our hands, besides a large amount of other ]mblic property consisting of railroads, locomotives, cars, steamboats, cotton, etc. ; and much was destroyed to prevent our capturing it." 31,000 ))risoners, 173 cannons, and about (JU,000 muskets fell into his hands at Vicksburg; Giiint's tt)tal loss'in the campaign was 8,073, of which 943 were killed.

Much credit is due to Admiral Porter and the marines under his command for their untiring vigilance, day and night, dur- ing this memorable seige. No less than 16,000 shells were thrown into the city by the navy- The gunboat Cincinnati, while engaging the hill batteries, was struck by a shell and totally disabled, and finally sunk. Five were killed, fourteen wounded and fifteen drowned.

When General Gardner, who was holding Port Hudson, learn- ed that Pemberton had surrendered to Grant, he immediately

THOS. H. BARTON. 141

surrendered to General Banks. The Mississippi was now open from Cairo to its mouth, and the so-called Confederate States of America severed in twain. This great water-way ever after remained in possession of the Government.

\^icksburg and Pemberton secured, Grant immediately faced eastward to confront JohnsLon, and drive him from the state. At two in the afternoon of the fourth, his columns were on the march. Sherman had been given a detached command, con- sisting of the troops at Haines' Bluff, and a division from each, of the 13th, 15th, and 17th, Corps, and Lauman's division. Johnston's army numbered about 24,000 men. Late in June he had marched towards the Big Black, intending to make an attack on Grant from the south ; but, on learning of the fall of Vicksburg, he fell back to Jackson, reached that place about the 9th of July, and placed the divisions of Loring, Walker French, and Breckinridge so as to cover the city on the ap- proach of Sherman. On the same day, Sherman appeared before it, having marched fifty miles through a country almost destitute of water. He had nearly 60,000 men and 100 guns. On the 12th the city was invested, and the seige pushed till the 17th, when it was learned that the place was evacuated. John ston retreated across Pearl River through Brandon to Meri- dian, about 100 miles distant, burning the bridges and destroy- ing the roads behind him.

Sherman lost about 1.000 men killed, wounded and missing, five hundred of these being of Laupians brigade, which, under a misapprehension, was needlessly exposed to the enemy's fire. Johnston left his sick and wounded behind him, and about 1,200 prisoners fell into Sherman's hands. Steel's divis- ion followed the retreating enemy to Brandon, fourteen miles east of Jackson, but failed to overtake him. Sherman soon afterwards fell back and went into camp at Camp Sherman on the Big Black River, and the camj)aign ended.

*******

There can be no doubt that the campaign of Vicksburg and Lee's Gettysburg campaign were the turning point of the war in favor of the Federal government. In the latter days of April, while Grant was preparing to cross the Mississippi^ Rosecrans was confronting Bragg in Tennessee and Hooker was

142 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

opposing Lee in Virginia. While Grant was crossing the Mis- sissippi, Hooker was preparing to cross the Rappahannock, and attack Lee in his fortified camp near Fredericksburg ; and on the day after Grant fought the battle of Port Gibson, the Giants of the East fought the battle of Chancellorsville, which resulted in the defeat of Hooker. Lee now conceived the idea of invading Maryland and Pennsylvania. " He had reason- able prospects of success. He supposed that the army of the Potomac had become demoralized by its defeats at Fredericks- burg in the winter and at Chancellorsville in May. Moreover, 25,000 men had been discharged by reason of the expiration of their terms of service, which reduced the Federal army to about 80,000 ; while Lee, who had been reinforced by the Con- federate President without stint, had a force of about 105,000 effective troops. He therefore determined to invade Pennsyl- vania, and march on Philadelphia or New York. It was sup- posed that this would create a diversion in the northern states in favor of the south, and end the war by compelling the gov- ernment to acknowledge the independence of the Southern Confederacy.

This fatal move on the part of Lee was abruptly brought to a close at Gettysburg on the first, second and third of July, when the Giants of the East once more met in mortal conflict. Lee was defeated by the army of the Potomac under General Mei-de, and while he was withdrawing his shattered and beaten army from the disastrous field of Gettysburg, Grant and Pemberton were quietly sitting under the shade of a scrub- oak tree, arranging the terms for the surrender of the city and garrison of Vicksburg.

CHAPTER IX.

THE CAMPAIGN OP VICKSBURG. — PERSONAL AND REGIMENTAL.

I shall now return to Young's Point, Louisiana, and take up the thread of my personal narative and regimental experience. Soon after our arrival at this place, the regiment was put on fatigue duty, and the boys did their share in the construction of the canal opposite Vicksburg. When Gen. Grant organized

THOS. H. BARTON. 143

his army, M'e were placed in the third brigade, with the 36th, 37th and 47th Ohio regiments, commanded by Gen. Lightburn, who had been promoted to be a Brigadier-General of volun- teers. This brigade was placed in the second division of the fifteenth army corps, commanded by Gen. W T. Sherman, and was with the latter general on the Deer Creek or Steel's Bayou expedition. On this expedition Surgeon Philson received an in- jury of the head by a falling limb of a tree, from which he never recovered.

While at Young's Point, sickness prevailed to an alarming extent among the troops, typhoid fever, diarrhoea and rheuma- tism, being the prevailing diseases. Typhoid fever was caused by using the surface water, which was contaminated with hu- man excrement in a partially putrified condition, thus making the drinking water a fit nidus for the germs of this disease. It is my opinion that diarrhoea was occasioned partly from the same cause, and by exposure to the weather, which, as I have stated in a former chapter, was wet and inclement. Through- out February and March the rain was almost incessant. Dur- ing part of the time it rained from morning till night, and it would be impossible to perform our culinary operations, and cook our "sow-belly." Rheumatism was caused by exposure to the weather, the troops having no shelter. The regiment lost thirty one men by sickness at Young's Point and Milikens Bend ; at Van Buren Hospital, two ; on board a steamboat, one ; at the general hospital at St. Louis, Missouri, two ; on board hospital steamer, R. C. Wood, one; making a total loss of thirty seven from January 20th, to the first week in May. Several died who were left at the convalescent camp at Mili- ken's Bend : one or two died who had been sent away sick, and four were discharged for disability at these places ; at Charleston, West Va., two; at St. Louis, one; at Gallipolis, Ohio, two; at Columbus, Ohio, one; total ten. There were two desertions, making a total loss of forty nine men.

Soon after our arrival at Young's Point, Surgeon Philson established a regimental hospital, and comrade Kalloussouski was detailed to act as hospital steward. I was placed in the field near the regiment, and was furnished with a dispensary, where the sick soldiers, who were able for light duty, reportied

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to me for treatment, I had a large number of patients, and was kept very busy every forenoon prescribing and putting up medicine. Those who were threatened with typhoid fever were sent to the hospital. I met with fair success in the treatment of these cases, my prescription for]diarrhoea being a compound of the tincture of opium, fluid extract of ginger, and tincture of capsicum, mixed with a syrup made from pure sugar. Pep- permint water was also generally added to the mixture. I re- mained in this position near two weeks, when, about the first of February, Surgeons Ackley and Waterman returned to the regiment, and went on duty as army surgeons. Dr. Waterman, after consulting with me in relation to the prevalent diseases and my treatment of diarrhoea, took charge of the work, wrote the prescriptions, and I filled them. Surgeon Waterman, how- ever, was soon relieved by Surgeon Ackley, who took the field, but was unable to stand the service. His health soon began to fail, and he became affected with hemorrhage of the lungs, and resigned his position in the latter part of February. He was an excellent army surgeon, and was greatly missed by the regi- ment. Dr. Philson was appointed in his stead, and Dr. Water- man was promoted to the office of assistant surgeon.

Many amusing incidents occurred at Young's Point and Milikens Bend. One day. Surgeon Ackley sent me without a pass to our hospital for a supply of medicines. I was wearing a fatigue suit, and had a basket in my hand. The canal lay nearly in my direct route to the hospital, and I concluded to take a view of the work, and pass my judgment on it. So I walked on leisurely, and stopped on the bank of the canal, when I saw a great number of soldiers at work. My position was near the center of the canal, and casting my eyes north, I saw the soldiers with pick and spade in hand digging and shoveling, and on looking south, as far as the eye could reach, I saw the same thing. I stood for several minutes in deep meditation, wondering whether they could change the channel of the Mississippi, and leave Vicksburg an inland city. My cogitations, however, were suddenly cut short by the appear- ance of an officer in full uniform, a sash around his waist, a sword at his side, and a spade in his hand. He was the officer of the day, in charge of the soldiers at work on the canal. I

THOS. H. BARTON. 145

do not remember what rank he held, or to what regiment he belonged. He was very near me before I perceived him, and he broke in upon my thoughts by handing me the spade, say- ing at the same time : "Sir, take this spade in your hand, and go to work on the canal and shovel dirt." Such a peremptory order, coming from an officer who had no direct command over me, took me by surprise, and I had to think for several moments how to answer him, for I was determined not to take the spade in my hands. I informed him that Surgeon Ackley had sent me to our regimental hospital for medical supplies, and that it was my duty to go and return as speedily as pos- sible. The officer replied that he had peremptory orders from headquarters to set all stragglers to work on the canal, and that these orders must be obeyed. I told him that Surgeon Ackley needed the supplies that I was sent for, and that it would be impossible for me to go to work on the canal. He finally gave it up, and I walked leisurely away. I do not remember meeting that officer again, and I was afterwards very careful to keep away from that locality, while the soldiers were working on the canal. This pompous officer appeared to feel more proud of his position that day, than General Grant did when he assumed command of the army of the Tennessee.

John Mercer of the hospital squad and myself dug a hole in the levee, and slept together. Surgeon Ackley had a dirty little colored bo}' about twelve years of age for a waiter, and he wanted Comrade Mercer and myself to let his little darky sleep with us. We declined, thinking the surgeon had more room in his hole than we had in ours. Moreover, we thought he was overstepping his authority in making such a request. I do not know where the darky slept at night, but one fact is cer- tain, he did not sleep with Comrade Mercer and the hospital steward.

In a former chapter I have mentioned a dress coat, made according to the army regulations, which I had purchased from a tailor in Gallipolis, Ohio. When the weather was fair I would put on the coat, and take a walk through the different camps and regiments. According to the military code, a pri- vate soldier cannot pass the guards without a written permis- sion from his commanding officer; but when an officer passes

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the guards, the soldiers on duty salute him with their guns, and the officer returns the salute with his sword or hand. I frequently walked through the camp in my uniform, and the soldiers would salute me as an army officer. Surgeon Philson was rather careless in his dress and attire, and he felt more comfortable in an old blouse and slouch hat than he did in the regulation uniform. He seldom wore shoulder-straps, or any- thing to distinguish him from a common soldier, and must have experienced difficulty in passing the guards, other than those of his own regiment. He would frequently be halted, and the guards inquire for his pass. One Sabbath morning, about eight o'clock, three army surgeons marched very orderly into our hospital tent, in order to observe how we kept it. They made a close inspection, but found the place in a very untidly con- dition ; the tent was unswept and very dirty, all the hospital attendants but myself being absent. I had not changed my clothing that morning, and did not look much like an hospital steward. These officers had been appointed to inspect the different hospitals. .After the usual salute they asked me if I was the hospital steward. I answered in the affirmative. They then inquired for the hospital nurses, I replied that I did not know. Their answer was : "Your hospital looks like it had never been swept ; why don't you make the nurses keep it clean?" I replied that I had good nurses, and could not ex- plain why things were in such an untidy condition that morn- ing, that the hospital was usually kept in a good condition, and that I did not know there was to be an inspection. To this apology one of the surgeons replied : "You are placed in cha,rge of hospital attendants, and it is your business to see that your attendants do their duty, and we shall report you to headquarters, and have your court-marshaled." I believe this was the first complaint made against me during my army experience, and I felt mortified in regard to the matter. I do not know whether I was reported ; but I never heard anything more of this inspection affair. Soon after the inspectors left the nurses returned. They were not in the habit of being away long at a time ; but I felt irritated, and asked them in an unusually rough way : "Why did you leave the tent in this dirty condition this morning?" One of them replied: "Surgeon

THOS. H. BARTON. 147

Philson sent his colored waiter very early in the morning and borrowed the broom, and has not returned it. We thought it was his place to return it, so we did not go after it, and we did not know about this inspection of the hospital." I think the nurses, were right, and I also think Surgeon Philson should have informed me in regard to the inspection.

During the period that the enemy had control of the river between Vicksburg and Port Hudson, Grant learned that a Confederate steamer was on her way up the river with supplies for the garrison at Vicksburg. One damp, foggy morning a thirty-two pound gun was planted on the bank of the river a few rods below the mouth of the canal. The boat finally made her appearance; the bank of the river was lined with soldiers and when she got abreast of the gun, the artillerymen gave her a bow shot, but she kept on her course, and before the gun could be reloaded a dense fog settled over land and water, and the boat was lost from view. She continued on her way blow- ing her whistle, and landed safely under the guns of Vicks- burg. Had it been a clear morning, the boat would have either been sunk or captured. About this time Grant attemjited to shell Vicksburg with ricochet shot. A gun was planted at an angle so that the ball, when it struck the water, would rebound and fall in the city I saw several shots fired in this waj% and could see the balls rise ; but could not see when they struck the ground, I do not think they did any damage.

On the night of the 16th of April I stood on the bank of the Mississippi at Young's Point and saw the gunboats and trans- ports run the batteries in front of Vicksburg. It was a grand and imposing affair. Tlie night was dark, and it was hoped that the fleet might run the gauntlet in the darkness. A large gunboat passed Young's Point about half past ten o'clock, followed by the other gunboats. Next come the frail trans- ports. They floated down the muddy stream, making no noise, but when ihey had made about two-thirds of the way to the bluffs, where the river makes a turn to the south, a sig- nal light was seen on the heights above. This was answered by others, and presently the report of a large gun was heard, followed by others, to which the gunboats replied, and a terrific cannonade was kept up between the fleet and the Con-

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federate batteries on the heights. Presently a light was seen about half way up the bluffs, which proved to be a huge bon- fire, lighting up the broad bosom of the river, and making it as light as day. My point of observation was five or six miles distant, and the shore of the river was as light as on a bright moonlight evening. The fleet put on a full head of steam and passed safely through the terrible ordeal. I saw the town battery, situated just above the city, fire the last shot as the fleet got beyond range. When the firing.ceased everything was quiet on land and water.

Soon after the main part of Grant's army left Young's Point, it was no uncommon thing to hear heavy firing in the direc- tion of his line of march. An old soldier named James Mus- grove, an Irishman, and one of the hospital nurses, was very tired of the inaction of the army, it being so long without a battle. One night we heard very rapid and heavy firing, and could see the flash of the guns. Old Jimmy, as he was famil- iarly called, would exclaim at every report : "Give it to 'em, Misther Grant, give it to 'em." He appeared to be greatly re- joiced to know that Grant at last meant business.

1 was with the ngiment on the Steel's Bayou or Deer Creek expedition, and was left on Steel's Bayou, together with the chaplain, litv. Woodhull, and a few of the hospital nurses, and some stragglers from the regiment. When Sherman's corps reached the vicinity of Haines' Bluff in the last week of April, and when he had made his dispositions and planted his batteries, and when the gunboats opened on the heights, I supposed that it was the commencement of a battle. Grant was below Vicksburg, and Sherman above, and my idea was that Grant would lead the attack from the south, and Sherman from the north. I was greatly disappointed when the army re-embarked and returned to its old position at Young's Point. This place then looked like a deserted camp. Sherman kept on his march down the Mississippi, leaving Gen. Lightburn's brigade in the rear.

Just before leaving Young's Point, a few soldiers from some other command applied to our hospital for treatment. They were badly scorched about the face and eyes with gun-powder, with which they had been playing, and accidentally let it flash

THOS. H. BARTON. 149

in their faces. I think they were left in the rear on account of sickness, but I do not believe there was anything the mat- ter with them till they got burned with powder. Such soldiers should have been arrested and sent to the front.

About the 10th of May, our regiment, under the command of Colonel Dayton, received orders to march to the front with Gen. Lightburn's brigade. We proceeded by the way of Grand Gulf. While on the march we met several squads of rebel prisoners under guard. We also met several large squads of colored people on their way to our convalescent camp at Miliken's Bend. They were rejoicing over their freedom, thinking they would be slaves no longer. Among them were seen the gray-haired grand-father, the robust men and women of adult age, and the infant in its mother's arms. On being asked : "How are the troops making it at the front?" one col- ored man replied : "The rebels can't stand at all befo' yo' men ; 'da run at 'de fust fire ob 'de guns !" This darkie was about right in his simple statement; but it did not agree with the Confederate boast, made at the commencement of the war, that one southern soldier could whip five yankees.

Grand Gulf looked dismal and desolate when we entered it; not a citizen could be seen on the streets. The bluif, where the enemy had his fortifications, was a high hill, with a steep ascent from the margin of the river to its summit. It was equally as defensible on its river front as Vicksburg, and Por- ter's fleet could not silence the Confederate gnns. Our brigade remained at this place one day, when we received marching orders, and at once set out for the front. The boys did not like to remain idle while their comrades were doing the fight- ing. Among the rations drawn by the hospital squad while at Grand Gulf, were several sugar-cured hams which were left behind through the carelessness of our cooks. They were very much needed before the 20th, all our rations being then ex- hausted except coffee and hard bread. The only white inhabi- tants we met were women and children. No men were to be seen. On the first or second day after leaving Grand Gulf, I stopped at a small plantation house to obtain a drink of water. I was met on the porch by a lady who appeared to be very much alarmed on account of, the Union soldiers who were

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marching past her residence, and after giving me a drink of ■water, she begged that a guard might be placed around her house. She took me for an offic«.^r in my blue uniform. I informed her that I was not an officer and had no authority ; that the soldierB were civil people and would do no injury to her property I could safely assure her on this point, for the troops were all in the ranks and the air resounded with the strains of martial music.

One day while on the march we heard heavy firing at a great distance towards the north. It was the battle of Champion's Hill or Big Black River. This encouraged the soldiers to move on rapidly, in order to reach the front and assist their comrades. On the ensuing day about 400 Confederate troops came into our lines and marched with us p.s prisoners. I think they were part of Loring's division, which h;i,d been cut off at Champion's Hill. During ihe marvh I fell in company with a young man from a Georgia regiment and we had a friendly conversation in regard to the causes of the war. He said : "The South did not rebel for fear that Lincoln would set their slaves free ; but for this reas(,n, that the Republican Congress would pass an act to stop the further extension of slavery in the territories." We agreed on this question as being the cause of the rebellion, but we did not agree as to the justice of the cause.

On the 17th, we passed to the south and west of Champion's Hill, and crossed Baker's Creek wliere Pemberton's army crossed on their retreat. We passed through some cleared fields, and saw the ravages caused by the battle. The fences were thrown down, and every vestige of vegetation tramped out of existence. On our way through these fields we saw a num- ber of dead horses lying on the ground. Passing through a belt of timber, we saw several human bodies lying bj' the road side, and covered with blankets. I suppose these persons were dead, T saw one poor rebel by the w ay side, who asked me for a drink of water ; but I had none to give him, and did not know where to obtain any, arid was obliged to let him suffer. Such scenes as these are sickening. We had a hard march that day, and went into camp about five miles east of the Big Black River, and about twenty-five miles east of Vicksburg.

THOS. H. BARTON. 15 L

On the morning of the 18th, we feasted on hard bread and coffee, all our other rations being exhausted. Nor did we know where we could obtain more. The sugar-cured hams, which our cooks had left behind at Grand Gulf, would have been very welcome at this time to the hospital squad. We were expecting a battle to take place at any time, which help- ed to keep up our courage. We were on the march at an early hour, and when near the Big Black, learned that a battle had been fought on the preceding day. Here I found a Confeder- ate soldier, who was affected with the intermittent fever, and he asked me for some quinine. I gave him a few quinine pills, and told him how to use them. We crossed the Big Black on a pontoon, where the battle of the 17ht, had been fought. On the Vicksburg side of the river, if I now remember correctly, I counted twenty guns, which had been abandoned by the enemy in his hast}^ retreat. We ])assed these guns without halting and at noon made coffee, and took a short rest. In about half an hour we were again on the march, hastening to reach our position in the rear of Vicksburg. About the middle of the afternoon a soldier gave me a piece of fat bacon, which was well cooked, and it tasted better than any meat I had ever eaten. The day was excessively hot, and we halted when the sun was about an hour high, eat our supper, and was again on the march. We were moving on a road that ran along the top of a ridge, and water was very scarce, and I became very thirsty. Soon after dark I observed a well near the road-side, and went to it ; but a guard had been placed over it. I asked him for a drink of water, but he refused, saying that the well vv'as for the sick and wounded soldiers. I turned to leave, when the guard observing my regulation coat which I always wore when on a march, asked me the following question : "Are you the hospital steward?" I answered in the affirmative. He replied : "If you are the hospital steward, you can have a drink," at same time telling me to help myself. This was the most delicious drink of water that I ever tasted. My uniform was very serviceable, for had I worn a soldier blouse, I would have been compelled to march that night without being able to slake my thirst. But in one hour's time I was as thirsty as ever. At ten o'clock we reached the

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Union lines. It was dark as Egj'pt, and I was tired, foot-sore, hungry and thirsty, and I think the whole brigade was in the same condition. I dropped down on the ground in the top of a felled tree and tried to sleep ; but a deathly stillness prevail- ed, and I did not even know where any of my comrades were. The only sound that broke the stillness of the night was the hoot of an owl, apparently saying : "Wh huth. who are you?" I had some fears lest, when morning came, I might be left be- hind, and fall into the enemy's hands. I slept but little, and when I arose, found several grease spots on my uniform which were quickly removed with aqua ammonia and alcohol. When I found the hospital squad, we congratulated each other upon the fact that our marching was over for the present. Since the 12th, we had marched about eighty miles in an irregular circle around Vicksburg, and our camp that night was about seven miles east of our starting point. But the longest route was the shortest one, and the short way would have been a harder road to travel than the one we had been following.

On the 19th, the 4th regiment was placed in advance of Lightburn's brigade, and charged the enemy's works. A few men scaled the parapet, among them Captain Finley Ong, of Com- pany F, and Britton Cook, a corporal of Company E, who en- tered the Confederate works, but were wounded and taken pris- oners, and died in the enemy's hands. The balance of the com- mand was quickly driven away. The regiment lost in this engagement twenty-five killed and ten mortally wounded. The number of wounded who recovered is unknown. Com- pany A lost two killed ; Company C three killed and two mortally wounded ; Company E two killed and three mor- tnlly wounded ; Company F five killed; Company G three killed and one mortally wounded ; Company H three killed ; Company I six killed and four mortally wounded, and Com- pany K one killed. Some of the wounded were crippled for the rest of their lives ; some were wounded slightly, and soon recovered and were again ready for duty. Major A. M. Goodspeed was among the killed. He was a brave officer, and was killed near an old log house close to the enemy's works. Immediately after the battle a squad of Confederates marched out and set the structure on fire, which in time communicated

THOS. H. BARTON. 153

the flames to the surrounding woods. The charred remains of Major Goodspeed were found near the old log house, to- gether with some articles which belonged to him. Lieutenant James W Dale, of Company I, was among the wounded. He was shot in the foot and taken prisoner, but was soon afterwards paroled and sent over the river, and succeeded in making his way to our convalescent camp at Miliken's Bend.

The 20th and 21st were spent in taking care of the wounded, who were well provided for. On the 20th, one man was killed who belonged to Company G, and one comrade of Com- pany E was killed on the 21st. On the 22nd, the regiment participated in Grant's last assault on Vicksburg. The boys went into this charge with great enthusiasm, and amid the storm of shot and shells which were flying around them, stood up to their bloody work till ordered to fall back, which they did in good order, losing three men killed and two mortally wounded : of whom Com])an3'^ A lost one killed ; Company B, two mortally wounded ; Company C, one killed, and Company D, one killed. A number were wounded who after- wards recovered. Among those who were severely wounded was P B. Stanberry, adjutant of the regiment, who was shot in the hand. Mr. Stanberry was elected first lieutenant of Company E, and was afterwards appointed adjutant. Since the war he has filled the office of probate judge of Meigs county, Ohio, He is a son of Hon. Henry Stanberry, who held the office of attorney general under President Johnson, and was one of the president's counsel in the impeachment trial.

On the 19th our hospital tent was pitched on a high plateau, the ground sloping on both sides. At some distance towards the front there were deep ravines and high ridges running east and west. On our right was a corn field. The corn was waist high, but it was soon destroyed, and the fences were also de- stroyed. On the 20th or 21st our tent was moved about three- fourths of a mile nearer to the enemy's works. Towards the rear and right of our new position there was a ravine extend- ing in a northwest direction; on our left and front a high ridge running east and west, which afforded us some protection against the enemy's guns and sharpshooters. It was terrifying

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to hear these bullets ; there was one continuous roar of artil- lery, and the constant rattle of the small arms sounded like the clanking of great chains. I was careful to keep near the hospital tent, and did not venture very near the front during these battles.

On the 22d I saw the Eighth Wisconsin regiment charge the enemy's works. They had a live bald eagle called "Old Abe," for a standard. He was carried on a platform supported by two men. The regiment was making a charge up the ridge on our left and front ; and "Old Abe," unconscious of danger, was flapping his wings and croaking, and appeared to be as lively as any of the soldiers. They marched up the ridge and when within plain view of the Confederates, the enemy opened fire with several pieces of artillery. One shell burst in a wagon that was with the regiment, and at the same instant I saw something that looked like a man, or his clothing, about fifteen feet in the air, though I do not think that any one was injured. The regi- ment had one gun with them, but did not use it. I heard the iron hail falling on the ground, and the bursting of the shells sounded like replying cannon. My position was towards the front, and I stood watching the shells for a few minutes, and then looked across the ravine to see if any of my companions Avere in sight, they having deserted me. Surgeon Waterman was hiding behind a stump; comrade Mercer had found shel- ter behind the stem of a tree, and the rest of my comrades had sought safety elsewhere. In a few minutes the Eighth Wis- consin filed to the rear and were out of sight, leaving their gun and wagon on the ridge, but not within view of the enemy After this regiment fell back everything was quiet along this part of the Union lines.

Towards the close of the battle I ventured out and went some distance towards the rebel works, where I met a Captain who had been wounded. He had just been brought from the front. He informed me that some of his men were in the rebel intrenchments. I was near enough to see the stars and stripes on the parapet. But notwithstanding all this, and despite all the efforts that had been made, Vicksburg was impregnable against assault.

I did not have an opportunity of seeing many of the wound-

THOS. H. BARTON. 155

ed, on account of Surgeon Philson being detailed at the gen- eral hospital, where he acted as assistant to the operating sur- geon. A few soldiers came to our hospital to have their wounds dressed. Among them was Jacob S. Coon, who had received a gun-shot wound of one of his fingers. I dressed the wound for him.

During the siege more or less fighting occurred every day. When the fort was blown up the roar of the artillery was ter- rific, and it seemed that nothing on earth could stand against such cannonading. At night I frequently went with the hos- pital attendants to see the shells from Porter's fleet flying over the doomed city, and we would often be out till a late hour looking at the missiles of destruction. We would first see the flash of the guns, and then the lit fuse of the shells ris- ing gracefully above the horizon. Some of these shells would burst in the air over the city ; but the most of them exploded after falling to the ground with a sound of replying cannon.

We were better supplied with water than the besieged, there being a number of excellent springs in the ravines. One of these springs was situated on our left, and between the lines of the contending armies. It was at the foot of a bluff, the terminating point of a high ridge, a.nd beyond the view of the enemy. On the right was a ravine over which we had to cross in order to go to the spring. This ravine was about twenty- five yards wide, and while crossing it we were exposed to the enemy's fire. It was like running a blockade to get a drink of water. When we came in sight of the enemy's works we would run across the ravine, and when we reached our destination, could hear the bang, bang, bang, from a score of small arms. I frequently made the dangerous journey, and about the time I reached the spring would hear the sharp report of the ener my's guns. Sometimes I would remain half an hour to throw them off their guard, and then "double quick" back with a small supply of water. Notwithstanding the danger, I do not remember of any person being injured there.

One day, about the middle of June, I went to the front, in- tending to make an inspection of the enemy's works. On reaching the froat, I walked parallel to the Confederate line. Everything was apparently quite ; not the sound of a gun

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was to be heard, but after I had walked about one hundred yards in this direction, I heard the sharp report of a rifle, and at the same time, heard the "fizzip" of a bullet passing very near me. I did not run, (it was not in my nature to run from an enemy), but quickened my pace, and was soon out of dan- ger. Any one will experience a disagreeable sensation at the sound of a bullet whistling near him. On another occasion, about the same time, I heard the steady tiring of a gun on our front and right. It was a thirty two or forty pounder, and I went to the front in order to witness its effects. After each discharge the cannoneers would seek shelter behind the stem of a tree or stump. The enemy would reply with small arms aiming at the smoke. Every five or ten minutes our men would load and fire, to which the Confederates M'ould again reply with small arms. I remained here while our fellows fired five or six rounds, but did not afterwards expose myself to danger

On the right of Grant's army there was an agreement be- tween the contending forces not to fire on each other at night. There wns, therefore, no danger in being near the front after dark. One night, about the '20th of June, I went to the front and entered our works, which consisted of a trench four or five feet deep, and wide enough for four or five men to walk abreast in it. This trench ran in a zig-zag way. like an old fashioned rail fence. I followed it till I reached the front, where our pickets were stationed, about twenty yards from the Confeder- ate lines. Here I had the pleasure of hearing the following conversation :

Reb.— "Hello Yank !"

Yank.— "What do you want?"

Reb. — "Have you plenty of bread on your side?"

Yank. — "Yes; have you plenty of tobacco?"

Reb. — "Will yon give me bread for tobacco?"

Yank. — "Yes, I will — will meet you halfway if you are will- ing."

Reb.— "Yes, I will."

They met midway between the lines like brothers, made the exchange, and returned to their respective stations. But on the ensuing day, it would have been dangerous for either of

THOS. H. BARTON. 157

them to show his head above the ramparts, and if he did, he would be the target of half a score of rifles.

About ten days before the surrender of Vicksburg, I pur- chased a cavalry mare, about four years old, of an Illinois cavalryman, giving him thirty dollars for the animal, I was tired traveling on foot, and as some of the hospital stewards were furnished with horses, I concluded to buy one. She was young and sound, and would leap over a low fence, a small creek or ditch. After this I rode on horse back while I remained in the vicinity of Vicksburg. I afterwards sold her to Col. John L. Vance for the same price that I gave for her.

Some time in the latter part of June, by recommendation, I was appointed Surgeon of the 2d Mississippi colored regiment by Gen. Sherman. This regiment was recuiting in the rear of Vicksburg. The officers were intelligent gentlemen ; but I now remember only a few of their names. The assistant surgeon was a young man, detailed from an Illinois regiment, which was recuited at Chicago. The adjutant's name was Oakea, and one of the captains was named Starkey ; but I do not now re- member their christian names. We were camped near the Yazoo River and Chicasaw Bayou, which was an unhealthy locality, abounding with malaria, spreading the germs of ma- larial fever, and I fell a victim to that disease. Up to this time my health had been good, and I had always been able for duty ; but from this time forward, and, indeed, during the re- mainder of my life, I was destined to suffer from the diseases incident to military service.

Soon after joining this regiment, I took all the recruits, who were able to travel to a small lake near the camp, where they took a bath and .vashed their bodies. The major portiori of them had scars on their bodies, which they claimed were made by the slaye driver's lash, while in bondage. These colored people were negligent and careless, and looked to be driven when they did their duty as soldiers. Water was very scarce in our locality, which caused much suffering among the sick. One day, a sick darkey, who was slightly delirious, left the hospital, went to a bluff that overlooked a ravine, crept over the edge, and rolled or fell a distance of twelve or fifteen feet, lighting on a sand bar, uninjured. When found he was

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scratching in the sand with his hands in search of water, and it required half a dozen men to bring him back. This localitj' was disagreeable in more ways than one. The mosquitoes were very troublesome, some of these insects being as large as The common house fly. On several occasions I left my tent, and went to high ground and slept in the open air in order to avoid these pests.

I rode out on horseback nearly every day. On the 3d of July, while riding near the Union lines, I was much surprised as well as pleased to see white flags over the Federal and Con- federate works. Every thing was quiet along the line; the heavy firing had ceased ; and on the 4th, I learned that Pem- berton had capitulated, and that Vicksburg was ours. This was joyful intelligence to the Union soldiers, who indeed, had cause to be thankful. On the 5th, I rode into the city, and saw the stars and stripes floating gracefully over the court house. It was a glorious sight to behold. The long struggle was over ; Vicksburg had surrendered ; the Gibraltar of America had fallen into our hands, and the Southern Confederacy was severed in twain.

The weather, at this season of the year, was dry and hot. The dust on the main road from the north was from six to twelve inches deep, caused by the constant ingress and egress ofthe marching columns. Clouds of dust hung in the air over the works and city. Our clothing was so saturated with it, that it was impossible to distinguish the blue from the gray. The city looked lonely and desolate ; not a citizen was to be seen. It had the appearance of a city occupied entirely bv soldiers. I have already, in a former chapter, in part describ- ed the destruction that took place during the seige. The work

of destruction was complete and repetition is unnecessary. *******

During my sojourn in the south, I frequently heard from home, but from the first week in .lune to the last, I received no intelligence from my wife and family, which caused me to feel very uneasy. About the last of June, I received a letter from my mother-in-law Mrs. Elizabeth Parsons, who informed me that a little girl had come to my house for board and lodg- ing free of charge. She was born on the twelfth, and they

THOS. H. BARTON. 159

named her Sophia. This was welcome news, and was not un- expected, and it served to revive my drooping spirits. During the spring, my family had left their home in Syracuse, and

moved to Chester in order to be near their relatives.

*******

The Fourth Regiment was with Sherman during the short campaign against Jackson, and after remaining there for a few days, retarned to their old camp on the west bank of the Big Black River. This camp was named Camp Sherman, in honor of Gen. W T. Sherman.

In the meantime, I was doing duty as acting surgeon of the SecondfMississippi regiment of colored troops. I was able for duty nearly all the time, but every week I had a return of the intermittent fever, which was easily arrested by quinine. But I did not do as well for myself as I advised others to do, who were in the same condition. The proper course to follow was to take the quinine every week, whether affected with the fever or not ; but I would wait for the return of the chill, and then take the quinine. During the month of August I had several returns of this fever, and by the last of that month, I became much debilitated, and broken down in health. Final- ly I became discouraged, and tired of my position in the regi- ment, in consequence of my condition, and also on account of the uncertainly of receiving a commission as permanent army surgeon. I then came to the conclusion to return to the 4th West Virginia, and about the last week in Augnst, mounted my horse, and was soon among my old companions. I was treated by Surgeon Philson, who gave me some relief. I at- tended to my duties Avhen able, and was kept very busy on account of a large number of soldiers being on the sick list and in the hospital.

One night about eleven o'clock, Jack Maes, a convalescent soldier, came to my tent, roused me up, and told me that he had a pain in his stomach, and asked for a dose of castor oil. I informed him that I was sick, and also reprimanded him for disturbing me at that unreasonable hour. He replied that he knew the bottle that contained the castor oil, and could get it without disturbing me. He then walked into the dispensary and took a drink from a bottle which he supposed contained

160 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

whiskey. Jack took a large drink, but ran out of the tent without taking time to smack his lips. He had swallowed vinegar of squills instead of whiskey- Next day the nurses informed me that it made him very sick, vomiting him se- verely. This was the last time Jack meddled with anything in the dispensary.

One day, while at Camp Sherman, I rode about a mile and a half into the country to a farm house where there was a well of good water. I arrived about noon and was invited to take dinner with the family. I accepted the invitation, and among other articles of food was coffee with cream, which seemed to strengthen my shattered nervous system. I was treated by this southern man and woman as kindly as I would have been at the north. A friendly feeling had sprung -up between the Union soldiers and the citizens. Those who stood in need of provisions were supplied with rations, and I have no doubt that my dinner consisted mainly of supplies furnished by the government.

About this time Surgeon Waterman presented me with a copy of Prof. Carpenter's work on Human Physiology, which I read and intended to preserve.

My health was now rapidly failing. My robust constitution and powerful frame were shaken with disease. From about the 15th to the 23d of September I was confined to my tent with the remittent malarial fever, and during this time I con- tracted diarrhoea in a severe form. About the 23d I came to the conclusion that I would have to go north, or leave my re- mains on southern soil. I therefore made application for a furlough, and received one for thirty days from the hands of Gen. Sherman. With this document in my possession, I was soon on my journey to my far away home in the north.

CHAPTER X.

THE CAMPAIGN OF CHATTANOOGA.

The town of Chattanooga was of vast importance to the Federal government, partly on account of its surrounding hills and mountains, containing vast fields of coal and beds of

THOS. H. BARTON. 161

niter, from which the enemy drew their supplies, and more so on account oi its political situation, it being located in a passage or gap in the Alleghany Mountains, which separate the Atlantic from the western states. " It was the postern to the strongholds of the Southern Confederacy." It is on the south bank of the Tennessee River, and near the line which divides Tennessee from Alabama and Georgia. The country west, south, east and southeast of the town is grand and picturesque. The country lying on the Chattanooga side of the river is best described beginning from west to east, as follows : 1st. Rac- coon Mountain is situated west of the town. 2d. Wills Val- ley. 3d. Lookout Valley, through which flows a creek of the same name. 4th. Lookout Mountain, which is 2,400 feet high, hanging over the town like a high pendant. It is directly south of the city, and the beautiful Tennessee flows past its base. From the summit of Lookout, portions of no less than six states may be seen. 5th. The great Lookout Valley, through which flows a creek of the same name. 6th. On the east of this valley is Missionary Ridge, running north and south. 7th. Orchard Knob, which is a high point lying between Missionary Ridge and Chattanooga. 8th. Chickamauga valley, through which flows a river of the same name. 9th. Pigeon Mountain and Chickamauga Hills, lying still further in a southeasterly direction. All the streams mentioned flow in a northwestern direction, and empty into the Tennessee River. In this connection, it is necessary to describe this River from a point a few miles northeast of Pigeon Mountain to Bridgeport, which is situated on the Tennessee, a few miles east of Stephenson, where the railroad leading to Nashville forms a junction with the Memphis & Charleston railroad.

The Tennessee River, commencing a few miles east of Pigeon Mountain, flows in a southern direction till it reaches Chatta- nooga, where it flows nearly west, then turns to the east, and flows for a few miles in a southeastern direction, then runs due south till it reaches Lookout, where it runs west and washes the foot of this mountain. It then flows north to Browns Ferry, where it is only about one mile across this tongue of land to Moccasin Point, whereas by the river it is six. The Tennessee then flows northeast till it touches the base of Rac-

21

162 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

coon Mountain, where it turns west, running past a high bluff of this mountain, and winds around this bluff till it runs in a southeasterly direction, then runs due south, keeping close to Raccoon Mountain. It then turns almost due north, mak- ing an acute angle for a few miles, keeping close to this moun- tain ; then rounds another bluff and runs west, then turns south, then west, then northwest, to where it is joined by the Sequatchie river. This tortuous stream then turns west, and finally flows south to Bridgeport.

The Sequatchie River flows in a southwestern direction through a valley of the same name and empties into the Tennes- see. West of this river rises the great plateau of the Cumberland

Mountains. Walden's Ridge is on the east.

*******

The battle of Stone River, near Murfreesboro, which closed the operations of the year 1862, in Tennessee, left Gen. Rose- crans established in the latter place, with the army of the Cumberland. Bragg, who was in command of the Confed- erate forces, retreated towards Chattanooga, fortifying his positions as he moved. Rosecrans, however, did not follow him, but put Murfreesboro in a posture of defence, where he remained in comparative inactivity during the remainder of the winter and spring and early part of the summer. The inac- tivity of Rosecrans produced much dissatisfaction. Grant was at this time pressing the siege of Vicksburg, watched by Johnston in Mississippi, while Bragg was facing Rosecrans. Halleck, who was commander-in-chief of all the Union armies, was aware of the importance of Chattanooga, and of middle and east Tennessee. His plan for the spring and summer campaign in the west was for Grant to operate against Vicks- burg with the army of the Tennessee, Rosecrans was to push Bragg in Tennessee, having Chattanooga as his objective point, while Burnside, with the army of the Ohio, was to op- erate against Knoxville. Rosecrans and Burnside were also instructed to keep the flanks of their armies within support- ing distance of each other. It was Halleck's order for all their armies to move at the same time.

On the 25th of June, Rosecrans put his splendid army of 60,000 men in motion, and by a series of skillful flank move-

THOS. H. BARTON. 163

ments on Bragg's right flank, forced him into Chattanooga. On learning this, the Confederate government became greatly alarmed, for the surrender of Chattanooga exposed the states of Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina and South Carolina to invasion. The rebel government thereupon ordered Longstreet from the Army of northern Virginia, Buckner from eastern Tennessee, and Park, from Alabama, to move with all haste to Chattanooga to assist Bragg. Some of the paroled prisoners from Vicksburg and Port Hudson also moved to the assistance of Bragg, who, with these reinforcements, would have an army of 80,000 men.

Rosecrans kept pursuing Bragg, and by a dexterous flank movement on his left flank, forced him to evacuate Chatta- nooga, and the Union forces took possession of the town. This retreat of Bragg, by abandoning middle Tennessee to the Fed- eral troops, had a depressing eff'ect upon his troops, and discour- aged the friends of the Confederacy in Tennessee. The Union losses in these operations were 85 killed, 462 wounded and 13 missing. There were captured from the enemy 1,634 prisoners and six pieces of artillery, many small arms, much camp equippage, and large quantities of commissary and quarter- master's stores, At this time the main part of Rosecrans' army was below Chattanooga. He therefore crossed the moun- tains in pursuit of Bragg, whom he followed to the Chicka- mauga Valley, at the same time supposing the enemy to be in full retreat. In the meantime Bragg, who had been reinforced by three brigades under Gen. Wood, had faced about and was fiercely marching on Rosecrans, being determined to retake Chattanooga. On the 18th the Confederate army, which had been marching through sifting beds of dust and crumbling rock since the 14th, crossed West Chickamauga creek, and took up a position on the north side of that stream. An indecisive action was fought, which was little more than a struggle for position, maintained by the Confederates with a view of hold- ing the ground where they stood, and by the Federals with a view of driving the enemy across the stream. At the close of the day both armies occupied the same ground they held in the morning.

During the ensuing night Rosecrans made some changes in

164 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

the disposition of his forces, by which the line was so far withdrawn that it rested along a cross-road running northeast and southwest, and connecting the Rossville and Lafayette road. By this change the line was contracted a mile, and the right wing caused to rest on a strong position at Missionary Ridge. Thomas held the left, Crittenden the cen- ter, McCook the right. On the right of Thomas' line was a slight rise in the plain, and from the top of this the whole field could be commanded. It was the key to the position. During the night Thomas' troops had built a rude breastwork of rails for their protection. Gen. Lytle held Gordon's Mills.

Longstreet reached the headquarters of Bragg on the 19th and was immediately put in command of the left wing of the Confederate army. The disposition of the whole rebel army, from right to left, was : Breckenridge, Cleburn, Cheatham, Steward, Hood, Hindman, Preston.

Bragg's plan of attack, which he always followed, was from right to left. The battle commenced at nine o'clock on the morn- ing of the 20th, when Breckenridge and Cleburn opened upon Thomas' command, and the engagement soon raged furiously along this part of the field. By eleven o'clock Longstreet be- gan his attack on the Union right wing. Steadily advancing, he swept away the head of every formation ; though often checked, and for the moment repulsed, again and again he rode to the head of his troops, and hat in hand, rising in his stirrups, animated his men with voice and gesture. The west- ern troops were as brave soldiers as ever shouldered a musket, but they could not check the impetuous onset of Longstreet, who was pressing right on for the possession of Chattanooga. To meet this danger, Rosecrans commenced to move troops rapidly from left to right, but was caught in the act of so do- ing by Longstreet, who fell with great suddenness and fury on the moving columns. Meanwhile an attack was made with equal vehemence on the center, which was forced back in great confusion. The rout of the right and center was now com- plete, and after that fatal break, the line of battle was not again reformed during the day. Thomas, however, had succeeded in crossing from left to right, and in the afternoon deter- minedly faced Longstreet, taking his stand upon the bare and

THOS. H. BARTON. 165

bluff termination of Missionary Ridge, upon which he had thrown up breast works, and which, as being the last strong- hold south of the Chattanooga works, he held with indomitable courage against the assaults of the enemy. Against this posi- tion Longstreet now directed his attention, and the battle raged around the hill with unprecedented fury Gen. Thomas formed his troops in two columns, and as each marched up to the crest and fired a deadly volley at the advancing foe, it fell back a little way, the men lay down upon the ground to load, and the second line advanced to take their place, and so on in succession. Finding every effort to carry the Union position of no avail, the rebels fell back at dusk beyond the range of our artillery, and Thomas was left master of the well fought field. During the night he fell back to Rossville, where, on the 21st, he offered battle to the enemy, who, however, declined to renew the contest. Accordingly, on the night of the 21st, he withdrew his troops into Chattanooga.

