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Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2008 with funding from
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http://www.archive.org/details/1troublesomeraign00shakuoft
-Sfe*^ ^Vol, ^\_^
THE TROUBLESOME RAIGNE
OF
JOHN, KING OF ENGLAND.
THE FIRST QUARTO, 1591,
WHICH SHAKSPERE REWROTE (ABOUT 1595) AS HIS "LIFE AND DEATH OF KING JOHN."
PART II.
A FACSIMILE, BY PHOTOLITHOGRAPHY, FROM THE UNIQUE ORIGINAL IN THE CAPELL COLLECTION AT TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,
BY
CHARLES PRAETORIUS.
WITH FOREWORDS BY F. J. FURNIVALL, M.A., PH.D.
LONDON :
Produced by C. PRAETORIUS, 14 Clareville Grove,
Hereford Square, S.W.
1SS8.
43 SHAKSPERE aUARTO FACSIMILES,
■\VITU INTRODUCTIONS, LINE-NUMBERS, &C., RY SHAKSRERE SCHOLARS,
ISSUED UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF DR. F. J. FURNIVALL.
I. Tliosc by W. Griggs.
1. Hamlet. ie03. ai.
2. Hamlet. 1604. Q:-.
3. Midsummer Night's Dream. 1600. Qi-
Fisher.)
4. Midsummer Night's Dream. 1609. Q2.
Roberts.;
5. Loves Labor's Lost. 1598. Qi. G. Merrv 'Wives. 1602. On.
7. Merchant of "Venice. ICOO. Qi, (Roberts.)
2. Those by
14. Much Ado About Nothing. IGOO. fti.
15. Taming of a Shrew. 1594. Oi.
16. Merchant of "Venice. 1600. Q2. 'Heyes.)
18. Richard n. 1597. Qi. Mr. Huth's copy.
19. Richard VL. 1608. Qj.
20. Richard IL 1634. ft5.
21. Pericles. 1609. Qi.
22. Pericles. 1609. Q2.
23. The 'Whole Contention. 1619. fta. Part I.
for 2 Henry 'VL).
24. The "Whole Cont.ntion. 1619. Q3. PartlL
for 3 Henry VI. .
25. Rnmco and Juliet. 1597. Qi.
26. Romeo and Juliet. 1599. Q2.
27. Henry V. 1600. Oi.
28. Henry V. 1608. ili.
29. Titus Aiidronicus. KiOO. Qt.
30. Sonnets and Lover's Complaint. 10C9. Qi.
No.
8. Henry IV. 1st Part. 15E8. Qi.
9. Henry rV. 2nd Part. 1600. Qi. 10. Passionate Pilgrim. 1599. Qi. H. Richard in. 1597. Oi.
12. 'Venus and Adonis. 1593. Qi.
13. Troilus and Cressida. 1609. Qi.
17. Richard n. 1597. Qi. Duke of Devon- shire's copy. (Bi.it vtrsion : text printed.)
C. Praeiorius.
31. Othello. 162?. Oi.
32. OtheUo. 1630. Q2.
33. King Lear. 1608. Qi. (N. Butter, Ta/t
Bi'iA:.
34. King Lear. 1608. Q2. (N. Butter.)
35. Rape of Lucrece. 1594. Qi.
36. Romeo and Juliet. Undated. Q4.
37. Contention. 1594. Qi. iFor 2 Henry 'VI.)
38. True Tragedy. 15j5. Q,i. (For 3 Henry
VI.i
39. The Famous 'Victories of Henry V. 15C8.
at.
40. The Troublesome Raigne of King John.
PartL 1591. Qi.
41. The Troublesome Raigne of King John.
Part II. 1591. Qi.
42. Richard III. 1602. Oj.
43. Richard III. 1022. Q6. [0,1 sionc.)
Hi
2150
im
\SlMkspcrc-Quaito l-'acshniL's, No. 41.]
m
TROUBLESOME RAIGNE, PART II. FOREWORDS.
Sources of Part I.
Sc. i. Death and Character of Richard I, p. iii ; First strife hetiveen John and Arthur, p. iv ; I'he Falconbridge in- cident, p. vii ; Falconbridge possibly taken in part from Falco de Brenta or Breanle, p. xxxix.
Sc. ii, iv. Anglers, and the Betrothal of Lcives and Blanche, p. viii.
Sc. iii, vi. Bastard and Limoges, p. x.
Sc. V. Pandulph, John, and the Inter- dict, p. X ; Johns Headship of the Church, p. xii.
Sc. vii — ix. Capture of Q. Eleanor, p. xiv ; of Arthur, p. xv.
Sc. x. The Prophet, p. xviii.
Sc. xi. Arthur and Hubert, \i. xvi.
Sc. xii. The 5 Moons (p. xviii) ; John's recroionin^, p. xvi ; the Prophet, p. xviii.
Sources of Part II.
Sc. i. Arthur s death, p. xvii.
Sc. ii. The Prophet, p. xviii; Q. Eleanor s death, p. xix ; John's sub- mission to the Pope, p. xxiv.
Sc. iii. Cojispiracy of the Nobles, p. xxi.
Sc. iv. Pandulph,John and Lezves, p. xxv.
Sc.iv. 73-6, A-. viii. 94-7. John's ill hap since he submitted to the Pope, p. xx.
Sc. v. Melun's Confession of Leivcs's Treachery, p. xxix,
Sc. vi, viii. John at Swinstead, p. xxx ; His ill hap, p. xx ; His Death, p. xxx.
Sc. vii. The French forces, p. xxxiii.
Sc. ix. The Treaty of Peace, p. xxxv ; John's Burial at Worcester, p. xxxii.
Merits of the old Play, p. xxxvii. Corrections for pages 34-9, p. xxx viii. Falconbridge, p. xxxix. The Persons of th: Play, p. xl.
This Tnmhlesojne Raigne was Shakspere's material for his King John, and in the Forewords to Part I, Mr. Rose showd how skilfully (in the main) our Poet used that material, though he faild to make of it a good acting play. With the help of my friend Mr. W. G. Stone, I propose now to give what was probably the old Playwright's material, those parts of Holinshed's and Hall's Chronicles {Holinshed, ed. 2, 1586-7, vol. iii.) which he used, with a few words linking them together.
The old Playwright starts his first Part with the death of John's elder brother, Richard, ' \ ictorious scourge of Infidels,' the Lion- Heart of England, and with the sorrow of the land in consequence. On this, and the quality which may have led to the insertion of the Lady Falconbridge incident, Holinshed says: —
(156. i. 46) 'At length king Richard [1] by force of a.d. 1199. sicknesse (increased with anguish of his incurable wound) departed this life, on the tuesdaie before Palmesundaie, being the ninth of Aprill, and the xj. day after he was hurt, in the yeare after the birth of our Sauior 1199. in the 44 yeare of his age, and after he had reigned nine yeares, nine moneths, and pd daies : he left no issue behind him.
King Kichard departed this life.
iv PT. I. SC. I. RICH. I'S CHARACTER. JOHN AND ARTHUR IN FRANCE.
His stature & shape of bodie. His disposi- tion of mind.
The vices that were in King Kicliard.
Fulco a priest.
He was tall of stature, and well proportioned, faire and comelie of face ....
' As he was comelie of personage, so was he of stomach more courngious and fierce, so that not without cause, he obteined the surname of Ciieur de lion, that is to sale. The lions hart. Moreouer, he was courteous to his souldiers, and towards his freends and strangers that resorted vnto him verie liberall
[Col. 2] 'He was noted of the common people to be partlie subiect vnto pride^ which surelie for the most part foloweth stoutnesse of mind : of incontinencie, to the which his youth might happilie be somewhat bent ; and of couetousnesse . . . On a time whiles he soiourned in France about his warres . . there came vnto him a French priest whose name was Fulco, who required the K[ing] in any wise to put from him three abhominable daughters which he had ..." for thou hast three daughters, one of them is called pride, the second couetousnesse, and the third lecherie"' . . .
Next succeeds King John, the ' second hope ' of Queen Elinor's womb (Sc. i. 1. 6) ; and at once the strife between him (then in France) and Arthur begins {Hoi. iii., p. 157, col. i) :—
'This mnn, so soone as his brother Richard was deceassed, sent Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and William Marshall earle of Striguill (otherwise called Chep- stow) into England, both to proclaime him king, and also to see his peace kept, togither with Geffrey Fitz Peter lord cheefe iustice, and diuerse other barons of the realme, whilest he himselfe went to Chinon where his brothers trea- sure laie, which was foorthwith deliucred vnto him by Robert de Turneham : and therevvithall the castell of Chinon and Sawmerand diuerse other places, which were in tlie custodie of the foresaid Robert.
' But Thomas de Furnes, nephue to the said Robert de Turneham, deliucred the citie and castell of Anglers vnto Arthur duke of Jjritaine. For by generall consent of the nobles and peeres of the countries of Aniou, Maine, and Touraine, Arthur was receiued as the liege and souereigne lord of the same countries.
' For euen at this present, and so soone as it was knowne
that king Richard was deceased, diuerse cities and townes
on that side of the sea belonging to the said Richard
whilest he liucd, fell at ods among themselues, some of
[Arthur pre- thcm indcuouring to prcfcrre king John, other labouring
tojohn.T'""^ rather to be vnder the goucrnance of Arthur duke of
Anno Reg. i. Rog. Honed,
Matth. J'.iris. Chinon.
Robert de Turnhain.
[Angiers given up to Artliur.]
PT. I. SC. I. Q. ELEANOR SORE AGAINST ARTHUR. JOHN IN ENGLAND, V
Britaine, considering that he seemed by most right to be their cheefe lord, forsomuch as he was sonne to Geffrey, elder brother to lohn. And thus began the broile in those quarters, whereof in processe of time insued great inconuenience, and finallie the death of the said Arthur, as shall be shewed hereafter.'
But Queen Eleanor 'being bent to prefer hir sonne lohn, left no stone vnturned to establish him in the throne, comparing oftentimes the difference of gouerne- ment betweene a king that is a man, and a king that is but a child. For as lohn was 32 yeares old, so Arthur duke of Britaine was but a babe to speake of. In the end, winning all the nobilitie wholie vnto hir will, and seeing the coast to be cleare on euerie side, without any doubt of tempestuous weather likelie to arise, she signified the whole matter vnto K. John, who forthwith framed all his indeuours to the accomplishment of his businesse.
'Surelie queene Elianor the kings mother, was sore against his nephue Arthur, rather niooued thereto by enuie conceiued against his mother, than vpon any iust occasion giuen in the behalfe of the child, for that she saw, if he were king, how his mother Constance would looke to beere most rule within the real me of England, till hir sonne should come to lawful! age, to gouerne of himselfe.
. . . ' When this dooing of the queene was signified vnto the said Constance, she, doubting the suertie^ of hir sonne, committed him to the trust of the French king, who re- ceiuing him into his tuition, promised- to defend him from all his enimies, and foorthwith furnished ti^.e holds in Britaine with French souldiers. Queene Elianor being aduertised hereof, stood in doubt by and by of hir countrie of Guien, and therefore with all possible speed passed ouer the sea, and came to hir sonne lohn into Normandie, and shortlie after they went foorth togither into the countrie of l'>Iaine, and there tooke both the citie and castell of INIauns, throwing downe the wals and turrets therof, with all the fortifications and stone-houses in and about the same, and kept the citizens as prisoners, bicause they had aided Arthur against his vncle lohn.'
