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http://www.archive.org/details/1896jesuitrelati38jesuuoft
The edition consists of sev- en hundred and fifty sets all numbered
ee ee ee
AU, S.J.
RAGUENE,
PAUL
(77 S,93399
The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL- TANT) TEXTS; WITH ENGLISH '‘TRANSLA- PONS “ANDMNOGES: ILLUSTRATED. BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES
EDITED BY REUBEN GOLD THWAITES Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. XXXVIII ABENAKIS, LOWER CANADA, HURONS 1652-1653
CLEVELAND: UTJhe Burrows Brotbers Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCIX
CoryRIGHT, 1899 BY Tuer Burrows BrotTHers Co
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Imperial Press, Cleveland
EDITORIAL STAFF
Editor : . REUBEN GOLD THWAITES FINLOW ALEXANDER
PERCY FAVOR BICKNELL
Translators . { | CRAWFORD LINDSAY | | WILLIAM PRICE Assistant Editor P EMMA HELEN BLAIR
Bibliographical Adviser VicTOR HuGo PALTSITS
,? i" i i F
7-4)
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afi!
CONTENTS OF VOL. XXXVIII
PREFACE TO VOLUME XXXVIII , ~ oD DOCUMENTS :—
LXXXI. Relation dece qvis’est passé . . av pays de la Novvelle France, depuis l’Eté de l’année 1651. jufques a l’Eté de l’année 1652. [Chaps. vill._x., concluding the document.] Paul Ragueneau, Ke- bec, October 4, 1652; Marte de !’ Incarnation, Kebec, 1652 eas LXXXII. Journal des PP. Jésuites. Paul Ragueneau, Hrerosme Lalemant, and Frangots le Mercier; Quebec, Janu- ary —December, 1653 : mee 9 y LXXXIII. Breve Relatione d’ alevne missioni de’ PP. della Compagnia di Giest nella Nuoua Francia. [Part I., Chaps. 1.—iv., first installment of the document.] francesco Gioseppe Bressant; Macerata, Italy, July 19, 1653 . ; ; 5203 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME XXXVIII . 289 NOTES , ‘ ; ‘ «293
IT.
ETT.
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. XXXVIII
Portrait of Paul Ragueneau, S.J.; photo- engraving from oil portrait by Donald
Guthrie McNab : . Frontispiece
Photographic facsimile of handwriting of Paul Ragueneau; selected from his de- position relative to the martyrdom of Jogues, written in 1652, and preserved in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal . : . . Facing
Photographic facsimile of title-page, Bres- sani’s Relatione, 1653 :
48
PREFACE TO VOL. XXXVIII
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:
LXXXI. The first seven chapters of the Relation of 1651-52 were given in Vol. XX XVII. ; we here pre- sent the remainder of the document. Chaps. viii.—ix. are written by the superior Ragueneau; the final chapter is compiled (apparently by the Paris editor) from a biographical memoir of Mother Marie de St. Joseph,— assistant in the Ursuline convent, who died April 4, 1652,— written by her superior, Mother Marie de 1’Incarnation.
The account of the Abenaki mission, begun in the preceding volume, is here continued by Ragueneau — recounting the readiness of that tribe to receive the faith, and their earnestness and zeal in following it. Visions and miraculous cures have often rewarded their devotion. They are exceedingly attached to Druillettes, their missionary, and hold him in great honor,—a feeling which the English settlers on the Kennebec also share. The Indians of Narantsouak (Norridgewock) publicly adopt the Father as a mem- ber of their tribe, and regard him as its head. The leading men denounce drunkenness, sorcery, and polygamy. They beg Druillettes to remain with them, and only the command of his superior induces him to leave these disciples.
The ninth chapter describes the attacks with which
10 PREFACE TO VOL. XXXVIII
the Iroquois have harassed the French settlements during the summer, especially that at Three Riv- ers,—for which material is furnished by a letter received from that place. Nearly the same ground is traversed herein as in the /ournal des /ésuttes (in the volume preceding this), but with more detail of circumstance. As a climax to all their anxieties and dangers, the report comes that the Iroquois clans are preparing for a general and united attack upon the French settlements during the coming winter. The writer appeals for aid from France in this time of need,—saying that the country is now practically self-supporting, and that it needs only to have a few hundred workingmen sent hither each year; these would be at once an aid in the development of the country, and a defense against the Iroquois. A similar request is also made by Noél Tekwerimat, the Sillery chief, in a letter which he writes to Father le Jeune.
Thus far the Relation proper; it is followed by a long account of Mother Marie de St. Joseph, the Ursuline nun. Her childhood is characterized by devoutness and purity, and she would rather read the lives of saints than play with her comrades. Having been sent to an Ursuline convent for her education, she resolves to become a nun; and, although she has not reached the age required for the novitiate, her entreaties are so importunate that she is admitted thereto. A dream sent from Heaven gives her strength to resist the efforts made by her family to keep her with them; and, at the age of sixteen, she takes the veil, in the Ursuline convent at Tours, where she greatly edifies all. At the call for nuns to go to Canada with Madame de la Peltrie, Marie de
PREFACE TO VOL. XXXVIIT 11
St. Joseph is chosen as the companion of Marie de l’Incarnation, and goes with her to Quebec. Her intense devotion to the Holy Family is rewarded with visions and ecstasies, even more than ordinary. Her virtues are described at length, notably her humility, obedience, and purity. In Canada, she learns both the Huron and Algonkin tongues, and instructs the savages in the faith, becoming the spiritual mother of many souls. The attacks of the Iroquois upon the French, and this nun’s failing health, lead her relatives to entreat that she will return to France; but her devotion to her work is so great that she steadfastly refuses to leave it. In one of her visions, her Lord tells her that hereafter she will ‘‘ live only by faith and crosses;” from that time, she begins to fade away, and dies from consumption and asthma,— at the last, suffering intensely, but evincing the ut- most patience and resignation. After her death, her spirit holds communication with a friend in Quebec, and saves his life by warning him of approaching danger.
LXXXII. The Journal des Jésuites (kept by Rague- neau, until August 9; during the next ten days, by Jerome Lalemant; and thereafter by Francois le Mercier) gives but a meager record for the earlier months of 1653; there is but one entry previous to April ro. On the 21st of that month, news comes from Three Rivers that sixteen Frenchmen there — servants, sailors, and others — have run away, intend- ing to leave the country. Two months later, Indians from Gaspé tell at Quebec the disastrous result of this escapade; several of these French fugitives have died from hardship and privation, ‘‘ and there were indications that they had eaten one another.” On
|
oT
12 PREFACE TO VOL. XXXVIII
May 12, Jacques Junier, a Jesuit donné, runs away from Sillery, after having been in the service of the mission for twenty years. A fortnight later, some Massachusetts Indians bring a letter from Rev. John Eliot, asking for the release of certain savages, their allies, captured last year by the Algonkins,—a request which is granted.
With the coming of summer, the Iroquois again infest the river, directing their murderous attacks against isolated farm-houses, laborers in the fields, fishermen setting their lines, and stray Huron and Algonkin savages, even when in considerable bands. The danger and loss are greatest at Three Rivers, and aid is quickly sent thither. News is brought, July 20, that the New England colonists are under- taking war against the Dutch and the Iroquois; and, ten days later, that the Algonkin tribes of the North, with the remnant of the Tobacco and Neutral tribes, are assembling beyond Sault Ste. Marie, to unite against the Iroquois.
August 6, the mail from France arrives, in which are received letters appointing Father le Mercier as superior in Canada. Pending his arrival (about ten days later) from Three Rivers, a vice-superior is named, Jerome Lalemant. Lalemant, in this brief time, writes in the /ourna/ a full and highly interest- ing account of the ecclesiastical status of the Jesuits in Canada, and the relations of the church there to the diocese of Rouen,—matters regarding which much dissension has already arisen, and which are to bring about, but three years later, an entire reor- ganization of ecclesiastical affairs in Canada. Le Mercier continues the record, beginning August 21; his first entry describes a battle near Montreal, in
PREFACE TO VOL. XXXVIIL 13
which the Iroquois are defeated by the Hurons, losing several of their number. From the captives, the French learn much news from the South,—one item, of alarming import, that a troop of 600 Mohawks had started, thirty days before, to attack Three Riv- ers. But an hour later, the tidings come that Father Poncet and another Frenchman have been carried away as prisoners by the enemy. A party of Frenchmen at once start in pursuit of the captors; but, on the next day, they hear that Three Rivers is already besieged by the Mohawk band just men- tioned, and they at once go to the relief of the town. The siege lasts over eight days, and the cultivated lands around the fort are laid waste; but the enemy begins then to talk of peace, and presents are ex- changed on both sides. The Mohawks raise the siege, and the chief at their head sets out to pursue Poncet’s captors. Ambassadors from the Onondaga tribe come, about this time, to treat for a peace. They reach Quebec soon after the beginning of a church jubilee; processions march through the streets daily, conspicuous in which are ‘‘ more than four hundred fusiliers, in fine order,’’—a sight which must have confirmed the peaceful predilections of the envoys.
Father Poncet arrives at Montreal, October 24, ‘“in a wretched canoe, and dressed in Dutch fash- ion.’’ Heisconducted by some Iroquois, with whom, again, presents are exchanged; and feasts are made for them by the Jesuits and the Hospital nuns. Various complications arise in the relations between the Hurons, Iroquois, and French; and a council thereon is held at the Jesuit residence, November Ig.
14 PREFACE TO VOL. XXXVIII
LXXXIII. The Relations of the Jesuit missions in Canada, being written in French, had, of course, but a limited circulation in other countries than France, outside of ecclesiastical circles. These mis- sions had now been carried on for twenty years, and the Roman Catholics of Europe felt general interest in them, as conducted by priests of an order within that church. To satisfy this interest in Italy, Fran- cesco Bressani—who had been one of the mission- aries in Huronia, from 1645 to 1649— wrote, after his return to his native land, the Breve Relatione. It gives, in popular style,—and often abridged from the Relations and other contemporary documents,— an account of the Canadian Indians (especially of the Hurons); of the Jesuit missions among them, and the difficulties incident to their conversion; and of the death of Jogues, Daniel, and other missionaries who have fallen at their posts in this arduous service. He begins with the situation and natural features of the country called New France,— discussing at length the causes of its extremes in climate; with a brief mention of its earliest discovery, and of the French settlements thus far made therein. He then de- scribes the Huron country, and enumerates the tribes beyond it; and gives an account of the customs, clothing, characteristics, and government of the sav- ages among whom he had labored during four years. In the main, these chapters traverse the same ground as do the Huron Relations of 1636 and 1639 (Vols. Xs; VEE).
Sahel Cd be
Manpison, WIs., January, 1899.
LXXXI (concluded)
RELATION OF 1651-52
PARIS: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 1653
The first seven chapters of the Re/atzon were given in Volume XXXVII.; we here present the remaining three chapters, thus concluding the document.
16 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
[92] CHAPITRE VIII.
DES BONNES DISPOSITIONS QU’ONT LES ABNAQUIOIS POUR LA FOY DE IESUS-CHRIST.
E P. Gabriel Druillettes nous donne dans fes Memoires quatre ou cing belles marques des riches difpofitions, & des grandes inclinations
qu’ont les peuples qu’il a vifitez, 4 la foy de Iefus- Chritt.
[93] La premiere eft tirée-de leur foy, qu ils oat conferuée, & qu’ils ont augmentée pendant trois ou quatre ans, quoy qu’ils n’ayent eu aucun maiftre, ny aucun Docteur pour cultiuer cette premiere graine, & cette premiere femence qu’il auoit iettée dans leurs coeurs, comme en paffant, & fort 4 la hafte. Cette foy leur fait croire que celuy qui fe plaift dans les ames fimples, les auoit extraordinairement fortifiez dans leurs tentations, & qu’il les auoit gueris mira- culeufement de plufieurs maladies.
Ceux que j’auois initruits fort legerement, dit le Pere, ne faifant encore que begayer en leur langue, ont recité conftamment tous les iours les prieres que ie leur auois enfeignées. Ceux que j’auois baptifez en des maladies que ie croyois mortelles, n’ofant pas dans ma premiere vifite confier ce Sacrement a ceux qui iouyffoient d’vne pleine fanté: ceux-la, dis-je, publioient par tout, que le Baptefme leur auoit donné la vie; & comme ils auoient appris qu’il falloit con- feffer les pechez ott l’on tomboit apres la reception de ces eaux falutaires, ils n’attédoiét pas qu’ils
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 17
[92] CHAPTER VIII.
OF THE GOOD DISPOSITION SHOWN BY THE ABNAQUIOIS TOWARD THE FAITH OF JESUS CHRIST.
ATHER Gabriel Druillettes gives us, in his Memoirs, four or five beautiful proofs of the abundant disposition and cordial inclination
felt for the faith of Jesus Christ by the peoples whom he has visited.
[93] The first is drawn from their faith, which they have preserved and increased for three or four years, although they have had no master or Teacher to cul- tivate that first germ and seed which he had sown in their hearts in passing, so to speak, and very hastily. That faith made them believe that he who takes pleasure in simple souls had, in an extraordinary manner, strengthened them in their temptations, and had miraculously cured them of many diseases.
‘“’Those whom I had instructed very cursorily,” says the Father, ‘‘ who at that time could only stam- mer in their own language, have recited every day, without fail, the prayers that I had taught them. Those whom I had baptized in cases of sickness that I thought mortal,—not daring, on my first visit, to administer this Sacrament to those who were enjoy- ing perfect health,—those persons, I say, proclaimed everywhere that Baptism had given them life. And, as they had learned that one must confess the sins into which he fell after receiving those waters of salvation, they did not wait until they were on their
18 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES VoL. 38
fuffent a2 genoux aux pieds du [94] Preftre; ils f’en accufoient tout haut, demandans qu’on les punift pour des fautes bien legeres.
L’vn d’eux guary affez foudainement f’efcrioit: Ie marchois comme les beftes 4 quatre pieds, ie ne pouuois me tenir debout: & auffi toft que j’ay receu le Baptefme, j’ay couru & chaffé comme les autres. Les peres & les meres me venoient prefenter leurs petits enfans, que j’auois regenerez dans les eaux du Baptefme, croyant qu’ils eftoient prefts d’expirer: Voila (me difoient-ils) celuy que tu as refufcité par ces eaux importantes que tu as verfées fur leurs teftes.
Quelques-vns m’entretenoient iufques a minuict, me rendans vn compte fort naif de leur confcience: Ils me racontoient les attaques que les Iongleurs leur auoient bien fouuent liurées a 1’occafion de leurs maladies, les voulans penfer a leur mode, par des cris & par des heurlemens, & par des inuocations du Demon. Ils ont efté caufe (difoient-ils) que nous auons redoublez nos prieres, dem[an]dans a4 Dieu la fanté de nos malades, afin qu’on ne nous preffaft point de les mettre entre les mains de ces lIongleurs, & fouuent [95] nous auons efté exaucez fur le champ. Apres auoir dit a celuy qui a tout fait, ce que nous fcauions, & ce qui nous venoit au coeur, nous adjouftions ces paroles: Tu connois nos cceurs, nous voulons faire pour le bien des malades, ce que fait le Patriarche; nous te: difons, ce qu'il te dit, tu le fgais, nous ne le fgauons pas: regarde ce qu’il fait, & ce qu'il te dit, c’eft cela que nous voulons faire, & que nous te voulons dire.
I’ay rencontré vn vieillard, aagé a peu pres de cent ans, ie l’auois baptizé dés l’an 1647. le croyant
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 19
knees at the [94] Priest’s feet; they accused them- selves aloud, asking to be punished for very light offenses.
‘“One of them, who had been cured rather sud- denly, cried out: ‘1 was walking like the four-footed animals and could not stand upright; but, as soon as I received Baptism, I ran and hunted like the rest.’ Fathers and mothers came to present to me their little children, whom I had regenerated in the waters of Baptism when I thought them at the point of death. ‘Behold’ (they would say to me), ‘the one whom thou hast restored to life by those important waters which thou didst pour upon its head.’
‘“Some talked with me until midnight, rendering me a very ingenuous account of their consciences. They told me about the attacks very often made upon them, on the occasion of their ailments, by the Jugglers who wished to attend them in their fash- ion,— with cries, and howls, and invocations of the Demon. ‘They were the cause’ (said they) ‘ of our redoubling our prayers, asking God for the cure of our diseases, in order that we might not be urged to. put them into the hands of those Jugglers; and often [95] our petitions were immediately granted. After saying to him who made all things what we knew and what our hearts prompted, we used to add these words: ‘‘ Thou knowest our hearts: we wish to do for the good of the sick what the Patriarch does; we say to thee what he says to thee; thou knowest it, we do not. Dothou give heed to what he does and what he says to thee; that is what we would do and would say to thee.”’’
‘“] met an old man, almost a hundred years of age, whom I had baptized in the year 1647, believing him
nommay Simeon, receut la vie du corps & de l’ame fi foudainement, apres trois ou quatre ans de langueur dans vne extreme vieilleffe, qu’il caufa de l’eftonnement 4 tous fes compatriotes. Vous fg¢auez bien, leur difoit il, que j’eftois mort deuant mon baptefme, ie ne viuois plus, ie ne pouuois me remuer, & deux iours apres on me vid en fanté. I’ay tué cet hyuer quatre Orignaux, que j’ay attrapez a la cou[r]fe: I’ay affommé deux Ours, & mis a mort quantité de Chevreux. Ie penfe inceflamment 4 celuy qui a tout fait: Ie parle fouuent a Iefus, [96] il me fortifie, il me confole, ie fuis demeuré feul de ma famille, j’ay veu mourir mon fils, & ma femme, & mes petits nepveux: j’en ay reflenty quelque dou- leur au commencement, mais fi toft que ie me fuis mis en prieres, mon cceur a efté confolé, fgachant que ceux qui croyent, & qui font baptizez, vont en Para- dis. I’ay remercié celuy quia tout fait, de ce qu’ils eftoient morts Chreftiens, & ie fens vne ioye dans mon ame, de ce que ie les verray bien to{ft dans le Ciel. Quand mon cceur fe veut égarer dans la trifteffe, ie me mets & genoux deuant Dieu, & la priere me fait retrouuer mon coeur.
Vn autre encore plus aagé, eft fi fort adonné a l’oraifon, qu’il paffe vne partie de la nuict f{’entrete- nant tout feul auec Dieu, pendant que les autres prennent leur repos. Eftant couché dans fa cabane, j’entendis vne fois qu'il fe leuoit 4 la dérobée, les tenebres le déroboient de mes yeux, mais non pas de mes oreilles. Il commenga fon oraifon par les prieres que ie luy auois enfeignées, il en adjoufta d’autres fi A propos, & forma des actes fi amoureux, qu’ils me rauirent: Il tafchoit de parler bien bas, &
es |. Uh
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 21
tosbe “on the) brink.ot theserave.. This: good Neophyte, whom I named Simeon, was so suddenly revived in body and soul, after three or four years of weakness, in an extreme old age, that he caused astonishment to all his fellow-countrymen. ‘ You well know,’ he would say to them, ‘that, before my baptism, I was dead——_I had ceased to live, I could not move; and, two days later, | was seen to bein health. This winter, I have killed four Moose which I hunted down; I have slain two Bears, and put to death a good many small Deer. I think unceasingly of him who made all things; I often speak to Jesus, [96] and he strengthens and comforts me. Iam the only one left of my family, having seen my son, my wife, and my little nephews die. At first, I felt some sorrow at these deaths; but, as soon as I had begun to pray, my heart was consoled, knowing as I did that they who believe and are baptized go to Para- dise. I thanked him who made all things that they had died Christians, and I feel a joy in my heart at the prospect of seeing them soon in Heaven. When my heart is inclined to lose itself in sadness, I kneel before God, and prayer makes me find my heart again.’
‘“ Another man, still older, is so greatly given to prayer that he spends a part of the night in private intercourse with God, while the others are taking their rest. On one occasion, when I had lain down to sleep in his cabin, I heard him get up stealthily, hidden by the darkness from my eyes, but not from my ears. He began his orisons with the prayers that I had taught him, adding others so appropriate, and rendering acts of devotion so tender, that they delighted me. He tried to speak in a very low tone,
22 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
moy de l'efcouter bié [97] fort attentiunemét. Ses gés me dirent que Dieu exaugoit fouuét les prieres qu’il faifoit pour des malades, ou pour d’autres fujets. Tay remarqué cy deffus, qu’vne partie de ceux que le Pere auoit baptizez, dans 1’extrémité de leurs maladies, retournans apres en fanté, attribuoient cette faueur 4 leurs Baptefmes. Ceux qui font morts, adjoute le Pere, n’eftoient pas moins auan- tagés, ils publioient par leurs actions ce que les autres prefchoient par leurs paroles. Premieremét ils rebutoient tous ceux, qui leur parloient de faire venir leurs medecins, ou leurs Iongleurs, pour les fouffler, & pour chanter fur eux, & pour battre leur tambours afin de chaffer le Demon, comme ils difent qui leur veut ofter la vie.
En fecond lieu ils faifoient paroiftre fur leur vifage, & par leurs difcours; qu’ils partoient de ce monde, pour aller au Ciel, auec tant de paix, & tant de ioie, que non feulement ils empefchoient les pleurs, & les lamentations de leurs parens, mais ils leur donnoient en outre vn ardent defir de fe faire inftruire en la foy de Iefus-Chri{ft, pour jouir d’vne fi douce mort.
Quelques femmes bien agées, malades [98] depuis deux ans, ne pouuant empefcher que les longleurs du pays inuités par leurs parens, n’appliquaffent fur elles leurs fuper{titions, demandoient 4 Dieu pendant leurs hurlemens, qu’il luy pleut de confondre leur Demon: en effet, elles fe trouuoient plus mal apres ces tintamarres, & lors que ces beaux Medecins les abandonnoient, comme des perfonnes qui auoient defia vn pied dans le pays des morts, ces bonnes ames demandant la vie, & la fanté 4 noftre Seigneur, la recouuroient foudainement a la veué de ces Iongleurs.
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 23
and I to listen very [97] attentively to him. His people told me that God often answered the prayers that he offered in behalf of sick persons, or for other purposes.’’ I have noted in this connection that a part of those whom the Father had baptized in the extremity of their illness, upon being restored after- ward to health, ascribed that favor to their Baptism. ‘* Those who died,’’ adds the Father, ‘‘ were not less benefited; and they published by their deeds what the others preached by their words. In the first place, they repulsed all those who spoke to them about summoning their physicians, or Jugglers, to blow upon them, and sing over them, and beat their drums, in order to drive away the Demon, as they say, who wishes to take away their lives.
‘“In the second place, they made it manifest in their faces and by their conversation that they were leaving this world, to go to Heaven, with so much peace and joy that not only did they check the tears and lamentations of their relatives, but they also gave them an ardent desire to be themselves instructed in the faith of Jesus Christ, in order to enjoy so easy a death.
‘“Some very aged women, who had been ill [98] for two years, not being able to prevent the Jugglers of the country, who had been summoned by the rela- tives, from practicing their superstitions over them, asked God, during their howling, to be pleased to confound their Demon. In fact, they found them- selves worse after this uproar; and when these fine Physicians were giving them up, as persons having already one foot in the land of the dead, those good souls asked our Lord for life and health, which they
24 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
Quantité de ces bonnes gens (pourfuit le Pere) m’ont affuré, que leurs enfans morts incontinent apres le Baptefme, leur auoiét parus venir du Ciel, pour les encourager a embraffer les verités Chre- {tiennes. Cette veué, difoient-ils, nous combloit d’vne ioye que nous ne pouuons exprimer, & quel- ques-vns de nous eftans malades guerifoient quafi tout acoup. Ces pauures Neophytes, me menoient fur le tombeau de ces petits Anges, pour me faire remercier Dieu de les auoir pris pour fes enfans. La les meres me dechargeoient leur coeur, me racomptans les recours qu’elles auoient eu a Dieu, & le fecours [99] qu’il leur auoit donné. Nous eftions inconfolable deuant qu’on nous eut parlé du Paradis, nous pleurions tous les matins & tous les foirs la mort de nos moindres parens, mon cceur eft mainte- nant tout changé, il ne reffent plus ces angoiffes, mefme a la mort de mon mary, & de mes enfans; mes yeux iettent bien quelques larmes, au commance- ment, mais auffi toft que ie viens 4 penfer que leurs ames font au Ciel auec Dieu, ou quelles y entreront bien toft, ie fens vne ioie dans mon ame, & toute ma penfée n’eft que de le prier, qu’il les mette bien toft auec luy. Que fi le Demon veut par fois me ietter dans la trifteffe, comme fi i’auois perdu ceux que i’aymois, I’ay auffi toft recours a celuy qui a tout fait, lequel me fait connoiftre que celuy qui eft auec luy, n’eft pas perdu.
Le fecond indice de l’amour qu’ont ces peuples pour Iefus-Chrift, & pour fa doctrine, eft fondée fur leur ferueur, & fur quelques actions tref-remarqua- bles, pour des hommes conceus au milieu de la Barbarie, l’ardeur eftoit fi grande pour retenir les prieres, ott les verités que ie leur enfeignois, dit le
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 25
suddenly recovered before the eyes of these Jug- glers.
‘“Many of these good people’’ (continues the Father) “‘ have assured me that their children, dying immediately after Baptism, had appeared to come down to them from Heaven, to encourage them to embrace the truths of Christianity. ‘The sight of them,’ they would say, ‘overwhelmed us with a joy that we cannot express; and some of us who were ill were almost immediately cured.’ Those poor Neo- phytes conducted me to the grave of these little Angels, for the purpose of having me thank God for having received them as his children. There the mothers unburdened their hearts to me, telling me how they had had recourse to God and [gg] he had given them aid. ‘ We were inconsolable, before we were told about Paradise; we used to mourn the death of even the most distant of our relatives, every morning and evening. My heart is now wholly changed, and no longer feels that anguish, even at the deaths of my husband and my children. My eyes, indeed, shed some tears at first; but as soon as I come to think that their souls are in Heaven with God, or that they will soon be there, I feel a joy in my soul, and all my thought is to pray that he will soon take them to himself. But if, at times, the Demon wishes to make me sad, as if I had lost those that I loved, I immediately have recourse to him who made all things, and he makes me know that one who is with him is not lost.’”’
The second proof of the love felt by these peoples for Jesus Christ and his doctrine is based on their fervor, and on some acts that are very remarkable for people conceived in the midst of Barbarism. ‘‘ Their
26 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou. 38
Pere, qu’ils paffoient les [100] nuicts a repeter leurs lecgons: les vieillards fe rendoient efcolier[s] de leurs petits enfans: les Catechumenes tres-peu verfez en no{tre fcience, eftoient contraints de faire les Docteurs. Quelques-vns efcriuoient leurs lecons a leur mode, ils fe feruoient d’vn petit charbon pour vne plume, & d’une efcorce au lieu de papier. Leurs characteres eftoient nouueaux, & fi particuliers, qu[e] l’vn ne pouuoit connoiftre, ny entendre l’efcriture de l’autre: c’eft a dire, qu’ils fe feruoient de certaines marques felon leurs idées, comme d’vne memoire locale, pour fe fouuenir des points, & des articles, & desmaximes qu’ils auoient retenués. Ils emportoient ce papier auec eux pour eftudier leur lecon dans le repos de la nuict. La ialoufie & l’emulation fe met- toit parmy eux, les petits combattoient auec les plus grands, a qui auroit pluftof{t appris les prieres; & ceux aqui ie ne pouuois pas donner tout le temps quils me demandoient, m’en faifoient des reproches.
Mais il me femble que les Anges prenoient fur tout vn grand plaifir de voir l’ardeur & le courage des plus petits enfans: Ils couroient tous apres moy pour [101] eftre inf{truits: Ils venoient aux prieres tous les foirs & tous les matins: Ils ioignoient leurs petites mains, ils fe mettoient 4 genoux, ils pronon- coient apres moy fort pofément ce que ie leur faifois dire, ils continuoient tous les iours cet exercice, de leur propre mouuement, ou pluftoft par le mouuement de celuy qui commanda aux Apoftres de les laiffer approcher de fa perfonne, puis que le royaume des Cieux leur appartient.
La troifiefme marque confifte en l’amour qu’ils ont pour leur Pere & pour leur Patriarches. Les Sau- uages, qui pour l’ordinaire font affez froids dans leurs
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ardor was so great,’’ says the Father, ‘‘ for retaining the prayers or the truths that I taught them, that they spent the [100] nights in repeating their les- sons. The old men became pupils to their little children. The Catechumens, very little versed in our science, were forced to play the Doctor. Some would write their lessons after a fashion of their own, using a bit of charcoal for a pen, and a piece of bark instead of paper. Their characters were new, and so peculiar that one could not recognize or under- stand the writing of another,—that is to say, they used certain signs corresponding to their ideas; as it were, a local reminder, for recalling points and articles and maxims which they had retained. They carried away these papers with them, to study their lessons in the quiet of the night. Jealousy and emulation sprang up among them: the little ones vied with the older ones who should soonest learn his prayers; and those to whom I could not give all the time they asked me for, reproached me therefor.
‘But it seems to me the Angels took especially great pleasure in seeing the ardor and spirit of the smallest children: they all ran after me to [101] be instructed; they came to prayers every morning and evening; they clasped their little hands, knelt down, and pronounced after me very sedately what I made them say; and they continued this exercise every day, of their own impulse, or, rather, by the impulse of him who bade the Apostles to let them come unto him, since theirs is the kingdom of Heaven.”’
The third proof is found in the love they feel for their Father and Patriarch. The Savages, who are commonly rather cold in their passions, have very often made him feel the warmth of their affection.
28 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
paffions, luy ont fait bien fouuent reffentir la chaleur de leur affection. Ils 1’honoroient dans leurs feftins, du mets qu’ils donnent ordinairement 4 leurs Capi- taines. S’il faifoit voyage auec eux, on choififfoit le meilleur Canot, on luy prefentoit la place la plus commode; & f’il vouloit manier l’auiron, ils luy arrachoient des mains, difans que fon occupation e{toit de prier Dieu. Prie pour nous, & nous rame- rons pour toy, difoient-ils. Aux endroits ot il falloit porter leur petit Nauire, & tout leur bagage, pour paffer [102] d’vn fleuue 4 vn autre, ou pour éuiter des precipices, & des cheutes d’eau, ils portoient fon lid, fon manteau, & bien fouuent fa maifon, & tout cela confiftoit en vne couuerture, ou vne caftelongne, qui luy feruoit 4 tous ces vfages. Or comme il fe chargeoit toujours de fa Chappeile, quelques-vns le prioient de la mettre fur les facs, ou fur les pacquets qu’ils portoient fur leurs efpaules, difans que ce petit fardeau de Iefus foulageoit la pefanteur de leur charge. Quelques-vns, pour l’obliger 4 demeurer toujours parmy eux, f’offrirent de luy défricher de la terre, & de luy donner des champs pour les faire cultiuer.
Si quelqu’vn moins affectionné a noftre creance, laiffoit efchaper quelque parole contre le Patriarche, il eftoit auffi toft releué. Voicy vn exemple bien remarquable pour des Sauuages. Le Pere eftant en vne bourgade affez voifine des habitations Angloifes, le valet d’vn Anglois fe trouua certain iour dans vne cabane, ot il inftruifoit fes bons Catechumenes. Cet homme, ou par malice, ou pource qu'il n’entendoit pas bien la langue du pays, rapporta par apres 4 fon maiftre, que le [103] Pere auoit parlé contre les Anglois; ce qui n’eftoit pas veritable. Ces braues
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They honored him at their feasts with the viands that they ordinarily give to their Captains. If he went on a journey with them, the best Canoe was chosen, and he was given the most comfortable seat; and if he wished to ply the paddle, they snatched it out of his hands, saying that his occupation was to pray to God. “‘ Pray for us and we will paddle for thee,’’ they would say. In the places where it was necessary to carry their little Boat and all their bag- gage, in order to pass [102] from one river to another, or to avoid steep descents and waterfalls, they would carry his bed, his cloak, and very often his house,— all that consisting of a covering, or blanket, which served him for all these uses. Now, as he always loaded himself with his Chapel, some begged him to put it on the sacks or packets which they bore on their shoulders, saying that this little burden for Jesus lightened the weight of their load. Some, in order to oblige him to remain always among them, offered to clear some land for him, and to give him some fields to have tilled.
If any one not well-disposed toward our faith let fall some word against the Patriarch, he was imme- diately checked. Here is an example, which is very remarkable for Savages. When the Father was in a village quite near the English settlements, an Englishman’s servant chanced to be present one day in a cabin where the Father was instructing his good Catechumens. This man—either from malice, or because he did not understand the language of the country very well—reported to his master afterward that the [103] Father had spoken against the English, which was not true. These worthy Neophytes, learning that this master was offended at that,
30 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES {Vou. 38
Neophytes apprenans que ce mai{tre f’en formalifoit, fe tranfporterent en fa maifon, & luy tinrent ce lan- gage: Nous entendons mieux noftre langue que ton feruiteur: nous eftions proches du Patriarche quand il parloit, nous l’efcoutions attentiuement, toutes fes paroles font venués droit dans nos oreilles, fois affeuré qu'il n’a iamais dit aucun mal de vous autres. II nous enfeigne que celuy qui a tout fait, hait, & con- damne, & punit le menfonge, puifque nous voulons receuoir fa loy, & luy rendre obeyffance, prends ces penfées dans ton coeur. Ces gens-la ne mentent point. Au refte, il eft bon que vous f¢achiez que le Pere eft maintenant de noftre nation, que nous l’auons adopté pour noftre compatriote, que nous le confi- derons, & nous l’aimons comme le plus fage de nos Capitaines, & nous le refpectons comme 1l’ Ambaffa- deur de Iefus, auquel nous nous voulons donner entierement, & par confequent quiconque l’attaque, attaque tous les Abnaquiois. Le Capitaine qui pro- nonga cette petite harangue, le fit d’vn fi bon accent, que les [104] principaux Anglois, qui demeurent fur la riuiere de Kenebek, l’ayant ouye, firent venir le Pere, & le prierent par la bouche d’vn Anglois venu depuis peu de Bofton, lequel parloit fort bon Fran- cois, d’oublier tout ce qui f’eftoit paffé, l’affeurans qu’ils n’auoient plus aucune creance aux faux rap- ports d’vn valet eftourdy: Qu’ils voyoient bien que tous les Sauuages l’aimoient, qu’ils auoient de grands re{pects pour luy, qu’eux-mefmes ]’ honoroient comme vn Miniftre du fainct Euangile: que la confiance que ces peuples auoient en luy, nourriroit la bonne intelligence entre les Francois, les Anglois, & les Sauuages de ces contrées; & 1a deffus parurent les
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repaired to his house and addressed him as follows: ‘‘ We understand our language better than thy serv- ant does. Wewere near the Patriarch when he was speaking; we listened attentively, and all his words came directly into our ears. Be assured, he has never said any ill of you people. He teaches us that he who made all things hates and condemns and punishes lying; and as we wish to receive his law, and render him obedience, take these thoughts to thy heart,—those people yonder do not le. And, furthermore, it is well for you to know that the Fa- ther is now one of our nation; that we have adopted him for our fellow-countryman; that we pay him consideration and love, as the wisest of our Captains, and respect him as the Ambassador of Jesus, to whom we wish to give ourselves entirely; and, consequent- ly, whoever attacks him, attacks all the Abnaquiois.’”’ The Captain who delivered this little harangue uttered it so emphatically that the [104] principal Englishmen dwelling on the river Kenebek, having heard him, had the Father come to them, and begged him — through the mouth of an Englishman recently arrived from Boston, who spoke very good French — to forget all that had passed, assuring him that they gave no further credence to the false reports of a thoughtless servant. They added that they clearly saw that all the Savages loved him, and had great respect for him; that they themselves honored him as a Minister of the holy Gospel; and that the confidence which these people had in him would foster a good understanding between the French, the English, and the Savages of those regions. And thereupon ap- peared bottles and cups, and the Father’s health was generously drunk; and, as they were from different
32 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
bouteilles & les taffes, & lon beut largement A la fanté du Pere. Et comme ils eftoient de diuers endroits, chacun prioit le Pere de luy donner vne vifite en fon habitation, l’affeurant qu’il y feroit tou- jours receu auec honneur. En effect, autant de fois que le Pere nauigeant fur le fleuue de Kenebec, ot ils habitent, les alloit faliier, ils le receuoient auec des témoignages d’vne fenfible bienueillance; & depuis ce temps-la, ils ont toujours parlé de luy fort auantageufement aux Sauuages.
[105] Ceux de Waranchouak, qui font de tout temps les plus confiderables de cette contrée, & qui ont de grandes alliances auec plufieurs nations de la nou- uelle Angleterre, voulans donner des preuues de l'amour quils portoient 4 leur Patriarche, & a fa doctrine, l’ont publiquement dans vne grande affem- blée, naturalifé, & incorporé a leur Nation. Le Capitaine Oumamanradok qui harangua, dit haute- ment, que le Patriarche eftoit non feulement leur mai{tre en la foy, mais qu’il eftoit encore la meil- leure tefte du pays pour parler, & pour determiner de leurs affaires; & qu’encore qu'il y euft long-temps qu'il regardaft le Soleil, qu’il n’eftoit neantmoins qu’vn enfant: que le Patriarche eftoit vn vieillard tout remply de fageffe: cet homme eft le meilleur cerueau de tous les Abnaquiois, & le plus affectionné a noftre creance.
La quatrie{me preuue des affections qu’ont ces peuples pour Iefus-Chrift, eft tirée de leurs actions. Capit lefus facere, & docere: lefus commenga d’operer noitre falut par fes actions, & puis par fes documens. Il ne veut pas que tous ceux qui luy appartiennent, foient des Docteurs, [106] mais il les veut tous
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places, each one begged the Father to pay him a visit at his settlement, assuring him that he would always be received there with honor. Indeed, whenever the Father, in his journeys on the Kenebec river, where they dwell, went to greet them, they received him with marks of cordial good-will; and, since that time, they have always spoken of him to the Savages in very complimentary terms.
[105] The people of Naranchouak,—who are at all times the most influential of this region, and have strong alliances with several nations of new Eng- land,— wishing to give proofs of the love that they bore to their Patriarch and his doctrine, publicly naturalized him ina great assembly and received him into their Nation. Captain Oumamanradok, who made the harangue, declared openly that the Patriarch was not only their master in the faith, but that he was also the best head in the country for speaking, and for giving decisions in their affairs; and that, al- though he himself had been looking at the Sun fora long time, he was nevertheless only a child, while the Patriarch was an old man, full of wisdom. This man has the best intellect of all the Abnaquiois, and is the most devoted to our faith.
The fourth proof of these peoples’ love for Jesus Christ is drawn from their actions. Cwfzt Jesus facere et docere. Jesus began to accomplish our salvation by his deeds, and then by his teachings. He does not desire that all those who belong to him should be Doctors, [106] but he wishes them all to be obedi- ent. ‘‘ Thou dost bid us combat and resist the Demons that attack us’’ (they said to the Father). ‘‘ They are many in number, but their strength is
34 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vor. 38
obeyffans. Tu nous commandes (difoient-ils au Pere) de combattre, & de refifter aux Demons qui nous attaquent: Ils font en grand nombre, mais leurs forces diminuent de iour en iour, & noftre courage augmente.
Le Demon qui excite, & qui fomente les querelles & les inimitiez, eft banny d’entre nous: Tu n’en- tends point de bruit dans nos cabanes: Les femmes ne s’ecrient point les vnes les autres. La mort foudaine de 1’vn de nos Capitaines, en fuite d’vn different qu'il auoit eu auec le Capitaine de ceux qui habitent fur l’embouchure de noftre Riuiere, nous a fait croire que cet homme tenu pour vn grand Sorcier, l’auoit tué fecretement par fes fortileges: Noftre coeur réueilloit déja les anciennes inimitiez que nous auons eués auec ces peuples, & nous eftions fur le point de nous couper la gorge, & de nous faire la guerre: mais tes paroles ont banny ce Demon. Tu es noftre Pere, fois auffi noftre Arbitre: Parle dans nos confeils, tu feras efcouté; nous remettrons toujours nos differens entre tes mains; nous voyons - bien que tu nous aimes, fouffrant, & ieufnant, & priant iour & nuict pour nous autres.
[107] Pour le Demon de l’yurongnerie que tu auois chaffé de nos cabanes en ton premier voyage, les Anglois l’ont ramené fi toft que tu nous a quittez, mais il faut maintenant l’exterminer pour vn iamais: car il nous ofte la vie, il nous caufe des meutres, il nous fait perdre l’efprit, nous rendans femblables a des enragez. Allons prefentement trouver le Commis des Anglois, & luy tenons ce difcours: Toy Commis de Pleimot & de Bofton, peins nos paroles fur le papier, & les enuoye a ceux de qui tu dépends,
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diminishing from day to day, and our courage is increasing.
‘“The Demon that excites and foments quarrels and enmities is banished from among us: thou hear- est no noise in our cabins, and the women do not scold one another. The sudden death of one of our Captains, following upon a quarrel that he had had with the Captain of the people living at the mouth of our River, made us believe that that man, who is regarded as a great Sorcerer, had killed him secretly by means of his sorcery. Our hearts were already arousing the old-time hatred that we had had for those peoples, and we were on the point of cutting one another’s throats and making war on one an- other; but thy words banished that Demon. Thou art our Father; be also our Umpire. Speak in our councils; thou shalt be heard. We will always refer our disputes to thee. We see well that thou lovest us, suffering and fasting and praying for us as thou dost, day and night.
[107] ‘‘ As for the Demon of drunkenness that thou hadst driven out of our cabins, on thy first journey, the English brought it back as soon as thou didst leave us; but it must now be exterminated forever, for it deprives us of our lives, causes murders among us, and makes us lose our wits, rendering us like madmen. Let us go this moment and find the Deputy of the English,! and speak to him as follows: ‘Thou Deputy of Pleimot and Boston, paint our words on paper, and send them to those on whom thou art dependent; and say to them that all the allied Savages dwelling on the river Kenebek hate fire-water,’’’ or brandy, as much as they hate the Hiroquois; and that if they have any more of it
ee
36 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Not. 38
& leur dis que tous les Sauuages alliez, qui demeurent fur le fleuue de Kenebek, haiffent autant la boiffon de feu, ou 1l’eau de vie, cdme ils haiffent les Hiroquois; & que fils en font encore apporter pour en vendre aux Sauuages, qu’ils croiront que les Anglois les veulent exterminer. Peins ces paroles, & noftre Patriarche nous feruira d’Ambaffadeur, il les portera A vos Gouuerneurs, accompagné des principaux d’entre nous: & apres cette defenfe, fi quelqu’vn f’enyure en cachette, on le fera punir felon que noftre Pere en aura ordonné.
Le Demon qui nous donne de la crainte de nos Sorciers, & de la creance pour [108] nos Pythoneffes, qui deuinent les chofes futures, & qui connoiffent (a ce qu’elles difent) les chofes abfentes, ce Demon a perdu fon credit. Tes prieres, & celles des petits enfans, & le recours que nous auds a Dieu, nous font voir la vanité, & l’impuiffance de ces Iongleurs, & de leurs fortileges. Combien de fois auons-nous veu des perfonnes aux abois, que nous croyés enforcelées, reuenir en fanté, ayant prié celuy qui eft le maiftre de tous les Demos? I1 eft vray que tous les Sorciers auoiient maintenant leur foibleffe, & le pouuoir de Iefus. Quelques-vns mefme inuitent le Pere en leurs cabanes, & le traitent fort honorablement. Le plus remarquable, & le plus redouté d’entr’eux, nommé Avanbinau, qui autrefois auoit leué la hache {ur le Pere pour l’affommer, l’ayant trouué catechi- {ant vn fien neveu, f’eft rendu fi docile aux paroles du Pere, qu’il fait maintenant profeffion de l’auoir pour amy intime.
Quant au Demon (difoient-ils) qui nous a fait aimer la polygamie, il eft fort décrié parmy nous, puifque
><. ee ee
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 37
brought hither to sell to the Savages, the latter will believe that the English wish to exterminate them. Paint these words; and our Patriarch will act as our Ambassador, and will carry them to your Governors, accompanied by our chief men; and, after that prohibition, if any one gets drunk in secret, he shall be punished according as our Father shall decree.’
‘‘The Demon who gives us fear of our Sorcerers and faith in [108] our Pythonesses,’’ who divine future events and have knowledge (according to their own account) of things absent, ‘‘ this Demon has lost his credit. Thy prayers, and those of the little chil- dren, and the recourse that we have to God, make us see the vanity and powerlessness of those Jugglers and of their sorcery. How many times have we seen persons in the last extremity, whom we thought be- witched, restored to health upon praying to him who is the master of all the Demons!”’ It is true that all the Sorcerers now acknowledge their weakness, and the power of Jesus, some even inviting the Father into their cabins, and treating him with high honor. The most noted and the most feared of their num- ber, named Avanbinau,—who had, in time past, raised his hatchet against the Father to kill him, upon finding him catechizing a nephew of his,— has shown himself so docile to the Father’s words that he now makes profession of having him as an inti- mate friend.
‘“ As to the Demon that makes us love polygamy ’ (they said), ‘‘ he isin great discredit among us, inas- much as we see clearly the inconveniences and dis- orders which arise from a plurality of wives. [109] He who claims to have been elected Captain in this village will never be Captain if he does not give up
’
38 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou. 38
nous voyons bien les inconueniens & les defordres qui prouiennent de la pluralité des femmes. [109] Celuy qui dans cette bourgade pretend d’eftre éleu Capitaine, ne le fera iamais, f’il ne quite l’vne de fes deux femmes; & quand qtielqu’vn ne voudroit pas auoir de l’efprit, cela n’empefcheroit pas que les autres ne fe fiffent Chreftiens. Ils adjotiterent en fuite de ces difcours apoftrofans le Pere.
Prends donc courage, demeure auec nous, puifque nous fommes prefts de t’obeyr. Tu es noftre compatriote; nous fommes tous de mefme nation. Tues no{tre maiftre; nousfommestes difciples. Tu es noftre pere; nous fommes tes enfans, ne nous abandonne pas a la furie des Demons. Ne croy pas quils foient allez bien loing: ils nous viendront efgorger fi toft que tu feras party: deliure-toy, & nous auffi, de la peine de tant de voyages, & fi longs, & fi fafcheux, qu’on ne fcauroit rien porter auec foy, ce qui nous met fouuent en danger de mourir de faim. Nous fommes tefmoins que les principaux Anglois de ces contrées te refpectent. Les Patri- arches de l’Acadie nous ont dit qu’ils t’auoient efcrit, que tu pouuois reuenir en noftre pays quand tu voudrois. Que deuiendront ceux qui mourront fans baptefme, [110] ou fans confeffion en ton abfence? Ie vous aduoiie, dit le Pere, qu’ils m’attendrirent, & fi ie n’euffe creu que Dieu me r’appelloit 4 Kebec par la voix de mon Superieur qui me mandoit, les trauaux les plus horribles ne m’auroient iamais arra- ché du pays de ceux que j’aime plus que moy-mefme.
La derniere marque de la bonté de ces peuples pour la foy, eft leur efprit defintereffé. Les Sauuages Hurons & les Algonquins peuuent attendre quelque
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one of his two wives; and even if some one person should fail to have sense, that would not prevent the rest from becoming Christians.’’ Then they added the following address to the Father:
‘“ Take heart, then, and stay with us, since we are ready to obey thee. Thou art our fellow-country- man; we are of the same nation. Thou art our master; we are thy disciples. Thou art our father, and we thy children; do not abandon us to the fury of the Demons. Think not that they have gone far away; they will come and cut our throats as soon as thou leavest us. Deliver thyself, and us too, from the trouble of so many journeys, which are so long and so difficult that one can carry nothing with him — which often exposes us to the danger of dying from hunger. We are witnesses that the principal Englishmen of these regions respect thee. The Patriarchs of Acadia have told us that they had writ- ten thee that thou couldst return to our country whenever thou shouldst choose.” What will become of those that shall die without baptism [110] or with- out confession, in thine absence?’’ ‘‘I confess to you,’’ says the Father, ‘‘ they touched me; and if I had not believed that God was recalling me to Kebec by the voice of my Superior who was summoning me, the most frightful labors would never have torn me from the country of those whom I love more than myself.’’
The last proof of these peoples’ favorable attitude toward the faith is their disinterested spirit. The Huron and Algonquin Savages can expect some help from our Fathers and, through their mediation, from the French; but the Abnaquiois can claim from us only their instruction, pure and simple. They seein
40 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vo1. 38
fecours de nos Peres, & par leur entremife, des Fra- ¢ois: mais les Abnaquiois ne peuuent pretendre de nous que leur inftruction toute pure; ils voyent parmy eux vn Pere & fon compagnon dans la neceffité de toutes chofes, n’ayant pour maifon que leurs cabanes d’efcorce, pour leur lict que la terre, pour leur nourriture que leurs falmigondis. Ils n’atten- dent aucune grace des Anglois, par la faueur des Iefuites: Ils n’ont point la penfée de venir en mar- chandife 4 Kebec, leur ayant efté declaré dés l’an 1646. qu’vn ou deux Canots fuffifoient, pour venir tous les ans renouueller les alliances qu’ils ont auec les nouueaux Chreftiens de fainct Iofeph. Si bien [111] qu’ils n’ont point d’efperance, ny pour le parti- culier, ny pour le public, de tirer aucune vtilité temporelle de la venué de nos Peres en leur pays. C’ei{t Dieu feul qui leur a donné la grace, & la force de perfeuerer fi long-temps dans des actions de pieté, fans maiftre, fans docteur, & fans guide. C’eft luy feul qui leur fait receuoir auec ardeur les enfeigne- mens qu’on leur donne: C’eft luy feul qui leur imprime au fond du coeur l’eftime & l’affection qu’ils ont pour leur Pere; c’eft luy feul qui les fait refifter fi fortement, & fi con{tamment aux Demons dont ie viens de parler, qui en verité paroiffoient infurmon- tables, en vn pays ot: il n’ya point de loix portées contre les Sorciers, ny contre l’yurongnerie, ny contre la polygamie, ny contre les inimitiez & les haines mortelles: Dieu eft leur feule & vnique loy. Or iugez maintenant, dit le Pere, fi on peut aban- donner ces peuples, 4 moins que d’abandonner Iefus- Chrift, qui prie fortement en leurs perfonnes, qu’on le tire du danger d’vn precipice eternel. Peut-on
1652 - 53] RELATION OF 1651-52 41
their midst a Father and his companion in need of all things, having for house only their bark cabins, for bed only the earth, for food only their own salma- gundis. They look for no favor from the English through the Jesuits’ mediation. They have no thought of coming to Kebec to trade, for they were notified in the year 1646 that one or two Canoes were enough for coming every year to renew the alliances which they have with the new Christians of saint Joseph. Consequently [111]they have no hope, either as individuals or as a people, of reaping any temporal advantage from the coming of our Fathers to their country. It is God alone who has given them the grace and strength to persevere so long in acts of piety, without master, without teacher, and without guide. It is he alone who makes them receive with ardor the teachings that are given them. It is he alone who plants deep in their hearts the esteem and affection which they have for their Father. It is he alone who makes them offer such strong and unceasing resistance to the Demons of whom I have just spoken, and who in truth ap- peared unconquerable in a country where there are no laws directed against Sorcerers, or against drunk- enness, or against polygamy, or against enmities and mortal hatreds. God is their sole and only law. ‘“ Now judge,’’ says the Father, ‘‘ whether one can forsake these peoples without forsaking Jesus Christ, who earnestly prays, in their persons, to be rescued from the danger of eternal destruction. Can one leave as prey to the Demons so many persons, and so many nations, each composed of ten or twelve thousand souls, without [112] having compassion on them? To leave them is to leave Jesus Christ; to
oe
42 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
laiffer en proye aux Demons tant de perfonnes, & tant de nations, compofées chacune de dix ou douze mille ames, fans en [112] auoir compaffion? Les quitter, c’eft quitter Iefus-Chrift: les abandonner, c’e{t abandonner celuy qui nous dit auffi bien qu’A fon Pere: Vt guid dereliquiftt me? Pourquoy m’aban- donnez-vous? Ces conquet{tes font dignes des Princes & des Roys Chreftiens: mais bien peu fe rendent dignes de recueillir ces palmes. On fe bat bien fouuent pour des rofeaux, & on mefprife les lauriers & les palmes.