The Union loss in this battle was 1,644 killed, 9,262 wounded, and 4.945 missing, of which Thomas alone lost 6,301 killed, wounded and missing. They also lost thirty-six guns, twenty caissons, and several thousand small-arms and infantry accountrements, and captured over two thousand prisoners. The rebels suffered even more severely than their opponents, and their total loss, as stated by themselves, exceeded eighteen thousand men. It is now very well known that the Confeder- ates largely outnumbered the Union army in this engagement. It was one of the most bloody battles of the war, and without accomplishing any important results in relation to the great contest, was fatal to the generals of both armies. The public dissatisfaction, caused by their conduct, produced ultimately, a change of commanders.

Burnside had assumed command of the Department of the Ohio in March. On the 16th of August he began his movement towards Knoxville, where he arrived on the 3d of September. Buckner, who was in command of that place, evacuated it on the approach of Burnside. On the 9th, he took Cumberland Gap, capturing two thousand prisoners and fourteen guns. By the occupation of Chattanooga and Cumberland Gap, the Fe- deral troops now not only covered the entire State of Tennes-

166 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

see, but also secured a base of inland operations against Ala- bama, Georgia and South Carolina. Two thirds of the niter- beds, and a large proportion of the coal, which supplied the rebel founderies, lay in East Tennessee, which, moreover, abounded in the necessaries of life. It is one of the strongest countries in the world, so full of lofty mountains and impreg- nable positions, that it has been appropriately termed the ''Switzerland of America." Its loss was felt to be a severe blow to the Confederacy

It was llalleck'g intention for Burnside to reinforce Rose- crans, but instead of obeying his chief's orders, he commenced fortifying his position, with the intention of holding East Tennessee, which was now in his possession.

After Rosecrant: retreated to Chattanooga, he commenced to strengthen his position. His left rested on the river about two or three miles above the town, and extended around it in the form of a semicircle, reaching the river midway between the town and Lookout Mountain. Here his line crossed the river, and here also he massed the main part of his army. After crossing the river, where it washes the foot of Lookout, his line followed the tortuous course of the Tennessee to Bridgeport and Stephenson, which was his base of supplies, and where his left rested. Bridgeport is twenty-seven miles west of Chat- tanooga, and Stephenson is ten miles southwest of Bridgeport.

Meanwhile Bragg held the battle-field of Chickamanga. His right flank extended to Cleveland, which is about fifteen miles southeast of Chattanooga, and on the Knoxville Railroad. Be- ginning at this place, his line passed over Orchard Knobb ; thence along the crest and foot of Missionary Ridge, except its northern extremity; thence through the Chattanooga valley; thence over Lookout Mountain ; thence through and down. Lookout valleyjto the river ; thence down the river to Bridgeport. He fortified the passes of Lookout Mountain, and also strong- ly fortified Missionary Ridge, so that his batteries commanded Chattanooga. The intervening vallies were also fortified, and he considered his position impregnable against all the force under Rosecran's command. He destroyed the railroad bridge at Bridgeport, thus cutting the Federal communications with Nashyille, which was their main base of supplies. This com-

THOS. H. BARTON. 167

pelled Rosecrans to haul or carry his supplies over the Cum- berland Mountains on pack-mules, by a circuitous route ; thence over Gulp's Hill, and thence down the Sequatchie river. The fall rains soon rendered the roads almost impassable, Bragg's cavalry, commanded by Wheeler, captured a train of 800 wagons and 2,000 mules, which were destroyed. The trains between Chattanooga and Bridgeport were exposed to the enemy's sharp-shooters, who occupied the opposite shore of the river. Finnally Rosecran's supplies became short ; his animals were perishing with famine ; his army was on short rations, and by the 15th of October, it was doubtful whether he could hold out much longer.

President Lincoln was almost in despair when he learned of the defeat at Chickamauga. He was in great fear lest Rose- crans would attempt to retreat from Chattanooga before rein- forcements could reach him. The Pre.sident realized that such a move would be disastrous in the extreme, and end only in the loss of the artillery and camp-equipage, the demoralization of the army, and the surrender of Tennessee to the Confederates. At this critical moment, Lincoln sought the advice of Halleck and Stanton, a consultation was held, Stanton advised that two corps be detached from the army of the Potomac, and sent immediately to the relief of Rosecrans. Lincoln and Hal- leck, with great reluctance, consented to Stanton's proposi- tion, and on the 23d of September, the eleventh and twelfth corps were placed aboard the cars, and sent to reinforce Rose- crans. They were 23,000 strong, under the command of Gen. Joseph Hooker. They arrived at Stephenson on the 30th, and guarded the railroad leading to Nashville. But instead of be- ing a relief to the army of the Cumberland, Hooker's command only tended to increase its suffering. ^

Grant arrived at Cairo on the 16th of October, and on the 17th, was ordered to proceed to Louisville. He immediately set out for the latter place by way of Indianapolis. Here he was met by Halleck, and together they proceeded to Louis- ville. Halleck was nervous, restless and uneasy in regard to the situation at Chattanooga. Grant was firm and resolute, notwithstanding he was suffering from an injury caused by a fall from his horse. It was while on the journey from Indian-

168 AUTOBIOeRAPHY OF

apolis to Louisville that Grant received his appointment to the command of the newly created department of the Missis- sippi. It embraced the armies of the Tennessee, Cumberland and Ohio, and covered all the territory north of Bank's com- mand from the Alleghany Mountains to the Mississippi River. Sherman was placed in command of the army of the Tennessee, with head-quarters in the field. Rosecrans was relieved and Thomas was appointed in his stead.

On assuming command of the Department of the Missis- sippi, Grant sent a dispatch to Thomas, telling him to hold Chattanooga at all hazzards. To this Thomas replied : "We will hold the town till we starve." Grant left Louisville on the 20th and reached Stephenson on the 21st, arriving at Chat- tanooga on the 22d. He found the army in a suffering condi- tion. The soldiers were on half rations of hard bread and lean beef, and their clothing was nearly worn out. Some were without shoes, and there was little prospect of receiving sup- plies for an indefinite period. It is stated on reliable authority that not le^s than 10,000 animals had starved to death.

On learning this condition of affairs Grant determined at once to open his communications. Thomas, by the advice of Wm. F. Smith, his chief engineer, had devised a scheme for this purpose, and on laying their plans before Grant, and the three generals having made a reconnoisance, it was decided to adopt Thomas' plan. General Hooker, who was now at Bridge- port, was ordered to cross to the south side of the Tennessee, and march past Whitesides and Wauhatchie to Bowen's Ferry. General Palmer, with a division of the 14th corps, army of the Cumberland, was ordered to move down the north side of the river to a point opposite Whitesides, and cross the river in Hooker's rear. It w^s not intended to conceal these movements from the enemy. Meanwhile 4,000 men were detailed to act under General Smith immediately from Chattanooga. Eigh- teen hundred of them, under General Hazen, were to move down the river in pontoon boats, and under cover of the night float past the enemy's pickets to Brown's Ferry, then land on the south side of the river, and capture or drive away the pickets at that point. Smith was to move with the remainder of the detail along the north bank of the Tennessee to Brown's

THOS. H. BARTON. 169

Ferry, taking with him all the material for laying the bridge as soon as the crossing was effected.

Hooker crossed the Tennessee at Bridgeport on the 26th, and commenced his march eastward. At three o'clock, on the morning of the 27th, Hazen moved down the river with his pon- toon boats, unobserved by the enemy. Smith set out in ad- vance, in order to be near the crossing when Hazen should arrive. At five o'clock Hazen landed at Brown's Ferry, sur- prised the picket guard, and captured most of them. By seven o'clock the whole of Smith's force was ferried over, and in pos- session of a highth commanding the ferry. By ten o'clock the bridge was laid, and our extreme right, now in Lookout valley was fortified and connected with the rest of the army- The two bridges across the Tennessee at Chattanooga and Brown's Ferry, covered from both the fire and the view of the enemy, made the connection complete. Hooker met with no serious opposition on the way, and on the 2Sth, emerged into Lookout valley at Wauhatchie. Howard marched to Brown's Ferry, while Greary, with one division of the 12th corps, stopped three miles south. The line of supplies thus opened, was called Grant's "cracker line," and the river was now in his possession from Lookout valley to Bridgeport.

These movements were a complete surprise to Longstreet, and in order to recover Lookout valley, he determined to sur- prise Greary in his isolated position. He, therefore, soon after mid-night on the 29th made a fierce attack on Greary. Hooker, on hearing heavy firing in the direction of Greary, sent Howard to his assistance. He had three miles to march, and on his way was also attacked, being fired upon by rebel troops from a foot-hill to the left of the road, and from which the road was commanded. Howard turned to the left, charged up the hill, and captured it before the enemy had time to intrench, taking many prisoners. Leaving a force sufficient to hold this posi- tion, he pushed on to reinforce Greary, who had been engaged for about three hours against a vastly superior force. In the darkness and uproar Hooker's teamsters became frightened, and deserted their teams. The mules also became frightened, and breaking loose from their fastenings, stampeded directly towards the enemy, who, no doubt, took this for a charge, and

22

170 AUTOBIOGRAPHY 0¥

stampeded in turn. By four o'clock the battle had ended, and Grant's "cracker line"' was not again disturbed.

Hooker lost in this engagement 416 killed and wounded. The Confederate loss, so far as known, was 150 killed and 100 taken prisoners, the number of their wounded being unknown. Smith lost at Brown's Ferry one man killed and six wounded. The enemy lost as prisoners nearly all his picket, guard from Brown's Ferry to a point opposite Bridgeport. In one week Grant had opened the river to Bridgeport, and he had also secured a good wagon road to the same place. The army was immediately supplied with an abundance of clothing and i-ations.

About one week before Grant's arrival at Chattanooga, Jef- ferson Davis visited Bragg's camp, and together they climbed the steep and rugged ascent of Lookout Mountain, where Bragg had an obser^'atory. Davis, on casting his eyes to the north, beheld the great plateau of the Cumberland Mountains, the rough valley of the Great Sequatchie, the steep and rugged Waldern's Ridge, the silvery Tennessee under his feet, togeth- er with the long lines of the Union army; and in hisimagina- ti(in, mentally exclaimed : "The Union army is mine," Turn- ing to Bragg. Davis said : "In my opinion the Union army is in a trap, and can not escape.'"

On the 4th of November, Bragg committed a fatal blunder, which was probablv done through the advice of Davis. On that dav Bragg sent Ivongstreet with 15,000 men, together with Wheeler's cavalrv, 5,000 strong, to operate against Burnside at Knoxville. thus weakening his force 20,000 men in Grant's front, while at the same time he knew that Grant was expect- ing large reinforcements from Sherman. On receipt of this in- telligence, the government became greatlv alarmed for the safety of Burnside, and repeatedly urged Grant to move on Bragg. Grant himself felt great anxiety for Burnside, and ordered Thomas to attack the enemy's right, so as to force the return of the troops that had gone towards Knoxville. But the artillery horses were in such bad plight that it was impos- sible for Thomas to move a single piece of artillery, and he could not comply with the order. Burnside, however, felt confident of being able to hold his position so long as his

THOS. H. BARTON. 171

ammunition held out. Soon afterwards Grant learned that Long- street had attacked Burnside, and that the latter was slowly falling back on Knoxville. On learning this fact the govern- ment became more anxious than ever, and again renewed its order to Grant to attack Bragg. Grant was unable to obey the order, and could do nothing till Sherman's arrival, who was hastening, with rapid marches, to the scene of action.

On the'22d of September, Sherman, who was encamped on the Big Black Eiver, received an order from Grant to send one division of his corps by way of Memphis to Chattanooga. Osterhaus was immediately started with his division. On the 23d, Sherman received another dispatch ordeiing him to move the I5th army corps to Grant's assistance, with the exception of one division, which was to remain at Vicksburg. On the 27th, he was on his way up the Mississsppi, but his progress was slow. There was no coal, and the transports were obliged to land frequently to procure wood for fuel. He reached Mem- phis on the 2d of October, and on the 4th his whole force came up. He now received orders from Halleck to proceed to Athens, Alabama, with the 15th corps, and as much of the 16th as could be spared, and to repair the railroad as he advanced, in order to furnish transportation for his supplies. After reaching Athens, he was to proceed to Bridgeport, which is 330 miles east of Memphis. Sherman started the loth corps on the 11th, and soon afterwards set out himself, with a bat- tallion of United States troops as an escort. These troops were attacked at Colliersville Station, twenty-four miles east of Memphis. A short engagement took place, and the enemv were scattered. He passed Corinth and Inca, and from Inca proceeded to Bear Creek, where the bridge was destroyed ; his head of column halted at this place till the bridge was rebuilt. The enemy had intelligence of Sherman's movement, and to obstructed his advance in every way possible. The railroad would sometimes be destroyed as soon as completed. After building the bridge across Bear Creek, Blair's division was sent to Tuscumbia. At Cane Creek a short engagement took place, and the enemy were defeated and driven beyond Tus- cumbia. Blair entered the town on the 27th, and on the same day that Sherman, who was at Inca, received an order from

172 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Grant to abandon his work on the railroad and move his troops rapidly to Stephenson. Grant feared lest a force of Bragg's, which was at Cleveland on his left flank, might move to Nashville in his rear, and cut his communications with the north, and he wanted Sherman to beat him there in case he made the attempt. Grant had ordered supplies to be sent to Bridgeport, on the Tennessee, together with a steamboat to ferry the troops over. A ferry-boat was also on its way. Sherman obeyed this order with great promptness. Ewing, who was nearest the ferry, was the firsG to cross. The balance of the troops crossed as soon as they came up, and Sherman reached Florence, Alabama, the same night, while his rear rested on the Tennessee opposite Eastport. On the same day Sherman was ordered to leave Hen. G. M. Dodge, with his com- mand of 8,000 men, at Athens, to repair the railroad leading from Decatur to Nashville, which, if put in running order, would give him two roads from Nashville to Stephenson. By the first of December Dodge had this road in good repair. Sherman proceeded to Elk River, but found it impassable at that point. He then proceeded up the river to Fayetteville, which he reached on the 13th, and found a good crossing. He was now ordered to report in person at Bridgeport, which he reached on the 14th, and on the 15th he was in Chattanooga. Grant explained to him his plan of the battle about to take place. Grant, Sherman, Thomas and Smith made an inspec- tion of the ground over which Sherman was expected to move his troops. On the 16th, Sherman left Chattanooga to hasten up his forces for the impending engagement.

Grant's plan of the battle of Chattanooga may be described in a few words. Sherman was to cross the Tennessee at Brown's Ferry, then march to North Chickamauga, (which streams flows south and empties into the Tennessee on its northwestern shore a few miles above the South Chickamauga, which flows north,) and recross the Tsnnessee at the mouth of North Chickamauga, then march to the east side of Mission- ary Ridge, carry its northern part, and then threaten Bragg's base at Chickamauga Station, which, if taken, would sever his communications with Longstreet. This move placed Sherman on Grant's left flank. In the meantime Hooker, who was al-

THOS. H. BARTON. 173

ready on Grant's right, and occupied Lookout valley, was to operate on the west side of Lookout Mountain, storm its highths, carry the mountain passes down into the Chattanoo- ga valley, cross over and make an attack on the enemy in this position, which would threaten Bragg's communications with the southwest. It was Grant's opinion when Sherman and Hooker were well advanced, that Bragg, in order to save his right flank, would weaken his center on Missionary Ridge, and wh'^n the opportune moment arrived, Thomas was to storm the center and front of this stronghold, which Bragg thought to be impregnable. Finally, when Sherman's advance reach- ed Brown's Ferry, his rear was still at Trenton, some distance behind. This was intended to deceive Bragg, and induce him to believe that the intention was to attack Lookout Mountain from the south.

On the 20th, Grant received a letter from Bragg, in which he said : "As there may still be some non-combatants in Chat- tanooga, I deem it proper to notify you that prudence would dictate their early removal." This missive was designed to deceive Grant, and induce him to believe that Bragg intended making an attack on Chattanooga, and shell the town. On the ensuing day it was learned from a deserter that Bragg had sent Buckner with his division to reinforce Longstreet, and had also started another on the same mission. This letter was no doubt sent to delay Grant's attack till Longstreet could take Knoxville, and return in time to participate in the impending conflict.

Grant opened the battle of Chattanooga on the 23d. Bragg's outer line was about one mile from Thomas' position in front of the town, while the pickets of the contending forces were only about three hundred yards apart. Early in the morning Thomas moved the divisions of T. J. Wood, of Gra(nger's corps, in front of Fort Wood, lying east of Chattanooga and mount- ing twenty-two guns. These divisions were attired in their best uniforms, making the appearance of a review or dress parade. Every eminence around Chattanooga, as well as on Missionary Ridge were crowded with spectators viewing the proceeding. At two o'clock a cannon was fired to announce the commencement of the battle. All along the line these di-

174 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

visions sprang forward on the double-quick, and drove the enemy's pickets back on their main line. Still continuing, they drove the enemy from his first line of intrenchments before reinforcements could arrive. This move gave Grant possession of Orchard Knobb. Thomas immediately followed with his whole army, and fortified his nevv position. The Fe- derals lost 1,100 men, and the Confederates about the same number. This attack caused Bragg to recall one brigade that was leaving his front, and the other would have been recalled but it was too far away to be of any assistance in this engage- ment. On the same day a brigade of Thomas' cavalry made a raid on Bragg's right flank, cut the railroad to Cleveland, burnt Tyners Station, eaptured one hundred wagons, and de- stroyed large quantities of military stores.

Sherman moved from Brown's Ferry to North Chickam.auga. At Brown's Ferry he was in plain view of the enemy on Look- out Mountain, but as his columns moved on they were soon hidden from sight, which baffled the Confederates. Howard, who was secreted behind the mountain, commenced moving south to join the main army at Chattanooga. The enemy mistook Howard's command for Sherman's, and this rendered the deception still more complete. Sherman found boats and pontoons awaiting him together with forty-two pieces of ar- tillery, under J M. Brannon, chief of artillery, Army of the Cumberland ; the artillery being designed to cover the cross- ing.

On the 24th, at two o'clock in the morning, the brigade of Giles A. Smith, 3,480 strong, embarked in 116 boats on the North Chickamauga, and floated quietly down to the Tennes- see and across this river to the Mouth of South Chickamauga, when a few boats landed unobserved by the enemy's pickets, who were taken by surprise, and twenty of their number cap- tured. Sherman's troops followed, and by daylight two bri- gades were ferried over, and commenced throvvingup intrench- ments. A bridge was thrown across the river, and one also spanned the South Chickamauga, and by noon his whole com- mand was on the south side of the Tennessee, together with all his equipments. Sherman was now reinforced by Howard's Corps from the Army of the Potomac, and immediately form-

THOS. H. BARTON. 175

ed his line for an attack on Missionary Ridge. M. L. Smith was placed on the left, J. E. Smith in the center, and Ewing on the right, and the attack commenced. The assailants were favored by a misty rain which hid them from the enemy's ob- servation on Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. Sher- man's skirmish line soon reached the foot of the ridge, unob- served by the Confederates, and commenced to ascend its steep and rugged acclivity, and by half past two o'clock they were in possession of all the northern extremity of the ridge to a point near the railroad tunnel on Bragg's extreme right. Sherman immediately commenced fortifying his position, and dragging up his heavy artillery by hand. Bragg was greatly alarmed at this move, and opened up his artillery on Sherman's exposed ranks. Late in the evening he made a more serioxis attack, but without success ; and night put an end to the battle at this point, leaving Sherman in possession of the point gained. His line now extended from the northern extremity of this ridge to the mouth of the South Chickamauga, which was held by a brigade under Jefferson Davis, of the Army of the Cumberland, whose duty it was to protect Sherman's pontoons, and prevent the ingress and egress of citizens.

While these operations were going on to the east of Chat- tanooga, Hooker was engaged on the west. He had three divisions ; Osterhaus's, of the 15th corps, Army of the Tennes- see ; Greary's, 12th corps. Army of the Potomac; and Cruft's, 14th corps, army of the Cumberland. Hooker formed his line as follows : Greary was placed on the right at Wauhatchie ; Osterhaus on the left near Brown's Ferry ; and Cruft in the center. Hooker's command was on the west side of Lookout Creek. The east side of this creek was heavily picketed by the enemy, with three brigades of troops in the rear to reinforce them if attacked. These brigades, under the command of General C. L. Stevenson, occupied the summit of the moun- tain. The summit is a palisade for more than thirty feet down against the assault of any number of men from the position occupied by Hooker.

General Grant says : "The side of Lookout Mountain c©n- fronting Hooker's command was rugged, heavily timbered, and full of chasms, making it difficult to advance with troops,

176 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

even in the absence of an opposing force. Farther up, the ground becomes more even and level, and was in cultivation. On the east side the slope is more gradual, and a good wagon road, zigzaging up it, connects the town of Chattanooga with the summit."*

On the belt of arable land the enemy had erected powerful works, and in some places rock were piled up in his front, while lower down were his rifle pits. The summit of the mountain was well fortified, and the picket line on the east side of Lookout Creek was also intrenched. The battle commenced by Gross' brigade of Cruft's corps moving up to the railroad bridge which spans Lookout Creek, where, after a slight skir- mish, he effected a crossing, closely followed by Osterhaus. The rest of Cruft's corps joined Greary, who moved a short distance up the creek to effect a crossing. The enemy, not observing Greary's movement, filed down the mountain to their rifle pits, in order to prevent Osterhaus from crossing, while at the same time Greary crossed the creek, surprised the enemy's pickets, who held the opposite shore, and captured the whole squad of forty men. Greary immediately com- menced to ascend the steep and rugged mountain. Mean- while Gross held the railroad crossing until Osterhaus came up, and by eleven o'clock a good bridge was constructed, and he crossed over. The whole force then moved up the moun- tain, with Greary in advance. His men were formed at a right angle with the enemy's works, which were taken in flank and rear, and the Confederates soon gave way, losing 1,300 prisoners. Hooker's troops still pressed forward, driving the enemy before them. Greary's troops reached the upper slope of the mountain at twelve o'clock, noon, and the rest of the troops were soon abreast of him, driving the Confederates in advance. It was Hooker's intention for the troops to halt and reconnoiter the ground over which they had to operate ; but instead of doing so they pressed forward with the utmost impetuosity after the panic stricken foe. By four o'clock Hooker was in possession of the plateau of arable land on the west and north side of the mountain up to the upper palisade which crowns the summit, his left resting on Chickamauga

^Grant's Memoirs, Vol. 2, page 70.

THOS. H. BARTON. 177

Creek. The enemy held the summit. An eye witness says : "At this juncture the scene became one of most exciting interest. The thick fog, which had heretofore rested in dense folds upon the sides of the mountain, concealing the combatants from view, suddenly lifted to the summit of the lofty ridge, revealing to the anxious gaze of thousands in the valleys and on the plains below a scene such as is witnessed but once in a century General Greary's column, flushed with victory, grappled with the foe upon the rocky ledges and above him the enemy driven back with slaughter from his works. While the result was uncertain, the attention was breathless and painful ; but when victory perched upon our standards, shout upon shout rent the air. The whole army with one accord brote out into joyous acclamations. The en- thusiasm of the scene beggars description. Men were frantic with joy, and even Gen. Thomas himself, who seldom exhibits his emotion, said involuntarily, 'T did not think it possible for men to accomplish so much.' " The combatants were fighting above the clouds. Grant and Thomas, who were stationed on Orchard Knob, could only catch an occasional glimpse of this battle, which was one of the most grand and picturesque engagements ever fought on this continent.

Hooker continued to advance his lines, and skirmishing was kept up till a late hour. Grant now had a continuous line commencing on Lookout Mountain on his right, and extend- ing across the Chattanooga Valley ; thence to the mouth of the South Chickamauga; thence to the Northern extremity of Missionary Ridge, to a point near the railroad tunnel. Firing continued to a late hour in the night, but it was not connected with an assault at any point. Late in the afternoon Grant telegraphed to Washington : " The fight to-day pro- gressed favorably Sherman carried the end of Missionary Ridge, and his right is now at the tunnel, and his left at Chickamauga Creek. Troops from Lookout Valley carried the point of the mountain and now hold the eastern slope and a point high up. Hooker reports 2,000 prisoners taken, besides which a small number have fallen into our hands from Missionary Ridge." On the ensuing day the President re- plied : " Your dispatches as to fighting on Monday and Tues-

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178 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

day are here. Many thanks to all. Remember Burnside.'' And Halleck also telegraphed : '' I congratulate you on the success thus far of your plans. I fear that Burnside is hard pushed, and that any further delay may pr<)ve fatal. I know you will do all in your power to relieve him."

Thus ended the fighting on the second day, at and around Chattanooga. The troops slept on their arms, prepared to re- new the engagement.

The morning of the 25th of November. 1863, opened bright and clear, and the whole field of battle was in full view from Orchard Knobb. It remained so throughout the day Bragg's head-quarters were in full view from the position occupied by Grant and Thomaa, and the Confederate staff officers could be seen coming and going constantly

Grant's orders, which had been issued at midnight, were for Sherman to attack at daylight. Hooker was to move at the same hour, and endeavor to intercept the Confederate retreat, if he had gone, then to move directly to Rossville, and oper- ate against the left rear of the force on Missionary Ridge. When Sherman and Hooker were well advanced, Thomas was to make a final assult on the rebel stronghold.

Early in the morning. Hooker moved the 8th Kentucky' regiment, together with a detachment from some other regi- ments, up the steep palisades of Lookout Mountain; but on reaching the summit, nothing was to be seen but deserted camps. The stars and stripes floated triumphantly to the breeze on the summit of Lookout, and were hailed with delight by Grant, Thomas, and the whole army of the Cumberland. The enemy in his retreat had burned the bridge over Chicka- mauga Creek, and obstructed the roads, in order to retard the Federal advance. Hooker moved early in the morning, but was detained four hours crossing the Chickamauga Creek, and thus was lost the immediate advantage that Grant expected from his forces. His attack on Bragg's flank was to be the signal for Thomas' assault on Missionary Ridge ; but in con- sequence of the obstruction in his way. Hooker did not reach his destination till four o'clock in the afternoon.

The ground which Sherman had carried on the 24th was almost disconnected from the main ridge occupied by the

THOS. H. BARTON. 179

enemy. A low pass over which there was a wagon road cross- ing the ridge, intervenes between the two hills. The Confed- erates were lortified on the front, and farther back was a sec- ond fortification commanding the first. Sherman was out at daylight, and by sunrise his command was in motion. Three brigades held the hill already gained. Morgan L. Smith moved along the east base of the ridi^e, L;3omis along the west, supported by two brigades of J E. Smith's division, and Corse with his brigade was between the two, moving directly towards the hill to be captured. The troops advanced rapidly and carried the extreme end of the Confederate works. The enemy made strenuous efforts to check the Federal advance, but without success. The contest lasted two hours, and Sher- man now threatened Bragg's flank and stores, and forced him to weaken other points of his line in order to strengthen his right. Column after column of Bragg's forces were moved against Sherman, and every Confederate gun that could be brought to bear upon the Union forces were concentrated upon him. E. J Smith with two brigades, charged up the west side of the ridge to the support of Corse's command, and under a storm of s^hot and shell succeeded in reaching the Confederate parapet. He lay here for some time, but was compelled to fall back, followed by the foe ; and was driven into a wood, where he reformed his line, and drove the enemy back to his intrench- ments.

Grant now directed Thomas to send a division to reinforce Smith. It had to march a considerable distance directly un- der the eyes of the enemy to reach its position. Bragg at once commenced massing in the same direction. It was now late in the afternoon, and long before this Hooker had been expected in the neighborhood of Rossville. Sherman says : "Thus matters stood at three o'clock p. m. The day was bright and clear, I had long been watching for Thomas' attack on the cen- ter. Column after column of the enemy were streaming to- wards me ; gun upon gun poured its concentrated shot on my troops from every hill and spur that gave a view of any part of the ground held by me. An occasional shot from Orchard Knobb, and some musketry and artillery fire over about Look- out, was all that I could detect on our side. But about three

180 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

o'clock P. M., I saw a white line of smoke in front of Orchard Knobb ; it was extending farther and farther right and left, I knew that my attacks had drawn vast masses of the enemy to me. Some guns that had been firing on me all day were now silent, or were turned in a different direction. The line of musketry fire from the Knob disappeared behind a, spur, and passed out of sight."

Grant now determined to move the Army of the Cumberland on the enemy's center notwithstanding Hooker had not as yet reached his destination. By a misunderstanding of Grant's order, Wood, who was in command of the storming party, did not move till four o'clock in the afternoon. Thomas' army had been idle spectators of the battle for the last two days, and were eager for the fight. They remembered the battle of Chickamauga. At a given signal the divisions of Wood and Sheridan sprang to their feet and moved across the interven- ing ppace of one and a half miles on the double-quick, heed- less of the shot and shells which were thinning their ranks. Thev soon reached the enemy's rifle-pits at the base of the ridge, and drove the troops in front of them so rapidly, and followed them so closely, that rebel and Union troops went over the first line of works almost at the same moment. Many Confederates were captured and sent to the rear, and those who were not captured retreated, and were pursued. Without awaiting further orders, or stopping to reform, on our troops went to the second line of works ; over that and on to the crest thus effectually carrying out Grant's orders for the charge. The pursuit continued until the crest was reached, and the men were seen climbing over the Confederate barriers at different points in front of both Wood's and Sheridan's divisions. The retreat of the enemy was precipitate, and the panic so great that Bragg and his officers lost all control over their men. Hundreds were captured and thousands threw away their arms in their flight.

Sheridan pushed forward until he reached the Chickamauga River at a point above where the Confederates crossed. A second hill in the rear of Missionary Ridge was occupied by the enemy, probably to cover the retreat of the main body and of the artillery and trains. Sheridan pushed his men forward

THOS. H. BARTON. 181

up this second hill slowly and without attracting the attention of the men placed to defend it, while at the same time he sent detachments to the right and left to surround the position. The enemy beat a hasty retreat, leaving artillery, wagon trains, and many prisoners in our hands. Grant, who had been at Orchard Knobb throughout the day, now mounted his horse and rode to the front. Thomas also left about the same time. Sheridan on the extreme right was already in pursuit of the enemy east of the ridge. Wood accompanied his men on horseback, but did not join Sheridan in the pursuit. The Con- federates, who confronted Sherman, now seeing everything to their left giving way, also fled. Sherman's reserves, Davis' division of the Army of the Cumberland, was directed to push over the pontoon-bridge at the mouth of the Chickamauga and move forward to Chickamauga Station; and Howard was to move up the stream about two miles to an old bridge, repair it during the night, and follow Davis at four o'clock in the morning. The balance of Sherman's command was to follow Howard at daylight, and move on the railroad towards Grays- ville.

Hooker, as already stated, was detained at Chattanooga Creek by the destruction of the bridge at that point. Leaving his artillery to follow when the bridge should be rebuilt, he pushed forward with the remainder of his command. He came upon the flank of the enemy at Rossville ; but they could make but little resistance, and as many of them as could do so escaped. Many prisoners, however, were captured. Hooker's position during the night of the 25th was near Rossville, ex- tending east of the ridge.

Grant had in this engagement 60,000 men ; Bragg had about half that number, but his position was supposed to be im- pregnable. Grant's total loss in this campaign was 6,616 men, of whom 757 were killed, 4,529 wounded and 330 missing. Bragg lost 3,859 killed and wounded, and 6,141 were taken prisoners, making a total loss of 10,000 men, it being about one-third of his entire army. He lost forty guns, sixty-nine artillery carriages and caissons, and over seven thousand small arms.

A circumstance that distinguishes the battle of Chattanooga

182 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

is that the organizations were not kept together under their respective commanders during the engagement. This was caused by the accidents growing out of the heavy rains and the sudden rise in the Tennessee River. Hooker, on the right, had Greary's division of the 12th corps, army of the Potomac ; Osterhaus' division of the 15th corps, army of the Tennessee; and Graft's division of the army of the Cumberland. Sher- man had three divisions of his own army, Howard's corps from the army of the Potomac, and Jefferson C. Davis' di- vision of the army of the Cumberland. But no confusion arose from this disposition of the troops. There was no jealousy — -scarcely any rivalry. All were animated with a sentiment of patriotism. They saw a defiant foe surrounding them, and accepted eveiy move as intended to dislodge hira, and it mattered little under whom they were placed, tio that the end was accomplished.

Undoubtedly, this was the best planned and the best exe- cuted campaign on the Union side thus far during the war. Grant, on assuming command of the department of the Missis- sippi, immediately opened up his communications, and as it were, at once had the army well supplied with rations and cloth- ing and the starving animals were also well supplied with forage. He surprised Bragg in every move he made, and when the final move was made, Bragg did not know what his intentions were. He did not know Sherman's intention when the latter crossed the Tennessee at Browns Ferry, in plain view of the Confeder- ate pickets on Lookout. Bragg thought that Sherman's attack on Missionary Ridge was the main point of attack, and that it was Grant's design to turn his right flank, and that Hooker's attack on Lookout Mountain was to distract his at- tention from Sherman. Bragg acted precisely as Grant de- sired him to ; that is, he weakened his center to save his right, and thereby lost the battle of Chattanooga. The Confederate government acted unwisely in sending Longstreet, their ablest general, on an expedition against Knoxville, while at the same time they knew that Grant was expecting heavy reinforce- ments from Sherman. A second and fatal mistake was made in sending Buckner to reinforce Longstreet, when an attack was daily expected from Grant.

THOS. H. BARTON. 183

It is reasonable to suppose that if Bragg could have driven Grant from Chattanooga, Knoxville would have fallen into his hands without a struggle. Moreover, if Longstreet could have captured Knoxville, and Bragg had lost Chattanooga, as he did. then Grant would have immediately recaptured the former place. The Confederates, having both Knoxville and Chatta- nooga in view, lost both places. Great credit is due to Rose- crans for his masterly campaign in opening this gateway to the Southern Confederacy ; to Thomas the nation owes a debt of gratitude for holding open this gateway till Grant took command, and to Grant himself for his successful campaign, which was instrumental in making him lieutenant general, and destined him to be the leader of our victorious columns to Appomattox.

CHAPTER XI.

RELIEF OF KNOXVILLE — PERSONAL AND REGIMENTAL.

Chattanooga being now secure to the National troops bevond any doubt. Grant immediately turned his attention to reliev- ing Knoxville. Prior to the battles, he had made preparations for sending troops to the relief of Burnside at the very earliest moment after securing Chattanooga; and General Granger, with the 4th corps reinforced to 20,000 men, was to start the moment Missionary Ridge was carried. Two small steamers were put in condition to run, and one of these was loaded with rations and ammunition, and was to move up the Tennessee River to the mouth of the Holston, keeping abreast of the troops. Grant himself followed Bragg as far as Graysville, and on the 29th of November returned to Chattanooga. Find- ing that Granger had not only not started, but was very reluctant to go. Grant sent word to Sherman, who was at Graysville, informed him of the situation, and directed him to march to the relief of Knoxville.

Longstreet had made slow progress in his march towards Knoxville. He had depended on the country to feed his army ; but his bread had to be supplied from the wheat in the

184 AUTOBIOGRAPHY (iP

sheaf and corn in the shock, and his men were poorly supplied with clothing, tents and blankets. On the 14th he reached Houghf's Ferry, six miles below Loudon, where he crossed the Tennessee.

Burnside had marched to Loudon, with the intention of holding Longstreet in check until Grant had secured Chatta- nooga, and could come to his relief. On Longstreet's approach Burnside fell back to Cambell Station, where a severe en- gagement took place, and he was compelled to fall back within the lines of Knoxville. Longstreet followed, and on the 17th made an attempt to carry the place by assault, but failed. He thereupon invested the city, with the intention of reducing it by famine ; but in this he was disappointed on account of the loyal people of east Tennessee bringing supplies to the be- leaguered army, so that Burnside's stores increased instead of diminished.

Sherman had sent out detachments to destroy the railroad between Gravsville and Cleveland. This force had not returned when he received orders to march to the relief of Knoxville. His men needed rest after their long march from Memphis, and hard fighting at Chattanooga. But Grant had become satisfied that Burnside could not be rescued if his relief de- pended upon the movements of Gen. Granger. On the 1st of December Sherman put his army in motion, and at night reached Athens. On the ensuing day he reached Philadelphia, while the cavalry kept on to Loudon, and found the place occupied by the enemy, who, during the night, burnt the pontoon bridges and ran three locomotives and forty-eight cars into the Tennessee River to prevent them from falling into Sherman's hands. The enemy then evacuated Loudon. On the same night Sherman sent a squad of cavalry to Knox- ville to inform Burnside that relief was near at hand. On the 3d they moved to Morgan Town, on the Little Tennessee River, where Sherman expected to find a good ford ; but on reaching the place found from two to five feet of water in the channel. The water was at the freezing point. Here he was detained in building a bridge till dark on the evening of the 4th. His troops crossed during the night, and on the morning of the 5th his cavalry brought the intelligence

THOS. H. BARTON. 185

that Burnside still held the fort, but that Longstreet held the place in seige.

On learning of Bragg's defeat at Chattanooga, Longstreet resolved to take Knoxville by assault He, therefore, on the 29th of November, massed his columns against Fort Saunders on the northern side of the town, it being the key to the Fed- eral position. The storming party pressed forward with great resolution, but were met with a withering fire from the fort. They, however, soon reached the fort, and a few men -scaled the works, and demanded the surrender of the garrison. They were dragged in and made prisoners. The assaulting force finally withdrew and retreated hastily, losing heavily in killed and wounded. This assault having failed, another column made the attempt, but failed also, and a third assault on the south side ended only in disaster. In these desperate assaults Longstreet lost 500 men, killed and wounded. Burnside'sloss was comparatively small. Longstreet lay before the place till the night of the 4th of December, when he retreated by the way of Strawberry Plains. Burnside's cavalry followed him twenty miles, which brought them to that place, where the pursuit ended.

On the 6th, while at Morgantown, Sherman learned of Long- street's departure. He rested his troops for a few days, and then returned by easv marches to Chattanooga. Granger with his command moved to Knoxville, and went into winter-quar- ters. Sherman distributed his troops at different places on the Tennessee, and on the Memphis t-nd Charleston Railroad, where they went into winter-quarters. General Grant, who had received the congratulations of the nation established his head-quarters at Nashville, and the campaign of J 863

in the west ended.

*******

The 4th West Virginia Regiment, as stated in a former chapter, was stationed at Camp Sherman in September, 1863. During the last week of this month the regiment received marching orders, and were soon under way to Vicksburg with the Army of the Tennessee. On reaching this place they were marched aboard a Government transport, and were soon steam- ing up the Missiscippi River with Sherman's fleet. At Mem-

24

186 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

phis the regiment had a short rest, and then marched across the country with Sherman's army to Chattanooga, and were hurried to Missionary Ridge, and participated in the battle of Chattanooga. Immediately after this battle the regiment moved with Sherman to Morgan Town, and alter a short rest, returned to Chattanooga. They were soon afterwards placed on board of pontoon boats, and were moved to a point oppusite Larkinsville, Alabama. At Larkinsville, the regiment went into winter-quarters. At this place "the boys " had an easy time during the remainder of the winter, having nothing to do but guard duty and an occasional scout.

During the year 1863 the service of the regiment was hard and laborious. They were almost Incessantly either marching, fighting, or performing manual labor. On the llih of February. 1864, a part of the regiment enlisted as veterans for three years longer, or during the war; and remained at Larkinsville till the latter part of March. The balance of the regiment was consolidated with the 8th Missouri. The com- panies of the Fourth Regiment were respectively consolidated with the companies of the 8th Missouri; that is Company A. of the 4th West Virginia was consolidated with Company A. of the 8th Missouri, etc.

About the first of May the non-veterans received marching orders, broke camp, and moved to Chattanooga. They were in the advance as mounted infantry in the Army of the Tennessee under the command of McPherson in Sherman's march to Atlanta, Georgia, and participated in the battle of Rasacca, fought on the 13th, I4th and loth of May On the 28th, the regiment took part in the battle of Dallas in which the Army of the Tennessee was the chief participant. In this battle the regiment lost one man killed, the number of the wounded being unknown. On the 27th of June, the 4th West Virginia participated in the battle of Kenesaw Mountain, and the march was afterwards continued to Marietta, Georgia where they remained till their term of enlistment was near its close. The non-veteran portion of the regiment were then placed aboard a train, and started for Wheeling, West Virginia to be mu'stered out of the United States service. When about midway beteween Dallas and Calhoun the locomotive struck a

THOS. H. BARTON. 187

torpedo, which the rebels had placed on the track, and which exploded, throwing the engine off the track, and wounding a few men. This caused a delay of a few hours. No further ac- cident occurred, and they reached Wheeling in safety. They went into camp on Wheeling Island, where they remained till the latter part of August, and were then mustered out of the service, received their arrears of pay and bounty, returned home to their families, and once more became citizens of the republic.

The veteran portion of the regiment, together with a few disabled men who were condemned for service in the South by surgeon's certificate of disability, left Larkinsville in the latter part of March, and started for Wheeling. They stopped one day at Gallipolis, Ohio, and reached their destination about the first of April. Every soldier received a veteran fur- lough for thirty daj^s, and "the boys" had an opportunity for a brief period, of enjoying the companionship of their friends and loved ones at home.

After the expiration of their furlough, the veterans were transferred to the Shenandoah valley, and placed under General Hunter's command. Under his leadership they participated in the battles of Piedmont, fought -Tune 5th, Lynchburg, June 18th, Kearnstown. July 15th, and Snickers Gap, July 20th, 1864. On the 17th of August, Hunter wns superseded by Sheridan, who was assigned to the command of the forces in the Middle Military Division, consisting of the Department of Washington, the Middle Department, and the Departments of the Susquehanna and Southwest Virginia, which it was now determined to unite under one commander- Under this brave general the veterans of the 4th West Virginia took part in the battles of Berry ville, September 3d, Winches- ter, October 19th, and Cedar Creek, October 21st, 1864.

The losses of the Fourth Regiment from the fall of Vicks- burg, July 4th, 1863, to the date of their consolidation with the First West Virginia Regiment, December 10th, 1864, were as follows: Company A one died of disease; Company B six died of disease and one deserted ; Company C two died of disease and one was discharged for disability ; Company D two died of disease and two were discharged for disability ;

188 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Company E four died of disease ; Company F one killed in

action at Dallas, Georgia, eight died of disease and five were

discharged for disability ; Company G seven died of disease

and five were discharged for disability; Company H six died

of disease and two were discharged for disability ; Company

I one killed in action, one accidentally killed and twelve

died of disease ; Company K eight died of disease and one was

discharged for disability. The total loss from all causes,

during this period, was seventy-six.

*******

Nearly a quarter of a century has elapsed since the terrible war, in which the nation had been engaged for more than four years, ended. The supremacy of the Government has been established; all resistance to its laws and authority has been suppressed ; the war resulted in the complete triumph of the Union arms, and the flag of our country now floats in every precinct of the nation. The Union armies accomplished their duty in the preservation of the republic. Distinguished Gen- erals and other officers, have been received by their country with the honors due to those who have so well sustained the national character — not only for courage, activity, endurance, discipline and military science — but for the nobler virtues of humanity. The remains of other officers, who died in the service of their country, have been brought home to be hon- ored in death ; and to find their last repose among their friends. And the soldiers too — they who fought so nobly for free institutions — they have returned. Regiments that went forth full and fresh have returned — smitten and scathed.

Many is the desolate hearth, to which the son, the husband, the father shall return no more. No kindred eye shall weep at his grave. He is buried with the undistinguished dead, who fell on the battle-field, or died in the hospital, or in the prison pens of the south. Four hundred thousand Union soldiers, it is calculated, have been sacrificed in this war; and more than four billions of*money expended. And we know that the sacrifice of Southern life and property has been enor- mous. The number of Confederate soldiers, who fell in battle, equaled, if not exceeded, that of the Federal ; and who can tell how many of their women and children were killed in the bom- bardment of their cities?