After Easter, king John was invested duke of Norm leaving his mother to defend Guienne, he past over into landing at Shoreham on May 25, 1199.
' On the next day, being Ascension eeue, he came to London, there to receiue the crowne.'
J safety - p. 158, col. 2.
A.D. iigg. [Q. Eleanor
[wins over the nobles.]
Queene
Elianors enuie against Arthur.
Constance dutchesse of Britaine.
[.Arthur en- trusted to K.Philip IL]
Queene Elianor passeth into Nonnandie.
The city of
INIauns
take«.
Mattk.
Paris.
R. Honed.
andy, and England,
K. John coiucth ouer into Kng- hiud.
VI rx. I. sc. 1. PHILIP II s demands, and joun s refusal of them.
John's coronation took place on May 27, 1199. During his
absence {IIoli?ished's Chronicle^ vol. iii. p. 160/1)
A'. Triuet. ' in England, Philip K. of f>ance hauing leuied an armie,
K/lnvade'th brake into Normandie, and tooke the citie of Eureux, the
Normandie. towne of Arqucs, and diuerse other places from the English.
A.D. 1199. ^j^^ passing from thence into Maine, he recouered that
countrie lately before through feare alienated. In an other
part, an armie of Eritains with great diligence wan the
townes of Gorney, Buteuant and Gensolin, and following
[Angiers the victoric, tooke the citie of Anglers, which king lohn
joiin"/'^"'" ^"^"^ woon from duke Arthur, in the last yeare passed.
These things being signified to king lohn, he thought to
make prouision for the recouerie of his losses there, with
all speed possible.'
Nearly a year elapst between John's negotiations with Philij) II.
in II 99, ai:d those which ended in the marriage of Lewes and
Blanche {Hoi. iii. 160/2).
Rp!;.Houed. * About the samc time, king Philip made Arthur duke
o/Britafw^ of Britaine knight, and receiued of him his homage for
made knight. Aniou, Poicticrs, Maine, Touraine, and Britaine. Also
A.D. iiryg. somewhat before the time that the truce should expire ;
[Aug. 16] to wit, on the morrow after the feast of the Assumption
of our ladie, and also the day next following, the two
kings talked by commissioners, in a place betwixt the
townes of Buteuant and Guleton. Within three dales
after, they came togither personallie, and conununed at
The French full of the Variance de])endin^ betweene them. But the
m'anl ^ Frcuch king shewed himselfe stiffe and hard in this
trcatie, demanding the whole countrie of Veulquessine to
be restored vnto him, as that which had beene granted
by Geffrey earle of Aniou, the fatiier of king Henrie the
second, vnto Lewes le Grosse, to haue his aid then
against king Stephan. Moreouer, he demanded, that
Poictiers, Aniou, Maine, and Touraine, should be de-
liuered and wholie re:igned vnto Arthur duke of Britaine.^
ijoiin refuses ' But tlicsc, & diucrsc other requests which he made,
king lohn would not in any wise grant vnto, and so they
departed without conclusion of any agreement
a pc.icc shorilie after a peace was concluded betwixt king lohn iuiin'& hi's"^ and his nephue duke Arthur, though the same serued nciihuc. but to small purpose.
The mistrust • • • * vpon somc mistrust and suspicion gathered in the that duke obseruation of the couenants on K. lohns behalfe, both
Arthur h.-id '
"1 '"\^I"-'*^ ' The Playwright in Part I, sc. iv, lines 160-1, makes Philip II.
" " '■ demand lliese (with Vculquessine) for liis own son Lewes, on his marriage witli Blanche.
n. I. SC. I. POSSIBLE SOURCE OP THE FALCOXBRIDGE IXCIDEXT. Vll
the said Arthur, with his mother Constance, the said
vicount of Tours, and diuerse other, tied awaie secrethe
from the king, and got them to the citie of Angiers, where
the mother of the said Arthur refusing hir former husband
the earle of Chester, married hir selfe to the lord Guie [Constance
de Tours, brother to the said vicount, by the popes Suy of ^°'"^
dispensation.' Tuurs.j
Sc. i, lines 75-304, p. 7-13, the incident of the brothers Falcon- bridge and their Mother, may have been adapted in part from the following story of the Duke of Orleans's bastard son (the ' Bastard of Orleans' of i Henry VI. I. ii. 46, &c.) told by Hall in his Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 144-5, under 'The .VI. year of Kyng Henry the .VI.,' I Sept. 1427-8 : —
" Here must I a litle digresse, and declare to you, what was this bastard of Orleance, which was not onely [The Rast- now capitain of the citee [Orleans, then besieged by the ofkans J^nglish^], but also after, by Charles the sixt made erle of Dunoys, and in great authoritie in Fraunce, and extreme enemie to the Englishe nacion, as by this story you shall apparauntly perceiue, of whose line and steme dyscend the Dukes of Longuile and the Marques of Rutylon.
" Lewes, Duke of Orleance, — murthered in Paris by lohn, duke of Burgoyne, as you before haue harde, — was owner of the Castle of Coucy, on the Frontiers of Fraunce toward Arthoys, wherof he made Constable, the lord of Cauny, a man not so wise as his wife was faire ; and yet 'IV'^f,'^^^"" she was not so faire, but she was as well beloued of the La'dyCauny! Duke of Orleance, as of her husband. Betwene the duke j^;',^^'^^'^'' and her hu^bande (I cannot tell who was father) she con- Orleans, ceiued a child, and brought furthe a pretye boye called boy,a^,d* Ihon; whiche chyld beyng of the age of one yere, the soon died, duke disceased ; and not long after, the mother and the Lorde of Cauny ended their hues. The next of kynne [The boy's to the lord of Cauny chalenged the enheritaunse, whiche l^ff^gg^ was worth foure thousande crounes a yere, alledgyng tliat tiond; the boye was a bastard : and the kynred of the mothers side, for to saue her honesty, it plainly denied. In con- clusion, this matter was ia contencio^ before the Presi- [and at the dentes of the parliament of Paris, and there hang in he\;a's8r controuersie till the child came to the age of eight yeres old. At which tyme it was demaunded of hym openly [/. 145] whose Sonne he was : his fre//des of his mothers side aduertised him to require a day, to be adui.sed of so
1 It was at this siege tliat Lord Salisbury and Sir Tlios. Gargrave were kild by the son of the Frencii Master Gunner, as told by Hall, p. 145, and in I Henry VJ, Act I, sc. iv, 1. 69, 71.
viii I'T. I. SC. I. FALCONBRIDGE INCIDENT. SC. II, IV. SIEGE OF ANGIEUS.
great on answer; wliiche he asked, & to hym it was
grauwted. In y' meane season, his said frendes persuaded
him to claime his inlieritaunce, as sonne to the Lorde of
Cawny, which was an honorable liuyng, and an auncie^^t
patrimony; affirming, that if he said contrary, he not only
slau«dered his mother, shamed himself, & stained his
bloud, but also should haue no liuyng, nor any thing to
take to. The scholemastcr, thinkyng tha\ his disciple
had well learned his lesson, and would reherse it accord-
[thc boy told yng to his instruccio/;, brought hym before the ludges at
the Judges ^-^q^ (jafg assigned; and when the question was repeted to
hym again, he boldly answered, 'my harte geueth me, &
[th.athewas my uoblc coragc telleth me, that I am the sonne of the
iL'st^S^^nd noble Duke of Orleaunce ; more glad to be his Bastarde,
not the ' \vith a meane liuyng, then the lawfull sonne of that coward
Cauny's son. cuckolde Cawny, with his foure thousand crounes ' [a year].
" The Justices muche merueiled at his bolde answere ;
and his mothers cosyns detested him for shamyng of l-is
mother; and his fathers supposed^ kinne reioysed in
[The Duke gainyng the patrimony and possessions. Charles, duke
of Orleans Qf Qrlcance, heryn^ of this iudgement, toke hym into his
adopted and , ., ^ ' •{ . ^ r,- ^ r i • i i n
endowd family, (\: gaue him great ofhces & fees, which he well
the boy; descrucd, for (duryng his [the Duke's] captiuilie) he [the [andhedrove Bastard] dcfez/dcd his [the Duke's] la;/des, expulscd Hsh.]"^ ^"^' theng'ishmen, & in conclusion procured his deliueraunce."
For his first Scene then, the old Playwright borrowd only the death of Richard I, the succession of John, supported by his Motlier, the opposition of Arthur backt by Philip II, with demands for cession of territory by John to both Philip and Arthur ; and for the Falconbridge part, th.e possible hint of the Orleans narrative in Hall.
For Scenes ii and iv of Pt. I, the Playwright had only the follow- ing accounts of the Siege of Angiers in 1199 and 1206, and the negotiations for the marriage of Lewes and lUanche in 1200: — A.D. 1199. {IIol. iii. 158/2.) ' In the meane time his mother queene
EHanor, togither with capteine Marchades, entred into Anion, and wasted the same, bicause they of that countrie The city of 'i^d rccciucd Arthur for their souereigne lord and gouer- fik"ir^ nour.2 Andamongst other townes and fortresses, they tookc
,jog tlie citie of Angiers, slue manic of the citizens, and com-
wh«o/vV.c.8. mited tlie rest to prison.' (170/1,27) 'Finallie he [K.John]
'de\-la',u!" entred into Anion, and comming to the citie of Angiers,
i-otyjor. ' appointed certeine bands of his footmen, & all his light
horsscm.n to compasse the towne about, whilest he, with
the residue of the footmen, & all the men of amies, did go
' Psujiposcd fallicr's. (On Falconljiidgc, sec p. xxxix, below.) ' See p. iv above ; and John's capture of the town, menliond on p. vi.
PT. I. SC. II, IV. TREATY FOR MARRIAGE OF LEWES AND BLANCHE. ix
to assault the gates. Which enterprise with fire and sword he so manfulUe executed, that the gates being in a moment broken open, the citie was entered and deUuered to the souldiers for a preie. So that of the citizens some were taken, some killed, and the wals of the citie beaten flat to the ground. This doone, he went abroad into the countrie, and put all things that were in his way to the like destruc- tion. Then came the people of the countries next adioin- ing, of their owne accord to submit themselues vnto him, promi.-,ing to aid him with men and vittals most plentifullie.'
(161/1, 53) ' Finallie vpon the Ascension day in this second yeare of his [John's] reigne, they came eftsoones to a communication betwixt the townes of Vernon and Lisle Dandelie, where finallie they concluded an agreement, with a marriage to be had betwixt Lewes die ^onneof king Philip, and the ladie Blanch, daugliter to Alfonso king of Castile the 8 of that name, & neece toK. lohn by his sister Elanor.