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 43
forsake them is to forsake him who says to us, as well as to his Father: Ut guid dereliquisti me? ‘ Why hast thou forsaken me?’’’ These conquests are worthy of Christian Princes and Kings, but very few render themselves worthy of receiving such palms. People fight very often for reeds, and despise laurels and palms.
44 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
CHAPITRE IX. DE LA GUERRE DES HIROQUOIS.
NE lettre enuoyée des Trois Riuieres, nous four-
V nira vn Iournal, de ce qu’ont fait cette année les Hiroquois en ce nouueau monde. Les
voyes de Dieu ne font pas moins iuftes, pour eftre cachées. Il abbaiffe fouuent ceux qu’il veut exalter. Il enuoie vn homme chercher des Aneffes pour luy faire trouuer vn Royaume. II exerce vn berger A tourner vne fronde, pour luy donner la victoire d’vn Geant, les Hiroquois ont quafi iufques a prefent, fait plus de bien en la Nouuelle [113] France, qu’ils n’y ont fait de mal. Ils ont deliurés quantité d’ames des feux de l’Enfer, bruflans leurs corps d’'vn feu elemen- taire. Car il eft vray qu’ils ont conuertis quantité de perfonnes, & qu’ils font les inftrumés, dont Dieu f’e{t feruy pour tirer le doux de 1’amer, la vie de la mort, la gloire de l’ignominie, vne eternité de plaifir d’vn moment de fouffrances, rudes 4 la verité; mais recompenfées au centuple. Les Hurons eftans dans labbondance, & les Algonquins dans la profperité, fe rioient de l’Euangile. Ils vouloient maffacrer ceux qui la publioient en leur pais; ils les accufoiét d’eftre des forciers, qui leur faifoient perdre fecrete- ment la vie, qui gaftoient leurs bleds, qui caufoient les feicherefles, «les antemperies,de I’air, ais’ les tenoient pour des traitres qui auoient communication auec leurs ennemis pour vendre leur pais. Chofe
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 45
CHAPTER IX. OF THE WAR WITH THE HIROQUOIS.
LETTER sent from Three Rivers wili furnish A us a Journal of what the Hiroquois have
done during the past year in this new world. God’s ways are none the less just for being hidden. He often humbles those whom he intends to exalt. He sends aman in search of She-asses, in order to make him find a Kingdom. He trains a shepherd in the use of a sling, to give him the victory over a Giant. Up to the present time, the Hiroquois have done almost more good than harm in New [113] France. They have delivered many souls from the fires of Hell, while burning their bodies in an elemental fire. For it is true that they have converted many per- sons, and that they are the instruments which God has used for deriving the sweet from the bitter, life from death, glory from ignominy, an eternity of pleasure from a moment of suffering,— severe indeed, but recompensed a hundredfold. When the Hurons were in affluence, and the Algonquins in prosperity, they mocked at the Gospel, and tried to murder those who proclaimed it in their country,—accusing them of being sorcerers, who made them lose their lives by secret means, spoiled their grain, and caused drouths and inclement weather; and regarding them as traitors, who held communication with their enemies for the purpose of selling their country. A strange thing, but truly worthy of note, and showing
46 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vor. 38
etrange, mais a la verité tres-remarquable, & qui fait voir que Dieu fcait bien par ot il faut prendre les hommes, pour les attirer 4 fa connoiffance, & A fon amour! Si toft que les Hiroquois (vaincus pour l’ordinaire par nos Sauuages, deuant qu’on leur porta{t les bonnes nouuelles de 1’Euangile) [114] les eurent iettés dans le precipice ot ils font encor, ces pauures gens fe font venus rendre entre nos bras, demandans l’abry & le couuert, 4 ceux qu’ils tenoient pour des traitres: recherchans l’amitié de ceux qu’ils auoient voulu maffacrer, comme des Sorciers: preffans qu’on leur accordaft, la vie de l’ame, puis qu’ils perdoient celle ducorps: fouhaittans l’entrée du Ciel, puis qu’on les chaffoit de leurs terres. Et il me femble que ie peux dire, auec vne tres-grande appa- rence de la verité, que les Algonquins, & les Hurons, & quantité dautres Nations, que nous auons in{truites, ef{toient perdués, fi elles n’euffent efté perdués; & que la plus part de ceux qui font venus chercher le baptefme dans l’affliction, ne l’auroient iamais trouué dans la profperité, & que ceux qui ont rencdtré le Paradis das 1’Enfer de leurs tourmens, auroient trouué le veritable Enfer, dans leur Paradis terreftre. Difons donc que les Hiroquois ont rendu des hommes riches penfans les rendre pauures: qu’ils ont fait des faints, penfans faire des miferables: en vn mot, qu’on leur doit (fans toutefois qu’on leur en ait aucune obligation) la conuerfion, & la fanctification [115] de plufieursames. Mais il faut que ie confeffe, que s’ils ont fait du bien par cy-deuant, qu’ils paroiffent main- tenant a nos yeux comme des monitres, qui font prefts de nous engloutir. Qu’on perde les biens, qu’on perde la vie, qu’on foit tué, qu’on foit maffacré,
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 47
that God knows well how men must be taken, in order to draw them to a knowledge of himself and a love for him! Assoonas the Hiroquois (who, before the good news of the Gospel was carried to them, were, as a general rule, subdued by our Savages) [114] had cast them into the abyss where they still are, these poor people came to throw themselves into our arms,—asking shelter and protection from those whom they had regarded as traitors; seeking the friendship of those whom they had tried to murder as Sorcerers; urging that the life of the soul might be granted them, since they were losing that of the body; and desiring entrance into Heaven, since they were being driven out from their own lands. And, it seems to me, I can say, with a very great appear ance of truth, that the Algonquins, and the Hurons, and numerous other Nations whom we have in- structed, would have been lost if they had not been ruined; that the greater part of those who came in quest of baptism in affliction, would never have found it in prosperity; and that those who have found Paradise in the Hell of their torments, would have found the true Hell in their earthly Paradise. Let us say, then, that the Hiroquois have rendered men rich, thinking to make them poor; that they have made saints, thinking to make victims of wretched- ness; in a word, that we owe to them (without, how- ever, being ‘under. any obligation” to, them) the conversion and sanctification [115] of many souls. But I must confess that if they have done good, as indicated above, they appear now in our eyes like monsters ready to devour us. Let people lose their property, let them lose their lives, let them be killed, massacred, burnt, roasted, broiled, and eaten alive, —
48 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [{Vot. 38
qu’on foit bruflé, rofty, grillé & mangé tout vif, patience: iln’importe, pourueu que 1’ Euangile ait fon cours, & que Dieu foit connu, & les ames fauuées: on gagne plus ence trafic qu’on n’y perd. Mais que la porte du falut foit fermée aux nations plus peuplées qui habitent les riues de la mer douce des Hurons? Que les nouuelles Eglifes de Iefus-Chrift, fondées & e{tablies par la pieté de la France, foient ruinées, & tant de nouueaux Chreftiens liurez 4 la gueule de ces Lions? Que les ouuriers Euangeliques, & les Pafteurs de ce bercail foient bannis & chaffez d’aupres de leur troupeaux: C’eft ce qu’on appelle vn grand malheur, auquel neantmoins les hautes puifsaces peuuét aifé- mét remedier, nonob{tant les defordres de la France, caufez par des Hiroquois auffi barbares que ceux de l’Amerique: mais c’eft trop f’écarter de mon but, entrons en difcours.
[116] Le fixiefme de Mars de l’année derniere 1652. les Hiroquois, qui ont rodé tout le Printemps & tout VE{té al entour des habitations Francoifes, défirent vne Efcotiade de Hurons qui les alloient chercher bien loing, & qui les trouuerent bien pres fans y penfer. Ils eftoient en embufcade 4 la riuiere de la Magdelaine, fix lieu€és ou enuiron au deffus des trois Riuieres: Cette Efcoitiade commandée par vn nommé Toratati, tomba entre leurs mains, & fut entierement défaite.
Le 10. de May, le Pere lacques Buteux (comme il a e{té remarqué au premier Chap. de cette Relation) fut mis 4 mort auec vn Francois qui l’accompagnoit, nommé Fontarabie.
Le 13. du mefme mois, vne troupe d’Algonquins f'en allans au pays des Attikamegues, & paffans par
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patience! that matters not, so long as the Gospel takes its course, and God is known, and souls saved. The gain is greater than the loss in this traffic. But that the door of salvation should be closed to the more populous nations dwelling on the shores of the fresh-water sea of the Hurons; that the new Churches of Jesus Christ, founded and established by the piety of France, should be ruined, and so many new Chris- tians delivered to the jaws of these Lions; that the Gospel laborers and the Pastors of this fold should be banished and driven away from their flocks,— that is what may be called a great misfortune, which, however, the high mightinesses® can easily remedy, notwithstanding the disorders of France, caused by Hiroquois as barbarous as those of America. But that is straying too far from my goal; let us begin our narrative.
[116] On the sixth of March of last year, 1652, the Hiroquois, who prowled around the French settle- ments all the Spring and all the Summer, defeated a Squad of Hurons who were going in search of them at a great distance, and found them very near, with- out expecting it. They were in ambush at the river of la Magdelaine, six leagues, or thereabout, above three Rivers. That Squad, commanded by a man named TJoratati, fell into their hands and was entire- ly defeated.
On the 1oth of May, Father Jacques Buteux (as related in the first Chapter of this Relation) was put to death, with a Frenchman accompanying him, named Fontarabie.
On the 13th of the same month, a band of Algon- quins, on their way to the country of the Attika- megues, were surprised and defeated when they were
50 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES — [Nou. 38
le lieu ot: le Pere Buteux auoit efté maffacré, furent furpris, & défaits. Wn ieune homme ayant tué vn des Hiroquois qui les furprirent, fut au mefme lieu bruflé, & tourmenté d’vne fagon horrible.
Le 16. du mefme mois, les Algonquins des trois Riuieres ayans appris la défaite de leurs gens, f’en allerent attendre les [117] Hiroquois au paflage: mais ils tomberent dans les pieges qu’ils vouloient tendre a leurs ennemis, vne autre bande d’ Hiroquois cachée dans le Lac de S. Pierre, ot ils alloient dreffer leur embufche, les tailla en piece pour la plufpart.
Le mefme iour arriua 4 Montreal vn foldat Huron, de la compagnie de Toratati, qui f’eftoit fauué des mains des Hiroquois; il rapporta que ce Capitaine auoit efté bruflé, & qu’on auoit donné la vie 4 ceux qui reftoient de fa bande. C’eft ainfi que les Hiro- quois groffiffent leurs troupes.
Le 15. du mefme mois, vne femme Huronne tra- uaillant a Montreal A cultiuer du bled d’Inde, fut enleuée par les Hiroquois, auec deux de fes enfans. Ces miferables fe cachent dans les bois, derriere des fouches, dans des trous quwils font en terre, ot ils paffent les deux & trois iours quelquefois fans manger, pour attendre, & pour furprendre leur proye.
Le 21. vn foldat Francois & vn Sauuage trauer- fans le grand Fleuue dans vn Canot, deuant le Fort des trois Riuieres, furent attaquez, & tous deux bleffez; le Sauuage mourut deux iours apres de fes bleffures.
[118] Le 26. du mefme mois de May, vn Frangois qui gardoit du beftial & Montreal, fut mis 4 mort, & vne femme Francoife fut bleffée de cinq ou fix coups
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 51 passing the place where Father Buteux had been murdered. A young man who had killed one of the Hiroquois who surprised them, was burnt and tormented in a horrible manner, on the same spot.
On the 16th of the same month, the Algonquins of three Rivers, having learned of the defeat of their people, went out to lie in wait for the [117] Hiroquois as they passed; but they fell into the trap which they intended to set for their enemies, for another band of Hiroquois—concealed near Lake St. Pierre, where they were going to lay their ambuscade — cut them into pieces, for the most part.
On the same day, there arrived from Montreal a Huron soldier of Toratati’s company, who had escaped from the hands of the Hiroquois. He reported that this Captain had been burnt, and that those of his band that were left had been given their lives. It is thus that the Hiroquois swell their troops.
On the 15th of the same month, a Huron woman, who was working at Montreal cultivating Indian corn, was carried off by the Hiroquois, with two of her children. These wretches hide in the woods, behind tree-trunks or in holes which they make in the ground, where they pass two and three days sometimes, without eating, in order to lie in wait and surprise their prey.
On the 21st, a French soldier and a Savage — cross- ing the great River, in a Canoe, before the Fort of three Rivers— were attacked, and both wounded, the Savage dying of his wounds two days afterward.
[118] On the 26th of the same month of May, a Frenchman who was tending cattle at Montreal was put to death; and a French woman received five or six wounds,—not dangerous, however, since she
52 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
bien fauorables, puis qu’elle n’en mourut pas, fon courage la tira du danger. Ces Lutins font par tout, & en tout temps.
Le 8. de Iuin, deux Hurons tendans vne ligne pour prendre du poiffon, proche des Ifles du fleuue appellé les trois Riuieres, furent maffacrez. Comme ce lieu e{t tout proche des habitations Frangoifes, on accou- rut au bruit, on pourf{uiuit les Hiroquois, qui fe fauuerent, abandonnans leur bagage, & les cheue- lures de deux hommes qu ’ils auoient tuez.
Le 1g. du mef{me mois, trois Canots arriuerent par le fleuue des trois Riuieres, portas nouuelle que les Hiroquois eftoiét entrez bien auant dans le pays des Attikamegues, & quils les auoient défaits pour la troifiefme fois.
Le 2. de Iuillet, 4 cinq heures du matin, quelques Hurons f’en allans a la pefche vis-a-vis du Fort des Francois, 4 l’autre bord du grand fleuue, qui eft affez large en cet endroit, les Hiroquois qui eftoiét en embufcade, leur courent fus: mais ils [119] fe ietterent dans la chaloupe des Francois, qui les eftoient vents efcorter. Les Hiroquois montent das leurs Canots, ils font feu de tous coftez, pourfuiuans cette cha- loupe; qui mettant la voile au vent, fe tira de ce danger. Eftant abordée proche du Fort des Fran- cois, quelques foldats f’embarquent, les Sauuages les fuiuent dans leurs Canots, ils donnent la chaffe aux Hiroquois, les preffent de fort pres: mais comme ils font adroits, ils firent alte, fe mettant a l’abry de nos armes a feu; & voyans que la peau de Lyon ne les pouuoit pas couurir, ils fe voulurent feruir de la peau du Renard. Ils enuoyent vn Canot vers nos gens, pouffé par deux hémes, qui demandent a parle-
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 53
did not die of them; her courage brought her out of the danger. These wanton Rascals abound every- where, and at all times.
On the 8th of June, two Hurons who were stretch- ing a line to catch some fish, near the Islands of the river called three Rivers, were butchered. As this place is very near the French settlements, some men hastened hither, on hearing the noise, and pursued the Hiroquois, who made their escape, leaving behind their equipage, and the scalps of the two men whom they had killed.
On the roth of the same month, three Canoes arrived by the river of three Rivers, bringing word that the Hiroquois had made their way very far into the country of the Attikamegues, and had defeated them for the third time.
On the 2nd of July, at five o’clock in the morning, when some Hurons were going out to fish opposite the Fort of the French, on the other side of the great river, which is of considerable width at this place, the Hiroquois, who were in ambush, rushed upon them; but they [119] jumped into the shallop of the French who had come to escort them. The Hiroquois took to their Canoes and opened fire in all directions, pursuing the shallop, which spread its sail to the wind and extricated itself from this danger. Having reached land, near the French Fort, some soldiers entered it; the Savages followed them in their Canoes, and they gave chase to the Hiro- quois, pressing them very hard. But as they are adroit, they halted, protecting themselves from our firearms; and seeing that the Lion’s skin could not cover them, they tried to use that of the Fox. They sent a Canoe toward our people, propelled by two
54 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
menter. On leur enuoye vn Canot de noftre cofté, conduit par deux Hurons, & vn Algonquin: ces deux Canots fe parlerent enuiron demie heure, éloignez l’vn de l’autre de la portée d’vn piftolet. Les Hiro- quois dirent qu’ils eftoient conduits par vn nommé Aontarifati, leur Capitaine, & qu’il vouloit parler aux Francois & aux Sauuages leurs alliez. On leur fit refponfe qu’ils defcendiffent vis-a-vis le Fort des Francois, & que la on leur parleroit: Ils f’y [120] tranfporterent en vn moment, & de 1a ils enuoyerent deux Canots au quartier des Francois: l’vn portoit vn ieune Huron qu’ils auoient pris, & qu’ils mirent aA terre en vn lieu vn peu au deffus du Fort, pour aller voir fes parens qui eftoient parmy les Francois, c’eftoit pour les folliciter 4 quiter leur party. L’au- tre Canot n’approcha pas de la terre, il f’efcria de deffus l’eau, & demanda que les trois Capitaines, des Francois, des Algonquins, & des Hurons paffaffent la riuiere, pour aller traiter auec leurs gens, & qu’ils enuoyeroient de leur cofté les trois hommes les plus confiderables d’entr’eux. On fe mocqua de cette propofition, & cependant quelques Canots f’appro- chans pour defbaucher nos Hurons, & les tirer a leur party, on en prit vn qui portoit trois Hiroquois, dont les deux eftoient Capitaines fort fignalez pour leurs meutres, en toutes les habitations Francoifes. Tis. furent plus heureux que les: autres: | car nos Peres les in{itruifirent, & les baptiferent deuant leur mort.
Le 25. du mefme mois de l[uillet, vne Efcoiiade compofée de plus de cent Sauuages, fe doutans bien que les ennemis [121] eftoient refpandus en diuers endroits, partirent pour en découurir quelques-vns,
EE
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 55
men, who demanded a parley; a Canoe was sent to them from our side, in charge of two Hurons and an Algonquin; and these two Canoes parleyed for about half an hour, keeping the distance of a pistol shot apart. The Hiroquois said they were led by a man named Aoxtarisatz, their Captain, and that he wished to speak to the French, and to the Savages who were their allies. They were told, in answer, to go down opposite the French Fort, and there they should receive an interview. They [120] repaired thither immediately, and from that place sent two Canoes to the quarters of the French. One carried a young Huron whom they had captured, whom they put ashore at a spot a little above the Fort, to go and see his kinsfolk who were among the French; this was in order that he might incite them to desert the French side. The other Canoe did not approach the land, but called out from its position on the water, and asked that the three Captains—of the French, of the Algonquins, and of the Hurons — should cross the river in order to go and.treat with their people; and they said that they would, on their side, send the three most prominent men of their number. This proposal was ridiculed; and, meanwhile, some Canoes approaching for the purpose of corrupting our Hurons and bringing them over to their side, one of them was captured, which carried three Hiroquois; two of these were Captains, who were noto- rious on account of the murders they had committed in all the French settlements. They were more fortunate than the rest, for our Fathers instructed and baptized them before their death.
On the 25th of the same month of July, a Squad composed of more than a hundred Savages, strongly
56 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
ils firent deux rencontres, fe battirent fort & ferme, fans que nous fcachions auec quel fuccez du cofté des Hiroquois; pour nos gens, ils retournerent le feptiefme d’Aouft, ayant perdu deux hommes, & rapportans force bleffez. ;
Le 18. d’Aou{t, quatre habitans des trois Riuieres defcendans vn peu au deffous de la demeure des Francois, furent pourfuiuis des Hiroquois, qui en tuerent deux, Ace qu’on dit, & emmenerent les deux autres pour les facrifier 4 leur rage.
Le 19. l’efchec fut bien plus grad. Monfieur du Pleffis Kerbodot, Gouuerneur des trois Riuieres, prenant auec foy quarante ou cinquante Francois, & dix ou douze Sauuages, les fit embarquer dans des chaloupes, pour donner la chaffe 4 l’ennemy, & recouurer, fi on pouuoit, les prifonniers, & le beftial des Francois, que l’on croyoit enleué. Ayant vogué enuiron deux lieties au deffus du Fort, il apperceut les ennemis dans des broffailles, fur le bord des bois: il met pied a terre dans vn lieu plein de vafes, & fort defaduantageux. Quelqu’vn luy reprefente lauantage [122] de l’ennemy, qui auoit la foreft pour retraite; il paffe outre, marche tefte baiffée: mais fon courage luy fit perdre la vie, & 4 quinze Francois. Pendant ce cdbat, quelques Hiroquois def{tachez de leur gros, cafferét la tefte A vn pauure Huron & a fa femme qui trauailloient en leur champ, non loing des habitations Frangoifes. Dieu qui balance les victoires, & qui leur donne des limites, moni{tra dans ce defaftre qu’il nous vouloit confer- uer: car fi les Hiroquois fe fuffent feruis de leur auantage, comme la terreur f{’eftoit iettée parmy nos
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 57
suspecting that the enemy [121] were scattered in various places, started out in order to find some of them. They had two encounters, and fought stoutly and resolutely, without our learning the degree of success on the side of the Hiroquois; as for our own people, they returned on the seventh of August, hav- ing lost two men, and bringing back many wounded.
On the 18th of August, four inhabitants of three Rivers, on going down a short distance below the settlement of the French, were pursued by the Hiro- quois, who killed two of them, as it was reported, and carried off the other two, to sacrifice them to their wrath.
On the tgth, the repulse was much greater. Mon- sieur du Plessis Kerbodot, Governor of three Rivers, taking with him forty or fifty Frenchmen and ten or twelve Savages, had them embark in shallops to give chase to the enemy, to recover, if possible, the pris- oners and the cattle belonging to the French, which, it was believed, had been carried away. After sail- ing to a distance of about two leagues above the Fort, he perceived the enemy in the undergrowth at the edge of the woods, and landed in a place that was full of mud and very disadvantageous. Some one pointed out to him the advantage [122] of the enemy, who had the forest for shelter. He went for- ward, advancing headlong; but his ardor made him lose his life, as well as those of fifteen Frenchmen. During this engagement some Hiroquois, detached from their main body, slew a poor Huron and his wife who were at work in their own field, not far from the French settlements. God, who balances victories and confines them within limits, showed in this disaster that it was his will to preserve us; for,
58 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
gens qui auoient perdu leur Chef, ils auroient bien efbranlez les habitans des trois Riuieres: mais ils fe retirerent comme des gens qui ne fgauoient pas iouyr de leur victoire, & laifferent les Fragois acheuer leurs moiffons, & faire leur recolte en paix, mais non pas fans douleur.
Le 23. du mefme mois d’Aoutt, on alla vifiter le lieu du combat, l’on trouua ces paroles efcrites fur vn bouclier d’Hiroquois: Mormanville, Francheuille, Poiffon, la Palme, Turgot, Chatillon, S. Germain, Onne- jochronnons & Agnechronons. Ie nay encore perdu qu'un Ongle. Normanville ieune [123] homme, adroit & vaillant, qui entendoit la langue Algonquine & 1’ Hi- roquoife, auoit efcrit ces paroles auec vn charbon, voulant donner 4 entendre que les fept perfonnes dont on voyoit les noms, eftoient prifes des Hiro- quois, appellez, Onnejochronnons, & Agneehronnons, & que l’on ne luy auoit fait encor autre mal que de luy arracher vn ongle. Ie crains fort que ces pauures victimes ne foient immolées 4 la rage, & A la fureur de ces Barbares. Wne Dame honorée pour fa vertu, a efcrit 4 quelque perfonne en France, qui auoit connoiffance du fieur de Normanville, qu’il fembloit auoir eu quelque prefentiment de fa prife. Il eft probable (difoit-il a cette Dame vn peu deuant que de tomber entre les mains de ces Bar- bares) qu’eftant tous les iours dans les occafions, ie pourray eftre pris des Hiroquois: mais j’efpere que Dieu me fera la grace de fouffrir con{ftammét leurs feux, & que j’auray le bonheur de baptifer quelques enfans moribons, & mefme quelques malades adultes, que j’inftruiray dans leur pays deuant ma mort.
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 59
if the Hiroquois had followed up their advantage,— as panic had been spread among our people, who had lost their Chief,—they would have wrought havoc among the inhabitants of three Rivers. But they re- tired, not knowing how to make use of their victory, and suffered the French to finish their harvests and garner their crops in peace, but not without sorrow.
On the 23rd of the same month of August, a visit was made to the scene of the engagement, where these words were found written on a Hiroquois buckler: Mormanville, Francheville, Poisson, la Palme, Turgot, Chatillon, St. Germain, Onnetochronnons and Agneehronons. I have as yet lost only a Finger-nail. Normanville, a young [123] man of skill and bravery who understood the Algonquin and Hiroquois lan- guages, had written these words with a piece of charcoal, wishing to convey the information that the seven persons whose names were seen, had been taken by the Hiroquois known as the Oxneiochronnons and Agneehronnons, and that he had himself up to that time received no further injury than the tearing out of a finger-nail. I greatly fear that these poor victims have been sacrificed to the rage and fury of those Barbarians. A Lady, honored for her virtue, has written to some one in France, who was acquainted with the sieur de Normanville, that he seemed to have had some presentiment of his capture. ““It is probable’’ (he said to this Lady a short time before falling into the hands of those Barbarians) ‘““that, as I am every day exposed to danger, I may be captured by the Hiroquois. But I hope God will give me the grace to endure their fires with con- _stancy, and that I shall have the good fortune to baptize some dying children, or even some adult sick
60 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vo 38
Le 30. du mefme mois d’Aouft, les Hiroquois prirent encore vn ieune Huron, [124] & l’emmene- rent tout vif en leur pays.
Vne lettre dattée du premier de Nouembre, parle en ces termes. Quelques Hurons nous viennent d’apprendre, que deux Fracois ont efté recément tuez aux Trois Riuieres, & que deux autres ont eu les bras caffez. Ils adjouftent qu’en paffant la nuict vers la Roche bruflée, ils ont ouy chanter les Hiro- quois, cOme ils ont couftume de chanter quand ils tourmentent leurs prifonniers.
Vn Algonquin vient d’arriuer 4 Sillery, qui dit que ces mefmes Barbares fe faifirent hier, vis-a-vis de faincte Croix, d’vn Sauuage & de deux femmes de fa nation. Quantité de nos Neophytes font allez a la chaffe en ce quartier-la, ie crains fort qu’ils ne donnét dans les paneaux de ces chaffeurs d’hommes. Noél Tekoiierimat f'en va promptement armer la ieuneffe, qui eft icy en affez bon nombre, pour obuier ace malheur: mais il fouhaiteroit bien que Monfieur nof{tre Gouuerneur luy donnaft vne efcorte Fran- coife. Voila ce que porte cette lettre.
Pour comble de toutes nos calamitez, on nous affeure que les Hiroquois veulét raffembler toutes leurs forces, pour nous [125] venir perdre 1’ Hyuer prochain, c’eft le rapport qu’en ont fait les fugitifs, & la raifon qu’ils en donnent, eft fort probable. Ils difent donc que les Hiroquois d’enbas, nommés, Agneehronnons, demanderent l’an paffé, du fecours aux Hiroquois des pays plus hautes, nommés les Sontouaheronnons, pour venir combatre les Frangois: mais que les Sontouaheronnons, repondirent qu’ils auoient des ennemis voyfins fur les bras, & que s’ils
ee
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persons whom I shail instruct in their own country before my death.”’
On the 30th of the same month of August, the Hiroquois captured another young Huron, [124] and carried him away alive to their own country.
A letter, dated the first of November, conveys the following information: ‘‘Some Hurons have just apprised us that two Frenchmen have recently been killed at Three Rivers, and that two others have had their arms broken. They add that, when spending the night near the burnt Rock, they heard the Hiroquois singing as they are wont to sing when they torture their prisoners.
‘‘An Algonquin who has just come to Sillery says that yesterday, opposite sainte Croix, those same Barbarians captured a Savage and two women of his nation. A good many of our Neophytes have gone out hunting in that direction, and I greatly fear lest they may fall into the snares of those hunters of men. Noél Tekouerimat is setting out immediately to arm the young men, who are here in considerable num- bers, in order to avert such a disaster; but he would very much like to have Monsieur our Governor give him a French escort.’’ Those are the contents of that letter.
To crown all our calamities, we are informed that the Hiroquois intend to rally together all their forces, in order to [125] come and destroy us next Winter. Such is the report made by the fugitives, and the reason which they give is very probable. They say, then, that the Hiroquois of the lower country, who are called Agnechronnons, asked aid, last year, from the Hiroquois of the upper districts, who are called Sontouaheronnons, in order that they might
62 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vor 38
les vouloient venir aider a les deftruire, qu’ils fe ioindroient 4 eux par apres, pour perdre les Fran- cois. Les Hiroquois Agueehronnons, ont accepté la condition, ils ont enuoié leurs trouppes auec celles des Sontouaheronnons, qui, auec ce fecours, ont detruit la nation Neutre, qui leur eftoit voifine. Si bien quils font obligés de fe ioindre auec les Hiroquois nommés Agneehronnons, pour venir combattre les Francois, voila ce que portent les memoires qui ont feruy de materiaux, pour baftir ce Chapitre.
Le Demon feait bien prendre fon temps. Voyant que l’ancienne France eft dechirée par fes propres enfans, il veut deftruire la nouuelle, pour retablir fon Domaine [126] & fon Royaume, qu'il va perdant tous les iours, par la conuerfion de ces pauures Americains feptentrionaux, dont defia quelques Milliers font entrez au Ciel, par la porte de la foy, du Baptefme, & d’vne faincte vie. Ceux qui reftent & qui forment vne Eglife fort innocente, s’ecrient, fecourés nous vous autres, qui dites, que vous eftes nos freres: ne laiffés pas eftouffer par les Hiroquois le germe de voftre creance, & la graine de la foy, & la femence de 1’Euangile, que nous auons receué par voftre entremife. Si vous aymez Iefus-Chrift deffen- dez ceux qui l’ayment, & qui font baptifez en fon nom.
Il y a quelque temps qu’on demandoit des foldats; & leur folde: ou leur appointemens, on demandoit leurs viures, & leurs armes, & leur paffage, a prefent que le pays donne des bleds: pour nourrir fes habitans, & qu’il fe fait tous les iours, on ne demande plus pour le foutient de ces grandes contrées, que le payement du paffage de deux ou trois cens hommes de trauail,
Sy ee ee ee
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come to fight against the French. But the Soxtoua- heronnons made answer that they had upon their hands enemies near home; and, if they would come and help destroy these, they themselves would join them later on for the purpose of destroying the French. The Agnechronnon Hiroquois accepted the condition and sent their troops to join those of the Sontouaheronnons,— who, with this assistance, have destroyed the Neutral nation, which was on their borders. Consequently, they are obliged to join forces with the Hiroquois called Agueehronnons, for the purpose of coming to make war on the French. Those are the contents of the memoirs which have served as material for writing this Chapter.
The Demon well knows how to seize his oppor- tunity. Seeing that old France is rent asunder by her own children, he wishes to destroy the new, in order to reéstablish his Dominion [126] and his King- dom, which is steadily going to ruin, owing to the conversion of these poor north Americans, of whom some Thousands have already entered into Heaven by the door of faith, of Baptism, and of a holy life. Those who remain, forming a Church of great inno- cence, cry out: ‘‘ Help us, ye people who call your- selves our brothers. Let not the Hiroquois stifle to death the germ of your belief, and the seed of the faith, and the plant of the Gospel, which we have received through your agency. If ye love Jesus Christ, protect those who love him and are baptized in his name.”’
Some time ago, there was a request for soldiers, and for their pay, or salary; their provisions were asked for, as weli as their arms and their passage. But now,— when the country is yielding grain for
64 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
chaque année: les habitans du pays, les nourriront, & payeront leurs gages. La France, qui fe defcharge inceflamment dans les pays [127] eftrangers, ne manque pas d’hommes pour dreffer des Colonies, Dieu vueille qu’elle ait affez de charité, pour les faire paffer en vn lieu, ott ils viueront plus faintement, & plus a leur aife, & ot ils feroient, la deffence, & le fecours, de Iefus-Chrift, qui honore tant les hommes, qu’il les veut fauuer par le fecours des hommes. C’eft affés, finiffons ce Chapitre par vne lettre, qu’vn Capitaine Sauuage, & bon Chreftien, 4 enuoyée au Pere Paul le Ieune, qui trauaille en l’ancienne France pour le falut de la nouuelle.
Pere le Ieune il me femble que ie te voy quand on me lit ta lettre, & il me femble que ie fuis auec toy, quand ie te parle, par la bouche, ou par la plume du Pere de Quen. Ie ne mens point, il me femble que c’eft auiourdhuy que tu m’as baptizé, ie vieilly, mais la foy ne vieillit point en moy. l’ayme autant la priere au bout de quinze ans, que le premier iour, que tu m’as inftruit. Nous Changeons en tout, nous autres gens de ce pays cy, mais ie t’affure, que ie ne changeray iamais, en ce que tu m’as enfeigné, & en ce que nous enfeigne celuy qui nous gouuerne en ta place. Voire mefme ie ne change quafi [128] plus de lieu, ie pafferay 1’Hyuer prochain 4 Ka-Miskoua- ouangachit, que vous nodmez S. lofeph, comme j’y ay paflé le precedent. Ie fuis quafi tout Frangois. Tay ris quand le Pere de Quen m’a dit que tu auois mon- {tré la robe que ie t’enuoyay 1’Automne paffé, a des Dames d’importance de voftre pays, & qu'elle leur auoit agrée: Ce n’eft pas qu’elle foit belle, c’eft qu’elles aiment, & qu’elles voyent volontiers ce qui
ee ee Un
ee ee ee,
al ire ee Rl
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the feeding of her people, and this is being done every day,— the only thing demanded for the main- tenance of these vast regions is the payment of trans- portation for two or three hundred workmen each year; the inhabitants of the country will feed them and pay their wages. France, who is constantly emptying herself into foreign countries, [127] does not lack men to build up Colonies. God grant that she may have charity enough to send them toa place where they will live holier and easier lives, and where they would be the defense and aid of Jesus Christ, who honors men so highly that he chooses to save them by the help of men. That is enough. Let us finish this Chapter with a letter that a Savage Captain, a good Christian, sent to Father Paul le Jeune, who is laboring in old France for the salva- tion of the new.
“ Hather le: jeune: 1 vseem) to see thee, when thy letter is read to me; and I seem to be with thee, when I speak to thee by the mouth, or the pen, of Father de Ouen.” Ido not lie; it. seems io me only yesterday that thou didst baptize me. I am grow- ing old, but the faith is not growing oldinme. I love prayer as much, at the end of fifteen years, as on the first day when thou didst instruct me. We are Changing in all things, we people of this coun- try; but I assure thee that I never shall change in regard to what thou didst teach me, and what we are now taught by him who governs us in thy place. Indeed, I make hardly any further change, [128] even in my location; I shall pass the coming Win- ter at Ka-Miskouaouangachit, which you call St. Joseph, as I passed the lastone. Iam almost wholly French. I laughed when Father de Quen told me
66 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
vient de nous autres. I’euffe volontiers veu la robe que tu m’enuoyes; on dit qu'il y a de 1’or deffus. N’as-tu point eu cette penfée, Noél deuiendra orgueil- leux quand il f’en feruira. Ne laiffe pas de l’enuoyer le Printemps prochain, fi ie meurs cet Hyuer, mon fils, quand il fera plus grand, la portera, & il logera dans la maifon qu’on a fait pour nous au Fort de Sil- lery: hafte-toy de venir, & de nous amener quantité de porteurs d’efpées, pour efloigner de nos teftes les Hiroquois. Nous ferons bien to{t des ames de tref- paffez: n’attends pas que nous foyons au tombeau pour nous venir voir, c’ef{t ton bon amy Noél Tekoue- rimat qui t’efcrit, & qui te dit, qu'il priera toujours Dieu pour toy, & pour ceux qui nousaffiftent. [129] Parle au grand Capitaine de la France, & luy dis que les Hollandois de ces coftes nous font mourir, four- niffans des armes a feu, & en abondance, & a bon prix, aux Hiroquois nos ennemis. Dis-luy qu'il donne fecours 4 ceux qui font baptifez. C’eft la fin de mon difcours.
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thou hadst shown the robe that I sent thee last Au- tumn to some Ladies of importance in your country, and that they were pleased with it. That was not because it is beautiful, but because they like, and are glad to see, what comes from us. I would have been pleased to see the robe that thou art going to send me; it is said that thereis gold upon it. Didst thou not have this thought: ‘ Noél will become haughty when heuses it?’ Do not fail to send it next Spring; if I die this Winter, my son, when he grows up, will wear it, and he will live in the house that has been made for us at the Fort of Sillery. Make haste to come, and to bring us many sword-bearers, in order to drive away the Hiroquois from our heads. We shall soon be departed souls; do not wait until we are in the grave before coming to see us. It is thy good friend, Noél Tekouerimat, who writes to thee, and who says that he will always pray to God for thee, and for those who give us aid. [129] Speak to the great Captain of France, and tell him that the Dutch of these coasts are causing our destruction, by furnishing firearms in abundance, and at a low price, to the Hiroquois, our enemies. Tell him to give aid to those who are baptized. That is all I have to say.”’
68 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
CHAPITRE X.
DE LA VIE & DE LA MORT DE LA MERE MARIE DE S. IOSEPH, DECEDEE AU SEMINAIRE DES VRSULINES DE KEBEC.
Seminaire des Vrfulines de Kebec en la nou-
uelle France, voulant confoler fes Sceurs fur la mort de la Mere Marie de fainct Iofeph, leur a enuoyé vn abregé de fa vie, de fa mort, & de tes vers, Ces Memoires eftans tombez entre mes mains, j’ay creu que ce feroit faire tort au public de renfermer ce threfor dans les feules Maifons des Vrfulines. I’en ay donc tiré la plufpart des chofes que ie vay déduire dans ce Chapitre.
foc: Mere Marie de l’Incarnation, Superieure du
[130] DE SON ENFANCE.
Be Mere Marie de fainct Iofeph nafquit en Anjou
le feptiefme de Septembre de l’année 1616. Elle eftoit fille de Monfieur & de Madame de la Troche de fainct Germain, fes pere & mere; per- fonnes de vertu, de merite, & de condition. Le Sainct Efprit la preuint dés fa plus tendre enfance, de mille graces, & de mille benedictions, qu’elle attri- buoit toutes a la faincte Vierge, difant que Madame fa mere l’auoit dediée & confacrée a cette Reyne des Vierges dés le moment de fa naiffance, & que c’eftoit pour ce fujet qu’elle luy fit donner le beau nom de Marie, qui luy eftoit bien fi agreable, que iamais elle
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 69
CHAPTER. X.
OF THE LIFE AND DEATH OF MOTHER MARIE DE ST. JOSEPH, WHO DIED AT THE SEMINARY OF THE URSULINES OF KEBEC.
OTHER Marie de 1’Incarnation, Superioress M of the Ursuline Seminary of Kebec, in new France, wishing to console her Sisters in regard to the death of Mother Marie de saint Joseph, sent them a short account of her life, her death, and her virtues. As these Memoirs have fallen into my hands, I thought it would be wronging the public to confine the enjoyment of this treasure exclusively to the Houses of the Ursulines. Accordingly, I have extracted therefrom the greater part of the facts which I shall relate in this Chapter.
[130] OF HER CHILDHOOD.
ty ee Marie de saint Joseph was born in Anjou,
on the seventh of September, in the year 1616. She was the daughter of Monsieur and Madame de la Troche, of saint Germain, persons of virtue, worth, and quality. The Holy Ghost endowed her from her tenderest infancy with a thousand graces and a thousand blessings, all of which she attributed to the blessed Virgin, saying that Madame her mother had dedicated and consecrated her to that Queen of the Virgins from the moment of her birth; and that it was for that reason that she had the beautiful name
70 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES {Vou. 38
ne f'eft oiiye appeller de ce nom, qu’elle n’en ait reffenty de la douceur. Cette Vierge Reyne, & Mere des Vierges, refpandit dans le coeur de cette petite l'amour de la pureté & de la Religion, deuant qu'elle {ceuft que c’eftoit que pureté & que Religion, fice n’e{t que l’on die, ce que quelques perfonnes ont remarqué, que l’vfage de raifon luy auoit efté notable- ment auancé.
[131] Meffieurs fes parens fe pourmenans certain iour dans l’allée d’vn bois de l’vne de leurs maifons, enuoyerent querir leur petite Marie, qui n’auoit pour lors que quatre ans: Le valet de chambre ou le laquais qui la portoit entre fes bras, luy fit en chemin quel- ques careffes meffeantes, la pauure enfant fe mit a pleurer, & A fe debattre d’vne facon fi eftrange, que cet homme eftonné eut bien de la peine de forger vn menfonge pour cacher le fujet de fes pleurs. Or ie dirois volontiers que c’eft 1a le plus grand peché qu’elle ait iamais commis contre la pureté. M’ayant rendu en la nouuelle France vn compte fort exact de toutes les actions de fa vie, ie puis dire (pour rendre honeur & gloire a la fource de toutes les bontez) que ie ne me fouuiens pas d’auoir remarqué aucune faute qui approcha{t de loing d’vn peché grief. Me par- lant puis apres des careffes de cet homme, qui paffe- rent en vn moment, elle pleuroit encore a chaudes larmes, non pas qu'elle creu{t y auoir commis aucune offenfe, mais par vne faincte ialoufie pour la pureté, fe plaignant auec douleur, de ce qu’eftant fi particu- lierement dediée & attachée a la faincte Vierge, [132] elle eut fait ce miferable rencontre, injurieux A fa purete.
Elle fuyoit 1’abord des hommes dés ce petit aage,
—s
——————————————————
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 (al
Marie given her,— which, indeed, was so pleasing to her that she never heard herself called by that name without feeling its sweetness. That Royal Virgin and Mother of Virgins diffused in this little one’s heart the love of purity and of Religion before she knew what purity and Religion were, unless it may be said—a thing which some persons remarked — that she was notably precocious in the use of her reason.
[131] ‘‘ Her parents were taking a walk, one day, in the wooded path on one of their estates, when they sent for their little Marie, who was then only four years old. The valet de chambre, or footman, who brought her in his arms, gave her on the way some improper caresses; the poor child began to cry and to resist, in so strange a manner that this aston- ished man had much difficulty in framing a falsehood to conceal the cause of her tears. Now 1 would willingly assert that this was the greatest sin against purity she ever committed. Though she gave mea very exact account, in new France, of all the acts of her life, I can say (to render honor and glory to the source of all goodness) that I do not remember hav- ing noted any fault that approached, even remotely, a serious offense. Speaking to me, then, afterward about that man’s caresses, which were over in a mo- ment, she still wept hot tears,— not that she believed she had committed any fault in the matter, but from a holy jealousy for purity, lamenting with sorrow that, after having been so expressly dedicated and attached to the blessed Virgin, [132] she should have had that unfortunate experience, to the detriment of her purity.
72 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
non par grande conduite de la raifon, mais par l’inftinct d’vn Efprit fuperieur, qui luy faifoit parler d’ef{tre Religieufe, fans les connoiftre que de nom. Monfieur fon pere la voyant d’vne humeur gentille, prenoit plaifir de la contrarier dans cette inclination, il luy difoit fouuent qu’il la vouloit marier a vn petit Gentilhomme qui eftoit de fon aage, & fouuent luy faifoit de petits prefens, qu’il difoit luy eftre enuoyez de fa part. La pauure enfant fe demenoit, & f’affli- geoit fi fort, prenant cette raillerie pour vne verité, que Madame fa mere {’apperceuant que la trifteffe commengoit a la deffecher, pria Monfieur fon mary de fe priuer de cette recreation. Arriua certain iour qu’vn homme de condition la voulant agacer, la baifa par furprife; elle, en fe retournant, luy donna vn fouffiet fi ferré qu'il le fentit bien, quoy qu’il ne fuft porté que de la main d’vn enfant.
Ayant remarqué que Madame fa mere donnoit l’aumofne aux pauures, & qu’elle parloit d’eux auec compaffion: fouuent [133] elle fe déroboit d’aupres d’elle pour leur porter fon déjeufner, & fa collation, & mefme ce qu’elle pouuoit trouuer en la cuifine. Sa bonne mere f{’en eftant apperceué, non feulement ne l’improuua point, au contraire elle l’embraffa, la careffa, & luy donna toute permiffion de donner l’aumofne, & de vifiter les pauures qu’elle nourriffoit, la menant auec elle pour la refiouyr quand elle alloit diftribuer fes charitez. Bona arbor, bonos fructus facit. D’vn bon arbre il vient de bons fruicts.
Elle auoit vne auerfion naturelle aux bijous, aux afiquets, & a ces petits menus fatras, qui font bien fouuent les plus belles occupations des filles qui
nm Ls
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‘From that early age she avoided the approach of men, not through any exercise of her reason, but by the instinct of a superior Spirit, which made her speak of being a Nun without knowing what they were except by name. Monsieur her father, seeing that she was of an amiable disposition, took pleasure in opposing her in this inclination,— often telling her that he wished to marry her to a little Gentle- man of her own age; and often making her little presents, which he said were sent to her from him. The poor child resisted and grieved so greatly, tak- ing this raillery for earnest, that Madame her mother, perceiving that she was beginning to waste away with melancholy, begged Monsieur her husband to forego this diversion. It happened, one day, that a man of condition, wishing to tease her, kissed her by surprise; she turned around and gave him so smart a blow in the face that he felt it sharply, al- though it was delivered only by the hand of a child.”’
Having noted that Madame her mother gave alms to the poor, and spoke of them with compassion, she would often [133] steal away from her side to carry them her breakfast and her lunch, and even what she could find in the kitchen. Her good mother, upon perceiving this, not only did not disapprove of her conduct, but even kissed and caressed her, and gave her full permission to bestow alms, and to visit the poor whom she fed,—taking the child with her, in order to give her pleasure, when she went to dispense her own charities. Bona arbor bonos fructus facit,— ‘‘ From a good tree come good fruits.”’
‘“ She had a natural aversion for jewels, gewgaws, and those little insignificant trifles which often con- stitute the highest pursuits of girls who are fond of
74 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vox. 38
aiment le monde. Elle portoit enuie 4 la condition d’vne petite bergere qu’elle voyoit en certain endroit, pource qu’elle eftoit deliurée du foin de porter des gands, d’ajufter vn mafque, de conferuer de petits ornemens qu’on luy donnoit, & de fe compofer 4a la mode. Meffieurs fes parens qui la voyoient gentille, & d’vn naturel fi aimable, & d’ailleurs fi efloignée des fagons de faire des perfonnes de fa condition, qu’on éleue pour le monde; la voulurent [134] mettre dans les difpofitions de fe confacrer entierement a Dieu, f’il daignoit l’appeller 4 fon feruice. Madame fa mere la conduifit elle-mefme 4 Tours, en l’aage de huict a neuf ans, & la confia aux bonnes Meres Vrfu- lines, A qui Noftre Seigneur 4 donné beaucoup de graces pour éleuer la ieuneffe en fa crainte & en fon amour.
Cette ieune Damoifelle rauit bien toft les coeurs de toutes fes compagnes; elle prit fur elles vn empire par fes deferences, par les ciuilitez, & par les petits feruices qu’elle leur rendoit, fi bien qu’elles la regar- doient cOme leur petite maiftreffe; & iamais ne furent ialoufes de la voir aimée par deffus les autres, iuf- ques-la, que les Religieufes fe feruoient d’elle pour l’inftruction des autres. Et encore qu’elle fuit fort guaye, & qu’elle aimaft fes petits diuertiffemens, c’ef{toit toujours fans prejudice de fes deuotions, f’ap- pliquant auec vn grand plaifir a la lecture de la vie des Saincts, notamment de ceux qui auoient trauaillé 4 la conuerfion des ames. De 1a vient qu’elle aimoit, & qu’elle honoroit vniquement 1’Apoftre des Indes, S. Francois Xauier, faifant de fa vie fes innocentes [135] delices, en forte qu’elle fe déroboit fouuent de
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the world. She envied the lot of a little shepherd- girl whom she saw somewhere, because she was freed from the trouble of wearing gloves, of adjusting a mask, of keeping little ornaments that were given to her, and of adapting herself to the fashion. Her father and mother, seeing that she was delicate, and of so sweet a disposition, besides being so different in her ways from persons of her condition who are reared for the world, wished [134] to induce in her a disposition to consecrate herself entirely to God, if he should deign to call her to his service. Madame her mother herself took her to Tours, at the age of eight or nine years, and gave her in charge of the good Ursuline Mothers, on whom Our Lord has conferred much grace for the rearing of youth in his fear and his love.
‘“ This young Lady soon charmed the hearts of all her companions. She gained an empire over them by her deference and courtesy, and by the little serv- ices she rendered them,—so that they regarded her as their little mistress, and were never jealous at see- ing her loved more than the others, and even to such a degree that the Nuns employed her to teach the others. And although she was very merry-hearted, and liked her little amusements, it was always with- out detriment to her devotions. She applied herself with great pleasure to reading the lives of Saints, especially of those who had toiled in the conversion of souls; hence it was that she loved and honored with peculiar fervor the Apostle of the Indies, St. Francis Xavier, making his life her innocent [135] delight,—so that she often stole away from her companions, and deprived herself of her amusements, in order to find time to read it.”
76 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
fes compagnes, & fe priuoit de fes recreations, pour trouuer le temps de la lire.
Te ne {cay fi la delicateffe de fon naturel, ou la con- tention qu’elle apportoit pour acquerir la vertu, la firent tomber malade: quoy qu’il en foit, les Medecins iugerent qu'il la falloit remettre en fon air natal: elle ne fut pas long-temps chez fes parens, qu’elle ne retourna({t 4 fa premiere fanté. Elle ne quitta point fes deuotions, pour eftre efloignée de la maifon, & de la conduite des Meres Vrfulines. Elle fe confeffoit, & fe communioit fort fouuent; elle donnoit quelque temps a l’oraifon mentale; elle parloit de Dieu, & portoit les domeftiques 4 la pratique des vertus, auec vn raifonnement fi folide, que Monfieur & Mada. de la Troche ne pouuoient conceuoir qu’vne fille de fon aage pfit monter fi haut, A moins que d’eftre doiiée d’vne grace fort extraordinaire.
Comme elle fe fentit entierement guerie, elle de- manda permiffion de retourner en fon petit Paradis: Elle l’obtint, mais non pas fans peine: car le noutueau [136] commerce, & les nouueaux entretiens qu’elle auoit eitie auec fes parens, les auoit fi eftroitement liez de part & d’autre, que quand il fut queftion de fe feparer, ie ne f¢cay qui fouffrit dauantage, des parens oude l’enfant. Elle a dit depuis, que l'amour qu’ils luy portoient, que la confiance que luy tef{moi- gnoit fa bonne mere par deffus fes freres & fes foeurs, l’auoient fi doucement charmée, que la violence qu’elle fe fit pour les quitter la penfa faire tomber, & pafmer de douleur. D’autre cofté, Meffieurs fes pa- rens iamais ne luy peurent dire Adieu; & Madame fa mere craignant d’exceder dans les tendreffes qu’elle
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I know not whether the delicacy of her tempera- ment, or the intensity with which she devoted herself to the acquisition of virtue, made her fall ill; how- ever that may be, the Physicians deemed it necessary to send her back to her native air. She was not long with her parents before she recovered her former health. She did not discontinue her devotions, de- spite the distance separating her from the house and the guidance of the Ursuline Mothers. She confessed and received communion with much frequency; she gave some time to silent prayer; she talked about God, and incited the servants to the practice of the virtues, with such well-grounded argument that Monsieur and Madame de la Troche were unable to conceive how a girl of her age could attain such heights, unless she were endowed with very ex- traordinary grace.