THOS. H. BARTON. 189

Let the value of money be estimated by the good it may do, and we shall then see that the preservation of the Union was well worth the sacrifice. The Southern contest has placed our republic in the front rank among the nations of the earth. No country has at any period shown braver soldiers, or better officers. In the reconstructed government, the Confederates have been restored to all their political rights and priviliges ; yet it is none the less true that the Union was preserved by the valor of our armies, and without conquest could not have been maintained. Five millions of human beings have been liber- ated from bondage, and invested with the privileges and im- munities of citizenship. This great result has been accom- plished by the instrumentality of this nation, and, with pe- culiar emphasis. Progress may be made the watchword of

the Nineteenth Century, and of the Republic of America. ********

I shall now resume the thread of my personal history. On the 25th of September, 1863, as stated in a former chapter. I obtained a furlough for thirty days to visit my home in the north. I was treated very kindly at Camp Sherman by the of- ficers, soldiers and hospital attendants, and was soon on my way in an ambulance to Vicksburg, a distance of fifteen or twenty miles ; and in due time, arrived at Vicksburg in an ex- hausted condition. Yet I was hopeful, for I had started on my journey home, and thought that if I lived to reach home, and enjoy the refreshing air of a northern climate, and the com- forts of my own fireside, that in a few weeks I would regain my health and strength, and once more be able for duty. My weight was only 143 pounds, having lost thirty-two pounds. I now had an insatiable thirst, and would fill a pint tin-cup with the muddy water of the Mississippi, put a chunk of ice in the water, and then drink it at once. This was repeated every fifteen or twenty minutes.

I procured free transportation on a steamboat, and was soon on my way up the Mississippi. A few miles above Helena, Arkansas, the steam-boiler sprang a leak, and the boat anchor- ed in the middle of the river. We laid at anchor about twelve hours, when a boat, which was going down the river, took me aboard, and transferred me to a gun-boat at Helena. Here I

190 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

remained one day, and feasted on fresh fish, which no doubt did me great injury. This was the first and only gun-boat that I was ever on. After remaining here about one day, I observed a fleet of transports coming up the river. One steamer landed by the gun-boat, and to my great joy, my own regi- ment, the Fourth West Virginia, was aboard. I went with them to Memphis. Here I remained a few hours, and then took passage on the same boat to Cairo, arriving at that place about the 4th of October. I took my meals at the table, pay- ing fifty cents per meal, and getting as near the worth of my money as any other person, on account of having a voracious appetite. I bought a slice of water-melon at Helena, it being the best melon that I ever tasted. At some point between Memphis and Cairo an officer took my valise, and relieved it of Carpenters Work on Human Physiology, at the same time tell- ing me that it was his duty to take charge of all captured pro- perty, and turn it over to the government. About the same time I met Edgar Blondin, who belonged to a regimental band in the array. While in his presence, I accidentally tramped on a fool's foot — I call him a fool because he did not have the sense or manners of a gentleman Notwithstanding my feeble condition, he threatened to strike me for this accident, but was prevented by the interference of comrade Blondin. Four months previous to this time, I could have thrown him overboard without exerting much of my strength.

I slept but little during this voyage. On the approach of evening I would feel sleepy and worn out, but when night came on I would go to my room, and the sleepy feeling would leave me, and I would lay awake nearly all night, and on the approach of day I would wish for morning to come. I -do not think that I slept more than two hours during the twenty- four. I arrived at Cairo, Illinois, on a cold windy day, and suffered intensely with the cold. Having remained at Cairo for a few hours, I took transportation on the Illinois Central Railroad to Ogden, where I changed cars, and then travelled on the Ohio and Mississippi road to Cincinnati, where I arrived on the following morning. There was no water-tank on the car in which I rode, water was brought on it every two or three hours, but this did not quench my insatiable thirst. To

THOS. H. BARTON. 191

satisfy my craving thirst, I would walk into the forward car among the ladies and gentlemen, go to the water-tank, and take a drink of ice-water. This was repeated at nearly every station, and I managed to get back to my own car before the train starfed. Boys would come aboard the train at every depot or large station where the trAin stopped, with cooked chickens, hard-boiled eggs, pies and fruit, of which I bought an abundance, and ate with a voracious appetite. At Cincin- nati, a "shark" met me at the depot with a horse and express, took me to a third-class hotel, and "sharked" me out of one dollar and fifty cents for his services. The land-lord, who kept a saloon, no doubt rewarded him with all the whiskey he could drink. The land lord, however, was very kind to me, and among other things for supper, supplied me with sausage, of which I ate heartily. This kind of diet did not agree with me al- though it was given in kindness. Since leaving the regiment, I had received no attention from any one until I reached Cin- cinnati, where every one seemed very kind to me. I was fre- quently asked this question. "Are you going home to be dis- charged?" I invariably answered the question in the negati^ve. I remained one day in the city, and paid my fare of one dollar and fifty cents, which was very reasonable.

My landlord, who treated me with great courtesy, procured transportation for me to Athens, Ohio, at half-fare, and as- sisted me to the depot, where I took the Marrietta and Cincin- nati Railroad. It was dark when I reached Athens, and not hearing the conductor's call, I remained in my car, and when the train started, soon found that I was speeding through the town at the rate of eight miles an hour. I left the train at the next station, and took lodging for the night at a small hotel. The landlady prepared a sumptuous supper, of which I ate heartily. There were several gentlemen at the supper table, and the conversation finally turned on the subject of the war. The landlord did all the talking, but no one paid any attention to him, and I was unable to converse with him. Never before or since had I heard such vituperative language used against the government as this man used. He abused President Lincoln and the members of Congress. He also abused our military officers, calling them butchers. He was

192 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

a "copperhead" democrat ; but notwithstanding all this, he treated me very kindly and procured free transportation back to Athens. Here I procured a driver with a horse and buggy, and in the afternoon he took me to the residence of Mrs. Lodicia Barton on Shade River. Mrs. Barton was my aunt, and we reached her place about an hour after sunset. Here I remained over night, and feasted too heartily on my aunt's rich bounty. In the morning my aunt furnished me with a horse, and I rode to Mr. Hugh Y. Cook's residence, a dis- tance of two or three miles. We were cousins. I was sup- plied with k good dinner, and after a sumptuous meal, I felt very tired and worn out, and laid down on the sofa to sleep. A lady, who lived in the neighborhood, came in ; and observ- ing me asleep on the sofa, said to Mrs. Cook: "Tha: man looks so pale aad feeble, I believe he is dead ; please go and see if he is still breathing." Thereupon, Mrs. Cook came to me and found me alive ! About the middle of the afternoon, Mr. Cook took me in his buggy to my residence near Chester, and when we reached home I learned that my wife and child- ren were on a visit, and would be back in an hour. I reached home about the 9th of October.

"Home, home, sweet home, There is no place like home."

In about an hour after my arrival my wife and children re- turned. We had a happy reunion, notwithstanding I was a skeleton compared to the hale, hearty and robust soldier of fourteen months previous, I was overcome with joy at once more beholding my beloved wife and children ; and was even glad to see the little stranger, who had taken up his abode with us. At first my oldest children did not recognize me as* a father; but appeared to take me for a "tramp" that had stopped at their mother's house. I was very kind to them and amused them in every manner possible, and in this way they soon came to love me.

During my sojourn at home, my wife was very kind to me, and treated me with great respect, and did all she could to make me comfortable and happy. At the same time I was morose, fretful and gloomy. My books lay on the shelf un- opened. My conversation was frivolous. I refused the ur-

THOS. H. BARTON. 193

gent request of my wife and friends to employ a physician, believing that medicine would be of no avail for a person with an insatiable appetite and an unquenchable thirst. My diet was the. richest food that could be procured, and my drink was by the quart from a "well of sparkling water" near by

Soon after my return, I had a professional call to see a son of the Rev. Moses Will. He had received an injury of the head, having had it caught in a cane mill. I refused to see the lad, thinking that I was unfit to treat a case of surgery. The State election took place in a few days after I arrived home, and I was taken to the polls in a carriage, and voted for John Brough for governor of Ohio.

The thirty days of my furlough soon expired. In accordance with military law, it had to be extended. Gallipolia being the nearest military post, I resolved to go there and procure an extension of time. Mrs. Barton procured a horse and buggv, and we were soon off for Gallipolis. In the evening of the same day we reached my brother James' residence at Addison and stopped with him that night. Next day my brother took me to the general hospital near Gallipolis, and in due time, through the kindness of Dr. John Bell, acting as assistant surgeon of that institution, I procured an extension of my furlough for thirty days, signed by Gen. Sherman. On the ensuing day we returned home, arriving there about sundown. I was in an exhausted condition.

During my sojourn at home I had two attacks of malarial fever, but easily succeeded in breaking the paroxysms. My ex- tension of furlough expired about the last of November, and I then decided to report in person to Dr. Bell, at the general hospital at Gallipolis. He received me as a patient in that institution, and I was placed under the care of Dr. Bantee for treatment. Next day, on his morning visit, Dr. Bantee gave me the following prescription :

R TV. Opii Camph. Tr. Catechu, 5 im. Sig.: Take a teaspoonful every three hours.

I used this prescription till some time in the spring, with some success, it being the only medicine I used, with the ex- ception of an occasional dose of quinine to arrest an attack of

25

194 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the malarial intermittent fever. Sometime in March, Surgeon Stone superseded Surgeon Bell, and took charge of the hos- pital. On hi,« first visit he ordered Dr. Bantee to give me iron and quinine. The prescription was as follows :

R Quinia Sulph., 5 ss. Tr. Ferri Chloridl, % ss. Aqua Pur a, J ii ss.

Sig.: Take a teaspoonful in sweetened water three times daily.

I could not take quinine in solution, and at my requtjst the druggist gave me the medicines separately. I continued to take these medicines till the middle of July, during which period I slowly improved in health and strength.

Some time during the preceding winter, I procured some milk, which I used as a diet for several days. I had come to the conclusion that milk would be better for me than the regular hospital diet. On learning this. Dr. Bantee furnished me with milk daily, and in my opinion I improved more rap- idly under this regimen.

About the 1st of April I procured a pass to visit my family, and one afternoon took passage on a steamboat for Pomeroy, arriving at that place at dark. I put up at the Remington House, and took supper, Mr. John Dunn being the proprietor. He was an old acquaintance, and advised me to remain over night with him ; but I was very anxious to see my family, declined his kind offer, and immediately set out for my home, eight miles distant. I proceeded in daylight until out of the limits of the city. I was on Kerr's Run when night came on. The night was dark as "'Erebus,^' and it. was almost impossible to see my way. And when at the forks of the road I took the left-hand route, which led me almost a mile out of the way be- fore I discovered the mistake. But when I reached the hills, I knew the roads, and knew where I was. The roads were muddy, my shoes .vere light and thin, and when about half way home, my shoes refused to remain on my feet, and I abandoned them, and continued on my journey without any covering for my lower extremities, arriving at home about ten o'clock at night. My wife was surprised to see me in my nude pedal extremity. I was in an exhausted condition, but a cup of hot

THOS. H. BARTON. 195

coffee for the stomach, and a warm bath for my feet, soon re- vived my drooping spirits.

Some time in the fall of 1863, my wife had rented our prop- erty in Syracuse, to a woman who was the wife of a soldier. Report said that she kept a house of prostitution. Her hus- band had abandoned her. She, at different times, refused to leave the premises, and also refused to pay the rent. After resting a few days I repaired to Syracuse, and gave her legal notice to leave the premises. To this she paid no attention and held on to the property. I went before a Justice of the Peace, and summoned her on a writ of forcible detention. At the trial the Justice rendered a judgment of restitution in my favor, and I immediately procured a writ of restitution, gave the same to a constable, who proceeded forthwith to ex- ecute it. I accompanied him, but my virtuous tenant was prepared for us. She was not only well fortified, but was also well supplied with a store of ammunition, and prepared to re- sist the most formidable assault. The top of the stove was covered with ketttes of boiling water, prepared to launch against her assailants. But the officer was equal to the emergency. He quietly removed the kettles, emptied the boiling fluid, and then proceeded to clear the house of its con- tents. Having obtained possession of my domicile in this way, I thereupon moved my family to Syracuse, bade them farewell", and once more reported to the hospital.

During my sojourn at this institution, a small portion of my time was occupied as a druggist. I filled the physican's prescriptions. When the soldiers, who were wounded in Hunter's raid, were brought to the hospital, it was part of my duty to dress their wounds. Among them was a soldier who had his thigh amputated at the lower third. I removed the bandages, which had not been touched since the limb was amputated, and proceeded to examine the stump, but did not like its appearance. I was afraid of gangrene, or mortifica- tion. Soon after this, secondary hemorrhage, or bleeding set in ; the stump became affected with gangrene, and the soldier died in a few days. Dr. Bantee, asked me if I had pulled the cord or ligature, with which the Femoral Artery was tied, thus loosening the cord and causing hemorrhage. I replied very emphatically : "No sir, I did not."

196 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

Sometime in March, 1864, there was a threatened invasion of the Kanawha Valley by the Cenfederates. To meet this emergency, Surgeon Stone ordered all soldiers, who were able to travel and carry a musket, to proceed to the front and assist in repelling this invasion. I was among those whom he ordered to go on this expedition. Notwithstanding my willing- ness to do duty for the government, I refused to go with the squad, on account of my health, which was very poor, more- over, I considered the musket and the knapsack too heavy a load for me, after having thrown them aside for more than two years, and having experienced a severe attack of sickness. On another occasion. Surgeon Stone examined his patients for the purpose of sending those who were able for duty to their respective regiments. I was among those who were examined, and after the examination, he proposed to send me to my regi- ment at Larkinsville. I knew that the southern climate would not agree with me, and begged him to let me remain till my regiment returned. It was exp>ected in a few days, and as soon as it arrived, I reported to Surgeon Philson, who care- fully examined me, and ordered me to report back to Surgeon Stone, which was done accordingly. He again received me in the hospital, where I remained till near the end of my term of service.

My brother James, on several occasions, took me in a car- riage to his residence at Addison. Here I enjoyed his'hospi- tality and reviewed some of the scenes of my earlier life. I had studied medicine for two years under his preceptorship, and had always enjoyed his companionship. During one of my visits to his home, he was called upon, as an expert, to examine the remains of a yonng lady, who died suddenly of some acute disease about ten days previous. I accompanied him. From the appearance of the corpse, the family thought that life was not extinct. We proceeded to examine the remains, and found that the spirit had left the body ; but it had every appearance of a person in a profound sleep. The body was well preserved, and the features had the appearance of life.

A soldier who was in the hospital when I was ad- mitted, complained of being aflfected with rheumatism

THOS. H. BARTON. 197

in one of his legs He walked lame. The surgeons had abandoned all treatment of him, and probably through leniency kept him in the hospital. Surgeon Stone, on his first examination of the patient, ordered the nurses to make him lie flat on his back on his cot for the space of three days. He was only y)ermitted to raise his body during his regular meals. He bore this treatment patiently till the three days expired, when he found that he could walk without a limp ; and he was immediately discharged from the hospital and soon afterwards reported to his regiment. Some time in November, 1863, a case of insanity occurred. A soldier, affect- ed with the measles, was admitted into the hospital ; and as a sequence of this disease, lost his reason. In some of his wan- derings he would imitate a preacher; and would sing, pray, preach and talk, as if he was speaking in class-meeting; while at other times he would use profane and obscene language. He was undoubtedly an insane man. Notwithstanding his condition, he at all times knew every per«on in his ward. He would sometimes take umbrage at what I would say to him. He knew that I was a hospital steward of some regiment, and would frequently say to me: "Go to your hospital, and not stay here sponging off of us." The strangest part of his story is, that he soon afterwards left the hospital without leave of absence, went home and got married. He returned in about a month and was again admitted; and when he came to our ward, we spoke to him, and extended the hand of fellowship ; but he replied to every one of us, except one soldier of his own regiment : "I don't know you, I never saw you before." He soon afterwards left the hosoital, and rejoined his com- mand.

Some time in the spring of 1864, I witnessed the following incident, together with the surgeons, hospital attendants, and all of the inmates who were able to walk out The husband of the laundress was a trifling fellow, addicted to the use of intoxicating liquor, spent most of his earnings for whiskey, and made a poor living for his family- He was also in the habit of abusing his wife ; and his thriftless disposition com- pelled his better half to support herself and familv. One day, after he had been abusing his wife, two of the cooks,

198 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

who were robust and able-bodied men, took him to a shallow pond of water, dragged him through it twice, thus covering him with mud and wetting his clothing. After receiving this baptism of mud and water he looked more like an alligator standing on his hind feet than like a human being. Just at this stage of the pro- ceedings, a man who was driving a two-horse team, made his appearance on the scene of action, with the intention of tak- ing this fellow's part. The cooks, as soon as they learned his intention, left their victim, turned on his would-be protectort gave him a few blows with their fist, which soon made the wagoner retreat in haste, followed by a shower of pebbles.

The "22d day of February, Washington's birth-day, was a gala day for the attendants and inmates of this institution. A sumptuous dinner was prepared, of which we partook with great relish. Climbing a greasy pole was among the amuse- ments on this occasion, and whoever succeeded in reaching the top was to receive a prize. Several unsuccessful attempts were made, when one of the cooks finally succeeded, and ob- tained the prize for his dexterity and skill. I was among those who made no attempt. This was an amusing thing for us, and caused much merriment. During the winter, for reading matter, we were supplied with the Holy Bible and New Testament, together with a library of Sabbath School books. I would frequently read a chapter from the Bible or Testament, but seldom read any of the Sunday School books. When Surgeon Stone took charge of the hospital, he dis- charged the matron and laundress, and placed the Sisters of Charity in their stead. They removed the books, and replaced them with a number of implements for various kinds of harm- less games and puzzles. We sometimes amused ourselves with these implements. During the latter part of spring and early part of the succeeding summer, I spent a portion of my time studying Anatomy and the Latin language.

On the 15th of July, I started for Wheeling in company with Charles Atkinson, an inmate of the hospital, and a member of Company E of the Fourth Regiment, to be mustered out of the military service of the United States. We were conveyed to the Marietta and Cincinnati Railroad in an express, and

THOS. H. BARTON. 199

arrived at the station about midnight. We then laid our bodies down on the bare ground without any shelter except the broad canopy of the heavens, and slept soundly till after daylight. In the morning we boarded the first train .bound for Parkersburg, and arrived at that city about eleven o'clock that night. We applied at the hotels for lodging, but they re- fused to take us in, and we were compelled to sleep in the open air. Next day we boarded a train for Grafton, West Virginia, in company with a squad of soldiers, and when we passed through the railroad tunnel several of the soldiers exclaimed : ''Hands on your pocketbooks, boys !" I suppose however, that the pocketbooks were empty, as the pocketbooks of soldiers generally were. We arrived safely at Wheeling about ten o'clock p. m. and I felt myself about "played out," a phrase used for a broken down soldier. We took lodging for the night at a house which had been used as a prison for Union soldiers, who were charged with some offence against military law. On the ensuing day I procured board and lodging at a hotel where I remained a few days. One day some of the boarders were trying to solve the following problem. "A man who was driving a flock of geese to market, was asked : "How many geese have you?" replied : "If I had as many more, half as many more, and two and a half geese, I would then have one hundred ! How many geese had he?" I stood near them and listened to their conversation, while they were trying to solve the problem ; and when they had given it up, I called for paper and pencil, which were given me, and in two or three minutes, found the unknown quanity The landlord, together with those present, were greatly surprised to see a person of my humble appearance solve such a problem in so short a time. It admits of an easy solution by algebra.

Let X equal the number of geese.

Then, a;+a;+-|2;+2i=100

Or, 4a;+2;+ 5=200

Or, 5a;=195

Or, x= 39, answer.

I remained at Wheeling a few days, and then reported to the hospital. I prescribed for myself, having free access to the dispensary. I was not under any restraint whatever, and

200 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

traveled around the city more or less every day. On the Sab- bath I attended the M. E. Church regularly, with one excep- tion when, at the request of Arthur Pomeroy, we attended the Episcopalian Church. After staying at the hospital about two weeks I became home sick, (nastnlgia) and seeing no chance of obtaining my discharge, I watched for an opportunity to return to my regiment, which was in the vicinity of Baltimore. One day I learned that a few Union soldiers, who were in prison, would be sent to their respective regiments. I applied to the Provost Marshall of the city to go as one the guards of the prisoners to Baltimore. He readily granted my request, and about the 15th of August, I relieved one of the guards, and was soon on my way to Baltimore, going by the way of Pittsburgh on account of the rebels having torn up the Balti- more and Ohio Railroad. I arrived at my destination in due time, it being about twelve o'clock noon. Immediately on ar- riving in this city I observed a sign on a building which read as follows: "SoMiers /?(•«/," I thought that if there was any rest inside of that building I had a right to enter in and par- take of it. I was tired, sleepy and hungry, and on entering the building, found a large table spread with brown bread about ten days old, corned beef that had all the juice boiled out of it until nothing remained but bones and dry muscle fiber, the coffee looked as if it was half soot. However unpal- atable this diet was, a keen appetite compelled me to eat heartily. Supper and breakfast were about the same. When night came on, being very tired, I hoped to have a good night's rest, but was doomed to be disappointed. After walking over the city for some time I returned to my lodgings, and found a large number of soldiers on the bunks sleeping very soundly. I took possesion of one of the bunks, and laid my body down upon it, but found that it was already occupied by some kind of insects. At first I thought they were " gray backs. " (Pediculus corporis) but was mistaken. They were the chinch or bed bug (Cinex lectularius.) These little pests were too severe for my tender flesh, and I retreated, and left them in peaceable possession of the bunk, but an immense number of them clung to my clothing. I immediately left the build- ing and walked the streets till early dawn, occasionally sitting

THOS. H. BARTON. 201

on the door step of some residence to rest my weary body, while at the same time I was fighting and killing my diminu- tive tormentors until daylight, I then carefully examined my clothing and found my raiment free from these troublesome insects. It is a mj^stery how a,ny person could sleep in such a bed-bug hole as this was.

On the ensuing day I took in some of the sights of the city. Among them were the ships lying at xinchor in the bay, some of these ships being loaded with ripe peaches. I also visited Fort McHenry, and found it a noble structure. In the after- noon, while strolling around the city, I met Captain William Grayum, of Company G, of the 4th regiment. The boys were on their way to Wheeling. I fell in with them ; we drew army rations, and had a " square meal," it being the best meal that we had had since leaving Wheeling. Next day we boarded a west bound train, and were off for our destination, via Pitts- burg, and arrived at Wheeling in due time. Soon after our arrival I procured blanks for my discharge. These I filled up, and presented them to Captain D. A. Russell, of Company E, who signed them in duplicate. On the 22nd of August I pre- sented my papers to Lieutenant Henry C. Peck, the mustering officer, who filled up, signed and gave me my discharge. I then reported to the paymaster, who, after examining my dis- charge, asked me if I had performed any duty after my term of service had expired. I informed him about my guarding the prisoners to Baltimore, and without saying anything fur- ther, he gave me my arrears of pay and bounty, and $30 for the last month's service. I then procured some necessary surgical and tooth instruments. On the 23d of August, I bade the citizens and soldiers of the good city of Wheeling a final adieu, and boarded the United States mail packet bound for Parkersburg, where I arrived about one o'clock on the follow- ing morning. At this place I changed boats, taking another mail packet for Pomeroy, and about five o'clock p. m., on the 24th, arrived safely at Syracuse.

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202 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XI.

Roster of field, staff and company officers of the 4th Regiment West Virginia Infantry, showing the alterations and casual- ties therein, from the date of original organization to the date of consolidation with the 1st West Virginia Infantry, December 10th, 1864.,

COLONELS.

J. A. J. Lightburn, commissioned August 14, 1861, promoted

to brigadier general volunteers. James H. Dayton, commissioned May 9, 1863, mustered out,

expiration term of service.

LIEUTENANT COLONELS.

William H. H. Russell, commissioned August 27, 1861, re- signed.

James H. Dayton, commissioned March 19, 1863, promoted to colonel.

John L. Vance, commissioned May 9, 1863, mustered out, ex- piration terra of service.

1\[AJ0RS.

John T. Hall, commissioned August 27, 1861, killed in action

near Boone C. H., W Va. James H. Dayton, commissioned October 4, 1862, promoted to

lieutenant colonel. John L. Vance, commissioned March 19, 1863, promoted to

lieutenant colonel. A. M. Goodspeed, commissioned May 9, 1863, killed in action

at Vicksburg, Henry Grayum, commissioned August 17, 1863, mustered out

expiration term of service.

FIRST LIEUTENANTS AND ADJUTANTS.

Philson B. Stanberry. commissioned August 22, 1861, honor- ably discharged.

Alpheus Beal, commissioned January 26, 1864, mustered out expiration term of service

FIRST LIEUTENANT AND R. Q. M.

Jesse V Stevens, comraissoned October 18, 1861, mustered out expiration term of service.

THOS. H. BAETON. 203

SURGEONS.

George K. Ackley, commissioned August 26, 1861, resigned. John R. Philson, commissioned May 9, 1863.

ASSISTANT SURGEONS.

John R. Philson, commissioned November 19, 1861, promoted

to Surgeon. Homer C. Waterman, commissioned May 9, 1863, mustered

out expiration term of service.

CHAPLAIN.

George S. Woodhull, commissioned November 27, 1861, mus- tered out expiration term of service.

CAPTAINS.

Henry S. Welton, Co. A commissioned

resigned September 1, 1861. Tilton B. Rockhill, Co. A commissioned September 1, 1861,

resigned November 30, 1S62. Martin V Lightburn, Co A commissioned December 31, 1862,

mustered out expiration term of service. John L. Vance, Co B commissioned July 5, 1861, promoted to

Major. Barlow W Curtis, Co. B commissioned March 19, 1863. Thomas J. Smith, Co. C commissioned July 5, 1861, resigned

November 20, 1862. Barney J. Rollins, Co. C commissioned December 31, 1862,

mustered out expiration term of service. Arza M. Goodspeed, Co. D commissioned July 8, 1861, pro- moted to Major. John L, Mallernee, Co. D commissioned May 9, 1863, mus- tered out expiration term of service. Wm. R. Brown Co. E commissioned July 22," 1861, promoted

to Colonel, 13th W Va. I. Ephraim C. Carson, Co. E. commissioned October 4, 1862,

resigned January 3, 1863. Daniel A. Russell, Co. E. commissioned March 19, 1863, mus"

tered out expiration term of service. Wm. H. H. Russell, Co. F commissioned August 22, 1861,

promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. George W Story. Co. F commissioned September 1, 1861,

resigned January 5, 1863.

204 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

CAPTAINS — CONTINUED.

William S. Hall, Co. F commissioned March 19, 1863, mustered

out expiration term of service. Henry Gra.yura, Co. G commissioned July 1, 1861, promoted

to Major. William Grayum, Co G commissioned August 17, 1863. Patrick H. Brunker, Co. H commissioned August 1, 1861,

resigned January 5, 1863. Benjamin D. Boswell, Co. H commissioned March 19, 1863,

promoted to Major 2d Vet. I. Alexander Vance, Co. I commissioned July 10, 1861, resigned

February 16, 1863. Calvin A. Sheperd, Co. I commissioned ^larch 19, 1863,

mustered out expiration term of service. James H. Dayton. Co. K commissioned July 22, 1861, pro- moted to Major. James J Mansell, Co. K commissioned October 4, 1862,

mustered out expiration term of service.

FIRST LIEUTENANTS.

Martin V Lightburn, Co. A commissioned September 1, 1861, promoted to Captain.

Smith, Co. A

resigned September 1, 1861.

John I. Sayre, Co. A commissioned December 31, 1862, mus- tered out expiration term of service.

Wm. C. Bailey, Co. B commissioned July 5, 1861, resigned September 30, 1862.

Barlow W Curtis, Co. B commissioned December 31, 1862, promoted to Captain.

Wm. H. H. Sis'son, Co. B commissioned March 19, 1863, mustered out expiration term of service.

Barney J. Rollins, Co. C commissioned July 5, 1861, pro- moted to Captain.

Wm. L. McMaster, Co. C commissioned December 31, 1862, mustered out expiration term of service.

John L. Malernee, Co. D commissioned July 8, 1861, pro- moted to Captain.

G. W Hankinson, Co. D commissioned May 9, 1863, mustered out expiration term of service.

THOS. H. BARTON. 205

FIRST LIEUTENANTS — CONTINUED.

Ephraim C. Carson, Co. E commissioned August 22,1861, promoted to Captain.

Daniel A. Russell, Co. E commissioned October 4, 1862, pro- moted to Captain.

Philson B. Stanberry, Co. E commissioned August 22, 1861, promoted to Adjutant.

James H. Ralson, Co. E commissioned March 19, 1863, resigned September 6, 1863.

Edward Mallory, Co. E commissioned January 26, 1864, mus- tered out expiration term of service.

William S. Hall, Co. F commissioned July 30, 1861, promoted to Captain.

Finley D. Ong, Co. F commissioned March 19, 1863, died prisoner at Vicksburg May 22, 1863, of wounds received in battle of Walnut Hill, May 19, 1863.

George A. Scott, Co. F commissioned August 17, 1863, mus- tered out expiration term of service.

John DeLille, Co. G commissioned July 18, 1861, resigned November 30, 1862.

Cincinnatus B. Blake, Co. G commissioned December 31, 1862, resigned April 3, 1863.

Calvin L. Lightburn, Co. G commissioned August 17, 1863.

John B. Booram, Co. H commissioned November 5, 1861, resigned November 11, 1861.

Benjamin D. Boswell, Co. H commissioned December 31, 1862, promoted to Captain.

H. F Donnelly, Co. H commissioned May 13, 1862, resigned December 8, 1862.

Michael Christopher, Co. H commissioned March 19, 1863, mustered out at expiration term of service.

Calvin A. Sheperd, Co. I commissioned July 10, 1861, pro- moted to Captain.

James W Dale, Co. I commissioned March 19, 1863, promoted to Captain 2d Infantry.

James J. Mansell, Co. K commissioned July 22, 1861, promoted to Captain.

Alpheus Beal, Co. K commissioned October 4, 1862, appointed Adjutant.

206 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

FIRST LIEUTENANTS — CONTINUED.

Enoch Clice, Co. K commissioned July 26, 1864, mustered out expiration term of service.

SEPOND LIEUTENANTS.

Jotin W Davis, Co. A commissioned June 17, 1861, resigned December 5, 1862.

Columbus Shrewsbury, Co. A commissioned December 31, 1862, resigned May 26, 1863.

John McDonald, Co. A commissioned August 17, 1863, mustered out expiration term of service.

Barlow W Curtis, Co. B commissioned July 5, 1861, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Wm. H. H. Sisson, Co. B commissioned December 31, 1862, promoted to Ist Lieutenant.

Alex Wartenburg, Co. B commissioned March 19, 1863, mus- tered out expiration term of service.

Wm. L. McMaster, Co. C commissioned October 1, 1861, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Jesse V Stevens, Co. C commissioned

promoted to 1st Lieutenant and R. Q. M.

Robert Dyke, Co. C commissioned December 31, 1862, mustered out expiration term of service.

Geo. W Hankison, Co. D commissioned October 25, 1861, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Adam Bratton, Co. D never mustered.

John N. Dean, Co. D commissioned August 17,1863, promoted to 1st Lieutenant 2d Vet. Infantry.

Ephraim C. Carson, Co. E commissioned August 22, 1861, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Daniel A. Russell, Co. E commissioned August 22, 1861, pro- moted to 1st Lieutenant.

James H. Ralston, Co. E commissioned October 4, 1862, pro- moted to 1st Lieutenant.

Edward Mallory, Co. E commissioned March 19, 1863, pro- moted to 1st Lieutenant.

Finley D. Ong, Co. F commissioned July 80, 1861, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

George A. Scott, Co. F commissioned March 19, 1863, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

THOS. H. BARTON. 207

SECOND LIEUTENANTS — CONTINUED.

Allen Bloomfield, Co. F commissioned August 17, 1863, mustered out expiration term of service.

Cincinnatus B. Blake, Co. G commissioned July 28, 1861, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

William Grayum, Co. G commissioned March 19, 1868, pro- moted to Captain.

H. F. Donnelly, Co. H commissioned November 5, 1861, pro- moted to 1st Lieutenant.

Benj. D. Boswell, Co. H commissioned May 13, 1862, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Michael Christopher, Co. H commissioned December 31, 1862, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Wm. R. Malone, Co. H commissioned December 31, 1862, mustered out at expiration term of service,

James W Dale, Co. I commissioned July 10, 1861, promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Edward H. Trickle, Co. I commissioned March 19, 1863, mustered out expiration term of service.

Alpheus Beal, Co. K commissioned July 22, 1861, promoted to First Lieutenant.

Enoch T. Clice, Co. K commissioned October 4, 1862, promo- ted to First Lieutenant.

NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF.

Jas. H. Ralston, Sergeant Major, mustered July, 6, 1861, pro- moted to Second Lieutenant, Co. E.

Alex. Wartenburg, Sergeant Major, mustered July 5, 1861, promoted to Second Lieutenant Co. E.

William Mullen. Sergeant Major, mustered July 25, 1861, mus- tered out expiration term of service.

Chas. W Holland, Quarter Master Sergeant, mustered August 22, 1861, mustered out expiration term of service.

Joseph A. Walsh, Quarter Master Sergeant, mustered Febru- ary 11, 1864, veteran, transferred to 2d. W Va. Vet. Inf.

C. Shrewsberry, Commissary Sergeant, mustered August 22, 1861, promoted to Second Lieutenant Co. A.

Albert J. Haselton, Commissary Sergeant, mustered February 11, 1864, veteran, transferred to 2d W Va. Vet. Inf.

208 AUTOBIOGtRAtHY OP

NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF— CONTINUED.

Thos. H. Barton, Hospital Steward, mustered July 22, 1861, mustered out expiration term of service.

W A. Kalloussouski, Hospital Steward, mustered February 11, 1864, veteran transferred to Eegular Army.

Peter F- Zeise, Principal Musician, mustered February 11, 1864, veteran, transferred to 2d. W Va. Vet. Inf.

CHAPTER XII.

THE PRACTICING PHYSICIAN.

The future history of my life naturally divides itself into three periods. The first commencing with my return from the military service of the United States, continues to the 1st day of April, 1874, when having disposed of our property in Syra- cuse, I moved my family to Indiana. It was the most prosper- ous period of my life. The second period covers the space of about seven months, and embraces uiy sojourn in the state of Indiana. The third period, commencing with my return from Indiana in November, 1874, continues to the present time.

Mrs. Barton, who had charge of my finances during my term of service in the army proved herself a good financier, and made an excellent use of the money entrusted to her care. She had laid up money, and by the latter part of March, 1864, had a sufficient amount to pay for our property in Syracuse, together with the interest. We had previously made an arrangement that the deed should be made to her, provided she succeeded in saving money enough to pay for the prop- erty. Her reason for having the real estate deeded to herself was that, if I owned it, I would probably become involved in debt and finallj' lose it, whereas if the deed was made in her name, the property would be safe, and no one could take it away from us ; besides, as already stated, I had agreed that our home should be hers. I did this for the following reasons :

1st. I supposed that the property would be safe in her keep- ing, on account of her good management of our afi'airs while I was in the army.

THOS. H. BARTON. 209

2d. I had formerly given my consent to this settlement of our affairs, as hereinbefore stated.

3d. Life was uncertain especially to one in my feeble condi- tion— I expected to live but a few years — and should I die, the property would be hers to do with as she wished.

4th. During the six months immediately preceding my dis- charge from the service, I looked to her for the management of all our affairs.

Accordingly she filed her petition in the Court of Common Pleas of Meigs County, Ohio, against B. F Knight, adminis- trator of the estate of Quartes Bridgeman, deceased, from whom I had bargained for the property, and in due time the court granted her a decree, and conveyed the real estate to her in fee simple.

I was now once more at home and happy in the society of my wife and family. I had passed through a memorable period of my life. I had served three years in the Union army, and had seen much of the southern country. My posi- tion as hospital steward of the 4th West Virginia regiment had afforded facilities for acquiring a more thorough knowledge of the science of medicine and the treatment of disease. I had improved these opportunities to the best of my ability, and I now felt assured of being able to establish a successful prac- tice. My wife, as already stated, had been economical in the management of our domestic and financial affairs ; our prop- erty was fully paid for, and my future prospects were now brighter than ever they had been before. I resolved to seize upon the golden opportunity to thoroughly devote myself to my chosen profession, and by industry and economy secure a competence for myself and family.

Meanwhile the village of Syracuse had greatly improved. During my absence many new residences had been erected. Property was valuable. The Syracuse Coal and Salt Company was in a prosperous and flourishing condition. The coal in- dustry, in which this company was extensively engaged, had never before been so prosperous. The miners were being paid five cents a bushel for mining coal, and the remuneration of the wage workers was proportionately high. Money was abundant ; but the price of the necessaries of life far exceeded

27

210 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

that of the ante helium times. Coffee was sold in the retail market at fifty cents a pound ; tea two dollars a pound ; com- mon sugar twenty to twenty-five cents ; bacon thirty to thirty- two cents, and pickled pork twenty to twenty-five cents a pound. Fresh pork sold at fifteen dollars per hundred, and fresh beef from twenty to twenty-five cents a pound. CaUco was forty-five cents a yard, and muslin sold from fifty to sixty cents a yard. Worsted goods, however, was much cheaper. Gentlemen's clothing was very cheap in proportion to the price of other articles, and a substantial suit of clothes could be purchased at from fifteen to thirty-five dollars. I bought a suit of good broadcloth clothes in the city of Wheeling for twenty-five dollars.

Prior to the war, as I have already stated in a former chap- ter, I had selected the town of Sj'racuse as my permanent lo- cation. I felt grateful that my term of service in the army had expired, and that I was once more a citizen of the great republic- and immediately began preparations to resume my chosen ])rofession, feeling assured of l»eingable to build up an extensive and lucrative ]iractice. I found my former friends well pleased when they found that I had relocated at this place. In a verv few days I was ready to resume my practice. It was a sickly season, and I soon established myself in busi- ness. My practice soon extended to jMinersville and the adjacent country At Minersville and in the country, I vis- ited my patients on liorseback, carrying the leading medi- cines with me. In the course of a few months, I had all the practice that I was able to attend to, but had my health been good, I could have done more. During the first year I had a fair share of the practice, both at Syracuse and Minersville, and also in the adjoining rural districts. The business in- creased more rapidly at Minersville than it did at Syracuse or in the country In the former place it continued steadily on the increase till about the year 1869, at which time I had about two-thirds of all the practice, which continued in about the same proportion till the 1st of April, 1874. At Syracuse, I had, on an average, about one-third of all the medical practice to the date above mentioned. This brings me up to the period of my removal to the state of Indiana.

THOS. H. BARTON. 211

During this time I did not have the field of practice to my- self. Doctors Joseph and Samuel Bean had located at Syra- cure prior to the war, and had established themselves in their profession. After my return from the army, I found Dr. Joseph Bean with an extensive practice and doing a large business. A poor man said to me that he, meaning Dr. Bean, " had feath- ered his nest so well that he would not attend to poor people at night." He remained here four or five years, m the mean- time doing a very fair business. Dr. Samuel Bean was not re- garded so skillful a physician as his brother, and did not have as much practice. He remained here several years after his brother moved away

Dr. Samuel Bean, however, was a great inventor, and invented and patented some kind of a machine for stripping sugar cane. He also built two or three houses in Syracuse. He was quite a genius, and was very active and energetic. About the year 1870 he built a steamboat to navigate the waters of the beauti- ful Ohio, and everyone thought that Robert Fulton had come to town. His steamboat, however, proved a failure, and it was afterwards sold and converted into a floating grist mill for the accommodation of the small farms along the Ohio.

Dr. Samuel Bean was succeeded by Dr. H. C. Teters. In the estimation of a number of persons, Dr. Teters was regarded as a skillful physician, and he had a fair amount of practice at Syracuse and vicinity. He left this place in the spring of 1872. These doctors belonged to the Physio Medical School of Physicians, and practiced that system of medicine. One of their favorite prescriptions was a composition powder of which capsicum (Cayenne pepper) was the base, mixed with other ingredients. A strong decoction was made from a table- spoonful of this powder, and given to the patient.

In November 1872, Dr. J. B. Smith, a regular physician, loca- ted at Syracuse. At first Dr. Smith did not succeed well in his professional business. His practice, hovvever, gradually in- creased to the period of my removal to Indiana, at which time he had established himself at this place, and had a good reputation as a physician and surgeon, and was doing a very fair business. Several other physicians, who lived at Racine, Pomeroy, and Middleport, were sometimes called to Syracuse

212 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

to see the sick. There were Dr. J. B. Ackley of Racine, Dr. George K. Ackle}"- of the same place, and afterwards of Pomeroy. He was a son of Dr. J. B. Ackley, and was a very skillful physician. He was the Surgeon of the Fourth West Virginia Regiment. Dr. J. W HofF of Racine, after- wards of Pomeroy. Dr. Hoff had considerable practice at Syracuse. At first the Ackleys and Dr. HofF were my consult- ants. Dr. George K. Ackley generally consulted with me in surgical and obstetrical cases ; the others in common or ordinary diseases. Dr. J. R. Philson, Racine, and Dr. D. C. Rathburn, of Middleport, also did business at Syracuse, and were among those who consulted with me. Dr. Rathburn generally in surgical cases. Dr. C. R. Reed of Middleport and the late Dr. Isaac Train, of Pomeroy, were occasionally called to this place. I did not consult with the Beans, but in civil affairs we were friends. I was once called in consulta- tion with Dr. Teters, and consulted with him on account of the case being an urgent one. We relieved the patient in about an hour after my arrival. Dr. Teters moved away from S^'racusein the spring of 1872,

From September 1864, to the first of April 1874, my practice continued about the same at Syracuse and Minersville. During this period I had three cases of fracture of the thigh bone> (femur) several cases of fracture of the fore-arm, (radius and ulna) a few cases of dislocation of, and fracture near the elbow joint, and one case of amputation of the thumb, and a part of two fingers. In another case I amputated a finger on account of a poorly treated case of fellon or whitlow. I also had a number of flesh wounds which I treated, and in all these cases met with very fair success. In one case of an injury at the elbow joint, I did not have the best success. On one occa- sion a lad about twelve years old was brought to me, who had sustained an injury at the elbow joint, the bones being broken as well as out of place at the elbow. I set the broken bones, and applied splints and a bandage. The lad was brought to me regula,rly every day for the space of one week, and his arm examined. Meanwhile, his mother was constantly urging me to leave off" the dressing, and at the end of this time she stopped bringing the boy to me. The result of this was a stiffened joint, or incomplete or partial, Anchylosis.

THOS. H. BARTON. 213

The following case, in which I did not have success explains itself. 1 was called to see a coal miner, who had sustained a severe injury about the ankle joint. I proceeded to examine the case, and found the ankle swollen to such an extent that I could not make out the contour of the joint. The foot was turned outward, (everted.) After examining the case for a few minutes, I stopped the examination in order to meditate in re- gard to the nature of the injury. I was suddenly interrupted in my meditations by a man who was present, and who asked me the following question : "Do you know what is the matter with his ankle?" I replied that I did not thoroughly under- stand it, and thereupon a number of those who were present commenced conversing with each other in a lan- guage which I did not understand. Presently one of them said to me: "If you don't know what is the matter with the joint, we will send for a doctor who does." To this sarcastic proposition I made no reply, but said : "My treatment would be to straighten the foot in a line toith the other -partaof the limb, apply a single splint to his ankle and leg, then reduce the swelling after which it would be more easy to understand the trouble. I have empha- sized the important part of the treatment. They immediately started a messenger for a doctor luho did know. I then told them to apply cold water to the parts affected till the infiamation and swelling were reduced, when it would be easy to make out the nature of the injury. I then left the case and went to my residence near by.

The physician who was sent for was absent from home, and a young student of medicine was sent in his stead. The young practitioner was soon at his bedside, and examined the injury, and pronounced it a sprain and ordered the volatile liniment to be applied to the injured ankle. Next morning the physician arrived, examined the case, and the diagnosis was a severe sprain of the ankle, and he then took full cha,rge and treated the case almost six weeks. The result of this treat- ment was to reduce the swelling and infiamation ; but the patient had no use of his ankle, and could not stand up- on it.

One day, while in Minersville, I met Dr. D. C, Rathburn, who

214 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

was on his way to Syracuse to see this patient. He desired me to accompany him, and assist him in treating the case. I gave him the history of it so far as I know, and at first, refused to see the case ; but he strongly insisted that I should go with him, and I at length waived all objections and went with him. We proceeded to examine the injured ankle, and as the swel- ling was now nearly gone, it was very easy to make a diagnosis. We found the outer and smaller bone of the leg ( Fibula ) broken at a point about two inches from its lower end. The fragments were easily adjusted. In the absence of Dr. Rathburn I treated the case, and in about one month after Dr. Rathburn's first visit the fracture was found to be united and this gentlemen was able to walk without a halt.