' In consideration whereof, king John, besides the summe of thirtie thousand markes in siluer, as in respect of dowrie assigned to his said neece, resigned his title to the citie of Eureux, and also vnto all those townes which the French king had by warre taken from him, the citie of Angiers onelie excepted, which citie he receiued againe by couenants of the same agreement. The French king restored also to king lohn (as Rafe Niger writeth) the citie of Tours, and all the castels and fortresses which he had taken within Touraine : and moreouer, recemed of king lohn his homage for all the lands, sees and tene- ments which at anie time his brother king Richard, or his father king Henrie had holden of him, the said king Lewes ^ or any his predecessors, the quit claims and marriages alwaies excepted. The king of England like- wise did homage vnto the French king for Britaine, and againe (as after you shall heare) receiued homage for the same countrie, and for the countie of Richmont of his nephue Arthur. He also gaue the earledome of Glocester vnto the earle of Eureux, as it were by way of exchange, for that he resigned to the French king all right, title iSc claime that might be pretended to the countie of Eureux.
' By this conclusion of marriage betw-ixt the said Lewes and Blanch, the right of king lohn went awaie, which he lawfuUie before pretended vnto the citie of Eureux, and vnto those townes in the confines of Berrie, Chateau Roux or Raoul, Cressie and Isoldune, and likewise vnto the countrie of Veuxin or Veulquessine, which is a part of the territorie of Gisors : the right of all which lands.
King lohn won the citie of Angiers by assault [in 1206].
A. D. 1200. Anno. Reg. 2. [May 18]
A peace con- cluded with
Maith. Paris. [Blanche's dowry.]
[Angiers is restord to John.] Ka. A'i^er.
[1 that is, Philip II.]
[John gives up Evreux, and many other towns.]
X FT. I. SC. Ill, VI. BASTARD AND LIMOGES. SC. V. JOHN AND THE TOPE.
tonnes and countries was released to the king of France Poiydor. by K. John, who supposed that by his affinitie, and resig- nation of his riglit to those places, the peace now made Avould haue continued for ever. And in consideration The i^in-r thereof, he procured furthermore, that the foresaid Blanch Cometh back should be conucicd into France to hir husband with all Elig"ali"d° speed. That doone, he returned into England.'
Tlie 'will', which Eleanor 'can inferre' against Arthur's claim. Part I, SC ii, 1. 98, was made by Richard I., who, in April, 11 99 {Hd. iii. 155/2, 1. 68),
' seeing himselfe to wax weaker and weaker, preparing
his mind to death, which he perceiued now to be at hand, Hcorc'.eineth hc ordcincd his testament, or rather reformed and added menr^'"'" sundrie things vnto the same which he before had made,
at the time of his going forth towards the holie land. 'Vnto his brother lohn he assigned the crowne of
England, and all other his lands and dominions, causing [' foaitie) the Nobles there present to sweare fealite ^ vnto him ' . . .
For Scenes iii and vi of Part I, the old Playwright had only this bit in Holinshed, iii. 160/2, 1. 70 : —
Philip king ' The same yere Philip, bastard sonne to king Richard,
baTtrrcfson ^^ whomc his father had giuen the castell and honor of kills the Coinacke, killed the vicount of Limoges,^ in reuenge LTmoses". of his fathers death, who was slaine (as yee haue heard) in besieging the castell of Chalus Cheuerell.'
For Scene v — the Pandulph part — the old Playwright went to the years 1207 8 and 12 11- 12 in Flolinshed, Chron. iii. 1 71/21, 1. 15, and T75/1, 1. 7. See below, p. xi — xiii.
The controversy between John and Innocent III., concerning the Pope's appointment of Stephen Langton to the see of Canter- bury, began in 1207, when Innocent wrote to John, urging Langton's personal claim to preferment iyHol. iii. 'iTil2, 1. 15): —
A.I). 1207. ' Manie other reasons the pope alledged in his letters
^ "■ ".f-S- t(j j^jpg John, to haue persuaded him to the allowing of
[John the election of Stephan Langton. But king lohn was
slcphcT ^" so far from giuing care to the popes admonitions, that he
Langton's with morc crueltie handled all such, not onelie of the
supporters, gpiritualtic, but also of the temporaltie, which by any
manner means had aided the forenamed Stephan. The
pope being hereof aducrtised, thought good not to suffer
such contempt of his authoritie, as he interjjreted it;
nair.elie, in a matter that touched the iniurious handling
' He is confused with the Austrich Dul^e, in the play, ami is kild ill Part I, .Sc. vi, p. 35.
PT. I. SC. V. K. JOHN AND TlIK POPE. ENGLAND UNDER INTERDICT. xi
[The Pope resolves to checl< K. John ]
A. D. 1208.
The mondaie in the pas- sion weeUe saith Matth. West. The king and realm put vnder the popes curse.
of men within orders of the church. Which examiDle might procure hinderance, not to one priuat person alone, but to the whole estate of the spiritualtie, which he would not suffer in any wi.-e to be suppressed. Wherefore he decreed with speed to deuise remedie against that large increasing mischeefe. And though there was no speedier waie to redresse the same, but by excommunication, yet he would not vse it at the first towards so mightie a prince, but gaue him libertie and time to consider his offense and trespas-e so committed.'
As John continued obstinate, he and his realm were interdicted by the Bishops of London, Ely, and ^^'orcester, acting under Innocent's order (March 23, 1208), Hoi. iii. 17 2/1, 1. 25 : —
* Herevpon the said bishops departed, and according to the popes commission to tliem sent, vpon the euen of the Annuntiation of our Ladie, denounced both the king and the realme of England accursed, and furthermore caused the doores of churches to be closed vp, and all other places where diuine seruice was accustomed to be vsed, first at London, and after in all other places where they came. Then perceiuing that the K. ment not to stoope for all this which they had doone, but rather sought to be reuenged vpon them, they fled the realme, and got them oner vnto Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie, to wit, William bishop of London, Eustace bishop of Elie, Malger bishop of Worcester, loceline bishop of Bath, and Giles bishop of Hereford.
' The king taking this matter in verie great displeasure, seized vpon all their temporalities, and conuerted the same to his vse, and persecuted such other of the prelacie as he knew to fauour their dooings, banishing them the realme, and seizing their goods also into his hands. Howbeit the most part of the prelats wiselie prouoided for themselues in this point, so that they would not depart out of their houses, except they were compelled by force, which when the kings officers perceiued, thjy suffered them to remaine still in their abbies, and other habitations, bicause they had no commission to vse any violence in expelling them. But their goods they did confiscat to the kings vse, allowing them onelie meat and drinke, and that verie barelie in respect of their former allowance.
'51 It was a miserable time now for preestes and churchmen, which were spoiljd on euerie hand, without finding remedie aa:ainst those that offered them wron".'
Anno. Reg. ID fi2og-io). The dealing of the king after the interdiction was pro- nounced.
An heauie time for churchmen.
[A.D. I2II.
Hoi. iii. 175/1. 7-1 Anno Reg.
13-
Pandiilph and Diirant the Popes legals. Polydor.
xii n. I. sc. V. the pope deposes johx,and urges philip ii. to war.
' In the same yeare also [121 1], the pope sent two legats into England, the one named Pandulph a lawier, and the olher Durant a templer, who comming vnto king lohn, ex- horted him with manie terrible words to leaue his stubborne disobedience to the church, and to reforme his misdooings. The king for his part quietlie heard them, and bringing them to Northampton, being not farre distant from the place where he met them vpon his returne foorth of Wales had much conference with them; but at length, when they perceiued that they could not haue their purpose, neither for restitution of the goods belonging to preests which he had seized vpon, neither of those that apper- teined to certeine other persons, which the king had gotten also into his hands, by meanes of the controuersie betwixt him and the pope, the legats departed, leauing him accused, and the land interdicted, as they found it at their comming.
' *\ Touching the maner of this interdiction there haue beene diuerse opinions, some haue said, that the land was interdicted throughlie, and the churches and houses of religion closed vp, that no where was anie diuine seruice vsed : but it was not so streit, for there were diuerse places occupied with diuine seruice all that time, by certeine priuiledges purchased either then or before. Children were also christened, and men houseled and annoiled through all the land, except such as were in the bill of excommunication by name expressed.' ....
{Hoi. iii. 175/2, 1. 1 7.) ' In the meane time pojie Inno- cent, after the returne of his legats^ out of England, per- ceiuin.;' that king lohn would not be ordered by him, determined with the consent of his cardinals and other councellours, and also at the instant suit of the English bishops and other prelats being there with him, to depriue king lohn of his kinglie state, and so fust absolued all his subiects and vassals of their oths of allegiance made vnto the same kinir, and after dcpriued him by solemne pro- testation of his kinglie administration and dignitie, and lastlie signified that his depriuation vnto the French king and other chiislian princes, admonishing them to pursue king lohn, being thus depriued, forsaken, and condemned as a common eniniie to God and his church. He ordeined furthermore, that whosoeuer imploied goods or other aid to vanquish and ouercome that disobedient prince, should rcmaine in assured ])eace of the church, as well as those wliich went to visit the sepulchre of our Lord, not onlie in ' Pandulph nnd Daiant.
[The Le- gates quit England, leaving John curst and , the land interdicted.] Fabian. [The Pope's Interdict.]
Malih. Paris.
Polydor. [The Pope,
[deposes John,
absolves his sulijects from their allegi- ance,
[and urces K.Philip n. &c. to make war on
John.]
PT. I. SC. V. PANDULPU UP.GES PHILIP II. TO INVADE ENGLAND. Xlll
Pa«diilph sent into France to practice with the fre«ch king, forking lohn his destruc- tion.
their goods and persons, but also in suffrages for sauing of their soules.
' But yet that it might appeare to all men, that nothing could be more ioifuU vnto his holinesse, than to haue king lohn to repent his trespasses committed, and to aske forgiuenesse for the same, he appointed Pandulph, which latelie before was returned to Rome, with a great number of English exiles, to go into France, togither with Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other English bishops, giuing him in commandement, that re- pairing vnto the French king, he should communicate with him all that which he had appointed to be doone against king lohn, and to exhort the French king to make warre vpon him, as a person for his wickednesse excom- municated. Moreouer this Pandulph was commanded by the pope, if he saw cause, to go ouer into England, and to deliuer vnto king lohn such letters as the pope had written for his belter instruction, and to seeke by all means possible to draw him from his naughtie opinion.
I^Hol. iii. 175/2, 1. 57.) ' In the meane time, when it was bruted through the realme of England, that the pope had released the people & absolued them of their oth of fidelitie to the king, and that he was depi iued of his gouernement by the popes sentence, by little and little a great number both of souldiers, citizens, burgesses, capteins and conestables of castels, leauing their charges, & bishops with a great multitude of preests reuolting from him, and auoiding his conipanie and presence, secretlie stale awaie, and got ouer into France.' . . .
In-Sc. V, line 79 (2) — perhaps John's declaration that he will be supreme head over temporal as well as spiritual, was suggested by the 2nd paragraph of the following extract {Hoi. iii. 173/2, 1. 58) : —
' % There liued in those daies a diuine named Alexander A^mo Reg. Cementarius, surnamed Theologus, who by his preaching \\^o-^-^), incensed the king greatlie vnto all crueltie (as the monks Cementarius and friers sale) against his subiects, affirming that the generall scourge wherewith the people were afflicted, chanced not through the princes fault, but for the Uustifies wickednesse of his people, for the king was but the rod ^uelty to of the Lords wrath, and to this end a prince was ordeined, his subjects.] that he might rule the people with a rod of iron, and breake them as an earthen vessell, to chaine the mighty in fetters, & the noble men in iron manacles. . .