‘‘ Feeling herself entirely cured, she asked permis- sion to return to her little Paradise. She obtained it, but not without difficulty; for the new [136] in- tercourse and the new conversations that she had had with her parents had bound them so closely together on both sides that, when the question of parting came up, I do not know which suffered more, the parents or the child. She has since said that the love they bore her, and the confidence which her good mother manifested in her, above her brothers and sisters, had exerted so sweet a charm over her that the violence she did to herself in leaving them came near making her fall down in a swoon from grief. On the other side, her parents could never say ‘ Adieu’ to her; and Madame her mother, fear- ing lest she would go toexcess in the tenderness that she felt for her daughter, could not escort her back,
———————
78 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
auoit pour fa fille, ne la ptit reconduire, elle pria vne fienne parente de luy rendre cet office d’amour & de charité.
Noftre ieune Damoifelle ayant rumpu fes Liens, & fes chaines; par vn defir d’eftre toute 4 Dieu, ne fut pas fi to{t éloignée de la maifon de fon Pere, que la ioie s’empara de fon coeur. Vous euffiés dit que I’ Ef- prit de Dieu la faifoit voler, & qu'il la faifoit iouir du triomphe apres cette noble victoire. A mefme temps quelle eft rendué 4 la maifon des Vrfulines, elle [137] entre dans vn nouueau Combat. Elle prie, elle coniure les Meres de la receuoir en leur Nouitiat, pour eftre Religieufe. On luy dit qu’elle n’a pas l’age, qu’elle n’a que treize ans ou enuiron, & qu’il en faut quatorze, ce rebut, & fes ferueurs, la faifoient defeicher, elle prenoit garde par oti la Superieur, & les Religieufes deuoient paffer, elle les attendoit, & les fupplioit les deux genoux en terre d’auoir pitié d’elle. On luy repart, qu’elle na point de fanté, & qu'il faut pluftoft parler de la renuoier chés Meffieurs fes parens, que del’admettreau Nouitiat. La pauure enfant foupiroit, & proteftoit que le Nouitiat feroit fa guerifon. La Mere de fainct Bernard qui l’aymoit vniquement, iugea qu’il luy falloit donner ce con- tentement, auec obligation neanmoins de fortir fi Meffieurs fes parens la vouloient retirer: elle f’acorde Ace qu’on luy demande, pour iouir de ce qu'elle de- mandoit, & Dieu luy fit la grace de trouuer la fanté dans ce lieu de benediction. La crainte apres tout qu’elle eut d’é fortir, luy fit mettre auffi-toft des meffagers, & des lettres en campagne, pour obtenir de Monfieur fon pere, & de Madame, fa mere, [138] la grace d’eftre Religieufe Vrfuline, fans toutefois
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but begged a relative of hers to render her that office of love and charity.
‘“Our young Lady, having broken her Bonds and her chains, from a desire to belong wholly to God, was no sooner away from her Father’s house than joy took possession of her heart. You would have said that the Spirit of God made her fly, and exult in her triumph, after that noble victory. At the same time when she was restored to the house of the Ursulines, she [137] entered on a new Struggle. She prayed, she conjured the Mothers to receive her into their Novitiate, that she might become a Nun. She was told that she was not old enough,—that she was only thirteen or thereabout, and that fourteen was the required age. This repulse and her own fervor made her pine away; she gave heed where the Su- perior and the Nuns were to pass, where she waited for them, and implored them on her knees to take pity on her. They answered her that she was out of health and they must rather speak about sending her back to her honored parents than about admitting her to the Novitiate. The poor child sighed, and protested that the Novitiate would be her cure. Mother de saint Bernard, who loved her fondly, de- cided that it was necessary to grant her this satisfac- tion, with the condition, however, that she must leave if her parents wished to withdraw her. She agreed to what was required from her, that she might enjoy what she herself was asking for; and God gra- ciously caused her to find her health in this place of benediction. Her fear lest, after all, she might have to leave it, made her send out messengers and letters without delay, to obtain from Monsieur her father and Madame her mother [138] this boon, that she
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leur dire qu’elle eut defia fait le premier pas. Voicy comme cette faueur luy fut accordée.
DE SON NOUITIAT & DE SA PROFESSION.
NA cane & Madame de la Troche voyans que
leur fille entroit fur fa quatorziefme année, & qu’elles les preffoit fortement de luy accorder 1’en- trée en Religion, ils fe transporterent 4 Tours, a deffein de la bien efprouuer: car quoy quils l’euffent offert 4 Dieu dés fon berceau, en cas qu’il luy pleut l’aggrer pour fa maifon, fi eft-ce neantmoins que l’a- mour qu’ils luy portoient, leur fit prendre refolution de ne la point quitter, qu’a bonnes enfeignes, & qu’il ne fuffent entierement conuaincus, de la folidité de fon appel. Si toft quwils font arriués, ils la retirent du Monaftere, & la tenans aupres deux, ils dreffent deux bateries, capables de renuerfer toute autre voca- tion moins forte que la fienne. JT’auoué qu'il eft bon que les parens fondent les volontés de leurs enfans: car il ne faut pas croire a toutes fortes d’efprits: mais auffi faut-il [139] confeffer que Dieu ne crie pas toufiours fi haut, & qu’il ne fe fait pas fi fortement entendre, qu’on ne puiffe diuertir l’oreille d’vn enfant, & le retirer du lieu, ot Noftre Seigneur luy deftinoit les graces de sd falut. Monfieur de la Troche qui connoiffoit la trépe de l’efprit de fa fille, qui en verité ne tenoit rié de la fille, l’attaque par vn fort raifonnement, luy faifant voir les moyens de fe fauuer, fans fe donner tant de peine, luy reprefentat les dangers d’vn long repétir, quand on fe voit liée & garrottée par vne légue chaine de fouffraces, que la vie religieufe traifne apres foy. Madame fa mere la baifoit, la careffoit, luy offroit tout ce qui peut
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might become an Ursuline Nun—without, however, telling them that she had already taken the first step. Let us see how that favor was granted her.’’
OF HER NOVITIATE AND HER PROFESSION.
Nee and Madame de la Troche, seeing that
their daughter was entering upon her four- teenth year, and that she was pressing them urgently to permit her to enter the Religious life, repaired to Tours for the purpose of testing her thoroughly; for, although they had offered her to God from the time she was in her cradle, in case he were pleased to ac- cept her for his house, yet, in spite of that, the love which they bore her made them resolve not to give her up, except for good cause, and until they were fully convinced of the genuineness of hercall. As soon as they arrived, they took her out of the Monas- tery and, keeping her with them, planted two bat- teries, capable of overthrowing any other calling less strong than hers. I admit that it is well for parents to sound their children’s wishes, for one cannot rely upon every order of mind; but it must also [139] be admitted that God does not always call so loudly, and make himself so clearly heard, that the child’s attention cannot be diverted, and the child itself withdrawn from the place where Our Lord destined for it the grace of his salvation. Monsieur de la Troche, knowing the temper and spirit of his daugh- ter, who in truth had nothing of the girl about her, attacked her with strong arguments, showing her the means of gaining her salvation without giving herself so much trouble; and representing to her the dangers of a long repentance upon seeing herself bound and fettered by a long chain of sufferings
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gagner le coeur d’vne ieune Damoifelle de fa cddi- tion. Toutes ces offres ne la touchoient point; mais l’amour qu’elle fentoit pour vne mere fi aimable, luy dechiroit les entrailles, quand elle penfoit a la fepa- ration.
Mais comme elle eftoit d’vn naturel fort genereux, elle refifta fortement aux tendreffes de la nature, & Noftre Seigneur luy mit pour lors en bouche, de fi beaux paffages de l’Efcriture, & de fi belles penfées des fain[t]s peres, touchant le bonheur de la vie Reli- gieufe, elle les deduifoit [140] auec vne telle fluidité é& auec vne telle eloquence, que fes parens, ‘& plufieurs perfonnes de condition, qui l’ecoutoient; demeurans furpris, conclurent qu’il ne falloit pas refifter dauantage 4l’efprit, qui rend diferte la langue des enfans.
On la fit done rentrer au Conuent des Meres Vrfu- lines, ot le Demon qui preuoioit la fainteté de ce braue fujet, luy liura vne furieufe attaque. I] luy étalle dans vn beau iour, toutes les raifons que Mon- fieur fon pere luy auoit apportées pour la diuertir de fon deffein: Il efface de fa memoire toutes les repar- ties, que Dieu luy auoit fuggerez. Il reueille toutes les tendreffes qu’elle auoit pour vne mere, qui iamais ne fe l’affoit de la voir, & de l’aimer, la fecouffe fut fi grande, & les tenebres fi epaiffes, que fentant fes forces ebranlées, elle fe ietta comme 4 corps perdu, entre les bras de la faincte Vierge, faifant toutes les deuotions qui luy venoient en l’efprit, pour gagner fon coeur, & pour obtenir par fon entremife, la deliurance de cette tentation. La penfée de quitter fa mere pour vn iamais l’efpouuantoit; mais enfin le defir d’eftre A Dieu, & de fuiure les maximes de
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which the religious life drags after it. Madame her mother kissed and caressed her, and offered her every endearment calculated to win the heart ofa young Lady of her condition. All these offerings failed to touch her; but the love that she felt for so kind a mother rent her heartstrings when she thought of parting from her.
But as she had a very high-spirited disposition, she stoutly resisted her natural tenderness; and then Our Lord put into her mouth such beautiful passages of Scripture, and thoughts from the holy fathers, touching the blessedness of the Religious life, and she quoted them [140] with such fluency and eloquence, that her parents and several persons of quality who. heard her were struck with surprise, and decided that no further resistance must be made to the spirit that makes eloquent the tongues of children.
Accordingly she was made to return to the Convent. of the Ursuline Mothers, where the Evil One, fore- seeing the sanctity of this valiant subject, made a furious attack upon her. He displayed to her ina clear light all the reasons that her father had adduced to divert her from her purpose, effacing from her memory all the rejoinders with which God had in- spired her. He aroused all the tenderness felt by her for a mother who was never tired of seeing or of lov- ing her. The shock was so great and the darkness so thick that, feeling her strength wavering, she flung herself, as if she were a lost creature, into the arms of the blessed Virgin, offering all the devotions of which she could think, in order to win her heart and obtain, by her mediation, deliverance from this temptation. The thought of leaving her mother forever frightened her; but at length the desire to.
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l’Euangile, [141] luy firent prendre refolution, en la prefence de la faincte Vierge, de boire 1’amertume du calice de fon fils, & de perfeuerer con{tamment dans fa maifon, quand tous ces tourmens, la deuroient accompagner iufques a la mort.
Le iour qu'elle prit le fainct habit de la Religion, luy fut encore vn iour de combat. Ona couftume d’habiller les filles en ce dernier iour de leur fiecle, conformément a l’eftat qu’elles auroient tenu dans le monde. Noftre Nouice parut fi ajuftée, fi modefte aux yeux de Madame fa mere, que f{’approchant d’elle pour luy donner le dernier Adieu, elle la faifit, 1’em- braffa, & la tint fi long-temps colée fur fon fein, que Monfieur de la Troche la voyant fans parole, & comme pafmée, luy arracha d’entre les bras, pour la conduire a la porte du Monaft[e]re d’ot elle eftoit fortie. Cette feparation tira quelques larmes des yeux de la fille, & laiffa la mere dans vne profonde douleur. Si to{t qu’elle fut entrée, on luy ofte fes habits de pa- rade, & on luy donne auec les ceremonies ordinaires, celuy qu’elle auoit tant defiré. On luy fit auffi porter le nom de fainct Bernard: nous dirons cy-apres comme [142] elle prit celuy de fainct Iofeph.
Noftre Seigneur la reuef{tit interieurement de l’on- ction & de la grace, fignifiée par fon voile, & par les autres appartenances de fon habit. Vous euffiez dit qu’elle commengcoit par ot plufieurs acheuent. I’e- {tois rauie d’e{tonnement, dit la Mere de I|’Incarnation, de voir en vne fille de quatorze ans, non feulement la maturité de celles qui en ont plus de vingt- cing, mais encore la vertu d’vne Religieufe defia bien auancée. Rien de puerile ne paroiffoit en fa ieu- neffe, elle gardoit fes Regles dans vne fi grande
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belong to God, and to follow the maxims of the Gos- pel, {141] made her resolve, in the presence of the blessed Virgin, to drink the bitterness of her son’s cup, and to persevere constantly in his house, even though all these torments should accompany her until death. ‘“The day on which she assumed the holy garb of Religion was another day of conflict for her. It is the custom to dress the girls, on this last day of their secular life, in a manner befitting the rank that they would have heldin the world. Our Novice appeared, to the view of Madame her mother, so composed, so modest, that, when the latter approached her to give her the last Farewell, she seized and embraced her, and held her so long clasped to her bosom that Monsieur de la Troche, seeing her speechless and well- nigh in a swoon, snatched her from her mother’s arms to conduct her to the door of the Monastery whence she had come. This separation drew some tears from the daughter’s eyes, and left the mother inadeep melancholy. Assoonas the former entered the Monastery, her parade dress was removed, and the one that she had so ardently desired was given her, with the customary ceremonies. She was also made to bear the name of saint Bernard; we shall relate hereafter how [142] she took that of saint Joseph.”’ Our Lord invested her spiritually with the unction and the grace that were symbolized by her veil and the other appurtenances of her costume. You would have said that she was beginning where many leave off. ‘‘ 1 was delighted and astonished,’’ says Mother de 1’Incarnation, ‘‘ to see ina girl of fourteen years not only the maturity of one over twenty-five, but also the virtue of a Nun already far advanced. Nothing puerile showed itself in her youth: she
86 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou. 38
exactitude, qu’on eut dit qu'elle eftoit née pour ces actions. Et le haut facrifice de l’entendement & de la volonté, qui fait fuer tant de perfonnes, luy eftoit comme naturel. En vn mot, fon efprit toujours efgalement ioyeux, la rendoit tres-aimable, & tres- agreable A toute la Communauté, & elle veilloit fi foigneufement fur foy-mefme, qu’il ne falloit pas luy donner deux fois des aduis fur vne mefme chofe, voire-me{me elle fe tenoit pour auifée, & pour reprife des fautes qu’elle voyoit corriger en fes compagnes. Ie ne diray rien de fes deuotions, notamment [143] de l’amour qu'elle auoit pour la faincte Vierge, nous en parlerons en fon lieu, il fuffit de rendre ce tefmoi- gnage tres-authentique, & tres-veritable, que depuis fon entrée au Nouitiat iufques A fa mort, elle f’eft toujours efforcée de refpondre fidelement 4 la grace de fa vocation.
Les deux ans de fon Nouitiat fainctemét efcoulez, Meffieurs fes parens luy vindrent liurer la derniere bataille: Mada. fa mere déplie le refte de fa rheto- rique, elle met au iour toutes fes affections, tout fon amour, & toutes fes tendreffes, affeurant fa chere fille qu’elle la receura a bras ouuerts, fi la vie d’vne Reli- gion affez penible luy eft tant foit peu defagreable: elle protefte qu’elle ne peut, fans violence, fe feparer d’elle. Monfieur fon pere luy reprefente, qu’iln’y a encore rien de fait, qu’elle eft encore dans la plaine poffeffion de fa liberté, qu’il ne faut que trois paroles pour l’enchainer, en forte qu'il n’y aura plus de remede A fon repentir. Leur deffein n’eftoit pas de refiftera Dieu: mais de faire la guerre & vne vocation fondée fur le fable mouuant.
La liaifon des cceurs ne fe rompt bien fouuent qu’a-
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followed her Rules with so great exactness that one would have said she was born for these observances; and the high sacrifice of the understanding and will, which causes so many persons great exertions, seemed to come to her by nature. In a word, her disposi- tion, which was ever invariably cheerful, made her very lovable and very welcome to all the Communi- ty; and she watched so carefully over herself that it was not necessary to admonish her twice in regard to the same thing; indeed, she even regarded herself as admonished and reprimanded for the faults that she saw corrected in her companions.’’ I will say nothing of her devotions, especially [143] of the love that she had for the holy Virgin; we will speak of that in its place. It suffices to render this very authentic and truthful testimony, that, from her entrance upon her Novitiate until her death, she always endeavored to respond faithfully to the grace of her calling.
‘‘'When the two years of her Novitiate had been piously accomplished, her parents came to fight the last battle with her. Madame her mother brought to bear the rest of her rhetoric, and showed all her affection, all her love, and all her tenderness,— assur- ing her daughter that she would receive her with open arms, if the life of a Religious order that was far from easy was in the slightest degree distasteful to her; she protested that she could not, without violence, be separated from her. Monsieur her father represented to her that no decisive step had yet been taken, that she was still in full possession of her liberty; but that it needed only three words to bind her so that there would be no further remedy for her repentance. Their design was not to resist God, but to oppose a calling founded on shifting sand.’’
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uec violence. Qui dit mere, [144] dit vne amante; & qui parle d’vn enfant bien né, parle d’vn cceur plein d’amour, & de refpect. Noftre Nouice ne pouuoit quitter Dieu, ny fes parens: Elle euft defiré, ou que fa mere fe fuft faite Religieufe auec elle, ou que fes parens euffent conuerty leur maifon en vn Monaftere de fon Ordre: car parler de feparation, c’étoit parler de mort; elle euft mieux aimé mourir mille fois que de quitter le manche de la charrué, pour retourner en arriere: Et la pauure nature fouffroit en elle des conuulfions & des angoiffes eftranges 4 la penfée quelle f’alloit priuer pour le refte de fes iours, de l’aimable conuerfation de fa bonne mere.
Celuy qui tient de fes doigts toute la nature fufpen- dué, qui f¢ait le nombre des eftoilles, qui donne du poids aux vents, & des limites aux flots & aux tempeiftes de la mer, la guerit de cette tentation en vn moment. I1 luy fit voir dans fon fommeil, vne efchelle femblable a celle de Iacob: D’vn bout elle touchoit les cieux, & de l’autre elle eftoit appuyée fur la terre. Quantité de perfonnes montroient par cette efchelle, aidez de leurs bons Anges, qui effuy- oient doucement la fueur [145] que le trauail & l’effort leur tiroit du front & de tout le vifage. Elle en voyoit plufieurs qui tomboient 4 la renuerfe dés le premier pas, ou dés le premier degré de l’efchelle: Les autres culbutoient du milieu, & vn petit nombre furmontant les difficultez d’vn chemin fi droit & fi roide, arriuoient enfin au fommet, & remportoient la victoire. L’effet de cette veiie fit voir que ce n’eftoit pas vn fimple fonge forgé dans la boutique de fon imagination: mais vn remede 4 fon mal, appliqué par les mains de fon bon Ange. I] ne fallut point
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The union of hearts is not very often broken with- out violence. He who utters the word ‘‘ mother”’ [144] utters the name of one who loves; and he who speaks of a well-born child, speaks of a heart full of love and respect. Our Novice could forsake neither God nor her parents. She would have wished either that her mother might become a Nun with her, or that her parents might convert their house into a Monastery of her Order; for to speak of separation was to speak of death. She would rather have died a thousand times than quit the plow-handle and turn back; and poor nature suffered, in her, strange convulsions and anguish at the thought that she was about to deprive herself, for the rest of her days, of her good mother’s delightful conversation.
He who holds all nature suspended in his hand, who knows the number of the stars, who gives force to the winds, and sets bounds to the floods and storms of the sea, cured her of this temptation in a moment. He caused her to see in her sleep a ladder like that of Jacob; with one end it touched the heavens, and with the other it rested on the earth. Many people were climbing this ladder, aided by their good Angels, who gently wiped away the sweat [145] which the toil and exertion called forth from their foreheads and their entire faces. Some of them she saw who fell backward at the first step, or at the first round of the ladder; others tumbled headlong from the middle; and a small number, surmounting the diffi- culties of a road so straight and so steep, arrived at last at the top, and gained the victory. The effect of this vision made it evident that it was not a simple dream forged in the workshop of her imagination, but a remedy for her ill, applied by the hands of her
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chercher d’Oedipe pour l’explication de cet enigme, l’Efprit de Dieu en fut l’interprete; il caffa le noyau, & luy en fit goufter l’amande. Cet amour de 1’en- fant d’Adam, qui la tenoit attachée par des yeux, & par vn coeur de chair, fe changea en vn in{tant en vn amour, qui ne deftruit point la nature, mais qui la fanctifie; amour plus fort, mais plus libre; amour qui regarde non le temps, mais l’eternité. Sa fidelité a refifter A cet amour eftouffant; fa generofité a iamais ne le découurir a fes parens, de peur qu’ils n’en priffent auantage, pour combattre fa vocation; fa refolution A fouffrir le refte [146] de fes iours la tyrannie de cet amour, plutoft que de lafcher le pied, & fortir de fon pofte, luy meriterent cet amour faine, cet amour dégagé, qui l’ayant deliurée de fon efcla- uage, luy donna le moyen de prefenter 4 Dieu, dans vne profonde paix, vn veritable facrifice, ou pluitoft vn entier holocautfte d’elle-mefme, s’vniffant ef{troite- ment 4 luy, en fe feparant de toutes les creatures par les voeux de fa profeffion, qu'elle fit 4 l’aage de feize ans. Et iamais depuis ce temps-la, l’amour de fes parens ne l’a embaraffée; & la crainte de s’en feparer fut tellement bannie de fon cceur, qu’elle s’en efloigna par apres de plus de mille lieties loing fans aucune peine.
Si tof{t que noftre ieune Profeffe fut enrollée en la milice de Iefus-Chrift, on luy mit les armes en la main pour combattre fes ennemis, fgauoir eft l’igno- rance des petites filles qu’on luy donna a inftruire, & les mauuaifes inclinations de leur nature. Cet exercice qui eft bas dans les ames mercenaires, 1’efle- uoit a la dignité des Anges gardiens. Son but eftoit d’anter Iefus-Chrift: fur ces petits fauuageons, de
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good Angel. It needed no questioning of Gdipus for the explanation of this enigma; the Spirit of God was its interpreter. Hecracked the stone, and made her taste its kernel. That love of the child of Adam which held her fettered by the eyes and heart of flesh, was changed in an instant to a love which does not destroy nature, but sanctifies it,—-a love stronger, but freer; a love which regards not time, but eter- nity. Her fidelity in resisting that stifling love; her greatness of soul in never revealing it to her parents, for fear that they would take advantage of it to oppose her calling; her resolve to suffer, for the rest [146] of her days, the tyranny of that love, rather than take a backward step and desert her post,— won for her that holy and unfettered love which, after freeing her from her bondage, gave her the means to offer to God, in deep peace, a veritable sacrifice, — or, rather, an entire holocaust of herself; uniting herself closely to him in separating herself from all his creatures, by means of the vows of her profes- sion, which she took at the age of sixteen. And never after that time did the love of her parents cause her trouble; and the fear of severing her connection with them was so banished from her heart that she after- ward, without any difficulty, put more than a thousand leagues’ distance between herself and them.
As soon as our young Professed nun was enrolled in the army of Jesus Christ, weapons were put into her hands to combat his enemies,—namely, the ignorance of the little girls given her to teach, and the evil tendencies of their nature. This pursuit — a low one, to mercenary souls—raised her to the dignity of the guardian Angels. Her aim was to engraft Jesus Christ upon these little wild stocks, to
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leur faire connoi{tre leurs paffions, [147] & leurs mau- uaifes pantes, & de leur fuggerer les moyens de les combattre. Si elle les inftruifoit dans la ciuilité, fi elle leur enfeignoit a lire ou 4 efcrire, ou fi elle leur faifoit apprendre quelque ouurage, c’eftoit toujours par rapport a leur falut, leur inculquant doucement comme elles deuoient fanctifier ces occupations, & en tirer vn aide pour fe fauuer. En vn mot, fa fin n’a e{té quafi toute fa vie, que de faire connoiftre & aimer Dieu a ceux auec lefquels elle conuerfoit. Dans les occafions qui lobligeoient de paroiftre a la Grille, on remarquoit en fon port & en fon main- tien (difent les Memoires que j’ay deuant les yeux) vne grauité & vne modeftie toute extraordinaire: elle ne pouuoit fouffrir d’autres entretiens que de la pieté, & fi quelqu’vn (par quelque épanchement trop libre) la vouloit ietter fur vn difcours qui reffentift le monde, elle le ramenoit auec vne faincte induftrie; ou s’il eftoit retif, elle fe retiroit de la Grille, ou bien elle fe donnoit la liberté de luy parler felon fes fenti- més, fans aucun refpect humain, difant qu’il ne falloit pas eftre moins libre, & moins forte pour fouftenir le bien, que quelques-vns [148] l’eftoient pour le de- {truire. De 1a vient qu’affez fouuent elle demandoit a fa Superieure difpenfe de voir les perfonnes dont elle croyoit que la conuerfation fe pafferoit fans fruict.
COMME DIEU L’APPELLA, & LA FIT PASSER EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.
lee Mere de S. Iofeph auoit l’efprit vif, & net, &
beaucoup éclairé. Sa conuerfation eftoit ayma- ble, fon induftrie A gagner les coeurs de ceux qui tenoient le timon, eftoit rauiffante. Comme elle fe
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make them know their own passions [147] and their evil tendencies, and to suggest to them the means of combating these. If she instructed them in civility, if she taught them to read or write, or if she made them learn some work, she always made her instruc- tion bear on their salvation, gently inculcating in them how they were to sanctify these occupations, and derive therefrom help for their salvation. Ina word, her sole object, during almost all her life, was to cause God to be known and loved by those with whom she had intercourse.
‘On the occasions which obliged her to appear at the Grating’’ (say the Memoirs which I have before me), ‘‘ there was observed in her bearing and de- meanor a gravity and modesty that were quite extraor- dinary. Conversation that did not have to do with piety she could not endure; and if any one (by some digression of too great freedom) wished to draw her into talk which savored of the world, she would lead him back again with a holy dexterity; or if he were persistent, she would retire from the Grating or else would take the liberty to speak to him according to her feelings, without respect to human considerations, saying that one must not be less free and less bold in upholding the good than some [148] were in destroy- ing it. Hence it was that she not infrequently asked her Superior to excuse her from seeing those whose conversation she believed would be fruitless.”’
HOW GOD CALLED HER, AND MADE HER GO OVER TO NEW FRANCE.
We ee de St. Joseph possessed an intelligence that was quick, clear, and highly enlightened. Her conversation was amiable, and her skill in win-
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vit dans la fuite dutemps, approuuée & fouftenué des premieres coloénes de fa maifon, fa ieuneffe qui auoit encore du feu dedans les veines, la porta a deux doigts d’vn precipice, la mettant (dit mon papier) dans le danger de prendre vn chemin qui luy auroit e{té fort dommageable, & qui fous ombre d’vn bien apparent, l’alloit ietter dans vne vanité fort fubtile. Eftant donc fur le point de prendre cet effor, Noftre Seigneur luy fit voir ce que ie vay raconter. Elle fe trouua dans le repos de la nuidct, a l’entrée d’vne grande place, enuironnée de boutiques [149] de tous co{tez: ces boutiques luy paroiffent remplies de tous les objets, & de toutes les delices capables de tou- cher les yeux, de gagner les cceurs, & de charmer les efprits. Ces beautez mifes en leur iour, brilloient auec vn merueilleux éclat: fi bien que tous ceux qui entroient dans cette place, en eftoient incontinét efpris. Elle y vit entrer vn Religieux de fa con- noiffance, qui fut incontinent enchanté auffi bien que les autres. Ce qui l’efpouuenta plus fortement dans ce danger, fut, que ne pouuant retourner en arriere, elle fe voyoit comme dans la contrainte de fe ietter dans ce precipice. Mais au moment qu’elle fe croy- oit perdué, il parut vne troupe ou vne compagnie de ieunes gens, faits iuftement comme les Sauuages de la nouuelle France, qu’elle n’auoit pas encore veus: L’vn d’eux portoit vn guidon efcrit de certains mots d’vne langue eftragere. Elle bien eftonnée, entendit vne voix qui prouenoit de ces gens oliuaftres, & qui luy difoit: Ne craignez point, c’eft par nous que vous ferez fauuée; & 14 deffus, fe mettans en haye de part & d’autre, la firent paffer au milieu d’eux, & au tra- uers de cette place, fans qu’elle fuft arreftée, [150]
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ning the hearts of those at the helm was delightful. ‘‘Seeing herself, in course of time, approved and upheld by the chief pillars of her house, her youth, which still had some fire in its veins, brought her within two fingers of a precipice, by exposing her”’ (says my paper) ‘‘to the danger of taking a road which would have been very detrimental to her, and which, under the guise of an apparent good, was going to conduct her into very subtle vanity. Being, then, on the point of taking this flight, Our Lord made her see what Iam about to relate. She found herself, in the quiet of night, at the entrance toa large square surrounded on allsides by shops. [149] These shops appeared to her filled with all the articles and all the delights calculated to attract the eyes, to win the heart, and to charm the mind. These beautiful things, advantageously displayed, shone with a marvelous brilliancy; so that all those who entered this square were immediately enamored of them. She saw enter there a Friar of her acquaint- ance, who was forthwith enchanted, as well as the others. What most frightened her in this danger was, that, not being able to retreat, she saw herself apparently forced to throw herself into this abyss. But, just as she thought herself lost, there appeared a troop or company of young people having exactly the appearance of the Savages of new France, whom she had not then seen. One of them bore a standard inscribed with certain words in a strange tongue. She, greatly astonished, heard a voice which came from these olive-colored people, and which said to her: ‘ Fear not; it is by us that you shall be saved.’ And thereupon, drawing themselves up in line on both sides, they made her pass between them and
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ny charmée par fes beautez; en vn mot, ils la mirent en vn lieu d’affeurance. Or il eft aifé 4 voir par la fuite de fa vie, & par ce qui arriua ace miferable Religieux, qui auoit pour lors la reputation de bien viure, & qui fe fit apoftat quelque temps apres; que cette veiie n’ef{toit pas vne chimere, mais vne verité. Il eft vray qu’elle n’en eut pas fi toft la cdnoiffance, & qu’elle ne prenoit pas fes Bienfacteurs pour des Sauuages: mais auffi faut-il confeffer que 1’affection qu’elle auoit toujours eiie pour le falut des ames, s’efchauffa tous les iours de plus en plus dedans fon coeur depuis cette veiie, & que la lecture des Rela- tions qu’on enuoyoit tous les ans de Canada, luy donnoit des defirs tres-ardens d’entreprendre des chofes qu'elle tenoit pour chimeriques, ne croyant pas que iamais il fe deuft prefenter aucun iour de les effectuer. Elle en parloit fouuent 4 la Mere Marie de l’Incarnation, qui briiloit d’vn mefme feu, qu’elles prenoient toutes deux pour vne folie, ne voyans pas de quel bois on le pourroit nourrir, & ne pouuans comprendre qu’on deu{t iamais enuoyer des perfonnes de leur fexe, & de leur condition, iufques au bout du monde.
[151] Enuiron ce temps-la, Madame de la Pelterie ayant leu dans les mefmes Relations, que l’on fou- haitoit en la nouuelle France que quelque Amazone entrepri{t vn voyage plus long que celuy d’A‘née, afin de pouruoir a l’inftruction des petites filles Sau- uages, prit refolution de fonder vn Seminaire en ce pays de Croix, & d’y conduire elle-mefme des Reli- gieufes Vrfulines pour le gouuerner. En fuite de ce deffein, elle fe tranfporta 4 Tours pour en obtenir quelques-vnes de Monfeign. 1’Archeuefque, & de la
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across that square, without being arrested [150] or charmed by its beauties. Ina word, they put her in a place of safety.’’ Now it is easy to see, from the sequel of her life and from what happened to that wretched Friar,—who had then the reputation of a high liver, and who apostatized, some time after- ward,—that this vision was not a chimera but a reality. It is true, she did not at once know this, and she did not take her Benefactors for Savages; but it must also be owned that the fondness she had always had for the salvation of souls, increased in ardor every day in her heart after this vision; and that the reading of the Relations, which were sent every year from Canada, gave her most fervent desires to undertake things which she held as chimer- ical, not thinking the day was ever destined to come when she could realize them. She spoke about them often to Mother Marie de 1’Incarnation, who burned with the same fire, which they both regarded as folly,—not seeing with what fuel it could be fed, and unable to conceive that persons of their sex and condition were destined ever to be sent even unto the ends of the world.
[151] About that time, Madame de la Pelterie — having read in the same Relations that it was desired in new France that some Amazon should undertake a voyage, longer than that of A®neas, in order to provide for the instruction of the little Savage girls — resolved to found a Seminary in that country of Crosses, and to conduct thither in person some Ursu- line Nuns to govern it. In pursuance of this plan, she repaired to Tours, to obtain some from Monsei- gneur the Archbishop and from Mother Frangoise de St. Bernard, Superior of their Convent. Mon-
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Mere Frangoife de S. Bernard, Superieure de leur Monaftere. Monfieur 1’Archeuefque approuua cette entreprife, contre l’attente de ceux qui fcauoient combien il eftoit naturellement aliené de chofes fi nouuelles, & qui eftoient fans exemples. Il com- mande a la Superieure de donner 4 Madame de la Pelterie, la Mere Marie de 1’Incarnation, qu’elle de- mandoit nommément, & de luy choifir vne compagne par l’aduis de quelques perfonnes qu’il luy nommoit. Toute la Maifon des Vrfulines eftoit en feu, il n’y en auoit pas vne qui ne fouhaitat cette feconde place, exceptée noftre ieune Profeffe. Vous euffiez dit que le Demon [152] luy auoit donné vn coup de maffué fur la tefte: elle eftoit plus froide que la glace, elle paroiffoit ftupide, & interdite; & ce grand amour qu’elle auoit pour vn bien, dont la conquefte luy auoit paru fi aduantageufe, mais impoffible, fe changea en vne grande auerfion, quand elle fe vit dans le pouuoir d’y pretendre. Et quoy qu'elle honorai{t Madame de la Pelterie, comme vne fainte, elle la regardoit neantmoins, & celle qu’on luy auoit accordée, comme des perfonnes perdués. C’eift chofe eftrange, que les affaires de Dieu font toujours accompagnées d’horreurs & de croix! Toutes fes lumieres eftoient changées en des tenebres, fes affections en efloignemens, & fon amour en haine. Il eft vray que ce bruit & ce tintamarre n’étoit qu’en la cuifine, ou dans la baffe-cour parmy les valets, ie veux dire au bas eftage des paffions: car elle auoit toujours vne fecrete eftime au plus profond de fon coeur, & dans la plus haute portion de fon efprit, pour vne vocation fireleuée. C’eft pourquoy s’eftant ouuerte a fa chere compagne la Mere de 1’Incarna-
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sieur the Archbishop approved this enterprise, con- trary to the expectation of those who knew how much he was naturally opposed to things so new and unprecedented. He ordered the Superior to give to Madame de la Pelterie Mother Marie de l'Incarnation, whom she asked for expressly, and to choose, by the advice of some persons whom he named, a companion for her. The whole House of the Ursulines was on fire, there being no one, except our young Professed Nun, who did not wish for this second place. You would have said that the Evil One [152] had given her a blow on the head with a cudgel. She was colder than ice; she seemed stunned and abashed; and that great love that she felt fora good whose realization had appeared to her so advan- tageous, but impossible, was changed into a great aversion when she saw herself empowered to claim it. And, although she honored Madame de la Pelte- rie as a saint, yet she regarded her, as well as the one who had been accorded her, as lost. It is a strange thing that the affairs of God are always attended with abhorrence and crosses. All her light was changed to darkness, her affections to estrange- ment, and her love to hate. It is true, this noise and din were only in the kitchen or in the courtyard among the servants,—I mean, in the lower story of the passions; for she always had, in the inmost depths of her heart, and in her soul’s highest cham- bers, a secret esteem fora calling so exalted. Hence it was that, upon unbosoming herself to her dear companion, Mother de l’'Incarnation, these phantoms vanished, the curtain was withdrawn, and the day appeared to her, more beautiful than ever. [153]
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tion, ces fantOmes s’euanoiiirent, le rideau fut tiré, & le iour luy parut plus beau que iamais. [153] Elle fe va ietter aux pieds de fa Superieure, pour entrer en partage de ce bonheur: mais elle n’eut pour refponfe qu’vn commandemét de prendre la chambre & 1’Office de celle qui deuoit partir, & de demeurer en repos. Ceux quiconnoiffoient fes talens, & qui auoient de l’amour pour ce grand ouurage, creurent qu’il n’en falloit pas demeurer 1a, ils follicitent la Mere de 1’Incarnation de la deman- der pour compagne: la Superieure luy fit la fourde- oreille. La-deffus on fe met en deuoir d’en choifir vne autre. On expofe le fainct Sacrement, on fait les Prieres de quarante heures, afin que Dieu prefi- daft a cette élection. Chofe eftrange! que dans vn fi grand nombre, ceux de qui dépendoit cette élection, ne ptirent rien conclure qu’en faueur de noftre Poftu- lante; il y auoit dans toutes les autres ie ne fcay quoy, qui rompoit l’affaire. Elles’en alla donc dere- chef trouuer la Mere Prieure; elle fe iette par terre, & la conjure de luy eftre fauorable en ce rencontre, fi elle ne connoi{ft que Dieu ne l’ait pas pour agre- able. Sa Prieure demeura fans parole: L’amour luy donnoit de la crainte de perdre vne fille qu'elle auoit tendrement éleuée, [154] qui luy auoit donné tant de fatisfaction, & qui promettoit beaucoup pour fa maifon, ces demandes reiterés, & la peur de refifter a Dieu, & de ne luy pas accorder ce qu’il defiroit, luy firent paffer toute la nuit fans dormir; & dans ce filence, Noftre Seigneur l’occupa fi fortement, & luy donna tant de connoiffance fur la vocation de fa chere fille, qu’elle fe rendit, pourueu neanmoins, que Meffieurs fes parens y confentiffent.
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She hastened to throw herself at her Superior’s feet, in order to obtain a share of this good fortune; but she received for answer only an order to take the chamber and assume the Duties of her who was to depart, and to remain in quiet. Those who knew her talents, and who had a love for this great work, believed that matters must not rest there; they urged Mother de 1’Incarnation to ask for her as companion. The Superior lent her a deaf ear. ‘Thereupon the task of choosing another was undertaken: the holy Sacrament was exposed, and forty hours of Prayer were observed, in order that God might preside at that election. Strangely enough, in so great a num- ber, those with whom this choice rested could reach no conclusion except in favor of our Candidate; in the case of all the others, there was something or other that proved an objection. Accordingly, she went again to find the Mother Prioress, prostrated herself, and conjured her to be favorable to her in this emergency, uniess she knew her to be unaccept- able to God. Her Prioress remained speechless; love made her fear to lose a girl whom she had tenderly nurtured, [154] who had given her so much satisfaction, and who gave great promise for her house. ‘These reiterated demands, and the fear of resisting God and not yielding him what he desired, made her pass the whole night without sleeping ; and in this silence Our Lord took possession of her with such power, and gave her so much knowledge con- cerning the calling of her dear daughter, that she submitted, with the provision, however, that her parents should give their consent.
Forthwith a special courier was sent to ask their
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Auffi toft on leur enuoie vn courrier tout exprés, pour demander vn congé, dont on ne deuoit attendre qu’vn refus. Cependant on continué les prieres dans la maifon, & noftre ieune Amazone, prend pour auo- cat dans fa caufe le grand fainct Iofeph, luy deman- dant, non l’entrée dans le Canadas, mais qu’il difpofait les coeurs de fes parens, 4 fuiure les mouuemens de l’efprit de Dieu, que fi fa bonté luy ouuroit cette porte, elle luy faifoit voeu de prendre, & de porter fon nom, & de marcher fous fes aufpices, en ce bout du monde.
Le courrier trouua Meffieurs fes parens 4 Angers. Il leur prefenta les lettres de leur chere fille. Mon- fieur de la Troche tes [155] lifant demeura tout pamé d’étonnement. Madame fa mere leuant la bonde a fes larmes; & abbandonnant les rénes a fa douleur, remplit toute fa maifon d’effroy, tout le monde accourt, chacune plaind, le mot de Canadas, leur donne 4 tous de l’épouuante. Madame de la Troche; ayant vn peu repris fes efpris, commande qu’on mette les cheuaux au caroffe pour aller promptemét empefcher ce voyage. Auffi-toft dit, auffi-toft fait. Comme elle auoit defia vn pied dans le caroffe, parut vn Pere Carme, qui ayant appris le fujet d’vn voyage fi foudain, luy dit, Madame ie vous arrette, permettez que ie vous die vn mot en voftre maifon. Elle obeit, quoy qu’auec peine, ils f’en vont tous deux enfemble trouuer Monfieur de la Troche. Ce bon Religieux remply de Dieu, leur parla fi haute- ment, & fi efficacement de l’honneur, & de la grace, que leur faifoit Noftre Seigneur, d’appeller leur chere fille en vne fi faincte Miffion. [1 leur fit voir par tant de raifons, & fi preignantes, le dommage
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permission, although only a refusal was expected from them. Meanwhile the prayers were continued in the house, and our young Amazon took as advo- cate in her cause the great saint Joseph, asking of him not admission to Canadas, but that he would incline her parents’ hearts to follow the promptings of the spirit of God; and she made a vow to him that, if his goodness should open that door to her, she would take and bear his name, and proceed under his auspices, in that remote quarter of the world.
‘“The courier found her parents at Angers, and presented them the letters regarding their dear daughter. Monsieur de la Troche, [155] on reading them, was completely overcome with astonishment. Madame her mother, opening the sluice-gates of her tears and giving free vent to her grief, filled her whole house with alarm: there were hurrying feet and lamentations on every hand, the name of Canadas inspiring all with terror. Madame de la Troche, regaining her spirits somewhat, ordered the horses put to the coach, in order to go at once and prevent this voyage. No sooner said than done. When she had one foot already in the coach, there appeared a certain Carmelite Father, who, upon learning the cause of so sudden a journey, said to her, ‘ Madame, I detain you; permit me to say a word to you in your house.’ She obeyed, although reluctantly, and they both went together to find Monsieur de la Troche. This good Religious, filled with the spirit of God, spoke to them so freely and so effectively of the honor and grace done them by Our Lord in calling their dear daughter on so holy a Mission; and he
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quils fe cauferoient deuant Dieu, & les tors qu’ils feroient a la fainteté de cette ame genereufe, s’ils empefchoient le cours de fon voyage; qu’ils [156] n’eurent autre repartie, qu’vn aquiecement au plus haut de l’efprit, aux ordres de celuy qui en eftoit le mai{tre; s’abbaifans, deuant luy, & adorans fa con- duite, quoy qu’ils la trouuaffent bien amere. Ne voila pas des parens, dignes d’auoir efté honorez d’vne fi fainte fille? Que diront deuant Dieu, les Communautés, a qui on ne demande pas des fujets fi eminens, voyans vne maifon, donner ce qu’elle a de plus cher, & des parens fe priuer de leur amour & de leur tendreffe?
Madame de la Troche ayant fait fon facrifice, ne demandoit plus que la fatisfaction d’aller embraffer encor vne fois fa chere fille; de luy pouuoir aller donner le dernier adieu: & de luy porter 4 mefme temps, le congé, & la benediction de Monfieur fon pere, qui fe trouuoit mal. Ce bon Religieux luy dit, auec vne fainte franchife, non Madame vous n’irez pas: vos tendreffes pourroient affoiblir en quelque facon, la generofite de voftre Amazone. Faites Vholocaufte tout entier; il fuffit que vous luy ecriuiez, felon les fentimens que Dieu vous donne. Son confeil fut fuiuy. Monfieur & Madame de la Troche efcriuirent deux lettres fi [157] faintes, & fi Chre- {tiennes, qu’elles tiroient les larmes de tous ceux qui les lifoient.
Ces nouuelles eftans arriuées, on fait porter a la Mere Marie de fainct Bernard, le nom de Marie S. Iofeph, fuiuant le voeu qu’elle en auoit fait, elle triomphe de ioye, fe remettant en memoire la fuite de fa vocation: elle adore auec amour, le procedé de
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showed them, by so many and pregnant arguments, the harm they would cause before God, and the wrong they would do to the sanctity of that generous soul, if they took measures to prevent her journey, that they [156] had no other response to give than a hearty acatiescence in the orders of him who was master, abasing themselves before him and adoring his guidance, bitter indeed though they found it. Were they not parents worthy of being honored by so holy a daughter? What will be said before God by the Communities from which such eminent subjects are not demanded, when they see a house give the dear- est that it has, and parents deprive themselves of the object of their love and tenderness?’’
Madame de la Troche, having made her sacrifice, asked for nothing more than the satisfaction of going to embrace her dear daughter once more, of being able to bid her a final farewell, and at the same time to carry her the parting words and benediction of her father, who was ill. This good Religious, with a holy frankness, said to her: ‘‘ No, Madame, you shall not go; your tenderness might weaken in some manner your Amazon’s noble spirit. Offer the holo- caust in all its entirety. It is sufficient for you to write to her according to the feelings that God gives you.’’ His counsel was followed. Monsieur and Madame de la Troche wrote two letters, of such [157] piety and Christian spirit that they drew tears from all who read them.
This news having arrived, the name of Marie St. Joseph was given to Mother Marie de saint Bernard, in accordance with the vow which she had made in the matter. She was triumphant with joy, recalling
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Dieu dans fa conduite: bref elle fe difpofe 4 ce grand voyage, de mille lieués en droite ligne, & de plus de trois mille dans les détours & dans les bolines qu’il faut faire.
Monfieur l’Archeuefque ayant appris que le choix des deux Meres eftoit fait, les fit venir en fon Palais, ce fainct vieillard leur donna fa benediction: il les porta a embraffer courageufement la Croix du fils de Dieu, fe feruant des mefmes paroles qu'il dit a fes Apoftres, lors qu’il les enuoya en Miffion, & leur ayant fait chanter le Pfeaume. Ju exitu I/rael de “Ligypto, &c. Et le Cantique de la faincte Vierge. Magnificat anima mea Dominum, &c. 11 les congedia auec eftonnement, de voir la force & la conf{tance de ces trois Amazones: car Madame leur fondatrice e{toit de la partie.
[158] Ayant receu fa benediction, & celle de Meffieurs fes parens, il falut prendre congé de fa chere Mere Prieure, & de tes cheresoccurs: » La plus part luy portoient enuie de fon bien-heureux fort, quelques vnes trembloient, a la penfée des dangers, qu’elle’ pouuoit rencontrer fur ta terre, fur les eaux: quoy qu’il en foit, elle fortit de Tours auec fa chere compagne, le vingtiefme iour de Fevrier, de l’an mille fix cents trente neuf. Elle n’auoit lors que vingt & deux ans & demy, & neantmoins dans tous les voyages qu’il fallut faire de Tours 4 Paris, de Paris A Diepe, & de Diepe en la nouuelle France; dans toutes les compagnies ot: elle fe rencontra, en la Cour, dans les maifons particulieres, dans les Monatteres de Religieufes, elle a laiffé par tout vne telle odeur de fa modeftie & de fa vertu, que ie puis affeurer qu’elle dure encore 4 prefent en plufieurs
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the whole course of her vocation, and worshiping with love God’s operations in her guidance. Ina word, she made ready for that long voyage of a thousand leagues in a straight line, and of more than three thousand in the detours and tacks that had to be made.
Monsieur the Archbishop, learning that the choice of the two Mothers was made, summoned them to his Palace, where this holy old man gave them his blessing. He urged them to embrace with courage the Cross of the son of God,— using the same words that our Lord uttered to his Apostles upon sending them on their Missions, and making them sing the Psalm, Jn exitu Israel de Atgypto, etc., and the Song of the blessed Virgin, Magnificat anima mea Dominum, etc. He dismissed them, with astonishment at seeing the strength and constancy of those three Amazons, for Madame their foundress was of the party.
[158] After receiving his benediction and that of her parents, she had to take leave of her dear Mother Prioress and her dear sisters. The greater number envied her happy lot, although some trembled at the thought of the dangers she might encounter by land and sea. Bethat asit may, she departed from Tours with her dear companion, on the twentieth day of February in the year sixteen hundred and thirty-nine. She was then only twenty-two and a half years old; and nevertheless, in all the journeys that had to be made,—from Tours to Paris, from Paris to Diepe, and from Diepe to new France,—and in all the com- pany that she met,—at the Court, in private houses, or in the Monasteries of Nuns,—she left everywhere
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endroits. Elle eftoit agreable dans les dangers, elle en {fcauoit diuertir la crainte par quelque petit mot, & porter le monde a la priere, qu’elle commengoit fort guayement la premiere. On ne remarquoit aucune ieuneffe dans cette grande ieuneffe, ce n’eftoit que [159] maturité. Son affeurance parut vn iour a la vetie de la mort qui fe prefenta, notamment vne fois, non pas armée d’vne faux, mais vef{tué d’vne hor- rible glace, contre laquelle leur vaiffeau s’alloit brifer, fi Dieu par vne efpece de miracle ne les euft preferuez: fa fermeté donnoit de la couleur aux vifages pafles, & affermiffoit les coeurs tremblans de peur. En fin apres auoir efluyé les tempeftes de 1’Ocean; apres auoir fouftenu le poids des vents & des flots; apres auoir franchy mille dangers, & en- duré con{tamment les fatigues de la mer, Dieu la fit entrer la mefme année de fon depart, au pays tant defiré, au pays de fouffrance & de ioye, au pays des combats & des victoires, pour paffer de 1a au fejour de la gloire d’vn triomphe eternel. Difons mainte- nant deux mots de fes vertus, & des faueurs que fon Ef{poux luy a departies en ce pays de benediction.
[160] DE SON AMOUR, & DE SON APPLICATION A IESUS-
5
CHRIST, & A SES SOUFFRANCES.
A Mere Marie de fainct Iofeph a eu dés fon fe enfance de grandes tendreffes pour le Verbe incarné. LeR. P. Iean Bagot, Religieux bien connu dans noftre Compagnie, m’a dit, que s’eftant ren- contré en la maifon de Monfieur fon pere, au temps de fa premiere communion, il fut furpris, voyant les lumieres de cette enfant: fa confeffion fi naiue & fi iudicieufe pour fon aage, l’eftonna; & les tendreffes
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such an impression of her modesty and virtue, that I can affirm that it still continues at the present time in many places. She was welcome in times of dan- ger; she could dispel fear by some little saying, and induce the company to join in prayer, which she herself, with much cheerfulness, was the first to begin. In herextreme youth, no youth was noticed, but only [159] maturity. Her self-reliance espe- cially showed itself one day, at the prospect of death that presented itself,— not armed with a scythe, but clothed in frightful ice, against which their vessel would have been dashed to pieces, had not God preserved them by a kind of miracle. Her firmness brought color to their pale faces and strengthened the hearts that trembled with fear. At last, after weathering the Ocean storms,—after withstanding the violence of winds and waves, after passing through a thousand dangers, and bearing with con- stancy the fatigues of the sea,—she was by the will of God enabled, in the same year in which she started, to enter the land so ardently longed for, the land of conflicts and of victories, to pass thence to the glorious sojourn of an everlasting triumph. Let us say now a few words about her virtues, and the favors which her Bridegroom showed her in this land of benediction.