I was called to see Jacob Henry who was shot and mortally wounded by Calvin Runnion, about the 1st day of January, 1866. I have mentioned Mr. Henry in a former chapter as being a desperate character in Syracuse. He was very quarrelsome, and figured prominently in a great many riots and disturb- ances, and was frequently arraiijneil before an officer of justice for breaches of the peace. He also had the i'ej)utation of be- ing quite a Lothario among the fair se.v. Upon examination, I found two gun-shot wounds in the lower part of one of his legs, and another in the upper part of the tliigh of the same leg (the femur). The latter missile entered near the trocan- ter mnjor. 1 removed the two balls from the lower part of the leg, but the other missile could not be found. Inflamation soon set in in the cellular tissues. Dr. G. K. Ackley was called in consultation, and he examined the wound, but could not find the missile. Mr. Henry died in about ten days after sus- taining this injury. The autopsy showed that he had been shot from behind, and that the missile had passed around to the front part of the thigh bone and then entered the pelvic cavity under the pubes. There had been severe inflamation of all the parts in the pelvic cavity, and in all probability the wound was necessarily fatal.

Mr. Runnion was indicted in the Court of Common Pleas of Meigs county for murder, but was acquitted by the jury. It was shown at the trial that Henry had maintained criminal connections with Runnion's wife.

THOS. H. BARTON. 215

I was the first physician called to the bedside of Robert Snowball, who was stabbed and mortally wounded on the night of the 24th of January, 1874, by Robert Hemsley. Upon examination, I found about one dozen wounds on the surface of his abdomen, more than one-half of these cuts having pene- trated the abdominal cavity. The caul, or omentum, was protruding in some places. The case being a grave and seri- ous one, I called Dr. J. B. Smith to my assistance, and he gave it as his opinion that Snowball was seriously if not fatally wounded. On the ensuing day at the request of some friends and neighbors, Dr. Isaac Train of Pomeroy, was sent for, and he kindly came to our assistance. We then examined the ciise together, but could do nothing for the injured man, except palliative treatment. Mr. Snowball lived ten days after sus- taining these injuries. He retained his mental faculties to the last moment, and made his last will and testament, disposing of his property. The autopsy showed that the stomach had been penetrated once, the small intestines in six places, one portion of his intestine being nearl}?- severed by the knife.

Mr. Hemsley was indicted in the Court of Common Please of Meigs county for murder ; and was found guilty b}^ the jury of murder in the second degree, and was sentenced to im- prisonment for life in the Ohio penitentiary. After serving about nine or ten years, he was pardoned by the Governor of Ohio from all further confinement.

The following is one of the most remarkable cases that ever came under my treatmont. On the 25th of A])ril, 1869, Stella Guise, a daughter Charles Guise, of Minersville, and about four years old, fell over the balustrade from the upper porch of a two-story building. She struck the ground about two feet below the lower floor of the porch, and altogether fell a distance of about fifteen feet. I was immediately called to treat the little sufferer, but found no serious injury. There was only a mild attack of concussion of the brain, and some slight bruises.

Another remarkable case occurred during the succeeding harvest of the same year. A lad about eight years of age fell from a wagon loaded with grain in the sheaf, and after he reached the ground, one of the wheels of the wagon ran over

216 . AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

him, passing over the center of the abdomen. I was called to treat the case, and to my grest astonishment found no seri- ous injury.

It is noG the design of these pages, as I have already stated in a former chapter, to mention the numerous cases that fell under my treatment, or to weary the reader with minute de- tails of medical practice. The above cases in surgery will be sufficient for the period under review, and the following cases in medical practice will cover the ground up to May 1st 1874.

The summer of 1866 was an unhealthy one, malarial fevers and cholera being the prevailing diseases. Some time in the summer of that year, a messenger came to my residence about ten o'clock at night, stating that my services were immedi- ately required at Minersville to see a man who was dying with the cholera. My wife urged me not to take the case, saying at the same time : "The man is dying with the cholera, it will be of no use to see him." She further said : "Some per- son may break into the house during your absence." Not- withstanding her protest, I was soon on my way to the bed- side of the dying man, taking the precaution, however, to secrete all the money we had in the house. I was soon at his residence and found him dying with the cholera, as the messenger had stated. I ordered palliative treatment, and then left the poor fellow to his fate, and ])r0ceeded slowly home, at the same time meditating on the uncertainty of life and the certainty of death. I continued my meditations till in sight of my residence. It was now midnight, and a bright light was seen in the front room, which was an unusual thing at that time of night. A window sash of the drug store was raised, a large jar holding it up. At the same mo- ment I observed a lady in her night clothes crossing the street in the direction of my residence, and when she recog- nized me, exclaimed : "Doctor there are robbers in your house!" I spurred my horse sharply, and a few jumps took me to the hitching post, and on my way to it, saw a large jar on the ground under the window. I dismounted, ran into the house, and found my wife terribly frightened. She informed me that a man came to the window, raised it, and placed the jar under it. He then reached in and took another one, and

THOS. H. BARTON. 217

succeeded in getting his body about half way through the window, when her screams frightened him away. Her screams also aroused the neighbors who came to her assistance. The late M. A. Hudson, and his son Lewis A. Hudson, who had commenced the study of medicine under my preceptorship, were among those who came to her rescue. I never learned who the depredator was.

Soon after this, while riding through Minersville, I was called to see a lad about eleven years old, whom I found in a state of collapse, and he was also delirious. On the table lay a large water-melon, and the brothers and sisters of the sick child were partaking of its delicious pulp with great relish, but paid no attention to their sick brother. I failed to obtain a history of the case, and as malarial fever was very prevalent at the time, I could not make a diagnosis. I at first thought from bis cold extremities, that it was a malignant attack of malarial fever ; but it was not long till I found that I had another case of cholera. I immediately informed the family of the danger, and had them send for the child's father, who was performing some labor on the public highway I did all that lay in my power to relieve the little sufferer, but my efforts were useless ; he never rallied, and died on the ensuing day. The family did not know that there was anything serious till I informed them. In less than one week after the death of this child, his sister had an attack of the same disease, and a physician who resided in Pomeroy was called to treat the case- He abandoned the patient on the second visit, and I was then called, and found her in the collapse of epidemic cholera- She was dilirious, and it required several persons to hold her in her bed. Treatment was of no avail, and she died on the following day.

An old gentleman about eighty years of age also came under my treatment for cholera. Medicines were of no avail and he died in a few days. About the same time Robert CambelL Esq., of Minersville, died of the same disease. He had been eating very heartily of green beans, which no doubt hastened his death. He was treated by two eminent physicians of Pomeroy, but only lived about six hours after he was taken sick.

28

218

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

There were five cases of .cholera at Minersville, including a gentleman named Winterstein, who was treated by a physician from Pomeroy. All of these cases proved fatal. The town of Sj'racuse was free from this epidemic.

The following case is reported on account of its severity and novelty, but I do not do so for bravado or braggadocio : An old gentleman had eaten more than a pint of the fruit of the black haw (viburnum primi folium) The fruit of this shrub is astringent, tenacious and very adhesive. The result of this feast was a severe attack of constipation and impaction of the bowels. On the following day I was called to see the patient, and found him suffering with severe pain in the region of the stomach and bowels. On questioning him as to the cause of his trouble, he informed me that he had eaten more than a pint of this fruit. The seeds and rind were firmly lodged in the lower part of his bowels, then-by for the time being, form- ing a complete obstruction of the rectum. The obstruction was nearly as large as a goose egg, and was apparently im- movable. Having exhausted my skill trying to relieve him, I called Dr. J. R. Philson, of Racine, to my assistance. Dr. Philson exan.ined the case with me, but his advice failed to be of any benefit to the patient, it being only palliative treat- ment. I then sought the counsel of Dr. G. K. Ackley, who also examined the case in my presence, but his advice was of no avail. The old gentleman continued to grow worse, and his friends sent for Dr. Thompson, of Pomeroy, who saw the |)atient in my absence, and adnjinistered a drastic cathartic. This only increased his agony, and the result of this treatment was that I was called in the night to the be.lside of the suf- ferer. 1 now exjiected to lose my patient, and did not think that he could live more than two or three days. As a last re- sort, I placed him up to his arms in a large barrel filled with water, the water being heated to about 110 degrees. He re- mained in the water about an hour, when he experienced great relief. The result of this treatment was that his wife had the satisfaction of counting 700 seeds of black haws ! She could have counted more, but in some way lost the run of the count. His recovery was complete.

On one occasion I was hastily called by a gentleman resid-

THOS. H. BARTON. 219

ing at Minersvilee to see his wife, who was sick. On our way to his residence I learned the history of her case. The hus- band told me that his wife had been affected with the jaundice, accompanied with nausea and vomiting ; that her skin was hot

and dry, also of a deep saffron color. Dr. had been

treating her two weeks, and about an hour ago said that she would soon be well, and that it was not necessary to make any more visits. That the doctor had then made out his bill for his services, received his pay, and abandoned her in this condition. On arriving at her bedside, I found her husband's statement true. I treated the case about one week, when I considered the patient out of danger. I have not reported this case as a ma,tter of bravado, but to show my readers that a physician who is in the habit of looking upon "the wine when it giveth its color in the cup. when it moveth itself aright," is not to be trusted in dangerous cases of sickness.

The major portion of the many ph}sicians, with whom I consulted treated me with respect. The code of medical ethics requires that when one physician is called in consulta- tion with another, that the consulting physician, as soon as the necessary examination has.been mode, shall retire, and leave the case again in the care of the one who was regularly employed. The patient has a right to discharge his attending physician, and employ another. If, however, the attending physician is not discharged, another has no right to step in and take the case. In stating that the major portion of the physi- cians with whom I consulted treated me with respect, I mean that they did not violate this rule of medical ethics. A few of them, however, did violate it. Some were willing to con- sult with me provided the patient or his friends desired a con- sultation, and when called in, would take charge of the case, as if I had nothing to do with it ; and, on taking charge, would even request me to prescribe for the patient in their absence. In some cases, if the patient or his friends did not wish a consultation, they would take charge of the case, not- withstanding I had not been discharged. I seldom retaliated ; but in the following instance I had an opportunity to do so, and probably overstepped the bounds of medical etiquette. I was not in the habit of treating a case after some other physi-

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cian had been employed, except in consultation, or in case the attending physician was discharged, or the patient was a near relative.

On one occasion Dr. Teters was called to see a child affected with pneumonia. In all probability he was called to treat this case on account of some difficulty that had arisen between our family and the family of the patient. The children did not agree, and there had been a number of little brawls amongst thexn, as there frequently are among neighboring children. Dr. Teters treated the child about three days, when its parents came to the conclusion that it was not improving as rapidly as it should, and sent to Pomeroy for another phy- sician. The doctor came and prescribed for the patient, but did not visit it again. Meanwhile its parents gave the medi- cines regularly; and at the expiration of another three days, a well known lady of Syracuse came to my office and said : "I believe the child is dying. Please come and see it at once ; it may be that you can do it some good." To this request my wife objected ; and ^Ir. Lewis Hudson, who was studying medi- cine under me, also demurred to my taking charge of the case. Their princiital objectign was that a physican of Pome- roy had been sent for. However, I resolved to visit the patient. I was smoking a pipe when called, and in my haste, put the lighted pipe in my coat pocket, and had to extinguish the fire before seeing my new patient. Upon examination I found the child in the collapse of pneumonia. The treatment was cor- rect, but the medicine had been given one day longer than was necessary It being now late, T advised them to send early in the morning for the Pomeroy physician, but when morning came they refused to do so. The child was out of danger in two days from the time I saw it. After this I was regularly employed as the family physician of this child's parents.

During this period of my practice at Syracuse, I met with fair success ; but in a large number of instances, in which I was successful, my skill was not appreciated, and I did not receive the praise that was justly mine. On the other hand, if I lost a case, I was accused of incompetency, and a large number of persons would come to the conclusion that I did not understand the science of medicine. I will report one

THOS. H. BARTON. 221

case of the former character. An old gentleman, who resided in the suburbs of the village, was suddenly taken with spas- modic colic, and I was called in the night-time to see him. I obeyed the call, gave him some medicine, and some applica- tioDs over the stomach and bowels, and gave him the neces- sary instructions. There is no doubt that he followed my ad- vice ; and in less than twenty-four hours he was relieved. Nevertheless I failed to become this man's family physician. I could report a number of cases of the latter character.

About the year 1866, J. A. McBride took to his bed with malarial fever. His mother sent for a well-known physician of Syracuse, but found him sick, and unable to take the case. He informed her that his disease was typhoid fever ; but T do not believe that the physician had this fever, as all of my cases were malarial, especially near the river. This is why I was called to treat the case. I had my patient up and able to he out of the house in three or four days, while the doctor kept his bed over two weeks. As soon as he was able to be out, a respectable lady of this place, who was then about to be confined, sent a horse and carriage to convey the doctor to her residence in order to treat her. It is my opinion that he did not understand the science of obstetrics.

About the year 1S7'2, I was called to see a man who was affected with the intermittent malarial fever. He was a carpen- ter, and had just returned from Huntington, West Virginia. He informed me that he was taken with chills and fever about five weeks prior to my visit. He had been troubled with a severe chill everj' day, followed by a hot and burning fever, then by a profuse sweat. He also informed me, that a physi- cian residing at Huntington had been called to treat him, and had given him about a quart of hot tea of some kind to take in time of the fever, and on the well day about the same quantity of some other kind of tea. That the chills would last about an hour and a half. At every visit, the Huntington doctor had assured him that he would soon stop the chills. He had continued this treatment until his money was almost gone, and then returned home. When I arrived at his resi- dence, I found him "shaking." He complained of feeling very cold, and said that his head and bones were aching,

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and begged me to arrest the chill if I could. I am not in the habit of doing much in the cold stage of the intermittent fever, but as his suffering appeared hard to endure, I resolved to make a trial. I wrote a prescription and sent it to my wife, who put up the medicine, I administered the medicine, and in about fifteen minutes after he had taken it, he ex- claimed : "Doctor, you have cut this chill in two." This paroxysm was not followed by the usual fever. I continued to treat the patient for a few days. Meanwhile he improved rapidly, and did not have another return of this disease. This case is not reported for bravado, but to show the difference between rational and irrational treatment. In this case I did not gain a reputation as a physician. My patient was a poor man, and his influence did not extend beyond the limits of his own family

On one occasion I was treating a lady who resided near Syracuse, and who was dangerously ill. On one of my morn- ing visits, I pi escribed some medicine for her and the prescrip- tion was given to two lads about twelve years old, together with t^venty-five cents to p;iy for the medicine. Her husband, who was a trifling fellow, observing the boys as they started to the drug store, told them to give him the money and the prescription, as he could be more expeditious than they. The husband then went for the medicine. Late in the afternoon I again visited my patient, but nothing had been heard of either the boys, the prescription, the money or the medicine. Her husband had been absent during all that time. Late in the evening he was brought home intoxicated. He had been to a saloon and spent the money which was needed to preserve his companion's life. During his drunken spree he lost his little dog, which took up its abode with me. I thus became the owner of a rat terrier.

In those days I rode fast horses, and would sometimes travel with great rapidity. On some occasions, as I would ride rapidly past a dwelling-house, or meet or overtake a friend or acquaintance on the road I would be hailed with : " Doc, is any person sick? Who is sick?" while others would ex- claim : " Doc, what is the matter, you are riding in such haste? " I would usually reply : " The horse is in a hurry."

THOS. H. BARTON. 223

Before closing this chapter, I shall relate a few cases of superstition that fell under my observation. There are some persons who are naturally superstitious, and Syracuse is not entirely free from that class of individuals. About the year 1866, Thomas Grady and John Duffy were employed in haul- ing timber for the Syracuse Coal and Salt Company, and while in the forest, a strange apparition made its appearance, in the form of a man about as tall as a giant. He was clothed in the skin of some wild animal, and would utter a loud and piercing shriek. On beholding this giant, Grady and Duffy with one accord unhitched their horses from their respective wagons, mounted the horses, rode to town in great haste and raised a,n alarm. They reported that this strange being was about eight feet tall, and was clothed in the skin of some wild animal, and that his steps were long strides, four or five feet in length. On learning this a large number of men repaired to the spot where the strange monster had been seen. Diligent search was made, but he could not be found. They succeeded, however, in find- ing his tracks, which were different from those of any other animal, making a round hole in the ground. The excitement lasted several days, and this strange being took the name of the " Wild Man " of Syracuse.

In the course of my narrative, I have several times men- tioned Jacob Henry, and he was among those who went to in- vestigate the matter, and was very active in searching for the monster. This, however, was wholly unnecessary on the pari of Mr. Henry, for he himself was the "wild man." He had made a pair of stilts to add to his height, and this accounts for the holes in the ground. He had clothed himself in some show bills on which were engraved the pictures of animals, and he no doubt presented an ugly appearance. As soon as he saw the teamsters unhitching their horses, he made his way rapidly back to town, and reached there before they did. He was then prepared to assist in searching for the wild man. Grady and Duffy were terribly frightened. About two months afterwards Mr. Henry told the joke.

During the excitement, my brother-in-law, Aaron Parsons, was at my residence, and he had brought a rifle with him. Before he started for home, my wife said to him : "Aaron,

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you had better be careful on your way home, for the 'wild man may get after you !" He replied : "If he comes out as I go home, he will be my meat." Aaron was not easily scared. He had been in the Union army for four years, and no doubt some of the "Johnnies" had been a target of his trusty rifle.

On one occasion, Joshua Quillin, who resided near Syracuse, called at my office, about ten o'clock at night and requested me to visit a sick child at his residence. I obeyed the call, and when we had gone about two hundred yards, Mr. Quillin said : "Doctor as I was coming in I saw a spirit." He was not a timid or fearful man, but was inclined to superstition, and believed in supernatural objects. He continued : "It has been seen there for the last twenty years, but it was never known to harm any person. Probably we may see it as we go along." I asked him to explain its appearance. "It appears," said Mr. Quillin, "in the form of a bright light, and if you ad- vance towards it, it will vanish." The place where this sup- posed spirit had been seen, was a suitable one, at least in the minds of superstitious persons, for spirits, ghosts and hobgob- lins to make their appearance. A small brook flows through a ravine past the place, and on either side is a grave-yard, situated on the brow of a small eminence. The locality is dark even on moon-light nights. As we passed along, I was determined to investigate the matter, and if possible, ascertain the cause of the light. It did not, however, make its appear- ance. Having examined and prescribed for my patient, I was soon on my way home, and when near the haunted place I looked forward through the gloom, and saw a bright light apparently on the ground. I approached it, and his ghostship disappeared. I stepped back to my former point of observa- tion, and it again became visible. I moved backwards, again it disappeared. I stepped forward to my first position, and the bright light was once more visible. It was a moon-light night, and the light appeared in the shade of some trees. I had deter- mined to solve the mystery, and science soon came to my as- sistance. It was the image of the moon shining in the water. On moon-light nights, when there is water in the brook, any person standing in the proper position, can see the light. The angles of reflection and refraction are equal, and when the

THOS. H. BARTON. 225

light from the angle of refraction meets the eye, the image of the moon can be seen reflected from the water.

During this period I lost one case of obstetrics. This was the first case of that character in my practice that terminated fatally, and superstition was one of the factors which caused her death. A lady whom I had treated in her confinement, was kept by her husband in a close room, the windows and doors being kept closed day and night. It was in the month of October; the weather was moderately warm, and a large fire was constantly kept burning in her room. Her bed was closely curtained, and her bedding was sufficient for extremely cold winter weather. The result was that she was kept in a continuous perspiration. This was done against my orders, and the urgent protest of the neighbors who visited her. Finally she was taken with fever, caused by close confinement in a warm room. One dark night about eleven o'clock, her husband came to my office, and desired me to see his wife im- mediately He said that she had just been terribly frightened by a loud and fearful noise, heard in the upper story of the house, and that he and his wife believed it to be a token of her' death. I went with him, and on the way informed him that there was nothing supernatural in the strange noise, and that it could be explained in a natural way I suggested that there might be rats in the upper story, or that some bricks might have fallen off the chimney. He replied : "The noise was too loud to be made by rats, or bricks falling from the chimney." Disputing with him was like arguing against a trade wind — he failed to be convinced. I saw nothing unusual however, as we approached the house. Upon examination, I found that his wife appeared much worse, and she was of the same opinion as her husband, and could not be convinced that the strange noise was other than a token of her death. On the following morning it was found that the top of the chim- ney was missing. It had fallen, and the rattling of the bricks on the roof had caused the alarm. The lady died in a few days after this severe fright.

About the year 1870, 1 became a member of the Meigs county Medicial Association, of which society I am still a member. The name of this organization was afterwards changed to the

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Meigs County Medical Society. Some years afterwards, I also became a member of tbe Meigs and Mason County Academy of Medicine. This society held its meetings at night. The members finally became tired of night meetings and the or- ganization was abandoned.

CHAPTER XIII.

JUSTICE OP THE PEACE.

In the beginning it was given to man that be should "have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." Nothing was said in regard to the nature or extent of his dominion over his fellow-man. In all civilized communi- ties, however, there must be some kind of government, and there must be those who are invested with attributes of power and authority. There is a natural disposition in al- almost every person to exercise this authority. It is inherent in human nature. There is a natural desire in nearly every individual, as far as his capacity and ability extends, either to make or execute the laws in re'2;ar(l to his fellow-tnen. I am free to admit that I was not entirely exempt from this desire.

At the spring election to be held in April, LSG?, there were two Justices- of the Peace to be elected in Sutton Township ; one to fill a vacancy caused by the death of Robert Cambell. Esq., whose death by cholera I have already mentioned ; the other to fill the place of William H. Nease, Esq., whose term of office would expire sometime in April. A large number of the citizens of Syracuse urged me to be a candidate for this important office. Among those who took an active part in my candidacy was the late M. A. Hudson, and he urged me to accept the nomination. I did not desire the office, as I was then very ignorant in regard to the laws of the land, as well as the mode of conducting law-suits, having spent the previous eigh- teen years of my life in the study and practice of medicine. However, I finally waived all objections, and consented, irre- spective of political parties, to have my name presented before

THOS. H. BARTON. 227

amass convention, which was to be held at the school house in Syracuse on the first Monday in March. The delegation from the Nease Settlement had decided to cast their votes in the con- vention for the present incumbent, W H. Nease, who had proved to be an excellent Justice of the Peace. Those from Minersville, almost to a man, came prepared to vote for Jacob Hortenbach, an intelligent and influential German of that place, and it was expected that I would receive the almost unanimous support of the Syracuse delegation. I was now about to enter upon an entirely new phase of my checkered career. T had never taken any part in nominating conven- tions and was not familiar with the schemes and devices which are practiced by the politician.

The convention met at seven o'clock p. m. on the sixth of March. There was a large delegation from Minersville, as there were also from Syracuse and the Nease Settlement. It was almost unanimously conceded that W H. Nease should be nominated as one of the candidates. This left it a sectional strife between Syracuse and Minersville as to whether Mr. Hortenbach or myself would receive the nomination. The convention was finally called to order b}^ the chairman, and after the usual preliminaries, the names of the candidates were announced, and the balloting commenced. Considerable excitement prevailed while the voting was going on. 'Squire Nease was a favorite with all sections. Minersville, almost to a man, voted for their candidate, while nearly all of the Syra- cuse delegation voted for me. The tellers then proceeded to count the ballots. W H. Nease had received a large plurality of all the votes cast. Mr. Hortenbach came next, while I stood third on the list, having received a few votes less than the latter candidate. Mr. Nease and Mr. Hortenbach were then declared the nominees of the convention.

Soon after this convention was held, Mr. M. A. Hudson, to- gether with a number of the prominent citizens of Syracuse, desired me to come out as an independent candidate for the justice's office. I finally consented to let them use my name as a candidate. I did not relish the idea of electioneering for myself. I had never tried to influence any person to employ me as a physician, and I did not like to solicit the votes of my

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neighbors for an ofKce. However, I notified the citizens of Sutton township of my intention. Louis A. Hudson and Henry Dailey assisted me to write out my ballots, and we associated 'Squire Nease's name with mine. These tickets were distributed throughout the township, so as to be used at the polling places on the first Monday in April. I was at the polls very early in the morning with a large number of ballots for distribution among the electors, and I was assisted in this work by a number of influential citizens of Syracuse. Mr. Hortenbach was also on hand with his friends and backers, it being, as I have already stated, a sectional strife between the two places as to which should secure the election of their candidate. There was a large vote polled at Syracuse precinct, the whole vote being about 287. Of these, Mr, Hortenbach received about 150, and about 137 ballots were cast for myself. When the ballots were counted out, I came to the conclusion that I was defeated. There were two voting precincts in the township, and Racine was yet to be heard from. Early on the following morning a messenger arrived from that place, stating that ten votes had been cast for Mr. Hortenbach, and that I had received, the remainder. This gave me a large majority in the township.

In about two weeks after the election I received my commis- sion from the Governor of Ohio, and with this document in my possession I repaired to the capitol of Meigs County, and was sworn into office by 0. B. Donnally, clerk of the Court of Common Pleas. Having given the required bond, I was now prepared to discharge the duties of my office. In the mean- time I had purchased a copy of Swan's New Treatise on the Statutes of Ohio, together with blank forms for state warrants, summons, subpoenas, etc. My next move was to procure the docket, statutes and other books and papers of my prede- cessor. The law provides that upon the death or resignation of a justice of the peace, the books and papers belonging to his office shall be delivered to the nearest justice in the town- ship. I therefore proceeded to the office of 'Squire Nease, in order to obtain these important documents, but he informed me that only a part of them had come- into his possession and that he knew nothing about the rest. Next day I went

THOS. H. BARTON. 229

to Minersville and made inquiry about them, and learned that they were in the possession of Jacob Schreiner, a well known merchant and prominent citizen of that place. I then went to his place of business and demanded the books and papers, but he refused to deliver them into my possession, giving as a reason that he was security for Mr. Cambell, and feared that he would have to pay a certain sum of money that had arisen out of some irregularity in 'Squire Cambell's official transac- tions, and that he would hold the books and papers until the matter was settled. I then sought the advice of the prosecut- ing attorney of Meigs county, who advised me to go again to Mr. Schreiner, and demand of him the books and papers, and if he refused to let me have them, threaten to replevy them. I did according to this advice, and thus obtained the docket, but Mr. Schreiner refused to deliver the documents, and when asked for them replied : " I put them in the fire and burned them." The whole of his proceedings shows a stubbornness of will on the part of ^Ir. Schreiner. He was afterwards elected trustee of Sutton Township, and served one year.

I was now ready for the office to which I had been elected, but was poorly prepared to discharge my duties. I knew com- paratively little about the laws of Ohio, or the mode of con- ducting a Justice's court. The law books which came into my possession were almost useless. Swan's old Statute never came into my possession. A number of the annual volumes of the laws of this State had been preserved, and passed into my hands. These were all the law books that were furnished to me. Swan and Critchfield's Statutes were not given to the Justices. I had purchased Swan's Treaties on the Statutes of Ohio, which was an excellent work for -Justices of the Peace in civil cases, but was almost useless in criminal proceedings. This made that part of my labors very difficult to perform.

I experienced some difficulty in distinguishing the various classes of crimes and misdemeanors, for they were not clearly defined in Swan's Treaties. In certain cases of minor offences, the justice had exclusive jurisdiction : that is, he could try a case of this charactor, impose the penalty, or discharge the de- fendant according to the testimony. In another class of mis-

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demeanors, the justice should try the case, and on a plea of guilty, could impose the penalty ; but if the defendant did not plead guilty, the justice should hear the testimony, and either discharge the defendant from custody, or it the evidence was sufficient, he should order the defendant to enter into a recog- nizance with sufficient surety, for his appearance before the Probate Court, or the Court of Common Pleas of the county in which ihe misdemeanor was committed ; and if he failed to enter into such recognizance, it then became the duty of the justice to issue a mittimus remanding him to the jail of the county, there to await the setting of the proper court. In cer- tain cases of misdemeanor, the defendant had a right to elect, or choose, as to which court he would be recognized before. The higher classes of crimes were more clearly defined, and were much more easily managed. In consequence of not having the plain law before me, I would sometimes make a mistake in the mittimus or recognizance by ordering the defendant to appear before the wrong court.

In the year 1869, the criminal code of Ohio was revised by the Legislature, and fifty sections of the old law were amended or repealed, so that the former laws were void. These repealed laws are referred to in the Statutes by the number of the sec- tion. Two cases, which were tried before me, failed in the higher court on account of the charge being based on these repealed laws. One of these cases was for challenging to fight a fisti-cufls.

In 1869 the State furnished me with Swan and Sailor's Sup- plement to the Statutes of Ohio, containing the laws from 1860 to 1868. This book was of great service to me in my official capacity, but it did not supply all that I needed.

Soon after obtaining Swan and Sailor's work, I received a letter from Robert Clark & Co., law publishers of Cincinnati, Ohio, informing me that, as a justice of the peace, I was en- titled to the Statutes of Ohio, and that the trustees of town- ships had a right to furnish them to the several justices of their respective townships. On the first opportunity after re- ceiving this letter, I made a demand of the trustees of Sutton township for the Statutes, but they peremptorily refused to fur- nish me with these important books. I think the trustees did

THOS. H. BARTON. 231

wrong ill thus refusing these books, thereby trying to compel me to purchase them. The price of tlie statutes was twelve dol- lars, which was a small matter to the township, but it was a considerable sum to a person in my financial condition.

Toward the close of my first term of office, I purchased War- ren's Ohio Criminal Law, of the edition of 1867. This work was designed to aid Justices of the Peace and Mayors in the discharge of their official duties. It was a splendid work in its time, but after eleven years, it was almost obsolete and of very little value.

My first civil cases did not terminate favorably. I mean by this that I lost my fees in these cases, and they were afterwards dismissed in the Court of Common Pleas. About half a dozen suits were planted by citizens and employees against the Carleton Coal Company. This company was engaged in mining coal, and their place of business was situated on the Ohio river just below Syracuse. The company was straight- ened in its finances, and was about to make an assignment. Hence these suits. I think some of these cases were com menced after the assignment had been made. John Cart- wright, a prominent attorney of Pomeroy, was employed as counsel for the plaintiffs in one of these casej. The others appeared without counsel. A man named Nichols was the agent or manager of the company, he was summoned to appear on their behalf. I do not think that Mr. Nichols appeared at the time appointed for trial in any of these cases, and I therefore rendered judgment in favor of the plaintiffs. These judgments were all carried to the Court of Common Pleas on a "Petition in Error," that is, there was sup])osed to be some error or irregularity in my proceedings. They were continued from one session to another for about three years, and were then thrown out of court on a nolle prosequi. This is a Latin phrase, and means in law : "To be unwilling to pro- ceed." I lost my fees in every case, and also the fees for making out the transcripts. The agent, when he called upon me for these transcripts, represented that he was out of funds, and by fair and apparently faithful promises, induced me to furnish him with the documents. In dealing with this old rogue, X learned a lesson which afterwards inured to my bene-

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fit. The fees for making out a transcript in civil cases, should be paid in cash by the person demanding the same.

The first couple that I married were well advanced in life. They were not spring chickens. The groom was over three score years old, and the bride, who was a widow, was between thirty-five and forty. She was his fourth wife. I solemnized this marriage soon after receiving my commission, and was prepared for the occasion, having the marriage ritual commit- ted to memory ; yet I felt abashed when standing in the pres- ence of this gray-haired veteran of matrimony, and his blush- ing bride. If I now remember correctly, I joined twelve couple in the holy bonds of matrimony Of these, four couples separated, three of whom remained separate, and one couple renewed the marriage relation and lived together. One gentle- man, who was about twenty-one, married a lady who was about fortj'^-eight years of age. In another case, the groom was a widower about forty-five, and the bride was a widow about fort}' years old. They were married at my oflice, and the groom came in a state of intoxication and was married in that condition. He was so much under the influence of liquor, that he could scarcely stand on his rickety legs during the cere- mony. I had some misgiving in regard to solemnizing the marriage of the last two couple, but the marriage licenses, duly signed by the Probate Judge, were in my hands, and I thought it my duty to mjike them man and wife.

In the discharge of my official duties as Justice of the Peace, as in the practice of medicine, I had strong opposition. An old gentleman, who resided in the vicinity of Syracuse, had held the office of Justice for nearly twenty years, and was well qualified to meet out justice to his fellow-citizens. He desired the office himself, and was dissatisfied because I was elected, and he tried various plans and devices in order to compel me to resign and give up the office. He would gene- rally try to make me do something wrong, or make some error, while holding my courts. He was usually employed as an attorney for the defendant in cases which were tried before me, and would use every means in his power to cause me to make an error. I will report one case wherein he no doubt acted beneath the dignity of any person who had ever

THOS. H. BAETON. 233

plead before a Justice's Court in this State. A young lady about fifteen years old filed an affidavit against a colored girl, setting forth in her complaint that the lady of color had struck her fair face with her fist. Her complaint was reduced to writing, and signed by the complaining witness, and I thereupon issued a warrant for the arrest of the colored girl, and delivered the same to a constable. In due time the defen- dant was brought before me to answer the charge. This young daughter of Ham employed the above-named gentleman to de- fend her; the complaining witness appeared without counsel. The case being called for trial, the defendant's counsel moved that the action be dismissed on the ground that the defend- ant's name, as written in the affidavit and warrant, was not her true one. The name was written Elizabeth Moping, whereas her true name was Elizabeth Maten. I overruled this motion, holding that if a name in an official document is in- correct, that the Court had a right to supply the true name when known. This move having failed, the old attorney then tried another plan. He pointed out to me a section of the law found in Swan's Treatise, and requested me to read it; and while I was reading he pretended to be examining the papers in the case. Presently he handed me the warrant remarking at the same time : "This warrant is defective, it does not have, the State of Ohio at its head." I examined the document and found that he was correct; but it was plainly visible that the paper had been mutilated. Some person had torn off the heading. There was perfect order in the court, and several persons, who were sitting near me, were silent. I saw at once that the warrant was defective, and I finally dismissed the case. Alter the action was dismissed, and this "'old limb of the law" had left my office, suspicion was aroused that he was the person who had mutilated this document. An exami- nation was made where he sat, and the fragments of paper containing the heading of the warrant, were found on the floor. This was done by this gray-haired veteran of the law in order to defeat justice and accomplish his ends. Since that time, the legislature of Ohio has passed an act making such an offence a misdemeanor, and the punishment a fine and im- prisonment in the county jail.

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I experienced another difficulty in the discharge of my official duties, especially in criminal cases. The nearest con- stable was a coal miner, and he lived two and a half miles from my office, and would frequently be in the mines when a war- rant was delivered to him ; and if the case was not an urgent one, I would have to wait about one day before he would re- turn the warrant. This gave my neighbors, especially those who were inclined to gossip, an opportunity to learn that a criminal case was pending. One person would tell another, and the news would soon be spread abroad that a law suit was expected soon. On such occasions, while visiting my patients, I would be hailed by every person that I met with the in- quiry' : "When is the law suit coming of!'?" The result was that when I held my court to try a criminal case, there would be a large crowd of all ages and sexes present to hear the trial. Such was the desire of the citizens of this place to be at these trials, that on. some occasions. I would have as large an assem- bly as is generally present on the first day of a session of the Court of Common Please. The street in front, and the garden in the rear of my office, would sometimes be crowded with idle spectators, all anxious for admittance, while at the same time two or three rooms of my residence would be packed to over- flowing with anxious listeners. Such large crowds of people were very annoying to me while holding the scales of justice.

In the discharge of my official duties, many amusing and ludicrous incidents occurred, not only to myself, but also to the constable who served the ))rocess. On the 22nd of Decem- ber, 1869, complaint was made before me that the following goods and chattels, to-wit : "something near eight yards of common factory sheeting, about one yard wide, had been by some person, taken, stolen and carried away, out of the dwell- ing house occupied by the complaining witness ; and that the said goods and chattels, as he verily believed, were concealed in the dwelling of one William Dent, of the township of Sutton in the county of Meigs." The complaint was reduced to writ- ing by me, and I thereupon issued a search warrant, and an order of arrest for the defendant, and delivered the same to the constable. The officer, having summoned an assistant, went to the residence of the defendant, and proceeded at once to

THOS. H. BARTON. 235

search the premises for the stolen property, Mrs. Dent, the wife of the defendent, being present during the search. The con- stable searched ever nook and corner about the building, but could find no trace of the missing article; and was about to depart, when he observed a Avooden box, about eighteen inches square and as many deep, lying under the bed. The oflBcer gave the piece of furniture a slight blow with his foot, remark- ing at the same time that he had not yet searched that box. The lady blushed, and said that the goods were not in the box. The constable, however, observed that he had better make the search, and the lady again insisted that there was nothing concealed there, and that it was useless to search the box. This aroused the constable's suspicion, and he now felt assured that he was on the track of the stolen goods, and informed Mrs. Dent that he must perform his duty as an officer of the law. Turning from him in disgust, the lady said : "Well, search it if you have to !" The constable then proceeded to open the box, and found — not the missing muslin, but a num- ber of small garments, evidently made to fit a very diminu- tive specimen of humanity ! The officer glanced at the lady, and saw in a moment what the trouble was. It is needless to add that no further search was made, and the warrant was re- turned, endorsed : ''I made search, as required by the within warrant. None of said goods can be found."

My first term of office was now drawing towards its close. I improved myself in legal knowledge to the best of my ability and succeeded fairly well, considering the limited supply of law-books in my possession. I was a frequent attendant at the Court of Common Pleas of Meigs county, having two suits on my own account pending in that court. I was also, on several occasions, subpoenaed as a witness before the court. I was a close observer of the proceedings, as well as of the plead- ings of the attorneys, the rulings and charges of the Judge. In this way I improved my store of legal knowledge, and these lessons were of great benefit to me in my official capacity During this term of office, I met with fair success in my official business, and generally gave satisfaction in meting out justice to my fellow citizens. About the first of March, 1870, my friends desired me to declare myself a candidate for

236 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

a second term. To this I gave my consent, for the reason that during my first term, I was not so successful as I could have wished, and that I was now much better prepared to discharge the duties ot the office, having learned much about the law, and the mode of conducting a justice's court. I therefore came to the conclusion that I was better equipped for a second term than I had been for the first.

George Duskey, Sr., of whom I shall have occasion to speak hereafter, had come to the conclusion that the citizens of Sut- ton township were tired of me, and would be glad to have an old and experienced person to exercise the functions of this important office. He was well qualified, having served as a justice for nearly twenty years ; and he therefore declared him- self a candidate for the office. There was no nominating con- vention held. I did very little electioneering, and simply in- formed my friends and the community that I was once more a candidate.

When the first Monday in April arrived, I went to the polls very early in the morning, with rav pockets full of tickets for distribution among the electors* The old 'squire was there also. A large vote was polled, and considerable strife was man- ifested while the voting was going on. The merits of the respec- tive candidates were freely discussed. I was present when the trustees and judges of the election counted the ballots, and it was then found that Mr. Duskey was about ten votes ahead at Syracuse precinct. Once more I was defeated by a small ma- jority in my own home, but I consoled myself with the thought that a "prophet is not without honor, save in his own country." Once more the result depended upon the vote at Racine pre- cinct, and the returns from that place showed that my opponent had received only ten votes. This gave me a large majority in the township.

Immediately affer my re-election a case came up in which my old and experienced antagonist thought he had me in a close place in regard to the discharge of my official duties. It arose in this way : Soon after the election a suit was brought before me in a civil action, and I issued a summons for the appearance of the defendant. On the day set for hearing, the case was adjourned, and from some cause, it was ad-

THOS. H. BARTON. 237

journed until after the expiration of my first commission. The constitution of Ohio provides that the term of office of justices of the peace be limited to three years. The three years are computed from the date of the commission. When the time arrived for hearing this case, I had not received my commis- sion for the second term. Here was a suit to be tried before me, and my first term of office had expired, and I was hold- ing no commission. The old 'squire thought that I would not know how to proceed in such cases. He claimed that I had no right to try the cause, and moved that the action be dis- missed. However, I had looked up the law bearing on the case, and found that I had a legal right to try it. The statutes provide that if a justice continues in office by re-election, he may proceed with matters pending before him in like manner as if his former term of office had not expired. The case was tried before me, and that was the last I ever heard in regard to juris- diction.

During my official career several cases were tried before me which arose out of apparently trifling causes. On the 21st of July, 1870, a criminal action»for an assault and battery arose in this way : A number of Syracuse ladies were in the habit of bathing in the river during the heated season. One night several of these ladies were performing their ablations, and a number of boys from twelve to fifteen years old, repaired to the bank of the river, and one of them threw a rock or club into the river near where the ladies were. A man named Robert McRea, who had two daughters bathing, was watching the boys, and saw something strike the water near them. Mr. McRea, who had a piece of hoop-pole in his hands, ran to- wards the place where the boys were, and struck the first boy that he came to on the head, thereby inflicting a severe wound of the scalp. The young man's father had McRea arrested and brought before rne for an assault and battery on the bodj- of his son. James Ewing, whom I shall have occasion to mention hereafter, was counsel for the state, and the constable acted as attorney for the dafendant. It was proved at the trial that the injured boy did not throw anything into the river^ and it was also proved that McRea was guilty as charged in the affidavit, and I held him under bonds for his appearance

238 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

before the Court of Common Pleas. When the grand jury set, the constable persuaded the prosecuting attorney to subpoena two of the ladies, who had been witnesses for the defendant, before that honorable body, telling him that they knew all about the case. What the ladies testified before the grand jury is more than I now know, but I do know that there was no in- dictment found against McRea. The constable took this turn to defeat Mr. Ewing, but the defendant failed to pay the officer for his services.

About the year 1870, a revised edition of Warren's Criminal Code of Ohio, was published, and I purchased a copy of this work at my own expense. I found it of great service to me.

Soon after procuring Warren's Criminal Code I had an op- portunity of testing its merits. One day a lady came to my office complaining that her husband was in the habit of abus- ing, threatening and ill-treating her in various ways, and at different times. She filed an affidavit accordingly, and I issued a warrant for the arrest of her husbaiid, and he was brought before me to answer the charge. Upon hearing the testimony, and having reason to believe that the charge was true, I order- ed the defendant to enter into bonds of one hundred dollars to keep the peace, and for his appearance before the next session of the Court of Common Pleas. He refused to enter into bonds, and his sons, who would have been sufficient security for him, also refused. They thought that if I sent him to jail they would be able to find some error in the proceedings, and secure his release before the Probate Court. His refusal com- pelled me to issue a mittimus remanding him to the county jail. His sons accompanied him to the jail. I went also in order to see and hear the proceedings. The defendant was no sooner in confinement than his sons employed an attorney, and had their father brought before the Probate Judge on a writ of habeas corpus, the object being to overrule my decision, and set the old gentlemen free. The case was tried on the merits of the papers, and they were found to be correct. He was once more ordered to give bonds, and at the urgent request of his sons, the amount was reduced to fifty dollars. The case never came to a hearing in the Court of Common Pleas. The old gentleman died under bonds, being struck down with apoplexy.

THOS. fi. 6ART0N. 239

I was called to treat the case, but it was beyond human skill to relieve him. On one occasion when I visited him, he roused from his stupor, and recognizing me, said faintly : "Doctor, you hadn't ought to have sent me to jail, for this reason: I voted for you!"

One day, a lady who was the owner of a fair amount of per- sonal property which had not been reduced to her husband's possession, came to my office and made complaint in writing, signed and sworn to by her, that her husband, after a debauch at the Shrine of Bachus, and while in a state of inebriety, had broken the table, two chairs, one clock, two vases, one mirror, and had also injured the bureau. She filed her affidavit to the effect that he had injured and destroyed the above mentioned property, and that she was the owner thereof. I thereupon issued a warrant for her recreant husband, and had him brought before me to answer the charge, and while we were preparing to hear the case, the defendant gave leg-bail, and skipped out of the office like a soldier on the double-nuick. He did not, however, escape. The constable, with a posse of men soon corraled him, and brought him back. The case was now ready for trial, and after hearing the charge read to him, this obstreperous gentleman being asked : "Guilty, or not guilty !" replied : "Guilty." I then swore his companion, and heard her testimony as to the value of the property destroyed, and learned that it amounted to fifteen dollars. I therefore assessed a fine of fifteen dollars and the costs of prosecution, and made an order that the defendant stand committed to the jail of the county until the fine and costs were paid, or secured to be paid. Unfortunately her beloved husband was out of funds, and no one was willing to be his surety I thereupon issued a mittimus remanding him to the county jail, there to remain till the fine and costs were paid- After he had been in this penal institution about one week, his wife's heart softened to- ward her liege lord, and she was now more anxious to get him out of jail than she had been to get him in. She went to the jailor, expressed her sorrow, and begged him to release her hus- band ; but the jailor informed her that he could not do so un- til the fine and costs were settled. She then came to me, and with tears in her eyes, begged me to release him. I sympa-

240 AUTOBIOGRAPHY (IF

thized with her in her dire extremity ; but was compelled to inform her that the case was now beyond my jurisdiction, and that I could do nothing for her. After her husband had been in limbo about two weeks, she applied to the County Auditor, who, being satisfied that the fine and costs could not be col- lected, wrote an order of release. The jailor, on receiving this order, opened the iron doors that confined her husband, and he was once more a free man. This was an excellent lesson to both of them ; and, so far as I know, they afterwards lived together agreeably. At any rate, I never heard of his breaking or destroying any more of her property.