' He went about also to prooue with likelie arguments, that it apperteined not to the pope, to haue to doo con-
[ After the Pope's In- terdict, many English migrate to France.]
XIV FT. I. SC. VII — IX. CAPTURE OF Q. ELEANOll BY AIlTnT.'U.
[Cementarius cerniiig the tcmporall possessions of any kings or other
a^i'inst the potentates touching the rule and gouernment of their sub-
Pope"sri'4ht iects, sith no power was granted to Peter (the speciall and
in temporal chccfe of the apostlcs of the Lord) but oniie touching the
matters.] church, and matters apperteining therevnto. By such
doctrine of him set foorth, he wan in such wise the kings
fauour, that he obteined nianie great preferments at the
kings hands, and was abbat of saint Austines in Cantur-
burie.' ...
In Scenes vii, viii, ix, allowing for anachronism, the writer of the old play had authority for the capture of Queen Eleanor by Arthur, and her subsequent release by John. IIo/. Chron.'m. 164 '2,
1.13:-
' Queene Elianor that was regent in those parties being put in great feare with the newes of this sudden sturre, got hir into Mirabeau a strong towne, situat in the countrie of Anion, and forthwith dispatched a messenger with letters vnto king lohn, requiring liim of speedie succour in this hir present danger. In the meane time, Arthur following the victorie, shortlie after followed hir, and woone Mira- beau, where he tooke his grandmother within the same, whom he yet intreated verie honorablie, and with great reuerence (as some haue reported.) H But other write far more trulie, that she was not taken, but escaped into a tower, within the which she was straitlie besieged. 'I'hither came also to aid Arthur all the Nobles and men of armes in Poictou, and namelie the foresaid carle of March according to appointment betwixt them : so that by this meanes Arthur had a great armie togither in the field.
' King lohn in the meane time, hauing receiued liis mothers letters, and vnderstanding thereby in what danger she stood, was maruellouslie troubled with the strange- nesse of the newes, and with manie bitter words accused the French king as an vntrue prince, and a fraudulent league-breaker: and in all possible hast speedeth him foorth, continuing his iournie for the most part both day and night to come to the succour of his people. To be brijfe, he vsed such diligence, that he was vpon his cnimies necks yer they could vnderstand any thing of his comming, or gesse what the matter meant, when they saw such a companic of souldiers as he brought with him to approch so ncere the citie. For so negligent were they, that liauing once woone the towne, tliey ranged abroad ouer the countrie hillicr and thither at their libertie with-
An. Dom.
\-2.QtZ.
Qiieene Elianor.
[Artlnir captures Q. Eleanor. J
Mattk. Paris. Matth. West.
[Arthur's great Army. ]
[John dc- nonnccs K. i'hilip II. for bad faith. J
Poly.ior.
K. lohii Comnielh vpon hi.s enimies not looked for.
PT. I. SC. IX — XI. ARTHUR CAPTURED AND TAKEN BEFORE JOIIX. XV
out any care. So tliat now being put in a sudden feare, as preuented by the hastie comming of the enimies vpon them, and wanting leisure to take aduice what was best to be doone, and hauing not time in manner to get any armour on their backs, they were in a maruellous trouble, not knowing whether it were best for them to fight or to flee, to yeeld or to resist.
' This their feare being apparent to the Englishmen (by their disorder shewed in running vp and downe from place to place with great noise and turmoile) they set vpon them with great violence, and compassing them round about, they either tooke or slue them in a manner at their pleasure. And hauing thus put them all to flight, they pursued the chase towardes the towne of Mirabeau, into which the enimies made verie great hast to enter : but such speed was vsed by the English souldiers at that present, that they entred and wan the said towne before their enimies could come neere to get into it. Great slaughter was made within Mirabeau it selfe, and Arthur with the residue of the armie that escaped with life from the first bickering was taken, who being herevpon committed to prison, first at Falais, and after within the citie of Rouen, liued not long after as you shall heare. The other of the prisoners were also committed vnto safe keeping, some into castels within Normandie, and some were sent into England.' . . .
[Indecision of the French.]
[The English capture and slay the French,
[and take Mirabeau.]
Arthur duke of Hritaine taken prisoner.
Matth. Paris.
Of Scene x of the Play, the joke of the Friars and Nuns is the Playwright's own, from wide popular experience. For the Prophet of Scene x, see p. xviii, below. For Arthur and Hubert in Scene xi, Part I, John's recrowning, the Bastard's 5 Moons, and Arthur's death in Part II, sc. i, and for the wind-up of Part I, Holinshed gave the following material : —
(//c?/.iii.p. 165,1.31.) 'TheFrench kingat the same time a.d. 1202. lieng in siege before Arques, immediatly vpon the newes of this ouerthrow, raised from thence, and returned home- wards, destroieng all that came in his waie, till he was entred into his owne countrie. It is said that king lohn caused his Anno Reg. i,. nephue Arthur to be brought before him at Falais, and [Arthur there went about to persuade him all that he could to for- ^^ Fa'j.J"^''? sake his freendship and aliance with the French king, and to leane and sticke to him being his naturall vncle. But Arthur, like one that wanted good counsell, and abound- ing too much in his owne wilful! opinion, made a pre- sumptuous answer,^ not onelie denieng so to doo, but also ^ The old playwrii^ht has skilfully alterd Arthur's character.
Xvi PT. I. so. XI. ARTHUR IMPRISOXD : IIIS EYES. JOHN RECROWND.
[John im- prisons Arthur at Falaise, and then Rouen.]
Matth. Paris. King John eftsoones crowned.
A.D. 1203.
Rafe Cog.
(John orders Arthur's eyes to be put out.]
[Arthur pleads for his siglit. Hubert de liurgh saves it. J
commanding king lohn to restore vnto him the realme of England, with all those other lands and possessions which king Richard had in his hand at the houre of his death. For sith the same apperteined to him by right of inherit- ance, he assured him, except restitution were made the sooner, he should not long continue quiet. King lohn being sore mooued with such words thus vttered by his nephue, appointed (as before is said) that he should be straitlie kept in prison, as first in Falais, and after at Roan within the new castell there. Thus by means of this good successe, the countries of Poictou, Touraine, and Aniou were recouered.
' Shortlie after, king lohn comming ouer into England, caused himselfe to be crowned againe at Canturburie by the hands of Hubert the archbishop there, on the four- teenth day of Aprill, and then went backe againe into Normandie, where immediatlie vpon his arriuall, a rumour was spred through all France, of the death of his nephue Arthur. True it is that great suit was made to haue Arthur set at libertie, as well by the French king, as by William de Riches a valiant baron of Poictou, and diuerse other Noble men of the Britains, who when they could not preuaile in their suit, they banded themselues togither, and ioining in confederacie with Robert earle of Alanson, the vicount Beaumont, William de Fulgiers, and other, they began to leuie sharpe wars against king lohn in diuerse places, insomuch (as it was thought) that so long as Arthur lined, there would be no quiet in those parts : where-^upon it was reported, that king lohn, through per- suasion of his councellors, appointed certeine persons to go vnto Falais, where Arthur was kept in prison, vnder the charge of Hubert de Burgh, and there to put out the yoong gentlemans eies. S^Part /, sc. xi. of tJie riayi\
' But through such resistance as he made against one of the tormentors that came to execute the kings com- mandement (for the other rather forsooke their prince and countrie, than they would consent to obeie the kings authoritie heerein) and such lamentable words as he vttered, Hubert de Burgh did preserue him from that iniurie, not doubting but rather to haue thanks than dis- l)leasure at the kings hands, for deliuering him of such infamie as would haue redounded vnto his highnesse, if the yoong gentleman had beenc so cruellie dealt withall. For he considered, that king lohn had rcsolued vpon this point onclie in his heat and furie (which moueth men to ^ Ilol. iii. p. 165, col. 2.
PT. I. SC. Xl; PT. II. SC. I. ARTHUR S REPORTED DEATH. REAL DEATH, xvii
vndertake manie an inconuenient enterprise, vnbeseem- ing the person of a common man, much more reproch- fuU to a prince, all men in that mood being meere foolish and furious, and prone to accomplish the puruerse conceits of their ill possessed heart ; as one saith right well,
promts in iraiti
Stidtoritm est animus, facili excandescit, &= aiufet Oinne sceliis, qiioties concepta bile titmescif)
and that afterwards, vpon better aduisement, he would both repent himselfe so to haue commanded, and giue them small thanke that should see it put in execution. Howbeit to satisfie his mind for the time, and to staie the rage of the Britains, he caused it to be bruted abroad through the countrie, that the kings commandement was fulfilled, and that Arthur also through sorrow and greefe was departed out of this life. Yox the space of fifteene daies this rumour incessantlie ran through both the realmes of England and France, and there was ringing for him through townes and villages, as it had beene for his funerals. It was also bruted, that his bodie was buried in the mon- asterie of saint Andrewes of the Cisteaux order.
' But when the Britains were nothing pacified, but rather kindled more vehementlie to worke all the mis- cheefe they could deuise, in reuenge of their souereignes death, there was no remedie but to signifie abroad againe, that Arthur was yet liuing and in health. Now when the king heard the truth of all this matter, he was nothing dis- pleased for that his commandement was not executed, sith there were diuerse of his capteins which vttered in plaine words, that he should not find knights to keepe his castels, if he dealt so cruellie with his nephue. For if it chanced any of them to be taken by the king of France or other their aduersaries, they should be sure to tast of the like cup. H But now touching the maner in verie deed of the end of this Arthur^, writers make sundrie reports. Neuerthelesse certeine it is, that in the yeare next insuing, he was remooued from Falais vnto the castell or tower of Rouen, out of the which there was not any that would confesse that euer he saw him go aliue. Some haue written, that as he assaied to haue escaped out of prison, and proouing to clime ouer the wals of the castell, he fell into the riuer of Saine, and so was drowned. Other write, that through verie greefe and languor he pined awaie, and died of naturall sicknesse. But some afifiime, that king lohn secretlie caused him to be niur-
1 This takes us to Part II, sc. i, of the old Play.
b
[Hubert's motives in sparing Arthur.]
[Hubert spre.Ttls .1 report of Arthur's death.]
[Anger of the Bretons at it.]
[Arthur re- ported to be ahve and well.]
[Arthur, in prison at Rouen, is said
[to have clinibj the walls, and been drownd,
Xviii PT. I. SC. XII. THE 5 MOONS. PT. II. SO. II. JOHN AND THE PROPHET.
Guie son to the vicount of Totiars. [Marries Constance.]
Constance, the mother of duke Arthur, accuseth king lohn.
[ormurdcrd thcrcd and made awaie, so as it is not throughlie agreed o«ier ]"'^ vpon, in what sort he finished his daies : but verelie king
lohn was had in great suspicion, whether wortliilie or not,
the lord knoweth.' ....