[160] OF HER LOVE AND HER DEVOTION TO JESUS CHRIST AND HIS SUFFERINGS,
OTHER Marie de saint Joseph had from her child- hood a great tenderness for the incarnate Word. The Reverend Father Jean Bagot, a Reli- gious well known in our Society,’ told me that, hap- pening to be at her father’s house at the time of her
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qu’elle auoit pour Noftre Seigneur en cette commu- nion, le rauit. Je ne luy parlois iamais du Fils de Dieu dans le peu de fejour que ie fis aupres de Meffieurs fes parens, adjoufte le Pere, que ie ne viffe fes petites ioiies toutes trempées de fes larmes: fes yeux tout baignez, eftoient fi fortemét colez fur moy, que ie ne pfi me tenir, voyat cette fainte auidité, & ce grad amour pour fon Sauueur, dans vne fi tendre ieuneffe, de dire 4 Mada. fa mere que cette enfant moteroit quelque iour bien haut: Quza virtus Domini erat cum illa.
Toutes les lumieres, toutes les connoiffances, [161] tous les amours, & tous les fentimens qu’elle a eu de ce diuin Efpoux en l’ancienne France, n’eftoient que les preludes & les effais de ce qu’elle deuoit receuoir en lanouuelle. Eftant vn matin en oraifon, quelques fix ans deuant fa mort fon ame luy parut fous la figure d’vn chafteau rauiffant, & 4 mefme temps cet Efpoux, le Fils du Tout-puiffant fe prefentant a la porte, fe fit voir 4 fon efprit par vne communication purement intellectuelle, ot le Demon n’a point de part, pour e{tre indépendante de tous les fens. II eftoit fi éclatant, & fi plein de gloire, & fi rauiffant en beauté: (dit la perfonne de qui j’ay receu les me- moires) I1 luy tendoit les bras, & luy iettoit des regards fi amoureux, qu’elle fut morte de ioye & d’amour s’il ne l’euft fouftenué. Enfin il luy dit, en la retenant entre fes bras, & prenant vne entiere poffeffion de fon ame: Ma fille, aye foin du dehors du chafteau, & ie conferueray le dedans. Comme il vint a fe retirer, elle le voulut fuiure: mais vn crefpe ou vn voile fe mettant entre-deux, elle entendit bien qu’il falloit reprendre le chemin de la foy, & ne
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first communion, he was surprised to see the intel- ligence of that child: her confession, so artless and so judicious for her age, astonished him, and the tender devotion displayed by her for Our Lord in that communion charmed him. ‘‘I never spoke to her,’’ added the Father, ‘‘ about the Son of God, in the brief stay that I made with her parents, without seeing her little cheeks all wet with tears; her eyes, full to overflowing, were so intently fixed upon me that, upon witnessing this holy eagerness and great love for her Savior at so tender an age, I could not refrain from saying to her mother that that child would some day attain a great height, Quza virtus Domini erat cum wlla.”’
All the light, all the knowledge, [161] all the love, and all the feeling that she had for that divine Bride- groom in old France, were merely the preludes and first essays of what she was to receive in the new. One morning, some six years before her death, as she was at prayer, her soul appeared to her under the form of a charming castle; and at the same time this Bridegroom, the Son of the Almighty, present- ing himself at the door, made himself apparent to her spirit by a purely intellectual communication, wherein the Evil One had no part, since it was inde- pendent of all the senses. ‘‘ He was so bright and full of glory, and of such ravishing beauty ’’ (says the one from whom I received the memoirs), “‘ he held out his arms and threw her such fond glances, that she would have died of joy and love if he had not sustained her. At length, holding her in his arms and taking full possession of her soul, he said to her: ‘My daughter, take care of the outside of the castle, and I will guard the interior.’ As he
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iouyr de ces lumieres qu’en paffant, comme on voit briller les efclairs.
[162] Elle fut neantmoins enuiron vne fepmaine en extafe, fans toutefois perdre les fens; & fon Bien- aimé l’inftruifit dans cette apparition de tous les myiteres de fon adorable humanité: II la reue(ftit de fon Efprit, & la changea entierement en vne nouuelle creature. Depuis ce temps-la, fon coeur n’eftoit plus a elle, & on ne pouuoit parler de Iefus-Chrift en fa prefence, fans que fon ame fe fondift, & fe lique- fiait en amour: Elle en parloit quelquefois fi haute- ment, qu’on voyoit bien d’ot. procedoient fes connoif- fances.
Noitre Seigneur luy tenoit fouuent vn langage fort interieur. Chantant vn iour le Credo A la faincte Meffe, elle entra dans vne complaifance amoureufe en pronongant ces paroles, Per guem omnia facta sit, fe refiouyffant en fon coeur, de ce que toutes chofes auoient efté faites par fon Efpoux. Et comme cette ioye & cette complaifance la faifoient quafi defaillir, il luy dit: Oiiy, ma fille, toutes chofes ont efté faites par moy, mais ie feray refait en toy. Elle penfa s’aneantir entendant ces paroles, qui ne fignifioient autre chofe, qu’vne faincte transformation en celuy, dans lequel elle viuoit plus qu’en elle-mefme.
[163] Ie ne fgaurois rapporter tous les effets que ces communications diuines operoient dans fon ame; ce n’eftoient qu’actions de graces, que loiianges, que benedictions: Elle eftoit dans de continuelles recon- noiffances d’eftre venué au monde fous la loy de grace, pour auoir le moyen de poffeder pleinement Iefus-Chrift. Elle portoit grande compaffion aux ames qui ignoroient ce grand threfor, & fgauoit
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was about to withdraw, she wished to follow him; but a piece of crape, or a veil, intervening between them, she understood clearly that she must resume the path of faith, and enjoy this light only in pass- ing, as one sees the lightning flash.’’
[162] Nevertheless, for about a week she was in ecstasy, without, however, losing her senses; and in this apparition her Well-beloved instructed her in all the mysteries of his adorable humanity, clothing her with his Spirit and changing her entirely into a new creature. From that time, her heart was no longer her own; and one could not speak of Jesus Christ in her presence without causing her soul to soften and melt with love. She spoke of him some- times in such exalted language that it was clearly seen whence came her knowledge.
Our Lord often talked with her, in language heard only by the inner ear. Singing the Credo one day at holy Mass, she lapsed into a state of amorous delight on uttering these words, Per quem omnia facta sunt, rejoicing in her heart that all things had been made by her Bridegroom. And, when that joy and that delight made her almost swoon away, he said to her: ‘Yes, my daughter, all things were made by me, but I am recreated in thee.’’ She thought she would expire upon hearing these words, which signified nothing less than a holy transformation in him in whom she lived more than in herself.
[163] I cannot relate all the effects that these divine communications wrought in her soul; they were a veritable series of thanksgivings, praises, and bless- ings. She enjoyed a continual consciousness of having come into the world under the law of grace, in order to have the means of possessing Jesus
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mauuais gré a celles, qui en ayant connoiffance, ne le poffedoient pas.
La veiie des beautez de fon Bien-aymé, luy fit voir fi a découuert la baffeffe & la laideur des creatures, en vn mot, le neant de toute chofe, que quelques perfonnes la tenoient incapable long-temps deuant fa mort, de vaine gloire, & de tout autre amour, que celuy quitend a Dieu. En effet, les yeux bien puri- fiez qui voyent les chofes dans la verité, ne font pas. beaucoup touchez du menfonge.
Il me vient en penfée que quelques-vnes de fes foeurs lifant ce petit abbregé de fa vie, pourroient bien fouhaiter les mefmes douceurs, & les mefmes familiaritez auec leur Sauueur. I] faut confeffer [164] que ce fucre eft doux, & que cette ambrofie eft pleine de delices: mais elles me permettront de leur dire, que ces grandes confolations paffageres ne fe communiquent ordinairement qu’aux ames que lefus- Chrift met: en croix auéc luy: ce n’eft "qu vn alimee & vn fouftien qu'il leur donne, pour porter le far- deau de fes fouffrances. Nous le verrons dans ce qui fuit.
Comme Noftre Seigneur luy parloit fouuent, il luy dit quatre ans & demy deuant fon trefpas, qu’elle ne viuroit plus de 14 en auant que de foy, & de croix. Ces paroles veritablement fub{ftantielles, eurent leur effet: Elle n’aymoit plus rien que les fouffrances, & fon Efpoux luy en donnoit abondamment. Elle portoit fans ceffe vn eftat de peines interieures fi cachées, fi penetrantes & fi viues, que peu de perfonnes les pouuoient comprendre. Elle fouffroit en fon corps des douleurs & des foibleffes quafi con- tinuelles: fi bien que les paroles de fainct Paul, le
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Christ to the full. She felt great pity for souls that had no knowledge of this great treasure, and was displeased with those that had knowledge of it, but did not possess it.
The sight of the charms of her Well-beloved made her see so plainly the baseness and ugliness of created beings —in a word, the nothingness of every- thing —that, long before her death, she was regarded by some as incapable of vainglory, or of any other love than that which is directed toward God. In- deed, the vision that has been made clear, and sees things as they are, is not greatly touched by what is false.
It occurs to me that some of her sisters, upon reading this little summary of her life, may well desire the same delights and the same intimacy with their Savior. It must be confessed [164] that that sugar is sweet and that ambrosia is full of delight; but they will permit me to say to them that those great and transient consolations are ordinarily com- municated only to the souls that Jesus Christ causes to suffer with him. It is merely a nutriment and support which he gives them to enable them to bear the burden of his sufferings, as we shall see in what follows.
As Our Lord often spoke to her, he told her, four years and a half before her death, that she would thenceforth live only by faith and crosses. These words, weighty indeed, had their effect. Thence- forward she cared only for sufferings, and her Bride- groom gave her an abundance of them. She was constantly subjected to a state of spiritual suffering so hidden, so piercing, and so acute, that few persons were able to understand them. In her body
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fuis attaché en croix auec Iefus-Chrift, fe trouuoient fort veritables en cette victime de l’amour fouffrant. Souuent cet Amant des ames fouffrantes la chargeoit du poids [165] de fa Iuftice, de fa Saincteté, & de fes autres attributs, par des impreffions fi pefantes, que fa vie n’eftoit plus qu’vn martyre. Eftant certain iour dans les langueurs, elle dit ces paroles 4 fa com- pagne: Sil’on me demandoit qui me fait fouffrir, ie ne pourrois refpondre autre chofe, finon que c’eft le Verbe Incarné, que c’eft celuy que j’ayme, qui me tourmente d’vne facon inexplicable. Quelquefois elle auoit des oppreffions de coeur fi grandes, & des impreffions des fouffrances de Iefus-Chrift fi viues, qu'il luy fembloit fouffrir vne mort plus dure que la mort mefme. Les defirs de mourir, pour ioiiyr de celuy qu’elle auoit veu fi beau & fi rauiffant, allu- moient en fon ame vn feu fi cuifant, & fi douloureux, qu’elle ne le pouuoit efteindre que par vne autre douleur: Elle appaifoit l’amour de la ioye par 1’a- mour des fouffrances. Ce langage n’eft pas eftranger & ceux qui ayment, & qui fcauent que pour eftre hautement femblable 4 Iefus-Chrift dedans fa gloire, il faut luy eftre conforme, comme parle S. Paul, dans fes fouffrances.
L’Efpoufe des Cantiques va chercher fon Efpoux, quand il eft abfent. L’ame [166] que Dieu occupe en l’oraifon, demeure en repos: mais f’il fe cache, elle eleue fon efprit, fait marcher fes affections, pour chercher, & pour trouuer fon bien-aimé! Noftre Canadienne fuiuoit cette maxime dedans fes Croix, quand fon Epoux luy en donnoit, elle les portoit auec vne paix, & vne foumiffion 4 fes ordres, & a fa conduitte toute rauiffante: elle prenoit ce faiffeau de
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she suffered almost continual pains and weaknesses, so that the words of saint Paul, ‘‘ I] am crucified with Jesus Christ,’’ were found to be very true in the case of this victim of suffering love. Often that Lover of suffering souls burdened her with the weight | 165] of his Justice, of his Holiness, and of his other attri- butes, with loads of such heaviness that her life ceased to be anything but a martyrdom. One day, when she was overcome with weakness, she said to her companion these words: “‘ If I were asked the cause of my suffering, I could only answer that it is the Incarnate Word, the one whom I love, who tor- ments me in an inexplicable manner.’’ Sometimes she had such great heaviness of heart and such vivid impressions of the sufferings of Jesus Christ, that she seemed to suffer a death that was harder than death itself. Her longing to die, in order to enjoy him whom she had seen in such ravishing beauty, kindled in her soul a fire so scorching and so painful, that she could only quench it by another pain. She appeased her love of joy by her love of suffering. This language is not strange to those who love, and who know that, in order to be in a high degree like Jesus Christ in his glory, one must, as St. Paul says, be conformed to him in his sufferings.
The Bride of the Canticles goes to seek her Bride- groom when he is absent. The soul [166] that God engages in prayer remains at rest; but, if he hide himself, it arouses its spirit and sends forth its affections to seek and to find its well-beloved. Our Canadian followed this maxim in her Crosses. When her Bridegroom gave her any, she bore them with a peace, and submission to his orders and guidance, that were altogether charming: she took that vessel
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myrrhe & le cachoit dans fon fein auec amour, & quand il la priuoit de cette faueur, elle fe faifoit elle mefme des Croix elle cherchoit des mortifications, qui l’auroient bien-toft enleuée, de ce monde, fi fes Superieurs n’euffent donné des bornes & des limites a fa ferueur.
Comme elle connoiffoit la malice, & la fineffe de la fille d’ Adam, ie veux dire de la nature corrompué, elle auoit vne merueilleufe addreffe, non feulement pour la tuér, mais encor pour empefcher, que la Charité de fes foeurs, ne luy donnaffent quelque foulagement. C’eftoit la quereller que de luy dire, que fes infirmités la difpenfoient de fuiure la Com- munauté, & on luy formoit vn procés, quand on la preffoit de prendre quelque foulagement dans fes foibleffes, fi elles n’eftoient [167] extrefmes. Ses refiftances ne procedoient pas, d’vn petit compliment, formé du bout des levres: mais d’vne veué de fa baffeffe, fe croyant eftre 4 charge 4 fa Communauté: elle cedoit d’ailleurs facilement, & fe foumettoit, aifement, a ceux qui la gouuernoient, quand ils n’écoutoient pas fes raifons; ce qui arriuoit peu fou- uent, car elle eftoit fort eloquente, lors qu’elle plai- doit la caufe des fouffrances de Iefus-Chrift, contre les delicateffes du vieil Adam.
DE SA DEUOTION ENUERS LA SAINCTE VIERGE & ENUERS SAINCT IOSEPH.
L e{t bien difficile d’aimer Iefus, fans aymer Marie, & d’honorer Marie, fans refpecter fainct Iofeph.
Ie puis dire auec verité, que cette faincte famille, a e{té la premiere, la plus noble, & la plus continuelle occupation de la Mere Marie de fainct Iofeph, dans
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of myrrh and hid it in her bosom with love; and when he denied her this favor, she made Crosses for herself, and sought for self-inflictions that would very soon have borne her away from this world, had not her Superiors set bounds and limits to her fer- vor.
Knowing, as she did, the malice and cunning of the daughter of Adam —I mean, of corrupt nature — she had a marvelous adroitness not only in killing it, but also in preventing her sisters’ Charity from affording her any relief. It gave her offense to tell her that her infirmities exempted her from observ- ing the rules of the Community; and a formal con- test ensued when she was urged to take some rest in her weakness, unless the latter were [167] extreme. Her resistance did not consist in a little compliment formed merely by her lips; but was based on ‘a perception of her lowliness, and a belief that she was a burden to her Community. In other matters she yielded easily and submitted readily to those who governed her, when they did not listen to her argu- ments—a thing which happened very seldom; for her eloquence was great when she pleaded the cause of Jesus Christ’s sufferings against the effeminacy of the old Adam.
OF HER DEVOTION TO THE BLESSED VIRGIN AND TO SAINT JOSEPH.
T is very difficult to love Jesus without loving Mary, or to honor Mary without respecting saint Joseph. I can say with truth that that holy family gave the first, the noblest, and the most constant occupation to Mother Marie de saint Joseph, during all the years of her earthly pilgrimage. Jesus Christ
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toutes les années de fon pelerinage fur la terre. Iefus-Chrift la tirée a foy, la Vierge la receué, & elle a recherché fainct lofeph, elle eft née dans la deuo- tion enuers la fainte Vierge; c’eft le premier laict qu’elle a fuccé: fa bonne [168] mere la dédia & la confacra des le berceau 4 cette Reine des Anges; & luy fit paffer fa premiere enfance dans cette pieté. Nous auons defia dit que le nom de Marie luy fut donné dans cette veué, & que ce nom luy eftoit vn fucre en la bouche, autant de fois qu’elle le pronon- coit; & que fes oreilles, & fon cceur, fentoient tou- jours vn nouueau plaifir, quand on l’appelloit du beau nom de Marie, cette ioye prouenoit de 1l’amour, qu’elle portoit a cette Reine des Anges, & on peut dire, que cet amour, ef{toit vn amour de ialoufie: car elle ne pouuoit fupporter; qu’on n’eut pas vn grand recours, & vne grande confiance en celle, dont elle experimentoit fi fouuent les bontés, elle luy attri- buoit fon education fainte en fa petite ieuneffe: fes defirs d’eftre 4 Dieu, & d’y porter les autres. ‘Sa vocation en vn ordre qui trauaille au falut des ames: l’amour de fon cher fils; la deliurance de fes peines, & de fes tentations: en vn mot, toutes les graces, & les faueurs, qu’elle receuoit de la bonté de fon cher enfant: elle a dit fouuentefois, que depuis fa naif- fance, iufques a l’Age de vingt-ans, tous les iours, toutes les fepmaines, & tous les mois de fa [169] vie, luy auoient e{té confacrés d’vne facgon toute particu- liere elle fut deliurée de cet amour bas, & empreffé, qu’elle portoit 4 Meffieurs fes parens, par l’amour, & par la confiance qu'elle auoit en la faincte Vierge. lAmour fainct & dégagé qu’elle leur porta depuis, n’e{toit qu’vn rapport de l’amour, que cette Princeffe
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drew her to himself, the Virgin received her, and she sought saint Joseph. She was born with a spirit of devotion toward the blessed Virgin; that was the first milk which sheimbibed. Her good [168] mother dedicated and consecrated her from her cradle to that Queen of the Angels, and made her pass her first infancy in that piety. We have said that the name Marie was given her with this intent, that it was as sugar to her mouth, whenever she pronounced it, and that her ears and her heart always felt a new pleasure when she was called by the beautiful name Marie. This joy arose from the love that she bore that Queen of the Angels, and it may be said this love was a jealous love; for she could not bear that others should not have frequent recourse to, and great con- fidence in, her whose goodness she so often experi- enced. To her she attributed her pious education in her early youth, her desires to belong to God and draw others to him, her calling in an order laboring for the salvation of souls, the love of her dear son, her deliverance from her difficulties and tempta- tions,—in a word, all the graces and favors that she received from the goodness of her dear child. She often said that, from her birth up to the age of twenty years, every day, every week, and every month of her [169] life had been consecrated to her in a very special manner. By the love and confi- dence which she had in the blessed Virgin, she was delivered from that low and selfish love that she bore her parents. The hailowed and unfettered Love that she had for them afterward was only an imitation of the love which that Princess cherished for her sov- ereign lord. If she obeyed her Rules, it was ina union of the obedience which that amiable Mother
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portoit a fon fouuerain feigneur. Si elle obeiffoit a fes Regles, c’eftoit dans 1’vnion de l’obeiffance, que cette aimable Mere rendoit a fon fils, & A fon cher Efpoux: fielle auoit quelque petit temps a foy, il e{toit auffi-to{t confacré a la fainte Vierge, elle eftoit toufiours, les premieres années qu’elle fut en la mai- fon de Dieu dans les recherches de nouuelles inuen- tions pour l’honnorer; tantoft par des Pfeaumes: tanto{t par des Hymnes, & puis par des loiianges, & par des voeux, qui ne finiffoient iamais. Soutent elle recitoit auec l’Ange, mille fois le premier falut, qu’il luy a fait. Si quelquefois elle tomboit dans quelque imperfection, elle fen alloit amoureufement flatter fa bonne Mere, la coniurant de couurir cette faute, de la beauté de fes vertus, afin que les yeux de fon fils n’en fuffent point blecés, & que [170] le tort qu’elle luy faifoit par fon offence, fut reparé, par fa tref-aimable fidelité: & la deffus, repandant fon coeur a fes pieds, elle luy promettoit d’eftre vne autrefois plus fidele, & de faire telles mortifications, ou de reciter telles deuotions en fon honneur: elle entroit dans fes ioyes, & dans fes trifteffes: elle la feruoit dans fes voyages, en vn mot, ce n’eftoit que confiance, & qu’amour, pour fa tres-honorée Dame & Maittreffe.
Elle ne fentoit pas cette douceur enuers fainct Iofeph: elle en eut quafi volontiers, intenté vn pro- cés a la faincte Vierge; luy reprochant, qu’elle ne luy donnoit aucun accez, aupres de fon cher Epoux. Elle la preffoit, & la coniuroit d’auoir pitié d’elle, & de luy accorder cette grace: de la prefenter aA cet aimable Efpoux. Ie crains, difoit elle, que cette infenfibilité, ne foit vne marque de ma reprobation.
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rendered to her son, and that which she herself ren- dered to her dear Bridegroom. If she had some little time to herself, it was immediately consecrated to the blessed Virgin; and, during the first years that she was in the house of God, she was always searching for new devices by which to honor her—now by Psalms, now by Hymns, and again by praises and by vows that never ended. She often recited a thou- sand times, the first Angelical salutation. If at any time she lapsed into some imperfection, she went, full of love, to caress her good Mother, conjuring her to cover up that fault with the beauty of her virtues, in order that her son’s eyes might not be wounded by it, and that [170] the wrong she had done him by her offense might be repaired by her very lovable fidelity; and thereupon, pouring out her heart at her feet, she promised her to be more faithful another time, and to perform such and such mortifications, or to recite such and such devotionsin her honor. She entered into her joys and into her sorrows; she served her on her journeys; in a word, she was all confidence and love for her much honored Lady and Mistress.
She did not feel that tenderness toward saint Joseph, and would have been almost willing to bring suit in the matter against the blessed Virgin, reproach- ing her for not giving her any access to her dear Spouse. She urged and conjured her to take pity on her and grant her that favor,—to present her to that lovable Spouse. ‘‘I fear,’’ she would say, ‘‘ that this insensibility is a mark of my reprobate condi- tion.’’ When she was at Tours, and had withdrawn into solitude, she went to find her Superior, in the middle of her retreat,— weeping like a child, because
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Eitant a Tours retirée en folitude, elle f’en alla trou- uer fa Superieure au milieu de fa retraite, pleurant comme vn enfant, de ce qu’elle n’auoit aucune deuo- tion enuers fainct lofeph, cela la faifoit trembler. Sa Prieure luy dit en fe fouriant, que fes larmes, & fes angoiffes, eftoient vne marque [171] de cette deuotion. Mais cela ne la confoloit point, pour ce qu’elle ne reffentoit pas, la protection de ce grand Patriarche, comme elle experimentoit celle de fa chere Efpoufe.
Au temps de fes plus grandes angoiffes, la Supe- rieure des Vrfulines de Loudun s’en allant au tom- beau du B. Monfieur de Sales, paffa par Tours, & logea dans le Monaftere de noftre Canadienne: Toutes les Religieufes, & elle a fon tour, baiferent le facré baume, dont fainct Iofeph s’eftoit feruy pour guerir cette bonne Mere, & la tirer de l’agonie. Il n’yen eut pas vne qui ne fentit vne odeur, & vn effect de ce baume, qui ne venoit point de la terre, excepté nof{tre Canadienne, laquelle fut priuée de cette grace; l’odeur de ce baume ne toucha ny fes narines, ny ne produifit aucun mouuement en fon coeur. Dieu fgait de quelle douleur fut faifie fa pauure ame! C’eft bien jpour lors qu'elle creut, que. iceluy, dont elle recherchoit fi faindtement l’amitié, l’auoit rebutée. Si Dieu.prend fes delices -auec. les. hommes,,’ les Saincts n’en font pas moins. Ce grand Patriarche prenoit plaifir de voir cette ame innocente courre apres ce qu'elle [172] poffedoit defia d’vne facon plus noble, que celle que fon ardeur pretendoit. En fin il la voulut confoler.
Cette bonne Mere de Loudun retournant de fon voyage, & paffant vne autre fois par Tours, entra
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she felt no devotion toward saint Joseph; that made her tremble. Her Prioress told her, with a smile, that her tears and anguish were a mark [171] of that devotion. But this did not comfort her, because she did not feel the protection of that great Patriarch as she did that of his dear Spouse.
At the time of her greatest anguish, the Superior of the Ursulines of Loudun, on her way to the grave of the Blessed Monsieur de Sales, passed through Tours and lodged at the Monastery of our Canadian. All the Nuns, and she in her turn, kissed the sacred balm which saint Joseph used in curing that good Mother and bringing her out of her agony. ‘There was not one of them that did not experience an odor and an influence from this balm, which was not of earthly origin,—except our Canadian, who was denied that grace; the odor of this balm neither touched her nostrils, nor produced any emotion in her heart. God knows with what grief her poor soul was seized. Then indeed it was that she be- lieved that he whose friendship she sought so piously had repulsed her. If God takes his delight in men, the Saints do sono less. This great Patriarch took pleasure in seeing that innocent soul run after what she [172] already possessed in a nobler manner than her ardor laid claim to. At length, it was his will to comfort her.
That good Mother of Loudun, returning from her journey and passing again through Tours, entered the same Monastery, and gave a second opportunity to kiss the holy balm, which she always carried with her. Mother Marie de St. Joseph trembled upon approaching it, fearing asecond rebuff; she pre-
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dans le mefme Monaftere, & donna & baifer pour la feconde fois le fainct baume, qu’elle portoit toujours auec elle. La Mere Marie de S. Iofeph trembloit en s’en approchant, elle craignoit vn fecond rebut, elle fe prefente A genoux auec vn efprit humilié, remply neantmoins de confiance, que la tres-faincte Vierge, fa bonne mere, la donneroit pour ce coup a fon Ef- poux. Son attente ne fut pas vaine; elle n’eut pas fi to{t touché cette onction, que non feulement elle en fentit l’odeur, mais elle en fut penetrée iufques au fonds de l’ame, auec l’effect de la grace qu’elle auoit tant demandée. Le tranfport d’efprit qu’elle eut pour lors, fut fi fenfible, que la Mere de Loudun s’en apperceuant, luy dit en fouriant, Voicy vn cceur puiffamment preffé de Dieu. Elle toute tranfpor- tée, fe retira doucement, & s’alla ietter dans vne grotte de fainct Iofeph, qui eft dans le Monaftere, ot elle fe tint enfermée enuiron [173] deux heures, & dans ce temps-la Noftre Seigneur luy donna fainct Iofeph pour fon Pere & pour fon Protecteur, luy faifant entendre qu’elle eftoit maintenant fille de la Vierge, & de fainct Iofeph.
Cette operation toute diuine, & ces careffes fi amoureufes l’aneantiffoient, & la faifoient fondre en larmes d’amour & de ioye: elle fentoit dans le fonds de fon ame les effects puiffans de cette grace, qui l’affeuroient de cette filiation, en forte qu’elle n’en aiamais pti douter le refte de fes iours, experimen- tant dans la fuite de fa vie, les fecours d’vn Pere fi puiffant, & fi aymable: elle en prit le nom, comme nous auons remarqué, lors qu’il luy fit donner fon paffeport pour aller en fon pays, ie veux dire en la nouuelle France, qu’on peut appeller le pays de 5S.
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sented herself on her knees, with a spirit that was humbled, but yet full of confidence that the most blessed Virgin, her good mother, would this time give her to her Spouse. Her expectation was not in vain: she had no sooner touched that ointment than she not only perceived its odor, but was also pene- trated thereby to her inmost soul, receiving the grace which she had so earnestly entreated. The spiritual transports which she then experienced were so keenly felt that the Mother of Loudun, perceiv- ing it,,said to’ her. with) a smile, °’ Here is ‘a heart powerfully acted upon by God.’’ She, in a perfect transport, softly retired, and hastened to a grotto of saint Joseph, which is in the Monastery, where she kept herself shut in for about [173] two hours; and, during that time, Our Lord gave her saint Joseph as her Father and Protector, making her understand that she was now the daughter of the Virgin and of saint Joseph.
This process, wholly divine in its nature, and these caresses, so full of love, overpowered her and made her burst into tears of love and joy. In her inmost soul she felt the powerful effects of that grace, assur- ing her of this filiation, so that she could never doubt ii forthe rest:of her days, experiencing in the sub- sequent course of her life the aid of so powerful and so kind a Father. She took his name, as we have noted, when he caused her passport to be given her for going to his country—I mean, to new France, which may be called the country of St. Joseph, inas- much as those vast regions march under his stand- ards, and honor him as their Father and their Patron. He led her into that glorious land, into that King-
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Iofeph, puis que ces grandes contrées marchent fous fes e{tendars, & l’honorent comme leur Pere & leur Patron. Il la conduifit dans cette glorieufe region, dans ce Royaume des fouffrances, pour eftre l’vne des pierres fondamentales d’vn Seminaire & d’vn Monattere erigé fous le nom de fainct Iofeph.
[174] DE QUELQUES-VNES DE SES VERTUS.
Bai grandes lumieres, & les hautes contemplations,
qui n’engendrent point la vertu, font femblables a ces fleurs qui ne portent aucun fruict: l’arbre en e{t beau, mais il n’eft pas vtile. [1 fe trouue affez de perfonnes qui parlent de la vertu, ou qui fe plaifent d’en oiiyr parler, qui l’approuuent, & qui lhonorent: mais le nombre de ceux qui la pratiquent folidement, eft bien petit. Noftre Canadienne en faifoit fon principal; elle croyoit que toutes les veiies qui ne tendoient pas 1a, s’écartoient du vray chemin; & que tous les brillans qui ne reprefentoient pas la vertu, n’eftoient que de faux iours: Auffi eft-elle morte en vn pays, ot l’on ayme la verité, & d’out l’on bannie les apparences. La gloire d’vne belle ame n’eft pas d’auoir de beaux yeux, mais d’auoir des mains faites au tour, comme celles de 1’Efpoufe, propres pour exercer les vertus. . Voicy quelques petites marques de celles dont noftre Canadienne a eité hautement enrichie. Commengons par fon humilité.
fl me iemble «que ie pourrois dire, que [s75) le defaut de lumiere eft caufe que nous craignons les loiianges, & le mépris. L’ame qui voit nettement le neant de tout ce qui n’eft pas Dieu, fe met peu en peine d’eitre aymée, ou d’eftre haye; d’eftre hono-
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dom of sufferings, to be one of the foundation-stones of a Seminary and Convent erected in the name of saint Joseph.
[174] OF SOME OF HER VIRTUES.
‘Cum lights and lofty contemplations which do not engender virtue are like those flowers which bear no fruit; their tree is beautiful, but it is not useful. There are persons enough who talk about virtue, or who take pleasure in hearing it talked about, who approve it and who honor it; but the number of those who actually practice it is small indeed. Our Canadian made this her guiding prin- ciple, believing that all visions which did not tend thither went astray from the true path, and that all brightness not representing virtue was only a false light; so she died in a country where truth is loved, and whence mere appearances are banished. The glory of a beautiful soul is not to have beautiful eyes, but to have well-formed hands, like those of the Bride, fitted for the exercise of the virtues. Here are some little marks of those with which our Canadian was highly endowed. Let us begin with her humility.
It seems to me that I might say that [175] want of clear vision is the cause of our being so sensitive to praise and scorn. The soul that sees clearly the nothingness of all that is not God, gives itself little concern whether it be loved or hated, honored or despised, by that nothingness. Mother de St. Joseph was so convinced of her own baseness, she was so filled with thoughts of God’s grandeur, and she saw so clearly that from him alone comes trustworthy and true judgment, that she could almost say with St.
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rée, ou d’eftre méprifée de ce neant. La Mere de S. Iofeph eftoit fi conuai[n]cué de fes baffeffes, elle eftoit fi remplie des penfées de la grandeur de Dieu: elle voyoit fi euidemment que de luy feul procedoit vn folide & vn veritable iugement qu’elle pouuoit quafi dire auec S. Paul, que le iugement des hommes luy eftoit de peu d’importance. Ceux qui ne recher- chent que l’approbation du Roy, ne fe foucient gueres de l’opinion d’vn payfan. De 1a vient qu’elle receuioit au fonds de fon ame les mépris comme des veritez, les voyant tres-conformes 4 fon eftat: & l’honneur comme des menfonges, s’en iugeant de- uant Dieu veritablement indigne: difons pluftoft, qu’elle méprifoit l’vn & l’autre, comme vn homme fage méprife le ieu des noix, ou l’occupation des petits enfans.
Elle receuoit auec vne grande égalité d’efprit, voire mefme auec plaifir, les paroles & les actions qui tendoient a fon abbaiffement, [176] difant qu’elles tendoient 4 la verité. Elle auoit de l’amour & de la douceur pour les perfonnes qui la mortifioiét: elle les defendoit dans les rencontres, & leur rendoit volontiers feruice dans leurs befoins.
Elle ne pouuoit fouffrir qu’on s’éleuaft pour fa naiffance, ne reconnoiffant autre nobleffe que la vertu: Elle difoit que la Religion rendoit tous fes fujets égaux, leur donnant 4a tous vne mefme naif- fance; & que la vertu, & les vices faifoient. les nobles, & les roturiers. Quelqu’vn luy ayant fait demander quelque efclairciffement touchant l’vn de fes anceftres: elle fit refponfe, qu'elle ne s’eftoit iamais mife en peine de fcauoir les auantages que la Nature luy auoit donnez en fes parens! que fa gloire
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Paul that the judgment of men was to her of little account. Those who seek only the King’s approval scarcely trouble themselves about the opinion of a peasant. Thence it was that, in her inmost soul, she received contempt as if it were the truth, regarding it as very well suited to her condition; and honor as if it were deceitfulness, holding herself before God as truly unworthy of it. Let us say that she held both in small esteem, as a wise man despises the game of knuckle-bones, or the pursuits of little children.
She received with great equanimity, indeed even with pleasure, words and actions that tended to her own abasement, [176] saying that they conduced to the truth. She felt love and kindness for persons who mortified her,— defending them, when occasion offered, and willingly rendering them service in their needs.
Recognizing no other nobility than virtue, she could not endure that any one should exalt himself on account of his birth. She said that Religion rendered all its subjects equal, giving to all one and the same birth, and that virtues and vices made nobles and plebeians. When some one caused her to be asked for some information concerning one of her ancestors, she replied that she had never taken the trouble to ascertain the advantages Nature had given her in her parents,—that it was her glory to be the daughter of God and of his Church, and that she rested all her good fortune and happiness on that glory. It was not that she failed to love and honor her parents, but that love and honor were bestowed upon him from whom they derived their true greatness.
Although the mere thought that Jesus Christ,
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eftoit d’eftre fille de Dieu, & de fon Eglife: qu’elle mettoit tout fon bonheur & fa felicité dans cette gloire. Ce n’eft pas qu'elle n’aymaft, & qu’elle n’honora{ft Meffieurs fes parens: mais cet amour & cet honneur fe rendoit en celuy duquel ils tiroient leur veritable grandeur.
La feule penfée que Iefus-Chrift fon Sauueur auoit paffé trente ans dans vne [177] vie obfcure & cachée, arre{tant toutes fes productions au dehors, elle ne pouuoit cacher fes talens naturels, qui la rendoient fort aymable, & fort reeommandable a tout le monde: Mais toutes les graces, & toutes les faueurs dont ie viens de parler, eftoient inconnués aux perfonnes qui l’approchoient de plus pres, elle-mefme en dé- tournoit la veiie, fgachant bien que 1l’éclair bleffe l’ceil, & engendre la foudre & le tonnerre. Elle fuiuoit parfaitement en ce point, la conduite de fes Directeurs, qui paffoient legerement fur ces faueurs extraordinaires, laiffant faire 4 Dieu fon ouurage, & portant fa creature a luy eftre fidele. Iamais ils ne parloient ny dehors, ny dedans la maifon, des opera- tions qui ne font pas de noftre eftage; on exaltoit l’humilité, la patience, la charité, & les autres vertus. C’ef{t dans ces voyes qu’on tenoit cette ame occupée, & ie m’affeure qu’vne partie de fes Sceurs fera efton- née, lifant ce qu’elles ont peut-eftre ignoré iufques a maintenant. I] eft vray qu’on luy auoit commandé depuis quelque temps d’efcrire la conduite que Dieu auoit tenu fur elle depuis fon enfance: afin (difoit-on) de penetrer plus [178] auant dans fon ame, qui fe produifoit affez peu; on ne vouloit pas perdre ces threfors, mais l’incendie de leur maifon nous lesa rauis.
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her Savior, had passed thirty years in a [177] life obscure and hidden, checked all outward manifesta- tions of self, she could not conceal her native talents, which rendered her very lovable and commendable to all. But all the graces and favors of which I have just spoken were unknown to those who ap- proached her most nearly,—she herself diverting the view from them, since she was well aware that lightning hurts the eyes and causes thunder and the thunderbolt. In this respect she followed perfectly the guidance of her Directors, who passed lightly over these extraordinary favors, leaving God to do his work, and inciting his creature to be faithful to him. Neither out of nor in the house did they ever speak of operations that are not within our domain; humility, patience, charity, and the other virtues were exalted. It was in these paths that that soul was kept engaged, and I am sure that a part of her Sisters will be astonished to read what they have, perhaps, been ignorant of hitherto. It is true, she had been bidden, some time previously, to write an account of the guidance which God had exercised over her from her infancy; in order that (as it was said) a more intimate knowledge might be gained [178] of her soul, which made little enough outward manifestation of itself. We would not willingly have lost those treasures; but the burning of their house snatched them from us.
‘‘ Here is an action proceeding from her humility and obedience. The perception that she had of her nothingness gave her a great love for the hidden life; and that love sometimes caused her fear and dread lest she should be drawn from beneath the bushel and set upon a candlestick. One day, when
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Voicy vne action qui part de fon humilité, & de fon obeyffance. La veiie qu’elle auoit de fon neant luy donnoit vn grand amour pour la vie cachée, & cet amour luy donnoit quelquefois de la peur & de la crainte qu’on ne la tiraft de deffous le muid, pour la placer fur le chandelier. Vn certain iour que le temps de faire élection de la Superieure s’approchoit, l’apprehenfion d’eftre eleiie luy donnant quelque trouble, elle fe iette aux pieds de fon Efpoux, elle le earefie, ‘elle Tamadotie, elle luy reprefente qu ilk 4 paffé toute fa vie dans la baffeffe; qu’il a prote{té que fon Royaume n’eftoit point de ce monde; elle le coniure de luy accorder la grace que fa vie ait quelque rapport a la fienne: qu’elle foit vn hommage de fa creiche, vne dépendance de fa croix, vne fuite de fes aneantiffemens, puis qu’il vouloit que noftre vie fuft cachée dans la fienne. Ie vous promets, & vous fais voeu, luy difoit-elle, que j’aymeray, que j’honoreray, celle que vous aurez éleiie, que ie [179] vous obeiray fidelement en elle tant qu’il me fera poffible: Ie vous verray en la voyant, ie vous aime- ray en l’aimant: En fin elle me tiendra voftre place. Sa priere fut exaucée, & fon voeu accomply. Si toft que la Superieure fut eleiie, elle l’alla trouuer, luy rendit vn compte fidele de fon ame, & luy declara les voyes & les chemins que Dieu tenoit en fa con- duite, & tout cela auec la candeur & auec la fimplicité d’vn enfant, auec vne deference toute naiue, & toute aimable. Ie vous laiffe 4 penfer fi vne Superieure pouuoit ne pas aimer vne ame fi foumife, vme ame enrichie de tres-beaux talens, vne ame genereufe, qui faifoit plus qu’elle ne difoit: vne ame qui n’ai- moit rien de mol, rien de bas dans fa conuerfation,
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the time to elect a Superior was drawing near, being somewhat disturbed by the fear of being elected, she cast herself at her Bridegroom’s feet,—she caressed and coaxed him; represented to him that he had passed all his life in lowliness, affirming that his Kingdom was not of this world; and implored him to grant her the favor that her life might bear some resemblance to his, and might be a homage of his manger, a hanging upon his cross, and a continua- tion of his self-effacement, since he wished our lives to be hidden in his. ‘I promise you and make a vow to you,’ said she, ‘that I will love and honor her whom you shall elect, and that I [179] will obey you faithfully in obeying her, as far as it shall be possible for me to do so. I shall see you in seeing her, I shall love you in loving her; in short, she shall hold your place to me.’ Her prayer was granted and her vow fulfilled. As soon as the Superior was elected, she went to find her, rendered her a faithful account of her soul, and made known to her the paths and the roads which God took for her guidance,—and all this with the candor and simplicity of a child, and with a deference wholly ingenuous and very lovable. I leave you to judge whether a Superior could fail to love a soul so submissive, a soul endowed with very fine talents, a generous soul which did more than it said, a soul which disliked anything shallow, anything low in its conversation, which was free from all puerility before the world, and which rendered itself com- pliant and docile to those who directed it.
‘*T am ocular witness to this last article, for she revealed her heart to me at that time. I was the depositary of her fears and vows and of her entire
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qui n’auoit rien de puerile deuant le monde, & qui fe rendoit fouple & traitable 4 ceux qui la dirigeoient.
Ie fuis tefmoin oculaire’ de ce dernier article, comme elle me découuroit fon coeur en ce temps-la: Ie fus le depofitaire de fes craintes, & de fes voeux, & de tout fon procedé. Quelques perfonnes voyant qu’elle eftoit toujours aimée de fes Superieurs, & n’en fc¢achant pas le fecret, [180] difoient qu’elle fe trouuoit toujours du cofté des plus forts: qu’elle fcauoit gagner ceux qui commandoient; que fon induftrie la mettoit toujours a l’abry des tempeftes qui venoient d’enhaut: Elles difoient la verité, mais elles attribuoient 4 vne baffeffe d’efprit, ce qui prouenoit d’vne haute generofité.
Ie fgay encore qu’vne perfonne luy a donné bien de l’exercice, & ie n’ay iamais fceu que fa bouche & fon coeur fe foient efchapez 4 fon efgard. Puis qu’il n’y a point de danger maintenant de reueler les fecrets, de, l’eichole,, 1¢° feray encore wu spas 7On l’accufoit quelquefois, non pas de trop d’attache, car c’eftoit vn efprit fort libre, mais de rendre trop de complaifance 4 quelques perfonnes, foit par quelque fympathie, ou pour quelque intereft trop humain. Moy qui connoiffois fon coeur fi dégagé, ie fouriois fans mot dire: car ie fgauois qu’elle auoit vne anti- pathie naturelle contre ceux 4 qui elle rendoit ces complaifances: leur humeur eftoit defagreable a fes fens: mais comme fes fens n’eftoient chez elle que des valets, elle les faifoit plier fous la raifon, & fous la grace auec vne fi grande fidelité, qu’on eut dit [181] que ce qui leur eftoit amer, fe changeoit en douceur &enmiel. Elle agiffoit d’ailleurs auec des principes, mefme naturels, fi dégagez, & fi genereux, qu’il luy
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procedure. Some persons, seeing that she was always loved by her Superiors, and not knowing the secret of it, [180] used to say that she was always on the side of the stronger, that she knew how to win those who were in command, and that her adroit- ness always sheltered her from the storms which came from above. They told the truth, but they attributed to a meanness of spirit what arose from a high noble-mindedness.
‘“T know also of a certain person’s giving her a great deal of trouble, and I have never known that her mouth or her heart escaped her control in regard to that person. Since there is now no danger of telling tales out of school, I will add one thing more. She was accused sometimes, not of too great attachment — for hers was a spirit by no means held in bonds— but of yielding too great complaisance to some persons,— whether through some sympathy, or from some too human interest. As for me, who knew her heart to be so unfettered, I smiled without saying anything; for I knew that she felt a natural antipathy toward those to whom she rendered this complaisance. Theirtemperaments were disagreeable to her senses; but as, with her, the senses were but servants, she made them bow to reason and grace with so great fidelity that one would have said [181] what was bitter to them became changed into sweet- ness and honey. Besides, she acted from principles which were even natural to her and were so free and so magnanimous, that it was next to impossible for her to seek the friendship or support of any creature by a base submission. Guidance from a man, or woman, or girl was, in itself, unbearable to her; guidance from God through the instrumentality of a
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e{toit comme impoffible de rechercher 1l’amitié, ou V’appuy d’aucune creature par vne foumiffion baffe. La conduite purement d’vn homme, ou d’vne femme, ou d’vne fille, luy eftoit infupportable: La conduite de Dieu par vn enfant l’eut abbaiffée iufques au neant: elle aimoit le canal par ot: les ordres luy venoient du Ciel, fans prendre garde s’il eftoit de bois, ou de terre; de plomb, oud’ or:
L’vn de fes attraits pour le Canadas étoit l’amour qu’elle portoit 4 la pauureté, elle aimoit le pays qui la rendoit femblable 4 fon Efpoux: Le viure pauure & groffier, les froids tres-logs & tres-piquas eftoient fort contraires 4 fes infirmitez, mais tres-conformes a fes affections. I1 falloit deuiner fes befoins, tant elle eftoit indufirieufe a les diffimuler. lIamais on n’entendoit de plaintes, iamais de pourfuites pour obtenir, non pas ce qui auroit repugné a la perfection, mais ce qui auroit e{té tant foit peu moins conforme a la faincteté de fes voeux.
[182] Ie ne dy rien de fa pureté toute Angelique, elle eftoit fi bien preparée, & fi bien armée contre les objets, qui l’auroient pt tenir, tant foit peu, qu’on eut dit qu’ils n’euffent ofé l’approcher de mille lieués loing, tant elle eftoit fur fes gardes, & tant elle auoit d’horreur de ce qui auroit pti bleffer innocence des Vierges, qui fuiuent par tout 1’ Agneau dans les Cieux.
Sa conuerfation n’ef{toit point melancolique, on ne luy voyoit iamais vn vifage refrongné, vne humeur faturnienne, ou bigeare: elle eftoit guaye, d’vn entre- tien aimable: mais toujours modefte; elle fgauoit difpofer les coeurs, par de petites rencontres agre- ables, pour donner fon coup bien a propos: fes dif- cours, quoy que de Dieu, n’eftoient point ennuieux,
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child would have humbled her to the point of self- annihilation. She loved the channel through which Heaven’s orders reached her, without heeding wheth- er it was of wood or of clay, of lead or of gold.
‘“One of her bonds of attachment to Canadas was the love that she felt for poverty: she loved the coun- try which made her like her Bridegroom. The living, poor and coarse, and the cold, of long dura- tion and great severity, were very unfavorable to her infirmities, but very much in harmony with her predilections. It was necessary to guess her wants, so adroit was she in dissembling them. Never were there heard any complaints, never any attempts to obtain, not what would have been a hindrance to perfection, but what would have been in the slight- est degree out of harmony with the sanctity of her vows.
[182] “‘I say nothing of her altogether Angelic purity: she was so well prepared and so well armed against those things that might have enslaved her, however little, that one would have said they would not have dared to approach her within a thousand leagues,—so perfectly was she on her guard, and such horror did she have of what might have wounded the innocence of the Virgins who every- where follow the Lamb in the Heavens.
‘“Her conversation was not melancholy; one never saw a frown on her face or observed in her a Saturnine or an uneven humor; she was cheerful, amiable in conversation, but always modest; she knew how to prepare hearts, by pleasant little inci- dents, for most seasonably making her stroke. Her talk, although about God, was not tiresome but profitable, even to those who had not much love for
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mais profitables, 4 ceux mefmes, qui n’aimoient pas beaucoup la vertu. Ce n’eftoit point vn efprit pointilleux, ny ombrageux; mais vn efprit franc, rond, droit, & fi ferme, que ie puis dire, que dans toutes les affaires qu’elle ma communiquées, qui n’e{toient pas quelque fois de petite importance, foit pour la pais foit pour le repos & pour l’auancement de leur maifon, que i’ay toujours trouué en elle, vn Iugement, [183] non de fille, mais d’vn homme de bon fens.
Ses talens, & fes graces, luy donnoient vn afcen- dant, fur l’efprit des Francois, & des Americains, qui en eftoient charmés. lamais ils ne l’appro- choient, qu’ils ne fentiffent, & ne remportaffent, quelque bluette du feu qui bruloit dans fon ame; & apres tout, elle eftoit fi Religieufe, & portoit tant de refpectt A fes Reigles, notamment au feruice diuin, qu’elle tranchoit tout court, fi toft que la cloche l’ap- pelloit au Choceur. On luy dit vne fois, qu’elle auoit quitté trop to{ft, vne perfonne de confideration, qui fouhaitoit vn plus long entretien. Dieu ne fe paye pas, repondit-elle, de nos paroles, mais de noftre obeiffance: ie quitterois vn Roy de la terre, pour obeir au Roy du Ciel.
Elle ne fut pas fi toft arriuée en la Nouuelle France, quelle f’appliqua 4 l’etude des langues du pays, elle apprit la langue Algonquine, & la langue Huronne, auec affés de facilité. On peut dire que ces deux langues, luy eftoient deux langues faintes, deux langues innocentes, ne f’en eftant iamais fer- uies, que pour Dieu.
Quand elle eut acquis ces deux threfors, [184] elle departoit le pain de la parole de Dieu, auec tant de
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virtue. Hers was not a punctilious nature or one that took umbrage easily; but frank, well-rounded, upright, and so firm that I can say that, in all the communications made to me by her,— and sometimes they were of no little importance, whether in regard to the country, or for the tranquility or the advance- ment of their house,—I always found in her the Judgment, [183] not of a girl, but of a man of good sense.
‘‘ Her talents and her graces gave her an ascen- dancy over the minds of both French and Americans, who were charmed with them. They never ap- proached her without feeling and carrying away some spark of the fire that burned in her soul; and, after all, she was so Religious and paid such respect to her Rules, especially to the divine service, that she would cut short all else as soon as the bell called her to the Choir. On one occasion she was told that she had left too soon a person of consequence, who wished for a longer interview. ‘ God is not satisfied,’ she replied, ‘with our words, but with our obedi- ence; I would leave a King, in the world, to obey the King of Heaven.’ ”’
No sooner had she arrived in New France than she applied herself to the study of the languages of the country, learning the Algonquin and Huron tongues with considerable facility. Those two may be said to have been to her two holy languages, two innocent languages, never having been used by her except for God.
When she had acquired these two treasures, [184] she dispensed the bread of the word of God with so much grace to those poor people, that both children and grown persons loved her as their mother. She
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grace, a ces pauures peuples, que les petis, & les grands l’aymoient comme leur mere. Elle en a in{truits quantité, depuis les premiers elemens du chriftianifme, iufques a les rendre dignes du fainct Baptefme, & des autres Sacremens de 1’Eglife: elle feruoit de Mere Spirituelle 4 plufieurs; leur donnans des auis, & des confeils fi Chreftiens, pour leur con- duitte dans les voyes de leur falut, qu’ils en eftoient rauis. Non feulement les femmes, mais encor quelques hommes, tant Hurons qu’Algonquins, luy ouuroient leurs cceurs: ils luy propofoifen]t leurs peines, & leurs difficultés, auec vne entiere confiance: & toujours ils s’en retournoient fort foulagés, & fort édifiés. Son nom eftoit connu dans tout le pays des Algonquins, & des Hurons: ils l’appelloient tantoft Marie Iofeph en noftre langue, tantoft la fille faincte, & la fille de Capitaine, en langue Huronne & Algon- quine, ce font les deux noms quwils donnent en general, aux Religieufes de ce nouueau monde.