One bright Sabbath morning, in the summer season, I seated myself to rest, and made my calculations to spend the day quietly with my family. In this, however, I was doomed to disappointment, for it turned out to be the most busy, as well as the most profitable day of mj'^ life. A married lady who resided at Minersville, came to my office that morning about eight o'clock, and desired a warrant for an old gentleman living in that quiet village, who, in violation of law, had sold her husband liquor to be drank on the premises where sold. She filed an affidavit to the above charge, and I issued a warrant for the defendant to be brought before me to answer the charge of allowing his neighbors to imbibe at the Schrine of Bachus on his premises. The defendant entered a plea of "not guilty." I heard the evidence and being of the opinion that he was guilty as charged, I ordered him to enter into a recognizance of two hundred dollars for his appearance before the Probate Court of Meigs county, which would be in session on the following day. He gave the required bond, and was for the time being, a free man.

This trial was no sooner ended, than the old gentleman begged the privilege of filing an affidavit for assault and bat- tery against this "Son of Bachus." I took his affidavit and issued a w^arrant accordingly. A preliminary examination was immediately had, and the testimony showed that the old bar- tender had sold the defendant whiokey to be drank on the premises, and after he had imbibed rather freely, or at any rate had drank as much as was prudent, the bar-tender had refused to sell him any more ; that the defendant then took umbrage at

THOS. H. BARTON. 241

this refusal, and concluded to use physical force, and compel the old gentleman to issue out another drink. This being refused, the defendant struck the complainant with his fist. I held the defendant under bond of fifty dollars for his appearance before the Probate Court, and failing to give the required bond, I is- sued a mittimus remanding him to the county jail, thereto await the sitting of the court.

Night was approaching at the conclusion of these suits. It was necessary to make the docket entries, and also draw up a certified transcript of each case, and deliver the same to the Probate Court before eight o'clock on the following morning. I sat down to my task, and was kept very busy till about one o'clock in the morning, when I heard a loud rap at the door. Upon opening it, I recognized the fam'iliar form of 'Squire W N. Nease, who desired my services at his residence to see his wife who was sick. Here was a dilemma, what should I do? Shall I disappoint my old friend and patron? No, I will go with him, and attend to his sick wife. Although two miles distant, I was soon at her bedside, where I remained about an hour and a half, and then returned home. It was now early dawn, and I once more took up my pen and soon had the pleasure of knowing that my papers were ready. Immediately after breakfast I was on my way to the county seat, and reached that place in time to file the transcripts before the opening of the court. My fees in these two cases amounted to nearly fourteen dollars ; the visit to 'Squire Neases' was five dollars, and I had some additional practice amounting to two dollars, making fully twenty dollars, it being the largest amount of money that I ever earned in twenty-four hours labor.

A great many amusing incidents occurred during the ses- sions of my court. On one occasion, a very illiterate old woman, familiarly known in the neighborhood as "Nannie Eags," was subpoenaed as a witness in a certain case. She gave me to understand that she could not speak English cor- rectly She said that she could not speak "guode English," and desired an interpreter. I granted her request, and as it was known that there was to be an interpreter, the old lady sprang to her feet, and commenced rattling off the Welch diphthongs and tripthongs, and before I could stop

31

242 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

her, she was through with one sentence, and the interpreter commenced to explain it, when an opportunity occurred to stop the proceedings. I informed the interpreter that before he could act in that capacity, he would first have to be sworn. Some one else then made an interruption, and I was com- pelled to restore order. Finally every one was quiet, the interpreter was sworn, and the old lady went on with her testimony.

About the commencement of my second term of oflBce, James Ewing, a cooper by occupation, moved to Syracuse, declared himself an attorney, and commenced practicing be- fore Justice's Courts. Mr. Ewing was illiterate, even in the common branches of education, but he was a man of consider- able natural ability, and sometimes made an able and eloquent plea. He had never plead lavs^ before a Justice of the Peace until he accidentally plead a case before me, and it was before me that he declared his intention to take up that profession. On one occasion, he was acting as attorney for the plaintiff, and 'Squire Duskey for the defendant. After hearing the testimony, Mr, Ewing addressed the court, and made quite an eloquent plea, but it did not have much effect on the court. 'Squire Duskey then rose to his feet, and after the usual pre- liminary remarks, and with a merry twinkle of his eye, com- menced a tirade against Ewing. "Here is Jim Ewing; he don't know a colon from a semi-colon ; he don't know a comma from a period ; he don't know the beginning or the ending of a sentence, and here he is pleading law before your honor!" 'Squire Duskey then finished his plea.

John Borham, a coal miner by occupation, and who had served several years as constable, also practiced before justice's courts. Mr. Borham was perhaps better posted on law points than Ewing, but he did not have the natural ability of the latter. Borham and Ewing vs^ere usually employed by the plaintiffs, and 'Squire Duskey by the defendants, and in such cases I would have a full team before me.

On one occasion Borham and Ewing were employed as part- ners to attend a law-suit in an adjoining township. They were both very poor scribes, and Mr. Ewing called upon me to write a bill of particulars for them, and I wrote this instrument ac-

THOS. H. BAETON. 243

cording to his instructions. He tarried at my office about an hour, quietly talking about his expected case at law, and get- ting all the information from me about the case that he could. When ready to go he picked up the first paper that he saw, and unobserved by me, put it in his pocket. He then left the office, and was soon on his way to attend the trial. In about an hour after his departure, I entered the office, and the first ob- ject that I observed was the bill of particulars that I had writ- ten out lying on the table. He had taken the wrong paper, and I remarked to my wife : " VV^hat will Borham and Ewing do? Mr. Ewing has left his bill of particulars in the office." Lewis Hudson was studying medicine under me at the time, and I had written a hypothetical prescription in order to test his ability to fill it. This paper was missing. The two lawyers soon reached their destination, little thinking that they had left an important document behind them. When the case was called for hearing, the justice asked the defendant, who was re- presented by Borham and Ewing, for his bill of particulars, and thereupon, Mr. Ewing, with his usual flourish, laid down his supposed bill on the table. The justice saw that the paper was written in a fair legible hand, and proceeded to read it, but could not make out what it meant, and acknowledged that he could not read it. Mr. Borham then looked at the bill, and knew that it was in my hand-writing. He told the justice that he could read 'Squire Barton's writing, but on looking over the paper carefully, found it impossible to read it. The con- stable, who officiated at the trial, was a fair scholar, and said that he could read any paper that was written in a fair hand, but he also failed. Mr. Borham then wrote a bill of particulars. It is hardly probably that the case could be tried on a physi- cians prescription !

About the middle of this term, L. A. Minx moved to Syra- cuse, and took up his lodging with me. He was a promising young attorney, and he had located here for the purpose of following his profession. I now had one regular attorney and two pettifoggers, who were constant attendants on my court, besides the literati, of Pomeroy, who would occasionally put in an appearance in the more important cases. I had a large number of cases, and the quiet village of Syracuse was now

244 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

well supplied with legal lore. I did not experience much difficul- ty in civil suits, but would sometimes be led astray by the wily pleadings of the attorneys. On one occasion, Martin Hays, who was one of the most prominent attorneys of Pomeroy, led me astray ; but it compelled his client to pay a large amount of unnecessary cost. He succeeded in ruling out certain testi- mony which should have been admitted, and when the case was appealed to the Court of Common Pleas my judgment was reversed.

My civil docket became full of entries about two months before the expiration of my second terra. I then applied to the trustees for a new one, it being their duty to furnish me with a docket. One of them said to me : " 'Squire, if you need a civil docket, buy one yourself!" I felt determined to resign my commission provided it was not furnished me. The town- ship clerk, however, informed the trustees that the law com- pelled them to furnish the justices of their township with a civil docket. In less than two weeks I was presented with a new and handsome civil docket.

m

My second term was now drawing to a close, and I had de- cided not to be a candidate for a third term. I was succeeded by Isaac Carleton, Esq., of Syracuse, who held the office for three consecutive terms.

CHAPTER XIV

PHYSICIAN AND DRUGGIST.

I am now approaching the most important period of my life in a financial point of view Thus far I have only inci- dentally touched upon my financial affairs, but from what I have already said the reader must infer that my prospects have not been brilliant. At the beginning of the war, after ten years of hard labor in the study and practice of medicine I found myself but little better oflf financially than at the com- mencement of my labors. When mustered out of the service, I had about three hundred dollars in greenbacks, worth about thirty-three and one-third cents on the dollar. I soon spent this

THOS. H. BARTON. 245

for drugs, surgical instruments, and for necessary household expenses. I also bought a horse. My instruments cost about forty dollars, the drugs about fifty. As I have already stated in a former chapter, my practice was good, and soon brought me a fair income. I managed my business affairs very carefully, and in less than a year commenced the erection of an addition to our house, the building being too small for an office and dwelling. I turned the small building one-quarter around, and moved it back so as to erect a more commodious structure in front. The new edifice was to be rectangular in form, six- teen feet wide, twenty-six feet long and two stories high, and each story was to be divided into two chambers, one of the lower rooms being designed for an office and drug-store.

I completed this building without any difficulty, except in one instance. One day, while on the road near Pomeroy, in company with John Heaton, I met 'Squire David Bailey with a wagon load of oak shingles on his way to Pomeroy to deliver them to one of the salt furnaces. Being in need of shingles at the time, I asked him if he would make and deliver me about one thousand. He answered in the affirmative and a bargain was immediately made, Mr. Bailey agreeing to make me as good a quality of shingles as those which he was- then delivering. We then separated, and a few days afterwards, on returning home late at night, I saw a lot of shingles lying in front of the house. My wife informed me that 'Squire Bailey brought them ; and, as I was absent from home with the money, she did not pay him. Next morning the carpenters came to work before I had time to examine the shingles, and told me that ''they were worthless, would ruin the building if put on it, and that they were not fit to cover a nig pen." Conse- quently, I did not use them, and refused to pay for them. The result was a suit at law, and I was summoned to appear before a Justice of the Peace of Sutton Township to answer to a debt of eleven dollars for one thousand lap-shingles. I decided to litigate the case, and subponasd my witnesses. Mr. M. A. Hudson advised me to employ 'Squire Duskey to attend to the matter for me, but I concluded that I did not need his services, and appeared without counsel. William Foster appeared for the plaintiff. On the day set for trial, I selected a fair sample

246 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

of the shingles and delivered them before the magistrate as evidence. I also proved by two responsible carpenters, ''that the shingles which Mr. Bailey brought were worthless, that they would ruin the building if put on, and that the sample now before the court is a fair representation of the whole lot." John Heaton also testified to the same effect, 'Squire Bailey proved by his witness, who made the shingles, ''that the load that I received was as good as those I had seen in the wagon, and that they did not know whether or not they had made the sample. 'Squire Foster in his plea said : "They have not brought a fair specimen of the lot, they have picked the poor- est shingles !" as much as to say that I, together with my wit- nesses, had sworn falsely. 'Squire Foster was abetter pettifogger than I was myself, as I knew very little about pleading a case before a Justice's Court. The magistrate rendered judgment against me for eleven dollars and the costs of the suit.

On returning home, I sought the advice of Alexander Crooks, of Syracuse, stated the case to him, and he advised me to appeal it to the Court of Common Pleas, and even offered to sign the undertaking for an appeal. I thereupon carried the case to the higher court. While the suit was pending in court, I ac- cidenatally met an old friend and acquaintance named Stiles. He was no less a personage than 'Squire Zebedee Stiles, of Scipio Township, and after stating the case to him, he advised me to give it up, as 'Squire Bailey was a man of njuch exper- ience in law, and would probably gain the suit in the end. He also informed me that my attorney. Judge Simpson had no influence before a court or jury. This gentleman's advice in- stead of intimidating, only made me more firm and resolute, and also more cautious, and when the case was called for hear- ing, I employed Judge Nash, of Gallipolis, Ohio, to assist Judge Simpson. I was now fully determined not to pay for these worthless shingles. I had a sample of them before the court. 'Squire Bailey employed a young attorney who had located at Pomeroy, whose name I do not now remember. His evidence was about the same before the court that it was before the justice ; while I proved about the same, and I also proved by Mrs. Elizabeth Heaton and her daughter, that 'Squire Bailey told them "that the shingles were not good, but that I

THOS. H. BARTON. i'47

would not know the difference between a good one and a poor one." Upon hearing the testimony, Judge Guthrie, who was then the Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, quickly ren- dered a judgment in my favor for'the costs in this suit.

Soon after completing this building, I also erected a barn, sixteen feet wide and eighteen feet long. I was then the owner of two horses, one of which I gave in exchange for the erection of this barn.

In the fall of 1868, B. E. Sibley, a prosperous druggist of Eacine, was proposing to erect a drug store at Syracuse. My store room was too small for the besiness, and in order to keep Mr. Sibley from moving his place of business here, I late in the fall of that year, commenced building a drug store. It was to be eighteen feet wide, thirty feet long, ar.d two stories high. I began this work with very little funds. My prospects were based on a large practice of medicine and a good sale of drugs, and I went into debt for most of the building material, paying therefor as fast as I could. Henry Bartels took the contract of enclosing this buidding. Mr. Marr was to do the plastering, and Abner Curtis and Mr. Skirvin took the contract of finishing the store room. This block, when completed, had a front of forty-four feet on Second Street and thirty-eight feet on Barringer Street.

It was my intention to plaster the drug store room, and leave the upper story unfinished, but Mr. Marr persuaded me to com- plete the upper chamber also. He was the only workman who received his pay in full. Henry Bartels came next and receiv- ed his wages except about one dollar and fifty cents. I gave Mr. Curtis and Mr. Skirvin separate notes for the amount of their wages. Mr. Skirvin afterwards negotiated my note to Waid Cross, of Racine. This building cost about nine hundred dollars, of which I had paid about five hundred dollars to the workmen and for building material. My account with the mechanics now stood as follows :

Mr. Curtis' share of the job was $117.50

Mr.Skirvin's " " " " " 68.50

Total 186.00

I paid Mr. Curtis $32 30

I paid Mr. Skirvin , •■.•••■..• ■ 31.90

248 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Due to Mr. Curtis $85.20

" " Mr. Skirvin 36.60

'' " Mr. Bartels about 1.50

Total to the mechanics 123.30

It had been my intention, when I commenced the erection of this building, to negotiate a loan of three hundred dollars, and secure the same by a mortgage on the premises, and my wife had consented to enter into a mortgage with me.

When I commenced practicing medicine at Pageville, my finances were very low, being in debt to D. Reed, of Pomeroy, for a small supply of drugs, but I had no idea of keeping a drug store at that time and place. While at Leon, West Vir- ginia, I kept a small supply of drugs on hand, together with some patent medicines, and I also did the same while at Chester, Ohio, having decided that, at some future time I would engage in the drug business. Upon locating at Syra- cuse, and during my sojourn here prior to the war, I became satisfied that this was a good place for the sale of drugs, and I usually kept a good supply of pharmaceutical remedies for my practice, together with some other articles, which I kept for sale. As stated in a former chapter, I sold an unfinished building for ninety dollars, and with the proceeds, purchased a stock of drugs of Dr. Reed, to the amount of fifty dollars. I now had a larger supply on hand than at any previous time. About this period Mr. Charles Eplin, of Chester, located at Syracuse, and opened a drug store. His finances, however, did not justify his undertaking this business here, and he did not remain at Syracuse more than six months. Soon afterwards, a physician, whose name I do not now remember, moved here, and established himself in the drug business, but he did not continue long in this occupation. The result of all this was that I was somewhat retarded in my transactions. About the year 1869, I became an agent for the firm of Dr. D. Jane & Son for the sale of their medicines, which agency I held till after the commencement of the war. It was now my intention to keep a drug store, but I had no building suitable for the purpose, and no one to assist me financially,so that I was com- pelled to abandon that idea for the present, and only kept a moderate supply on hand.

THOS. H. BARTON. 249

And now came on the war, and more than three years elapsed before I was again prepared to resume the practice of medicine, or engage in the occupation of a druggist. In a few days after I returned from the army, I purchased fifty dollars worth of medicine of D. Reed paying him spot cash. These drugs were placed on a table in one of the rooms. I kept my stock replenished to about the same amount dur- ing the succeeding eighteen months, keeping up the supply by small purchases. Sometime in the winter of 1865-66, I moved my medicines into one of the rooms of the new dwelling, which had then been erected. This was fitted up with count- er, shelving and drawers, and made a very fair appearance, notwithstanding the room was small. About this time Henry Bartels, a dry goods and grocery merchant, and who also kept some patent medicines for sale, offered me the privilege of sending with him to Cincinnati for drugs. I readily accepted his kind offer, and made up an order to the amount of about twelve dollars, the medicine to be paid for cash on delivery, (C. O. D.) I ordered drugs in this way on several occasions, getting a larger amount each time, and paying Mr. Bartels my share of the freight. I purchased these drugs of Burdsal & Brothers, I think it was in the latter part of 1866 that I com- menced dealing with that firm. My purchases were usually made partly for cash and pari^ly on credit. Early in the spring of 1867, I bought a supply of patent medicines of John D. Park, of Cincinnati, and about the same time a lot of Ameri- can Star Bitters was left with me to be sold on commission.

One day. Captain Daniel De Wolfe, and 'Squire Duskey were in my store at the same time. On seeing the Star Bitters, Capt. De Wolfe wished to purchase a bottle. I informed him that I had heard that these bitters were subject to the United States internal revenue tax, and declined selling him a bottle. He insisted, however, that this tonic was not taxed, then took a bottle, and left the store. About one week afterwards, I received a notice from the in- ternal revenue collector of the Fifteenth Congressional District of Ohio, whose office was located at Marietta, notifying me that the United States had a claim of $37.50 against me as a retail dealer of liquors. A few days

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after this I incidentally mentioned this matter to Henry Bar- tels, and he informed me that he had a barrel of old bourbon whiskey, which he wished to dispose of, and proposed selling it to me. We soon made a bargain, and I took the whiskey to my store, paid the revenue tax, and thus became a retail dealer of liquors. I have no doubt that 'Squire Duskey soon received the much coveted lucre of $12.50, it being his dues for giving the information. I then added a few gallons of brandy and port wine to my stock, and soon found that 'Squire Duskey had done me a favor instead of an injury. I was making money, and doing it in a legitimate way. During this, or the preceding year. I purchased a lot of second hand drug furni- ture of B. E. Sibley, of Racine. This was a useful and profit- able investment.

Lewis Hudson, who had been studying medicine under me during the past two years, was of much benefit to me, and my wife was a good drugsjist and assisted me in the sale of medi- cines and in filling prescriptions. There had been one draw- back to ray wife's services, and it came about in this way. On the J 5th of April, 1866, a son was born unto us. We named the little stranger Lewis Motte.

In the year 1867, I borrowed two hundred dollars of Miss Lora A. Roush, securing the payment thereof by a mortgage on my real estate. With this money I purchased three hun- dred dollars worth of drugs and paints of Burdsal efe Brother, one hundred dollars of the amount being purchased on time. My little store room was now filled to its utmost capacity

In the Si)ring of 1868, I borrowed one hundred dollars of Charles Ball on one year's time at eight per cent interest. I de- sired to secure ^Ir. Ball by mortgage, but he preferred to have the amount secured by a personal endorsement. Henry Bartels went my security on this note.

With a good practice and a fair sale of drugs, the reader may ask: "W^liy so much borrowing of money?" The an- swer is obvious, I had now completed my new drug store, which, as already stated, cost about nine hundred dollars. It was paid for with the exception of about fifty dollars, and in order to nieet my financial obligations, I had depended mainly

THOS. H. BARTON. 251

on the collection of the fees for my medical services. Collect- ing doctor's bills, however, was slow work in those days, and I do not think that I collected more than half the fees for my professional labor. I did not charge for the medicines fur- nished on my own prescriptions, nor for that which was fur- nished to my patients on my daily visits. Collecting medical fees reminds me of the following anecdote : On one occasion, a young lady, who was very handsome, went to a dry goods and notion store, and asked the clerk, who was a single man, to show her a pair of fine gloves. The clerk placed a lot of gloves before her, and the young lady proceeded to make a selection, and while she was fitting the gloves on her delicate hands, the clerk was sizing her up on her good looks. Finally she made a selection and asked the young counter-jumper the price of the gloves. He replied : "You can have them for a kiss !" "I will take them at your offer," replied the young lady, at the same time a roguish smile covering her sweet countenance. It was no sooner said than done ; their lips met; the contract was closed, and the young lady simply re- marked : "You give trust at this store, now collect it if you can !" She wapped up the gloves, and immediately left the store. It was no uncommon thing for my patrons to act with negligence in regard to the settlement of their accounts. They appeared to mentally exclaim : "You do your practice on credit, now collect it if you can !" In many instances, I do not think that I was even thanked for my services, and no doubt the major portion of my patrons had no intention of paying me. The Syracusa Coal & Salt Company paid their employees on the 15th of each month, and after each pay-day I would call on my customers, but it was a very common thing for them to put me off till the first of the succeeding month, then agreeing to pay me in merchandise from the company store, but when the first of the month arrived, I sel- dom found them ready to meet their obligations, even in store goods. I would sometimes become disgusted, and abandon the collection of the claim. The year 1868, was an unusual dull one in ihis respect. I do not think that my stock of drugs increased during that year, it being all that I could do to meet ray financial obligatipps jp other respects.

252 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Collecting was frequently interrupted from 1864 to 1869 by ''strikes" of the coal miners. There were a number of strikes during this period, and on some occasions they lasted several months. It is not my intention to discuss the merits of these strikes. I think the company managed to hold out longest, and gained their point in nearly every instance. A celebrated strike occurred in the fall of 1865. The miners were then re- ceiving five cents a bushel for mining coal, and struck for seven. In the spring of 1866, after the Pittsburg coal com- panies had supplied the Cincinnati and other markets with coal, the miners were then compelled to work for three and a half cents a bushel. During these idle times, business would be very much depressed, and money scarce. I think a strike of three months duration at any time would cause a loss to each and every miner of at least three hundred dollars. These strikes would sometimes be followed by low water ur ice in the river, so that the mines could not be worked but a few months in the year. These conditions would cause the major portion of the miners and day-laborers employed about the mines to be in debt to their respective companies. The consequence was that many of them could not meet their obligations, and some of them seemed even inclined to repudiate their debts. In October, 1868, the coal operators of the Pomeroy Bend re- duced the price of mining coal from thrfee and a half to three cents a bushel. During the succeeding winter of 1868-9, the mines were worked to only about half their capacitv. This state of affairs again caused a depression in business, and had an injurious effect on my financial transactions, but notwithstanding this T kept gradually increasing my stock of drugs and medicines. This I had aimed to do since the erection of my new drug building, and I had employed Mr. Lewis Hudson to assist me in my business. Some time in the spring of 1869, I found myself indebted to Burdsal & Brother, of whom I had purchased my drugs, to the amount of about two hundred dollars.

During the winter and spring, I was making strenuous efforts to obtain money on a loan on one or two years time, offering to give from eight to ten per cent, interest. I thought that three hundred dollars wQuld Qarry me through safely I soon

THOS. H. BARTON. 253

found a gentleman, a farmer by occupation, who was expect- ing to receive the above named amount ; but when the money was due he failed to receive it. Soon after (vards I found another farmer who had several hundred dollars which he wished to invest in some way. He politely informed me that he would like to accommodate me, but could do better with his money by investing it in stock in some of the salt furnaces, as salt stock was then paying a larger dividend than any interest that he could receive for his money. I afterwards learned that he had invested several hundred dollars in stock in the salt fur- naces at Clifton, West Virginia. Imagine his surprise and cha- grin when, after the expiratio'n of about one year, he learned that his investment was worth only twenty per cent, on the dollar ! It is needless to say that I did not sympathize with this old Shylock in the loss of his shekels.

A gentleman who resided in Syracuse at this time had about $150 to loan._^ I politely asked him to loan me the money, offering to make him secure by a mortgage-note with eight per cent, interest. He partially promised to accommodate me, but afterwards changed his mind, and loaned the money to the Syracuse Coal and Salt Company at six per cent. On another occasion I asked an old gentleman, who lived in the country and was a farmer in affluent circumstances, for the loan of some money. I informed him that I could secure the loan by a mortgage with eight per cent, interest on our house and lot, informing him in regard to the size of the building and value of the propsrty. He replied : " I have the money to loan, but I don't like to take a mortgage on such a small building, for if I take a mortgage I may be put to the trouble of closing it, and this would be a great expense to me." I im- mediately bade him farewell, mounted my horse and wended my way home, and while on the way I rendered a judgment on a note which had been left in my hands for collection. I had issued a summons which was returnable on that day.

I solicited aid in a pecuniary way from several other indi- viduals, but failed to find a man who would accommodate me with a loan. In the meantime Burdsal & Brother had abso- lutely refused me any more credit, notwithstanding I had plainly informed them that I was erecting a building suitable

254 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

for the trade at this place, that my business was fair, and that I expected to be able to meet all my financial obligations. About the first of May this firrn threatened to bring suit against me if this debt was not immediately paid. During the spring my sales were large, but I was not replenishing the store, and the amount of my stock was fast running down.

Some time in May I moved my drugs into the new building, and in order to replenish my stock, I sent an order to a firm in Pittsburgh for about $100 worth of medical supplies, and received them in due time. About the same time I sent an order to a well known firm in Cincinnati for about the same amount. These goods were duly received, and soon afterwards an agent from Cincinnati visited me and solicited an order for about fifty dollars worth of drugs and medicines. Thanks to these gentlemen, I was now enabled to replenish my store and relieve myself, for the time being, of financial, embarrass- ment. These last orders for drugs were given in good faith. I expected to pay for them by prolonging the time and paying interest. I felt that I would be able to pull through, pro- vided Burdsal & Brother did not leave their account for col- lection.

During the pleasant month of May, I was doing a good business in the store. Mr. Hudson is kept busy from morning till night. I now charge for the medicine in my prescriptions, and my wife assists me in the store during my absence from home. I fill some of the prescriptions of the physicians who practice in this place, while others, who reside elsewhere, send theirs to Racine or Pomeroy in order to have them filled. I presume these physicians are jealous of my apparent prosper- ity. If I could now obtain one hundred and fifty dollars to satisfy Burdsal & Brother, which is all that I now owe them, I could certainly pull through : but the fates appear to be against me ; the moneyed men turn a deaf ear to my strong appeals for help ; my main thoughts are centered on Burdsals ; Will they sue me? I have no fears of Mr. Ball, for he has readily consented to an extension of time on my note for another year. One pleasant morning I observe a gentleman approaching my residence, it is the sherifi" of Meigs county.

THOS. H. BARTON. 255

he hands me a paper, I read it, it is a summons citing me to appear at the next session of the Court of Common Pleas to answer in a civil action wherein Burdsal & Borthers claim a judgment against me for one hundred and fifty dollars.

I was now fearful that the drug business was about to come to an end. I attended this session of the court and was asked by Major D. A. Russell, now judge of the District Court, if he could be of any service to me. I replied : "You cannot ; the debt is just, and I do not propose to make a defence." The Burdsals thereupon obtained a judgment against me for the amount of their claim, together with the costs of prosecution. A short time previous to this suit Henry Bartels had made an assignment, and the assignee only paid about twenty per cent, of the indebtedness. I think this was the reason why Burdsal & Brother brought suit against me. I have no doubt that they lost heavily through Mr. Bartel's failure, hence their action against me.

The news soon spread through the quiet village of Syracuse and the adjacent county, that I was about to fail in business. This caused heavy sales to those persons to whom I was in- debted. The general sales were as good as could be expected. I now redoubled my exertions to obtain a loan. I tried to find a "syndicate" that would provide me with funds ; but it was all in vain, I found none. Mj efforts proved a sad failure. I then tried to dispose of my drugs at private sale, and for this purpose, wended my way to Pemeroy, and tried to sell my stock to some of the druggists of that city. This also proved a failure ; I found no person willing to make the purchase. I was doing this in order to satisfy Burdsal's judgment, and other debts that were hanging over me.

On learning that Burdsals had obtained a judgment against me, and that I was trying to dispose of my drugs, Charles Ball, B. E. Sibley and Waid Cross, planted separate suits against me before 'Squire Nease. I think Mr. Ball obtained a judgment for one hundred and eight dollars, Mr. Cross for about thirty-six dollars and Mr. Sibley for about seventy dollars.

While these suits were in progress, I asked my old friend, W T. A. Lallance, who had been a steamboat pilot on the Ohio

256 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

river for many years, whether or not he would like to change his occupation, buy my drugs, rent the store-room, and become a druggist. The bargain was made in a few days, Mr. Lallance agreeing to take my stock of drugs at wholesale prices, and pay me one hundred and ten dollars per annum rent for the building, the rent to be paid in monthly installments. This sale, when perfected would enable me to meet my financial engagements which were now due and pressing.

Will this sale be perfected? A few days has elapsed since the arrangement was made. It was now July. It was about nine o'clock in the evening, and I was quietly meditating in regard to my affairs, and wondering what would happen next. At that moment the front door of the store was quietly opened, and I found myself in the presence of William L. McMaster, Sheriff of Meigs County. He had an execution in his hands, issued by the Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, directing him to levy on my goods and chattels to satisfy the judgment of Burdsal & Brother. He made his business known, and I immediately sent for Mr. Lallance with the intention of settling this affair at once. He was soon at the store, but unluckily for me, was not prepared to furnish the money. The Sheriff then made his levy, and bidding us farewell, locked the doors. I am not superstitious, but the click of the key, as the officer shot the bolts, made an ominous impression on my mind of evil to come. The stock was invoiced on the ninth of July, and amounted to about four hundred and eighty dollars. The stock, however, was not sold by the Sheriff. Mr. D. Lal- lance paid the judgments against me, together with the costs, and also paid some other claims that were pressing, so that I was soon clear of my pressing indebtedness. He immediately took possession of the drug-building, and not being a druggist himself, employed Mr. Hudson as a druggist and pharmacist.

What has been the result of all this? It may be summed up in a few words. I have been sued to the amount of about three hundred and sixty-four dollars by these firms and indi- viduals, and judgments have been rendered against me, to- gether with the costs. I have paid these claims by selling my drugs at private sale, but I have also been compelled to pay a large amount of unnecessary cost. I have also paid some

THOS. H. BARTON. 257

other indebtedness ; and, prior to selling to Mr. Lallance, I had paid about fifty dollars of my indebtedness by the sale of drugs. The creditors who were pressing me have been paid in full. These gentlemen have received the amount of their claims. They have the money in their pockets, but they have subjected me to unnecessary trouble and expense. Have they bettered themselves by so doing? I think not. How has it been with the Burdsals, who have been the most clamorous of all my creditors, and have been instrumental in bringing about this result? They certainly have not bettered their con- dition, for they were afterwards compelled to make assign- ments on two different occasions. They paid an attorney fee of at least ten dollars for collecting their claim against me, and their costs and expenses were equal if not greater than mine. Moreover, this suit was the cause of their finally losing the drug trade at Syracuse, which would probably amount to fifteen hundred dollars per annum. Would it not have been better for them to have given me a reasonable extension of time, secure their claim, and let the debt draw interest, than to have pursued the course they did? As the sequel of my story will show, I was able to maintain my family, and pay a considerable amount of interest from the proceeds of my prac- tice, thus leaving the profits on my drugs a net gain which in a few years, would have cancelled all my indebtedness.

And now a few words in regard to Mr. Ball. I know that he did not want to use the money His note was signed by Emily and myself, and was absolutely good without Henry Bartel's endorsement. I am not a Wilkins Macawber, and I did not think that my promissory note should pass as current money all over the world, but I did believe tha,t my note was good for its face value in this case, my wife being the owner of real estate in her own right to the value of eighteen hun- dred dollars. Moreover there was no necesssity for Mr. Ball to join Henry Bartels in the action, thus causing me to pay un- necessary cost. I do not think that Waid Cross and B. E. Sibley were in such straightened circumstances as to cause them to bring suit, and I did not even know that Waid Cross held my note until the constable summoned me to appear be- fore 'Squire Nease.

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258 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

How was it with Laura A. Hudson, Uriah Quillen, and Ab- ner Curtis? During all this turmoil and excitement over my financial affairs they remained quiet, and did not even ask me for any part of their claim against me. I have always felt grateful for their leniency, and they afterwards received the amount of their claims in full.

These suits remind me of a flock of sheep that are about to jump a fence. They hesitate, and remain huddled together, till one of their number makes a break and leaps over. He is immediately followed by the rest of the flock. It was just the same with my creditors. They hesitated and looked on while I was erecting the new drug building, but as soon as Burdsal & Brothers commenced proceedings, the others im- mediately began actions against me.

I did not relish the idea of giving up the drug business. I had no opposition, there being no other drug store in the village at that time. My reverses were keenly felt by my wife. Emily thought that there was great danger of our losing all our property. She was a poor comforter to me in this trying time. Moreover, she censured me severely for buying such a large amount of drugs, and she also advised me to seek another location. I had purchased these drugs, however, in good faith, and was building up a large and lucrative trade, and did not desire to change my location.

I am now satisfied that I did wrong in the management of this business. I am firmly of the opinion that as soon as Burdsal & Brother brought suit against me, I should have called my principal creditors together, and if they were un- willing to give me an extension of time, or if they determined to share equallj^ in my assets, I should have made an assign- ment, and given all my creditors an equal share. The reason is obvious. I had accounts on my books to the amount of over two thousand dollars. Of this, an assignee would probably have collected about four hundred dollars, or twenty per cent. My stock of drugs, as already stated, amounted to about four hundred and eighty dollars. The law would have allowed me a set-off, and with this I could have commenced business once more, or my wife could have started in business in her own name, and could soon have built up a lucrative trade. The

THOS. H. BARTON. 259

proceeds of my practice would more than maintain my family, thus leaving the profits on the drugs a net gain. I do not be- lieve that I realized more than ten per cent, on the debts which were due me at that time. I do not relate this to dis- parage any of those who were indebt'^d to me. I had freely and willingly credited out my services and medicines. There was no one to blame but myself, but there is an old adage that some persons will ride a free horse to death. This re- minds me of an anecdote of a coal operator, residing at Minersville, who, on one occasion, borrowed a horse to ride a distance of about ten miles. The day was very hot, and the animal was free to go. The horse was soon returned covered with foam, and barely able to stand on its feet, when the following conversation occurred :

Owner : "Mr. , I am afeared you have killed my hoss !

Why did you ride him so tast?"'

Borrower: "The hoss wanted to go, and I let him out. I did not think he would hurt hisself, therefore the hoss is to blame !"

Thus it was with myself, for so long as T was willing to credit out my services and drugs, my customers thought as the bor- rower did, that there was no one to blame but myself. Reader, beware of the credit system !

Mr. Lallance proved a good tenant, and paid his rent promptly. This made business much easier for me, and I soon became reconciled to the situation. During the first year that he occupied the drug-building, my financial affairs improved, and I was able to pay some small amounts on my indebtedness. I more than kept the interest paid. During this time, my wife, on several occasions, tried to sell the property to Mr. Lallance, but he was not prepared to invest in real estate, and no bargain was made. On the 9th of July, 1870, he again rented the store, agreeing to pay ten dollars a month. Throughout this year my finances improved, and I paid some small debts and made partial payments on others. Making collections, however, was about as dull as usual.

My wife was now making the most strenuous exertions to dispose of our property. She used every means to induce Mr, Lallance to make the purchase, offering to sell him the real

260 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

estate for two thousand five hundred dollars. He, however, declined the offer. About this time I also became willing to sell, intending to remove to the State of Kansas, take up one hundred and sixty acres of land under the soldier's pre-emp- tion act, and operate a farm in connection with the practice of medicine; but, on finding that I was in earnest, my wife strongly opposed this project. Her strong opposition soon caused me to abandon the notion, and also the idea of selling our property-

During the winter and early part of the spring of 1871, my wife was more resolute than ever in regard to disposing of the property, and offered it to Mr. Lallance for two thousand two hundred dollars, but he did not make the purchase. She was bold enough to tell Mr. Lallance and myself that she would sell on the first opportunity, provided she could get her price.

Up to the first of March Mr. Lallance did a large and lucra- tive business, but about this time he became fearful lest we would dispose of the drug-building, and thus throw him out of a location. During the first part of this month, he concluded to buy a lot, and erect a suitable building for the drug trade at this place. In the latter part of March, he purchased a lot on Third Street, and commenced making preparations to erect a drug store and dwelling. The mechanics were ready to com- mence their labors about the first of April. I am inclined to the opinion that he made a mistake in so doing, and that he has himself long since came to the same conclusion. He could have rented our drug store for an indefinite period, and the business did not justify the expense of erecting a new building.

While Mr. Lallance was making preparations for his pro- posed building, my wife and I were consulting as to what we would do with our store. My wife's first proposition was to lock it up as soon as Mr. Lallance's time expired, but I came to no hasty conclusion. My first idea was to obtain a loan of one or two hundred dollars, and carry on the business our- selves, but I remembered my experience of the previous three years, and soon abandoned the idea of trying to borrow money, and concluded not to depend on our friends and neighbors for assistance, but on our own resources, and start the business on a small scale. It is the old story of the lark and the farmer. As

THOS. H. BARTON. 261

soon as the farmer determined to cut the grass himself, the lark concluded that it was time to seek another nest. I gave my wife eighteen dollars to invest in drugs, wrote the order, and she signed it. At her request the order was sent to J. S. Burdsal & Company, being the same firm of whom I had formerly bought my drugs. On the same day that Mr. Lallance commenced his now building, we were engaged in setting up eighteen dollars and twenty-five cents worth of medicines in our old stand, it being the small room in our dwelling which I had first used as a drug store. This was a surprise to Mr. Lallance, and he took umbrage at what he considered a very unkind act on our part. However, it did not give him much uneasiness, for he came to the conclusion that there would not be much competition.

On commencing business again, mv wife and I adopted a new plan, which was to separate the funds received from my practice from the money received from the sale of drugs. In this way we could easily ascertain our profits in the drug business. During the first three months my sole dependence was on my own prescriptions, which we now filled ourselves. Up to this time I had been writing from twelve to eighteen hundred prescriptions yearly, and I knew that if I furnished the medicines myself that my own practice would create a large sale of drugs. Whenever I stood in need of funds, I would borrow of my wife, and vice oer.^a. I kept a strict ac- count of the sales, and of the cash received, so that I knew precisely how our business stood. At the urgent request of my wife, I did not use any printed blanks for prescriptions or for labels, and wrote the prescriptions and directions on blank paper, the oliject being to confine the practice and the sale of drugs in our own hands. The other physicians who practiced in this locality generally sent their prescriptions to Mr. Lallance. Sometimes, however, we filled a prescription from some physician who made no choice.

To all appearances, the chances of success in our new V)usi- ness was strongly against us. Perhaps no firm ever com- menced business with less means, but with more enthusiasm, energy and determination than we did. Even otir children were willing and anxious to help us in our undertaking. I

262 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

invariably wrote out the orders for our supplies of drugs, and my wife signed them. She was very cautious not to make these orders too large, so that we could not meet them when due. We succeeded, however, in meeting all the demands against us We moved our stock into the drug store soon after Mr. Lallance vacated it. We took possession about the 10th of July, and about the same time received an additional sup- ply of drugs and drug furniture. Our store now made a fine appearance, and we were much elated over our prospects. Our stock now increased rapidly, and it was evident that we would soon have a first-class drug store.

During the succeeding fall and winter my eldest son, George, who had a fair education, was of some assistance to me in the store. He could sell some of the articles which we kept on hand, and Martha, who was a good sciibe, would sometimes write the directions for the medicines, while I wrote the pre- scriptions and filled them. In the spring and summer of 1872 George could handle the apothecary medicines, and in 1873 he was able to fill the prescriptions, under my supervision. He was now thirteen years old. One day Rev. Morgan, of the M. E. Church, whose children were affected with the diphtheria, came to the store while I was absent and requested George to refill a prescription. Mr. Morgan handed him the bottle con- taining the number, asking if he could put up the medicine. The young man took the bottle, looked up the prescription among the files, and then compounded the mixture. After this he was able to fill prescriptions.

Dui'ing the first eighteen months our business kept improv- ing rapidly, and at the end of this period we had on hand a fair amount of patent medicines, apothecary medicines, school books, stationery, notions, paints, oil, dye stufi^, glass, etc. Up to October, 1872, my wife assisted willingly in the store, but she now began to falter in her belief in the propriety of keep- ing a drug store, and about Christmas we spent nearly one week parleying as to the amount of an order for drugs that we were getting up. Finally I wrote an order for a small amount, and she signed it. I immediately sent it to Burdsal's, at Cin- cinnati, but it was late in the season when the order reached them ; the river was closed with ice, and the goods did not

THOS. H. BARTON. "63

reach us till the first of Februar}^ 1873. During the win- ter and succeeding spring and early part of the summer, Emily continued to urge me to dispose of our property and purchase a farm with the proceeds. In order to please her, I wrote a few letters to relatives residing in Indiana and Illinois, inquiring about land and a location for practicing medicine. After much persuasion, Emily signed one or two orders more ; but on one occasion during the spring, she absolutely refused to sign an order amounting to about sixty dollare. Her rea- son was : that " I was making euch large orders that the house and lot would have to be sold to pay for the drugs." Upon her refusal,! presented it to Martha, who signed it in the name of the firm.

Early in May, ray wife proposed that I should visit ray sister Elizabeth, near Collett Station, .Jay County, Indiana. I presume that her idea was for me to look at the country, and ascertain how I liked it. I had not seen my sister for more than twenty years, and concluded to make the visit. Martha was to accompany me, and a journey of three days found us at the Spilman residence. My sister and I had both so changed that we scarcely recognized each other ; but had I met my brother-in-law in the city of New York, I would certainly have known him. It was a very pleasant visit, and after remaining one week, returned home, being absent two weeks. Upon my arrival Emily inquired how I liked the country, and whether I had found a good location. I informed her that I was pleased with the locality for farming purposes, but that, in my opinion, it was an unhealthy place, malarial fever pre- vailing, more or less, every year. I also informed her that, in my then state of health, that I was liable to contract this fever if I resided there two or three months. On learning this state of facts she appeared to be much disappointed.

During my absence, my wife, who was competent to pre- scribe in certain cases, was called to visit a gentleman who had an attack of the colic, and she prescribed for him. Upon my return I was requested to to see the case, and learned that my wife's treatment had partially relieved him.

I felt much relieved in body and mind, after having a rest of two weeks frorp the toils of my profession, and once more

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turned my attention to business witii great energy. I was also well pleased with the manner in which my wife and son had conducted the store in my absence. For some time both branches of business were more lucrative than ever before. I could meet the present demands upon me and have some funds left to apply on old debts. On one occasion, during the sum- mer, I met a gentleman on the highway, who held a note against me, which was dormant; that is, it was barred by limitation, and could not be collected. On reminding me of this fact, I immediately paid him ten dollars on the note, thus renewing the obligation. I think this was no more than justice. Permit me to remark : "Do ye likewise."

In the latter part of August, I advistid my wife to purchase another town lot. It was sixty-four feet in width and ninety- eight feet in length, fronted on Barringer Street, and adjoined the one she already owned, and would make a valuable acqui- sition to her property. She readily consented to make the ]nirchase, agreeing to give three hundred dollars for the lot, fifiy dollars of which was to be paid on the day of sale. My reasons for advising her to purchase this property were that, for some time, she had said nothing in regard to selling out, and I desired, if i)ossible, to wean her from that notion. There were seven choice apple-trees on the lot, which were be- ginning to bear fruit ; there was also room for a garden, and play-ground for the children. She made the ]>urchase, and, for a time abandoned the idea of changing our location.

CHAPTER XV

A FATAL STROKE OF THE PEN.

I write this chapter with great reluctance. If I could make my narrative connected and complete without it, I should pre- fer to say nothing about the events it records. I have exper- ienced many changes, but to all save these I have become reconciled ; these never will, never can be reconciled to my satisfaction. I would that they could forever be blotted from my memory.