(The old Playwright wisely didn't notice Constance's re-marriage and her accusation of K. John {Hoi. iii. 166/1) : —
'The Lord Guie, sonne to the vicount of Touars, who had taken Arthurs mother Constance to wife, after the diuorse made betwixt hir and the earle of Chester, in right of hir obteined the dukedome of Britaine. But king Philip after he was aduertised of Arthurs death, tooke the matter verie greeuouslie, and vpon occasion therof, cited king lohn to appeare before him at a certeine day, to answer such obiections as Constance the duches of Britaine mother to the said Arthur should lay to his charge, touching the murther of hir sonne. And bicause king lohn appeared not, he was therefore condemned in the action, and adiudged to forfeit all that he held within the precinct of France, aswell Normandie as all his other lands and dominions.')
For the 5 Tvloons in Sc. xii of the Play, Part I (a.d. 1202), Holinshed gives the following, under 1200 {Hoi. iii. 163/1, 1. 45) : —
'About the moneth of December, there were scene in the prouince of Yorke fiue moones, one in the east, the second in the west, the third in the north, the fourth in the south, and the fift as it were set in the middest of the other, hauing manie stars about it, and went fiue or six times incomjjassing the other, as it were the space of one houre, and shortlie after vanished awaie.'
We now come to Scene ii of Part II, p. 8, John and the Prophet.
For * Peter, a Prophet, with peoi)le ' in Part I, Scene xi, p. 43-4, and his talk with K. John in Sc. xiii, p. 52-4 (a.d, 1202), in which lie prophesies John's loss of his Crown before Ascension-day, and also for Peter's appearance in Part II, Sc. ii, p. 9, Holinshed has only the following, under the year 1213-14 (it should be 1212: see Matthew Paris), C/uofi. iii. 180, col. i, line 18.
An hermit ' There was in this season an hercmit, whose name was
of Pontfrc'" Peter, dwelling about Yorke, a man in great rejnitation or Wakefield with the common people, bicause that either inspired
SIS *OIIlC • 11' 1
writers haue. vvith souic Spirit of prophcsie as the people bcleeued, or t'ome'^firs't''''' ^^^^ hauiug some notable skill in art magikc, he was pag-33>' accustome(l to tell what should follow after. And for
•lue moones.
A.D. 1200.
PT. II. SO. II. PETEE S PROPHECY AND DEATH. Q. ELBANOr's DEATH, xix
SO much as oftentimes his saiengs prooued true, great credit was giuen to him as to a verie prophet .... . . . 'This Peter, about the first of lanuarie last past, had told the king, that at the feast of the Ascension it should come to passe, that he should be cast out of his kingdome. And (whether, to the intent that his words should be the better beleeued, or whether vpon too much trust of his owne cunning) he offered himselfe to suffer death for it, if his prophesie prooued not true. Herevpon being com- mitted to prison within the castell of Corfe, when the day by him prefixed came, without any other notable damage vnto king lohn, he was by the kings commandement drawne from the said castell, vnto the towne of Warham, & there hanged, togither with his sonne.
' The people much blamed king lohn, for this extreame dealing, bicause that the heremit was supposed to be a man of great vertue, and his sonne nothing guiltie of the offense committed by his father (if any were) against the king. Moreouer, some thought, that he had much wrong to die, bicause the matter fell out euen as he had pro- phesied : for the day before the Ascension day, king lohn had resigned the superioritie of his kingdome (as they tooke the matter) vnto the pope, and had doone to him homage, so that he was no absolute king indeed, as authors aflirme. One cause, and that not the least which mooued king lohn the sooner to agree with the pope, rose through the words of the said heremit, that did put such a feare of some great mishap in his hart, which should grow through the disloialtie of his people, that it made him yeeld the sooner.'
[Peter pro- phesied that John would be cast out of England before As- cension Day.]
[Ho/. Torf]
The heremit and his sonne hanged.
[The people blame John,
[as he did resign his kingdom to the Pope before As- cension
Day.]
The death of Q. Eleanor in 1204 is not noted by the Playwright till Part II, sc. ii, 1. 118-120, p. 12, in 1214, as if it had then just happened : —
(ffo/. iii. 167/2, 1. 73.) 'About this time [1204] queene a.d. 1204. Elianor the mother of king lohn departed this life, con- sumed rather through sorow and anguish of mind, than of any other naturall infirmitie.'
In 12 14 John, then in France, invaded Britany, but fearing Lewes's army, retreated to Angiers, and remained there while Lewes subdued the Poitevins, and his father, K. Philip II., beat the united Flemish, German, and English forces, under the Emperor Otho, at the bridge of Bouvines, on July 26 (27, Mat. Paris), 1214, a defeat which was disastrous to John (JIol. iii. 183, col. 2, 1. 4) : —
XX rX. II. so. VIII. 95. ALL ILL WITH JOHN SINCE HE SUBMITTED TO ROME.
The saieng of king lohn. [Nothing h:i(l pros- pcrd with hiiu since he submitted to the Pope.]
A truce taken be- twixt the two kings of England & France.
['I'he English jiL-ople deter- mine to use force against John.]
' Now king lohn being aducrtised of that ouerthrow, •was niaruellouslie sad and sorrowful! for the chance, in soniuch that he would not receiue any meat in a whole daie after the newes thereof was brought vnto him. At length turning his sorrow into rage, he openlie said, that since the time that he made himselfe & his kingdom subiect to the church of Rome, nothing that he did had prospered well with him. Indeed he condescended to an agreement with the pope (as may be thought) more by force than of deuotion, and therefore rather dissembled with the pope (sith he could not otherwise choose) than agreed to the couenants with any hartie affection.
' But to the purpose. Perceiuing himselfe now desti- tute of his best freends, of whom diuerse remained prisoners with the French king (being taken at the battell of Bouins) he thought good to agree with king Philip for this present, by way of taking some truce, which by medi- ation of ambassadours riding to and fro betwixt them, was at length accorded to endure for fiue yeares, and to begin at Easter, in the yeare of our Lord, 12 15. After this, about the 19 daie of October he returned into Eng- land, to appease certeine tumults which began alreadie to shoot out buds of some new ciuill dissention. And suerlie the same spred abroad their blossoms so fre.shlie, that the fruit was knit before the growth by anie timelic prouision could be hindered. For the people being set on by diuerse of the superiours of both sorts, finding themselves greened that the king kept not promise in restoring the ancient lawes of S. Edward, determined from thencefoorth to vse force, since by request he might not preuaile.' . .
We must now hark back to the end of Scene i, Part II, the resolve of the rebel English Nobles, after Arthur's death, to ask the Dolphin of France to enter England and claim the throne, and to meet at I'ury St. Edmunds, on April 10, to confer, and to aid Lewes in his enterprise, 1. 81-108, p. 7-8, below. With this, we will take the Bastard's speech, 1. 73-87 of Sc. ii, Pt. II, p. lo-ii below, and Part II, Scene iii, p. 15 below, the meeting of these Nobles at Bury; and we may fairly conclude that Essex's first line in the Play, ' Under the cloke of holie Pilgrimage,' came from the Holinshcd side-note, 'A cloked pilgrimage.' But the old Playwright has reverst Plolins- hed's order of events, and has made the sending for the Doli)hin come before, instead of after, the meeting at Bury. The old Play- wright has also alterd the motive of the Nobles' pilgrimage. Holinshcd says, iii. 183, col. 2, 1. 45 :—
PT. II. SC. I; III. NOBLES MEET AT BURY ; OFFER LEWES THE CROWN. XXI
'The Nobles, supposing that longer dclaie therein was not to be suffered, assembled themselues togither at the abbeie of Burie (vnder colour of going thither to doe their deuotions to the bodie of S. Edmund which laie there inshrined) where they vttered their complaint of
the kings tyrannicall maners.' [and where was read
to them a charter of Henry I, confirming Edward the Confessor's grant of certain liberties].
(1.74) 'And therefore being thusassembled in thequeere of the church of S. Edmund, they receiued a solemne oth vpon the altar there, that if the king would not grant to the same liberties, with others which he of his owne accord had promised to confirme to them, they would from thencefoorth make warre vpon him, till they had obteined their purpose, and inforced him to grant, not onelie to all these their petitions, but also yeeld to the confirmation of them vnder his seale, for euer to remaine most stedfast and inuiolable.'
A cloked pilgrimage.
[The English noliles meet at Bury St. Edmund's,
[and swear to make war on John if he'll not grant their liberties.]
In 1215 the Barons wrest Magna Charta — an incident which no dramatist would dare put on the stage in Elizabeth's time — from John, but the Pope takes his side, annuls the Charter, and excom- municates the Barons, who resolve to settle their quarrel by the suord. John, however, prevails against them, and then, says Holins- hed, iii. 190, col. i, 1. 43, a.d. 1216 : —
'The barons of the realme being thus afflicted with so manie mischeefes all at one time, as both by the sharpe and cruell warres which the king made against them on the one side, and by the enmitie of the pope on the other side, they knew not which way to turne them, nor how to seeke for releefe. For by the losse of their complices taken in the castell of Rochester, they saw not how it should any thing auaile them to ioine in battell with the king. Therefore considering that they were in such extremitie of despaire, they resolued with themselues to seeke for aid at the enimies hands, and there vpon Saer earle of Winchester, and Robert Fitz Walter, with letters vnder their seales, were sent vnto Lewes, the sonne of Philip the French king, offering him the crowne of England, and sufficient pledges for performance of the same, and other couenants to be agreed betwixt them, requiring him with all speed to come vnto their succour. This Lewes had married (as before is said) Blanch, daughter to Alfonse king of Castile, neece to king lohn by his sister Elianor.
[The English nobles are afflicted by John's vic- tories over them, and hy the Pope's enmity.]
The lor Is send to the French kings Sonne, offer- ing to him the crowne.
xxii PT. II. SC. II. LEVTES PREPARES TO INVADE ENGLAND. PANDULPH.
[Philip II. promises to invade England.]
[p. 190, col. 2]
French men sent ouer to the aid of the barsns.
The Satur- day after the Epiphanie, saith Rafc Cog.
' Now king Philip the father of this Lewes, being glad to liaue such an occasion to inuade the relme of England, which he neuer looued, promised willinglie that his sonne should come vnto the aid of the said barons with all con- uenient speed (but first he receiued foure and twentie hostages, which he placed at Campaine for further assur- ance of the couenants accorded) and herewith he pre- pared an armie, and diuerse ships to transport his sonne and his armie ouer into England. In the meane time, and to put the barons in comfort, he sent ouer a certeine number of armed men, vnder the leading of the chate- laine of saint Omers and the chatelaine of Arras, Hugh 'J'hacon, Eustace de Neuiile, Baldwin Brecell, William de Wimes, Giles de Melun^, W. de Beamont, Giles de Hersie, pjiset de Fersie, and others, the which taking the sea, arriued with one and fortie ships in the Thames, and so came to London the seauen and twentith of Februarie, where they were receiued of the barons with great ioy and gladnesse. Moreouer the said Lewes wrote to the barons, that he purposed by Gods assistance to be at Calice by a day appointed, with an armie redie to passe ouer with all speed vnto their succours.' [p. 190, 1. 13 : for 1. 69 &c. see p. xxiv, at foot.]