Si ces nouuelles plantes auoient de l'amour & du re{pect pour la Mere Marie de [185] fainct Iofeph, il ne fe peut dire combien elle les cheriffoit, & combien fainctement elle les careffoit, c’eftoient fes crea- tures, pour le falut defquelles elle eut donné mille vies, & eut fouffert mille morts. Elle faifoit tous les ans fon poffible, aupres de Madame fa bonne mere, & aupres de quelques autres perfonnes de pieté, pour mandier quelque aumofne, & quelque Charitez, pour fes bons Neophytes, & en contre échange, elle leur procuroit des Mediateurs, & des Mediatrices aupres de Noftre Seigneur, ce qu’elle a continué iufques a la mort.
Elle ne prenoit pas facilement 1’effort, & ne croyoit
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instructed many of them, beginning with the first elements of Christianity and leading up to the point where they were worthy of holy Baptism and of the other Sacraments of the Church; she was the Spirit- ual Mother of many, giving them such Christian advice and counsel for their guidance in the paths of their salvation, that they were charmed therewith. Not only the women, but also some men,— Hurons, as well as Algonquins,— opened their hearts to her, stating to her their troubles and difficulties with an entire confidence; and they always returned from these interviews greatly comforted and edified. Her name was known in all the country of the Algon- quins and of the Hurons, she being called by them sometimes Marie Joseph, in our tongue; again, “‘ the holy maiden,’”’ and ‘‘ the Captain’s daughter,’’ in the Huron and Algonquin languages; those are the two names that they commonly give to the Nuns of this new world.
If these new plants had love and respect for Mother Marie de [185] saint Joseph, it is impossible to express how much she cherished them, and with what holy love she caressed them; they were her creatures, for whose salvation she would have given a thousand lives, and suffered a thousand deaths. Every year, she used her utmost influence with Madame her good mother, and with other persons of piety, to obtain some alms and Charitable offerings for her good Neophytes; and, in exchange, she pro- cured for those benefactors Mediators of both sexes with Our Lord. This practice she continued until her death.
She did not enter upon an undertaking thought- lessly, and did not believe in all kinds of spirits; she
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pas a toutes fortes d’efprits, elle confideroit les chofes en Dieu, deuant que de les embraffer, & quand elle auoit receu quelques ordres de fa part, luy feul l’en pouuoit difpenfer. Les creatures ne l’en faifoient iamais demordre. Que n’a-t’on pas fait, pour l’ebran- ler dans fa vocation de Canadas? on luy a tiré des coups capables d’abbattre vn Geant. Si-to{ft qu’elle eut fait le premier pas fortant de Tours, pour aller en cette Region lointaine, ou Dieu l’appelloit, le bruit, & la caufe de fon voyage, s’eftant repandu [186] bien loing, ceux qui f’interreffoient dans 1’hon- neur de fa maifon, informerent Meffieurs fes parens fi chaudement du mal-heur ot ils iettoient leur fille, leur difans que le Canadas eftoit vn pays perdu de reputation, que le vice y tenoit le haut bout, qu’on auoit vfé de furprife en leur endroit; mais qu’il eftoit encor aifé de rompre ce deffein. La deffus Monfieur de la Troche, enuoye des lettres 4 fa fille tres-puif- fantes, & des ordres de l’arrefter la part ou elle fe trouuera. Noftre Canadienne qui vit bien que ces donneurs d’auis, n’entendoient pas la Geographie, prenant l’Amerique Septentridnale pour la Meri- dionale, ne fe trompans que de huit cent lieués, & dauantage, ne f’eftonna point: elle eut recours a loraifon, & a fa plume: elle agit aupres de Dieu, & aupres de Monfieur fon pere: le premier e{toit de fon party; elle eut plus de peine 4 gagner le fecond, elle re{pondit fi clairement, & fi fagement, & auec tant de zele, qu’on fit arrefter toute la violence qu’on luy preparoit: mais on remit l’affaire; entre les mains du R. P. Dom Raymond de fainé&t Bernard, Prouin- cial des RR. PP. Fueillans, qui pour ce fujet fe traf- porta iufques [187] 4 Dieppe. Comme il auoit les
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took counsel with God on all matters, before choos- ing them; and, when she had received any orders from him, he alone could exempt her from their exe- cution. No creature ever made her relax from her purpose. What was not done to shake her in her call to Canadas? Blows were given her, capable of pros- trating a Giant. As soon as she had taken the first step, setting out from Tours to go to that distant Region whither God was calling her, the report of her journey and its object having spread [186] far and wide, those who were interested in the honor of her house represented to her parents in such vivid terms the wretchedness to which they were consign- ing their daughter,— telling them that Canadas was a country of ruined reputation, that vice held the upper hand there, that unfair means had been employed in their case, but that it was still easy to balk the plan,—that thereupon Monsieur de la Troche sent a very urgent letter to his daughter, and orders to stop her wherever she should be found. Our Canadian — seeing plainly that these givers of advice did not understand Geography, but took North America for South, making an error of only eight hundred leagues, and more—was not at all dismayed. She had recourse to prayer and to her pen, taking action with God and with Monsieur her father. The former was on her side, but she had more difficulty in winning the latter. She answered so clearly and discreetly, with such zeal, that all the violent meas- ures that had been planned against her were checked. The matter, however, was placed in the hands of the Reverend Father Dom Raymond de saint Bernard, Provincial of the Reverend Feuillant Fathers,®> who made a journey on this account as
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yeux faits aux lumieres, qui viennent d’vn lieu, plus releué que le Soleil, & les oreilles degagées, il fe rendit bien-toit, aux raifons de noftre Canadienne, portant fentence en fa faueur-
Sa vocation ne fut pas feulement combattué en France, on luy fit guerre iufques en Canadas, La nouuelle que les Hiroquois, auang¢oient tous les iours de plus en plus, dans le quartier des Frangois, & que les infirmités de cette bonne mere, croiffoient a veué d’ceil, donna tant de crainte 4 des parens, qui aimoient tendrement vne fi fage fille, qu’ils la prefferent, & la coniurerent, par tout ce qu’il auoient de plus cher au monde, de fe rendre encor vne fois vifible en France. Cette ame courageufe n’auoit garde de defcendre de fa Croix; comme elle eftoit eloquente fur ce, fuzet, elle les conuainquit par des raifons fi fortes, tirées de la volonté, de celuy qui l’auoit appellée en ce pays de benediction, & de la fidelité qu’elle eftoit obligée de luy rendre, qu’ils n’oferent plus l’attaquer par eux mefmes, demeurans edifiés de fon courage, & furpris de la force de fon raifonnement.
[188] Monfeigneur 1’Euefque de la Rochelle, fon oncle dit franchement au R. P. Hierdme Lallemant, qui fe donna l’honneur de l’aller faluér, repaffant en Canadas;.qu’il atoit refolut de da stappeller en France: mais que les lettres l’en auoient empefché, il les voyoit fi puiffantes en raifons, elles parloient fi hautement de la perfeuerance qu’on doit auoir en fa vocation, qu’il creut, qu’vn efprit plus haut que le fien, les auoit dictées: c’eft pourquoy il la laiffa en paix. Elle aimoit cette chere contrée, comme vn parterre emaillé de fleurs, comme vn champ planté de lauriers, comme vn pays, ot il y a plus de Dieu,
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far [187] as Dieppe. Having his eyes adapted to the light that comes from a source more exalted than the Sun, and his ears entirely free, he very soon yielded to the arguments of our Canadian and gave sentence in her favor.
Her calling was not only combated in France, but it even met with opposition in Canadas. The news that the Hiroquois were advancing farther and farther every day into the French district, and that this good mother’s infirmities were visibly increasing, gave so much alarm to parents who tenderly loved so good a daughter, that they urged her and conjured her, by all that was dearest to them in the world, to show herself once more in France. That courageous soul took heed not to descend from the Cross; as she was eloquent on this subject, she convinced them by such strong arguments, drawn from the will of him who had called her to this land of benediction, and from the fidelity she was bound to render him, that they no longer ventured to attack her on their own respon- sibility, being left in a state of edification at her courage, and of surprise at the force of her reasoning.
[188] Monseigneur the Bishop of la Rochelle, her uncle, said frankly to the Reverend Father Hieréme Lallemant,—who did himself the honor of going to salute him, on his way back to Canadas,— that he had resolved to recall her to France, but that her letters had prevented him; they seemed to him so cogent in argument and spoke in such exalted language of the perseverance one ought to have in his calling, that he believed a spirit higher than her own had dictated them; for that reason, he left her in peace. She loved this dear country as a flower-garden dotted with flowers, as a field planted with laurels, as a land
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qu’il y a moins de la creature, ce n’ef{t pas qu’il ne foit fort bon, eftant paralelle 4 la France; mais n’eftant pas encor bien cultiué, il porte plus de fruits pour le Ciel, que pour la terre.
DE SA PATIENCE & DE SA MORT.
c me femble qu’on peut dire, que la patience eft
l’vne des plus fortes marques, & des preuues plus autantiques de la vertu. Le moyen d’eftre humble, d’eftre pauure euangeliquement, d’eftre [189] obeyf- fant, & de poffeder beaucoup d’autres vertus, fi on n’e{t bien armé, & bien couuert du bouclier de la patience? Depuis que Noftre Seigneur eut dit a cette Amazone Canadienne, qu’elle ne viuoit plus que de foy & de croix, elle ne fit plus que languir, elle fut attaquée d’vn afme, & d’vne maladie de poulmon, & d’vne oppreffion de poitrine, qui la faifoit touffer inceffamment: Elle crachoit le fang, & ne fe pouuoit quafi mouuoir fans douleur. Elle dit confidemment a la Mere de 1’Incarnation, en fa derniere maladie, qu’elle n’auoit point porté de fanté depuis ces bien- heureufes paroles. La fiévre ne la quittoit quafi iamais, le mal la faifoit fouffrir, mais iamais plain- dre: Iamais elle ne demandoit de particularitez: Iamais elle ne s’abfentoit des obferuances, elle gardoit fes Regles ponctuellement; il ne falloit ny Rome, ny Banquiers, ny difpenfes pour elle. Comme elle auoit vne belle voix, & qu’elle entendoit bien la Mufique, non feulement elle chantoit, & pfalmodioit, mais elle conduifoit encore le Chcoeur, a quoy fans doute elle auoit grace: car elle y reiiffiffoit 4 mer- ueille, nonobftant fes difficultez de poulmon. Sa [190] perfeuerance dans cet exercice iufques a la
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where, the more there is of God, the less there is of the creature,— not that it is not an excellent country, being in the same latitude as France; but, as it is not yet well cultivated, it bears more fruits for Heaven than for the earth.
OF HER PATIENCE AND OF HER DEATH.
if seems to me that patience may be said to be one
of the strongest marks and most authentic proofs of virtue. What means is there of being humble, of being poor, in the gospel sense, of being [189] obe- dient and of possessing many other virtues, if one is not armed and well protected by the buckler of patience? From the time when Our Lord told this Canadian Amazon that she would live thenceforth only by faith and crosses, she did nothing but waste away,— being attacked with an asthma, a disease of the lungs, and an oppression at the chest, which caused her to cough incessantly. She spat blood, and could scarcely move without pain. In her last illness, she told Mother de 1’ Incarnation in confidence that she had not been well since those blessed words. Her fever scarcely ever left her; her ailment made her suffer, but never complain. She never asked for any special favors, never absented herself from observances, but kept her Rules punctually; neither Rome, nor Bankers,® nor dispensations were needed for her. Asshe had a beautiful voice and understood Music well, not only did she sing and chant the psalms, but she also led the Choir, for which office she doubtless had aptitude; for she succeeded in it marvelously, notwithstanding her lung troubles. Her [190] perseverance in this exercise, down to the time of her death, made it evident that her patience
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mort, a fait voir que fa patience eftoit heroique: auffi peut-on dire que cette patience s’eftoit changée en amour de complaifance aux adorables deffeins de Dieu fur fa conduite.
Si on la plaignoit, on luy donnoit de la honte: fi on luy vouloit rendre quelque petit feruice, on la iettoit dans la confufion. Les autres, A fon dire, auoient bien plus de befoin d’eftre foulagée que non pas elle; Lors que le mal eftoit fi grand, qu'elle e{toit contrainte de demeurer au lict, elle rendoit vne fi aimable obeiffance 4 fes Infirmieres, elle receuoit leurs feruices auec tant de reconnoiffance, elle fe rendoit fi complaifante 4 la fagon dont elles la gou- uernoient, qu'il n’y en auoit aucune dans la maifon qui ne fe tinft heureufe de la feruir. Ayant paiffle plus de quatre ans en des maladies, qui fembloient luy donner de temps en temps quelque peu de relafche: enfin elle fentit le iour de la Purification de la faincte Vierge de l’année precedente 1652. le coup qui la deuoit emporter.
Tous fes maux redoublerent, elle n’auoit repos ny iour ny nuict, & cependant [191] elle ne laiffoit pas d’aller au Chceur pour y communier, & pour parti- ciper aux conferences fainctes qu’on y faifoit de temps en temps. Le quatriefme iour de Mars elle tomba dans vne telle extremité, qu’on luy fit receuoir le Viatique, & 1’Extreme-Onction: mais Dieu la laiffa encore vn mois en Purgatoire, c’eft ainfi que j’appelle les derniers iours de la vie.
Remarquez, s'il vous plaift, que fon Monaitere ayant efté bruflé, & reduit en cendres l'année quia precedé fa mort, les pauures Vrfulines eftoient logées dans vn trou, pour ainfi dire: leurs licts, ou leurs
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was heroic; also it can be said that this patience was transformed into a compliant love toward the ador- able purposes of God in regard to her guidance.
If any one pitied her, she was made ashamed; if one wished to do her a service, she was thrown into confusion. The others, according to her account, had much more need of succor than she. When her illness was at such a height that she was forced to remain in bed, she rendered such winsome obedience to her Nurses, she received their services with so much gratitude, she showed herself so compliant with their way of governing her, that there was not one in the house who did not deem herself happy to serve her. After passing more than four years in ailments which seemed, from time to time, to give her some slight respite, at length,—on the day of the Purifi- cation of the blessed Virgin, of last year, 1652,—she felt the stroke that was to carry her off.
All her ills redoubled, she had no rest either day or night, and yet [191] she did not cease to go to the Choir for the purpose of receiving communion, and taking part in the holy conferences that were heid there’ from. time to’ time. On the fourth day of March, she became so critically ill that the Viaticum and Extreme Unction were administered to her; but God left her a month longer in Purgatory —for so I call the last days of her life.
Note, if you please, that—her Monastery having been burnt and reduced to ashes, in the year pre- ceding her death—the poor Ursulines were lodged iia hole; so'to:speak.' ‘Their beds, or’ their cabins, were one above another, as one sees those shelves in the Merchants’ shops where they arrange their mer- chandise. She had her bed on one of these shelves.
152 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
cabanes eftoient les vnes fur les autres, comme on voit ces rayons dans les boutiques des Marchands, ot ils rangent leurs marchandifes. Elle eftoit couchée dans l’vn de ces rayons. Le bruit des petites efco- lieres, le chant & la pfalmodie du Choeur dans vne maifon toute ramaffée: le tintamarre qui fe faifoit {ur vn plancher d’aix par des fandales de bois dont fe feruoient les Religieufes, le feu leur ayant dérobé leurs autres chauffures: la fumée qui fe gliffoit par tout, & qui n’étoit pas bien propre pour arrefter fa toux, & guerir fon poulmon, & mille autres incom- moditez [192] qui fe rencontrent dans les maifons de ceux qui ont tout perdu par vn grand incendie: toutes ces croix, dis-je, n’ont iamais troublé la fere- nité de fon cceur, ny alteré la douceur de fa patience. Toutes ces incommoditez ne font encore que des rofes, Noftre Seigneur luy a donné les degrez de fer & de fouffrance, A proportion qu’il l’a voulu haute- ment éleuer dans les Cieux.
Elle apprehendoit vne maladie qui exigeaft des feruices fafcheux a la malade, & aux Infirmieres: Elle craignoit des douleurs trop aigués, de peur que {a foibleffe ne fift faire naufrage 4 fa patience: Elle fouhaitoit d’eftre libre des grands delaiffemens interieurs qu’elle auoit fouffert autrefois, de crainte de ne pas rendre auec amour la fidelité qu’elle auoit voiiée Afon Seigneur. Elle tomba iuftemét dans ces trois efpreuues: mais celuy qui la ietta dans ces combats, luy fit remporter hautement la victoire.
Elle deuint fi fortement & fi pleinement hydro- pique, qu’on prit refolution de luy faire des ouuer- tures aux iambes pour attirer les eaux qui la vouloient {uffoquer. Le Chirurgien luy fit de grandes [193]
1652-43] RELATION OF 1651-52 153
The noise of the little scholars; the singing and chanting of psalms by the Choir, in a closely crowded household; the din made on a plank floor by wooden sandals, which the Nuns used, the fire having robbed them of their other footwear; the smoke which invaded every nook and corner, and was not well suited for arresting her cough, or curing her lungs; and a thousand other inconveniences [192] which are met with in the houses of those who have lost every- thing in a great fire,—all these crosses, I say, never disturbed the serenity of her heart or altered the sweetness of her patience. All these hardships were as yet only roses; degrees of iron and of suffering were given her by Our Lord in proportion to his will to exalt her high in Heaven.
She dreaded an illness that should demand services burdensome alike to patient and to Nurses; she feared pains of too great severity, lest her weakness might bring shipwreck to her patience; and she wished to be free from the great spiritual destitution that she had formerly suffered, for fear that she should not render with love the fidelity which she had vowed to her Lord. Precisely these three trials she encountered; but he who subjected her to these conflicts made her win the victory gloriously.
She became so extremely dropsical that it was resolved to make openings in her legs, in order to draw off the water that threatened to burst her flesh. The Surgeon made large [193] and deep incisions in her living flesh, so that the membrane was visible, the pain causing her to utter the holy Name of JEsus. Then, becoming conscious of her very innocent murmur, ‘‘ Alas!” she said, ‘‘I am very weak-spirited; forgive me the unedifying conduct I
154 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
& de profondes incifions dans la chair viue, en forte qu’on voyoit la membrane: la douleur luy fit pro- noncer le fainct Nomde IESvs. Puis f’apperceuant de fa plainte fort innocente: Helas! dit-elle, ie fuis bien fenfible, pardonnez-moy la mauuaife edification que ie vous donne. Ce remede appliqué la fepmaine faincte, n’eut autre effect que de luy faire tenir com- pagnie a fon Redempteur en ce temps de fouffrances. Ie ne dis rien des douleurs qu’elle fouffrit quad on penfoit fes playes. Le Chirurgien, homme experi- menté, voyant que la cangrene f’emparoit de fes iambes, appliqua vn appareil dans ces grades ouuer- tures, qui luy caufa des douleurs fi cuifantes, fi aigués, & fi continuelles 3. iours durant, qu’on croyoit 4 tous momens qu’elle alla{t expirer.
Ces tourmens luy fembloient doux, 4 comparaifon des angoiffes interieures, & des abandons qu'elle fouffroit en l’ame: Elle auoit reffenty affez fouuent ces grandes croix, & ces delaiffemés: mais ce coup, qui fut le dernier, fut le plus violét de tous, il eft croyable qu’il la purifia iufqu’au vif, & qu’il emporta les plus petites taches de foname. Elle parloit de Dieu inceflfamment, [194] & il luy fembloit qu’elle ne croyoit quafi pas qu’il fuft ny au Ciel, ny en la terre: Elle: agifioit,,.é& elle. ne le {eauoit. pas:velle aimoit, & elle ne le connoiffoit pas. Dieu luy auoit ofté la veiie & la reflexion fur les fainctes operations de fon ame. En vn mot, ce coup fut la confomma- tion de fa vie, qu’elle acceptoit auec des foumiffions heroiques a fa diuine Maje{té, pour honorer le Con- Jummatum eft, que fon bien-aimé Fils prononga fur l’arbre de la Croix. C’eft veritablement dans ces derniers iours de fa vie, qu’elle ne viuoit plus que de
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 155
am showing you.’’ This remedy, applied in holy week, produced no other effect than to make her bear her Redeemer company in that time of suffering. I say nothing of the agonies she endured when her wounds were dressed. The Surgeon, who was a man of experience, seeing that gangrene of her legs was supervening, applied to those large opening's a dress- ing which caused her such intense, acute, and con- tinual pain, for the space of 3 days, that it was believed at every moment that she was going to die.
These torments seemed sweet to her in compari- son with the inner agonies and abandonment that she suffered in her soul. She had often enough experienced these great crosses and feelings of deso- lation; but this stroke, which was the last, was the most violent of all. It is reasonable to believe that it purified her to the quick, and washed away the smallest stains from her soul. She spoke of God without ceasing, [194] and it seemed to her that she scarcely believed that he was either in Heaven or on earth. She was active, and did not know it; she loved, and was unconscious of it. God had deprived her of sight and reflection concerning the holy opera- tions of her soul. In a word, this stroke was the consummation of her life; and she accepted it with heroic submission to his divine Majesty, in order to honor the Consummatum est which his well-beloved Son pronounced on the tree of the Cross. It was truly in these last days of her life that she ceased to live except by faith and crosses; and this was so little known by those to whom she did not open her heart, that one would have said she was surfeited with delight. Her talks with God were only on love, submission, and resignation to his adorable decrees.
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foy, & de croix, & cela eftoit fi peu connu de ceux a qui elle n’ouuroit pas fon coeur, que l’on eut dit qu’elle regorgeoit de delices. Ses colloques auec Dieu n’eftoiét que d’amour, que de foumiffion, que de refignation 4 fes adorables volontez. Elle ne parloit dans fes entretiens auec les perfonnes qui la vifitoient, que des biens de l’autre vie, des baffeffes de tout ce qui eft fur la terre, des richeffes de la fainte Religion, de la fidelité qu’on doit rendre a fa vocation. Ah! que ie fuis heureufe, difoit-elle 4 fes Sceurs, de mou- tir en vn lieu pauure, d’eftre priuée des petites delices de la Frace! Efcriuez, ie vous en prie, 4 Monfieur de [195] la Rochelle, 4 nos cheres Meres de Frice, a mes parens, & les affeurez bien que ie meurs tres- contente de les auoir tous quitez. Ah! que ie fuis fatisfaite d’auoir abadonné ce que ie pouuois pretédre dans le monde! Que mon ame eft contente d’eftre venué en ces nouuelles contrées! Faites-leur fcauoir, & n’y manquez pas, les grads biens que ie reffens de ma vocation au pais des Sauuages. Elle ne fe pou- uoit laffer de benir Dieu des grandes graces qu'il luy auoit faites en fuite de cette vocation, & de cet appel. Elle difoit toutes ces chofes dans fon abandon, ioiiif- fant d’vne paix fecrete, qui n’exclud pas les fouf- frances: Paix qui nage au deffus de tous les fens, qui eft logée fi haut, que toutes les chofes d’icy bas n’y {cauroient atteindre, & ne la fgauroient troubler.
Dieu qui fait tout pour le mieux, ne voulut pas accorder 4 la fidele Amante la grace de paffer de cette vie en l’autre dans ce faint abandon, il luy donna trois iours deuant fa mort, des auant-goufts du Para- dis, toutes les veués de fes peines luy furét oftées, toutes fes douleurs furent appaifées, ce n’eftoit que
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 157
In her conversation with those who visited her, she spoke only of the happiness of the other life, of the baseness of everything earthly, of the riches of the holy Religion, and of the fidelity one ought to render to his calling. ‘‘ Ah, how happy I am,”’ said she to her Sisters, ‘‘to die in a poor place, to be deprived of the petty delights of France! Write, I pray you, to Monsieur de 195] la Rochelle, to our dear Moth- ers of France, to my parents, and assure them fully that I die well content at having left them all. Ah, how entirely satisfied I am at having given up what I could have claimed in the world! How glad my soul is that it came to these new regions! Let them know, without fail, the great blessings I experience from my call to the country of the Savages.’’ She could not bless God enough for the great favors he had shown her after that call and that summons. All these things she said in her forsaken condition, enjoying a secret peace which does not exclude sufferings,—a peace which soars over all the senses, and is lodged so high that nothing in all this lower world can reach or disturb it.
It was not the will of God, who does all for the best, to grant the faithful Loving one the grace of a passage from this life to the other during this holy state of abandonment; he gave her three days, before her death, of the foretastes of Paradise, all sight of her sufferings being removed from her, all her pains being stilled, and her heart filled with nothing but joy and delight. She said to the Reverend Father Hierosme Lallement, [196] who had been her director for some years: ‘‘I know, my Father, that God has promised to those who should leave anything in his name, a hundredfold in this world, and eternal life
158 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
ioye & que delices das fon coeur: Elle dit au R. P. Hier. Lallemant, [196] qui la dirigeoit depuis quel- ques années: Ie fgay, mon’Pere, que Dieu a promis a ceux qui quitteroiét quelque chofe en fon nom, le centuple dés cette vie, & la vie eternelle en 1’autre. Pour le centuple de cette vie, ie luy en donneray quittance quand il luy plaira, j’en fuis tres-abondam- ment payée: pour la vie eternelle, ie l’attends bien- toft. Elle renouuella fes vceux de Religion, demanda pardon aux Affiftans, receut le S. Viatique, remercia bien humblement le R. P. Paul Ragueneau, Supe- rieur de nos Miffions, des grandes affiftances qu’il auoit rendués 4 leur Maifon, notamment depuis leur incendie, le fuppliant de continuer fes bontez enuers fes cheres Sceurs: Elle rendit fes actions de graces aux Medecins du pais qui l’auoient charitablemét affiftée, les affeurat qu’elle prieroit Dieu pour eux dans le Ciel, fil luy faifoit mifericorde.’ M. le Gouuerneur l’enuoya vifiter de fa part, pour fe recom- mander Aa fes prieres, la fuppliant en outre, de fe fouuenir deuant Dieu des grades neceffitez du pais qu’elle quittoit. Sa refpdfe fut toute pleine de refpet & d’humilité.
Encor qu’elle baifsat de momens en momens, elle auoit neantmoins l’efprit fi prefent [197] 4 foy, & fi libre, que parlat 4 fes Sceurs dans le particulier, vn peu de temps auant fa mort, elle les entretenoit de fon enterrement. Comme vous e{tes peu, leur difoit- elle, il ne faut pas que vous preniez la peine de me porter en terre, feruez-vous des mains d’autres perfonnes: Ce trauail vous empefcheroit de prier, & de loiier Dieu, & de bien garder les ceremonies que l’Eglife a ordonnées pour l’enterrement des Reli-
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 159
in the other. For the hundredfold in this world, I will give him a receipt whenever he wishes it; I am very abundantly repaid. As to the eternal life, I expect it before long.’’ She renewed her Religious vows, asked forgiveness of those Present, received the Holy Viaticum, and thanked very humbly the Reverend Father Paul Ragueneau, Superior of our Missions, for the great assistance he had rendered their House, especially since their fire, begging him to continue his goodness toward her dear Sisters. She rendered her acknowledgments to the Physi- cians of the country who had charitably assisted her, assuring them that she would pray to God for them in Heaven, if he showed her mercy. Monsieur the Governor sent to visit her in his name, in order to commend himself to her prayers,—begging her, besides, to remember before God the great needs of the country she was leaving. Her reply was full of respect and humility.
Although she sank from moment to moment, yet her mind remained so well under her control [197] and so free, that, speaking to her Sisters in private, a little before her death, she talked with them about her burial. ‘‘ As you are few in number,”’ she said to them, ‘‘ you must not take the trouble to bear me to the grave; make use of others’ hands. ‘That task would prevent you from praying, from praising God, and from observing with care the ceremonies which the Church has prescribed for the interment of Nuns.” And thereupon, as she had a peculiar love for the Church and respected its smallest ordinances, she gently explained to them those ceremonies; and ascending thence even into the Heavens, she told of the wonders of the other life. ‘‘ Our hearts,’’ says
160 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
gieufes. Et 1a-deffus comme elle aimoit vniquement l’Eglife, refpectat fes plus petites ordonnances, elle leur expliquoit doucement ces ceremonies; & mon- tant de 14 iufques dans les Cieux, elle rapportoit des merueilles de l’autre vie. Nos cceurs, dit la Mere qui l’a cénu fi particulierement, eftoient frappez de deux fortes paffions: la ioye de la voir dans ces hautes difpofitions, dilatoit leurs cceurs; & 4 mefme temps, la trifteffe de la perte que nous faifions, les refferroit.
Elle fut 24. heures en l’agonie, fans iamais perdre ny le iugement, ny la parole: Elle répddoit a toutes les que{tions qu’on luy faifoit, elle formoit tous les actes d’amour, de foumiffion, de refignation qu’on luy fuggeroit, & mefme en expirant elle [198] fit connoiftre qu’elle eftoit prefente 4 foy, & attentiue ace qu’on luy difoit.
Enfin le 4. iour d’Avril de l’année 1652. fur les 8. heures du foir, cette ame fainte faifant diuorce auec fon corps, quitta la terre pour méter dans les Cieux: Sa face en mourant parut fi belle, & fi Angelique, qu’au lieu de nous donner de la douleur de fon de- part, dit la Mere de 1’Incarnation, Dieu nous fit fentir vn petit efchantillon de fa gloire, par vne onction interieure, fi douce & fi favoureufe, qu’elle remplit tous nos cceurs de ioye: Il n’y en eut pas vne de nous qui n’experimentat l’effect d’vne grace tres- prefente, & fort extraordinaire, & comme vne certi- tude que nous auions vne bonne Aduocate aupres de Dieu. On fe fentoit porté a linuoquer, & en l’inuo- quant on reffentoit le fruict de fa demande. Plufieurs ont fait cette experience depuis fa mort.
Son conuoy ne fe fit pas auec les pompes de 1’Eu- rope, mais auec tout ce qu’il y auoit d’honorable au
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 161
the Mother who knew her so intimately, ‘‘ were struck with two sorts of passions: they dilated with joy, at seeing her in this exalted frame of mind; and at the same time they were stricken with sadness, at the loss we were undergoing.”’
She was for 24 hours in the death-agony, never losing either her reason or her speech the while. She answered all the questions that were asked her; performed all the acts of love, submission, and resig- nation that were suggested to her; and, even in dying, [198] signified that she was conscious and attentive to what was being said to her.
At length, on the 4th day of April of the year 1652, toward 8 o’clock in the evening, that sainted soul, divorcing itself from its body, left the earth to ascend into Heaven. ‘‘ Her face at dying appeared so beautiful and so Angelic,” says Mother de I’Incar- nation, ‘“‘that, instead of giving us grief at her departure, God made us perceive a little glimpse of her glory, by means of a spiritual unction, so sweet and savory that it filled all our hearts with joy. There was not one of us who did not experience the effect of a most present and extraordinary grace, and a virtual certainty that we had a good Advocate with God. There was a feeling that prompted one to invoke her, and upon doing so, one felt conscious of having her petition granted. Several have had that experience, since her death.’’
Her funeral was held, not with the pomp of Europe, but with all the honor the country could show her, and with all the affection and regret of the French and the Savages, who loved and cherished her during her life, and respect her as a saint after her death.
162 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
pais, auec toutes les affections, & tous les regrets des Fracois, & des Sauuages qui l’aimoient, & qui la cheriffoient pendant fa vie, & qui la refpectent comme vne faincte apres fa mort.
[199] Vne heure apres, ou enuiron, que ce facré depoft fut mis en terre, vne perfonne digne de foy (dit la Mere qui a fait ces remarques) f’en allat pour quelque action de charité, 4 vne lieué de Kebec, nof{tre chere defuncte luy apparut par vne vifion intellectuelle: Son port eftoit remply de majefté, fa face couuerte de rayons de lumiere & de gloire, fes yeux capables de confommer vn cceur; I] m’a affeuré (adjotite-elle) que fes regards cauferent vn tel affaut d’amour de Dieu au fond de fon ame, qu'il en penfa mourir. Elle l’accompagna iufqu’au lieu ot fa cha- rité le portoit, & fe rendit encor prefente au retour, par vne fagon fort interieure, mais tres-certaine, traitant auec luy par voye d’intelligence, fur des fujets particuliers dont ie ne puis parler.
Le lendemain, la mefme perfonne f’en allant a l’Ifle d’Orleans fur le grand Fleuue glacé, a deux lieities de Kebec, le flux de la mer qui monte iufques- 1a, fauorifé de la chaleur du Printéps, auoit deftaché, & aby{mé quelques-vnes de ces glaces efpaiffes, qui chargét tous les ans le grand fleuue de S. Laurens, & le froid de la nuict auoit formé vne petite crotite, ou vne petite [200] glace, fur ces endroits d’ot les grandes e{toiét parties. La perfonne dont nous parlons, marchant fur cette glace fort mince, fans y faire reflexion, noftre defuncte luy parlant au fond du cceur, luy dit clairemét cette parole: Arrefte-toy. Il f’arre{t, il leue les yeux qu’il tenoit baiffez, & regardant 4 l’entour de foy, il fe vit enuironné d’eau
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 163
[199] ‘‘ About an hour after this sacred trust had been consigned to the earth, a person worthy of credence’’ (these are the words of the Mother who made these notes) ‘‘ was on his way to perform some deed of charity at a league’s distance from Kebec, when our dear departed one appeared to him ina mental vision. Her bearing was full of majesty, her face suffused with rays of light and glory, and her eyes capable of subduing any heart. He assured me’’ (she adds) ‘‘ that her looks caused in his inmost soul such an overpowering sensation of love to God, that he thought he would die of it. She accom- panied him as far as the place whither his errand of mercy led him, and again manifested herself on his return, in a manner eminently spiritual, but very certain,— holding communication with him, through his understanding, in regard to private matters, of which I cannot speak.
‘““On the next day, when the same person was traveling to the Island of Orleans, over the frozen surface of the great River, two leagues away from Kebec, the tide, which rises as far up as that point, aided by the warmth of Spring, had detached and borne down some of those thick blocks of ice that every year fill the great river St. Lawrence; and the cold of night had formed a thin crust of [200] ice over those places from which those blocks had been separated. The person of whom we are speaking was inadvertently walking on this very thin ice, when our departed sister, speaking to his inner consciousness, uttered this word clearly,‘ Stop!’ He stopped, raised his eyes, which were before bent on the ground, and, looking around him, saw that he was encompassed on all sides by water. He pierced
164 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
de tous coftez, il perce cette petite glace auec fon bafton, pour voir f’il n’y en auroit point vne autre plus efpaiffe au deffous, comme il arriue affez fou- uent, il ne trouue que des abyfmes fous foy: II fe recommande & celle qui l’auoit arre{fté, & tout faify de crainte, il retourne au pluftoft fur fes pas. Quad il fut en lieu d’affeurance, il reconnut qu'il auoit marché vn long efpace de chemin fur les eaux fans enfoncer; auffi ne luy fembloit-il pas qu’il marchat, tat il fe fentoit fupporté. En fin il a rendu témoi- gnage que la Mere Marie de S. lofeph luy auoit fauué la vie, qu’il ne pouuoit fortir de ce dager fans miracle. I] l’appelle maintenat fon Ange, affurant qu’il a receu depuis ce temps 1a de nouuelles faueurs de cette Ame: diélite:
Ie trouue icy la fin des Memoires qui font tombez entre mes mains, encore que ie fcache bien que le pays ne découure les graces & les faueurs extraordi- naires qu’il recoit de Dieu, qu’a tres-peu de perfonnes; fi faut-il qu'il fouffre, puis qu’il nous a ddné la peine de dreffer en France la Relation, qu’on faffe part au public de ce petit threfor.
FIN.
1652-53] RELATION OF 1651-52 165
the thin ice with his staff, to see if there was not a thicker layer underneath, as is often enough the case, but found only abysmal depths under him. Com- mending himself anew to her who had arrested his steps, and utterly overcome with fear, he retraced his course as rapidly as possible. When he was ina place of safety, he became aware that he had walked a long distance on the water without sinking into it; moreover it did not seem to him that he was walk- ing, so strongly did he feel himself upheld. In fine, he rendered testimony that Mother Marie de St. Joseph had saved his life, and that he could not have escaped this danger without a miracle. He now calls her his Angel, declaring that since that time he has received new favors from this elect Soul.”’
I here reach the end of the Memoirs that have fallen into my hands. Although I am well aware that the country discloses to only a very few persons the extraordinary graces and favors that it receives from God, yet, since it has given us the trouble of preparing the Relation in France, it must permit us to communicate this little treasure to the public.
END.
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LXXXII
JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES
en l’année 1653
SOURCE: We follow the original MS., in Laval Uni- versity library, Quebec.
168 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
Journal des Péres Jésuites, en l’année 1653.
IANUARIO 1653
2 hurons Enleuez. E 12 Arriue des 3 R. Iaques Andata_ai- le ach. qui apporte les letres, par lesquelles nous apprenons la prise de deux Hurons
le 17. de Decembre a vne lieue des 3 R.
APRILI
Le 10™. d’Auril le P. Charles Albanel & le St. Lespiné retournent de leur hyuernement de Tadoussac. Profession a L’hotel Leis. La sceur de L’incarnation fait sa Dee: profession aux Hospitalieres. le P. De Quen, y dit la messe; le P. Vimont, y fit le sermon & i’y Receu les voeux.
16 francots guittent Le 21. Arriue en vn canot des Trois Ri- Le pays et s’en-
fuyent uieres, La fontaine Cochon, qui apporta les
nouuelles de la fuitte de 16. frangois, quittans le pais.
Barré, enspesade. & La Montagne. soldats.
La Rose, seruiteur de M' de La Poterie. & Lespine.
Baudet, seruiteur de la Grandmesnil & matelot.
Des Noyers.
La fond M.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 169
Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the year 1653.
JANUARY, 1653.
N the 12th, Jaques Andata,aiach Arrives () from 3 Rivers, bringing letters by which we learn of the capture of two Hurons on the 17th of December, one league from 3 Rivers.
APRIL.
On the 1oth of April, Father Charles Alba- nel and Sieur Lespiné return from their win- tering at Tadoussac.
15th. Sister de L’incarnation makes her profession at the Hospital nuns’; Father De Quen said the mass; Father Vimont delivered the sermon, and I Received the vows.
21st. Arrival, in a canoe from Three Rivers, of La fontaine Cochon, who brought the news of the flight of 16 frenchmen, who were leaving the country.
Barré, lance-corporal, and La Montagne, soldiers.
La Rose, a servant of Monsieur de La Poterie, and Lespine.
Baudet, servant of la Grandmesnil, and sailor.
Des Noyers.
La fond, Sailor.
2 hurons Carrwa away.
Professton at The hotel Dieu.
16 frenchmen beave The country and flee.
Cing Hurons pris...
2. Dom. senfuyent.
Granges bruslées.
170 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
Du Plessis.
La verdure. M.
La Montagne.
Sauary
La franchise.
Teste-Pelee seruiteur de la francheuille
Coquelin M.
Des Lauriers
Paul Langlois. M.
item. La nouuelle de la prise de 4 Hurons. Ahatrihoia & Horentaon: pris montans de Quebec aux Trois Riuieres, TeArenhont, qui estoit allé a la chasse des Trois Riuieres. Tsondstannen, pris des le 29 du mois de Mars, apportant des letres’ des,.3_ KR. a Quebec. / Vil fut pris au dessous du Cap, par 20 Iroquois.
Le 27. La nuit du Samedy au ;Dimanche deux seruiteurs de Mr’. Dauteuil prennent la fuitte.
Le 29. M* Charon est blesse a-la gorge d’vn coup de pistolet, dans son habitation de Lisle d’orleans, par vn assassinat de deux de ses seruiteurs.
M’ Lespiné se marie a Mad'*. Geneuieue Des Prez.
MAIO
Le 1 arriue dans la chalouppe des Trois Riuieres. Mt Robineau M* du Herisson & M*. Charles Boiuin. qui apportent nouuelle d’vn incendie de quelques granges le 23 d’Auril.
Le 7. on prend vn des hommes de M™
1652-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 171
Du Plessis.
La verdure, Sailor.
La Montagne.
Savary.
La franchise.
Teste-Pelee, servant of la francheville.
Coquelin, Sailor.
Des Lauriers.
Paul Langlois, Sailor.
Item, the news of the capture of 4 Hurons,— Five Hurons taken. Ahatrihoia and Horentaon, taken while going up from Quebec to Three Rivers; TeAren- hont, who had gone hunting at Three Rivers; Tsondoutannen, captured as long ago as the 29th of the month of March, while bringing letters from 3 Rivers to Quebec. He was taken below the Cape, by 20 Iroquois.
27th. During the night of Saturday to 2 Domestics run Sunday, two of Monsieur Dauteuil’s servants AWAYe take flight.
29th. Monsieur Charon* is wounded in the throat by a pistol shot, at his residence on The island of orleans,— by the murderous act of two of his servants.
Monsieur Lespiné is married to Madamoi- selle Genevieve Des Prez.®
MAY.
On the ist, arrival in the shallop from Three Rivers, of Monsieur Robineau, Mon- sieur du Herisson, and Master Charles Boivin, who bring news of the burning of some barns on the 23rd of April.
On the 7th, one of Monsieur Charon’s men
Barns burned.
fuiards pris, L’un fait bourreau, l’ at pendu..
Domest. seschape de Szllery.
on reclame Les cing captifs SoKoqguzozs...
172 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou. 38
Charon. l'autre qui auoit fait l’assassin ayant fait & pris 1’office de bourreau.
Le 1o™* Nous partons pour le voyage des Trois Riuieres. & fusmes de retour a Quebec le 23°™¢ iour du mesme mois. n’ayans point esté a Montreal, 1° a cause que la fregate que appartient a la Communauté, deuoit faire au- parauant le voyage de Tadoussac, comme plus necessaire. Lesperance dans laquelle nous montasmes aux 3 R. n’estant pas vn bastiment de la Communauté. 2°. parceq. M* le Gou- uerneur n’auoit aucune affaire a Montreal. 3°. parcequil n’y auoit rien a porter a Montreal, tout leur ayant esté porté dez l’automne. 4° parceque le peril du voyage a Montreal estant tres grand, on ne iugea pas a propos de l’entreprendre sans necessité.
Le 12. ou plustost La nuit du 12°™° au r3csme’ Jaques. Iunier!'s’echipsa'de Siltery. on le trouua de manque le matin du 135™*. on eut des indices qu’il auoit passé la Riuiere en canot, sans auoir rien emporté de la maison, sinon vne arquebuse. & quelque argent qui estoit a luy, enuiron cent ou deux cents liures.
Le 26. On tient conseil au fort auec 4 ambassadeurs sauuages, venus de la Nouuelle Angleterre qui auoient apporté vn letre de Mr‘. Iean Heliot ministre de ces cartiers la. laquelle letre tesmoignoit, que les quatre sau- uages pris comme Captifs de guerre l’automne precedent, par des Algonquins Atontrata‘ron-
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 173
is arrested; the other, who had played the assassin, having performed and accepted the office of executioner.
10th. We left for the journey to Three Rivers; and were back at Quebec on the 23rd day of the same month. We were not at Montreal: 1st, because the frigate, which be- longs to the Community, was previously to make the voyage to Tadoussac, as being more necessary —the esperance, in which we went up to 3 Rivers, not being a vessel of the Com- munity; 2nd, because Monsieur the Governor had no business at Montreal; 3rd, because there was nothing to carry to Montreal, all their [supplies] having been carried in the autumn; 4th, because, the peril of the voyage to Montreal being very great, it was not judged proper to undertake it without neces- sity.
On the 12th,— or, rather, during The night of the 12th to the 13th,—Jaques Junier disap- peared from Sillery. He was found missing on the morning of the 13th. There were indications that he had crossed the River by canoe, without having carried anything away from the house, except an arquebus, and some money which was his own,—about a hundred or two hundred francs.°
26th. A council is held at the fort with 4 savage ambassadors, come from New England, who had brought a letter from Mr. Jean He- liot, a minister in those quarters. This letter declared that the four savages taken as Cap- tives of war in the preceding autumn by some
Fugitives taken: one made hangman, the other hanged.
Domestic escapes Srom Sillery.
The five Sokoguzots captives are de- manded back.
Nautres hollandots
Iroguozs au cap rouge.
174 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
nons, n’estoient ny SoKoquinois, ny Iroquois: mais estoient alliez des Anglois. . . . La resolution du conseil tenu, fut que cette nation estoit amie, & alliee de longue main aux Mon- tagnetz. Ces ambassadeurs auoient apporte 36. beaux grans coliers, pour les presens qu’ils firent, en action de grace de ce que leurs gens n’auoient pas esté traitez hostilem'.
IUIN
Au commencement de May [sc. Iuin] ar- riue vn canot de Tadoussac, qui apporte la nouuelle qu’vn nauire Hollandois y venoit y faire la retraite, &- qu’il,auoit retenu.| M* Lespiné le 30 May.
Le 5™°. Iuin, on fait partir vn canot pour donner secours & conseil a M’ Bourdon. le P. De Quen, M* La Tour, Guillaume Couil- lart Simon Guyon & St. Claude soldat.
Le 1o™*. Les Iroquois ayans paru au Cap rouge, y tuent francois Boulé, l’ayans perce de trois coups de fusil, a l’estomac, a l’aine & a la cuisse, & luy ayans enleué la moitié de la cheuelure. )..,,.'-:)) De;plus Us \emmenerent vifs Pierre Garman, dit le Picard, & son fils, Charles de 8 ans. & vn ieune gargon, Hugues Le Cousturier de 23 ans. Ils repasserent la Riuiere en cing canots.
Arriue la fregate de Tadoussac, qui apporte nouuelle de la deliurance de M* Lespiné. le Nauire qui l’auoit retenu, estoit vn forban Hollandois, de 16 pieces de canon, de 35
1652-538] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 175
Atontrata‘ronnon Algonquins were neither Sokoquinois nor Iroquois, but allies of the English, <; “)."Dhe?? resolution of the council held was, that this nation was friendly and an ally of long standing to the Montagnais. These ambassadors had brought 36 fine large collars, for the gifts which they made, by way of giving thanks that their people had not been treated as enemies.
JUNE.
At the beginning of June, there arrives a canoe from Tadoussac, which brings the news that a Dutch ship came to that harbor for shel- ter, and that it had, on the 30th of May, de- tained Monsieur Lespiné.
On the 5th of June, a canoe is despatched in order to give aid and counsel to Monsieur Bourdon,— Father De Quen, Monsieur La Tour, Guillaume Couillart, Simon Guyon,” and St. Claude, a soldier.
10th. The Iroquois, having appeared at Cap rouge, kill there francois Boulé, having pierced him with three gunshots,—in the stomach, in the groin, and in the thigh,—and having removed half of his scalp. Besides, they lead away alive Pierre Garman, ealled:.°"le*Picard,:’ and his son Charles, 8 years old; also a young man, Hugues Le Cousturier, of 23 years. They crossed the River again in five canoes.
The frigate arrives from Tadoussac, bring- ing news of the deliverance of Monsieur Lespiné. The Ship which had detained him
Dutch ships.
lroguots at cap rouge.
Prises de part et @’ autre aux 3. Riu.
hurons renegats pris Et bruslez. Lbtdem
Lrog. mis en deroute.
176 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou. 38
hommes. qui ayant mouillé au Moulin Baude, y traita auec les sauuages.
Le 14. arriue la barque des 3 Riuieres, qui apporte les nouuelles:
1° de francois La Meslee tué par les Iro- quois, le 28™¢ du mois de May, dans la Com- mune. par 20 ennemis.
2° de Guillaumet qui auoit eu les iambes rompues par vn canon qui se creua, en le tirant le mesme iour.
3° d’vn Nipissirinien eschappé des mains des ennemis, leq!. auoit esté pris luy tren- tiesme, dans le lac des Nipissiriniens, au des-
sus du sault de L’esturgeon, par 20 Iroquois. °
4°. captif par des ennemis, dans les champs de M* de Ba’ Poteriedle: zo7<. May,
d’vn Huron, nommé Onatiasé, pris
5°. de trois Hurons renegats, pris captifs, & d’vn Sonnontse‘ronnon tué sur la place, & de Onatiase recouuré de leurs mains, par 12 Sau- uages, Hurons & Algonquins. Les 3 Hurons pris captifs estoient Onta,annaoche, iadis de St Michel. Ochahend, iadis de Ationnontet- sia, quiambo igne cremati sunt. le troisiesme ayant eu la vie, nommé [d/ank space}
6°. de Cailleteau tué au Cap de La Magde- lene de lundy de la Pentecoste, second iour de Iuin, proche du fort.
7°. de la desroute, ou plustost du pillage de vint ou trente Iroquois, poursuiuis par les Hurons, le 9™* de Iuin.
1652-53) JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 177
was a Dutch pirate of 16 guns, with 35 men,— which, having anchored at Moulin Baude, traded there with the savages.
On the 14th, the bark from 3 Rivers arrives, bringing the news: —
Ist, concerning fran¢cois La Meslee, killed by the Iroquois on the 28th of the month of May, on the Common lands, by 20 enemies;
2nd, concerning Guillaumet, who had had his legs broken by the bursting of a cannon while he was firing it, on the same day;
3rd, about a Nipissirinien, escaped from the hands of the enemies, who had been taken, he the thirtieth, in the lake of the Nipissiri- niens, above the sault de L’esturgeon, by 20 Iroquois ;
4th, of a Huron, named Onatiawe, taken captive by some enemies in the fields of Monsieur de La Poterie, on the 30th of May;
5th, of three renegade Hurons, taken captive, of a Sonnontwe‘ronnon killed on the spot, and of Onatiawe recovered from their hands by 12 Savages, Hurons and Algon- quins. The 3 Hurons taken captive were Onta annaoche, formerly of St. Michel; Ocha- hend, formerly of Ationnontetsia; gu amdbo ugne cremati sunt. The third received his life; he was named [d/ank space};
6th, of Cailleteau, killed at Cap de La Magdelene on Whitsun-monday, the second day of June, near the fort;
7th, of the defeat,—or, rather, of the plun- der,— of twenty or thirty Iroquois, pursued by the Hurons, on the oth of June.
Captures on both sides at 3 Rivers.
Renegade hurons captured And burned. Ibidem.
Iroqguots routed.
Chaple. de la Vzst- tion, En L’tsle —
Pourparler de pazx.
Jugitifs 9. perissent.
178 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VoL. 38
Le 15 part la fregate pour Montreal. Mai- tre Charles Boiuin & Charles Panie vont au secours des 3 Riuieres.
Le 20 Le flibot commandé par M* Iean Langlois part de Quebec pour la pesche, & porte nos premieres lettres en france.
Le 21. Aveiasa & Ochia¥arenton‘Ksi pris captifs aux 3. R.
IULIO
Le 2™¢. La chapelle de Visle d’orleans fut beniste sub titulo Visitationis B. Virginis. par le P. Hierosme Lallemant.
Le Camp volant Commandé par Eustache Lambert part de Sillery. 50 frangois.
Lé.o: 1é P..Richard: arrinue avec le"s:* De Groseliers, de L’ Acadie, d’auec M* dela Tour.