THOS. H. BARTON. 265

It was a bright day in the first week in October 1873. It is now about four moths since I visited my sister Elizabeth, it is about three months since I revived that dormant note against me; it is six weeks since my wife purchased the adjoining lot to her property ; I have been called to Minersville to visit some patients. I am on my return home, and I am meditating in regard to the future ; I am building castles in the air ; I have come to the conclusion that, in one year, my wife will have paid for her late purchase, that, in the meantime, she will keep improving the store and increasing her stock of drugs, and keep up her obligations with Burdsals. Her business, on an average, has netted an income of about twenty dollars a month, or two hundred and forty dollars per annum. I think it will soon reach three hundred ; perhaps more. Throughout the summer I have had more lucrative practice than at any other previous time, and m}- .-standing as a physician is probably better than ever before. I am more than ])aying the interest on my debts, I do not feel the expense to Indiana, neither does my wife miss the fifty dollars which she paid on herjjroperty ; but she has told me that she does not like drug business. However, I have come to the conclusion that, with the assis- tance of George, I can carry on the Inisiness myself, and that, at the end of five years, we can have a first-class drug store. My wife has been doing business about two years and six months, and I think that the stock on hand will invoice about six hundred dollars. This shows what can be done with eigh- teen dollars when rightly applied. I am now willing that Emily shall a,ttend to her domestic arffairs, I will carry on the business in my own name; and, if there is no depression in trade, in a very few years I will be clear of indebtedness, and in ten or twelve years be able to retire from active practice, I am about to exclaim in the language of the Bard of Avon :

"There is a tide In the aifairs of men, ^Vhich, taken at the flood, Leads on to fortune."

I have now reached my residence, I dismount, hitch my horse, and enter the store, where George is engaged in building a miniature steamboat, I wend my way to the sitting room, and find my wife apparently in deep meditation. I do not disturb her. Presently she speaks. What do I hear her say? Am I

34

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dreaming? No ! it is my wife who speaks, and the words pro- ceed from her own lips. "Doc. I have sold thk house and LOT !" Had a clap of thunder fallen from a cloudless sky, or had I found the block being consumed by the flames, I could not have been more surprised. For a few moments, I was speechless. Can it be a reality? I have certainly not lost ray senses. It is my wife who is sitting before me, and it is she who speaks to me. All my hopes and desires ; all my plans and calculations ; all my castles in the air, vanish in an instant. I was stunned, but in a few minutes I quietly asked her the terms of the sale, and to whom she had sold the property She replied : "I have sold it to Lewis Hudson and Ambrose Roush. They are to give me eighteen hundred dollars for the real estate, and are to take the drugs at wholesale prices." She funher informed me that the purchase money is to be paid in cash, as soon as the}" take possession of the property, and that she has also agreed not to keep a drug store at Syracuse in opposition to them, nor purchase any more drugs, and that the new lot and the barn are not included in the sale. Shall I acquiesce in this transaction, sell our property, and thus throw us out of business, trusting to chance in order to obtain another location? Yes, I will acquiesce, for without her assis- tance at the present time, I fear that I can not conduct the busi- ness alone, and if we do not succeed in the future as we have in the past I shall not be to blame.

Thus far there had only been a verbal contract between my wife and Messrs. Hudson and Roush. In a few days after- wards these gentlemen • appeared with a written article of agreement for signature, in accordance with the foregoing terms. In signing this article, I made a fatal stroke of the pen. The property was now virtually out of my hands, and Hudson and Roush were to take possession on the first of April, 1874. In the mean time our orders for drugs were very small, the sales were fair, and as a natural result the stock was fast running down.

For a time I was much dissatisfied in regard to this sale ; but soon after the bargain was consummated, the coal opera- tors at Syracuse, as well as elsewhere in the Pomeroy Bend, determined to reduce the price of mining coal. The result

THOS. H. BARTON. 267

was one of the most obstinate strikes that had ever occurred in the bend. It continued until the following April. During this period coal was very scarce at Syracuse, even for domes- tic purposes. The Syracuse Coal and Salt Company adopted the following plan. If a coal miner stood in need of coal for his own use, he had the privilege of mining three cars of coal, one for himself and two for the company. By this means a partial supply of coal was provided for the citizens This de- pression of business was caused by the great financial crisis of 1873, which, beginning in the East, gradually extended throughout the United States.

One of the causes which led to this sale was the credit system, and my wife was about as deeply in the mud as I was in the mire. If I credited out my services as a phj'sician, she also did the same in regard to her drugs. I will give one illustration. One day, an old lady, who was not feeling well, came to the store, and bought of my wife, a box of patent pills on credit. She went home and took a dose; but in a few hours I was called in great haste to see her, the messenger telling me that she was severely cramped in the stomach and bowels. I was soon at her bed-side, and found as a result of this potent cathartic, that her lower extremities were in close proximity to her head. It caused me two visits, and no in- considerable amount of medicine to set her right once more. At this writing, my practice, the medicine which I furnished her, together with the pills, are standing on the books un- paid.

The above is only one instance out of a score, perhaps hun- dreds, that I could enumerate ; and it became evident to my wife that Poor Old Trust was not dead as yet. Bad Pay had not killed the poor old fellow, but it was reducing his vital as well as his mental powers. Emily naturally came to the conclusion that to quit the business was the only way to break up the credit system. She was unwilling to wait, and move on in this quiet way until we attained better circumstances. I wished to do so, but she did not agree with me. The reader may come to the conclusion that as I was strongly opposed to selling the property, and had the power to prevent the sale, I should have done so. My answer is this : My wife owned the

268 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

property ; it was hers absolutely in fee simple. I have already stated, in a former chapter, that the deed was made to her, and also gave my reasons for so doing. She gradually became dis- satisfied. She was uncertain in regard to the final result. We were losing, on an average, about ten dollars a month on sales, which we failed to collect. She did not seem to realize that the profits on the medicines would justify the loss. Accord- ing to her reasoning these petty losses would in time close out the store. I gradualh^ came to the conclusion that it was best to let her have her way. and if this change in our affairs should prove disastrous, I knew that the blame could not be charged to me.

During the winter of 1S73-4, I wrote several letters to Dr. H. W Stoddard, of Illinois, concerning the price of land in his h)ca]ity, and also in regard to a location for the practice of medicine. He was acousiu ot my wife, and had studied medicine with me for a i'(:\\ months, while I resided at Chester. I also corresponded witli niv brother in-law, Mr. Christopher Spilman, who then residtd in Indiana in reference to the same subject. In the meantime every ])erson with whom I conversed in relation to selling out and changing my location, with two exceptions, tt)ld me that I did wrong in so doing. I informed them, however, that i was o()posed to selling our property, and that it was mv wife who made the sale. At the same time Hudson and Koush were making sti'ong a[ipeals to us to remain at Syracuse. I was liaving an excellent practice, and they wished to retain me in this locality in t)rder to fill my ]ireseriptions

We finally determined to move to Indiana. On tlie fourth of April we disposed of our household goods at public auction. Isold my horse at private sale on nine month's credit. About the same time the stock of drugs and medicines on hand was invoiced and turned over to Hudson and Roush. The invoice amounted to about five hundred dollars. During the spring I paid a portion of my old indebtedness from the sale of drugs and from medical fees, which I succeeded in collecting. There was about three hundred dollars standing on the books exclu- sively for drugs. Our balances further showed that we had clear- ed, on an average, about twenty dollars per month from the sale

THOS. H. BARTON. 269

of drugs, and that about ten dollars per month had been credited out, which was uncollected.

It had been arranged that we should take our departure on the fifth day of April, and when the time arrived, a large num- ber of persons assembled at the river landing to bid us farewell ; and when the good old steamer Hudson hove in sight, many of those, who had been our friends and neighbors, gave each of ug a hearty shake of the hand, at the same time wishing us good luck in our new undertaking. I endeavored to appear as lively and cheerful as usual, but at heart I felt downcast and sad. I was parting from many old and pleasant associations, I was about to take up my abode among strangers, I had laid aside an excellent practice, and was about to abandon the most lucrative business in which I had ever been engaged. My thoughts were troubled. Even the elements seemed in unison with my feelings. The sky was dark and lowering ; the sun was obscured by the clouds ; the atmosphere was damp and chilly ; a misty rain was descending ; all nature wore a gloomy aspect. I felt its depressing influence, and wondered what the future would be !

Three day's travel found us at Collett Station, Jay county, Indiana, where we were met by my brother-in-law, who gave us a hearty welcome to his hospitable residence. We were now among the plains and woodlands of the Hoosier State. Mr. Spilman resided about one mile from Collett, which is a small village situated four miles south of Portland, the county-seat, and on the Richmond & Fort Wayne Railroad. The land in Jay county is undulating and in places it is inter- spersed with marshes and swamps, and a few ponds are occas- ionally found. On the creek bottoms and upland the soil consists of a rich loam, and is very productive. All the cereals that grow on the Ohio river bottoms can be raised here in abundance, but the soil is best adapted to raising corn, oats and flax. Wheat is sometimes injured in March by the alter- nate freezing and thawing, and fruit is occasionally killed by the late frosts. Peaches will not grow in this locality, the winters being so cold that the frost kills the trees.

East of the railroad lies a forty acre lot. On its eastern border stood an old log cabin which was probably the first edifice

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ever erected in that locality Near by stood a stable, which was built of round logs, and the dirt floor was covered with manure tsvo feet deep. There was also a building, which was used as a corn-crib and hen house, on the prenaises, and an orchard of about eighteen choice apple trees. The railroad which, at this point, runs nearly north and south, ran across the northwest corner of this lot at an angle of about thirty degrees, thus cutting off about one and ahalf acres of land. A part of the village of Collett is located on the part of the original lot west of the railroad. Soon after our arrival at Collett Mr. Spilman informed us that this property was for sale, and that the owner, John Grearinger, asked thirteen hundred dollars for it. He also informed me, that according to the value of real estate in the neighborhood, this piece of land was worth twelve hundred dollars. Upon hearing a conversation with Mr. Grearinger in regard to his terms for the sale of the property, he replied : '"It is worth thirteen hundred dollars ;" we offered him twelve and thus affairs stood during the next two days. Meanwhile, we were not very anxious about purchasing property in this locelity, and I now believe that, had I proposed to retrace our steps to Syracuse my wife would have readily given her consent, moreover, I believe this course would have been the best.

It did not prove a good location for the practice of medicine, or the sale of drugs ; but unluckily for us, Mr. Grearinger made his appearance at the appointed time at the Spilman residence, and agreed to sell the property at our offer. We had agreed to give twelve hundred dollars for it ; the bargain was closed at once ; the deed was made, and the property con- veyed to my wife. A few days afterwards we moved our house- hold goods into the old dilapidated log cabin.

Reader, do you believe in dreams and omens? If this question was put to myself, I am not prepared to say that I do, nor am I prepared to deny that there may be some myster- ious connection between our sleeping visions and the actual realities of life.

One night, during the winter preceding our removal, I dreamed that we had moved into an old building of the most primitive style. It was situattd in the state of Indiana. The floor of this old structure was bulged in the center, and the

THOS. H. BARTON. 271

edifice itself was in the most dilapidated condition. In the rear lay a garden of the richest soil, and in this garden was about half a dozen stalks of corn of large growth ; but the ears had been plucked off, and the stalks were dry and withered. To me the premises had a desolate and doleful appearance, and I felt downcast and sad to think that I was compelled to ijihabit such an inferior residence as this. On the other hand, my wife appeared happy and cheerful, and while she was en- gaged in her household duties, she was singing a familiar hymn. I awoke, and behold ! it was a dream.

I dreamed again ; and the visions of my head returned unto me : We had moved into an old log cabin which was situated about half a mile south of the city of Wheeling. No orna- ments decorated its walls, no furniture was to be found in it; but there were several piles of bed-clothing lying on the floor. The city was plainly visible ; it made a splendid appearance ; its streets were lined with costly edifices and luxurious man- sions ; its spires and steeples glittered in the bright sunshine. All the comforts and luxuries of life were near me — almost within my grasp, while I was living in this miserable hut. I awoke, and found it a dream. Have my visions been real- ized?

Soon after moving into this old shanty, I commenced the erection of a building twenty-eight feet wide, thirty long, and ten feet high up to the square. The roof was to be gothic in style, one half pitch, thus giving an upper story thirty feet long and twelve feet wide, sufficient for two rooms. The lower story was to be divided into four chambers. This edifice was ready to be plastered by the middle of July, when we moved into it, I also made some improvements on the farm, and designed to follow the occupation of farming in connection with the prac- tice of medicine. The expense of building, however, reduced our funds, and I soon found that I would be compelled to rent the farm. Moreover, I was not a farmer by occupation, and was uncertain whether or not I would be successful. We there- fore rented the land, except about two acres which we worked ourselves, to Jacob Grearinger, a relative of the gentleman of whom we had purchased the property. Mr. Grearinger raised a fair crop, but he only gave the corn about half the necessary

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plowing, and there were from one to ten stocks of corn in each hill. I call such farming a one horse business.

About the last of June, I was called to Syracuse on business, and found that an epidemic of typhoid fever had made its ap- pearance at that place, and a number of persons were affected with it. My friends were all well pleased to see me once more, and at once started me in business, and within a few days'ii had several professional calls. Having attended to my affairs, earned and collected sufficient funds to pay my traveling ex- penses, I once more bid my friends farewell, and returned to Indiana. Soon after my return, I received several letters from my friends at Syracuse, stating that my services were required at that place, as the epidemic was on the increase. I at once decided to leave my family for a time, return to Syracuse, and practice medicine there. I boarded a train on the 28th of July and in due time reached my destination. I opened an office in one room of Hudson and Roushes' residence, and boarded with James Ewing, and was soon very busy treating a number of cases of typhoid fever at Syracuse and jNIinersville. I was kept very busy for about two months. There was a pro- trated case of this fever at INlinersville, the patient being a married man about twenty-six years old. The disease was ar- rested about the close of the third week; but no sooner was he clear of fever than he asked me if he could have a taste of peaches. As there was an abundance of this fruit and general- ly of a good quality, I gave my consent, supposing that he would procure a ripe peach. His wife, however, procured a sup- ply of tlie poorest quality that could be found in the market, and he ate a few of these rind and all. The result of this feast was an attack of peritoritis, and in spite of all that I could do for him, he died about two days afterwards.

This case, which is the only one I lost during this period at Syracuse, is reported as a warning to those who may be con- valescing of typhoid fever. Do not eat green fruit, or fruit of a poor quality especially the rind.

My professional labors closed with three cases of obstetrics, during the last week of this period. The major portion of my leisure hours was spent in study, thereby hoping to keep up with the times, and render myself proficient in the science of medicine.

THOS. H. BARTON. 273

About the 28th of September, I once more bid farewell to my friends at Syracuse, not knowing but it might be the last farewell, and was soon wending my way to the swamps of In- diana. I reached Ridgeville, which is about six miles south of Collett, in due time, but was detained at that place about two hours. I reached Collett about nine o'clock in the even- ing and was glad to be at home with my family once more. I had hoped to find them in good health, but a few days pre- vious to my arrival, my wife and Mattie had contractsd the intermittent fever. Perhaps I did not sympathize with them as I should have done. I had warned them in regard to the locality. For more than a year previous to our removal to Indiana, I had repeatedly informed them in regard to the unhealthy condition of that State. They were old enough to understand. I did my duty, however, as a husband and father. At the proper time, 1 administered a few large doses of quinine, and the fever was soon abated. It may have been well for myself, that I was living in Ohio during the sickly season in the Hoosier State.

Late in the summer and fall, water is scarce in this section of Indiana. Near the old log hut two holes had been dug wiih the intention of obtaining a well. These holes had been walled up, but the walls had caved in, thereby causing a deep depression in the surface of the ground. One of these afford- ed water during the winter, spring, and early summer, but late in the summer and fall it was dry. It was evident that I would have to dig a well, if I continued to reside in this locality, and soon after my return from Syracuse, I employed a few men and commenced digging for water. After digging twenty feet I procured a dirt auger, and bored ten feet further striking a vein of water. I then dug to this vein and obtained an abundant supply, but it was impregnated with mineral sub- stances, and was of a poor quality. The water flowed in so rapidly that it kept us but^y building the wall to keep out of the way. This well contained fifteen feet of water even in dry weather.

During my sojourn in Indiana Ihad some professional busi- ness, but it was not lucrative. I could have had more practice had I been well prepared, and had I not been otherwise engaged.

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I can not close this period of my narrative without making mention of the numerous snakes which infested this locality. I think that, during the summer, my sons, George and Mott, killed about one hundred of these reptiles. The black snakes, (the Ci'luber constrictor) were the most numerous. The common snake (Xntrix torquata) was also abundant. One hoop or jointed snake was seen. I do not remember of seeing any rattlesnakes, (Crotalus haridus.)

One bright summer day, we were much surprised at Mott, who came running into the house crying out: "Mother, a snake, a snake ! where is George?" Mott and Sophia were in the wood about two hundred yards from the house and came across a black snake. Sophia remained to watch his snake- ship while Mott ran to the house to seek George to assist in killing the snake. George was soon at the >cene of action. In the mt-antime the snake was eying my daughter with sus- picion, f>eorge with hoe in hand, as David Crockett said: '■Severed his 'tarnal head from his all tail of a body." This reptile measured six fi-et in length.

About the '20th of October, hard frost made its appearance. The winters in .Jay county are usually severe. The ground generally freezes in November, and remains in a frozen condi- tion till the middle of March. Such weather is conducive to good health in that locality As my funds were now getting low, I determined to return to. Syracuse, and follow my pro- fession, leaving my family in Indiana. On mentioning my plans to m}^ wife, she objected to my being away from home during the inclement winter weather; and, on thinking over our affairs, she came to the conclusion that we had better move to Ohio. I readily agreed with her. About the last of Octo- ber, we packed up our household goods, which were easily transported, bade farewell to our relatives and new made friends in the Hoosier State, boarded a train, and wended our way to Syracuse, reaching our destination the first week in November.

I was now once more in Syracuse, but felt cast down in re- gard to my future prospects. I felt like the peacock when he has shed his tail feathers, but unlike that fowl, I did not hide myself from public observation. How different is my situa-

THOS. H. BARTON. 275

tion and financial circumstances now from what they were eighteen months previous. I was then residing in an elegant and comfortable resfidence. I enjoyed many of the comforts and some of the luxuries of life. More than all this, I had a very fair prospect of making money My wife owned prop- erty in her own right worth at least two thousand dollars. She was the owner of a good drug store, and was doing a fair and lucrative business, I was enjoying an excellent practice. All this is now changed, we live in a house for which we pay rent ; my son is out of employment ; my horse is sold, and I am now compelled either to hire a horse to attend to my practice at Minersville ind in the country, ride in the 'bus or watch for a good opportunity and walk. Moreover, my absence from Syra- cuse during the sickly season mentioned, gave ray competitors an opportunity of establishing themselves more firmly in their profession. Notwithstanding these discouraging circumstan- ces, I again offered my professional services to the citizens of this locality, and went to work with a will.

Beginning with a call next day after our arrival, I at once had a fair amount of professional business. During the re- mainder of this year my practice was fair, and I collected a sufficient amount of my earnings to meet all my expenses in- cluding the rent.

We were now the owners of two thrifty j'oung orchards, nevertheless we were compelled to buy our fruit. The frost killed our fruit in Indiana, and the mischieveous young urchins, commonly known as the "small boy," destroyed it in Syracuse.

During the winter and spring of 1S75, my professional busi- ness was good at Syracuse and also at Minersville. I think I had nearly all the practice in the latter place. An epidemic of catarrhal fever had broken out in both these villages together with a few cases of pneumonia. The result was that I was kept very busy attending to my professional labors.

Early in the spring Dr. Edward H. Trickle, of Racine, located at Syracuse with the object of practicing medicine. On the breaking out of the rebellion, Dr. Trickle enlisted as a private in company E, of the Fourth West Virginia Regiment, and was appointed one of the corporals of that company. On the

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19th of March, 1S63, he was promoted to be Second Lieutenant of company I of the same regiment, and in that capacity he faithfully served the government till the expiration of his term of enlistment. Some time after the close of the war, comrade Trickle studied medicine under the preceptorship of Dr. John R. Philson, of R;icine and afterwards attended a Medical College, and received his diploma as Doctor of Medi- cine. He and I were on very good terms. He was well re- spected as a [)hysician, and obtained a fair amount of practice at Syracuse. He practiced medicine here about two years, and then returned to Racine.

Dr. Trickle was a very fair competitor; yet, notwithstand- ing his opposition, I had a sufficient number of patients to keep me busy during the remainder of this year. My busi- ness was sufficiently extensive to require the use of a horse. I purchased a horse, saddle and bridle of Jonas Ervin for ninety dollars, giving him therefor my promissory note. My financial affiiirs improved during this year, regardless of op- position, dull times, and slow collections, and by the 1st of November I had. after keeping up my expenses, a small sur- plus of funds laid hv

About the first week in November we learned that our affairs in Indiana were not in good condition. In view of this, my wife visited our relatives at Collett. Soon after erecting the residence on our farm in Indiana we had light- ning-rods put up, expecting to pay for this improvement from the proceeds of the farm ; but, on her arrival, my wife found that these fixtures had not been paid for. She paid the claim, attended to some other details in regard to the prop- erty, and then returned home, having been absent eight or ten days. Her expenses during this visit was thirty dollars.

Some time during the succeeding winter Daniel Miller, re- siding near Collett, offered us fifteen hundred dollars for our property in Indiana, the purchase money to be paid in install- ments. This was a fair price for it, but we desired to make the sale a cash transaction, and no bargain was effected.

The spring of 1876 opened up with a fair prospect of suc- cess in my profession. I was now the owner of an excellent horse, and had paid a part of the purchase money. I was

THOS. H. BARTON.

using my utmost endeavors to build up a lucrative practice; but notwithstanding my efforts, I was destined to meet with some reverses.

Prior to our removal to Indiana, as already stated in this chapter, I sold my horse at private sale. I disposed of the animal to James Ewing, whom I have mentioned as practic- ing law before justices' courts, taking his promissory note for seventy dollars, with Jacob Grim as security. The note was about two years past due ; and on the 16th of March, at the urgent request of my wife, I planted a suit against Ewing and Grim before Isaac Carleton, a justice of the peace in and for Sutton township, for the sum of eighteen dollars and thir- teen cents, it being the balance then due on the note. I had boarded with Mr. Ewing during my visit to Syracuse in the summer of 1874. and I had used his horse a number of times in my professional business, and had given him credit on the note for these items. I filed the note with the justice as a bill of particulars. The case was set for hearing on the 21st. On the day appointed for trial we met at the magistrate's office, and, at the instance of Mr. Ewing, the case was adjourned till early in April, when the defendant again ad- journed the case, and he continued to adjourn it from time to time until the first of August, when he filed his bill of set-off. He brought up two or three items of account which had been previously settled. Among these was a claim of three dollars for moving my sister-in-law to Chester, with which I had nothing to do. Moreover, he received his pay for this service from my sister-in-law. my books showing a plain statement. His claim for horse hire was put at eleven trips to Minersville at one dollar a trip; that is, every time I used the horse to make a professional visit was counted as one day's service for the animal, the distance being about three miles, going and re- turning.

The case finally came up for trial on the 5th of August, and was tried before a jury. I was affected that day with the sick headache and was unfit to attend to a suit at law, it being all that I could do to give in my testimony.

Mr. Ewing testified, in substance, that I had the use of his horse eleven trips to Minersville; that I received the animal

278 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

about nine o'clock in the morning, returning about three o'clock in the afternoon, and that this would make a day in hiring a horse. ]\Iy own testimony was substantially as fol- lows : That when I first engaged the animal Mr. Ewing said that he would make the charges reasonable, but that he would expect more compensation than the regular 'bus fare, which was twenty cents for going and returning; that on every oc- casion but two I received the horse about nine o'clock in the forenoon, returning between twelve and one o'clock, thus giv- ing time for Hudson and Rdush to fill ray prescriptions and send them to Minersville by the 'bus in the afternoon ; that on one occasion I received the animal about nine o'clock in the morning and returned next dav about seven, and that on an- other occasion I was absent from four in the afternoon till eight in the evening; that one dollar a day was a reasonable charge, and that I was. willing to pay for the use of the horse at that rate for the actual time engaged, and that the distance f;rave]ed averaged about two miles and a half.

I was represented bv John Borham, Mr. Ewing by Calvin DeWolf. Of these artists at law, perhaps Mr. DeWolf was the best pettifogger before a Justice of the Peace. In this case at any rate Mr. Ewing's counsel was more shrewd than mine. Testimony was introduced, without any objection on the part of Mr. Borham, concerning the price of horse-hire by the day, but I do not remember anything being said in regard to the short distance which the animal had to travel in this case. Even testimony was introduced showing what one of our liv- ery men charged lor a horse and carriage to go and return from Middleport. at least three times the distance to and from Minersville. I make no reflection in regard to the Justice. No objections were made Viy counsel, and such testimony had a tendency to mislead the jury.

The testimony being heard by the jury, the case was ready for the pleadings of the attorneys. Herein my counsel allow- ed his opponent to get the advantage.

The counsel having finished his plea, Mr. DeWolfrose. It was not like the rising of Burke in the British Parliament, but all the same it was fatal to my case. Mr. DeWolf said "that as I was the plaintiff in the case, in order to establish my

THOS. H. BARTON. 279

claim I would have to have a preponderance of evidence ; and that as I had admitted a part of the claim, I was liable for the whole amount." My attorney made no objection to this false pleading. He should have maintained, that as the de- fendants had a set-off against me, in order to establish their claim, they should produce a preponderance of testimony. The jury rendered a verdict against me for one dollar and fifteen cents, and the costs of the suit.

I appealed the case to the Court of Common Pleas, and filed my petition in court by an able attorney of the Meigs county bar. The case was adjourned from one session of the court to another till the spring of 1879. In the meantime, during iny absence, my counsel allowed Jacob Grim to be dismissed as a co-defendant, thus throwing out the only responsible party. I thought strange of this, as at the Ju>tices Court, he was in- strumental in retaining Grim as a co-defendant. Meanwhile, I was preparing for trial, and wrote a number of questions for Ewing to answer when he came to give his testimony, which, in all probability would have impeached him. The case how- ever, never came to a hearing in court. About the 20th of May, 1879, Mr. Ewing left this world of strife, contention, and law-suits, and quietly passed to a world where strife and con- tention is unknown.

At a future session of the court, my attorney informed me that he had duly summoned Grim to appear in court; and, having failed to answer the summons, he had obtained a judg- ment by default against him for eighteen dollars and thirteen cents in my favor. He claimed, however, tliat there was some error in the proceedings, and that it was best for me to keep quiet in regard to the matter, as the case might, within three years, be reopened. Several years afterwards, I applied to ray counsel for an execution against the defendant. Now, kind reader, what do you suppose that my counsel told me? He said : "I have no recollection of this judgment against Grim !" He then looked up his record of judgments, and failed to find it. His action speaks for itself, and needs no further com- ment.

*******

In 1876 the financial panic was severely felt in the western

280 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

states. The government was gradually preparing for the re- sumption of speoie payments. Hence the stringency of the money market. Property was rapidly depreciating in value. Business of all kinds was almost at a stand-still. It was ex- tremely difficult for those, who had contracted debts during the war and immediately afterwards, to meet their financial obligations. It was difficult, and in many instances impos- sible to make collections. This state of affairs was severely felt by mvself I had but little time to attend to the collection of my just dues, and many of my patrons were very negligent in this respect, and for sometime I received but a small pit- tance from those who were indebted to me. To aid me in my finances, my wife, sometime during the preceding au- tumn, sold an acre of her land in Indiana to Daniel Niiller, of Collett, for eighty-seven dollars and fifty cents, but this was only a temporary relief.

For several years during the period of which I am now writ- ing, the game of croquet was a favorite recreation among the young and middle aged of both sexes. The game was played extensively both at Sj'racuse and Minersville. At first I did not like the game, but would occasionally be persuaded to take part in this harmless amusement. For some time, however, I could see nothing amusing in it. I was slow in learning to play, and understanding the science of the game, and was very awkward in handling the mallet, I gradually became fond of the exercise ; it afforded me some recreation during my leisure hours. Although awkward at first, I kept on trying, until I became thoroughly acquainted with the rules and the use of the mallet, I played more or less every day when the weather was fair, and by dint of perseverence, became an excellent player. Playing croquet, however, .lid not prevent my attend- ing church, and during these years I was a regular attendant at divine service.

I now approach an event of my life, so solemn and sad, that although the frosts of thirteen winters have passed away, the occurrence is still fresh in my memory I had met with financial reverses. I had sustained pecuniary losses, but now I am about to experience a greater loss. Once more I am

THOS. H. BARTON. 281

about to be separated from a near and dear companion ; oniie more the cold earth is about to close over the one I loved best.

Since our marriage, my wife's health had usually been good. She had apparently recovered from the malarial fever. In the summer of 1875 she had an attack of dysentery, and my brother James, who still resided at Addison, was called to treat her. From this I think she also recovered. During the ensuing winter she contracted, as I then supposed, a mild catarrh, which was accompanied with a dry cough. At first I tliought there was nothing serious, but she gradually grew worse, and I commenced treating her My treatment did not prove effective; the cough became more troublesome; her body gradually commenced to waste away, and by the latter part of the succeeding summer, it became an evident fact that she was aflfected with that terrible disease, pulmonary con- sumption. I then employed eminent counsel, but our united efforts proved unavailing. She still continued to fail ; her breathing became more difficult; the cough was nearly inces- sent; her sputa became thick and tenacious, and when the frosts of winter made their appearance, it was plainly evident that her earthly existence was only a question of timj. I now began to abandon all hopes of her recovery, but nevertheless, I kept her constantly under treatment first by one physician and then another. Altogether there were six physicians who treated her and gave her advice. During the month of De- cember, and early part of January, 1877, she continued to fail rapidl}', and about the middle of the latter month she was con- fined to her bed. Her respiration was extremely rapid on the least exertion, and it was with the greatest difficulty that she raised the sputa from her lungs. During all this time her ap- petite was fair, and her stomach could digest light articles of food. She gradually failed in strength till the twentieth of February, when I became convinced that her earthly suffer- ings would soon be over.

*******

It is evening, and about the seventh hour. I am now aware that the supreme moment has come. For the second time I am standing by the dying bedside of a kind and loving com-

36

282 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

panion. She has been the partner of my life for many years,

but this union is now about to be forever severed. She is

face to face with the grim monster. A ladv who is standing

near her bedside speaks to her : " Emily, is Jesus with you? "

A kind and loving Savior is with her, but she cannot say so.

She tries to speak, but the power of utterance fails ; her lips

move, but they utter no sound. In token of her faith in her

Redeemer, she raises her thin and emaciated arms towards

heaven, and clasps her hands together, as if she means to say :

"Jesus is with me; he is my friend and comforter in a dying

hour, and I will soon be asleep in Jesus."

*******

A half hour more, and all is over. The spirit has left its earthly tenement and taken its flight to the realms of bliss. The burial services, conducted by the Rev Henry Berkstresser, of the M. E. Church, took place from the Presbyterian Church. The church was crowded with the friends and relatives of the deceased. Rev. Berkstresser preached a very touching and appropriate sermon from the latter clause of the second verse of tlie fourteenth chapter of the Gospel of St. John : "In my father's house are many mansions." Everything connected with the sad (il)sequics was eloquent of the loving esteem in which my dear t'ompanion was held. After the last sad rite had been performed at the church, all that was mortal of that once vigorous and noble woman was laid to rest in the Syra- cuse cemetery, in the presence of her sorrowing friends and relative^

I returned from the solemn ceremonial weighed down with sorrow and affliction. Mv houseluild affairs went on as usual : the fire burned brightlv, the lamps cast a radiant glow of light in our ]iumt)]e domicile, but the familiar form of mv loving companion could be seen no more. Her life-work is ac- complished ; her mission is ended ; her spirit is asleep in Jesus.

" Asleep in Jesus: blessed sleep From which none ever \vake to weep ; A calm and undisturbed repose, Unbroken by the last of foes."

THOS. H. BARTON. 283

CHAPTER XVI.

TREATMENT OF PAUPERS. — LITIGATION.

During the years that have elapsed since the war, I have treated a great many paupers, and received compensation there- for from the township or county ; and I have been regarded by the trustees of Sutton Township, and the infirmary directors of Meigs county as a prominent character in regard to reporting paupers to the authorities for the purpose of securing the fees for my professional services. My narrative would be incom- plete unless this part of my professional career be stated in de- tail, and I therefore propose to give my readers an unbiased ac- count of this important branch of my business.

In order to make the subject clear, I shall go back to Leon, Virginia. At the time of which I write, the paupers in that state who stood in need of medical or surgical treat- ment were reported to an officer called an overseer of the poor, there being one such officer in each district. These officers held a quarterly or annual meeting, and paid the claims of the several phj^sicians for treating poor and indi- gent persons. While at Leon I received compensation in a few such cases.

One year, during my residence at Leon, a physician who resided at Point Pleasant was elected overseer of the poor. He succeeded in getting the other overseers to come to an agreement that no claim for treating paupers should be al- lowed unless notice was given to the overseers at the com- mencement of the treatment. The other physicians, beitig ignorant of this agreement, failed to receive any compensa- tion during that year for their services, while the Point Pleasant physician received a large amount from the poor fund. I was among the number of those who lost their fees for treating the poor. I do not think that I received any com- pensation for such services during that year.

While at Chester, Ohio, I reported only one case to the Trustees of that Township, but the trustees refused to recog- nize the person as a pauper unless his father reported him as such, which was done accordingly, and in due time I received

284 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

tnj' fees. After locating at Syracuse, I reported no such cases prior to the war.

About one year after my return from the army, I reported one patient, who resided at Minersville. The ?*IinersviHe trustee, however, rejected my claim without making any further inquiry in regard to the merits of the case, and the claim was not reported to the board of trustees. In 1867, I received my first medical fees from the Trustees of Sutton Township for treating a pauper. The patient resided near Syracuse, and I received an order from the Township Trustees for $11.50 for my services including medicines. From this time to the first of April, 1875, our trustees were very liberal to the poor, and paid my claims in pauper cases in every instance except two. One of these was a transient pauper, and my account was rejected by the board on that ground. In another case, my bill was cut down and I lost a part of it. My books show that I received my fees in full for a number of cases du- ring this period.

The following case is related in detail in order to show the action of the township trustees and infirmary directors in the premises.

During the last week in January, 1869, a man who resided in Syracuse, received a dangerous injury from a fall from one of the salt cisterns belonging to the Syracuse Coal and Salt Company. Dr Teters was immediately called to treat the case, but the patient being in a dangerous condition. Dr. Rathburn, of ^Nliddleport, was employed to treat him. On account of the severe and dangerous nature of the case. Dr. Rathburn persuaded his patient to employ me as an assistant. I was to treat the case during Rathburn's absence, and to assist him during his professional visits. The patient was very poor, and the case was likely to be protracted for an in- definite length of time; and I therefore, on the fifth of Febru- ary, 1870, reported him a^ a pauper to the trustees of Sutton Township who immediately took charge of the case, but in- stead of reporting him forthwith to the Infirmary Directors, as is required by law, they kept him under their own care till the first of March. The trustees then settled with me, paid my fees in fall, and reported the case to the Infirmary Directors.

TlIOS. H. BARTON. 285

Henry Bartels and Lewis Hudson delivered the report of the trustees to one of the Infirmary Directors, explained the nature of the case and also informed him that I was treating the patient. He replied— I give his exact language : "Tell Dr. Barton to continue treating the case, and I will settle with him for his services. I expect to be there to see him in person in less than ten days." On his return Mr. Hudson informed me in regard to what the Infirmary Director said, and I con- tinued to treat the case until the 16th of April. I presented my account to the infirmary directors at their June session. My account was upwards of thirty dollars, but I do not now remember whether or not I claimed the amount in full. Be this as it may. they offered to pay me only ten dollars for my services in this case. It was one of the hardest and most dangerous cases that ever fell to my lot to treat. From the very beginning the patient required the most careful atten- tion to save his life. The case was of such a nature thatlwas compelled to visit him at night as well as in the day time in order to relieve him from excruciating pain. Besides my regular visits, which were made once or twice a day, I was frequently sent for by the patient himself. I therefore, rejected the pitiful offer of ten dollars for six weeks professional services, and decided to test my rights as a physician; and, if possible compel this infimary director to do as he agreed. Accordingly, I brought suit against the Board of Directors of Meigs County. The case was tried before 'Squire Lee, of Pomeroy, a Justice of the Peace in and for Salisbury Town- ship. Upon hearing the testimony, the magistrate imme- diately rendered a judgment in my favor for the amount of my claim and for costs.

The Infirmary Directors not being satisfied with the decision of the Justice, appealed the case to the Court of Common Pleas of Meigs County. In due time the case came up for hearing in this Court, when the opposing attorney learned that Dr. Rathburn had written some of the prescriptions. These amounted to about five dollars, and this amount was deducted from my claim, and I obtained a judgment for the balance, the cost being taxed to the county.

From this time till the first of April 1874, I had no further

286 AtfTOBlOGRAPHY OF

trouble with the trustees or directors. During this perioi the trustees of Sutton Township allowed all the claims that I presented to them, but my claims against them were few in number and small in amount. The township clerk's record for the year 1874, shows that one physician received from the pauper fund the snug sum of $44.20. A part of this, however, was for provisions furnished. It is not de- signed to cast any reflections on the trustees in regard to their action in this case, but to show their liberality to the poor, and the respect shown the physician who treated the case.

The year 1874, was a prosperous one for some of the physi- cians who practiced in Sutton Township, and also for the druggists who dispensed the medicines. The public funds flowed into their coffers like milk and honey to the Israelites of old. One physician received the round sum of $59.00 for his services treating one pauper, besides fees in a few other cases. Another physician received $26.00 for treating a single pauper, and one drug firm received the snug sum of $41.40 for medicines furnished to one pauper, besides several other physicians and druggists received a fair amount from the poor fund, while I reported only one pauper, and was compen- sated in the insignificant amount of $6.10 for my services in- cluding medicines. This was the onlj' claim I had against the trustees during that year.

In 1875, the township record shows that I received $29.50 for my professional services among the poor. I received my just dues during this year, but had some difficulty in collecting this amount in consequence of one of the trustees, who resided at Racine, regarding me with disfavor.

As already stated, I had a suit at law with the Infirmary Directors of Meigs County. At a future period I had a con- troversy in the newspapers with one of the directors, and after- wards had a legal difficulty with the trustees of Sutton Town- ship. In order that the reader may fully understand the merits of the controversy, I will give the law prescribing the duties of township trustees and infirmary directors in relation to the poor. In the session of 1875-6, a law was passed by the Gen- eral Assembly of the State of Ohio, entitled : "An act for the relief of the poor, and to repeal certain acts." This law is

*HOS. H. BARTON. 28?

found in the 73d annual volume of the Laws of Ohio, and is contained in the following sections of the Revised Statutes of 1880.

"Sec. 1491. The trustees of each township in the state shall afford, at the expense of their township, public support or relief to all persons therein, who may be in condition requir- ing the same, subject to the conditions, provisions, and limita- tions herein.

"Sec. 1494. When a person in the township is in condition requiring public relief, or the services of a physician or sur- geon, complaint thereof shall be forthwith made to the towji- ship trustees, by some person having knowledge of the fact ; if medical service is required, the physician or surgeon called or attending shall immediately notify the trustees, or one of them, in writing, that he is attending a pauper, and thereupon the township shall be liable for all relief and for services ren- dered, which may thereafter be afforded to such person, only in such amount as the trustees determine to be just and rea- sonable; but if such notice be not given witnin three days after such relief is afforded, or service begins, then said town- ship shall be liable for such reliefer service only, as may be rendered after notice has been given, but the trustees, or one of them, may at anytime order the discontinuance of such service or relief, and they shall not be liable for any services or relief thereafter rendered.

"Sec. 1495. When complaint is made, as aforesaid, to the trustees of a township, that any person therein requires public relief or support, one or more of the trustees shall visit the person needing relief, forthwith, to ascertain the name, age, sex, birth-place, length of residence, previous habits, and pre- sent condition of such person, and especially in what town- ship and county in this State, if any, he or she is legally set- tled."

Section 1496 provides for the care and disposition of non- resident paupers, and section 1497, provides for keeping ac- curate accounts of all expenses incurred for the relief of the poor.

"Sec. 1498. No account shall ever be audited or allowed to the trustees of a township for the support of the poor, unless

288 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

the same be accompanied by the proper voucher, verified by the claimant or his agent, and duly certified by said trustees."

The following sections prescribe the duties of the infirmary directors.

'"Sec. 974. When, in any county having an infirmary, the trustees of a township shall, after making the inquiry provided for, be of the opinion that the person complained of is in a condition requiring public relief, they shall forthwith transmit a statement of said facts, together with the amount of relief furnished, if any, so far as they have been able to ascertain the same, to the superintendent of the infirmary ; and if it appears that such alleged pauper is legally settled in said township, or has no legal settlement in this State, or that such settlement is unknown, and the superintendent is satisfied that said alleged pauper requires public relief, he shall forthwith receive said pauper, and provide for him or her in said institution, and furnish transportation for said pauper to the infirmary ; and thereupon the directors shall certify to the correctness of the items contained in the bill of said trustees, for costs and expenses incurred by them in affording temporary relief to said pauper ; and if such statement of facts, so ascertained by said trustees, is transmitted to the superintendent of the in- firmary within five days after the same carae to their knowl- edge, then said bill of such trustees shall be paid out of the poor fund of the county upon the warrant of the auditor there- of; but the directors may discharge any inmate of the in- firmary.

"Sec. 975. If, in any case, the directors are of the opinion that the condition of said pauper is such as to render his or her removal inexpedient, or to require temporary or partial relief only, they shall endorse the fact upon said warrant, and direct the trustees to keep, and afford the pauper such relief, in such manner and upon such reasonable terms as the direc- tors prescribe, until the removal of the pauper becomes expe- dient, or when partial or temporary relief only is required, until the necessity therefor ceases ; and the trustees shall notify said infirmary directors when such pauper can be safely re- moved, or when such temporary relief is no longer required; such warrant, so issued, shall be by the clerk of the board of

THOS. H. BARTON. 289

directors numbered and filed, and the directors shall certify to the correctness of the items contained in the bill of the said trustees, for costs and charges incurred by them in affording relief to said paupers, after complaint was made, which bill shall be paid on the warrant of the county auditor; and the failure of said trustees to transmit a statement of facts to the directors, as herein contemplated, within ten days, shall render such township liable for such relief as has been fur- nished."

The above laws were passed by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, as already stated, during the session of 1875-6, except section 974, which was passed at the succeeding session of 1876-7 Section 974 supplies or amends a section wherein it was obligatory on township trustees to report their paupers to the infi'-mary directors of the county

In 1876, one of the trustees of Sutton Township, who resided at Racine, took a decided stand against me, and appeared de- termined to make me lose my fees for treating the poor at Syracuse and Minersville. In his action against me, he went beyond his duty as a public officer. There was an arrange- ment among the trustees that each of them was to attend to the wants of the poor in his respective precinct, that is, the trustee who lived at Racine looked after the poor in that pre- cinct, and the trustees to Syracuse and Minersville did the same in their respective localities. The township was thus about evenly divided between them. In any case, however, the Racine trustee wanted to assume the ruling power, and the other trustees would sometimes agree with him, and I would thus be compelled to lose the whole or part of my fees for treating the poor. His mode of proceedure was as follows : When I presented my accounts to the board for settlement, the Racine trustee would inquire of the one to whom I re- ported the case : "Did you order Dr. Barton to treat this case?" The other trustee, if such was the fact, would reply : "No, I never ordered Dr. Barton to treat this case." My friend from Racine would then say to me : "Doctor, we never ordered you to treat this case, and we cannot pay you for your servi- ces." The other trustees would generally acquiese in his deci- sion, notwithstanding they wished me to be paid my just dues.