We go back now to the entrance of Pandulph in Part II, Scene ii, of the Play, p. 13, and to the year 12 13, and Holinshed's Chronicle, iii. 176/2, 1. 18.
' Ye shall vnderstand, the French king being requested by Pandulph the popes legat, to take the warre in hand against king John, was easilie persuaded thereto of an inward hatred that he bare vnto our king, and therevpon with all diligence made his prouision of men, ships, munition and vittell, in purpose to passe ouer into Eng- land : and now was his nauie readie rigged at the mouth of Saine, and he in greatest forwardnesse, to take his iournie. When Pandulph vpon good considerations thought first to go eftsoones, or at the least wise to send into England, before the French armie should land there, and to assaie once againe, if he might induce the king to shew himselfe reformable vnto the popes pleasure: king lohn, hauing knowledge of the French kings purpose and ordinance, assembled his people, and lodged with them alongst by the coast towards France, that he might resist his enimies, and keepe them off from landing.' ....
' Tlie 'Vicount Mdoun' of Part II, Sc. iii, and Sc. v. of the Play, p. 22, 26.
1213.
The French king pre- pared to inuade England.
[John pre- pared to resist him.]
PT. II. SC. IV. JOHN DELIVERS UP HIS CROWN TO PANDULPH. JiXUl
[Pandulph's proposal to reconcile John with the Pope.]
The legat Pandulph Cometh ouer.
Then follows the material for Scene iv of Pt. II, p. 24, John's surrender of his Crown to the Pope's legate, and his agreement to hold his kingdom thenceforth of the Pope. (The extracts for Sc. iii, the oath on the Altar, p. 19, and Lewes's coming, p. 20, are on p. xxi above and p. xxvii below.)
[Hoi. iii. 176/2, 1. 65.) ' But as he lay thus readie, neere to the coast, to withstand and beat backe his enimies, there arriued at Doner two Templers, who comming before the king, declared vnto him that they were sent froni Pan- dulph the popes legat, who for his profit coueted to talke with him : for he had (as they affirmed) meanes to propone, whereby he might be reconciled, both to God and his church, although he were adiudged in the court of Rome, to haue forfeited all the right which he had to his kingdome.
'The king vnderstanding the meaning of the mes- sengers, sent them backe againe to bring ouer the legat, who incontinentlie came ouer to Doner, of whose arriuall when the king was aduertised, he went thither, and receiued him with all due honour and reuerence.'
Here follows a ' sawcie speech of proud Pandulph the popes lewd legat, to king lohn, in the presumptuous popes behalfe ; ' which the dramatist has not used.
{Hoi. iii. 1 77/1, 1. 60.) ' These words being thus spoken [Despair and by the legat, king lohn as then vtterlie despairing in his K.^'john.V^ matters, when he saw himselfe constreined to obeie, was in a great perplexitie of mind, and as one full of thought, looked about him with a frowning countenance, waieng with him- selfe what counsell were best for him to follow. At length, oppressed with the burthen of the imminent danger and ruine, against his will, and verie loth so to haue doone, he promised vpon his oth to stand to the popes order and decree. Wherefore shortlie after (in like manner as pope Innocent had commanded) he tooke the crowne from his k. lohn owne head, and deliuered the same to Pandulph the legat, hfa'c^owil^e neither he, nor his heires at anie time thereafter to receiue "^"5°^^^^"' the same, but at the popes hands. Upon this, he pro- mised to receiue Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie into his fauour, with all other the bishops and banished men, making vnto them sufficient amends for all iniuries to them doone, and so to pardon them, that they should not run into any danger, for that they had rebelled against
dulph.
liim.
■ Then Pandulph keeping the crowne with him for the Pandulph
xxiv TT. II. SO. IV. PANDULPH GIVES BACK JOHN's CROWN TO HIM.
restoreth spacc of fiuc daies in token of possession thereof, at length
againTo'the {^^ ^'""^ popcs vicar) gauc it him againe. By means of this
kiiige. act (saith Polydor) the fame went abroad, that king lohn
wining to continue the memorie hereof, made himselfe
vassal! to pope Innocent, with condition, that his succes-
[Tohoid sors should likewise from thencefoorth acknowledge to
the^Popi.']'^ haue their right to the same kingdome from the pope.
But those kings that succeeded king lohn, haue not
Fan. obserued any such lawes of reconciliation, neither doo
Hisden. ^^^ autcntikc chronicles of the realme make mention of
any such surrender, so that such articles as were appointed
to king lohn to obserue, perteined vnto him that had
offended, and not to his successors. Thus saith Polydor' . .
Holinshed gives John's Charter of submission and words of fealty to the Pope, and adds, iii. 178, col. 2, 1. 34 : —
1313. ' Pandulph hauing thus reconciled king lohn, thought
not good to release the excommunication, till the king had performed all things which he had promised, and so [Pandulph with all spccd hauing receiued eight thousand markes ma'rks'fr^m Sterling in part of restitution to be made to the arch- K. John, bishop, and the other banished men, he sailed backe into K. Phulpii.) France, & came to Roan, where he declared to king Philip the effect of his trauell, and what he had doone in Eng- land. But king Philip hauing in this meane while con- sumed a great masse of monie, to the summe of sixtie thousand pounds, as he himselfe alledged, about the furniture of his iournie, w^hich he intended to haue made into England, vpon hope to haue had no small aid within the realme, by reason of such bishops and other banished [Phihp II. men as he had in France with him, was much offended up the' *^'^^ for the reconciliation of king lohn, and determined not invasion of go to brcakc off his enterprise, least it might be imputed
England.] ... , ^ ' , ° , , '
to hmi for a great reproch to haue beene at such charges and great expenses in vaine. Therefore calling his coun- cell togithcr, he declared vnto them what he purposed to doo.'
We now take up the Chronicle from p. xxii, above, before the Pandulph incident. In 12 15 John returnd from the borders of Scotland, and threatend to besiege London, but withdrew on find- ing the Citizens ready to fight. The navy he had prepared to encounter Lewes, was dispcrst by tempest, and, says Holinshed, iii. 190, col, 2, 1. 69, John : —
King John ' Somcwhat before this time also, when he heard of ihc
once againc compact madc betwixt the barons and his aduersarics the
PT. II. SC. IV. THE POPE DISSUADES LEWES FROM INVADING ENGLAND. XXV
Frenchmen, he dispatched a messenger in all hast to sendeihto the pope, signifieng to him what was in hand and practised ^^^ ^°^°- against him, requiring furthermore the said pope by his authoritie to cause Lewes to stale his iournie, and to succour those rebels in England which he had alreadie excommunicated.' . . .
For Scene iv of Part II, lines 19-78 (p. 24-6), Pandulph's attempt (near Bury) to withdraw Lewes and the French from the invasion of England, Holinshed gave the old Playwright an account of a first attempt in France, and a second later one in England, p. xxviii.
' The pope desirous to helpe king lohn all that he might (bicause he was now his vassall) sent his legat Gualo into France, to disswade king Philip from taking anie enterprise in hand against the king of England. But king Philip, though he was content to heare what the legat could sale, yet by no meanes would be turned from the execution of his purpose, alledging that king lohn was not the lawfull king of England, hauing first vsurped and taken it awaie from his nephue Arthur the lawfull inheritour, and that now sithens as an enimie to his owne roiall dignitie he had giuen the right of his kingdome awaie to the pope (which he could not doo without con- sent of his nobles) and therefore through his owne fault he was worthilie depriued of all his kinglie honor. For the kingdome of England (saith he) neuer belonged to the patrimonie of S. Peter, nor at anie time shall. For admit that he were rightfuU king, yet neither he nor anie other prince maygiue awaie his kingdome without the assent of his barons, which are bound to defend the same, and the prerogatiue roiall, to the vttermost of their powers. Furthermore (saith he) if the pope doo meane to main- teine this errour, he shall giue a perilous example to all kingdomes of the world. Herewithall the Nobles of France then present, protested also with one voice, that in defense of this article they would stand to the death, which is, that no king or prince at his will and pleasure might giue awaie his kingdome, or make it tributarie to anie other potentate, whereby the Nobles should become thrall or subiect to a forren gouernour. These things were doone at Lions in the quindene after Easter.
* Lewes on the morrow following, being the 26 of April], by his fathers procurement, came into thecounc'ell chamber, and with frowning looke beheld the legat, where by his pro- curator he defended the cause that moued him to take vpon him this iournie into England, disprouing not onelie
Anno Reg.
i8.
[a.d. 1216.]
Cardinall
Gualo.
Matth.
Paris.
The French kings allega- tions to the popes legat Gualo.
Maith. IVtst.
Matth. Paris.
Lewes, the Fre«ch kings Sonne, maiu- teineth his pretended title to the crovvne of England.
XXvi PT. II. SC. IV, LEWES REFUSES TO GIVE UP IXVASIOX OF EXGLAXD.
The priiiil- age of those that tooke vpon them the crosse.
Matth. Paris.
'I'lie French kings sunnc sendeth to the pope.
lie comineth tu Calice.
the right which king lohn had to the crowne, but also alledging his owne interest, not onelie by his new election of the barons, but also in the title of his wife, whose mother the queene of Castile remained onelie aliue of all the brethren and sisters of Henrie the second late king of England (as before ye haue heard.) The legat made answer herevnto, " that king lohn had taken vpon him the crosse, as one appointed to go to warre against Gods enimies in the holie land, wherefore he ought by decree of the generall councell to haue peace for foure yeares to come, and to remaine in suertie vnder protecdon of the apostolike see." But Lewes replied thereto, that king lohn had by warre first inuaded his castels and lands in Picardie, and wasted the same, as Buncham castell and Liens, with the countie of Guisnes which belonged to tlie see of the said Lewes.
' But these reasons notwithstanding, the legat warned the French king on paine of cursing, not to suffer his Sonne to go into England, and likewise his sonne, that he should not presume to take the iournie in hand. But Lewes hearing this, declared that his ^ father had nothing to do to forbid him to prosecute his right in the realme of England, which was not holden of him, and therefore required his father not to hinder his purpose in such things as belonged nothing to him, but rather to licence him to seeke the recouerie of his wiues right, which he meant to pursue with perill of life, if need should require.
' The legat perceiuing he could not preuaile in his sute made to king Philip, thought that he would not spend time longer in vaine, in further treating with him, but sped him foorth into England, obteining yet a safeconduct of the French king to passe through his realme. Lewes in like maner, purposing by all meanes to preucnt- the legat, first dispatched foorth ambassadours in all hast vnto the court of Rome to excuse himselfe to the pope, and to render the reasons that most speciallie mooued him to proceed forward in his enterprise against king lohn, being called by the barons of England to take the crowne thereof vpon him. This doone, with all conuenient speed he came downe to Calice, where he found 680 ships well appointed and trimmed, which Eustace surnamed the monke had gathered and prepared there readie against his comming.
' Lewes therefore foorthwith imbarking himselfe with his peoi)le, and all necessarie prouisions for such a iournie, ^ page 191, col. 2. * be before, forestall.