Le 15. la fregate arriue de Montreal, auec les Nouuelles d’un pourparler de Paix auec les onnontae‘ronnon. ausquel Aven‘re de Tehaontiaiehen seruoit de truchement, & le P. Le Moine parloit pour les frangois.
Le 20. arriuerent a Quebec dix ou onze chalouppes tant de Sauuages de Gaspé, que des Etechemins, & Montagnets, allans en guerre contre les Iroquois qui apporterent letres de M' de La Tour & nouuelles 1° que les Anglois de la Nouuelle Angleterre entreprennoi' la guerre, contre les Hollandois de la Nouuelle Hollande & contre les Iroquois. 2° que des francois fugitifs des Trois Riuieres, quantité estoient morts de miseres. Paul La fran- chise, Sauary. Des Lauriers. La font. & qu'il
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 179
\
On the 15th, the frigate sails for Montreal. Master Charles Boivin and Charles Panie go to the assistance of 3 Rivers.
2oth. The flyboat commanded by Master Jean Langlois leaves Quebec for the fishery and carries our first letters to france.
21st. Aweiawa and Ochiawarenton‘kwi taken captive at 3 Rivers.
JULY.
2nd. The chapel on the island of orleans Chafel of the Vistta- was blessed sub titulo Visitationis Beate Virgi- tion, On The tslanda. nis, by Father Hierosme Lallemant.
The flying Camp, Commanded by Eustache Lambert, starts from Sillery; 50 frenchmen.
On the oth, Father Richard arrives with sieur De Groseliers, from Acadia,—from Monsieur de la Tour.
On the 15th, the frigate arrives from Mont- Negotiation for real, with the News of a Peace negotiation peace. with the onnontae‘ronnon, for whom Awen‘re of Tehaontiaiehen served as interpreter; and Father Le Moine spoke for the french.
On the 2oth, ten or eleven shallops arrived at Quebec,— Savages from Gaspé, and some Etechemins and Montagnais, going to war against the Iroquois. These brought letters from Monsieur de La Tour, and news: Ist, that the English of New England were under- taking war against the Dutch of New Holland and against the Iroquois. 2nd, that, of the Fugitives who french fugitives from Three Rivers, several perished. had died from destitution,— Paul La fran- chise, Savary, Des Lauriers, La font; and that
Diuerses Nations, guz Sunissent contre L’ Irog.
180 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
y auoit des marques qu ils s’estoient mangez les vns, les autres. 2
Le 29. Neuf chalouppes de Sauuages partent pour aller en guerre du costé des 3 R. & sept canots. & P. Bailloquet auec eux.
Le 31. arriue vn canot des Trois Riwieres, qui nous apporte la Nouuelle de l’arriuee de trois canots, du pais des Hurons. scauoir Aennons, Huron. Mangsch, Nipissiriniens. Matstisson, que les Hurons appellent Onda _en- ronk, Eentasai & Totraenchiarak. Andara- hi‘ronnons. & deux Ondatasasak vel sta¥ak; scauoir Tedédchiasenté & Otontagonen. lesquels sept sauuages ont apporté nouuelles que toutes les Nations Algonquines s’assemblent auec ce qui reste de la Nation du Petun, & de la Nation Neutre, a A otonatendie, a trois iour- nees au dessus du sault Skia.é. tirant vers Ie sud. Ceux dela Nation du Petun ont hyuerné a Tea onto‘rai les Neutres, au nombre de 800, a sKen‘chio,e, vers Te o‘chanontian, lesquelles deux Nations ‘se doiuent rendre l’automne prochain a A otonatendia ot dez maintenant ils sont mille hommes scauoir
400 Ondatonateni,
200 sta8ak. ou cheueux releuez.
100 tant Ase,atsi8aen‘ronnons, que de la Nation d’ A‘chasi.
200 EnsKia,e‘ronnons.
100 tant Asechisae‘ronnons que Achirsach- ronnon.
Cest Achasi qui conduit toute cette affaire.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 181
there were indications that they had eaten one another.
29th. Nine shallops and seven canoes of Savages start to go to war, in the direction of 3 Rivers; and Father Bailloquet with them.
On the 31st, a canoe from Three Rivers arrives, which brings us the News of the arrival of three canoes from the country of the Hurons,—to wit, Aennons, a Huron; Mangouch, a Nipissirinien; Matoutisson, whom the Hurons call Onda,enronk; Eentawai and Totraenchiarak, Andarahi‘ronnons; and two Ondatawawak, ve/ Outawak, to wit, Tedchia- wenté and Otontagonen. These seven savages have brought news that all the Algonquin Nations are assembling, with what remains of the Tobacco Nation and of the Neutral Nation, at A ,otonatendie, three days’ journey above the sault Skia,é, toward the south. Those of the Tobacco Nation have wintered at Tea, onto‘rai; the Neutrals, to the number of 800, at sken‘chio,e, toward Te,o‘chanontian ; these two Nations are to betake themselves next autumn to A otonatendia, where even now they number a thousand men,—to wit,
400 Ondatonateni;
200 Outawak, or cheveux relevez;
100 Awe atsiwaen‘ronnons, and people from the Nation of A‘chawi;
200 Enskia e‘ronnons;
100 Awechisae‘ronnons and Achirwachron- non.
Achawi is.the one who is directing all this affair.!
Various Nations untting against The Llroguozs.
Le P. Mercier Superieur.
182 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
AUGUSTO
Le 3™° la chalouppe de Maistre Abraham apporte les Nouuelles de 1’arriuee du P Ly- onne a Tadoussac, dans le Capitaine Poulet.
Le 6™*. a4 heures & demie du matin, arriua le P. Lyonne, & nos letres. le soir auant soupper, dans le refectoir, ie declaré que le Pere francois Le Mercier estoit nommé supe- rieur par N. R. P. G™!. & a cause que la bulle du Pape, du triennat des Superieurs, m’obli- geoit de me demettre sans delay; attendant la venue du P. Le Mercier, des trois Riuieres, ie nommay pour Vice superieur le P. Hie- rosme Lallemant.
Le 8. le Capitaine Poulet mouilla l’ancre a Quebec.
Le g. arriua la chalouppe de Montreal, qui apporte la nouuelle de Michel Noela tué par les Iroquois le 20 de Iuillet. &d’vn canot de deux ennemis, venu le 21™¢ Juillet, pour trai- ter de paix, dont l’vn estoit. Onneiochronnon nommé Tehoatirhon l’autre, vn Huron d’on- nonta_e.
fut faite & declarée la Nomination de M'. Dailleboust au syndicate.
Thomas Hayot, adiointe du Cap Rouge y compris Sillery.
Mr’ de Tilly de la Coste s**. Geneuieue.
Mt Denis de Quebec.
le St... La: Meslée de: la Coste.de Nostre: D: des Anges.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. J/ESUITES 183
AUGUST.
On the 3rd, Master Abraham’s shallop brings News of the arrival of Father Lyonne at Tadoussac, with Captain Poulet.
On the 6th, Father Lyonne and our letters arrived at half-past 4 o’clock in the morning. At evening before supper, in the refectory, I declared that Father francois Le Mercier was appointed superior by Our Reverend Father General; and,— because the bull of the Pope concerning the triennial term of Superiors obliged me to resign without delay,— pending the coming of Father Le Mercier from three Rivers, I appointed Father Hierosme Lalle- mant Vice-superior.
On the 8th, Captain Poulet anchored at Quebec.
On the gth, the shallop from Montreal arrived, bringing news about Michel Noela, killed by the Iroquois on the 2oth of July; and about a canoe with two enemies, who came on the 21st of July to treat for peace,—one of whom was an Onneiochronnon named Tehoa- tirhon; the other, a Huron from onnonta.e.
The Appointment of Monsieur Dailleboust to the syndicate was made and announced.
Thomas Hayot, deputy from Cap Rouge, including Sillery.
Monsieur de Tilly from Coste Ste. Gene- vieve.
Monsieur Denis, from Quebec.
Sieur La Meslée, from Coste de Nostre Dame des Anges.
Father Mercier Superior.
Lubilé 1653. Demandé & obtenu par Les prelats.
Pour l’ Autorité de Monsr, l’ Archeu. de rotien en ce pays ef du Vicariat gral du Superr. de noe Compre.
184 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vox. 38
Guill. Peltier. de Beauport.
francois Belanger de la Longue Pointe
Pierre Picard du Cap Tourmente.
M'Buissot . . . . dela Costede Lauson.
Le 15. d’Aoust fut annoncé le Iubilé soubs l’Authorité de Mons’ 1’ Archeuesque de roiien, qui en auoit icy enuoye le mandement de le publier, son mandement doit estre conserué dans les Archiues comme piece authentique de la continuation de possession que le susdit seign’. Archeuesque a desia prise par quel- ques autres actes du gouuernem! spirituel de ce pays, cette publication toutesfois du lubilé soubs son nom & authorité est le premier acte, qui aye paru notoirement dans le pidys: qui est L’autant plvf authentique, qu’il s’est fait en la presence du Gouuerneur, ipso non repugnante (Immo ipso premonito & con- sentiente quod tamen non est passim euul- gandum) & In maxima populi frequentia, qui en suite a gangné ce Iubilé, lequel ne pouuoit, icy estre gangné autrement, le pape ne l’accordant qu’aux suiets des Pre- lats qui le luy demandoient pour leurs Diocesins.
Sur quoy est a remarquer que n’y ayant eu raport a aucun Euesque pour le Gouuerne- ment spirituel de ce pays iusques en l’an 1647. il fut pour lors consideré a l’occasion des ves- tures & professions des religieuses, qu’en ne pouuoit s’en passer, & la susdite année le p.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 185
Guillaume Peltier, from Beauport.
francois Belanger, from Longue Pointe.
Pierre Picard, from Cap Tourmente.
Monsieur Buissot . . . . from Coste de Lauson.”
On the 15th of August, the Jubilee was an- nounced under the Authority of Monseigneur the Archbishop of rouen, who had sent hither the order to publish it. His order is to be preserved in the Archives, as an authentic document for the continuity of possession which the aforesaid lord Archbishop has already assumed by some other acts of spiritual gov- ernment over this country. However, this publication of the Jubilee under his name and authority is the first act which has appeared conspicuously in the country; it is more fully authenticated because it was declared in the presence of the Governor, zfso non repugnante (Immo ipso premonito et consentiente—quod tamen non est passim evulgandum), et In maxima populi frequentia, who subsequently gained this Jubilee, which could not here be otherwise obtained—the pope granting it only to the subjects of Prelates who requested it from him for their Diocesans.
Upon this matter it is to be remarked that, as no relations had been formed with any Bishop regarding the spiritual Government of this country until the year 1647, it was then considered, on occasion of the investi- tures and professions of the nuns, that we could not dispense therewith; and in the
Jubilee, 1653. Requested and ob- tained by The prelates.
Concerning the Authority of Mon- setgneur the Arch- bishop of rouen in
this country, and the office of Vicar- general for the Superior of our Soctety.
Le P. Vimont consulte en fee. sur ce fait.
Le &. P: Superi. gd Vicr de Larch. de YOUEN.
186 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
Vimont passant en france fut sur tout chargé de cette affaire, pour l’assurance des profes- sions des religieuses: le p Vimont apres auoir consulté rome, les principaux Peres de nde Comp. de la maison Professe & du College, le sens plvf commun fut qu’il falloit s’addres- ser & attacher a M. de roiien; ensuite le p’. Vimont s’addressa au p. pingeolet pour lors rect’. du College de roiien par la faueur & assistance duquel on obtint de M. 1’Arch. de roiien 1’Ancien, lettre de grands vicaires, ce qui estant apporté icy auec les lettres & les resolutions de tous nos PP confirmatiues de ce que dessv{ on proceda auec assurance a receuoir les professions des religieuses: on ne Iugea pas toutesfois a propos de faire encore esclater beaucoup au dehors cette affaire.
Depuis Mondit S'. l’Arch. de roiien enuoya vne patente bien ample, adressée au r. p. Assistant par laquelle il establissoit le super’. de la mission son Vicaire G™! auec toutes les precautions possibles pour le bien de nostre Comp**. & le dit s'. Arch. estant mort cette année 1653. son nepueu successeur en sa Charge & qui du viuant de son oncle auoit esté son Coddiuteur, enuoya vne sem- blable patente a celle de son oncle au r. p., Assistant, qui nvf fut icy apportés auec le mandemt. pour la publicaon du Iubilé selon ce que dessus.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 187
aforesaid year, father Vimont, going over Father Vimont takes to france, was especially charged with this ¢2”7#Se/ upon this business, to secure the validity of the nuns’ pias Sak professions. Father Vimont, after having
consulted rome and the principal Fathers of
our Society,—of the Professed house and of
the College,—the very general opinion was
that it was necessary to address and attach our-
selves to Monseigneur of rouen. Next, father
Vimont applied to father pingeolet, then
rector of the College of rouen, by whose favor
and assistance we obtained from Monseigneur
the Archbishop of rouen, the Elder, a letter
[with powers as] grand vicar. This document
being brought hither, along with the letters
and the resolutions of all our Fathers in rati-
fication of the foregoing, we proceeded with
confidence to receive the nuns’ professions.
We did not, however, Judge it proper, as yet,
to noise this matter abroad to much extent.
Afterward, Monseigneur the Archbishop of The Roapspasd
rouen sent letters patent, sufficiently ample, /ather Superior addressed to the reverend father Assistant,— alee ie a ie is whereby he established the superior of the mission as his Vicar-General, with all possible precautions for the benefit of our Society. Moreover, the said lord Archbishop having died in this year, 1653, his nephew,— who is his successor in Office, and who during his uncle’s lifetime had been his Coadjutor— sent a patent similar to his uncle’s, to the reverend father Assistant, which was brought hither to us, along with the order for the publication of the Jubilee as above.
17 Lroguots téez ou blessez ou mts en futte.
188 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou. 38
On a de plvfa noter que le susdit nepueu successeur, estant Coadiuteur de son Oncle donna lettre Dimissoire au sieur Gendron pour receuoir les ordres l’an 1652. & ce en consi- deraon qu'il estoit son subiect pour auoir demeure enuiron 10. ans en ce pays: le mesme depuis la mort de son oncle a donné vn autre mandat pour faire Inquisition sur la vie & s*. mort de nos Peres, de sorte que tout cela mis ensemble a fait Iuger que la chose estoit venue a sa maturité pour la faire doresnauant paroistre & esclater au dehors grand besoin seroit, ce qui s’est fait nunc primi par la publi- cion susdite du Iubilé soubs le nom & autho- rité de Mondit Seign’. Archeuesque de rotien qui fut qualifié nostre prelat ce Iour-la 15. d’Aoust en la presence comme dit est, de Mons’. le gouuernt. & de tout le peuple assemblé, pendant la grande messe.
Le 21. Ariue vn canot de Mon-real qui nous apporte la nouuelle que 30 hurons s’estans iettez heureusement sur une troupe de 17 Iroquois Annieiieronen qui estoit en am- buscade derriere L’Isle de St. Heléne pour surprendre des francois qui fauchoient dans vne prairie, les ont mis, en deroute, en ont tué vn sur la place, pris cinq en vie dont 4. sont Annien er‘onon et le cing. vn huron autre- fois de St. Frangois Xauier, deux hurons ont esté tiiez et 2 griefuement blessez. on a appris de ces captifs 1°. que les onontae‘ronon
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 189
It should be also noted that the aforesaid nephew and successor, while Coadjutor to his Uncle, gave a letter of Dismissal to sieur Gendron, that he might receive orders, in the year 1652,—-and this in view of the fact that the latter was his subject, on account of having resided about 10 years in this country. The same, since his uncle’s death, has given another order,—one for making an Inquiry regarding the lives and blessed deaths of our Fathers. In consequence, all that put together has led us to Conclude that the matter had come to its maturity,—so that, henceforth, there would be great need of publishing and displaying it abroad. This has been done, nunc primum, by the aforesaid publication of the Jubilee under the name and authority of Monseigneur the Archbishop of rouen, who was qualified as our prelate on that Day, 15th of August, in the presence, as we have said, of Monsieur the governor, and of all the assembled people, during high mass."
21st. A canoe arrives from Mon-real, bringing us the news that 30 hurons, having successfully fallen upon a band of 17 Annietie- ronen Iroquois,— who were in ambush behind The Island of St. Heléne, in order to surprise some french who were mowing in a mead- ow,—put them to confusion, killed one on the spot, and took five alive,—4 of whom are Annien er‘onon, and the fifth a huron, for- merly from St. Francois Xavier. Two hurons have been killed, and 2 grievously wounded. We have learned by these captives: 1st, that
17 Lroguozs killed or wounded or put to
flight.
guerre des Anglots et hollandozs En Canada
P. poncet pris pr. Les Lrog. prés de Sillery.
leunes hurons pris.
500 agniez autour des trots rtuteres.
190 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
et les onnei8chtronon veulent tout de bon la paix 2. qu’une nation proche des Anglois fait, la” ettette aux Aniiener = Wamnie tes Anniener‘. font ligue offensiue et defensiue auec Les Hollandois contre les Anglois qui leur ont declaré la guerre et pour cet effet s’assemblent tous dans un mesme bourg: 4. que les Andasto,er‘. prennent la guerre entre l’Annien,e‘r & le Sonont¥en‘r. 5. que 600. la plus part Annien e‘r. estoient partis depuis 30 iours, pour aller en guerre contre les 3. Riuieres.
Vne heure apres cette nouuelle, le P. de Quen nous apporte la calotte de P. Poncet, & la nouuelle de sa prise par les Iroquois, vn peu au dessus de sillery, ou la charité l’auoit porté, il fut emmené vif auec vn autre fran- ¢ois, qui coupoit ses bleds, le 20 du courant sur les 4a5. heures du soir 32. francois des plus considerables de Kebec s’embarquent dans 6. canots pour courir apres l’ennemy, & luy aller dresser une ambuscade dans le lac de St. Pierre!
Par les letres des 3. Riuieres’ nous appre- nons que le 16. du mesme deux ieunes hurons Ont este Gprisvdans ‘vne isle des: 3. ik. pans. Iroquois.
Le 22. Sur le matin vn huron est blessé aux trois Riu. sur le costeau par vne petit troupe d’Iroquois auancoureurs d’une armée de 500- Annien,er. Sur les 8. heur. on appercoit
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 191
the onontae‘ronon and the onneiouchtronon desire peace in good earnest; 2nd, that a nation near the English is making war on the Anniefer‘onnons; 3rd, that the Anniener‘on- nons are making a league, offensive and defensive, with The Dutch against the Eng- lish, who have declared war on them, and are all assembling, for this purpose, in the same village; 4th, that the Andasto,er‘onnons are engaging in war between the Annien.e‘- ronnons and the Sonontwen‘ronnons; 5th, that 600,—mostly Annien,e‘ronnons,— had started, 30 days ago, to attack 3 Rivers.
An hour after this news, Father de Quen brings us Father Poncet’s skullcap, and the news of his capture by the Iroquois, a little above sillery, whither charity had led him. He was carried away alive,—with another frenchman, who was cutting his wheat,—on the 20th instant, about 4 or 5 o'clock in the afternoon. 32 frenchmen, among the most prominent persons in Kebec, embark in 6 canoes, in order to pursue the enemy, and to lay an ambush for him in lake St. Pierre.
By letters from 3 Rivers, we learn that, on the 16th of the same month, two young hurons were captured on an island at 3 Rivers, by 8 Iroquois.
22nd. Toward morning, a huron is wounded on the hillside at three Rivers, by a small band of Iroquois, precursors of an army of 500 Annieneronnons. About 8 o’clock, a canoe is perceived, which was passing a league above three Rivers from the South
War of the English and dutch In Canada.
Father poncet taken by The Iroquois near Stllery.
Young hurons captured.
500 agniez about three rivers.
Les Trots Riuieres asstegées par les lroguotzs.
le 23. Degast par les Irog.
Lubile commence.
192 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [{Not. 38
vn canot qui passoit a vne lieue au dessus des trois R. du Sud au costé du nort, vn canot va a la decouuert, puis une chaloupe bien equipée qui ayant passe. la briqueterie voit plus de 30 canots Iroquois du costé du nord et o. du costé' du sud; elle. fut en) orgad danger, et belle Poire qui commandoit se comporta vaillamment auec sa troupe. deux Iroquois tués pas vn des frangois blessé.
La nuit la troupe de fran¢ois qui auoit poursuiuy ceux qui emmenoient Le P Poncet, ariue au cap, ils apprennent que les trois R. sont assiegées qu’on s’est battu tout le iour, Caron s’embarque dans un canot pour aller sur le lieu, il ariue heureusement vers la mynuit, 1l-trouue* tout en ‘bon: estat, et tes habitans pleins de courage. Le siege dure plus de 8. iours cependant ils font le degast dans les champs mettant le feu aux pois desia arrachez, et au blé coupé et a nostre redoute du costeau tiient le bestail entre autres, 8. bestes a corne qui appartenoient a nos peres, ; Les 32 francois ariuent aux trois R. les Iroq. parlent de paix ils se meslent auec les hurons, ils promettent de rendre le Pere Poncet, on leur promet de donner la vie aux prison. Annienser.. (pris’a Mon-reals 2) oe ae so commence le Iubilé.
SEPTEMBRE
le premier. onescrit des 3. R. que le 30. du passé la troupe des hurons victorieux, qui
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 193
toward the north. A canoe goes to recon- noiter; then a shallop, well equipped, which having passed the brick-yard, sees more than 30 Iroquois canoes on the north side and 9 on the south side. It was in great danger, and belle Poire, who was in command, behaved valiantly with his troop. Two Iroquois were killed; not one of the french wounded.
In the night, the band of frenchmen who had pursued those who were carrying away Father Poncet, arrives at the cape. They learn that three Rivers is besieged, and that there has been fighting all day. Caron em- barks in a canoe, in order to reach the spot: he safely arrives, toward midnight; he finds everything in good condition, and the inhab- itants full of courage. The siege lasts more than 8 days; meanwhile they devastate the fields, setting fire to the peas already torn up, and to the cut corn; and at our redout on the hillside they kill the cattle, among others, 8 horned beasts which belonged to our fathers. . . . The 32 frenchmen arrive at three Rivers, and the Iroquois speak of peace; they mingle with the hurons; they promise to give up Father Poncet, and we promise them to spare the life of the Annieneronnon prisoners taken at Mon- real. . . . On the 30th, the Jubilee begins.
SEPTEMBER.
On the first, word is sent from 3 Rivers that, on the 30th of last month, the troop of victorious hurons who were coming from
Three Rivers be- sieged by the lroguozs.
The 23rd.
Devastation by the Troqguots.
Jubilee begins.
presens pour sauuer La vte au P. poneet.
Szége dissipé.
ITubué de deux mots.
194 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VoL. 38
venoient de Mon-real auec leur prisonniers — tomba entre les mains des Iroq. auec 4. onon- ta.er. qui venoient auec force presens de castor & de colliers pour faire la paix —la plus part dés'-presens furent pillees; . () (2) Nean- moins les Annien,er. n’en deuiennet. pas plus insolens parlent tousiours de paix; le chef de l’armée nommé teharihogen regoit des presens de Mons. boucher capit. du bourg ex Jaueur de la vie du P. Poncet, il sembarque auec 3. canots pour courir apres ceux qui l’em- meénoient. Le’ sieve se ‘dissipe et “les: [roq: s’en vont sans ordre 6. ou 7. demeurent auec les francois, & descendent a Kebec, auec les ononta er.
Le 4. vne barque part des trois Riu. pour Mon-réal auec le Pere bailloquet, pour rame- ner le P.' Claude’ Pijart. le mesme‘iour,'les onnonta,er. font leur presens a l’Isle d’or- leans, ou se trouue Mr’. le gouuerneur, Mr. d Ailleboust &c
Le 7. on fait des presens reciproques aux onnonta.er. on continue les processions du iubilé, commencé le dimanche precedent pour durer deux moys.
Le 8. Les onnont. voyent la procession, ou il y auoit plus de 4oo. fuseliers en bel ordre. ils partent pour les 3. R.
Le18. 2. hurons arriuent d’Agnéé. Asea- 8issen party auec son fils — apres l’armée.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 195
Mon-real with their prisoners fell into the hands of the Iroquois, along with 4 ononta.e- ronnons, who were coming with many pres- ents of beaver and collars, in order to make peace. Most of the presents were plun- dered, 77) »6)-"Nevertheless/ the: Annien - eronnons become none the more insolent, but continually speak of peace. The chief of the army, named teharihogen, receives presents from Monsieur boucher, captain of the village, wn behalf of the life of Father Poncet. He embarks with 3 canoes, in order to pursue those who were carrying away the Father. The siege is broken up, and the Iroquois go away in disorder; 6 or 7 stay with the french, and go down to Kebec with the ononta,eron- nons.
On the 4th, a bark leaves three Rivers for Mon-réal, with Father bailloquet, in order to bring back Father Claude Pijart. On the same day, the onnonta,eronnons make their presents at the Island of orleans, where are Monsieur the governor, Monsieur 4d’ Aille- boust, and others.
On the 7th, mutual gifts are exchanged with the onnonta,eronnons. The processions of the jubilee are continued, which began the preceding sunday, to last two months.
8th. The onnonta,eronnons see the proces- sion, in which there were more than 400 fusiliers in fine order. ‘They leave for 3 Rivers.
18th. 2 hurons arrive from Agnéé. Awea- wissen started with his son, after the army.
Presents to save Father poncet’s lefe.
Stege broken up.
Two months’ Jubzlee.
P. Poncet deltvré.
Le P. los. du Perron repasse en france...
Te Deum pr La paix.
P. La place releue Le P. Richard aux 3. ite
196 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou. 38
OCTOBRE.
Le 24. Le P. Poncet ariue’ dans vn me- chant canot, conduit par quelques Iroquois, a Mon-real habillé en Hollandois.
Le 28. il arriue aux trois Riu. dans le flibot rencontré aux Isles de Richelieu
NOUEMBRE
4. ue PP. varine a “Quebec. yauccyle: aie Richard; Mons. boucher etc. 7. Iroquois on tira 3. coups de canon.
Le 6. Les Annien,e‘r font leur presens au nombre de 16.
Le g. on leur fait des presens mutuels 23. presens, les meres de lhospital leur font festin, et nous vers le soir.
Le 10 le Capitaine Pointel lJeve I Ancre, embarque le P. Ioseph du Peron. L’hyuer commence tout de bon.
L’onz. on chante la messe solemnelle en action de grace. Les Iroquois vont coucher a Sillery, et le P. la place qui monte aux trois Riuieres en la place du P. Richard.
Le 13. Mons. d’Espiné de Tadoussac, auec des Lettres du P. Albanel, descendu pour aller dans le Saguenay.
Le 14. il neige puissamment. le 15. le P. la place ariue aux 3. R.
Le 17. nouuelle des 3. Riuieres d’un Iro- quois et d’un sauuage de la nation des loups tiiez vers mon-real par quelques hurons.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 197
OCTOBER.
24th. Father Poncet arrives —ina wretched canoe, conducted by some Iroquois—at Mon-real; he is dressed in Dutch fashion.
On the 28th, he arrives at three Rivers, in the flyboat, which they encountered among the Isles of Richelieu.
NOVEMBER.
4. The Father arrives at Quebecq with Father Richard, Monsieur boucher, and 7 Iroquois; 3 guns were fired.
6th. The Annien,e‘ronnons make their presents, to the number of 16.
On the oth, we make them presents in return: 23 presents. The hospital mothers make them a feast; we do the same, toward evening.
On the roth, Captain Pointel weighs An- chor; Father Joseph du Peron embarks. The winter begins in good earnest.
On the eleventh, solemn mass is sung, by way of thanksgiving. The Iroquois go to spend the night at Sillery; also Father la place, who goes up to three Rivers in place of Father Richard.
On the 13th, arrives Monsieur d’Espiné, from Tadoussac, with Letters from Father Albanel, who went thither to go into the Saguenay.
On the 14th, it snows heavily. On the 15th, Father la place arrives at 3 Rivers.
On the 17th, news from 3 Rivers concern-
Father Poncet delivered.
Father Joseph du Perron goes back to france.
Te Deum, 0m account of The peace.
Father La place relieves Father Richard at 3 Rivers.
Agniez Veulent atttrer Les Hurons chez eux.
Meurtres des- anuoues.
Sauuage de la nation du Loup aux 3. Riu.
198 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
Les hurons et les Algonq. font leur present Aux Annien,e‘r. aux 3. R.
Le 18. La barque ariue des 3. Riu. auec
les 3. meurtriers mis aux fers et enuoyeza Mons. le gouuer. auec des presens de la part des Annien er. pour leur deliurance. Le mesme iour les Anciens des hurons produisent 3. colliers receus en cachette de Teharihogen capit. Annie,n.er. pour attirer les hurons en leur pais.
Le Ig on tient conseil sur cette affaire chez nous a Quebecq. Mt’. le gouuerneur. conclud de faire faire aux 3. R-. dans l'occasion 3 presens desa part aux Annien er. le premier pour temoigner qu’il desauotie les meurtres faits par leshurons. Le 2. pour faire scauoir qu’il a cognoissance des presens faits par eux aux hurons en secret. Le 3. pour temoigner que quoyque fassent les hurons et Alg. nous demeurerons tousiours en paix auec eux. Le mesme 1g. Teharihogen s’embarque aux 3. R. auec les sieurs des Mares et la fleur pour Annien,e Les autres Annien,er. relachent s’estant embarqués et restoit aux3.R. Le 23. le Flibot ariue de Mon-real aux 3. R. et amene un sauuage de la zation du loup habillé a 1’Europeane, parent du Mahingan tué par les hurons; on recoit nouuelle de la mort ou prise, ou naufrage de Iolycour et d’Aras habitans de Monreal.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 199
ing an Iroquois and a savage of the nation of the wolves, who were killed near mon-real by some hurons.
The hurons and the Algonquins make their present To the Annien,e‘ronnons at 3 Rivers.
18th. The bark arrives from 3 Rivers, with the 3 murderers put in irons and sent to Monsieur the governor, with presents from the Annien eronnons for their deliverance. : On the same day, the Elders of the irons produce 3 collars received in secret from Teharihogen, an Annie,n,eronnon captain, 7 order to attract the hurons into their country.
On the tgth, a council is held with refer- ence to this business, at our house at Que- becq. Monsieur the governor resolves to have 3 presents delivered at 3 Rivers in due season, on his behalf, to the Annien eronnons: the first, to certify that he dzsavows the murders committed by the hurons; the 2nd, to let it be known that he has knowledge of the pres- ents made by them to the hurons in secret; the 3rd, to declare that whatever the hurons and Algonquins may do, we shall always re- main at peace with them. On the same Ioth, Teharihogen embarks at 3 Rivers with sieurs des Mares and la fleur, for Annien,e. The other Annien,eronnons having embarked, put back and remained at 3 Rivers. 23rd. The Flyboat arrives at 3 Rivers from Mon-real, and brings a savage from the zation of the wolf, dressed in European style,—a kinsman of the Mahingan who was killed by the hurons. We receive news of the death, or
Agniez Wish to attract The Hurons among them.
Murders disavowed.
Savage of the Wolf nation at 7 Rivers.
200 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ Vou. 38
Le 27. le flibot estat. party pour Quebecq le 25. est contraint pour les glaces de relacher aux 3. R. pour y hyuerner.
DEC.
Le Premier dimanche de L’Auent on com- mence les Catechismes dans nostre chapelle.
1652-53] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 201
capture, or shipwreck, of Jolycour and Aras, inhabitants of Monreal.
On the 27th, the flyboat, having left for Quebecq on the 25th, is constrained on account of the ice to put back to 3 Rivers, to winter there.
DECEMBER.
The First sunday in Advent, the lessons in Catechism are begun in our chapel.
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LXXXIII
BRESSANI’S BREVE RELATIONE
MACERATA: HEREDI D’ AGOSTINO GRISEI, 1653
SOURCE: We reprint from a copy of the original Italian edition, in the library of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin.
Owing to the length of the document, we herewith pre- sent only chaps. i-iv. of Part I. Volume XXXIX. will be wholly occupied with this Re/atzone, which will be concluded in Volume XL.
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—
BREVE RELATIONE
DA Wen Ge MISSIONI De’ PP. della Compagnia di Giesd. nella Nuoua Francia
DEL P:FRANCESCO GIOSEPPE EEE ES della medefima Compagniay =
ALL'EMINENTISS. E REVERENDISS. SIG.
CARD- ae LVGO,
A YY Ss WN N WY /
IN MACERATA, Per pli Heredi d’Agotting Grifti. 1653.
- Con Livenzade Signori Superiori. -
‘* es 7 i OF Bin
A bie lier ay ©) UN TL
OF VOR Rm ALIN: DSS LONS
Of the Fathers of the Society of jesus in New France,
BY FATHER FRANCESCO GIOSEPPE BRESSANI, of the same Society,
TO THE MOST EMINENT AND REV. SIGNOR,
CARDINAL DE LUGO,
AT MACERATA, By the Heirs of Agostino Grisei. 1653.
With Permission of the Ausiivr thes,
208 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
Eminentiss. e Reverendiss. Signore Padron Colendiffimo.
A comptacenza, che Vofira Eminenza mostro, inten- ip dendo 1 profpert Succeffi dt quefie Miffiont, e la com- paffione, che portd at atfaftri di quella, con il zelante defiderto di vederla quanto prima rimeffa, oltre quello, che tutta la Compagnia, & 10 in particolare le deuo, con molti altrt Soggetti di questa Miffione, che hanno da’ Juot fonti fucchiato wl latte della facra Theologia; m’ ha tndotto a dedicarle la prefente Relatione, alla formatione della quale la fua inclinatione ha non poco cooperato. Non 0, fe riguarda la perfona, che fcriue, e la femplicita dello fitle, cofa degna dell’ Eminenza Sua; ma la materia da Se non e forfi fpiaceuole, ne fara, come fpero, infruttuofa, e li Grandi deuono, come Voftra Emtinenza fa, con grande efempio della Chiefa, imitar le perfettiont di Dio, qui humilia ref{picit, maffime quando v’ 2 honorato. Con guefia st ben fondata fperanza gle la prefento, e le bacio humilifimamente le facre vestt. Dt Macerata li 19. Luglio 1653. Di V. Eminenza Reuerendt/s. Deuotifs. & obligatifs. Seruo in Xpo FRANCESCO GIOSEPPE BRESSANI.
1652-53] BRESSANI'S RELATION, 1653 209
Most Eminent and Most Reverend Signor, and Very Worshipful Patron.
learning the prosperity and success of these Mis-
stons,; the compassion which you felt for the dts- asters of this one, together with the zealous desire of seeing wt restored as soon as possible; and the gratitude that the whole Society, and I in especial, owe to you,— along with many other Persons in this Mission, who have sucked the mulk of sacred Theology from your fountains,— have led me to dedicate to you the present Relation, to the compost- tion of which your sympathy has contributed not a little. [t is not, tf you consider the person who writes, and the simplicity of the style, a thing worthy of Your Eminence; but the matter in itself ts not, perhaps, displeasing, nor will be, as I hope, unfruitful; and the Great should —as does Your Eminence, a noble example to the Church — wmitate the perfections of God, qui humilia respicit, espectally when he ts thereby honored. With thts so well founded hope, I present it to you, and most humbly kiss your sacred robes. From Macerata, the 19th of July,
1653.
nf ae pleasure which Your Eminence manifested upon
Your Most Reverend Eminence’s Most devoted and obliged Servant in Christ, FRANCESCO GIOSEPPE BRESSANI.
210 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
VM Sanéiifs. D. N. Vrbanus Papa VIII, die 13. Martij 1625. in Sacra Congregatione S. R. E. vntuerfalis Inquifitionis Decretum ediderit, tdem-
que confirmauerit die 5. Luntz anno 1634. quo inhibutt imprimt libros hominum, qui Sanétitate, feu Martyry fama celebres - vita migrauerunt, gefla, mtracula, vel reuelationes, fiue quecunque beneficia, tanqguam eorum in- terceffiontbus a Deo accepta continentes, fine recognitione, atque approbatione Ordinarij, & que hattenus fine ea tm- preffa funt nullo modo vult cenfert approbata. Idem autem Sanétifs. die 5. Tunt7 1631. tta explicauerit, vt nimirum non admittantur elogia Sancti, vel Beati abfo- lutc, & que cadunt fuper perfonam, bene tamen ea, que cadunt fupra mores, & opinionem, cum protestatione in principio, quod ts nulla adfit autoritas ab Ecclefia Ro- mana, fed fides tantiim fit penes autorem. Hutc decreto, eiufg3 confirmationt & declarationt obferuantia, & reue- rentia, qua par est, infistendo, profiteor me haud alto fenfu, guidguid in hoc libro refero, accipere, aut ‘accipi ab vllo velle, quam quo ea folent, que humana dumtaxat autort- tate, non autem daiuina, Catholice Romane Ecclefie, aut Sancta Sedis Apoftolice nituntur: Ys tantummodd ex- ceptis, quos eadem Sanéta Sedes Sanctorum, Beatorum,
aut Martyrum catalogo adfcripfit.
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 211
HEREAS Our Holy Father, Pope Urban VIII,
Y V on the 13th day of March, 1625, i the Sacred Congregation of the general Ingutsition of the
Holy Roman Church, made a Decree, and confirmed the same on the 5th day of June, 1634, by which he forbade any books, containing the actions, miracles, or revelations of men who have departed this life, famed for Sanctity or Martyrdom, or containing any favors supposed to have been received from God through their intercession, to be printed without being examined and approved by the Ordinary; and wishes that whatsoever has heretofore been printed without such examination and approbation, shall be in no manner considered as approved, and whereas, also, His Holiness has —on the 5th day of June, 1631 — explained the same decree, to wit, that no eulogies of a Saint or Blessed should be permitted unconditionally, and so as to be directed to the person of such Saint or Blessed; but that such eulogies might well be permitted, as are given to their exemplary life and repute for sanctity, provided there 1s a protestation in the beginning, that the facts are not vouched for by the authority of the Roman Church, but that reliance is to be placed merely on the author: In compliance with this decree and its confirmation and ex- planation, with all due observance and reverence, I declare that, whatever ts related by me in this book, I wrsh to understand and to be understood in no other sense than that in which is usually understood whatever ts based upon mere human authority, and not on the divine authority of the Roman Catholic Church, or of the Holy Apostolic See, excepting however those, whom the same Holy See has entered on the catalogue of Saints, Blessed, and Martyrs.
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Gosvvinvs Nickel Societatis lesv Praepositvs Generalis.
VM Relationem nonnullarum Miffionum 4 Patri- Gy bus noftrz Societatis in America Septentri- onali, & in ea regione, que Noua Francia vocatur obitarum, confcriptam 4 P. Francifco lofepho Breffanio eiufdem Societatis Sacerdote ex illis parti- bus nuper ad nos reuerfo, aliquot noftri Religiofi recognouerint, & in lucem edi poffe probauerint, facultatem facimus, vt typis madetur, fi ijs, ad quos pertinet, ita videbitur, cuius rei gratia has litteras manu noftra fubfcriptas, figilloque noftro munitas
damus. Rome 26. Martij 1653. GOSVVINVS NICKEL.
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Goswin Nickel, General of the Society of Jesus.
HEREAS the Relation of certain Missions / V undertaken by Fathers of our Society in North America, in the region called New France, written by Father Francesco Gioseppe Bressani, Priest of the same Society, who has lately returned to us from those parts, has been examined by some of our Religious and approved for publica- tion, we hereby give permission to have it printed, if those whom it concerns shall so decide; in confir- mation of which we give the present letters, signed by our hand and furnished with our seal.
Rome, 26th of March, 1653. GOSWIN NICKEL.
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Si placet Illuftrifs. & Reuerendifs. D. D. Papirio Silueftro Ep. Macer. Imprimatur Fr. Vincentius de Gulijs Min. Con. Sac. Theol. Mag. in Patr. Vniu. Phil. Profefs.
Imprimatur. Ludouicus Signorius Vic. & Aud. Gener.
Hieronymus Spinuccius vidit pro Reuerendiffimo P.M. D. Io: Vincentio’ Paulino’ Inquif. Gener, Ancone.
Imprimatur. Fr. Io: Baptifta Talianus S. T. M. ac Vic. S. Offic. Macerat. Ord. Praedicatorum.
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Let it be printed, if it please the Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord Papirius Silvester, Bishop of Macerata. Fr. Vincentius de Juliis, of the Minor Conventuals, Master of Sacred Theology, Professor of Philosophy in Our University.
Imprimatur: Ludovicus Signorius, Vicar and Gen- eral Auditor.
Hieronymus Spinuccius has examined this book, in place of the Most Reverend Master of the Sacred Palace, Joannes Vincentius Paulinus, Inquisitor General of Ancona.
Imprimatur: Fr. Joannes Baptista Talianus, of the Friars Preachers, Master of Sacred Theology, and Vicar of the Holy Office at Macerata.
216 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Not. 38
{1] Proemio.
SUCCESSI funefti, e gloriofi infieme delle Miffi- | oni della nuoua Francia paefe dell’ America
Settentrionale fono fin’ hora ftati riftretti ne’ confini dell’ Antica per effer {tati ogni anno fcritti folo in lingua Francefe. Dall’ altro canto effendo degni di effere faputi da per tutto meritarebbero d’ effer trasferiti in qualche lingua, che foffe intefa 1A, doue la Francefe non corre.
Quefto @ ftato, ed é il defiderio di molti pieni di zelo, e di Santa curiofita, di faper i progreffi della Fede in quefti nuoui paefi. E per compiacerli é vn pezzo, che fi € cominciato 4 penfare di farne vn’ hifto- ria latina affai efatta. Ma come que{t’ opera richie- de ancora molto tempo, e le giufte iftanze di tanti meritano qualche fodisfatione, mi fono lafciato in- durre, fenza pregiuditio dell’ hiftoria, che fe ne feri- uera pitt vniuerfale, e pitt a longo di farne qui vno sbozzo, 6 pitt tofto di darne vn faggio con la fempli- cita, e breuita la pi grande, che potrd. Io non pretendo di parlare di tutto, ma folo dare vna cogni- tione affai rozza, particolarmente della Miffione de gli Huroni, che fiamo {tati coftretti d’ abbandonare, parlando come di paffaggio di quel, che toccara all’ altre. Diuiderd il tutto in tre parti, la prima riguardara la natura, la feconda la gratia, la terza la
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[1] Preface.
HE Events—disastrous, yet glorious—of the Missions of new France, a country of North America, have hitherto been known only
within the limits of Old France, having been written every year in the French language alone. Never- theless, as they are worthy of being known every- where, they deserve to be translated into some language which might be understood where French {Sou Current,
This has been, and is, the desire of many, full of zeal and of Devout curiosity to know the progress of the Faith in those new countries. And to gratify them, I have thought, for some time past, of com- posing on the subject a latin history, fairly exact.'® But, as that work still requires much time, and the reasonable solicitations of so many deserve some satisfaction, I have allowed myself to be led — with- out prejudice to the history, which shall be written more generally and at greater length—-to make a sketch thereof at once; or, rather, to give an essay thereon, with as great simplicity and brevity as pos- sible. Ido not claim to speak of everything, but only to afford a somewhat rough conception,— par- ticularly of the Mission of the Hurons, which we have been forced to abandon, speaking, in passing, of what pertains to the others. I shall divide the whole into three parts: the first will be concerned with nature, the second with grace, the third with
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gloria. Primo confiderando il naturale de’ Barbari, e del paefe. Secondo la loro conuerfione opra prin- cipalmente della gratia. Terzo la morte, e confe- guentemente la gloria come fperiamo d’ alcuni, che v’ hanno grandemente cooperato.
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glory. First, will be considered the nature of the Barbarians and of the country; secondly, their conversion, principally a work of grace; thirdly, the death, and consequently the glory, as we hope, of some who have greatly codperated therein.
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Parte Prima CAPITOLO PRIMO. SITUATIONE, & INUENTIONE DELLA NUOUA FRANCIA.
ER nuoua Francia fi piglia communemente lo i {patio di terra, e d’ acqua, che é dai 36. gradi di latitudine, che @ quella della Virginia fino alli 52. doue quafi comincia il gran Fiume di San Lorenzo, altrila pigliano dalli 32. finoalli 54. fi ftende fecondo la longitudine da gradi 325. fino 4 295. da noi conofciuti, 6 per meglio dire fenza alcun termine verfo 1’ Occidente. E’ vna parte della gran Terra dell’ America Settentrionale, diftante dall’ [2] Europa di dritto circa tremila miglia, come habbiamo offer- uato in diuerfe Ecliffi, fituata, come fi vede, in vna delle Zone temperate, ma che partecipa le qualita delle due e{treme, effendoui 1’ Inuerno gran freddi, altiffime neui, e duriffimi ghiacci; el’ Eftate caldi non minori di quelli dell’ Italia.
I primi Francefi, che hanno iui habitato, hanno creduto la caufa de i freddi si ecceffiui (che impedif- cono, tra 1’ altre cofe, quafi quattro mefi il poter feri- uere & meno, che tenerfi con la penna viciniffimi al foco; tanto ogni liquore gela) effer i bofchi vaftiffimi, che coprono tutto il paefe. Ma io per me credo, che, fe i bofchi fecchi, e fenza foglie, come fono
1652 - 53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 221
Part First.
CHAPT IR PUns iy SITUATION AND DISCOVERY OF NEW FRANCE.
Y new France is commonly understood the space B of land and water which extends from 36 degrees of latitude, which is that of Virginia, to 52, where, nearly, begins the great River of Saint Lawrence; others locate it from 32 to 54. Itextends in longitude from 325 degrees to 295, as known to us,—or, to speak more properly, without any limit toward the West. It is a part of the Mainland of North America, distant from [2] Europe, in a direct course, about three thousand miles, as we have observed in various Eclipses; situated, as is seen, in one of the temperate Zones, but partaking of the quality of the two extremes,— having severe cold in Winter, very deep snows, and very hard ice; and in Summer, no less heat than that of Italy.
The first French who lived there believed that the cause of such excessive cold (which, among other things, for nearly four months renders it impossible to write, unless one ply his pen very close to the fire, to such a degree does every liquid freeze) was the endlessly vast woods which cover the whole country. But I myself believe that if the woods, dry and leaf- less as they are in Winter, could hinder the Sun from warming the earth and moderating the exces- sive cold, they would avail still more in keeping off
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nell’ Inuerno, poteffero impedire 1’ attione del Sole capace di rifcaldar la terra, e moderare il freddo ecceffiuo 1’ hauerebbero ancora maggiore per impe- dirla 1’ Eftate, quando fono foltiffimi; e pure non lo fanno, effendo all’ hora ne’ bofchi {teffi ecceffiuo il caldo, benche qualche notte geli come nell’ Inuerno. Stimo dunque, che la vera ragione fla la ficcita, chia- mata da Ariftotele cos caloris, & frigoris. Non difputo, fe il freddo della nuoua Francia fia pit intéfo, che quello de’ Paefi, che fono fotto I’ ifteffo clima, certo é, che € molto pitt acuto, e accompagnato da grandi neui, e ghiacci, che tengono i fiumi gelati cinque, e fei mefi intieri. Ma tutto quefto pud effere effetto della ficcita, la quale é neceffaria per le neui, e ghiacci, effendo opinione fondatiffima, che il freddo anche grandemente intenfo non bafta per far i ghiacci; altrimente 1’ acqua, che domanda naturalmente il fommo freddo, come vogliono molti, 0 almeno vn freddo grandemente intenfo, come neffun lo nega, dourebbe nello {tato fuo naturale effer agghiacciata contro il fuo fine, che @ di feruire di lauanda, e di beuanda a gl’ huomini, e 4 gli animali, ma perche il freddo folo ancorche intenfo non bafta fenza qualche o corpicciolo, 6 effalatione, 5 qualita fecca, per quefto nello ftato {teffo naturale farebbe fluida, e doue la ficcita fi troua, ancorche il freddo non fia pit grande, che altroue, ella fi riftringe, 6 fi dilata in neue, e in ghiacci. Hor la ficcita di quei paefi é eui- dente prima perche la pitt parte delle terre fono 6 faffofe, 6 arenofe (non pero fterili) donde il Sole non pud tirar altro, che efalationi molto fecche: e i paefi
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the heat in Summer, when they are very dense; and yet they do not,—the heat in the woods themselves being then very intense, although some nights it freezes as in Winter. I think, therefore, that the true reason is the dryness, called by Aristotle the cos caloris et frigoris. I do not dispute whether the cold of new France is more intense than that of Countries which are under the same latitude; certain it is, that it is much more acute, and accompanied with much snow and ice, which keep the rivers frozen five and six entire months. But all this may be an effect of the dryness, which is necessary for the snows and ice,—it being a very well-founded opinion that even very intense cold is not sufficient to make ice; other- wise, water—which naturally never freezes except under the greatest cold, as many will have it, or at least under a highly intense cold, as no one denies — would in its natural state be frozen, contrary to its destined use, which is to serve for washing, and asa drink formenand animals. But, because cold alone, although intense, is not sufficient without either some little body, or exhalation, or dry quality, therefore water, even in its natural state, would be fluid; and where dryness prevails, although the cold is not greater than elsewhere, it contracts or expands itself into snow and into ice. Besides, the dryness of these countries is evident,— first, because most of the lands are either stony or sandy (but not, on that account, sterile), whence the Sun cannot derive other than very dry exhalations; and the maritime countries, as being more moist, have less snow, and it melts more quickly. Secondly, from experience, through the scarcity of rains, and by the salubrity of the air, so great that, in sixteen and more years during which
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maritimi come che pit humidi hanno meno neue, e fi disfa pit prefto. Secondo dall’ efperienza per la rarezza delle piogge, e per la fanita dell’ aria si grande, che in fedici, e pit anni, che la Miffione de gl’ Huroni é durata, [3] doue fiamo {tati fino al numero di feffanta Europei nell’ ifteffo tempo, tra quali molti di debo- liffima compleffione, niuno vi € morto di morte naturale, non oftante i gran difaggi, e patimenti, come vedremo: doue in Europa rari fono quelli anni, che alcuno non muora ne’ noftri Collegij, che fono vn poco numerofi. Hora omnis corruptio ab humido, dunque @ contrario fanitas a ficco,e per quefto forfi oltre la mutatione de’ viueri difficilmente i Barbari fi acco{tumano all’ aria d’ Europa, e quefta ragione € commune al caldo, e al freddo, guza /fccitas eft cos caloris, & frigoris. Ma per il freddo in particolare potreffimo aggiungere. Primo, che il fuolo é pit alto, che il noftro, e per tanto pit vicino alla feconda regione dell’ aria, del cui freddo partecipa pit E quei{to fi proua per il Mare pitt profondo, e pero pit pericolofo alle naui, che deuono pigliar terra. Se- condo per le molte cafcate de fiumi, che meffe infle- me farebbero vna affai alta montagna, che formando- fi, come per gradi non @ si fenfibile. Terzo peri venti freddiffimi, che vengono dalle vicine montagne, che trauerfano tutto il paefe, come gl’ Appennini 1’ Italia, che pit frequentemente fpirano da paefi freddi, e fecchi, che fono corrifpondenti a noftri venti mae({trali, & al Lebeccio, che in quei paefi é freddo, chiaro, e fano; le piogge caufandofi dal Greco, che vien dal mare. I1 paefe é vero, che @ pieno di gran fiumi1,
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the Huron Mission has lasted,— [3] where, during the same time, we have been as many as sixty Europeans, among whom were many of very feeble constitu- tion,— no one has died a natural death here, notwith- standing the great inconveniences and sufferings, as we shall see; while in Europe those years are few indeed when some one does not die in our Colleges, if their inmates are at all numerous. Now, omnts corruptio ab humido,—therefore, a contrario, sanitas a sicco; and on this account, perhaps,—besides the change of diet,—the Barbarians find it difficult to accustom themselves to the air of Europe. Thus there is a common cause for both heat and cold, namely, guia siccitas est cos caloris et frigoris. But for the cold, in particular, we might add: First, that the land lies higher than ours, and consequently nearer to the second region of the air, of whose cold it partakes in a greater degree. And this is proved by the greater depth of the Sea, which is consequently more dangerous to the ships that are obliged to land. Secondly, by the many river-cascades, which if placed together would form a fairly high mountain; which, however, forming itself, as it were, by gradations, is mot so perceptible. Thitdly, by the very cold winds blowing from the neighboring mountains, which traverse the whole country as the Apennines traverse Italy; these winds more frequently blow from cold and dry countries, corresponding to our northwest winds, and to the Southwest wind which in those countries is cold, clear, and healthful,—the rains proceeding from the Northeast wind, which comes from the sea. The country, it is true, is full of great rivers and immense lakes; but this does not detract from its dryness,—these rivers and lakes
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e laghi immenfi; ma quefto non deroga alla fua ficcita; quefti fiumi, e laghi effendo d’ acqua puriffi- ma, e faniffima, fecondo il fondo di pietra, 6 arena, terzo in continuo moto per il fluffo, e rifluffo, che va fino A cinquecento miglia nelle terre; finalmente, per i venti, che li agitano come il Mare, e per quefto impedifcono 1’ attione del Sole, che per altro ne tira- rebbe maggior copia de vapori, che é la caufa {fteffa, perche non pioue fempre nel mare, la cui acqua per altro &€ molto pit calda, groffa, e difpofta 4 riceuere 1’ impreffione del Sole. Potrebbe qualchuno aggiun- gere a quefto la vicinanza, e continuita de Mari di Canada con il mare glaciale, dal quale, 6 almeno dalle cui fpiagge fi [taccano monti intieri di ghiaccio, che nel mefe di Giugno, e di Luglio s’ incontrano fino nel golfo San Lorenzo. Io ne ho vifti pitt volte grandi come Citta intiere, e Piloti degni di fede dicono hauerne vitte, e cofteggiate di 200. e pitt miglia.