37

290 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

I differed from the trustees on this point, and argued the case with them. I contended that when a physician reported a pauper to the township trustees, there was then an implied contract; that the trustees were liable for his fees unless they saw fit to discharge him, and that there was no necessity for the trustees, or either of them, to order the physician to treat a pauper. I explained the law to them, but they paid very little attention to my explanation, and I lost a portion of my pro- fessional fees by this unlawful ruling of the trustees. They finally gave up this illegal ruling, and adopted another plan, which was as follows : When I reported a pauper to them, they would immediateh' report the case to the infirmary directors, in order to save the township from expense. When I presented my account to the trustees, they, through their leader, would be willing to allow my claim up to the time that the case was reported to the directors, at the same time telling me to look to the infirmarv directors for the balance of my fees. I argued the point with them, contending that their ruling was not in accordance with the letter and spirit of the statutes, and that turning a pauper over to the infirmary directors did not relieve the trustees from liability To save future trouble, I adopted another plan. When called upon by those who were poor, I would notify the trustees, or one of them, in writing, that I was attending a pauper, and after- wards report the case to the infirmary directors ; but I soon found that this was a poor way to do, for by the time the infirmary directors received their notice, some cases would be discharged as cured, while others would be in a fair way to recover. The trustees would paj' for one or two visits, and the directors would pay after being notified. In the mean- time, however, I would lose my fees for a few visits. In this way I was defrauded in several cases during this year.

In 1877, I met another antagonist, who opposed the collec- tion of my fees in pauper cases. W H. Jones, one of the in- firmary directors of Meigs county, took up the cudgel, and used it against me with all his power. I will give an illus- tration of his mode of proceeding. On the 8th of January, I was called to treat a man who lived at Minersville, and who stood in need of public relief. I visited the patient, and re-

THOS. H. BARTON. 291

ported him to one of our trustees, and the trustee reported him to the infirmary' directors. I saw the case on the 9th and again on the 11th and IStli. I think it was while on the latter visit, that I found Mr. Jones at the patient's residence. My patient showed signs of improvement, nevertheless the direc- tor notified me that my professional services were no longer required. He discharged me against the wishes of the patient and his friends, and employed another physician. Herein the director exceeded his official duty I abandoned the case without further trouble, on account of mv witV s sickness.

About the same time I was called to treat a ladv, about sixty-four years old. who resided at Minersville, and who was in verv poor circumstances. I notified one of the trus- tees that I was attending a pauper, and the trustee reported the case to the directors. In due time Mr. Jones visited her, and discharged me against her wishes and the wishes of her friends. He proposed sending her a physician whom she did not know She objected, and he abandoned her.

In March, I reported a young ladv who was in circumstan- ces requiring public relief, as well as the services of a physi- cian. Being the family physician, I was called to treat her, and I immediately notified the trustees of the fact, and the case was then turned over to the directors. On my third visit I found Mr. Jones present. He was bending his body over the patient, and at first, I thought he had turned out to be a physician. The young lady was improving, but my good friend, the director, immediately informed me that my servi- ces were no longer required. This action was not in accord- ance with the wishes of the patient or her friends. I was in poor circumstance? financially, and was unable to litigate the case, and therefore I was compelled to obey his orders. Mr. Jones, however, agreed to pay me for this visit, and I received my fees in due time.

Next day I visited the patient on my own accord, to observe how the change of physicians agreed with her, another hav- ing been employed to treat the case. I found the young lady suffering severely with pain in her stomach and bowels, caused by her medical attendant giving her a cathartic medicine which did not agree with her. I ordered the same medicine

292 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

which I had previously given, and it relieved her, I did not visit her again, and she soon afterwards recovered.

About the 6th of May, a well-known lady, of Syracuse, came to my office, and requested me to visit a friend of hers, who was affected with fever, and she also informed me that I would have to look to the township trustees for my compensation, as her friend was very poor with respect to this world's goods. I obeyed the call, notified the trustees, and the case was duly reported to the directors ; but, as I was afterwards informed, those officers paid no attention whatever to the case. I was also informed by one of our trustees, that other cases had been previously neglected by the infirmary directors. The name of the patient was Mary Harris, and her case was re- ported to W H. Jones ; but he neglected the matter entirely, and gave no instructions concerning the patient. On learning this, I wrote Mr. Jones a letter, in which I called his attention to the case of Miss Harris, and referred him to the statutes governing such cases. He sent me the' following brusque reply :

"Sir: — I have been searching the statutes for the last week, and failed to find your name mentioned in them.

Signed, W H. Jones."

Mr. Jones' reply led to a controversy in the press of Meigs county- I immediately wrote an article in regard to these affairs, which was published in the Meigs County Telegraph. This article is now lost, and I give its substance from memory. I first gave a copy of Mr. Jones' letter to me, and then pro- ceeded to point out every section of the law for the relief of the poor, and referred Mr. Jones to these sections, as a guide to him in his official capacity. I also showed up his negli- gence in the case of Mary Harris, and gave him to understand that she was better, but that she needed more medicines, and that unless these were given her she was liable to relapse. In conclusion I stated : "That I was informed that Mr. Jones, while perambulating through the village of Minersville during the preceding spring, had offered to give a young lady two dollars." It was not intended in my article that the general reader should know what the two dollars was given for, and the statement was designed to draw him out in the press.

THOS. H. BARTON. 293

He replied in the Telegraph and also in the Meigs County Republican, as follows :

"this is how it is."

"Editor Telegraph: — In your last issue is an article from Dr. Barton, of Syracuse, in which he charges me with high crimes and misdemeanors. As an explanation I offer the following : The Doctor seems to have a very extended knowledge of law, and is very positive that there is a statute of 1876, and that this statute contains an act for the relief of the poor, and to repeal certain acts therein named, and that it is to be found on page 233; and that he will show me said acts if I will call on him. All this is very kind in the Doctor, to be sure, but why don't he hang out his shingle as an attorney, so that the public may know where to go for legal advice? He is very officious is assuming the duties of Township Trustee. He reports Mary Harris as having been affected with in- termittent fever for nine months, and that she may relapse. I wonder if the readers of the Telegraph thought of the Doctor's ob- ject? He thought if I ordered him to go on treating the case, and she did not relapse for nine months to come, he would have a snug little sum due from the Poor Fund if he could make his visits as frequent as he has heretofore done at other places. The best crite- rion for the future, is the experience of the past. I presume the Doctor has not forgotten why he allowed his bill to be so indiscrimi- nately shaved the last time he met the Board, six months ago. I think the Doctor is a very industrious and persevering man in assuming the duties of those who are incompetent. I have never known a thorough-bred, who had taken a regular course of study, attended lectures and received his diploma, that would stoop to small things. I asked a friend if he knew anything of Dr. Barton's course of graduation. He replied that he knew him to be "a hospital steward in the late wai.'' As to the exterminating charge that I paid a young woman two dollars in Minersville, out of the poor fund, it is basely false, propagated and circulated for malicious pur- poses. I herewith submit the following oflftdavit :

" I did not directly or indirectly, out of the poor fund nor out of

my own, pay or cause to be paid to any young lady or other person,

two dollars or any other sum of money, as charged by Dr. T. H.

Barton, other than that prescribed by law in the discharge of my

duties as an infirmarv director.

" W H. Jones."

" Sworn to before me this 5th day of June, 1877 Witness my

hand and notarial seal.

John B. Downing,

Notary Public.^ ^

294 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

I replied as follows in the Telegraph :

" ABOUT TAKING CARE OF PAUPERS, ETC."

'■^Ed. Telegraph: —

" In youf issue of June 6th is an article from W. H. Jones, of Mid- dleport. I shall notice a part of his article, and confine my remarks to the poor of Sutton Township. He says : ' He thought if I ordered him to go on treating the case, and she did not relapse for nine months to come, he would have a snug little sum due from the poor fund.' The physician that treated Mary Harris has his snug little sum in his pocket, and it was paid by the trustees of this township. I hope when our trustees send the bill for the snug little sum to the Board of Infirmary Directors, it will not be refused, as has been done heretofore. I never asked Mr. Jones to order me to attend to her. What is the reason that he did not file affidavit that he gave Mary Harris the attention which the statutes direct? He was duly noti- fied by our trustees of her condition.

" It is probably better to allow a reasonable bill to be ' indiscrimi- nately shaved ' twenty-five per cent., than to take the trouble to liti- gate and throw the board of directors in the costs, as I did several years ago. See the Court of Common Pleas record. He snys the best criterion fm the future is the experience of the past ; and I agree with him in this. But why did he, at the meeting of the Board of In- firmary Directors on the 6;h of March ' indiscriminately ' cut down our trustees' accounts from $60 to SIS? And why did he by his orders, allow one physician to sap the poor fund in this county, in the year 1876, to the amount of about §500 ? At this rate, if every physician in this county had an infirmary director to take him in tow, and have plenty of material to work upon, thej' Would deplete the county so much in a few years that there would be no circulation left in it, and it would die of anetnia. I think any thoroughbred, who has taken a regular course of study, attended lectures and received his di*oma, is the proper person ' to stoop to such small tilings,' and complain of the county officers when they fail to do their duty ac- cording to law. He and his friend seem to be very much concerned about my course of study, graduation, etc. For the commencement of my medical study, thev will have to hunt for it a long time before the war. He may tell his friend to turn to the LIV vol., page 282 of the American Journal of Medical Sciences, and his eyes will be opened so that he can see in the dark.

"When he wrote the two-dollar order for the young woman in Minersville, she says he came to her mother's house intoxicated ; she threatened to report him, and he gave her the order to keep still. All I want him to do is to follow section 25 of the law for the relief of the poor ; and when the trustees of this township report paupers

THOS. H. BARTON. 295

to him from that township, that they be given such relief as he may direct. Do not wait one week, as you have done, then visit them in distant parts of the county, with your coat on your shoulder, a physician at your right hand, and turn off the family physician of the poor, as has been done heretofore in this township. Some poor people living in Syracuse during the cold weather of last winter and the miners' strike in the spring, were reported to him by our trustees, but he paid uo attention to them, refused to pay the trustees of this township for their bills, and refused to pay some physician's bills. An old lady sixty-four years of age, living in Minersville, was reported to him by our trustees ; he came to see her, found she was under medical treatment, and proposed to turn off her family physician and employ another. To this proposal she refused ; he then abandoned and left her to the mercy of the public.

"I have no more malicious charges to make, but want to see the poor of this township receive due attention from him, and that this township does not pay a poor tax that belongs to the county.

T. H. Babton."

I also replied in the Mei^s county Republican as follows :

"reply to infirmary director W H. JONES."

"Editor Republican : In your issue of June 6th is an article from W H. Jones, of Middleport. Before I notice his letter, I will state the cause and beginning of this controversy : Mr. Jones has been very neglectful of his duty toward the poor of Sutton Township. He will frequently wait one week after our trustees turn the paupers over to him, as an Infirmary Director of this county. Sometimes he pays no attention to orders of our trustees; and, when he undertakes to do his duty, as an Infirmary Director, he starts oflt' to distant parts of the county with his coat hanging on his shoulder, a physician at his right hand, and turns off the family physician of the paupers; and when they will not have his physician to attend to them, he then abandons them to the mercy of the public, as has been done in the village of Minersville. He has paid no attention to some poor people in Syracuse, who were in need of bread and fuel during the cold weather of last winter. They were duly reported to him by our Trustees. This is the way he does his duty, instead of following the 25th section of the poor law passed in April, 1876, which directs him, when he receives orders from the Trustees of any township in the county, to forthwith order the Trustees to take charge of them, and afford those who are in need of temporary or partial relief, such sup- port as he may direct, and said law has been entirely neglected by him in this township since its passage, with the exception of one case

296 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

at Racine. Since my artic'e in the Telegraph, ^NFary Harris, of Syra- cuse, was turned over to him, on the 14th day of May, by our Trus- tees ; and on the 16th, I called his attention to the poor law, passed in April, 1876, and also advised him to order the trustees to take charge of her, according to law But I did not ask him to employ me to treat the case, for I was already employed by our trustees. On the 22d of May, I received a burlesque from him, which is in the Telegraph of May 30th, together with my letter of advice to him. Now, it is plain- ly to be seen that he was, for the time of one week, making a burles- que of me, and grossly neglecting his duty as a county officer ; hence the correspondence commenced in the Telegraph.

"Mr. Jones seems to presume that I wanted him to order me to go on treating the case of Mary Harris, and that I would have a good thing of it, provided she did not recover. He said: 'No. Dr. I could not conscientiously do so, from the fact that, from past exper- ience, money has been saved by substitution, ' and he gives good at- tention when he has the poor fund to draw from,

" I can see plainly from this, that he thought I would go on treat- ing the case till she was nearly cured, and then ti-y to defraud me of my fees, as he did in the case of T. W Williams, Jr., of Miners- ville, when he waited six days after he received the order from our Trustees, then came in person, and found him getting better, and then employed another physician, against the will of the patient, and defrauded the flrst physician of his lawful fees, by dire neglect of duty as a county officer. The experience of the past, in the year 1876, is a good criterion, when by his orders, one phj-siciau was al- lowed to deplete the poor fund in or nearly the amount, of five hun- dred dollars. Now, if every physician in the county had an Infirm- ary Director to take him in tow, and have plenty of material to work on, they would deplete the county so that in a few years there would be no circulating fluid left, and it would die with anemia.*

"He says : 'One patient, a county pauper, (after I told him about the number of visits the doctor had charged,) told me that the doctor had not paid half that number.' Now, this is maliciously false, cir- culated and published by him to injure me, for I never did make charges for visits that were not duly made, for any pauper in this county, or for any other person. And I defy the proof thereof. I would like to have the person pointed out to me. I recollect, six months ago, that said Infirmary Director made a clean sweep with our bills from this township ; two physicians and one drug- gist's bill, were indiscriminately shaved twenty-five per cent. I don't know why he shaved my bill or the other two. Would like to know the reason why these bills were shaved, and why, at the meeting of the Directors on the 6th day of last March, our Trustees' bill was in"

'"■Poverty and privation of blood.

THOS. H. BARTON. 297

discriminately shaved from $60 to $18. See Sutton Township record. A thoroughbred, well-educated physician, who has taken a regular course of study, attended lectures, taken his degree, and received his diploma, is the person to stoop to such business, as he calls it, and see that our county officers do their duty according to law. If hi^ friend wants to get his eye opened, let him turn to No. U /II, of the American Journal of the Medical Sciences, on page 282, July 1867, and do not trace my history back in the late war, and leave me there.

"When he wrote the two dollar order for the young woman in Minersvillle, he was so confused in his mind that he did not recollect what he did that day. I presume he was intoxicated. She says he was drunk. T. H. Barton."

There was a large demand for t'hese newspapers, when my reply was published. The Republican failed to supply the demand. I presume the public felt anxious to find out how I would answer Mr. Jones' article, which no one will deny was a masterpiece. Prior to this controversy in the press, the mode of paying the physicians and the druggists, who had claims against the township for treating paupers and furnishing them medicine was as follows : The trustees would pay these accounts until the paupers were turned over to the directors ; then the latter officers paid the balance, or a part of it, as they saw fit, but after the above communications were published the trustees paid the physicians and the druggists their accounts in full, and the infirmary directors refunded the money to the respec- tive townships through the trustees. The latter method is the legal way of handling this important branch of the county and township business, and is in accord with the letter and spirit of the statutes.

My business with the trustees continued about the same during the first half of 1877 During that year the township record shows that the trustees paid four physicians the sum of $197.05 for treating thirty-four paupers, it being an average of $5.78 for each pauper treated. Four other physicians received $104.25 for treating fifteen cases, an average of $6.95 for each case, while I reported nineteen paupers, and received the sum of $89.80, making an average expense for each pauper of $4.72.

At the township election in April, 1878, the same trustee

88

298 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

was elected at Racine, but a change was made at Syracuse and Minersville. A good business man was elected at Minersville, and a farmer presided over the poor at Syracuse. At first, I thought that an excellent change had been made, for the newly- elected officers were men of intelligence. I now thought that I would have no trouble, but I was doomed to disappointment, for they paid no attention to the laws of the State for the relief of the poor, and still looked to the Racine trustee as their leader in this branch of their business.

I was treating two paupers in Minersville when these trus- tees were sworn into office, and I was allowed to continue treating Ihera until one died and the other recovered. At a meeting cf the old trustees, about the first of April, my accounts were endorsed as correct, but the trustees would not permit the clerk to draw an order on the treasurer for my compensation at the same time telling me that I would have to present ray claims to the infirmary directors. The other phy- sicians received their orders without any difficulty. About the first of the following June I presented my claims to our trustees, who endorsed them as correct, but refused to allow the clerk to give me an order on the treasurer, and again referred me to the directors. On the ensuing day the direc- tors held a meeting at Pomeroy, and they were met by one trustee from every township in the county The several trustees presented their township accounts to the board of directors, in order to have the money refunded, which had been paid out for the relief of the poor in their respective townships. I was there also with my claims endorsed as above stated. I in- formed our trustee that it was his duty to pay my claims, and have the money refunded by the directors. He disagreed with me, and referred me to the directors ; the latter officers referred me back to the trustee. At length, after waiting a number of hours, he allowed my claim and paid the amount to me.

About the 10th of September, I was called to visit a child, about four years old, that was afflicted with the diptheria, The patient was reported as a pauper to the nearest trustee. On the ensuing day, its grandmother informed me that the trustee had visited the child, and left the following notice for me :

THOS. H. BARTON. 299

"Dr. Barton : You must not look to me for any further pay for your services treating this child, for I have turned her over to the Infirmary Directors, and have nothing further to do with the case."

The patient was in a dangerous condition, and T continued to treat the case. One day the child's grandmother informed me that one of the Infirmary Directors had visited the child, and wanted to take it to the poor-house. He said : "I am one of the infirmary directors, and have come to take her to the infirmary." The old lady informed him that he could not do so, as the patient was then very sick. The director replied : "Very well, I can not do anything for her." By dint of per- serverance, I received my fees for half the number of visits made in this case, and lost about half the amount charged for the medicines furnished.

The next pauper that I was called upon to treat was the most wretched specimen of humanity that overlived in Sutton Township. She was feeble in mind, as well as poor with re- spect to this world's goods. In regard to virtue, she had no character. The family consisted of a grandmother, who was about seventy years of age; the sick woman was about thirty- five, and she had a son, aged about thirteen, and a daughter aged about eleven The dwelling that they occupied was hard- ly fit for a stable. I was called on the 12th of December to treat the case, and I immediately reported her as a pauper to one of the township trustees. He paid no attention to my no- tice, and probably thought, by so doing, that the township would not be liable for my compensation. I continued to treat the case, and made my last visit on the 24th, when I regarded the patient as being out of danger.

In February, 1879, I was called upon to treat an old gentle- man who lived by himself. This man was old, feeble, and in ^ery poor circumstances, having no property or iunds where- with to pay a phsician. I therefore, immediately reported him as a pauper to the nearest trustee in the township. The trustee visited him, and instead of reporting him to the Superintend- ent of the Infirmary, as he should have done, left a written notice with Mr. I. H. Hall, at whose residence I kept my office, ordering me not to visit my patient any more, as he would not

300 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

be responsible for my fees in the case. Next day I rode past the Hall residence, and visited the patient, and on my return Mr. Hall gave me the notice which had been left with him by the trustee. My fees in this case were $2.40, including medi- cines. For the woman above mentioned, who was in such de- stitute circumstances, I charged the township $11.85 medicine included, making a total charge for these two cases of $14.25. At the annual meeting of the board of trustees in March, I pre- sented these bills for settlement. My account against the wo- man was correct, and the trustees offered me the munificent sum of one dollar for treating the old gentleman. I refused their kind offer. I again presented my account at a meeting of the board in April, and was again offered the pitiful sum of one dollar for my services in the latter case. I once more re- fused the offer.

I had been having difficulty with the trustees for more than two years, and during the previous eighteen months, it had be- come a town talk that I was having trouble with the trustees in regard to my claims for treating the poor in this part of the township. I have no doubt the pulilic thought that I was the only physician who was receiving pay for such services. An examination of the township record, however, showed that a number of physicians were being compensated by the township for professional services rendered to the poor, and from the amount of the claims allowed, there can be no doubt that these physicians received their fees in full.

At the spring election of 1879, the same trustees were elected at Syracuse and ^Minersville, but a change was made at Racine. I had been observing the action of these officers for sometime, and was only waiting tor a good opportunity to plant an action against them. I came to the conclusion that the opportune mo- ment had now arrived. In the two last mentioned cases, I felt confident that I had a good cause of action, and I therefore filed a bill of particulars against them in the sum of $14.25 with Isaac Carleton, a Justice of the Peace in and for Sutton Township. I was represented by John Borham, Esq , and the defendants were counselled by L. H. Lee, Esq., of Pomeroy. At the trial Mr. Lee had the action dismissed on the ground that the gentleman who served the summons was not a constable

THOS. S. BARTON. 301

he having been sworn into office without giving the official bond re'^uired by law. The magistrate, therefore, dismissed the action at my cost without prejudice to a new action. It was certainly remarkable for a constabl"^ to be sworn into office, without giving a bond with good and sufficient security to the township trustees. As soon as a constable was duly qualified, I procured a summons citing the trustees to appear before the same justice, and in due time the case came up for hearing before the magistrate. The evidence before the court showed, beyond a doubt, that the persons mentioned in my bill of par- ticulars were paupers; that they stood in need of the services of a physician ; that the trustees were duly notified of this state of facts, and that they paid no attention to the notice. Upon hearing the evidence, the magistrate rendered a judg- ment against the defendants in the sum of $14.25, and for costs.

The trustees, not being satisfied with the judgment of the magistrate, appealed the case to the Court of Common Pleas of Meigs County. The testimony was the same before the Court that it was before the Justice, with one exception. My evidence showed that on my second visit to the Minersville patient, I rode past my office at the Hall residence, and visit- ed the pauper, while at the same time a notice was at Mr. Wall's discharging me from any further treatment of the case. The Judge rendered a judgment in my favor for $13.50, thus cur- tailing the judgment of the Justice seventy-five cents. The trustees were still dissatisfied and carried the case to the Dis- trict Court on petition in error. The district Court confirmed the judgment of the lower Court, and there was no further leti- gation.

This suit was stubbornly contested at every stage of the pro- ceedings. The attorneys on both sides understood that it was to be a test case. In the higher courts I was represented by J. Q. Speaker, of Pomeroy, and Squire Lee was ably assisted by S. D. Norton, a prominent attorney of the Pomeroy bar. Both sides used their utmost endeavor to gain the victory, and the attorneys looked up all the laws bearing on the case. As already stated, the suit was carried to the District Court on error, but I never understood the nature of this technicality. I must not omit to inform my readers that, in a direct way, I gained

302 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

nothing by this litigation, for I paid my attorney the amount of the judgment for his fees. Indirectly, however, I made a material gain in my professional services among the poor. This suit cost Sutton township §153,67

My judgment was 13,50

Cost of prosecution 65,55

Defendant's attorney fees 74,62

Total §153,67

About eleven months elapsed from the time this suit was commenced before the Justice, until it was finally decided in the District Court. In the meantime I continued to have difficul- ty with the trustees in regard to the poor. I lost a large por- tion of my fees in such case for as soon as I reported a pau- per to them they would immediately discharge me from the case. However, notA^ithstanding their watchful vigilance, I obtained a small amount from the poor fund during this period.

At the election in April, 1880, the trustee at Syracuse, and also the one at Minersville were superceded by others, who regarded me more favorably, and generally allowed me a reasonable fee for my professional services among the poor, and I continued to receive fair treatment at their hands up to 1889. I think it was in 1885 that the infirmary directors as- sumed the illegal right of paying the physicians for treating the poor. I think this practice was continued for about two years. The physician who had the most friends managed to carry away the largest amount of the spoils. Sometimes I was regarded very unfavorably by the directors. The following case is reported, in order to show their action towards me :

About the 16th, of September, , I was called to treat a

man who resided in Minersville, and who had been stabbed with a knife in the region of the heart. The weapon had not injured the heart, but had penetrated the cavity of the ^encar- dium. I reported the case to the trustees as a pauper, and they reported him to the superintendant of the county infirmary I treated the patient till the 23d of October, when I considered him out of danger. On the 9th of November I was again call- ed to see him, and continued treating the case till the 28th when he was discharged as cured. My books show that I

THOS. H. BARTON. 303

made thirteen visits, and wrote three office prescriptions, I charged the directors $] .25 for each visit, and fifty cents for each office prescription, thus making a total of $17.60 for my services in the case. At a meeting of the board of directors in December, I was compelled to take ten dollars for my services or litigate the case, I am uncertain whether or not the other physicians in|Meigs County had their pauper claims reduced in proportion to mine.

From 1885 to 1888 I experienced no material difficulty with our trustees. If I remember correctly, I received my fees in every case that was reported. In the latter year, however, I was again treated very unkindly by these officers. I will re- port one case as an illustration :

About the 5th of May I was called to treat a child about fif- teen months old, that lived with its mother in Minersville. It was a delicate child, and was affected with pneumonia. Its mother's husband had been convicted of some crime, and was serving a term of imprisonment in the Ohio penitentiary, and while in this penal institution, his wife became acquainted with a "young blood " who resided at the village of Letart, in Meigs County. They became very intimate with each other, and their intimacy finally resulted in the birth of this child. When called to treat the case, I learned that the young man visited her frequently, paid her rent and supplied her with provisions. The woman, however, appeared to be in rather destitute circumstances, and I therefore reported the child to the trustees as a pauper. The report was made verbally at a meeting of the board, and I proposed to take charge of the case on the following conditions : If the child's putative father, or its mother, did not pay me for my services within a reasonable time, that I would look to the trustees for my compensation. I also explained to them its mother's mode of living. The trustee who lived nearest the child's place of residence, said: "I will not pay it, for I do not know her." Another trustee chimed in and said : "We will not pay for a woman living in the manner that you say this one does." They all acquiesced in this decision. One of them said : ''We are here to protect the township," and the others joined in chorus : "We are here to protect the township ; we are here

304 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

to protect the township." I continued to treat the case, and made my last visit on the 11th, making six visits in all, for which I charged the trustees $8.25. I charged $1.80 for the medicines furnished making a total of $10.05. At a fu'ure meeting of the board of trustees I presented this bill to them for payment, hoping to receive my just dues. But the claim was refused, and the account is still standing on my books unpaid.

The trustees claimed that it was their business "to protect the township." Let us see how the township was protected during this year. The record shows that during this year the trustees paid out of the township treasury for treating pau- pers and for furnishing them medicines the sum of $199.35, of which Dr. P of Racine, received $57.00. The number of pau- pers are not given in this instance. Dr. D. a druggist of the same place, received $32.85, for medicines furnished; Dr. S. of Syracuse, for treating three paupers, $16.00; Dr. N. of Pomeroy, for treating one pauper, $6.00; Dr. R. of Syra- cuse, one pauper, $12.00; Drs. N. and W of Pomeroy, treat-^ ing one pauper, $27.00; Dr. A. of Pomeroy, treating one pau- per, $2.00 ; Dr. H. of Pomeroy, one pauper $6.00 ; Dr. R. drug- gist at Syracuse, medicines for six paupers, $19.55; Dr. L. a druggist, medicines for two paupers, $3.50; Dr. Q. of Hartford City, W Va., for medicines, 75. I received $16.70 for treating and furnishing medicine for two paupers.

Thus the township was ''protected" to the amount of nearly two hundred dollars in 1888. The above statement contains a number of cases at Racine, Syracuse and Minersville. I know nothing concerning the merits of the cases treated by Dr. P at Racine, nor of those for whom Dr. D. furnished medicines. Three patients resided at Minersville, for whom the physicians received compensation from the public treas- ury, although the heads of the respective families were able- bodied men. There can be no doubt that the cases in Syra- cuse were meritorious, and stood in need of public relief. Two hundred dollars is a large sum of money to be expended annu- ally for medical services among the poor ol Sutton Township. Perhaps a liberal construction of the laws would justify the expenditure. I find no fault with our trustees for being lib-

THOS. H. BARTON. 305

eral to the poor ; but perixiit me, kind reader, to ask this ques- tion : Why was this helpless infant in its mother's arms, and unconscious of its surroundings, deprived of the benefit of the poor laws? Why was the pitiful sum of ten dollars with- held in this case, while others received their just dues, and some of them no doubt received more than they were justly entitled to?

CHAPTER XVII.

CONCLUSION.

I am now approaching the closing period of my checkered career. After my return from Indiana, I determined once more to establish myself in busine-s. I have already in a pre- vious chapter, related my experience as a druggist. The reader knows the result; my business transactions had proved a fail- ure ; I had been compelled to sell my stock of drugs in order to liquidate a part of my indebtedness, and at a future period, I permitted my wife to sell our real estate, and close out her business at Syracuse ; I had abandoned my location, and given up a lucrative practice. During these years I had passed through a trying ordeal; yet, nevertheless, I am once more about to take hold of the pestle and spatule, and endeavor to again build up my business and profession. The reader may be surprised that I should undertake to do all this, after my former experience ; but there is an old adage which still holds good :

"If you convince a man against his will, He'll be of the same opinion still."

Late in the fall of 1875, I rented a room of I. N. Hall, who resided at Carletonville just below Syracuse. This was de- signed for an office and drugstore. I then sent twenty dollars to J. S. Burdsal & Company, whom I have previously men- tioned in this narrative, and with this amount purchased thirty dollars worth of drugs and medicines, thus throwing myself in debt to this firm in the sum of ten dollars. I already had about ten dollars worth of medicines on hand, which was also ■put in the store, thus making my stock amount to about forty

39

S06 Autobiography op

dollars. I turned this stock of drugs over to my two eldest children, who thus commenced business under the firm name of Geo. R. Barton & Co., they obligating themselves to pay me for the stock at a future time. Our plan of operations was that I should ride to the store every afternoon, attend to my professional business in that locality, and return home at night, while George was to go there in the morning, and remain until evening.

It is said that a "drowning man will grasp at a straw," and to attempt to do business in this way was about like the efforts of the drowning man. However, we went to work with a will and endeavored to make the business successful. The whole proceeds of the store were applied to purcha&ing more drugs, and in this way we hoped in time to build up a lucrative trade. During the first nine months the stock of drugs improved to some extent, but at the end of this period my wife, as already stated, became affected with consumption. Her sickness, together with the stringency of the times, and the trouble aris- ing with the township trustees, as related in the former chap- ter, caused our business to remain in about the same condition till about six months after my wife's death. George then with- drew from the partnership, and I took his place, and we com- menced doing business under the firm name of Dr. T. H. Bar- ton & Company. I thus became the owner of one-half interest in the concern. From this time till about the first of May, 1879, I regularly repaired to my store every afternoon, when I attended to business, and visited my patients, except during the heated season of the year, when I wended my way to my place of business in the morning, returning home at or about noon, the distance being about a mile and a half. During this period our stock of drugs increased slowly and by the first of May the stock invoiced about one hundred and twenty dollars. It had been our intention to sell strictly for cash, but this was found impracticable, on account of a general depression of financial affairs, and upon looking over the books, it was found that the debts due the firm were about equal to the amount of the invoice. We were clear of indebtedness so far as the stock of drugs was concerned, and the books also showed that we had drawn out of the business the amount of forty-two dollars

THOS. H. BARTON. 307

In the meantime I continued to enjoy a fair amount of

practice. During the years 1877 and 1878, my professional

business continued about the same, but nothing worthy of

notice occurred in this connection during this period. *******

I am now approaching another important event of my life. I have once more come to the conclusion that it is not good for man to be alone, and I am once more, about to launch my barque upon the matrimonial sea.

About the middle of the sultry month of August, while perambulating the streets of this quiet village, I met an old lady, who was a cousin of mine. I was now a regular attend- ant at church, and my cousin knew that while in attendance upon divine service I would sometimes cast my eyes to the right where the ladies sat. She informed me that a single lady, who had never been married, was visiting at her house, and was then in the neighborhood. My cousin spoke well of this lady, but told me that she did not know whether she would be willing to change her condition. I listened atten- tively to my cousin's remarks, and she informed me that her friend's name was Amanda Church, and that she lived with her brother, Horace Church, near the Rolling Mill in the city of Pomeroy. She was a daughter of Charles and Catharine Mc- Cormick Church, who were both at this time, deceased.

Although a stranger to Amanda, I had an ardent desire to see her, and suiting the action to my thoughts, I was soon in her presence, and had a formal introduction to her. The lady who stood before me was of medium size, brown hair, and dark blue eyes. To me she appeared very handsome; her movements were sprightly and graceful, and her manners were pleasing and agreeable. Her visit was now at an end, and she was ready to return to her home, consequently I had a poor opportunity for conversation with her, and bade her farewell, and each of us returned home. I did not desire to intrude myself in her presence without an invitation, and I therefore had recourse to my cousin, and requested her to in- duce Amanda to make another visit to Syracuse. She readily gave her consent, and it was arranged for Amanda to make another visit in two weeks.

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We know the past and the present, but the future is un- known to us. About midnight on the day before Amanda was expected at Syracuse, I was aroused from my slumbers by a loud knocking at the door. I arose and opened it, and on the threshold stood my nephew, David Barton, and a young man named Davis, who informed me that my brother James, who had been unwell for some time, was now affected with con- vulsions, and they desired me to come to his residence at once. I was soon on my journey, reaching Addison at day- light on the following morning. I found James in a delirious condition ; his speech was imperfect, and he could only articulate monosyllables. I remained with him until the ensuing day, when he appeared much better. His disease proved to be Bright's disease of the kidneys, and was of such a nature that I had little hopes of his recovery. Sometime during the forenoon I started for Syracuse, and reached my destination early in the evening.

I now learned that Amanda had made the anticipated visit, and having finished my evening repast, I immediately repaired to my cousin's residence, where, for the second time, I had the pleasure of meeting the lady who was to become my future wife. I was pleased t(. see her once more, and passed a few hours in pleasant conversation with her, and learned that she would be pleased to have me escort her to her home on the ensu- ing day. Next day found her by my side in a carriage, and we reached her residence in due time. Here I found a neat cottage, with everything plainly but tastefully arranged inside and out. Her brother owned the premises.

I did not make an immediate proposition for her hand in marriage. Oh, no ! I did not believe in the doctrine of "marrying in haste and repenting at leisure." I meant no such foolishness as that. This was my third matrimonial venture, and I believed in the doctrine : ''Be sure you are right and then go ahead." I now learned that she would be pleased to have me visit her at a stated time. At the appointed time, I was again at her brother's residence, and passed a few hours pleasantly in her company. My visits soon became more fre- quent, and I was not satisfied unless in her presence. It is use- less to deny the truth, I was in love with Amanda. For the

THOS. H. BARTON. 309

third time I felt the subtle influence of Cupid's darts. Some time in the succeeding November, we were engaged to be mar- ried, and it was finally arranged that the nuptials were to be solemnized on the twelfth of January, 1879.

Was this an unwise step? I think not. It is true that I was well advanced in years. I had passed the fiftieth mile- stone. I had daughters who were grown to maturity. My children treated me kindly. I was attached to them and they honored me as a father ; but there was an empty void, which could only be filled by a wife. I was looking to the future and not at the present.

The winter came on early, and was excessively cold and severe, and the ground was soon covered with snow and ice ; but the ice, the rain, the sleet and the snow, could not prevent me from visiting Amanda. If the roads were too icy for my horse to travel, I wended my way to her residence on foot.

The holidays have arrived ; the nuptials are to be solemn- ized on the twelfth of January ; I am anxiously waiting for the appointed time ; important business has called me to the capital of Meigs County ; there is a very essential document which it is necessary for me to procure ; I have seen Rev. W J. Griffith, of the M. E. Church, and he has agreed to meet me at the bride's residence at seven p. m. on the appointed day; the time at length arrives ; the ground is deeply covered with ice and s'now ; I procure a sleigh and am soon on my way to the home of Amanda. I travel at a rapid pace, and arrive at my destination in due time; the minister puts in an appear- ance ; there is a quiet wedding, onlya few of the bride's inti- mate friends being invited.

The marriage being solemnized, we repair to the sleigh, and with my dear wife by my side, I return home. A sumptuous feast ^waits our arrival; but the wedding feast is no sooner disposed of, than we are disturbed by a number of boys and young men, who with horns and tin pans, furnish us with a little monotonous music. The little fellows wanted a treats and when I thought they had sufficiently earned it, I proceeded to gratify their desires. They were satisfied, and left us in peace.

We retired to rest for tjie night, but even the nuptial couch

310 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

is not sacred from the calls of professional business. Every- thing was quiet, but ere the clock had announced the hour of midnight, I was roused from my slumbers by a loud rap at the door, and was informed that my services were immediately required at the bedside of the sick. I obeyed the summons, attended to the wants of my patient, but did not reach home

till the clock had announced the approach of day.

* * *****

I was well pleased with the change in my condition, and went about my professional labors with a will. Nothing worthy of notice in a professional way occurred during the remainder of this year. Mv practice continued fair, and there was some improvement in the collection of medical fees, and my financial condition improved to some extent. The year 1880 was in a professional way, a repetition of the preceding one

About the first of March, 1880, I learned through my agent, Mr. Daniel Miller, that a gentleman had offered him one thousand dollars for our property in Indiana, and that if accepted, the sale would be a cash transaction. I immedi- ately answered his communication and informed him that we would accept the offer. About the same time I also wrote to an attorney at Portland, the county seat of Jay County, inquiring concerning the law of "descent and distribution" in that State. He gave me to understand that I was entitled to a one-third interest in the property, and that the children were entitled to the remainder. He also informed me that the fees for his services in the case would be twenty dollars, and that the costs of the court would be the same, thus making the total expenses about forty dollars. J came to the conclusion that it was best to sell the property, and immediately com- menced making preparations for the sale. I deemed it best to sell as soon as possible, for instead of being a profit to me, this farm was an actual loss. The proceeds derived from it did not even pay the taxes. Was it not best to dispose of it to the best advantage? I decided to do so, and acted accordingly. I had a guardian appointed for the minor children. George and Sophia, being of sufficient age, chose William McCaskey, of Syracuse, for their guardian, apd be was also duly ap-

THOS. H. BARTON. 311

pointed guardian of Mott by the Probate Court. Mr. McCas- key commenced business immediately, and by the first week in April, made a deed for the children's interest in the prop- erty. He received $929.33, and this amount was distributed as follows : I received for my share, $320.00 ; Martha received $160.00; George, Sophia and Mott each received $149.77 thus making the cost of selling $70.69. Tliis includes the cost of appointing the guardian.

My financial circumstances were now in a worse condition than they were when I was mustered out of the military ser- vice of the United States. The amount of money which I re- ceived from my wife's estate was about equal to my moving and traveling expenses to and from Indiana, and my expen- ses in the way of rent since my return from that state. How- ever, I did not give way to these discouraging circumstances, but at once set about business, determined, if possible, to re- trieve my affairs.

A neat dwelling-house stands on town lot number seventeen in Carleton's Addition to the village of Syracuse. The build- ing contains five rooms, and this real estate was the property of Susan Abies, widow of George Abies. Altogether there were two lots each fifty by one hundred feet in size, and I conclud- ed that this would make us a comfortable home. It was for sale, and I gave Mrs. Abies eight hundred dollars for the pro- perty. I had obtained a loan of Mr. McCaskey of $299.55, it being Sophia and Mott's interest in their mother's estate, and I also obtained a loan of Martha's interest. These sums, to- gether with my individual interest, amounted to nearly the price of the property. I therefore paid the cash and obtained a warrantee deed, my wife being joined with me in the convey- ance. Everything being in readiness, we moved into our new residence on the eighth, when I, for the first time for several years, experienced a feeling of relief. I was once more domicil- ed in a home of my own.

On the ninth, a little girl came to live with us. As she came with the intention of making our home her permanent abode, we named herLillie May. The other children that were born unto us are Charles Thomas, born December 30th, 1881, Arthur, born October 24th, 1883, apd Edward Clayton, born August 15th, 1889,

312 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

I now resume my narrative at the period of my visit to my brother at Addison. As before stated, I left James in a precar- ious condition, and with little hopes of his recovery He, however, partially rallied from this condition, but was never again able to resume his practice. I saw him on several oc- casions during the summer and fall till the following Decem- ber, when he became confined to his room. His vital powers gradually failed, and he quietly passed away an the 4th of January 1880. His wife had died a few months previous. Honored in life he was equally honored in death. A large con- course of friends and relatives attended his funeral obsequies, and his many friends and patrons erected a suitable monument to mark the last resting place of himself and wife — the memor- ial costing three hundred and fifty dollars.

*******

I moved into my new residence, as alreadj' stated, on the 8th of April, 1880. During the previous ei2;ht years, I had met with a long series of disasters. Those who have followed my narrative are aware of this fact, and recapitulation is unneces- sary. Soon after moving into our new home, my horse — a valu- able animal — died, thus leaving me without one. At this period my ill luck changed, and I have met with no serious loss up to the present time.

During the latter past of April, I fitted up the east room of our dwelling-house for a drug store, the room being eleven feet wide and sixteen feet in length. The material and labor cost me about eighty dollars, the work being performed in accord- ance with recent architecture. The room was fitted up and ready for the stock of drugs by the first week in Mav From this time up to 1881, we purchased the most of our drugs and medicines of E. Davis & Company, of Middleport. The stock kept gradually increasing till the early part of 1881. About this time my wife bought out Martha's interest in the business, thus becoming a business partner as well as companion. I think it was in the spring of this year that we bought a lot of second-hand drugs of W A. Carson. Latter in the year we, at different times, purchased drugs of Laughlin Brothers & Com- pany, of Wheeling, West Virginia, we purchased our supplies though Mr, Stirewsburj^, oije of the traveling salesmen of this

THOS. H. BARTON. 313

firm. He visited Syracuse regularly, and on each occasion, we bought a fair supply, and besides drugs and medicines, we also purchased tobacco and confectionaries. During this year we bought $469.78 worth of drugs, medicines, tobaccos and fine groceries ; sold of those to the amount of $430.58, and col- lected $336.90. We therefore bought $39.20 more than we sold, and sold $93.68 more than we received pay for. In 1882 we purchased $439.96 worth of stock, sold $661.46, and received pay on sales of$498.81. Consequently we sold $221.50 more than was purchased, and sold $162.65 more than we collected. In 1883, our purchases amounted to $568.22; sales $676.60 ; receipts $651,00, thus selling $108.38 more than we bought, and $25.60 more than was collected. Dnring this year we purchas- ed our goods of Mackeoun, Thompson & Company, of Pitts- burgh, Pennsylvania, and of John L. Smith, of Wheeling, and also some ofLaughlin Brothers & Company.

These figures show that during these three years outstand- ing claims had accumulated on our books to the amount of $281.93. This is a large amount compared with the business done, and made an average annual loss of nearly one hundred dollars, I have already had occasion to speak of the evil effects of the credit system.

Up to the year 1883 we had taken but a small amount of funds from the proceeds of the store, consequently nearly all the proceeds were used in replenishing and increasing the stock of goods, but this year our books show that we drew out ihe sum of $146.80. During the fall and early part of the suc- ceeding winter, we laid in a large amount of drugs, and our small room was filled to overflowing; and by the time the holidays came round, we had about six hundred dollars worth of stock on hand, consisting of drugs, medicines, paints, dye stuff, confectionaries, notions and toys. Throughout the win- ter our sales were good, but on account of the extreme severity of the weather and the flood of February, 1884, we were unable to meet our financial obligations, but we were put to no cost or expense except the interest on our indebtedness. But this failure to meet our obligations had an injurious effect on our business standing and credit. From that time up to the pre- sent writing, the commercial fi'aternitj^ have generally given US 40

314 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the cold shoulder, and shown us but little favor. But notwith- standing their disfavor, we have managed to keep up our stock and have also paid a considerable amount of indebtedness, as the following figures will show. During the years 1884-'85- '86-'87 and '88 our books show that we purchased goods to the amount of $1,923.60; sold, $3,181.49; received payment on sales, $2,830.76, and paid out $2,024.54, the expenses and in- terest being $75 92. Our books also show that we drew out of the store for private use the sum of $596.19. This shows that we sold $350.73 more than we collected, and that we collected $907.16 more than we purchased. Of the amount paid out $100.94 cents was paid on indebetedness.

During the latter months of 1888 we purchased a fair amount of drugs, notions, groceries, confectionaries, and other articles. Our little store room was again crowded to overflowing, and we did a fair amount of business during the holidays. Our stock now amounted to over five hundred dollars.

The year 1889 opened up with a fair amount of business. Our sales were good, but having some debts standing against us, we dicided to apply the proceeds of the sales to the pay- ment of our indebtedness, even if, by so doing, it run the stock of goods down. From the beginning of this year up to the last of September, the season was healthy, and we did not fill as many prescriptions as nsual, but our sales of groceries and notions were fair. During this period we purchased $190.94 worth of goods ; sold $409.40 ; collected $358.74, and paid out $266.44, the expenses being $9.61. We therefore sold $50.66 more than we collected, and collected $167.80 more than we purchased. We applied $75.50 on our indebtedness, and drew out $80.00 for private use. The stock on hand at the close of this period would amount to about four hundred and fifty dol- lars. We have used our utmost endeavors to clear off our in- debtedness for drugs and merchandise. Perhaps there is no drug store in the State of Ohio, according to its size which has kept a greater variety of articles for sale, or as large amount of stock at a cash valuation, as we have had during the last six years.