FT. II.SC.III. 150. LEWES LANDS IN ENGLAND & MAKES FAIR PROMISES. XXvii
tooke the sea, and arriued at a place called Stanchorre in the lie of Tenet, vpon the 21 day of Maie, and shortlie after came to Sandwich, & there landed with all his people, where he also incamped vpon the shore by the space of three daies. In which meane time there came vnto him a great number of those lords and gentlemen which had sent for him, and there euerie one apart and by himselfe sware fealtie and homage vnto him, as if he had beene their true and naturall prince.
* King John about the same time that Lewes thus arriued, came to Doner, meaning to fight with his aduer- saries by the way as they should come ^forward towards London. But yet vpon other aduisement taken, he changed his purpose, bicause he put some doubt in the Flemings and other strangers, of whome the most part of his armie consisted, bicause he knew that they hated the Frenchmen no more than tliey did tlie English, There- fore furnishing the castell of Doner, with men, munition, and vittels, he left it in the keeping of Hubert de Burgh, a man of notable prowesse & valiancie, and returned him- selfe vnto Canturburie, and from thence tooke the high waie towards Winchester. Lewes being aduertised that king lohn was retired out of Kent, passed through the countrie without anie incounter, and wan all the castels and holds as he went, but Doner he could not win.
' At his comming to Rochester, he laid siege to the castell there, and wan it, causing all the strangers that were found within it to be hanged. This doone, he came to London, and there receiued the homage of those lords and gentlemen which had not yet doone their homage to him at Sandwich. On the other part he tooke an oth to niainteine and performe the old lawes and customes of the realme, and to restore to euerie man his rightfull heritage and lands, requiring the barons furthermore to continue faithfuU towards him, assuring them to bring things so to passe, that the realme of England should recouer the former dignitie, and they their ancient liberties. Moreouer he vsed them so courteouslie, gaue them so faire words, and made such large promises, that they beleeued him with all their harts. But alas ! Ciir vincit opinio verian ?
' The rumour of this pretended outward courtesie being
once spred through the realme, caused great numbers of
people to come flocking to him, among ^ whome were
diuerse of those which before had taken part with king
' page 192, col. I.
He t.iketh the sea.
He landeth in Kent.
The Lords doo homage vnto him.
Matth. Paris.
Hubert de Burgh.
Rochester
castell
woone.
Lewes com- meth to London.
[He swears
t) grant the Barons their ancient liberties.]
[Many folk flock to Lewes.]
xxviii PT. ii.sc. IV. G7-70. lewes s English partisans excommunicated.
Noblemen reuoltiiisi fro;« K. lohn vnto Lewes.
Simon La«g- ton ch.in- ce'lor to Lewes.
lohn, as William earle Warren, William earle of Arundell, William earle of Salisburie, William INIarshall the yoonger, and diuerse other, supposing verelie that the French kings Sonne should now obteinc the kingdome, who in the meane time ordeined Simon Langton afore mentioned, to be his chancellour, by whose preaching and exliortation, as well the citizens of London as the barons that were excom- municated, caused diuine seruice to be celebrated in their presence, induced thereto, bicause Lewes had alreadie sent his procurators to Rome before his comming into England, there to shew the goodnesse of his cause and quarell.
' But this auailed them not, neither tooke his excuse any such effect as he did hope it should : for those ambas- sadors that king lohn had sent thither, replied against their assertions, so that there was hard hold about it in that court, albeit that the pope would decree nothing till he hard further from his legat Gualo, who the same time (being aduertised of the proceedings of Lewes in his iournie) with all diligence hasted ouer into England, and passing through the middle of his aduersaries, came vnto king lohn, then soiourning at Glocester, of whome he was most ioifullie receiued, for in him king lohn reposed all his hope of victorie. This legat immediatlie after his comming did excommunicate Lewes by name, with all his fautors and complices, but speciallie Simon de Langton, with bell, booke, and candle, as the maner was. Howbeit the same Simon, and one Geruase de Hobrug deane of S. Pauls in London, with other, alledged that for the right and state of the cause of Leaves, they had alreadie appealed to the court of Rome, and therefore the sentence published by Gualo they tooke as void.'
Nearly the whole south of England, with Essex and Suffolk, took Lewes's side; and, says Holinshed, iii. 192, col. 2, 1. 26 : —
' About the feast of saint Margaret, Lewes with the lords came againe to London, at whose comming, tlie tower of London was yeelded vp to him by appointment, after which the French cajjteins and gentlemen, thinking themselues assured of the realme, began to shew their inward dispcjsitions and hatred toward the Englishmen, The French- and forgetting all former promises (such is the nature of
men bcgrn to , r i
shew thcni- Strangers, and men of meane estate, that are once become their kind. lords of thcif desires, according to the poets words, Iiiitcii.sat.i). Aspcrius nihil est hiimili cum sitrgit altum)
they did manie excessiue outrages, in spoiling and rob-
Cardinall Gualo com- meth ouer into Kng- land.
[And excom- municates Lewes and all his abetters.]
PT. II. SC. V. MELUN S DYIXO DISCLOSURE OF LEWES S TREACHERY. XXIX
bing the people of the countrie, without pitie or mercie. Ivloreouer they did not onelie breake into mens houses, [The French but also into churches, and tooke out of the same such ^'i'''''?'"' t^ vessels and ornaments of gold and siluer, as they could li-^h men and laie hands vpon : for Lewes had not the power now to '^ "■'^'"=^' rule the greedie souldiers, being wholie giuen to the spoile. ' But most of all their tyrannic did appeare in the east parts of the realme, when they went through the countries [specially in of Essex, Suftblke and Northlblke, where they miserablie countiesT" spoiled the townes and villages, reducing those quarters vnder their subiection, and making them tributaries vnto Lewes in most seruile and slauish manner.'
For Scene v of Part II (p. 26-8), IMeloun's dying disclosure of Lewes's treachery, and the consequent resolve of the rebel English Lords to turn again to John, Holinshed gives what follows, under the year 12 16, vol. iii. p. 193, col. 2, 1. 6 : —
* About the same time, or rather in the yeare last past as some hold, it fortuned that the vicount of Melune a French man, fell sicke at London, and perceiuing that m^m. death was at hand, he called vnto him certeine of the English barons, which remained in the citie, vpon safe- gard thereof, and to them made this protestation : " I The vicount lament (saith he) your destruction and desolation at hand, discouerelh bicause ye are ignorant of the perils hanging ouer your ^f l^^JP"^^ heads. For this vnderstand, that Lewes, and with him 16 earles and barons of France, haue secretlie sworne (if it shall fortune him to conquere this realme of Eng- land, & to be crowned king) that he will kill, banish, and [;;'j^,';j;'=J confine all those of the English nobilitie (which now doo kiiiau'his serue vnder him, and persecute their owne king) as ^"^^,1^^.] traitours and rebels, and furthermore will dispossesse all their linage of such inheritances as they now hold in England. And bicause (saith he) you shall not haue doubt hereof, I which lie here at the point of death, doo now affirme vnto you, and take it on the peril! of my soule, that I am one of those sixteen that haue sworne to performe this thing : wherefore I aduise you to prouide for your owne safeties, and your realmes which you now destroie, and keepe this thing secret which I haue vttered vnto you." After this speech was vttered he streightwaies J/'^^i'^',^"'^"'
died. dieth.
' When these words of the lord of Melune were opened vnto the barons, they were, and not without cause, in great doubt of themselues, for they saw how Lewes had alredie placed and set Frenchmen in most of such
XXX PT. II. SC. VI. JOUN S LOSS OF TROOPS IX TUE WASH. HIS DEATH.
The English nohilitie be- ginneth to mishke of the match which they had made with Lewes.
castels and townes as he had gotten, the right whereof indeed l^elonged to them. And againe, it greeued them much to vnderstand, how besides the hatred of their prince, they were euerie sundaie and holiedaie openlie accursed in euerie church, so that manie of them inwardlie relented, and could haue bin contented to haue returned to king lohn, if they had thought that they should thank- fullie haue beene receiued.' For Scene vi, Pt. II, p. 28-32, — John's arrival at Swinstead Abbey, after the loss of his troops in the Wash — and for his death in Sc. viii, p. 35-8, the following is in J-foli/ished, iii. 194, col. i, 1. 45. (Of the several reported causes of John's death, the Playwright took the first.)
' Tlius the countrie being wasted on each hand, the king hasted forward till he came to Wellestreme sands, where passing the washes he lost a great part of his The losse of armie, with horsses and carriages, so that it was iudged to be a punishment appointed by God, that the spoile which had beene gotten and taken out of churches, abbeies, and other religious houses, should perish, and be lost by such means togither with the spoilers. Yet the king himselfe, and a few other, escaped the violence of the waters, by following a good guide. But as some haue written, he tooke such grecfe for the losse susteined at this passage, that immediatelie therevpon he fell into an ague, the force and heat whereof, togither with his immoderate feeding on rawe peaches, and drinking of new sider, so increased his sicknesse, that he was not able to ride, but was faine to be carried in a litter pre- senllie made of twigs, with a couch of strawe vnder him, without any bed or pillow, thinking to haue gone to Lincolne, but the disease still so raged and grew vpon him, that he was inforced to stale one night at the castell of Laford, and on the next day with great paine, caused himselfe to be caried vnto Newarke, where in the castell through anguish of mind, rather than through force of King lohn sicknesse, he departed this life the niglit before the nine- departed this teenth day of October, in tlie yeare of his age fiftie and one, and after he had reigned seauenteene yeares, six moneths, and seauen and twentie tlaies.
' H There be which haue written, that after he had lost Miis armie, he came to the abbeie of Swineshead in I.in- colneshire, and there vnderstanding the cheapenesse and ]jlentie of corne, shewed himselfe greatlie displeased there- with, as he that for the hatred which he bare to the English ^ p. 194, col. 2.
the kin;^ carriages.
niaith. Paris. Maith. West.
King lohn falleth sicke of an ague. Matth. Paris.
Laford. Matth. West. Matt. Paris,
(i. Some say tliat
PT. II. SC. VI. K. JOHN S DEATH FROM POISON AT SWINSTEAD. XXXI
people, that had so traitoroush'e reuolted from him vnto his aduersarie Lewes, wished all miserie to light vpon them, and therevpon said in his anger, that he would cause all kind of graine to be at a farre higher price, yer manie daies should passe. Wherevpon a moonke that [a Monk of heard him speake such words, being mooued with zeale Swinestead
' . r 1 • . ° . gave John
for the oppression oi his countrie, gaue the king poison poisond in a cup of ale, wherof he first tooke the assaie, to cause revenge.] the king not to suspect the matter, and so they both died Caxton. in manner at one time.
' There are that write, how one of his owne seruants Ghhum did conspire with a conuert^ of that abbeie, and that they ^ "^^'J prepared a dish of peares, which they poisoned, three of [2. others the whole number excepted, which dish the said conuert ''jo^^^gW presented vnto him. And when the king suspected them poisond to be poisoned indeed, by reason that such pretious stones p^^''^-^ as he had about him, cast foorth a certeine sweat, as it were bewraieng the poison, he compelled the said conuert to tast and eat some of them, who knowing the three peares which were not poisoned, tooke and eat those three, which when the king had scene, he could no longer absteine, but fell to, and eating greedilie of the rest, died the same night, no hurt happening to the conuert, who thorougli helpe of such as bare no good will to the K. found shift to escape, and conueied himselfe awaie from danger of receiuing due punishment for so wicked a deed.