Ma é difficile, che quefti ghiacci per immenfi, che fiano, operino in vna diftanza si grande, quanto la no{tra, che {tauamo fotto li 47. fino alli 44. gradi di latitudine goo. e pitt miglia lontani [4] dal mare. Alcuni hanno creduto, che quefti paefi foffero {ftati altre volte fcoperti da’ Spagnoli, da’ quali forfi heb- bero il nome di Canada, quafi voleffero dire, che ha nada, non hauendo quafi niente, che bofchi. Mae certo, che ne fi: prefo la prima volta da Francefi il poffeffo 1’ anno 1504. e da effi hebbe il nome di nuoua Francia fenza perder quello di Canada, che alcuni hanno voluto applicare alla parte pitt Settentrionale. V’ hanno fatto pit. viaggi, come 1’ anno 1508. 1523.
~I
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being of very pure and very wholesome water; sec- ondly, the bottom is of rock or sand; thirdly, they are in continual motion through the flow and ebb of the tide, whose action extends five hundred miles inland, and, finally, through the winds, which agitate them like the Sea, and thereby restrain the action of the Sun which otherwise would draw from them a greater abundance of vapors. This last is the very reason why it does not continually rain on the sea,— whose water, on the other hand, is much warmer, of greater volume, and more open to receive the influ- ence of the Sun. Some one might add to this the nearness or contiguity of the Seas of Canada to the icy sea,— from which, or at least from whose shores, are detached whole mountains of ice, which, in the months of June and July, are encountered even in the gulf of Saint Lawrence. I have repeatedly seen them as great as entire Cities; and Pilots worthy of credence say that they have seen some, along which they have coasted for 200 miles and over.
But it is unlikely that these masses of ice, immense though they are, have any effect at so great a distance as ours, since we dwell between the 47th and the 44th degrees of latitude, g00 miles or more [4] from the sea. Some have supposed that these countries were, in former times, discovered by the Spaniards, from whom, perhaps, they got the name of Canada, — as if they meant to say “a nada, there being almost nothing but woods. But it is certain that this region was taken possession of for the first time by the French in the year 1504; and from them it received the name of new France, without losing that of Canada, which some have wished to apply to the more Northern part.” They made several voyages
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1524. 1534. 1608. 1625. & interrotti fpeffo, come ha fcritto 42 longo il Champelino fino all’ anno 1629 quan- do prefo da gl’ Inglefi vn Forte, che i Francefi haue- uano quattrocento, e pitt miglia lontano dal mare nel gran fiume San Lorenzo con occafione della pace, che fi fece tra loro ne furono rimeffi nel pacifico poffeffo, che hanno continuato fin hora, fenza alcun termine verfo 1’ Occidente, & il Settentrione, le fpiagge del mare, che fono verfo mezzo di, e 1’ Oriente effendo occupate parte da Francefi, parte da gl’ Inglefi, che vi fono in gran numero, parte da gli Olandefi, parte da Suedefi Nell’ ifteffotempo, che furono i Francefi co{tretti dalla fame di renderfi, i noftri, che erano iui tre, 6 quattro anni prima andati con alcuni Padri Riformati di S. Francefco, che v’ erano paffati da dieci anni prima, ne furono da el’ ifteffi Inglefi rime- nati in Inghilterra, quindi in Francia, e nel ritorno de’ Francefi ritornarono i noftri foli per dar principio alla conuerfione de’ Barbari habitanti di quei paefi, in{tituendo due Miffioni vna per le nationi, che chia- mano Algonchine, e Montagnefi: popoli tra loro vn poco fimili di lingua, ma erranti, e vaghi ne’ bofchi: 1’ altra per gli Huroni popoli di lingua differentiffima, e che fon fiffiin vn luogo. Hor della prima non dird molto per non efferci {tato impiegato, della feconda, doue ho paffato alcuni anni, poche cofe dird, delle quali io non fia teftimonio di vifta.
E perche fi deuon qui alcune volte nominare diuerfi luoghi particolari per informare il Lettore delli pit principali, li accennaremo in quei{to principio.
1 Tadufac @il primo porto, che fi piglia commu-
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thither,—as in the years 1508, 1523, 1524, 1534, 1608, and 1625; and these were frequently interrupted, as Champlain has written at some length,— until the year 1629, when a Fort which the French had on the great river Saint Lawrence, more than four hundred miles distant from the sea, was taken by the English. On occasion of the peace which was made between these nations, the French were restored to the ami- cable possession of the territory, in which they have continued until now, without any limit toward the West and the North; while the shores of the sea which are toward the south and East are occupied partly by the French, partly by the English,—who are there in great numbers,—in part by the Dutch, and in part by Swedes. At the same time when the French were constrained by hunger to surrender, those of our Society, who had gone thither three or four years previously,— also some Reformed Fathers of St. Francis, who had passed over thither ten years earlier,— were brought back to England by the same English, and thence to France; but, at the return of the French, ours returned alone, in order to lay foundations for the conversion of the Barbarians inhabiting those countries. They instituted two Missions,—one for the nations which they call Algonquin and Montagnais, peoples somewhat related in language, but wandering and roving in the woods; the other, for the Hurons, tribes of a very different language, and settled in one region. Now of the first I will not say much, because I was not employed there; of the second, where I spent several years, I will say few things of which I have not been an eye-witness.
And as certain places will be particularly referred
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nemente circa trecento miglia dentro il fiume San Lorenzo. Non vis’ habita fe non all’ arriuo delle naui, & all’ hora vi fi fa Miffione, es’ iftruifcono per lo {patio di due, 6 tre mefi i Barbari erranti, che vi concorrono da diuerfi paefi da 300. e pit. miglia lontano.
2. Kebek € 120, ‘miglia® piu nelle: terre, ace yaad, Fortezza de Fracefi, [5] che comanda allo {teffo fiume, al lido del quale @ fabricata fopra vna montagna nel luogo il pit f{tretto di quefto fiume, che @ iuid’ vn miglio in circa. Quiv’ @ Colonia Francefe, & Hu- rona da poco in qua, & i Barbari detti Algonchini vi paffano qualche mefe dell’ Anno prima d’ andar’ alla loro caccia.
3 Quattro miglia lontano da Kebek alle fpiaggie dello {teffo fiume v’ é vna Refidenza della Compagnia detta di San Giufeppe, doue i Chriftiani Algonchini paffano la meta dell’ Anno con alcune famiglie Francefi; fi chiama altrimente Sylleri dal fondatore, che ft: il Commendatore di Sylleri.
4 Nouanta miglia pit oltre fempre contro il corfo dell’ acqua sbocca in quefto Ré de’ fiumi, che ha al principio 60 miglia di largo, & iui pit d’ vn miglio, e mezo, e fluffo, e rifluffo, A4corche l6tano dal mare pit di 400. miglia, sbocca dico, quel che chiamiamo i tre fiumi, perche efce come da tre bocche 4 ragione di due Ifole, che lo diramano in tre, e qui é il fecondo forte de’ Francefi nel fiume San Lorenzo, & vna feconda Colonia de gl’ ifteffi,e de Barbari Algonchini qualche tempo dell’ Anno.
5 Doppo dieci miglia fempre contr’ acquas’ incdtra
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to from time to time, we will at once make known to the Reader the more important ones.
1. Tadusac is the first port, which is usually set down as being about three hundred miles up the river Saint Lawrence. It is deserted except at the arrival of the ships; and then a Mission is held there, and the wandering Barbarians— who assemble there from various countries, at a distance of 300 miles, and over—are instructed for the space of two or three months.
2. Kebek is 120 miles further inland, and is a Fortress of the French, [5] which commands the same river, on whose bank it is constructed upon a mountain, at the narrowest point on this river, which is here about a mile wide. There is a French Col- ony there, and, quite recently, a Huron one; and the Barbarians called Algonquins spend several months of the Year there before going to their hunt.
3. Four miles distant from Kebek, on the shores of the same river, there is a Residence of the Society, called Saint Joseph, where the Algonquin Christians spend half of the Year, with some French families: it is otherwise called Sylleri, from the founder, who was the Chevalier de Sylleri.
4. Ninety miles beyond, still up stream, there flows into this King of rivers,— which at its mouth is 60 miles in width, and here more than a mile and a half, with both flow and ebb of the tide, although more than 400 miles distant from the sea,—there flows into it, I say, a tributary which we call the three rivers, because it issues as if from three mouths, by reason of two Islands, which divide it into three streams. At that place is the second fort of the French on the river Saint Lawrence, and a
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il lago detto di S Pietro di 24. miglia di longo, e 108 12 di largo famofo per I’ incurfioni de gl’ Hiroquefi, il fiume lo continua, e fei miglia pit oltre era alla bocca del fiume (che chiamano de gli Hirochefi per venire dal loro lago) il forte di Richelieu.
6 Cinquanta miglia pitt auanti é la grand’ Ifola di Mont Reale 180. miglia lontana da Kebek altre volte habitatiflima da Barbari, hora ve ne fono po- chiffimi. V’ @ vn forte de Francefi con alcune fami- glie, che principiano vnaterza Colonia. Quefta Ifola ha circa cento miglia di circuito, e qui s’ vnifcono i due rami, che formano il noftro gran fume. E quei{to bafti per 1’ intelligenza di quel che diremo in quetta hiftoria.
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second Colony of theirs,—and, during a certain time of the Year, of Algonquin Barbarians.
5. Then, ten miles further, still up stream, is the lake called St. Pierre,—24 miles in length and 10 or 12 in width,—famous through the incursions of the Hiroquois. A river prolongs it; and six miles beyond, at the mouth of this river (which is named after the Hiroquois, because it comes from their lake), was the fort of Richelieu.
6. Fifty miles beyond is the great Island of Mont Reale, 180 miles distant from Kebek,— which was formerly thickly inhabited by Barbarians, while now they are very few. There is a fort of the French, with some families, who are founding a third Colony. This Island is about a hundred miles in circumference; and there the two branches unite which form our greatriver. And let this be sufficient for the understanding of what we shall say in this history.®
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CAPITOLO SECONDO DESCRITTIONE DEL PAESE DE GLI HURONI.
L Paefe de gli Huronié vna parte della nuoua Fran-
| cia, che é tra li 44. e 45. gradi di latitudine, e di longitudine circa tre quarti d’ hora pit verfo
1’ Occidente di Kebek, ma di Roma piu di fei hore intiere. Dalla parte dell’ Occidente ef{tiuo ha vn lago di [6] 1200. miglia di giro in circa, che chiamiamo il mar dolce, doue fi nota fluffo, e rifluffo cofa rara fuori del mare. Ha innumerabili Ifole, & vna tra 1’ altre di 200. miglia di circuito habitata da alcuni Barbari, che chiamano ondatauauat. Dalla parte di Ponente nelle fpiaggie di quef{to lago era la natione, che chia- mauamo del Tabacco, perche iui fe ne faceua in abbon- danza, e non era da noi lontana pit! di 35. owero 4o. miglia. Dalla parte di Mezzo di vn poco verfo 1’ Oc- cidente s’ incontraua la natione neutra; i primi borghi della quale n6 erano lontani da gli Huroni pit: di 100 miglia, e quefta natione fi {tendeua per lo {patio di 150. miglia. Di 1a dalla natione neutra tirando vn poco verfo 1’ Oriente fi andaua alla noua Suetia, doue habitano ancora gli Andaftogenronons popoli confe- derati de noftri Huroni, che parlano vna lingua non molto diuerfa dalla loro Idtani da noi di dritto circa 500. miglia. Dall’ iftefla natione neutra tirando quafi al Mezzodi fi troua vn lago di 600. miglia di circuito detto Herie formato dal mar dolce, che in quello fi fcarica, e di qui per mezzo d’ vn’ altiffima
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653
tN
CHAPTER SECOND. DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY OF THE HURONS.
HE Country of the Hurons is a part of new TT France, which is between the 44th and 45th degrees of latitude, and in longitude about three-quarters of an hour farther toward the West than Kebek, but more than six whole hours from Rome. Inthe direction of the summer Sunset, it has a lake of [6] about 1200 miles in circumference, which we call ‘‘ the fresh-water sea,’’ where the flow and ebb of tides can be observed,—a rare thing away from the sea. It has innumerable Islands,—and, among others, one 200 miles in circumference, inhab- ited by some Barbarians, whom they call ondata- uauat.!® At the West, along the shores of this lake, was the nation which we called ‘‘ Tobacco,’’ because this plant was produced there in abundance; this nation was not distant from us more than 35 or 4o miles. Southward, a little toward the West, came the neutral nation, whose first villages were not more than 100 miles distant from the Hurons; the territory of this nation extended through the space of 150 miles. Thence, moving from the neutral nation a little toward the East, one reached new Sweden, where also dwell the Andastogenronons,— who are allied to our Hurons, and speak a language not very different from theirs,—distant from us, in a direct route, about 500 miles. Beyond that same neutral nation, in a direction nearly South, there is
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cafcata in vn terzo lago ancora pit grande, e pit bello chiamato Ontario, 6 Bel lago, noi lo chiamaua- mo il lago diS. Luigi. [1 primo di quefti due laghi era altre volte habitato verfo il Mezzo di da certi popoli, che noi chiamamo la natione del Gatto, ma furno coftretti ad inoltrarfi pit nelle Terre per fchi- uare i nemici, che hanno verfo 1’ Occidente. Quefta natione ha diuerfe Terre, coltiua i campi, e parla vna lingua fimile all’ Hurona. I1 fecondo lago lontano da gl’ Huroni di dritto circa 100. miglia, ne ha quafi 250. di longhezza tirando dall’ Oriente verfo 1’ Occi- dente, e di larghezza circa 50. dal Mezzo di al Setten- trione. Sifcarica in vn gran fiume, che fa vn braccio di quello, che chiamamo di S. Lorenzo. Di 1a da quei{to lago di S. Luigi vn poco nelle Terre habitano le cinque nationi Hirochefe nemiche de noftri Huroni in poftura quafi paralelle alla lunghezza di quefto lago. Dalla parte Boreale de gli Huroni fono molte nationi Algonchine, che non coltiuano la terra, ma viuono folamente di caccia, e pefca, e vanno fino al mare detto del Nord, dal quale ci {timauamo di(tati di dritto circa 1000. migha. I noftri Barbari traffi- cauano con effi ogn’ anno le pelli di Caftoro, de quali hanno grandiffima abbondanza. L’ altre nationi Aa noi conofciute, che habitano que{to lago fono ancora Algonchine, e coltiuano, benche poco, i campi, fono almeno al numero dinoue, vna delle quali é la natione del Salto, 6 cafcata [7] lontana da noi pitt di 300. miglia, dalla quale {fperauamo il paffaggio per andare ad altre nationi pitt lontane, che habitano vn lago pit grande, che il mar dolce, che ha da effo la fua origine, e fi {tende tra 1’ Occidente, e la tramontana. Vna Penifola, 6 Stretto di terra diuide quefto lago
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 237
a lake 600 miles in circumference, called Herie, formed by the fresh-water sea, which discharges into it,—and thence, by means of a very high cata- ract, into a third lake, still greater and more beauti- ful; it is called Ontario, or Beautiful lake, but we were wont to call it the lake of St. Louis. The former of these two lakes was at one time inhabited toward the South by certain peoples whom we call the Cat nation; but they were forced to proceed farther Inland, in order to escape the enemies whom they have toward the West. This nation has various Territories, cultivates the fields, and speaks a lan- guage similar to the Huron. The second lake— distant from the Hurons, in a straight course, about 100 miles—is nearly 250 miles in length, extending from the East to the West, and about 50 in width, from the South to the North. It discharges into a great river, which makes an arm of the one which we call St. Lawrence. A little Inland thence from this lake of St. Louis, reside the five Hiroquois nations, enemies to our Hurons, in a situation almost parallel to the length of that lake. North of the Hurons are many Algonquin nations, who do not cultivate the earth, but live exclusively by hunting and fishing, and go even to the so-called Northern sea, from which we reckoned ourselves distant about 1000 miles, inastraight line. Our Barbarians traded with them every year in Beaver skins, of which they have an enormous abundance. The other nations known to wus, which inhabit that lake, are also Algonquin, and cultivate the soil, although but little. They are at least as many as nine,—one of them being the nation of the Sault, or cascade, [7] more than 300 miles distant from us, through which we
238 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
da quello, che chiamano de Puzzolenti, gente cosi detta per hauer altre volte habitato le fpiagge del mare, che loro chiamano Puzzolente, & hanno vna lingua A noi affatto fconofciuta.
Hor fotto il nome della Miffione de gli Huroni comprendeuamo tutti quefti vaftiffimi paefi, & il difegno era di non fermarfi mai nell’ inquifitione de nuoui Popoli, de quali fperauamo, che vna Colonia nel paefe de gli Huroni farebbe la chiaue, fe gli infcrutabili giuditij di Dio non haueffero altrimente difpofto.
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hoped for a passage in order to reach other nations farther on, who dwell along a lake larger than the fresh-water sea, which takes its origin thence, and extends between the West and the north. A Penin- sula, or Strip of land, divides this lake from the one which is called ‘‘ lake of the Stinkards”,— people so named by reason of having formerly inhabited the shores of the sea, which they call Stinking water, and who have a language altogether unknown to us.
Now, under the name of ‘‘ Mission of the Hurons,’’ we comprehended all these vast countries; and our design was, never to stop in the seeking out of new Peoples,—to whom we hoped that a Colony in the country of the Hurons might be the key,—had not the inscrutable judgments of God otherwise dis- posed.
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CAPITOLO: TERZO:
DEL SUOLO, VIUERE, VESTIRE, E NATURALE DE BAR- BARI DELLA NUOUA FRANCIA.
VESTO capo richiederebbe da fe vn libro inti- O ero, e fi fara come {pero col tempo, ma come quefto fcritto non @ tanto per la curiofita,
come per 1’ edificatione, e la breuita, mi € 4 cuore; dird folo, che il paefe é poueriffimo, ma non fterile, fe ficoltina rende con grande auantaggio quel che riceue. Ha molte fpetie d’ Alberi, che qui non hab- biamo, e tra gl’ altri molti cedri fimili 4 quelli del Libano, molti femplici 4a noi fconofciuti, animali, & vecelli diuerfi da noftri, vno tra gli altri, che miaula come vn gatto, e canta come vn’ vccello che é, & vn’ altro vaghifs. che p la fua piccolezza fi chiama vecello mofca; vn lepre, che canta, & é al gufto mi- glior de noftri, & vn’ animaluccio, che perfeguitato fi difende con vna puzza infopportabile, e di longhiffima durata, che percid i Francefi han chiamato figlio del Diauolo, hanno ancora de Scoriattoli volanti, ma fenza ale, e molti altri de pit groffi, come Orignacchi, > Gran Beftie, Vacche, & Afini faluatichi, come fi vedra nell’ hiftoria. I cani {teffi domeftici fono differenti da noitri. Noto folo, primo, che la na- tura prouida madre per i gran freddi dell’ Inuerno gli vefte quafi tutti anche i noftri, che nafcono nel
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 241
CHAPTER! THIRD,
OF THE SOIL, FOOD, DRESS, AND CHARACTER OF THE BARBARIANS OF NEW FRANCE.
HIS chapter would in itself require a whole book, T and that will be composed, as I hope, in course of time; but,—as this writing is not so much
for curiosity as for edification, and as brevity is a chief concern with me,—I will merely say that the country is very poor, but not sterile; when culti- vated, it gives back with great abundance what it receives. It has many species of Trees which we do not have here; and among others, many cedars similar to those of Lebanon, many simples unknown to us, animals and birds different from ours. Among these last is one which mews like a cat and sings like a bird, which it is; and another, very dainty, which for its diminutive size is called ozseau-mouche {|hum- ming-bird]. There is a hare which sings, and is more palatable than ours; and a small animal which, when pursued, defends itself with a stench which is insufferable and continues very long,—the French therefore have called it ‘‘son of the Devil.’’ They have also flying Squirrels, but without wings; and many other animals of greater size,—such as Elks or Great Beasts, Cows, and wild Asses,—as will be seen in the history. Even the domestic dogs are different from ours. I merely note: first, that na- ture, that provident mother, on account of the great cold of the Winter, clothes them almost all,— includ-
242 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 38
paefe, come cani, porci &c. di doppio pelo interi- ore, & efteriore, il primo-de quali é foltiffimo, e delicatiffimo.
Secondo, che i Lepri mutano come nell’ Alpi 1’ in- uerno il colore [8] effendo bianchi come la neue, tra la quale viuono, e 1’ eftate ripigliando il colore de noftri. La terra ha miniere di ferro, e certe pietre, che fi liquefano come metallo, che pare, che habbino qualche vena d’argento. V’ @ vna miniera di Rame puriffimo, che n6 ha bifogno di paffare per il fuoco, ma € in luoghi molto lontani, e difficili, che ne fanno il trafporto quafi impoffibile. L’ habbiamo vifta nelle mani de Barbari, ma niuno 1’ ha vifitata. Oltre le Zucche, che durano da due mefi, e fono boniffime cotte fotto le ceneri non vi é altri frutti, che falua- tichi. Li migliori fono le frauole di due forti, i mori, che nafcono ne i fpini, le nocchie, e qualche lazzarola, e brugna faluatica. Le noci non hanno quafi altro, che la pelle, e le cerafe non fono piu eroffe d'vn cecio, non hanno quafi altro, che 1’ offo, e la fcorza, e fono agriffime. V’ é delle lambrufche, ma in poca quantita, né fi {timano da Barbari {teffi, ma si bene vn certo frutto di color pauonazzo groffo come vna bacca di ginepro, che non hd mai vifto in quetti paefi. Ho ben’ iui vifto in vn fol luogo vna pianta fimile al Melon d’ India col frutto groffo come vn limoncello. Vi é in qualche luogo abbédanza d’ agli, e cipollette, & in altri alcune radici di affai buon guito, che feruano, come anche le ghiande in tempo di fame.
Gli Habitanti partecipano della pouerta del Suolo
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 243
ing ours which are born in the country, such as dogs, swine, etc.,— with double fur, inner and outer, the former of which is very thick and very soft.
Secondly, that the Hares, as in the Alps, change their color in winter, [8] being white like the snow in which they lve,— while, in summer, they resume the color of ours.” The earth contains iron ores, and certain rocks which melt like metal, with an appearance of having some vein of silver. There isa Copper ore, which is very pure, and which has no need of passing through the fire; but it is in places far distant and hard to reach, which render its trans- portation almost impossible. We have seen it in the hands of the Barbarians, but no one has visited the place. Besides the Pumpkins, which last for two months, and are very good baked under the ashes, there are no other fruits but wild ones. The best are the strawberries, of two sorts; the blackberries, which grow on briars; the hazelnuts, and certain haws, and the wild plum. The walnuts have scarce- ly anything but the shell, and the cherries are no larger than a pea,— being little else than stone and skin, and very sour. There are some wild vines, but in small quantity, nor are they esteemed by the Barbarians themselves; but they do esteem highly a certain fruit of violet color, the size of a juniper berry, which I have never seen in these countries. I have also seen, once, a plant similar to the Melon of India, with fruit the size of asmall lime. There is also, in a certain place, abundance of garlic and cives; and elsewhere there are found some roots of fairly good savor, which serve — as also do acorns — in time of hunger.
The Inhabitants reflect the poverty of the Soil, in
244 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
nel viuere, veftire, habitare, letto, e nauigatione, I Barbari erranti prima di conofcere i Francefi non viueuano d’ altro, che 6 di caccia, 6 di pefca, e digiu- nauamo pit! della meta dell’ anno per neceffita, non hauendo né 1’ Economia, né fpeffo la commodita di conferuare longo tempo la caccia, 6 la pefca, quando buona gli riufciua non hauendo fale, & il fumo, del quale fi feruano in vece di fale, non effendo capace di conferuare i viueri longo tempo; onde ne moriua {peffo di fame, 6 gli ammazzauano talhora per pieta. Ma doppo, che hanno il commercio con i Francefi, quelli che {tanno vicini al mare con 11 cambio delle loro pelli di Caftoro hanno de viueri per qualche tempo dell’ Anno.
Ma gli Huroni, e gli altri Popoli lontani dal mare, che fono {tabili hanno la caccia folo per delitia, 6 per {traordinario, non hanno pero ne pane, ne vino, ne fale, ne carni, ne legumi; ne alcun’ altro cibo com- mune nell’ Europa, ma fi contentano del gran Tur- chefco cotto nell’ acqua pura, 6 condito quando poffono di qualche pefce, 6 carne frefca, 6 fumata, fenz’ alcun vio di fale, 6d’ altrocondimento. E di quefto grano fono feminati i campi che [9] coltiuano. Doppo il no{tro arriuo vi feminauano anche qualche faua, 6 fagioli. Il veftire degli huomini é libero, ma eccetto vna natione d’ alcuni Algonchini, tutti coprono alme- no quello, a che 1’ honefta gli obliga: ma le donne fono molto pit coperte; le Hurone nelle cafe fteffe, almeno dalla cintura fino al ginocchio, 1’ Algonchine, pit, che le pit religiofe in Europa. Quefte vefti
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 245
their food, dress, dwellings, sleeping accommoda- tions, and manner of travel. The roving Barbarians, before knowing the French, lived solely by hunting or fishing, and, through necessity, fasted more than half the year—having no notion of Economy, and frequently lacking the means of preserving game or fish a long time, when these abounded, as they had no salt; while the smoke which they used in place of salt, was not adequate for preserving provisions a long time; whence they frequently died of hunger, or sometimes inflicted death out of pity. But, since they have had commerce with the French, those who are situated near the sea have, by the exchange of their Beaver skins, provisions for some part of the Year. But the Hurons and other Peoples distant from the sea, who are sedentary, hunt only for pleasure, or on extraordinary occasions; yet they have neither bread, nor wine, nor salt, nor meat, nor vegetables, nor any other food usual in Europe. They content themselves with Turkish corn cooked in pure water, or seasoned, when possible, with some fish or meat, fresh or smoked, without any use of salt or other condiment; and with this grain are sown the fields which [9] they cultivate. After our arrival, they also planted there beans, both large and small. The men’s clothing is light, but— excepting a certain nation made up of a few Algonquins— all cover at least that which decency demands; but the women are much more covered,—the Huron -women, even in the house, at least from the waist to the knee; the Algonquin women, more than the most religious women in Europe. These garments are commonly of skins of various kinds of animals, sewed together, in size, five or six palms square;* and they serve as
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fono comuneméte di pelli di diuerfe forti d’ animali, cucite infieme, della grandezza di cinque, 0 fei palmi in quadro, e feruono la notte dicoperta. Fanno delle {teffe pelli fenza grande artificio e maniche, e calzette perl’ Inuerno. Vna delle noftre coperte feruirebbe per veftir il di, & coprir la notte due Barbari tutto vn’ inuerno. Le nauigationi, che fanno affai lunghe, e pericolofe in fiumi, e laghi vaftiffimi 4 nationi lon- taniffime, per il traffico del caftoro, le fanno in bar- chette di fcorze, nd pitt groffe d’ vn teftone, capaci al pit: d’ 8. 6 10. perfone, ma comunemente non pit, che di tre, 0 quattro. e le gouernano deftramente, e quafi fenza pericolo. Per cafe hanno tanto gli Algon- chini, quanto gli Huroni non altro, che capanne; ma li primi di fcorze fottili come pergameno, che iten- dono hor qua, hor 1a fecondo il bifogno fopra alcune pertiche, che fanno, come 1’ offatura della capanna, li fecondi fanno terre, 6 caftelli fortificati di pali incrociati, e trauerfati di tronchi d’ alberi per ripa- rarfi da colpi de’ nemici, e fanno le loro capanne di 10. 15. 20. 30. e 40. canne di longo di groffe fcorze fo{tenute da traui, che feruono per foftentare i loro grani per feccarlil’ inuerno. Ma né gli vni, né gli altri hanno altro letto, che 6 qualche ramo d’ alberi, come i primi, 0 qualche fcorza, 6 ftora, come i fecondi, fenza tauole, banchi, 6 cofa fimile; la terra, 6 qualche fcorza feruendoli di tutto. E quefto era il viuere, & albergare de noftri in quefte miffioni, che pero fono {tate {timate da molti le pitt penofe della no{tra Compagnia.
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cover at night. They make of the same skins, in rather crude fashion, both sleeves and stockings for Winter. One of our blankets would serve to clothe by day and cover by night two Barbarians, during a whole winter. The somewhat long and dangerous navigation which they conduct, on rivers and enor- mous lakes, with very distant nations for the beaver trade, is effected in little boats of bark, no thicker than a testone,”—holding at the most 8 or Io per- sons, but commonly not more than three or four; they manceuver these dexterously, and almost with- out danger. For houses, both the Algonquins and the Hurons have nothing else than cabins; but the former make them of bark, light as parchment, which they stretch now here, now there, according to need, over certain poles which form, as it were, the skele- ton of the cabin. The latter build enclosed towns, or fortified strongholds, with crossed stakes, traversed with trunks of trees, to protect themselves from attacks of enemies; and make their cabins 10, 15, 20, 30, or 40 cannes* in length, of great pieces of bark supported by beams, which serve to hold up their corn, to dry it in winter. But neither of them have any other bed than either some branches of trees, used by the former, or some bark or matting, used by the latter,— without tables, benches, or anything of the kind, the earth or some bark serving them for every purpose. And this was the living and lodging of ours in those missions,— which, indeed, were thought by many to be more arduous than any other missions of our Society.
But, in this almost unexampled poverty, there are nevertheless among them both poor and rich, noble and plebeian; and they have their ornaments,—
248 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES — [Vot. 38
Ma in queita quafi eftrema pouerta non lafcian d’ effer tra di loro e poueri, ericchi, nobili, & ignobili, & hano i loro ornaméti, maffime le donne, per le publiche fefte, e cerimonie di giuoci, balli, e feftini, che hano poco pit, che il nome comune con quelli d’ Europa. I loro coftumi fon differéti da’ noftri, e in pace, é in) guerra, ¢ in) publico, eins particalare: no fi feuoprono per falutare, effendo prima di cono- {cere i Fracefi, séprefcoperti. Ma il filétio, e 1’ obe- diéza de’ giouani verfo gli attépati feruono di riueréza, e p faluto ordinario fi cététano d’ vn bu6 di, ch’ in lingua loro s’ efprime dicédo. Quoe.
[10] Le donne portano i capelli tutti vniti in vna treccia, che gli cade dietro le fpalle; gli huomini diuerfamente; altri fi radono la meta della tefta: altri tutta, lafciandoci folo alcuni fiocchi di capelli qua, ela; altri nutrifcono longhiffima la chioma, & @il pit comune, altri li lafciano in mezzo, 6 nella fronte, dritti come fetole; quindi i primi Francefi diedero a no{tri Barbari il nome di Huroni per la hure, cioé pericrini dritti come fetole di cignale, che portauano in mezzo al capo; che quefto fignifica in Francefe, hure Ma tutti gli hanno comunemente neri, & odiano grandeméte i ricci, cofa tra effi affatto rara, fe pure ve n’ é alcuno.
Pingonfi in diuerfe maniere, & in varie occafioni la faccia, e molti il corpo tutto; alcuni fuperficialmente, e di paffaggio, altri per fempre, 1 primi hora di nero, hora di roffo, hora di diuerfi colori; que{ti comparifce artificiofamente barbato, quegli pare porti gli occhi-
1652-53] BRESSANI’'S RELATION, 1653 249
especially the women,—for the public feasts and ceremonies of games, dances, and feasts, which have little more than the name in common with those of Europe. Their customs are different from ours, both in peace and in war, both in public and in private; they do not uncover in making salutation, having been always uncovered before knowing the French. But silence and obedience of the young men toward the elders, serve as marks of respect; and, for ordinary salutation, they content themselves with a ‘‘ good day,’’ which in their language is expressed by saying Quoe.
[10] The women wear their hair in a single braid, which falls behind their shoulders; the men, in various ways. Some shave half of the head; others, all, leaving only some tufts of hair here and there; others allow the hair to grow very long, and this is the most common: others leave it, in the middle, or on the forehead, straight as bristles. From this the first Frenchmen gave our Barbarians the name of Hurons, because of the Aure,—that is to say, because of the straight locks, like bristles of a wild boar, which they wore on the middle of the head, as this is what ure signifiesin French. They all commonly have black hair, and greatly hate curls—something exceedingly rare among them, if indeed they are found at all.
They paint their faces in various styles, and on sundry occasions; and many, their whole bodies,— some superficially and temporarily, others perma- nently. The former paint themselves, now black, now red, now various colors: these appear artistic- ally bearded, those seem to wear spectacles; some have the whole face striped with various colors,
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ali; queiti ha tutta la faccia rigata di varij colori, quegli vna fola meta; tutti perd lucente per 1’ olio, 6 graffo, che mefcolano ne’ lor colori: il nero lo piglia- no comunemente dal fondo delle pentole; gli altri colori fono di varie terre, come lacca, 6 di certe radiche, che rendono il colore d’ vn finiffimo fcar- latto: e fi pingono si bene, che alcuni 4 prima vifta han creduto effer veramente veftiti alcuni Barbari, che perfettamente nudi, altra vefte non haueuano, che di puro colore.
Ma quei, che fi pingono permanentemente, lo fanno con e{tremo dolore; feruendofi per quefto di achi, di acute lefine, 6 di pungenti fpine, con le quali foran- dofi, 6 facendofi da altri forar la pelle, fi formano ful vifo, ful collo, ful petto, 6 altra parte del corpo qualche animale, 6 moftro, per efempio vn’ Aquila, vn Serpente, vn Drago, 6 altra figura, che pit gli aggra- da: e paffando poi fopra il frefco, e fanguinofo difegno poluere di carbone, 6 altro nero colore, che fi mefcola col fangue, e penetra ne’ fatti buchi, im- primono indelebilmente nella viua pelle le difegnate figure. E quefto in alcune nationi é si commune che in quella, che chiamauamo del Tabacco, & in quella, che per hauer pace con gli Huroni, e con gl’ Hirochefi fi chiamaua Neutra, non so fe fi trouaffe vn folo, che non foffe in quefto modo, in qualche parte dipinto. E vero, che quando la pittura é d’ vna gran parte del corpo, @ pericolofa, maffime in tempo freddo, & 6 per qualche fpetie di fpafimo, 6 per altra ragione,
>
ha caufata A pit d’ vno la morte: facendolo martire
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 251
others, only half,— but all, shining with oil or grease, which they mix in their colors. Black they com- monly take from the bottom of the pots; the other colors are of various earths, as lake, or are derived from certain roots, which yield a very fine scarlet color: and they paint themselves so well that some, at first sight, have supposed certain Barbarians to be clothed, who were perfectly naked,—their clothes consisting only of paint.
But those who paint themselves permanently do so with extreme pain,—vusing, for this purpose, needles, sharp awls, or piercing thorns, with which they perforate, or have others perforate, the skin. Thus they form on the face, the neck, the breast, or some other part of the body, some animal or mon- ster,— for instance, an Eagle, a Serpent, a Dragon, or any other figure which they prefer; and then, tracing over the fresh and bloody design some pow- dered charcoal, or other black coloring matter, which becomes mixed with the blood and penetrates within these perforations, they imprint indelibly upon the living skin the designed figures. And this in some nations is so common that in the one which we called the Tobacco, and in that which—on account of enjoying peace with the Hurons and with the Hiro- quois— was called Neutral, I know not whether a single individual was found, who was not painted in this manner, on some part of the body. And indeed, when the painting covers a great part of the body, it is dangerous, especially in cold weather; and— either through some sort of convulsion, or for some other reason—it has caused the death of more than one, making him a martyr to vanity and a fantastic caprice, [10 i.e., 11] in the fulfillment of which they
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della vanita, e d’ vnbizzarro capriccio: [101.e., 11] nell’ adempimento del quale non danno comune- mente fegno di dolore, ancorche lo fperimentino acutiffimo.
Le ragioni, che hanno di pingerfi, maffime di paffaggio non fono certamente barbare. Quefta Pit- tura: l’ inuerno gli ferue di mafchera contro il freddo, & il ghiaccio: in guerra impedifce, che il volto non li tradifca, palefando 1’ interna paura; gli fa pit terri- bili al nemico, e cela 1’ eta 6 troppo tenera, 0 troppo caduca, che aggiungerebbe con 1’ animo le forze all’ auuerfario. Serue d’ ornamento nélle publiche fe{te, e afséblee. Pingono Ache i prigioni deftinati al foco, come vittime confacrate al Dio della guerra, e gli ornano come gli antichi ornauano le loro. I medefimo fan anche a lor morti p le {teffe raggioni, per le quali orniamo i noftri. E perche il pingerfi € proprio degli homini; é delli f{teffi, e nd delle done il proprio portare Ache in guerra fpecchietti attaccati al collo, 6 ne loro facchetti doue tégono il Tabacco, dei quale in fumo vfano perpetuamente, nelle affemblee, e da per tutto. Hanno 1’ vfo delle {tufe; ma Bar- baro: chiudono groffe pietre infocate in piccola capan- nella, doue fi ragunano 15. e 20. perfone affife da Scimie, che fi toccano infieme, e vi {tano le hore intiere procurando anche con vn canto incompofto, che v’ aggiungono, ecceffiuo fudore, ed indi vfcédo, anche nel principio dell’ inuerno, fi gettano in qual- che lago, 6 fiume talhora mezzo agghiacciato, d’ onde nd sd come ne ritornino féza ptitura. Le fano per
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commonly give no sign of pain, although they expe- rience it most acutely.
The reasons which they have for painting them- selves,—especially for a temporary purpose,— are certainly not barbarous. This Painting serves them in winter as a mask against the cold and the ice; in war, it prevents their countenances from betraying them by revealing inward fear, makes them more terrible to the enemy, and conceals ex- tremes of youth or age, which might inspire strength and courage in the adversary. It serves as adorn- ment at the public feasts and assemblies. They also paint the prisoners destined to the flames, as victims consecrated to the God of war, and adorn them as the ancients adorned theirs. They do the same also to their dead, for the same reasons for which we adorn ours. And as painting themselves is peculiar to the men, so it is the custom of men, and not of the women, to wear even in war little mirrors about their necks, or in the small pouches in which they carry the Tobacco which they smoke perpetually,— at the assemblies, and everywhere. They use hot baths, but in a very Barbarous manner; they inclose large stones, red-hot, in a little cabin, where 15 or 20 persons come together, seated like Apes, who touch one another closely, and remain there during whole hours,— working themselves, while singing violently, into an excessive perspiration; and on issuing thence, even at the beginning of winter, they plunge into some half-frozen lake or river, from which, inexplicable though it seem, they return with- out distress. They do this from superstition, for cleanliness, for health, and for pleasure; it is thus that they refresh and invigorate themselves in the
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fuperititione, p politia, per fanita, e per delitie; cosi fi rinfrefcano, e rinuigorifcono nel mezzo de’ lighi viaggi, e rimediano alla ftanchezza nel ritorno. Ne’ lor cOuiti, oue conuengono a centinaia, fi publican tutte le viuande ad vna, ad vna, & a ciafcuna fi rifponde alta, e fortemente con voce di ringratiamento oh, oh. con la H. che gl’ Italiani difficilmente pro- nuntiarebbero. Si canta le hore intiere prima di mangiare. Vno canta, e tutti rifpddono con voce forte di petto, alla cadéza,; oh oh. Ma fuccedono nel canto gli vni a gli altri, e chi ha prefa qualche fiera, 6 fa il feftino, non ne mangia; ma 6 canta, 6 difcor- re mentre gli altri ne godono. Prima di conofcer gli Europei, non hauendo caldaie per cuocere i viuerli, maffime ne’ viaggi, faceuano vna foffa in terra, e 1’ €piuano d’ acqua, che faceuano bollire con e(ftin- guerui dentro diuerfe pietre a quefto fine prima infocate. I loro balli fono men varij, ma pitt graui de noftri, de quali lodano la deftrezza, ma negli huomini li condanano di leggierezza, che non fi nota tra effi, che da giouani s’ auuezzano ad vna forfi troppo feria maturita.
[12] I Matrimonij fono fimili 4 quelli degli antichi Giudei, pigliando affai communemente il fratello la moglie del morto fratello, mai contrahendo con i con- fanguinei, benche remoti, ma preferendo fempre gli affiniad ogn’ altro. L’ huomo dota la Donna, la quale porta tutto il pefo della cafa, coltiua i campi, fa, e porta le legna, prepara la cucina, e fi carica ne’ viaggi de’ viueri &c. per il marito; proprio degli
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midst of long journeys, and obviate fatigue upon returning. At their feasts, where they assemble by the hundred, all the dishes are announced, one by one; and at each the answer is made in a loud and strong voice, with this expression of thanks: ‘‘ oh, oh,’’— uttered with an H, which the Italians would pro- nounce with difficulty. There is singing for whole hours before eating. One sings, and all respond in a strong voice, from the chest, in measured time: ‘‘oh, oh.”” But they succeed one another in the song; and he who has taken some wild beast, or who makes the feast, does not eat of it, but either sings or talks while the others partake thereof. Before knowing the Europeans, as they had no kettles for cooking victuals, especially on their journeys, they made a ditch in the earth, and filled it with water, which they caused to boil by cooling in it a number of stones, first heated red-hot for this purpose. They have not such a variety of dances as we have, but these are more grave than ours,— which they praise for dexterity, but regard them as too frivolous for men. This fault cannot be imputed to them; since, even as young men, they accustom themselves to perhaps a too serious maturity.
[12] Their Marriages are similar to those of the ancient Jews: the brother quite commonly taking the deceased brother’s wife,— never contracting marriage with blood-relatives, however distant, but always preferring affinity to any other connection. The man endows the Woman, who bears the whole burden of the house, cultivates the fields, cuts and carries the firewood, does the cooking, and loads herself, on the journeys, with provisions, etc., for the husband. The part of the men is only war, hunting, fishing,
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huomini effendo folo la guerra, la caccia, la pefca, il traffico in diuerfi paefi, € di preparar le cofe per cid neceffarie, come 1’ armi offenfiue, e difenfiue, barche, remi, e racchette per andar fopra le neui: & in quefto ogn’ vno riefce si bene, che gli Europei {teffi non faprebbero meglio fare le cofe loro neceffarie per i viaggi, alloggiamenti ne’ bofchi, enauigatione. Onde non fono Barbari quafi, che di nome. Ne bifogna concepirli come mezze beftie, pelofi, neri, difformi. Sono fenza barba, 6 pelo altro, chei capelli, come gli Americani della Zona torrida; forfi perche i due e{tremi di caldo, e di freddo fanno g1’ ifteffi effetti: cosi gli animali fanno la concottione, tanto per la forza del freddo, quanto del caldo naturale: 1’ hé {peri- mentato nel merluzzo pefce auidiffimo, e che digerifce quafi ogni cofa; 1’ ho aperto ancor viuo, e trouato il freddo del fuo ftomaco quafi infopportabile alla mia mano. E fe il freddo dell’ Europa non fa lo fteffo ne’ paefi pit: fettentrionali, é forfi per i molti rimedij de’ vini, acqua vita, fpetie, fale, ftufe &c. ch’ ado- prano, delle quali cofe tutte i noftri Barbari non fanno ne anche il nome. Non fono molto bruni, partico- larmente quando fon putti, fon forti, alti di f{tatura, e proportionati, pit: fani di noi, no fapendo ne anche il nome di quatita di malatie comuni in Europa, come di pietra, podagra, rottura &c. Non fi vedono né gobbi, né nani, né molto corpulenti, né di groffa gola &c. fono affabili tra di loro, e fi vifitano {peffifiimo, e vorrebbero paffare per liberali, e difintereffati, ma fon certo degni d’ ammiratione particolarmente in
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 257 trade, in various countries, and the preparation of the things thereto mnecessary,—as offensive and defensive weapons, boats, oars, and snowshoes for going over the snows; and in these industries every one succeeds so well that the Europeans themselves would not know a better way of devising the things necessary to them for journeys, for lodging in the woods, and for navigation. Wherefore, they are hardly Barbarians, save in name. There is no occa- sion to think of them as half beasts, shaggy, black, and hideous. They are without a beard, or other hair than that of the head, like the Americans of the - torrid Zone, perhaps because the two extremes of heat and cold produce the same effects: thus animals accomplish digestion both by the action of cold and by natural heat. I have tested this in the cod,—a very greedy fish, which digests almost everything; I have opened it, while still alive, and found the cold of its stomach well-nigh unendurable to my hand. And, if the cold of Europe does not have the same effect in the more northern countries, it is perhaps because of the many palliatives of cold, such as wines, brandy, spices, salt, stoves, etc., which they employ,—all of which things our Barbarians do not even know the name. They are not very dark, especially in their youth; they are strong, tall in stature, and weli-proportioned: more healthy than we,—not even knowing the name of many diseases common in Europe, such as the stone, gout, rupture, etc. They are not found either hunchbacked or dwarfed, or very corpulent, or with goiters, etc. They are affable to one another, exchange visits very frequently, and like to be regarded as liberal and disinterested. They are certainly worthy of par-
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quattro cofe, primo ne’ fenfi quali hanno perfettiffimi; e benche paffino quafi fei mefi fenza veder di fuori altro, che neue, e neile capanne altro, che fumo, han- no con tutto cid vna vifta acutiffima; vdito eccellente, & harmonico; odorato raro, differente folo dal no{tro, che {timano il mufchio puzzolente, & indiffe- renti gli odori di cofe, che non fono comeftibili, e con quef{to fenfo fcuoprono fpeffo il fuoco molto prima di vederlo, maffime la notte. Hanno il tatto, e la pelle delicatiffima, 4 che forfi anco feruono 1’ vntioni tra di loro comuni, come anticamente tra li Gentili, [r1i.e.; 13],¢ gli Hebrei Le fanno, di tutto al corpo, quando hanno di che farla, e maffime de’ capelli per diuerfe, e buoniffime ragioni. Secondo hanno vna co{tanza ammirabile ne’ difagi, foffriranno dieci, e quindeci di di fame, qualche volta per fuperftitione, il pit per neceffita; il fuoco fenza gridare, a che i giouani fi accoftumano dall’ eta di dieci, 6 dodici anni, legandofi due di effi le braccia infieme, e poi mettendo vn carbone tra le due braccia per vedere chi lo fcuotera il primo per fprezzarnelo,; freddo, caldo, dolori, malattie fenza lamentarfi, e fe trai dolori la fcrittura facra {tima 1 maggiori quelli del parto, le donne per maffima di magnanimita partorifcono fenza dar alcun fegno di dolore, e fe gridaffero farebbono {timate codarde, difprezzate, e non trouarebbero pit marito.
Terzo la loro imaginatione @ prodigiofa in ricono- fcere i luoghi, e defcriuerfegli gli vni 4 gli altri & in condurfi ne’ bofchi, doue quafi mai fi perdono. Io
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 259
ticular admiration in four things: first, their senses, which are most perfect,— so that, although they spend nearly six months without seeing anything but snow outside, and in their cabins, nothing but smoke,— they have, nevertheless, exceedingly acute vision, excellent hearing, an ear for music, and a rare sense of smell,— differing from ours only in this, that they esteem musk ill-smelling, and are indifferent to the odors of things which are not eatable. With this sense they frequently discover fire long before seeing it, especially at night. Their touch and skin are very delicate, their sensibility being perhaps in- creased by the ointments commonly used among them, as anciently among the Gentiles [11 i.e., 13] and the Hebrews. They anoint, when they have the means, the whole body, and especially the hair, for various and most excellent reasons. Secondly, they have an admirable fortitude in hardships: they endure hunger for ten or fifteen days,—sometimes from superstition, mostly by necessity; fire they endure without crying out. The youth accustom themselves to this from the age of ten or twelve years, two of them binding their arms together, and then putting a coal between the two arms, to see who will shake it off the first; they despise him who loses. They endure cold; heat, pains, or diseases, without complaining; and while, among physical pains, the sacred scripture esteems those of child- birth the greatest, the women, to set an example of courage, bring forth without giving any sign of pain; for, if they cried out, they would be despised and deemed cowardly, and could not again find husbands.
Thirdly, they possess a marvelous faculty for remembering places, and for describing them to one
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hd fperimentato pitt volte in tempo nuuolo 6 di notte di condur qualche Barbaro in difparte feruendomi di buffola per prouare di fargli perder 1’ idea delle quattro parti del Mondo, e doppo interogarlo, doue foffe 1’ Oriente, doue il mezzo di, doue il paefe de’ nemici, doue il noftro; mai hd trouato, che s’ inganaf- fero conducendofi cosi ficuri con la loro idea, che io con la mia buffola; e quefto @ vn talento come naturale, del quale li giouani fteffi, e le donne fi feruono nelle occafioni, e particolarmente per fuggire quando fono prigioni nelle mani de’ nemici, e fare le tre, e 400. miglia ne’ bofchi, doue non ® alcun camino per ricourarfi alle noftre habita- tioni, di che vediamo ogn’ anno molte volte 1’ efpe- rienza.
Quarto vna memoria tenaciffima, non hanno ne libri, ne fcritture, i negotij fi trattano per amba- {ciate, nelle quali io mi fono ftupito di vedere di quante cofe, e di quante circoftanze mai fi ricordano. Ma fpicca ancor pitt ne’ Capitani, i quali fi feruono in vece de’ libri di baftoncelli, che alle volte notano con certi fegni, alle volte nd con aiuto de’ quali diran- no i nomi di cento, e pitt prefenti, le conclufioni prefe ne’ confegli, e mille altre particolarita, che noi non fapreffimo ridire fenza fcriuere.