My son, Lewis Mott, assisted me at times in the store and put up the prescriptions and was of great service to me in that

THOS. H. BARTON. 315

capacity He was registered in 1884, as an assistant pharma- cist. Soon afterwards, he engaged himself to Henry Barton, and learned the trade of boiler-maker. He is now following that occupation.

There are three drug stores in Syracuse at the present writ- ing, and they all appear to be doing a fair, if not a lucrative business. W T. A. Lallance is located on Third street, and A. N. Roush, who formerly clerked for Mr. Lallance, is carry- ing on the drug trade in the building which Hudson and Roush purchased of my wife. They are both first-class drug- gists, and enjoy a fair share of the public patronage. But not- withstanding this strong opposition, I feel hopeful, by careful management and close attention to my profession thatby the time my younger sons come to years of maturity and are able to transact business for themselves, to have a first-class drug

store.

*******

There is one peculiar characteristic of the people of Syra- cuse, which demands some attention at my hands. There are some persons in this goodly village who are in the habit of meddling with the physicians in their professional business. Up to 1881 I would occasionally have a protracted case pass out of my hands, and the patient be placed under the care of some other physician. Some of these cases would recover, while others would terminate fatally. Other changes would sometimes be made, which would generally protract the case much longer than was necessary to effect a cure I will report the follow- ing case in order to illustrate how the code of medical ethics was conducted in Syracuse at that time.

A gentleman, who was in good financial circumstances, fell ill during the first week in Januar}^ 1881. I had been his family physician since the war, and on the 11th I was called upon to treat him. On the second or third visit I informed his wife that his case was more dangerous than any which had preceded it in the family, and that it would require great care and attention to get him through to thorough conva- lesence and eff"ect a cure. I continued to treat him for about twelve days without making much impression on his disease. At this time some of his neighbors became greatly concerned

316 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

in regard to his condition, and urged his wife to employ some other physician. On the thirteenth day of my treatment, at the urgent request of some of his neighbors, his wife was in- duced to call Dr. J. Barr Smith to see her husband. Dr. Smith visited the patient, but on learning that he was a patient of mine, refused to* take the case. Next day he was again called to see him, and his wife sent for me, and Dr. Smith and I held a consultation, and agreed in regard to the mode of treatment. I then repaired to my office, prepared some medicine, and delivered it in person to the patient. During this visit his wife said to me : "Doctor, they have sent for

Dr. ." I replied ! "I am willing to consult with Dr. ."

I gave her pome instructions in regard to the medicine, bade her good bye, and returned home. About two hours after- wards, I observed Dr. wending his waj'^ to visit my patient,

and in about an hour afterwards a messenger came to my office in great haste, informed me that my services were no longer required, and gave me to understand that the family

had employed Dr. to treat the case. I was informed that

this doctor told my patient: "I think you will recover, pro- vided I have full charge of }■ our case." The doctor then took "full charge of the case," and commenced treating him, but soon learned that it was a hard case to treat, it being impossi- ble to relieve the patient of his excruciating pain. The result was that this man obtained but little relief, and continued to suffer day and night. He gradually failed, and, about six weeks afterwards death relieved him of his sufferings. He died suddenly and unexpectedly. His friends did not know, and perhaps they were not informed of his dangerous con- dition.

I have already had occasion, in a previous chapter, to speak of the code of medical ethics. The reader may be surprised to learn that the trio of physicians who figured in the above mentioned case, were all members of the Meigs County Medi- cal Society, but such is the fact. This case shows that the former physician acted in strict accordance with the code of medical ethics, while the latter did not.

Nothing of interest occurred in a professional way till late in the summer and fall of 1882, when an epidemic of malarial

THOS. H. BARTON. 3l7

typhoid and typho-malarial fevers broke out in this locality to an alarming extent. These diseases appeared to be caused by the humidity of the atmosphere. Nearly ever}' morning the air would be loaded with vapor or fog, which would re- main till about ten o'clock in the forenoon. It fell to my lot to treat a large number of these cases, and from the first of August till the first of November. T was kept very busy, and had all the practice that I was able to attend to I was generally successful, losing only two cases during this epidemic.

One of the fatal cases was a young man about sixteen years old, who was stricken with an attack of malignant typho-mala- rial fever, which ran its course in about eight days. I had eminent counsel called, but in spite of our united efforts, the disease terminated fatally. The other case was affected with typho-malarial fever, which was protracted to the fourth week of the disease, when the patient died. She was a little girl about twelve years old, and only a few days previous to this child's sickness, the family had lost a son, he being a young man about twenty years old. He was no doubt affected with a malignant attack of typho-malarial fever, and was treated by another physician. During the little girl's illness the family had become over-worked with their nightly vigils around the sick beds of their children, and I do not think my patient re- ceived as good nursing and attention as such a case required. On two occasions I thought she would recover, but she would again relapse into her former condition.

During the early part of November, I was much broken do'wn in health ; but after resting a few weeks from my exten- sive and laborious business, I found myself much better and also much stronger.

Early in the spring of this year. Dr. J. W Hoff moved from Pomeroy, and took up his residence in the west end of Syra- cuse. He made this move in order to be convenient to his practice in this place and Minersville. where he formerly had an extensive practice. He would also be in close proximity to the city of Pomeroy. When Dr. Hoff moved to Syracuse, I had some fear lest he would obtain nearly all the practice, and leave me with nothing to do but sit in my office and look on ; but he failed to make any apparent change in my professional

318 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

business, for my patrons clung to me, while at the same time his customers employed him as usual. He moved back to Pomeroy in the fall of 1885.

Early in this year, Dr. L. C. Rathburn, a son of Dr. D. C. Rathburn, of Middleport, located at Syracuse. He was a gen- tleman of considerable ability, and soon obtained a fair amount of practice, it being favorable for the profession during the sickly season. Dr. Rathburn's health commenced failing early in 1883, and he continued to grow worse rapidly, and died in the spring of that year.

Early in 1882, Dr. Ross located at Minersville, and com- menced practicing medicine there. I was his principal op- ponent, and at that time, I had more than half the practice in the place. At first Dr. Ross made a great spread in regard to his knowledge and ability, and was boasted of by his friends. This year was an unhealthy one at Minersville ; sickness pre- vailed to a considerable extent in this smoky village, and Dr. Ross at once obtained a fair amount of practice. The prevail- ing diseases were malarial and typho-malarial fevers. I think the young doctor obtained more practice from my worthless patrons than he did from those who were in good financial circumstances. Some of these, however, employed him, and gave him a good reputation as a physician and surgeon. He moved away in the fall of 1888.

The first part of 1883 was unhealthy, pneumonia and catarrhal fever being the prevailing diseases. Consequently there was considerable practice, but towards the close of the year the health of the people improved, and my practice fell off accord- ingly-

At this time, I had no cellar under my dwelling-house. At some previous time, a hole had been dug under the kitchen, and it had been used for the purposes of a cellar. Early in the fall I employed two stone masons and a few day laborers, set them to work, and soon had a good substantial cellar under my kitchen. It cost me about seventy-five dollars, which was nearly double the amount that I supposed it would cost. About fifteen dollars was turned in on the labor in the way of professional fees, and 1 found myself in debt for the work about forty-five dollars.

THOS. H. BARTON. 3l9

The winter of 1883-4 was a remarkably severe one. Perhaps naore snow fell during this period than ever before in the same length of time since the settlement of the country. It laid on the ground till the last of January, when the weather moder- ated, and was followed by heavy rains ; there was enormous quantities of snow in the Alleghany mountains, and this was melted and carried away by the descending deluge. Every tributary stream assisted to swell the water in the Ohio river. Higher and higher came the flood, until the volume of water in the Ohio was about five feet higher than the*great flood of 1832.

The river reached its highest point on the seventh of Febru- ary. The water from the river broke into the coal mines at Syracuse and Minersville, causing an immense amount of damage, and entirely suspending operations in this industry. The works were suspended during the entire spring, summer, and a large part of autumn of this year, and were only put in running order after an immense outlay of time and money.

This flood caused the greatest stringency in financial afi'airs ever known since the coal mines were first put in operation. Large numbers of families were driven from their homes by the angry waters entering their dwelling-houses, thus causing immense suffering among the people, and they were driven to seek shelter among their more fortunate neighbors. The Odd Fellows — that noble beneficiary institution — threw open their hall for the banefit of those who were driven from their homes. Sickness prevailed to a considerable extent ; but by careful management all the cases in Syracuse recovered. I lost one case at Minersville.

Commissary supplies were sent here in abundance, and dis- tributed among those who were damaged by the flood, and to those [who were in needy circumstances. Congress made a large appropriation for the flooded localities on the Ohio river, of which Syracuse received its full share. Relief committees were appointed for the distribution of the funds.

About six weeks after the flood, a prominent member of the relief committee, who resided at Syracuse, inquired of me if I had any professional fees due me from flood sufferers who were in indigent circumstances and unable to pay their debts.

320

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

Upon being answered in the affirmative, he then told me to make out my accounts, and place them in his hands for collec- tion, and that the Chief of the Relief Committee at Columbus, Ohio, would pay them. I looked over my books, found about fifteen dollars of such claims, made out my accounts and gave them to him, he, at the same time assuring me that the com- mittee would pay my claims. He afterwards informed me that he had forwarded them to the Chief of the Relief Com- mittee at Columbus. In due time I made inquiry of him con- cerning my claims. He replied : "Your claims are allowed, and I am daily expecting the money to be at Pomeroy." Sub- sequently, at different times, I inquired of him concerning these claims, and received about the same answer. Failing to receive a satisfactory answer from the committeeman, I ad- dressed a letter to the chief of the committee at Columbus, but he failed to reply. I learned nothing further in relation to the matter, and will not give my own opinion concerning it. I prefer that the reader should judge for himself.

Late in the fall of this year, I received a disability pension from the United States Governuifnt, the arrears amounting to about $440.00. This pension was for disease of chronic diar- rhoea, which was contracted, as I have stated in a former chap- ter, near Vicksburg, Mississippi. By the advice of my wife, to whom I had explained all the particulars of the disease that I had contracted, early in the year 1880, I made application for a pension to the Commissioner through my Attorney William L. McMaster, of Middleport. I knew but little in regard to the pension laws of the United States, and made slow progress with my claim ; but about one year after making application, I employed Tucker and Bishop, of Washington, D. C, to pro- secute my claim, and by our united efforts succeeded in obtain- ing a small pension. Since my claim was allowed, I have at three different times, had it increased. I am now drawing ten dollars a month for the above mentioned disease of chronic diarrhoea and resulting hemorrhoids. I applied nearly all the proceeds of my pension money to payments on our real estate. If any person, during 1872 and the early part of 1873 had foretold that I would, at a future time, make application for a disability pension, I would have regarded it as vain and

THOS. H. BARTON. 321

idle talk ; not because I was not entitled to one, but for the simple reason that at that time I did not think financially my condition would ever be such that I would stand in need of the bounty of the government.

The great flood of 1884 did not cause as much sickness as might have been expected under the circumstances. A num- ber of persons were affected with colds, caused by moving into their dwelling houses while the floors and walls were wet and damp. The year 1885 was a healthy one, and there is nothing of importance to report in a professional way during that year ; but the financial state of the public was in a deplorable condition. This state of affairs was mainly brought about by the laboring classes, as well as those engaged in business, not having as yet recovered from the effects of the flood. My osvn finances were in a poor condition, it being all that I could do to meet my expenses, and this was only accomplished by using a portion of the funds received from the sale of drugs. My professional income did not meet the demand.

Early in January, 1886, an epidemic of influenza broke out in this locality, and a large number of persons became affect- ed with this disease. It generally affected the young and the aged, leaving the middle-aged comparatively free from its ravages. It was accompanied with pneumonia, pleurisy, pluro-pneumonia, bronchitis, and catarrah fever. This disease was very fatal among the aged, and especially among those who were over sixty-five years of age. It continued in this locality till the first part of April when the epidemic gradually ceased. It fell to my lot to treat a large number of these cases ; but unfortunately I met with poor success among those patients who were approaching the age of three score years and ten. One lady, who was about seventy years old, em- ployed me to treat her for the above mentioned disease. She had been for a number of years, affected with chronic bron- chitis, consequently her health was very poor at the time. If my memory serves me correctly, I visited her two or three times, when on the third visit, she complained that the medi- cine, instead of loosening her cough, had a tendency to make it more difficult for her to raise the sputa. The reason is obvious. The medicine did not loosen her cough because her

41

322 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

vital powers were so much exhausted that it had no effect on her complaint. At my last visit, she begged me to leave her without treatment until she felt stronger, and then she would take the medicine. At her earnest request I discontinued the treatment. She died in about two days after she quit taking medicine.

About the same time I lost a patient, who was a maiden lady about forty years old. She was aflfected with pluro- pneumonia which had set in with the influenza. Her case proved fatal in less than a week, in spite of my best endeavors to save her. About the same time, a married lady, who was about the same age, was taken with the influenza, when pneu- monia set in. Her case was very dangerous, but by careful treatment, she recovered in due time.

The next patient that I lost was a gentleman about sixty-six years old. He became affected with influenza, and soon after- wards contracted pneumonia. When I first saw him the dis- ease was in the second stage ; it passed rapidly to the third, and terminated fatally. Medicine had no effect on his disease. The next and last fatal case that fell under my treatment was an old gentleman, who had passed his eightieth milestone. He was suddenly taken with an attack of the influenza. His symptoms were of a catarrhal nature, and they affected his stomach and lungs. His treatment was tonics and stimulants, but in spite of these he failed rapidly^ and died in about a week.

There were a large number of children, from one year old up to the age of puberty, that were aflected with this disease, and about half of them were in a dangerous condition. They however, all recovered.

I was kept very busy from the tenth of January to the last week in February, having all the practice that I could attend to. I was frequently called up at night to visit my patients • and by the last week in February, I felt myself about used up. One morning, after lying in bed half an hour longer than usual, I rose with the intention of .resuming my daily avocation ; but on rising from my couch, I felt dizzy. I was affected with the influenza, and it had produced vertigo I managed however, to get out of the house, but my gait was

THOS. H. BARTON. 323

staggering. I finally succeeded in getting into the honse, where I remained nearly all the lime during the next month, thus losing a large amount of professional business. How- ever, I was able to do, and did do, some office practice ; and by the time I was able to attend to my regular practice, this epidemic had about run its course. Daring this period, I had neglected my health, and had allowed my bowels to become obstinately constipated, which was no doubt a sequence of the chronic diarrhoea.

My professional business continued fair during the remain- der of this year, and it was also a good year for the collec- tion of medical fees ; but notwithstanding this, I lost a large amount of my earnings. I could not well afford to do so. My health was gradually failing, I was drawing a disability pen- sion, and the rate showed that I was totally disabled for the performanceof hard labor, and at least one-third disabled for the performance of continuous light labor. Old age was gradually creeping on ; I was approaching my sixtieth mile- stone, and felt that I needed rest. I now resolved to turn over a new leaf. From the beginning of 1887 up to the pres- ent writing, I have been using my utmost endeavors to im- prove the quality of my practice. I attempted to accomplish my object by refusing to visit my non-paying customers and those who were in arrears to me for professional services. I would especially refuse to visit such persons at night. A few individuals have taken advantage of me in this respect, and obtained my services under false pretenses, pretending to have the money wherewith to pay for my services, when at the same time, they were out of funds and entirely worthless. At first, my plan had an injurious effect on my practice, for the news soon spread abroad that I would not visit the sick at night, and this report caused me to lose as much lucrative practice as I had formerly lost among my non-paying cus- tomers.

From 1887 to the present writing, the health of the people residing in this locality has generally been good, and this to- gether with my determination to do a paying business, has re- duced my practice very much. I have had an easier time, and enjoyed comparative rest. Moreover, I have, by strenuous

324 AUTOBIOGRAPHY (>F

efforts, improved the quality of my practice, and during the last year or two, I have not lost nearly so large a per cent, of my earnings as I formerly did.

I have endeavored to treat my fellow laborers in the medical profession Vi^ith respect. In writing this plain narrative of facts it has not been my object to speak ill of anyone. In regard to my competitors I have endeavored to give honor to whom honor is due, nor have I feared to withhold just criticism when the same was deserved.

Some time during the fall of 1888, Dr. Milford Roush located at Syracuse with the object of practicing medicine and sur- gery. Before moving here he inquired of me as to whether or not Syracuse would be a favorable location. I informed him in substance that I thought he could obtain a fair amount of practice in this locality ; that Dr. Smith was is feeble health, and unable to do but little professional business ; that he would naturally obtain some practice among Dr. Smith's friends, and no doubt obtain a part of Dr. Hoff's practice and also of mine. I cautioned Dr. Roush. however, in regard to the situation, and gave him to understand that in all probability he would not find the practice lucrative when it came to be divided among three or four physicians. Dr. Roush was a young man of considerable ability, and had he been spared, there can be no doubt that he would have made an able physician, and been an ornament to the profession. He left Syracuse early in the spring of 1889, migrated west, and some time during the summer of that year, died of the typhoid fever.

Dr. I. N. Holmes, who located at Syracuse in 1884, moved away soon after Dr. Roush came. Dr. Holmes' practice, how- ever, was very limited, and made no perceptible difference in my professional business. The removal of these two physi- cians left the field clear, so far as this immediate locality is concerned, to Dr. Smith and myself We now have no opposi- tion, except from those physicians who reside elsewhere. I still adhere to my resolution of doing a paying business not that I am unwilling to visit those who are in indigent circum- stances, not alone for the patronage of the wealthy and influ- ential ; these are not the reasons ; I am forced to this policy by advancing years and declining health. The time has come

THOS. H. BARTON. 225

in the closing months of 1889, when I bring my personal his- tory to an end, that I s.hould enjoy the fruits of a lifetime of hard labor.

*******

And now my written story ends, I have completed my task. I have endeavored to convey, in plain and concise language the struggles of a lifetime. These have covered more than half a century; and now, in the evening of life, I look about me once more — for the last time — before I close these pages. And while I have accomplished much, I have not done all that I could have desired. I am surrounded with the comforts, and some of the luxuries of life. I am happy in my home with my wife and family. Her companionship, and the innocent prattle of childish voices, cheer me along the journey of life. And there is inspiration in the words of the poet :

"Lives of great men all remind us, We can make our lives sublime. And, departing, leave behind us. Footprints on the sands of time."

SUPPLEMENT.

THE PHYSICAN AND PATIENT.

A sick person should invariably employ a physician who is well educated in his profession, who is intelligent, skillful, careful and attentive to those who trust their lives to his care. The physician should also be a careful and attentive student of medicine, and keep himself well posted in regard to all the changes in medical science. Moreover, he should be temper- ate, industrious, and virtuous. A number of years ago I read a short article in the Medical and Surgical Reporter, wherein it was related of a gentleman who was traveling, that he stopped at a certain town and took lodging at a hotel. He was detained at this place several days on account of ill health. Being in this condition he stood in naed of the ser- vices of a physician, and being a stranger in the place, and unacquainted with any of the local physicians, he immedi-

326 AUTOBIOGRAPAY OF

ately called at the post office in order to ascertain the name of the physician who took the largest number of medical jour- nals, and having ascertained this fact, he employed the one who took the largest number of these useful periodicals.

A sick person should employ a local physician in prefer- ence to an itinerant one, for the reason that the traveling doc- tors who go from town to town, stopping from"] one to three days at a place, then go to some other locality, returning in about a month, can not give that attention to their patients that the necessities of the case in many instances require. These itinerant physicians generally pretend to do their work for a certain sum of money ; that is, to effect a cure for a cer- tain fee : but they almost invariably demand their fee, or a large portion of it in advance ; so that in any event, they have their pay, whether or not they effect a cure. They usually size up the patient according to his pocket book, charging the wealthy and opulent exorbitant prices, being more liberal with the poor and indigent.

I may divide these traveling doctors into two classes. First, the one-horse physician, who is entirely ignorant of the science of medicine ; and secondly, the more polished and pristocratic fellow, who travels as a specialist. I will give a few illustrations of the former class.

A few years after the close of the late war, a lady who re- sided in Minersville, became affected with emphysema of the lungs. This lady puffed and blowed, and grunted like a wind-broken horse. One day a traveling quack, who called himself an Indian doctor, called at her residence, and pro- posed to cure her of her lung disease. She finally consented to let him try, under the promise of a sure cure. He gave her some medicine, she agreeing to pay him on his next visit. At the appointed time he was again at her residence but found her no better. He also found her out of funds and he therefore failed to replenish his pocket-book. Moreover she refused to take any more of his remedies, but he continued to visit her in order to obtain his fees. On one occasion when she was expecting him to call upon her for his medical fees, a few of her neighboring ladies were calling at her place of abode. She told her visitors that she did not know what

THOS. H. BARTON. 327

to do, as she was that day looking for the old Indian doctor to call upon her for pay for his services, and being out of funds, she was greatly perplexed and alarmed. At this mo- ment, one of her friends went to the door, and lo ! the poor Indian ! He was wending his way to her house. Here was a dilemma. The good old lady was greatly perplexed at the announcement of this unwelcome tidings, and did not know how to avoid the Indian doctor. However, one of her lady friends came to her rescue, and told her what to do. She was advised to hide herself under the bed, and the doctor was to be informed that she was absent from home, but she was also carefully instructed to make no noise, and neither puff nor grunt while under the bed, for fear of being discovered. She obeyed this advice, and was soon safely ensconced in her hiding place. She was no sooner hidden than all the ladies chimed in. "Don't grunt, or he will hear you ; don't grunt, or he will hear you !" There was a good deal of amusement among the circle of ladies, and when the Quixotic doctor ap- peared at the door, one of them opened it, and he was quietly informed that the patient was away from home, and this old quack was compelled to go away without receiving any com- pensation for his services.

About twenty years ago I was called to see an old gentleman who resided in Syracuse. I immediately obeyed the call, and upon examination, found him affected with acute bronchitis, which had set in on the chronic bronchitis. He informed me that he had been treated by an itinerant physician who styled himself an Indian doctor, and who had pronounced his com- plaint liver disease. This doctor had failed to make his last round, and, in consequence, the patient had sent for me. When I commenced treating him, he was very weak and feeble, had a poor appetite, and was troubled with a severe cough. Alter treating him two or three weeks, he felt much better and stron- ger, was troubled but little with cough, and had a good appe- tite. At my last visit I was greatly surprised, for there was present no less a personage than his former medical attendant. Supper was ready, and the old gentleman kindly invited me to a seat at the table, but I respectfully declined his invitation. The patient sat down to the table and a tea hearty meal, and

228 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

appeared much relieved after replenishing his gastric cavity. It is my candid opinion that this old man would soon have recovered his former health, even without medicine. After supper he discharged me, and again employed this old travel- ing quack for the purpose of having him treat him for an im- aginary disease of the liver. About six weeks afterwards, a messenger came to me in great haste, requesting me to visit this old gentleman, the messenger telling me that the old man was very low. I refused to make the call and did not go to see him, and Dr. HofF was employed to treat the case. But it was now too late for a physician to be of anj' service to him. The old man soon passed away to that bourne from whence no traveler ever returns.

About the year 1872, one of these traveling quacks, who styled himself a "root and yarb'' doctor, was in the habit of making his monthly visits to Meigs County He frequently stopped at my drug store in order to purchase medical supplies. On one occasion, I asked him the following simple question, for the purpose of testing his knowledge of medical science: "Doctor, do you use capsicum in your practice?" He replied. "I don't know as I do by that name." I then asked him. "Do you use cayenne pepper in your practice?" "Oh yes," he re- plied. I use a great deal of cayenne pepper in my practice, I can cure diptheria with cayenne pepper and salt." Now, kind reader, here was a man, calling himself a physician, who did not know the botanical name of cayenne pepper ! And in all probability, he did not know the sceintific name of a single remedy which he used, or its medical properties and uses. Even my children, who were present during the conversation were much amused about this man, who called himself a doctor, and who manifested such gross ignorance of the science of medicine.

The aristocratic traveling physicians are even more danger- ous to the public than the former class, for they are intelligent, shrewd, use good language, and have more gab and gas than scientific medical skill.

These itinerants send in advance numerous flaming circulars and hand bills, wherein they set forth their pretended know- ledge of the science of medicine, and boasting of the numerous

THOS. H. BARTON. 229

cures which they have effected in the city of New York and in other cities of the Middle and Eastern States. They parade their wonderful skill and superior knowledge before the pub- lic, claiming that disease, in their hands, is like a toy in the hands of a child. After having surprised the public in the East by their almost superhuman knowledge and miraculous cures, they have concluded to locate at the City of Columbus, or some other city in Ohio, and establish an institution for the cure of chronic diseases, and that they have an able and efficient corps of physicians, who will visit the different locali- ties in this State, in order that the public may have an oppor- tunity to obtain their services. The principal of this institu- tion finally concludes to visit the city of Pomeroy, and informs the public that he will be in that place on a certain day. there to remain for two or three days, so that the sick and afflicted may obtain the advantage of his marvelous skill. The press of the county is brought to bear in iheir behalf, aud the col- umns of the newspapers are fiUed'with flamming advertise- ments. These newspaper notices read about as follows :

"Dr. Bravado, the experienced and successful specialist, of Bari- tario will be at Balnibardo on the day of 18 — .

"Particular attenlion given to diseases of the Skin, Catarrh in its various forms, affections of the Throat, Lungs, Heart, Stomach, Liver, Kidney, and Bladder, and all Chronic, Nervous and Private diseases.

"The attention of every woman who is suffering with any of those distressing complaints peculiar to her sex is especially invited to Dr. Bravado's new and successful methods of treatment.

"Twenty-five years experience in the treatnientof obstinate chronic diseases has made Dr. Bravado the imperial master of these terrible maladies.

"You do not have to tell him your ailments ; he reads your com- plaints like an open book, describes your peculiar sufferings without asking you a single question, and prepares remedies to meet the precise wants in each particular case.

"No guess work ! No experiments ! No failures ! No disappoint- ments ! When he takes a case he cures it !

"Delicate diseases, either sex, no matter how caused, relieved at once and quickly cured.

"Consultation free and strictly confidential. OfHce hours, 9 a. m. to 5 p. m. Evening, 7 to 9 p. m."

42

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The "Town Pump" never made a more eloquent harangue, and it would be strange, indeed, if all this outcry did not bring customers. At the appointed time the sick and afflicted, the melingers, and all who fancy themselves sick, flock to Dr. Bravado for relief. He generally admits only one visitor at a time, and when through with the examination, a small amount of medicine is given to the patient for which an exor- bitant price is charged, provided no specified amount is fixed upon for a cure. Some of these itinerant quacks, after ex- amining a case, have been known to hurry out of their rooms, without their headgear, a greenback in their hands, pro- ceed to the nearest drug store, purchase a small quantity of medicine, costing perhaps not to exceed twenty-five cents, then wend their way to their rooms, and charge their vic- tims from three to ten dollars according to their ability to pay ''Consultation free !" This is what Dr. Bravado's advertise- ments says; but in the way I have described, he generally suc- ceeds in obtaining ample compensation for his consultation. When he is through with his patient he agrees to return in one month, when his victims meet him again. His visits are repeated for the space of six months or a year, when he fails to put in an appearance, and is never heard from any more.

Permit me to ask this question : Has he cured the chronic diseases of all those persons who have come to him for medical advice? I presume that every candid person will answer this question in the negative, and say, emphatically : No, he has NOT. Perhaps a few have been cured, and probably a few others have been relieved to some extent ; but the major portion of his patients have been deceived, and, as it were, robbed of their money, when they were promised a sure cure. Another question naturally arises : Why have so many of these itiner^ ant physicians, who have heretofore plied their vocation in this locality, left their post of duty to be heard from no more?

The answer is obvious. Like Belshazzar of old, "they have been weighed in the balance and found wanting." They are deficient in medical knowledge and skill. Permit me to ask one more question : If these traveling physicians are what they represent themselves to be; if they enjoy the reputation set forth in their flaming advertisements ; if they have the

THOS. H. BARTON. 331

lucrative practice claimed for them in New York and the East, how does it happen that they leave this practice and come to Pomeroy and other places in Ohio to ply their vocation? Again th-e answer suggests itself to our mind : "They have been weighed in the balance and found wanting."

Take the case of two physicians who are equally skilled in the science of medicine. Is it reasonable to suppose the one who sees hw patients only once a month can do better than the one who sees them two or three times a week? I think not. It is unreasonable to suppose that the physician who makes a monthly visit to his patients can do better that the one who has them regularly under his care and attention. Moreover, the local physician generally knows the physical and family history of his patients, whereas the itinerant doctor does not, and this alone gives a decided advantage to the local physi- cian.

During a number of j^ears past I have noticed advertisements in the newspapers which read about as follows : A retired physician has at lost found a sure cure for consumption, catarrh, bronchitis, and all diseases of the throat and lungs. For the benefit of suffering humanity, he will send, free of charge, to any person afflicted with lung disease, who will en- close a two cent stamp to his address, a recipe for the prepara- tion of a sure cure for said disease. These characters some- times imitate the clergy, and say in their advertisements : A clergyman, who has traveled in the East Indies, has been fur- nished with a recipe, etc., etc. By numerous sick persons, such an announcement will be regarded with favor, and the donor will be considered a benevolent gentleman. The bait takes. In due time some afflicted person will desire to take advantage of this benevolent (?) offer, and will enclose the necessary postage stamp in answer to the advertisement, and send for the prescription, which, barring no delay in the mails, arrives in the course of a few d-ays. The victim immediately presents it to his druggist in order to procure the medicine. The pharmacist looks over the recipe, and finds few familiar drugs which he always keeps in stock ; but in it he also finds one or two articles of which he has no knowledge, never having heard or read the name before. The consequence is that he

332 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

can not put up the prescription. The holder then presents it to another pharmacist with the same result; there are one or two articles which he has not got, and which it is impossible for him to procure; he can. not compound the medicine. After trying all the druggists in his locality, the holder writes to the donor for an explanation, and is respectfully informed that the very article which he can not procure is an essential ingredient in the compound, and that the medicine is useless without jt ; that it is a plant or shrub new to botanical science, and is in- digenous only in India, Arabia, or some other far-off country ; that a small supply of this medicine has been procured at great expense ; and that upon the receipt of two or three dollars in a registered letter, the donor will send the remedy What is the result? The victim encloses the necessary cash, directs the letter to his benevolent friend, and in due time receives the nostrum. Now, if the patient is affected with consumption, he has most assuredly been the victim of a humbug, and has given his inoney to a shrewd and wily quack.

I have observed a number of such advertisements in the newspapers, and I have also seen some of the prescriptions. They contained one or two ingredients, which I do not believe

can be found in any matena medica or pharmacopeia.

* * * * * * *•■

I shall now direct the reader's attention to the code of medi- cal ethics in regard to employing physicians as counsel, and the right of a patient to discharge his medical attendant and employ another. Considerable has already been said as to the manner in which the author has been treated in various cases. To make this matter plain it is necessary to give an outline of the code of ethics of the medical fraternity.

This code gives a patient a right to discharge his medical attenda"t if he has just cause ; but the attending physician should invariably be discharged before another is employed, for the reason that it will save the first physician the trouble and mortification, on visiting a case, to learn that another has taken his place. Every candid physician will quietly ac- quiesce in being discharged, whether or not there is just cause for his patient doing so, provided he is notified before being put to trouble and expense. It has fell to my lot to be regular-

THOS. H. BARTON. 333

ly discharged in a few cases, but it has more frequently been my experience to visit a case, and then learn that another physician had been engaged, and then and there receive my dismissal.

If counsel is required, the proper way for the patient and his friends to do, is to have a friendly talk with the medical attendant in regard to the case, then if the patient is in a dan- gerous condition, any candid physician will readly give his consent to a consultation, and be willing to meet some physi- cian who is agreeable to himself and the patient. There may be some difficulty in selecting a medical adviser who will be sat- isfactory to both parties. In this case I think the attending physician should, as a general rule, have the privilege of select- ing his counsel, for the reason that he is generally personally and intimatelyjacquainted with the physicians who reside with- in easy reach of any of his cases, and knows better than his patient where to obtain the most reliable counsel. It will be doing injustice to the regular attendant to employ as counsel a- physician with whom he is not on friendly terms. If the patient or his friends should persist in employing a physician as counsel who is not on friendly terms with the attendant, the attending physician should, as a general rule, withdraw from the case. The writer has in several such instances, with- drawn from the case, and refused to meet the consulter. It is admitted that the patient has a right to discharge his physician in certain cases, and the physician should also have a right to withdraw in case of dissatisfaction. It is a poor rule which fails to work both ways, and the patient also has a right to re- fuse as counsel a physician with whom he is not on friendly terms.

I will give one or two illustrations of the working of the code of medical ethics. Suppose a case of sickness is doing as well as could be expected at 9 o'clock a. m., the time of his attend- ant's last visit. The physician, who may reside three miles or more from his patient, prescribes or gives medicine, then leaves the case, and wends his way to his office. At 3 o'clock p. m., his patient suddenly becomes worse, and is in a dangerous, or apparently dangerous condition. In such a case, our code of ethics gives the patient, or his friends a right to call in coun-

334 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

sel, but they should, at the same time, notify the regular at- tendant of the fact, so that both may reach the bed-side with- out delay. The above rule should be strictly adhered to, for if counsel is called without notifying the attending physician, he can do but little until the attendant arrives, and valuable time will thus be lost. The last visit of the attendant is paid for by the patient, if he is a paying customer, otherwise it is labor thrown away by the attending physician, and he is there- by put to trouble and inconvenience, especially if he has a large number of cases to attend to. I have sometimes been put to inconvenience in consequence of the violation of this rule. Having prescribed for my patient, or given him medi- cine, as the case may be, and then having proceeded to attend to other cases, I have been overtaken by a messenger informing me that Dr. Blank had been sent for to see my patient as coun- sel, and that he was waiting for me at my patient's reBidence. On such occasions, I have lost much valuable time, which could have been saved had my patient, or his friends, first no- tified me that they desired a consultation. If a consultation cannot be immediately held, it is generally rulable to fix upon an hour when both physicians can be present, and they are in honor bound to fill the appointment, if in their power so to do. If one physician fails to appear at the appointed time, the other waits one hour, and if the delinquent still fails to appear the engagement is virtually broken up.

The consultation should be conducted in the following man- ner. The attending practitioner first examines the patient, and when he is through the consulting physician is kindly in- vited to make an examination. The two physicians then retire to a private room or some other convenient place, and there discuss the pathology of the case, and its treatment. It is the duty of the regular attendant to thoroughly explain to the counsel the nature of the disease as he understands it, the remedies he has used, the effect which they have produced, and the diet he has ordered. If the counsel has any advice to give, he gives it directly to the attending physician — not to the patient or his friends. To them he should be silent on this subject, nor should he, at any time say anything deroga- tory in regard to the mode of treatment which has been pur-

THOS. H. BARTON. 335

sued. It is then, as before, the duty of the attending physician to write the prescriptions, or put up the medicine, as the case may be.

Our code of medical ethics does not give the consulting physician the right to supercede the attending one. If the two physicians can not agree in regard to the nature of the disease or the mode of treatment, our code advises that anoth- er be chilled in to settle the dispute. If the attending physi- cian can not be present at the consultation, the counsel should put his views concerning the case in writing in a sealed en- velope, to be delivered to the regular attendant. The counsel should not write the prescriptions, but he is permitted to give a small amount of medicine for temporary relief. After the consultation is held, the consulting physician retires from the case as if he had never been employed, nor should he visit the patient again unless at the request of the regular attendant and patient. This rule is absolute, and should in no case be violated by the consulting physician. The coun- sel is permitted to suggest to the attendant, but not to the patient or his friends, that if the case does not improve in a day or two, he will be willing to visit it again, provided he is duly notified.

Many persons are of the opinion, when a consultation is held over a sick person, that the patient has a right to dis- charge his medical attendant and employ the consulting physician. This is a mistake. According to our code of ethics he has no right to do so. Here is the rule in such cases : If at a consultation, the attending physician is discharged, it then becomes the duty of the counsel to withdraw from the case and have nothing more to do with it. No rule is more obligatory on the medical i^fraternity than this, and the mem- bers of the profession are in honor bound to obey it. The reason is obvious. The rule is designed to keep physicians on friendly terms with each other, for if this law is not obeyed, the attending physician would most assuredly take umbrage at the counsel for its violation. Moreover, it would prevent physicians from having counsel called, if there was danger of their patients discharging them, and employing the counsel.

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There are a few physicians with whom I am intimately ac- quainted, who have, at different times, violated nearly all the rules of medical ethics in regard to consultations. I think, in most of these cases, it has been done willfully for gain or notoriety, and no doubt the patient, or his friends, should sometimes bear a share of the blame, as the following case will show, if I am correctly informed. A few years ago I was treating a lady who resided in Minersville, and on my third visit learned that another physician had been employed to treat the case. Upon making inquiry of the sick lady as to how this came about, she informed me that her friends had advised her to enploy Dr. Blank, and that he had already been to see her, and at the request of herself and friends he had prescribed for her, and taken full charge of the case. Here was a visit unnecessarily made by me, and much valuable time lost from my other business, caused by a regular physi- cian violating the code of medical ethics.

I know some consulting physicians, who, at a consultation, have assumed an air of great importance, at the same time boast- ing about the cures they have performed in cases who were af- fected with the same disease as the patient, thus hoping to gain notoriety. These boasting physicians generally undertake to make some change in the medicine the patient is using, whether such change is necessary or not. This reminds me of an ar- ticle which I read in the London Lancet, in 1854. It was an anonymous letter written by an old physician to a young one just commencing the practice of medicine, and was intercepted by the editor, and published in that medical periodical. It advised the young practitioner never to permit a consulting physician to change the medicine even in its color, and if any Son of Esculapius made the attempt, his advice was to im- mediately withdraw from the case.

I was young in the profession when I read this article. I did not heed its advice, and never withdrew from a case of sickness for this cause, but it is good advice to a physician who wishes to establish his reputation. My experience has been that, in nearly every instance where I have allowed my counsel to change the medicine, my reputation as a physician has been more or less injured. I think that some consulting physicians

THOS. H. BARTON. 337

are in the habit of changing the prescriptions whenever they are permitted so to do. Permit me to compare such physicians to a 'bus driver, who never has his conveyance so full of travelers but there is room for one more passenger. Such is the case with some physicians. It matters not to them how well the patient may be doing, they can always find occasion to make a slight change in the prescriptions and give a little more medicine. There is always room for one more dose. Physicians are sometimes injured in their reputation in the following manner. In numerous instances I have been injured in the same way during the past thirty eight years. Take the following hypothetical case. .Suppose a person to be suddenly and dangerously taken sick with some acute disease. About twelve hours after he is taken down, the family physician is called to treat the case. He obeys the call, and is soon at the patient's bed side, and finds the case a dangerous one; the patient and his friends are much alarmed about the situation. The physician, after making an examination, makes his diag- nosis and informs his patient the name and nature of the dis- ease. His diagnosis may be a little doubtful, yet he has hopes that by careful attention, the patient will, in due time, recover. On the second day the physician thinks the case will re- cover, and so informs the patient and his friends. But they are greatly alarmed and ask the physician his opinion as to whether or not the patient will recover, and if the physician has any doubts they desire counsel. He informs them that he thinks, by careful management, the patient will soon be better and that counsel is unneccessary Counsel is demanded every day until finally this privilege is granted. It is now perhaps the fourth or fifth day in the progress of the disease, and at this time, the physician sees some signs of improvement, but the friends of the patient do not. Dr. Cureall is sent for, and in due time arrives, examines the case, makes his diagnosis and in general agrees with the attending physician, but he advises a change in the medicine, writes the prescriptions, and continues to visit the case regularly. As usual, he boasts of the numerous patients he has cured of similar diseases. Now, kind reader, under such circumstances, there is no alternative for the attending physician but to withdraw from the case, for

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if he does not do so he will sooner or later be discharged. If the patient recovers, the consulting physician will receive the meed of praise, while the regular attendant will be severely censured. If the case proves fatal, as a general rule, the coun- sel will not be blamed. The friends of the patient, in such cases, will generally say : Had he employed the counsel at the commencement, our friend would have recovered. In some cases, the patient's friends appear to sympathise with the attending physician, they appear unwilling to part with an old and dear friend, who has st(y)d by them in previous storms of affliction, but this is the exception, and not the general rule. In most cases they appear careless in regard to his feelings and reputation.

During the past thirty-eight years, I have had a large num- ber of patients, who were dangerously ill, under my individual treatment, and who have been restored to health. In some of the worst cases I have requested that counsel be called, but this request was refused ; the patient himself declined having a consultation. Had counsel been employed and the cases recovered the consulting physician would have obtained all the credit.

I will report two cases of injury, in one of which counsel was demanded by the friends of the patient, and absolutely refused- The first case was a young man in his teens, who had sprained his knee joint ; the other was a child four years old, that had sustained a dislocation of the knee cap (palella) together with a sprain of the knee joint. I was called to see the j'oung man about four days after he received the injury, and found the joint and adjacent parts much swollen and inflamed; he was also affected with inflammatory fever. I treated this case five or six days, in the meantime making four visits. The knee joint swelled gradually, but swelling less every day till the sixth, when it appeared about stationery; there was now no fever. At this time counsel was demanded, but I refused having a consultation on the ground that it was unnecessary, and also on account of a physician being selected who would not consent to a consultation, and who would have taken charge of the case as if he had been regularly employed to treat it. For these good and sufficient reasons I refused coun- sel and abandoned the case.

THOS. H. BARTON. 339

Soon afterwards I was called upon to treat the child with the

dislocated knee cap. The bone had remained out of place for

two days before I saw the case, and at this time the knee was

stiff and much swollen, the swelling extending from the ankle

nearly to the body ; there was high fever caused by the sprain

in the knee joint. I replaced the dislocated bone, and put the

child under treatment ; bnt in spite of all that I could do the

swelling continued to increase for two weeks when it became

stationary and in one month's time the child could walk very

well. I presume the parents of the yonng man thought that

it was the change of physicians that wrought the cure in his

case. Had counsel been called to see the child, there can be

no doubt that I would have been severely censured.

*******

About twelve years ago. Prof, Whitaker, of Cincinnati, de- livered a lecture before a meeting of the Ohio Valley Medical Society- Dr. Whitaker said : "The public are slaves to us as physicians, for this reason, we can charge our patients any sum of money for our services, and they are compelled to pay it." Doubtless this is true, if the physician is a learned one, and resides in a large city like Cincinnati ; but in the rural districts, and in small towns and villages, the case is differ- ent, and in many instances this rule is reversed, and the physi- cian becomes the slave of the public, especially in localities where competition is strong. Several years ago I read an article in the Medical and Surgical Reporter relative to an eminent physician, who resided in one of the interior coun- ties of Virginia. He had practiced medicine in that locality for many years, and had an extensive practice. He died well advanced in years, but did not leave behind him sufficient funds even to purchase a coffin, and was buried by public charity. Such neglect on the part of his non-paying patrons is a disgrace to the community in which he lived.

None of the learned professions is of more benefit to the human family than that of medicine. It is in times of dis- tress and affliction that the physician comes to the relief of his patients ; and if conscientious, does all in his power to relieve their distress. As a general rule he is prompt. He does not hesitate and wait to inquire in regard to the financial stand-

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ing of his patrons, and their willingness to meet their obliga tions. He does not "stand upon the order of his going, but goes at once." The wind and the snow, the hail and the rain, the heat of summer and the frosts of winter do not deter him from his duty. The deadly epidemic daunts him not. At the risk of his own life he enters the abode of pestilence and breathes the noxious atmosphere, fraught with disease and death, doing this for the relief of suffering humanity. During the burning sun of summer and the chilling blasts of winter, he has left his comfortable home to administer to the wants of his patrons. Then remember the precept given nearly nineteen hundred years age. "The laborer is worthy of his hire." Pay Your Physician ! Remember him for his servi- ces. He has spent the prime of his life in the study of medi- cine, and in making himself proficient in his chosen pro- fession, and in so doing he has freely expended his means. He has given the best years of his life to the study of disease, and lias spent large sums of money in the purchase of books, journals and instruments. He has given long years of study to the principles of anatomy and physiology He can locate and describe every bone, muscle, tendon, joint and ligament of the human body, and understands their situation, struct- ure and economy. He has studied the nature and pathology of disease in its infinite forms, this knowledge being acquired only after years of hard labor. Then recompense your physi- cian. To those who have the poor under their care and super- vision, we say : Pay the physician for his services. In con- clusion, we say to one and all. Pay Your Physician.

THE END.