Intendono, e difcorrono bene, hanno vna eccellente narratiua, e grand’ eloquenza, e delle materie delle quali hanno i principij trattano si bene, che li Euro- pei i pit fenfati. In Francia hanno creduto finti i loro difcorfi, e concioni, che nelle noftre relationi
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another, and for guiding themselves in the woods where they hardly ever lose their way. I have several times tried, in cloudy weather, or by night, to lead some Barbarian astray,— using the compass, in the endeavor to confuse his notions of the four quarters of the World, and then questioning him where was the East, where the south, where the country of the enemy, where our own; yet I have never found that they were deceived, for they guided themselves just as securely by their senses as I by my compass. Indeed, this is a talent in a manner natural, which even the youths and the women use on occasion,—and particularly, to flee when they are prisoners in the hands of the enemy, and to travel three or 400 miles in the woods, where there is no road, in order to take refuge in our settlements: the proof of this we see many times every year.
Fourthly, a very tenacious memory. They have neither books nor writings; negotiations are carried on through embassies, in which I have been amazed to see how many things and how many circumstances they recollect. But this faculty shines forth still more in the Captains, who use little sticks instead of books, which they sometimes mark with certain signs, sometimes not. By the aid of these they can repeat the names of a hundred or more presents, the decisions adopted in the councils, and a thousand other particulars, which we could not rehearse with- out writing.
They have a clever understanding and good judg- ment, also an excellent style of narration, and great eloquence; and matters, of which they possess the fundamental elements, they handle just as well as the most sagacious Europeans. In France, people
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riferiuamo,; ma io afficuro, che la maggior parte, come traflatate [12 i.e., 14] in altra lingua fono ancora men forti che nella loro.
Ci hanno {peffo perfuafo in negotij d’ importanza, e fatte cangiar le rifolutioni, che doppo diuerfi effami haueuamo prefe per il bene del paefe. Non dubi- to, che fiano capaci delle fcienze, hanno 1’ orecchia armonica, & eccellente per la mufica, ma la loro é diuerfa, & in qualche modo pitt martiale, che la noftra.
Non s’ infegna con arte, ma i pitt efperti 1’ ammi- rano tra gli effetti della natura. Noi 1’ habbiamo {perimentati capaciffimi non folo della fede, che @ pit eccellente di tutte le fcienze, ma ancora della vera fcienza de’ Santi, cioé a dire d’ vna fodiffima, e teneriffima deuotione.
1652 - 53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 263
have believed that their speeches and addresses, which we reported in our relations were fictitious; but I can assert that most of these, when translated [12 i.e., 14] into another language, are much less powerful than in their own.
They have often persuaded us in affairs of impor- tance, and made us change the resolutions which, after mature deliberation we had taken for the weal of the country. I doubt not that they are capable of the sciences: they have a harmonious and excel- lent ear for music; but their music is different from, and in some degree more martial, than ours.
It is not taught as an art, but, as the most expert declare, is admired as a natural accomplishment with many. We have proved them to be most capable not only of faith, which is more excellent than all the sciences, but also of the true science of the Saints,—that is to say, of a most constant and most tender devotion.
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CAPITOLO QVARTO.
POLITICA DE BARBARI CANADESI.
x
di tutta la loro politica, che @ mirabile in quefto, che effendo differentiffima dalla noftra,
N ON parlo di tutte le nationi di quefti paefi, né
>s
e per tanto a molti fconofciuta, non lafcia di fare gl’ ifteffi, e migliori effetti, che quefta, vedendofi in vna fomma liberta pochiffimi difordini. Parlo folo delle nationi, che noi conofciamo, e particolarmente degli Huroni.
Non hanno quefti popoli né Ré, né Prencipe affo- luto, ma certi come capi di Republica, che noi chia- miamo Capitani, differenti perd da quelli di guerra; quefti hanno comunemente la carica per fucceflione da parte di donna, alcune volte per elettione. 5S’ im- poffeffano dell’ offitio morto il predeceffore (il quale diconfi refufcitare) non fenza qualche folennita. Quefti Capitani non hano vim coactiuam, la quale i Padri {teffi non effercitano verfo i figli per correg- gerli, feruendofi folo di parole, & i figli cosi alleuati, quanto pit crefcono in eta, tanto pit: amano, e rifpet- tano i loro padri, ottengono dunque tutto tanto i primi, come i fecondi precarzo con eloquenza, efforta- tione, e prieghi, e come /fignatum est Super nos lumen vultus Domini per inculti, che fuffero, prima del no{tro arriuo non lafciauan di conofcere, & il vitio, e la
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 265
CHAPTER FOURTH.
GOVERNMENT OF THE CANADIAN BARBARIANS,
nor of all that concerns their government, which
is admirable in this, that, being very different from ours, and therefore to many unknown, it is nevertheless quite as effective as our own, and even more so, since there appear, amid conditions of ex- treme liberty, very few disorders. 1 speak only of the nations which we know, and particularly of the Hurons.
These peoples have neither King nor absolute Prince, but certain chiefs, like the heads of a Repub- lic, whom we call Captains,—different, however, from those in war. These hold office commonly by succession on the side of the women, sometimes by election. They assume office at the death of a predecessor (who, they say, is resuscitated in them). This is celebrated with certain ceremonies. These Captains have not wm coactivam, which even the Fathers do not exercise over their sons in order to correct them, as they use words alone; and, thus brought up, the more the sons increase in age, the more they love and respect their fathers. Therefore both the former and the latter obtain everything fre- carto by eloquence, exhortation, and entreaties; and, as signatum est super nos lumen vultus Domini, rude though they were before our arrival, they were nevertheless acquainted with both vice and virtue;
| DO not speak of all the nations of these countries,
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virtti, e liberi, & indifciplinati quanto dir fi poffa poneuamo al primo qualche rimedio. Anzi tra loro certe virtii erano si communi, che non fi {timauano tali, come 1’ hofpitalita si grande, che riceueua ogn’ vno fenza cacciarlo mai di cafa, feruendolo, e dando- gli A viuere, come a’ pitt domeftici, fenza chiederne alcun pagamento. Vna patienza inuitta ne’ difaggi, vna coftanza in riceuere intrepidi le nuoue pit acerbe, come quella della morte. WVna tranquillita [13 i.e., 15] imperturbabile contro de paefani, che gli offendono, con pregiuditio anche de’ loro beni; & vna certa honefta efteriore nel trattare, che impedifce mille leggierezze, che fono affai communi ne’ giouani Europei, maffime di diuerfo feffo, fe niun’ altro rifpetto li ritiene. Ma con quefte apparenti virtt haueuano veri vitij interni, & efterni. Ad interna {uperbia attribuifco il detto di vn Capitano, che ferito da vn giouane, e vedendo i fuoi folleuati per farne vendetta gli ritenne con dire bafta, non hauete fen- tito tremar la terra per horrore di quefta temerita? quefta li fa da ftoici diffimulare le paffioni maffime di {degno, & @ gran rimprouero il dire 4 chi comincia ad adirarfi, dunque tu t’ adiri? tra gli efterni vno de’ pit communi era il furto, del quale fi fono fempre vantati, come d’ vna grand’ induftria potédolo fare fenza effer {coperti. Ogni cofa li feruiua di materia, e non fapendone altr’ vfo, fe ne feruiuano per ornarfi. Rubbauano con le mani, e co’ piedi in prefenza, & in affenza del padrone, non per vtil proprio, ma per puro vitio. Hanno alcune volte rubbato iftromenti
1652-53] BRESSANI?S RELATION, 1653 267
and although free and undisciplined to the last de- gree, we soon wrought some improvement. On the other hand, certain virtues were so common among them, that they were not esteemed as such: for instance, a hospitality so great that they received every comer,—never driving him from the hut, but serving him and giving him whatever he needed just as to the most intimate members of the house- hold, without asking any pay for it. They also show an invincible patience in trials; a fortitude in receiving unmoved the most bitter news, as that of death; an imperturbable tranquillity [13 1.e., 15] when wronged by fellow-countrymen, even when they suffer personal loss; and a certain external seemliness in their behavior, which prevents a thou- sand levities that are quite common among European youth, especially when both sexes mingle without any external restraint. But, with these apparent virtues, they have genuine vices, within and without. To internal pride I attribute the saying of a Captain, who, being wounded by a young man, and seeing his people aroused to take vengeance therefor, checked them by saying: ‘‘ Enough; did you not feel the earth shake with horror at that audacity?’’ This causes them stoically to dissimulate their passions, especial- ly that of resentment; and it is a great reproach to say to one who begins to grow angry, “‘ So you are getting angry?’’ Among the external vices one of the most common was theft,—they always priding themselves on their great skill, when able to accom- plish it without being discovered. They turned everything to account, using for the adornment of their persons whatever was not available otherwise. They used to steal with both their hands and their
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di diuerfi meftieri A loro affato inutili, {tili d’ horo- logij &c. & vna volta ad vn Padre de’ noftri, che diceua |’ Officio al lume d’ vna apertura della capanna leuorno per 1’ ifteffa il breuiario dalle mani fenza poter’ egli vedere, ne giungere illadro. Io ne trouai vno, che rubbaua la porta d’ vna noftra cappella. Ma non é impunito, e la pena é, che chi n’ € conuinto, pud effer giuftamente fualigiato lui, e tutta la cafa; e fi pratica in modo tale, che vn’ huomo, che hauera per effempio rubbato vn’ accetta, 6 fimil cofuccia, perdera, fe fi troua reo tutti ifuoi beni, accette, cal- daia, vefti, viueri, reti, canoa &c. fino a lafciarlo, fe 1’ attore vfa di rigore, lui, la moglie, e 1 figli in vna perfetta nudita d’ ogni cofa: e per euitare in quefta materia le liti, hanno {tabilito, primo, che vna cofa perfa, 6 caduta, quando non farebbe, che di tre paffi, e prefa da chi che fia non é furto, che é folo quando é prefa nelle capanne, 6 caffe; fecondo, che colui, a chi qualche cofa é {tata rubbata, riconofcendola in mano di chi che fia (nel che fono marauigliofi, diftin- guendo, non sO come, quafi ouum ab ouo) non lo deue fubito fualigiare, ma interrogarlo, chi ti ha dato per effempio quefta fpada? fe l’ altro n6 rifponde, é {timato conuinto di furto, fe dice di hauerla riceuuta in dono, 6 cépra da qualcheduno, deue dire il nome di chi glie 1’ ha data, 6 venduta, & all hora |’ altro va a trouare il véditore, e gli fa la {teffa domanda, e fe quefto gli nomina vn’ altro, va [14 1.e., 16] a trouarlo, & effamina fin tanto, che ne troui vno, che non 1’ ha da neffuno, & in quefto, & in cofe fimili hanno vna
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feet, in the presence and in the absence of the owner,—not for actual utility, but from pure vice. They have sometimes stolen implements of various trades, wholly useless to them, the hands of clocks, etc.; and once, when one of our Fathers was saying the Office by the light of a hole in the cabin, they took through that hole the breviary from his hands, without his being able to see or to catch the thief. I found one of them who was stealing the door of a chapel of ours. But theft is not unpunished,— the penalty being, that he who is convicted of it may be justly despoiled, he and all his house; and this is carried out in such a way that a man who may have stolen an axe, for instance, or a similar trifle, loses, if he is found guilty, all his goods,—axes, kettles, clothes, provisions, nets, canoe, etc.,—until, if the prosecutor use rigor, he, his wife, and his children are left in a total destitution of everything. To avoid contest in this matter, they have established, first, that if a thing, lost or dropped, even though it should be but three paces away, be taken, by any one whomsoever, this is not theft,—that it is so only when an object is taken from the cabins or huts; secondly, that the one from whom anything has been stolen, on recognizing it in the hands of another (wherein they are wonderful, distinguishing, I know not how, almost ovum ab ovo), must not suddenly seize it, but must question him,— for instance, ‘*‘ Who gave you that javelin?’’ If the other make no an- swer, he is deemed convicted of theft; if he say that he has received it as a gift, or bought it of some one, he must tell the name of him who gave or sold it to him. Then the other goes to find the seller, and puts the same question to him; and, if this one name
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gran fincerita non nominando mai vn’ innocente & il colpeuole con il filentio confeffandofi reo. Ci fia quefto propofito propofto vn cafo. Vna pouera donna, che non haueua altra ricchezza, che vna collana di certi grani di conchiglie di mare, che 1 Francefi han chiamata porcellana, che € come la moneta, e le perle del paefe, per paura, che coltiuando il {uo campo, non gli fuffe rubbata nella capanna, la portd feco in vn facco, il quale accid non gl’ impediffe il lauoro attaccd al tronco d’ vn’ albero con intentione di ripigliarlo al partire. Sen’ auuidde vna vicina, che lauoraua in vn’ altro campo, e dubitd, che la buona vecchia fe ne fcordarebbe, e non lo perfe mai di vifta. La vecchia dopo qualche tempo lafcia il {uo campo per andare in vn’ altro vicino, e la vicina, che non afpettaua altro piglia alla fua prefenza il facco, e grida al modo del paefe: Io, ho fatto vn buon’ incontro, e fe ne va. Hora il dubbio é, fe pud que{ta in confcienza ritenerlo, e fe la prima ha ius di {ualigiarla. L’ intentioni fono nafcofte, chi sa fe la padrona 1’ haueua di ritornare, come ella diceua nel campo fe non 1’ haueua il facco fecondo la conuen- tione del paefe fi ftima abbandonato, & primo occupantis, noi ci rimettemmo 4 i Capitani, de’ quali notamo la prudenza. Se lacofa firiguarda in rigore, rifpofero la prefa & buona, almeno la vecchia non ha ius di fualigiare |’ altra, ma 1’ altra deue fe non vuole effer {timata fcortefe, litigiofa, & auara rendere il facco, e contentarfi di qualche cortefia, 6 mancia, che 1’ altra le deue.
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to him another, he goes [14i.e., 16] to find him, and continues the investigation until he finds one who has it from nobody. In this, and in similar things, they display great sincerity, never naming an innocent man; while the guilty one, through his silence, confesses himself the culprit. A case in point was brought before us. A poor woman, who had no other wealth than a collar of certain beads made of sea-shells,— which the French have called porcelaine, and which are, as it were, the money and the pearls of the country,—for fear lest while cul- tivating her field it might be stolen from the cabin, carried it with her in a pouch, which, in order that she might not be hindered in her work, she attached to the trunk of a tree, intending to get it again upon going away. A neighbor of hers, who was at work in another field, espied it, and, suspecting that the good woman would forget it, she never lost sight of it. The old woman, after a while, leaves her field to go to another, near by; and the neighbor, who waited only for this, takes the pouch before her very eyes, and exclaims, after the manner of the country, ‘‘T have made a good find!’’ and goesaway. Now the uncertainty is, whether this woman can legiti- mately keep it, or whether the other has the right to dispossess her. The intentions are obscure: for who knows whether the owner intended to return, as she said, intothe field? If she did not, the pouch, accord- ing to the accepted usage of the country, is accounted as abandoned, et primo occupantis. We referred the matter to the Captains, of whose prudence we took note. ‘‘ If the matter is considered with strictness,” they answered, ‘‘ the prize is good,—at least the old woman has not the right to dispossess the other
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Ma la politica, che hanno per impedire gli homi- cidij che fono rariffimi @ degna d’ effer qui riferita, e fi vedra in vn cafo feguito li28. d’ Aprile dell’ anno 1648. nella perfona d’ vn Francefe, che per diuotione ci feruiua iui gratis vccifo dagli Huroni. Era quefti vn giouane di 22. anni chiamato Giacomo Douart, che fi incontrato da due affaffini, che cercauano qualch’ vno di noi, 6 de’ noftri, il primo, che haueffero trouato folo in difparte per veciderlo, 1’ ordine n’ era {tato dato da fei Capitani di tre Terre diuerfe, nemiciffimi della fede, che pretendeuano per que{to mezzo d’ im- pedir la buona intelligenza tra noi, & i noftri Chri- {tiani, fpaurirci tutti, e coftringerci ad abbandonar il paefe, e cosi impedir la predicatione dell’ Euangelio, che {timauano cofa di pregiuditio a gl’ intereffi loro. L’ vecifero dvn colpo d’ accetta verfo il tramontar [15 t.e., 17] del Sole, ‘e la mattina feonente a *noitri Chriftiani hauutane la nuoua vennero dalle contrade vicine per dirci, che quef{to colpo era vn’ inditio certo di qualche congiura contro di noi, ma eccoci, foggiun- fero tutti prontia morire per la difefa de’ noftri Padri, e della fede... Tutto. il -paefe.fi .commofie,,ondeu principali della natione conuennero ad vn confeglio generale, doue gli autori dell’ homicidio moftrandofi quali erano nemici della fede, non mancarono di dire non folo, che non bifognaua far conto di quel, che era paffato, ma di pit ferrarci in faccia le porte de’ lor borghi, e cacciarci dal paefe, & altri aggiunfero, che era neceffario mandar in efilio tutti i Chriftiani, & impedire, che illor numero non crefceffe. Ma il zelo
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woman; but the latter, unless she wishes to be thought unmannerly, litigious, and avaricious, should give back the pouch, and content herself with some civility or gratuity, which the other owes her.”’
But the policy which they observe for preventing murders, which are very rare, is worthy to be reported here, and it will be seen in a case which occurred on the 28th of Aprilin the year 1648. A Frenchman, who from devotion served us there for nothing, was killed by the Hurons. He was a young man of 22 years, called Jacques Douart. He was met by two assassins, who were seeking some one of us or of ours, with the intention of killing the first whom they should find alone. The order for this had been given by six Captains, from three several Villages, who were very hostile to the faith, and who intended, by that means, to hinder the good understanding between us and our Christians, to terrify us all, and to constrain us to abandon the country, and thus to prevent the preaching of the Gospel, which they deemed a thing prejudicial to their interests. They killed him with a hatchet-blow, toward [15 1.e., 17] Sunset; and on the following morning, our Chris- tians, having received the report of it, came from the neighboring districts to tell us that this crime was a sure sign of certain plots against us: ‘‘ But here we are,’ they added, ‘‘ all ready to die for the defense of our Fathers and of the faith.’” The whole country became aroused: wherefore the leaders of the nation assembled in a general council, at which the authors of the murder, showing themselves to be enemies of the faith, did not fail to say, not only that it was necessary to make no account of what had happened, but further, that the gates of their villages
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di que{ti buoni neofiti fpiccd grandemente in quefta occafione; alcuni diceuano, che volentieri haurebbero lafciati i parenti, che amano teneramente, e la patria pit to{to, che fare vn minimo torto alla lor fede; altri, che non {timauano punto la vita prefente, dopo hauer conofciuti gli auantaggi della futura. Io non temo diceua taluno il foco de gl’ Hirochefi, purche mi troui fenza peccato, molto meno d’ effer fcannato per la fede, e di dar la mia vita A chi me la rendera immortale, altri altrimenti, ma tutti con vn zelo, e liberta veramente chriftiana, biafmauano gli autori, e complici dell’ homicidio fenza perd nominarli, an- corche li fapeffero Quefta gente, diceuano, vuole la rouina del paefe, é {tata fenza dubbio.con prefenti corrotta per tradirci, la fede non li piace, perche riprende i lor vitij che comparifchino,e fivedra. Due, 6 tre giorni fi paffarono in quefte fante contefe, le quali feruirono e per accrefcer maggiormente il feruore de’ noftri Chriftiani, e per far vedere 1’ amore, che portauano alla fede & 4 i loro maeftri, & in fine ad ottenere da’ Capitani, e da’ principali del paefe anche infedeli, che al nome del publico ci foffe piena- mente fodisfatto, che é la loro politica in fimili cafi.
Sarebbe tentar 1’ impoffibile e rouinare ogni cofa pit tofto, che rimediare proceder con i Barbari fecondo la giuftitia di quafi tutte le nationi, condannando alla morte |’ homicida; il publico @ quello, che fodisfa a’ misfatti del particolare, 6 il colpeuole fia conofciu- to, 6 nd, in fomma il misfatto folo fi caftiga, e non il malfattore, e que{to, che altroue parrebbe vn’ ingiutfti-
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should be shut in our faces, and that we must be driven out of the country. Others added that all the Christians should be sent into exile, and their number kept from increasing. But the zeal of some good neophytes shone forth brightly on this occa- sion: some said that they would gladly have forsaken their kindred, whom they tenderly loved, and their native land, sooner than do wrong, in the least degree, to their faith; others, that they esteemed the present life as nothing after having learned the blessings of the future one. ‘‘I do not fear,’’ said one, ‘‘ the fire of the Hiroquois, provided I be found without sin; much less do I fear to be slain for the faith, and to give my life to one who will restore it to me, immortal.’’ Others spoke otherwise, but all, with a zeal and freedom truly christian, censured the authors and abetters of the murder,— without naming them, however, although they knew them. ‘‘ These people,” they said, ‘‘ wish the ruin of the country, and have no doubt been corrupted with gifts to betray us; the faith does not please them, because it reproves their vices; let them appear, and this will be seen.’’ Two or three days passed in these holy contests, which served to increase still more the fervor of our Christians, and to show the love which they bore to the faith and to their teachers; and finally, to obtain from the Captains and the chief men of the country, although infidels, that, in the name of the public, such full satisfaction should be accorded to us, as their law prescribes in similar cases.
It would be attempting the impossible, and ruin- ing everything, rather than affording a remedy, to proceed with the Barbarians according to the judicial usage of nearly all nations, by condemning the mur-
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tia, ¢ mezzo efficaciffimo tra loro per impedire il corfo di fimili difordini. Ho creduto, che farebbe curiofita ragioneuole il fapere in quefto i loro coftumi particolari, perd feguitard 1’ Hiftoria incominciata [16 1.e., 18] in poche parole. Rifoluti dunque di fodisfarci, ci chiamarono in vn configlio generale, che haueuano fatto, doue vn vecchio Capitano in per- fona di tutti comincid 4 parlare al Superiore della Miffione in quefta guifa. Fratello (fono quafi le fue {teffe parole) ecco qui tutte le nationi radunate infi- eme per fodisfarti, le nominod tutte ad vna ad vna; noi non fiamo pitt che vn pugno di gente, tu folo fo{tenti que{to pouero paefe, e lo porti nelle tue mani, vn fulmine 1’ ha colpito, e diuifo in due, ci ha aperto vn precipitio, doue fe ci abbandoni, ficuramente ci abifiamo. Habbi dunque pieta di noi, che qui fiamo per pianger la tua perdita, e la noftra pit: to{to, che per parlare. Quefto paefe altro non é, che vn fche- letro fenza carne, fenza vene, fenza nerui, fenza arterie, fiamo come offa fecche, che erano legate con vn filo affai delicato infieme, il colpo fcaricato fopra la tefta del tuo nipote, che piangiamo, ha rotto que{to legame, é f{tato il Demonio, che ha meffo l’ accetta in mano dell’ affaffino. Fo({titu forfi 6 Sole, che lo conduce{ti a si infelice misfatto? Perche non ofcura{ti il tuo lume, affinche egli {teffo haueffe hor- rore della fua temerita? N’ eri tu forfi complice? Non per certo, poiche caminaua nelle tenebre, e non fapeua doue andaffe. Si penfaua 1’ infelice di dar dritto fopra la tefta d’ vn giouane Francefe, e colpi
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derer to death: it is the public that gives satisfaction for the crimes of the individual, whether the culprit be known or not. In fine, the crime alone is punished, and not the criminal; and this, which elsewhere would appear an injustice, is among them a most efficacious means for preventing the spread of similar disorders. I have believed that it might be a reasonable curiosity to wish to know, in this mat- ter, their particular customs; howbeit, | will continue in a few words the Story begun above. [16 1.e., 18] Having, then, resolved to make satisfaction to us, they called us to a general council which they had con- vened; at which an old Captain, in the name of them all, began to speak to the Superior of the Mission in this wise: ‘‘ Brother’’ (these are almost his own words), ‘‘thou seest here all the nations assembled together to make satisfaction to you,’’—he named them all, one by one; ‘‘ we are no more than a hand- ful of people; thou alone sustainest this poor coun- try, and bearest it in thy hands. A thunderbolt has struck it, and rent it in two; it has opened a chasm before us, wherein, if thou abandon us, we shall surely be swallowed up. Have therefore pity on us, who are here to lament thy loss, and ours, rather than to speak. This country is nothing but a skele- ton, without flesh, without veins, without sinews, without arteries; we are like dry bones, bound together with a very delicate thread. The blow dealt upon the head of thy nephew, whom we mourn, has broken that bond; it was the Demon who put the axe in the hand of the assassin. Was it perchance thou, O Sun, who didst lead him to commit so wretched a crime? Why didst thou not darken thy light, that he himself might be horrified at his own
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la {ua patria di piaga mortale; la terra s’ apri per riceuere il fangue dell’ innocente, & ha fatto vn’ abiffo per inghiottirci tutti, gia che fiamo tutti colpeuolli. I noftri nimici fi rallegraranno di quefta morte, e faranno la folennita d’ vn gloriofo trionfo, vedendo, che 1’ armi noftre diftruggon noi {teffi, e fanno si bei colpi a lor fauore. Continud in quefta guifa lungo tempo, e poi, fratello, foggiunfe, habbi pieta di quefto paele, tu: folo” li puoi tender: la ‘vita;/a te. tocea al riunire que(t’ offa diffipate, tu deui chiuder la bocca di queito abiffo, che {t& per ingoiarci, habbi pieta del tuo paefe, che tuo chiamo, perche te ne facciamo il padrone, e noi fiam qui come rei, per riceuer la con- dannagione, fe fenza mifericordia trattarci vuoi, habbi pieta di coloro, che accufando fe fteffi, vengon per chiederti humilmente perdono. Tu hai afficurato il paefe con {ftabilirci la tua dimora, fe te ne parti noi faremo come paglie fradicate, che folo feruono per tra{tullo de venti. Quefta Terra @ vn’ Ifola, che vacilla, & é per effer fommerfa nella prima tempetta, {tabilifcila tu, e la pofterita te ne lodara fenza fcor- darfene mai. Alle prime nuoue di quefta morte habbiamo abbandonato ogni cofa, & altro [17 1.e., Ig] con noi non portiamo, che lagrime, e pentimento, pronti ad effeguire quanto per riparatione della colpa commeffa, ci ordinarai, parla dunque. che vuoi? tue fono le noftre vite, e molto pitt i noftri beni, volétieri ce ne fpogliaremo per fodisfarti, fpogliaremo i noftri figli per cdtentarti, né te ne incolparemo, ma fi bene colui, che ci fece rei. Cétro di lui riuolteremo i
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temerity? Wast thou, perhaps, his accomplice? No, forsooth, since he was walking in the darkness, and knew not whither he went. The unhappy man thought to strike directly upon the head of a young Frenchman, and struck his own country with a mor- tal wound; the earth opened to receive the blood of the innocent, and has made a chasm to ingulf us all, now that we areall guilty. Our enemies will rejoice in this death, and will celebrate a glorious triumph, on seeing that our arms destroy ourselves, and deal such telling blows in their favor.’’ He continued in this strain a long time, and then added: ‘‘ Brother, have pity on this country; thou alone canst give life to it. “To thee it pertains to gather together these scattered bones; thou must close the mouth of this chasm which stands ready to ingulf us; have pity on thy country, which we call thine, because we make thee the master of it. We are here like crimi- nals, to receive condemnation, if thou choose to treat us without mercy; have pity on those who, accusing themselves, come humbly to ask thy pardon. Thou hast given stability to this country by establishing thy dwelling here; if thou go away, we shall be like uprooted straws, which serve only as sport for the winds. This Land is an unstable Island, and is likely to be submerged in the first storm; do thou establish it, and posterity will praise thee, and hold thine act in perpetual remembrance. At the first news of this death, we forsook everything; and [17 i.e., 19] we bring with us nothing but tears and repentance,— ready to execute, by way of reparation for the crime perpetrated, whatever thou shalt com- mand us. Speak, therefore; what wilt thou have? Thine are our lives, and, much more, our goods; we
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no{tri fdegni, e per te altro né6 hauerem mai, che amore, e veneratione Per rifpofta fe gli diede vn fafcetto di baftoncelli vn poco pit lunghi, e groffi de folfaroli, che cdteneuano il numero de preséti, che dimadauamo per fodisfattione dell’ homicidio. I no{tri Chriftiani ci haueano informati di tutti i loro coitumi, & effortati ad offeruarli efattaméte, fe no voleuamo pregiudicare non foloanoi, ma anco alla caufa di Dio, & allafede. JI Capitani diuifero tra loro i baftoncelli, accioche ogni natione cdcorreffe a i prefenti, che addimandauamo. Ando per quefto ogn’ vno alla fua terra. Niuno in particolare é coftretto a quefta cdtributione, ma 4 gara tra di loro, fecddo che fono pit, 6 meno ricchi, procurano tutti di parte- cipare 4 quefti publici pefi, per moftrarfi pit affetti- onati al ben cOmune. Ft dique deftinato vn giorno per il ritorno, e per fare la cerimonia con tutte le folennita del paefe, e fii li11. di Maggio. La fera innanzi 4. Capitani furono deputati dal confeglio generale per abboccarci, dui erano Chriftiani, e dui infedeli. Si prefentarono alla porta, ma come no fi parla in quefte occafioni fenza prefenti, fecero all’ en- trata il primo, che ft, accid fe gli apriffe la porta.’ [1 fecondo accid fe gli permetteffe 1’ entrata, e quante porte haueuano da paffare, altretanti prefenti haue- reffimo potuto da loro efigere. Entrati che furono, cominciarono a parlare con vn prefente, che chiamano afciugamento di lagrime, accioche non li riguardaf_i- mo pitt con occhio torbido. Il fecondo chiaman vna potione medicinale per rimetterci la voce, che
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 281
will gladly despoil ourselves of them to satisfy thee; we will despoil our children, to content thee; nor will we accuse thee herein, but only him who involved us in guilt. Against him shall we direct our resent- ment, and for thee we shall never have anything but love and veneration.” In answer, there was given him a parcel of small sticks, a little longer and thicker than matches, which indicated the number of presents that we required by way of satisfaction for the murder. Our Christians had informed us of all their customs, and exhorted us to observe them exactly, unless we would arouse prejudice not only against ourselves, but also against the cause of God and the faith. The Captains divided the sticks among them, so that every nation should contribute toward the presents which we asked. For this purpose every one went to his own village. No individual is obliged to make this contribution, but they vie with one another, according as they are more or less rich, in sharing these public burdens, in order to show their devotion to the common weal. A day was therefore set for the return, in order to perform the ceremony with all the solemnity of the country. This was the 11th of May. On the eve of this event, 4 Captains were delegated by the general council to confer with us; two were Christians, and two infidels. They presented themselves at the door; but as there is no speaking on these occasions without gifts, they made the first one at the entrance: which was to the end that the door might be opened tothem. They made a second, that they might be permitted to enter; and, as many doors as they had to pass, so many gifts we might have required of them. When they had entered, they began to speak, offering us a present
282 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
haueuamo perfa, e per farla vfcire per 1’ auuenire pitt dolce. Ilterzo per placar la mente agitata da pen- fieri di dolore. Il quarto per addolcire il cuore giuftaméte irritato. Que{ti prefenti fono la maggior parte di que’ granelli di cdchiglie marine, che i Francefi han chiamati, come habbiamo detto, por- cellana, e fimili cofuccie. vera pouerta in Europa, ma molto {timate in que’ paefi. Aggiunfero a quetti altri noue prefenti per alzare vn fepolcro al defonto, ogn’ vno con il {uo proprio nome, quattro per le 4. colonne, che doueano foftenere il fepolchro, e quat- tro per li quattro trauerfi, che fanno il cataletto del morto, il nono per feruirgli di guanciale. Doppo [18 i.e., 20] otto Capitani delle otto nationi Hurone portorno ciafcuno vn prefente per le otto offa pit principali del corpo humano, come de’ piedi, gambe, braccia &c. E qui il coftume loro ci obligo di par- lare, cioé di fare vn prefente di 3000. di que’ granelli per rimetter in piedi il paefe rouinofo, e {tabilirlo, accioche poteffe foftenere 1 rimproueri, che gli faref- fimo per il misfatto commeffo.
La mattina feguente alla prefenza d’ vn gran popolo concorfo da ogni parte fecero come vn teatro in vna piazza publica, oue fofpefero 50. prefenti, che fono la fodisfatione principale, il refto gia riferito non effendo che come vno accefforio. Per vn’ Hurone ammaz- zato da vn’ altro Hurone fi contentano per I’ ordinario di 30 prefenti. Per vna donna ne dimandano 40. si perche effe non fi poffono difendere come gli huomi- ni, si anche perche popolano i paefi, onde la vita loro
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 283
’
which they call ‘‘ the drying of tears,’’ in order that we might no longer regard them with clouded eyes. The second they call a medicinal potion for restoring our voice to us, which we had lost, and for causing it tosound more softly in future. The third, to appease the mind agitated by thoughts of grief. The fourth, to soothe the heart, justly provoked. These gifts are mostly of those beads of marine shells which the French, as we have said, have called porce/aine,— and similar trifles, utterly valueless in Europe, but much esteemed in those countries. They added to these, nine other gifts, to erect a sepulcher to the de- ceased,— every one with its own peculiar name; four were for the 4 columns which were to support the sepulcher, and four for the four stretchers which form the coffin of the dead; the ninth, to serve him asa pillow. Afterward, [18 i.e., 20] eight Captains of the eight Huron nations brought each a present for the eight principal bones of the human body; those of the feet, legs, arms, etc. And here their custom obliged us to speak,— that is, to make a pres- ent of 3000 of those beads, in order to put the ruined country on its feet again, and strengthen it so that it could bear the reproaches which we might make against it for the crime perpetrated.
The following morning, in the presence of a great multitude assembled from every direction, they made a sort of stage in a public square, where they sus- pended 50 gifts, which form the principal satisfac- tion: the remainder, already referred to, being only a sort of accessory. For a Huron slain by another Huron, they usually content themselves with 30 presents. Fora woman, they ask 4o. This is partly because they cannot defend themselves like the
284 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
deue effere pit! pretiofa al publico, e la loro debolezza deue hauere pit grande appoggio dalla giuftitia. Per vn foraftiero ne domandano pit, perche altrimente dicono gli homicidij farebbono continui, il commercio fi perderebbe, e fi farebbe facilméte guerra con le nationi f{traniere. Non @ finita ancora la cerimonia Il corpo, a cui ft: alzato il fepolcro, non vi deue ripofar nudo; bifogna riueftirlo, come era in vita, e per quefto fecero tre prefenti per vna camicia, vn giuppone, calzoni &c. e per vn’ archibugio con poluere, e palle, che il morto hauea; e per ritirare dalla piaga 1’ accetta mortale aggionfero anche vn prefente. Quanti colpi ha riceuuto il morto, tanti prefenti haurebbero douuto fare, per rifaldarli vi aggionfero ancora tre altri prefenti; il primo per chiuder la terra, che fi era aperta, il fecondo per affodarla, e qui tutti incominciarono, fecondo il loro coftume, a ballare in fegno d’ allegrezza; il terzo per impedire con vna groffa pietra (come dicono) che quell’ abiffo non s’ apriffe mai pit: e fette altri, primo per rendere la voce 4 miffionanti, fecondo per efortare i noftri domeftici a non riuolgere |’ armi contro 1’ ho- micida, ma contro i loro nimici; il terzo per riaccen- dere il fuoco, che teneuamo fempre accefo per com- modo de paffaggieri, il quarto per riaprir la porta dell’ Hofpitio de’ noftri Chriftiani che frequentemente alloggiauamo, il quinto per rimettere nell’ acqua il batello, del quale ci feruiuamo per farli paffare il fiume quando veniuano 4 vifitarci, il fefto per rimetter il remo nelle mani d’ vn giouane, che haueua cura di
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 285
men, partly, too, because they people the countries, — on which account, their lives should be more pre- cious to the public, and their weakness should have greater support from justice. For an alien they ask more; because otherwise, they say, murders would be continuous, trade would be ruined, and war would easily occur with foreign nations. The ceremony is not yet finished. The body for which the sepulcher was erected must not repose there naked; it is nec- essary to clothe it as it was in life. Accordingly they made three presents, for a shirt, a doublet, breeches, etc., and for an arquebus with powder and balls, which the deceased had; and, to withdraw from the wound the deadly hatchet, they added a further present. As many blows as the dead has received, so many gifts they would have been obliged to make, in order to heal the wounds. Thereto they added three more presents: the first, to close the earth, which had opened itself; the second, to make it solid,—and here all began, according to their cus- tom, to dance in token of gladness; the third, to prevent, with a great stone (as they say), that chasm from ever opening again. There were also seven others: the first, to restore speech to the mission- aries; the second, to exhort our domestics not to turn their arms against the murderer, but against their enemies; the third, to rekindle the fire which we kept always lighted for the convenience of trav- elers; the fourth, to open again the door of the Hos- pice for our Christians, whom we frequently lodged; the fifth, to put back in the water the boat which we used for conveying them across the river when they came to visit us; the sixth, to restore the paddle to the hands of a young man who had charge of that
286 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 38
quel paffaggio, il fettimo per 1’ Illuftriffimo Signor Gouernatore, che chiamano Onontio. [19 i.e., 21] N’ hauereffimo potuto efigere due altri per riedificare la noftra Cafa, e Chiefa, e per ereggere quattro Croci, che erano nelli quattro angoli del noftro diftretto, ma ci contentammo di quelli, che fpon- taneamente ci offerfero. Tre de’ primi Capitani conclufero la cerimonia con tre prefenti gratuiti, che fecero per efortarci ad effer fempre coftanti in amarli. Tutti quefti prefenti arriuarono A cento.
Per rifpofta facemmo ancor noi de prefenti A ciafcheduna delle otto nationi per rinodare, e céfer- mare 1’ antica amicitia, per efortarli a {tar fempre vniti, e d’ accordo, e tra di loro, e con i Francefi, per meglio refiftere a’ loro nemici, per impedire le male- dicenze, che correuano contro la fede ed i Chriftiani, i quali incolpauano d’ ogni finiftro accidente per confolarli della perdita di alcuni de’ loro vecifi da gl’ inimici, & in fine afficurarli, che 1’ Illuftrifs. Sig. Gouernatore, che era il Signor Caualiere di Mont- magni, e tutti i Francefi fi feordarebbero per fempre di quell’ homicidio, per il quale haueuano fecondo i loro co{tumi pienamente fodisfatto.
Ecco come punifcono gli homicidij, e quando i prefenti mancano al fecondo, 6 al terzo fi dichiarano le guerre tra le nationi.
1652-53] BRESSANI’S RELATION, 1653 287
passage; the seventh, for the most Illustrious Signor Governor, whom they call Onontio. [Ig i.e., 21] We might have required two others, to rebuild our House and Church, and to erect four Crosses which were at the four corners of our territory; but we contented ourselves with those which they offered us voluntarily. Three of the first Captains concluded the ceremony with three gratuitous gifts, which they made to exhort us to be always constant in loving them. All these presents amounted to a hundred.
In return, we also made gifts to each of the eight nations, to bind up again and to confirm the old friendship; to exhort them to be always united and at peace, both among themselves and with the French, in order the better to resist their enemies; to prevent the slanders which were current against the faith and the Christians, whom they accused of every disastrous accident; to console them for the loss of some of theirs, killed by the enemies; and finally, to assure them that the most Illustrious Signor Gov- ernor, who was the Signor Chevalier de Montmagni, and all the French, would forever forget that murder,— for which they had, according to their customs, made full satisfaction.
It is thus that they punish murders; and, when presents are not forthcoming at the second or the third time, wars are declared among the nations.
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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. XXXVIII
LXXXlI
For bibliographical particulars of the Relation of 1651—52, see Vol. XX XVII.
LXXXII
The bibliography of the /ournal des /ésuites was given in Vol. XXVII.
LXXXIII
In reprinting Bressani’s Breve Relatione we follow the original Italian text, from a copy in the library of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. It is not described in Harrisse’s Votes; but the omission is evidently unintentional, as he refers to it in the note appended to no. 475. The volume is dedicated to Cardinal de Lugo ‘‘ Di Macerata li 19. Luglio 1653.”
Collation: Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; dedi- cation, with privilege dated ‘‘ Rome 26. Martij 1653’ on the verso, 1 leaf; text, beginning with the **Proemio’’ or introduction, pp. 1-127 (for pp. I—129), with ‘‘ Tauola de’ Capitoli’’ on verso of p. 127. The signatures are: Two preliminary leaves, A in four, Bin five, C-Qin fours. The insertion of a leaf between sig. B, and B, is responsible for the omission of two pages of the pagination, namely on the verso of B, and on the verso of the inserted leaf.
Copies have been sold or priced as follows: Quar-
290 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES
itch (1860), no. 3930, priced at £3. 3s; Leclerc (1867), no. 209, sold for 7o fr., and (1878), no. 684, priced at 350 fr.; Murphy sale (1884), no. 343, sold for $16; Barlow (1890), no. 333, sold for $27; Silvio Bocca, of Rome, priced (1892) at 200 lire, and (1896) 100 lire; Dufossé (1891-96), priced at 150 to 200 fr. ; Maisonneuve, of Paris, priced (1898) at 200 fr.; and Jacques Rosenthal, of Munich, priced (1898) at 175 marks. There are copies in the following libraries: Lenox, Brown (private), Ayer (private), State Histor- ical Society of Wisconsin, Provincial Parliament (Ottawa), St. Mary’s College (Montreal), Laval Uni- versity (Quebec), British Museum, and Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris).
In 1852, ‘the Rev. Felix Martin, 5.]., published a French translation of Bressani, in which he included some important additions. It collates as follows:
Relation abrégée, | de | Quelques Missions | des | Péres de la Compagnie de Jésus | dans la | Nou- velle-France, | Par le | R. P. F.-J. Bressany [szc], | de la méme Compagnie. | Traduit de 1’Italien et augmenté d’un avant-propos, de la Biographie de l’Auteur, | et d’un grand Nombre de Notes et de Gravures, | par le | R. P. F. Martin, | de la méme Compagnie. | Montréal: | Des Presses 4 Vapeur de John Lovell, Rue St. Nicolas. | 1852.
Engraved title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; printed title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; ‘‘ Avant-propos du Traducteur,’’ pp. 5-11; p. 12, blank; ‘‘ Biographie du P. Francois-Joseph Bressany,’’ pp. 13-45; p. 46, blanks Epitre dédicatoire,’’ p. 47; privilege, p. 48; ‘‘ Introduction,’’ pp. 49 and 50; text of Bressani, pp. 51-290; ‘‘ Appendice,’’ pp. 291-336; a separate slip, of 7 Errata,’
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. XXXVIII_ 291
The appendix contains several important docu- ments, among them Father Jogues’s ‘‘ Novum Bel- gium;’’ a note on ‘‘ Wampum;” a list of the Fathers who served in the mission to the Hurons; a ‘‘ Précis historique sur la Mission Huronne’”’ (9% pp.); and ‘“Notes sur la Géographie ancienne du Canada’’ (11 pp.). The book is illustrated with numerous cuts and maps, many of which are in the text. An ‘‘ Explication des Gravures,’’ on pp. 330-333, will sufficiently locate them for the book-collector.
The French translation is common enough, and may be found, generally, in collections of Canadiana. The market value may be estimated from the fol- lowing data: Thomas W. Field sale (1875), no. 197, fetched $1.62; O’Callaghan (1882), no. 377, sold for $2.75; Murphy (1884), no. 342, sold for $3.50; Du- fossé, priced (1891) at 10 fr.; Chadenat, priced (1896) ab Zin.
Martin’s work was made the basis for a popular account of the early Jesuits in Canada, published at Montreal, in 1877, by Rev. Theodore Fleck, S.]J., under the title, Les /ésuztes Martyrs du Canada.
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NOTES TO VOL. XXXVIII
(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages ‘of English text. )
I (p. 35).—Reference is probably made here to John Winslow, one of the Plymouth ‘merchants engaged in the Kennebec trade (vol. xxxvi., 2o0tes 7, 14).
2 (p. 39).-— The ‘‘ Acadian Patriarchs ’’ were the Capuchin Fathers (vol. xxx., note'22).
3 (p. 49).— High mightinesses: see vol. xxii., note 14.
4 (p. 109).— Jean Bagot was born at Rennes, France, in 1591, and at the age of nineteen entered the Jesuit novitiate. After his ordina- tion, he was successively a teacher of theology, censor of books for the Jesuit general at Rome, and head of the Congregations of the Blessed Virgin in France. Bagot wrote various controversial works, especially those attacking Jean Rousse, of Paris, regarding the obligation of confession.
5 (p. 145).—The Feuillants were a reformed congregation of Cistercians, founded in 1577 by Jean dela Barriere. The latter order, a branch of the Benedictines, was founded in 1098, at Citeaux (Cis- tercium), five leagues from Dijon, by St. Robert. It was from this monastery that St. Bernard went forth to found that of Clairvaux (vol. xxxi., 207 5).
6 (p. 149).— Banguzer: according to Littré, a''broker, or agent, employed at the.‘court ‘of Rome.to expedite ‘the despatch of bulls, dispensations, etc. Cf. Marie de l'Incarnation’s remark as to a bull desired by the Ursulines— Lettres (Richaudeau’s ed.), t. 1., p. 429.
Father Jones remarks upon this passage in our text, ‘‘ It means that she would not hear of any mitigation of the austerities of religious life, or of any exceptional expense in her case, or: of dispensations, . . . for, of course, in cases like the above, there was no need of applying to the Pope, or to bankers.”’
7 (p. 171).—Claude Charron, born 1621, was a merchant of Que- bec, of which town he was elected an alderman in 1663. In that year also, he was a member of the Tadoussac trading company. The date of his death is not recorded, but was after 1686.
294 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES
8 (p. 171).— Louis Couillard, eldest son of Guillaume (vol. xii., note 27), bore the title of Sieur de l’Espinay. His wife was a daugh- ter of Nicolas Després (vol. xxxvii., zofe 4); they had six children.
9 (p-. 173).—See Lalemant’s commendation of this donné in vol. vi., Pp. 55-57: ,
10 (p. 175).—A son of Jean Guyon (vol. xxvii., zo¢e 16); Simon was born in 1621, and died in 1682.
II (p. 175).— Francois Boulé (vol. xxviii., zofe 20) was a farmer at Cap Rouge, as was also Pierre Garemand (vol. xxvii., zofe 12).
12 (p. 181).— Séza,é was the Huron name of the Sault Ste. Marie; by the Enskia,e‘ronnons are doubtless meant the tribe there resident, better known as Sauteurs (vol. xvili., mote 16). The rendezvous mentioned in the text was evidently located on the east shore of Lake Michigan. As this was a gathering of Algonkin tribes, it was prob- ably the Nipissings, not the Winnebagoes, who were intended by the term Aweatsiwaenronnons (vol. x., zoZé 7).
Sken‘chio,e, the place where the remnant of the Neutrals spent the winter, seems to be mentioned only in this place; but the etymology of the name, and the location of the Skenchiohronons (vol. viii., p. 302), would suggest that this place was, or had been, the residence of that tribe. Coyne says (Country of Neutrals, p- 19): ‘‘ This is probably the last we hear of the Neutrals under their own name. Some of the survivors united with the remnant of the Hurons at Mackinac and on Lake Superior; and under the names of Hurons and Wyandots they appear from time to time on the page of history. Their removal to Detroit, on the establishment of the latter trading-post by Cadillac, is perpetuated by the name of Wyandotte, to the south of that city.’’
13 (p. 185).—Ragueneau’s handwriting ends here, and is followed by that of Jerome Lalemant, until Aug. 21, pending the arrival of the new superior, Le Mercier.
Christophe Crevier, sieur de la Meslé, came from the vicinity of La Rochelle, France, with his family to Quebec, about 1638; soon afterward, he settled at Three Rivers,— where he acquired (1655 — 60) the fief of St. Christophe. One of his daughters, Jeanne, became (1650) the second wife of Pierre Boucher, governor of Three Rivers, by whom she had sixteen children. Two of Crevier’s sons were killed by the Iroquois.
Guillaume Pelletier (Peltier), a native of Perche, is first men- tioned as a colonist in 1646; his wife was Michelle Morille. He died in November, 1657.
Francois Belanger, a native of Normandy, came to Quebec as early as 1636. In the following year, he married Marie, daughter
NOTES TO VOL. AXXVIIL 295
of Jean Guyon (vol. xxvii., zofe 16), by whom he had thirteen children.
Pierre Picard, born 1616, married Renée Suronne, by whom he had one son; he died at Quebec in 1676.
From this point there is no record in the Journal for five days (August 10-14); but there is, in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal, an interesting document of this period,— a formal request (dated Aug. 10, 1653) by the governor, De Lauson, to the Jesuits to fortify their house in Quebec for defense against the Iroquois, ““since it is necessary to provide for the refuge and Safety of the Habitants of Quebecq, in case the Enemies make a Raid thereon, and as the place is entirely open and without defense,—the house of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers being the only building which can afford shelter to many persons and families, in such an emergency.”’
14 (p. 189).— Concerning the relations of Canada and Rouen, see vol. xvi., zote 5. The purpose of Vimont’s journey in 1647 1s more fully stated in vol. xxx., p. 191. The ‘‘inquiry into the lives and holy deaths of our Fathers’’ had at least one result—the prepara- tion by Ragueneau (vol. ix., ze¢e qo) of the MS. of 1652 upon the above subject.
From this point, the Journal is written by Le Mercier, until Feb. 5, 1654.
15 (p. 213).— Caraffa (vol. xxx., wofe g) was succeeded, as general of the Jesuits, by Francesco Piccolomini (December, 1649), who died June 17, 1651. In the following January, Alessandro Gottifredi was elected general, but lived only two months thereafter. Mar. 17, 1653, Goswin Nickel was raised to this dignity, which he retained eight years,— resigning his office (June 7, 1661) in favor of Jean Paul Oliva. Three years later, he died.
16 (p. 217).— Martin (Bressany, p. 49, mote) thinks that this isa reference to Du Creux’s H7zst. Canadenszs; but Bressani’s own statement in the text, and one or two other allusions of his, rather indicate that he himself contemplated writing a book, similar in scope to Du Creux’s.
17 (p. 227).— For meaning of name Canada, see vol. ii., zote 48.
18 (p. 233).— Detailed information concerning these localities, the early settlements on the St. Lawrence, and the history of Canada up to Bressani’s time, is given in preceding volumes of this series.
Ig (p. 235).— Regarding these tides, Martin says (Bressany, p. 62, mote 1): ‘‘ This geographical error has long been prevalent, and Chateaubriant himself adopted it. It is now known that all the great lakes of Canada have neither flow nor ebb, properly speaking. They are subject, however, at times to considerable variations of
296 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES
level. These must be attributed, it would seem, to local and acci-
dental causes,— to the violence or the persistence of winds, to the
abundance or the force of certain currents of water.’’ Ondatawawat: the Ottawas (vol. xiv., 2ofe 9).
20 (p. 243).—Cf. descriptions of Canadian fauna given by Le Jeune (vol. vi., pp. 295-317), and Sagard (Grand Voyage, Tross ed., pp. 209-230).
21 (p. 245).— For value of the measure known as ‘‘ palm,”’ see vol. xxix., 20fe 7. Martin says (Bressany, p. 69, note): ‘‘ The Italian palm measured 8 pouces, 3 lines’’ of French measure,— equivalent to 8.8 inches, English measure; but this is considerably less than the value given by Littré.
22 (p. 247).— Testone: see vol. ix., note 39.
23 (p. 247).— Canne: a measure of length used in various coun- tries, especially in Italy, the value of which is not constant; that of Naples is equivalent to two meters, twenty-nine centimeters.
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