' Beside these reports which yee haue heard, there are '^^^ variable
1 1 ■ 11 T 1 r r ■ • 1 • 1 reports of
Other that write, how he died 01 surieting in the night, as writers, con-
Rafe Niger; some, of a bloudie flix,^ as one saith that dea"ti"of'king
writeth an addition vnto Roger Houedon. And Rafe lohn.
Cogheshall saith, that comming to Lin, (where he ap- [3- O'lhers
pointed Sauerie de Mauleon to be capteine, and to take of a surfeit,
order for the fortifieng of that towne) he tooke a surfet bkfod°by°f[ux
there of immoderat diet, and w'ithall fell into a laske, andbieeding,
and after his laske had left him, at his comming to Laford
in Lindsey, he was let bloud : furthermore to increase his
other greefes and sorrowes for the losse of his carriage, hYsbsT^n^he
iewels and men, in passing ouer the washes, which Wash, &c.]
troubled him sore ; there came vnto him messengers from
Hubert de Burgh, and Gerard de Sotegam capteins of
Doner castell, aduerlising him, that they were not able Bemeweii.
to resist the forceable assalts and engins of the eniinies,
if speedie succour came not to them in due time. Whereat
his greefe of mind being doubled, so as he might setme
euen oppressed with sorrow, the same increased his disease
1 A lay brother. Sec note, p. xxxix. - dysentery.
XXXU PT. II. SC. VI, IX, BURIAL OF K. JOUN S CORPSE. HIS CHARACTER.
(Piirial of John s body in Worcester Cathedral,
[his bowels being interrd at Croxtun Abbey.]
[He bred troubles for himself:
[his Nobles rebeld against hini
(he niisspent what he wrung from his people.
[and the accursed
Papacy had most of his royalty.]
[All John's an<l Hns- lands ills
SO vehementlie, that within a small time it made an end of his life (as before yee haue heard.)
* The men of warre that serued vnder his ensigne.s, being for the more part hired souldiers and strangers, came togither, and marching foorth with his bodie, each man with his armour on his backe, in warlike order, con- ueied it vnto Worcester, where he was pompouslie buried in the cathedral church before the high altar,i not for that he had so appointed (as some write) but bicause it was thought to be a place of most suretie for the lords and other of his freends there to as.semble, and to take order in their businesse now after his deceasse. And bicause he was somewhat fat and corpulent, his bowels were taken out of his bodic, and buried at Croxton abbeie, a house of moonks of the order called Prcemonstrafenses, in Staffordshire, the abbat of which house was his physician.
' IF How soeuer or where soeuer or when soeuer he died, it is not a matter of such moment that it should ^impeach the credit of the storie : but certeine it is that he came to his end, let it be by a surfet, or by other raeanes ordeined for the shortening of his life. The manner is not so materiall as the truth is certeine. And surelie, he miglit be thought to have procured against himselfe manie molestations, manie anguishes & vexa- ations, which nipt his hart & gnawd his very bowels with manie a sore syraptome or passion : all which he might haue withstood if fortune had beene so fauourable, that the loialtie of his subiects had remained towards liim in- uiolable, that his Nobles with multitudes of adherents had not with such shameful! apostasie withstood him in open fight, that forren force had not weakened his dominion, or rather robbed him of a maine branch of his regiment, that he himselfe had not sought with the spoile of his owne people to please the imaginations of his ill affected mind ; that courtiers & commoners had with one assent peiformed in dutie no lesse than they pretended in veritie, to the preseruation of the state and the securitie of their souereigne : all which presupposed plagues concurring, what liappinesse could the king arrogate to himselfe by his imi)eriall title, which was through his owne default so imbezciled, that a small remanent became his in right, when by open hostilitie and accurssed papasie the greater portion was pluckt out of his liands.
' Here therefore we see the issue of domesticall or homebred Ijroiles, the fruits of variance, the gaine that
• Tr. /v'., rt. 11, Sc. i.\, 1. 38-9, p. 40. ■■' p. 195, c.l. I.
PT. II. SO. VI-IX. HOMEBRED BROILS. PRINCE HENRY. XXXUl
riseth of dissention, whereas no greater nor safer fortifica- [arose from tion can betide a land, than when the inhabitants are all broi'is/i"''^ alike minded. By concord manie an hard enterprise (in common sense thought vnpossible) is atchiued, manie See Part ii weake things become so defended, that without manifold Tx.'/le'fsyl, force they cannot be dissolued. From diuision and p- +°-] mutinies doc issue (as out of the Troiane horsse) ruines of roialties, and decaies of communalties.'
The presence of young Prince Henry (or K. Henry HI.) in Sc. viii, 1. 127 is due to the old Playwright, for the boy was but 9 years old at his father John's death, says Holinshed, iii. 197, col. i : —
' Henrie, the third of that name, the eldest sonne of K. lohn, a child of the age of nine yeres, began his reigne ouer the realnie of England the nineteenth day of October, Anno Reg. i. in the yeare of our Lord 1216, in the seuenth yeare of tlie ""S emperour Fredeiike the second, and in the 36 yeare of the reigne of Philip the second king of France.'
For the end of Sc. vii, Pt. U, p. 38-9, the reported advance of the French army against the English finds very little support in Holinshed, iii. 200, col. 2, 1. 64, under the year 1217 : —
' On the other part, Lewes, who all this season remained [a.d. 1217.] at London, being sore dismaied for the losse of his people, began to feare euerie daie more and more, least by some practise he should be betraied and deliuered into his enimies hands. Therefore he went about to make him- Lewes selfe as strong as was possible, & fortifieng the citie, sent h^"father" messengers into France, to require his father to send him f^^-aid. more aid. His father sorie to heare of his sons distresse, and loth that he should take the foile, caused his daughter the wife of Lewes, to prepare a power of men, tiiat the same might passe with all speed ouer into England to the aid of hir husband. For the French king himselfe would not seeme to aid his sonne, bicause he was excommuni- cated : but his daughter in law, hauing licence and An armie commission thereto, gat togither three hundred knights, Fra^rce^to'" or men of amies, whome with a great number of other <^°"i'= "> '^^ souldiers and armed men, she sent downe to Caleis, Lewes. where Eustace the monke had prouided a nauie of ships to conueie them ouer into England. But how they sped you shall heare anon.
' In the meane time the eaile of Pembroke approched Poiydor. towards London, purposing to assaile the citie now in this opportunitie of time, letting passe no occasion that might further his proceedings, night and day studieng
c
XXxiv I'T. II. SC. VII. FRESH FKENCH FORCES. FRENCH FLEET DEFEATED.
The dilig- ence of the earle of Penbroke.
[The Barons seek to make peace be- tween K. Henry and the Dolphin.]
Anson in epig.
Mntth. Pciris.
[Watch kept against the fresh French soldiers and fleet.]
Hubert de Ijurgh as- saileth the French fleet.
The Frcncli fleet is van- quished.
how to recouer the reahiie whoUe out of the Frenchmens hands, and to set the same at libertie : so that what was to be deuised, he did deuise, and what was to be doone, that he did, not forslowing anie occasion or opportunitie that might be offered. '\ he Enghsh barons also calling to mind the benefit which they had receiued at the Frenchmens hands in time of their most need, sought now by all means possible, some waie how to procure a peace betwixt king Henrie and the said Lewes, thinking by that means to benefit themselues, and to gratifie him in lieu of his former couitesie bountifullie shewed in a case of extremitie, which bicause it was obteined in a wished time was the more acceptable, whereas being lingered it had beene the lesse welcome, as one saith,
Gratia qiice tarda est iiigrafa fst, gratia iidmqiie Qiihm fieri properai, gratia grata viogis.
' Herevpon they caused dailie new articles of agree- ment to be presented in writing vpon the said Lewes, as from king Henrie. But while these things were a dooing, the earle of Penbroke and other the lords that tooke part with king Henrie, hauing aduertisement that a new supplie of men was readie to come and aid Lewes, they appointed Philip de Albenie and lohn Marshall to associat with them the power of the cinqne ports, and to watch for the comming of the aduersaries, that they might keepe them from land- ing, who on saint Jiartholomews day set forth {rom Caleis, in purpose to arriue in the Thames, and so to come vp the riuer to London. Howbeit Hubert de Bargh capiteine of the castcU of Douer, togither with the said Philip de Albenie and lohn Marshall, with other such power as they could get togither of the cinque ports, hauing not yet aboue the number of 40 ships great & small, vpon the discouering of the French fleet, which consisted of 80 great ships, besides other les.ser vessels well appointed and trimmed, made foorth to the sea. And first coasting aloofe from them, till they had got the wind on their backs, came finallie with their maine force to assaile the Frenchmen, and with helpe of their crossebowes and archers at the first ioining, made great slaughter of tlieir enimies, and so graph ng togither, in the end the English- men bare themselues so manfullie, that they vanquished the whoL- French fleet, and obleined a famous victorie.'
For Sc. ix of Part H (o. 39), the Dolphin's agreement with Henry to quit England, Holinshcd says, under 1217 (vol. iii. p. 201, col. 2, 1. 8) :-
PT. II. SC. IX. TERMS OF PEACE. LEWES TO LEAVE ENGLAND. XXXV
'But Lewes, after he vnderstood of this mischance^ happening to his people that came to his aid, began not a Htle to despaire of all other succour to come vnto him at any time heerafter : wherfore he inclined the sooner vnto peace ; so that at length he tooke such offers of agreement as were put vnto him, and receiued further- more a sum of mcnie for the release of such hostages as he had in his hands, togither with the title of the king- dome of England, and the possession of all such castels and holds as he held within the realme. II The French chronicle (to the which the chronicle of Dunstable and Matthew Paris doj also agree) affirmetli that he receiued fifteene thousand marks. Aloreouer, the popes legat ab- solued Lewes, and all those that had taken his part in the o!Tense of disobedience shewed in attempting the warre against the p,:)pes commandement.
'Then Lewes, with all his complices that had bin excommunicated, sware vpon the holie euan2;elist, that they should stand to the iudgement of holie church, and from thencefoorth be faithfuU vnto the pope and to the church of Rome. Moreouer, that he with his people should incontinentlie depart out of the realme, and neuer vpon euill intent returne againe. And that so farre as in him laie, he should procure his father king Philip, to make restitution vnto king Henrie of all the right which he had in the parts beyond the sea : and that when he should be king of France, he should resigne the same in most quiet manner.
' On the other part, king Henrie tooke his oth, togither with the legat, and the earle of Penbroke goueinour of the realme, that he should restore vnto the barons of his realme, and to other his subiects, all their rights and heritages, with all the liberties before demanded, for the which the discord was mooued betwixt the late king lohn and his barons. Moreouer, all prisoners on both parts were released and set at libertie, without paieng anie ransorae : yea, and those which had couenanted to paie, and vpon the same were set at libertie before the con- clusion of this peace, were now discharged of all summes of monie which then remained vnpaid.
' This peace was concluded on the eleuenth day of September, not farre from Stanes, hard by the riuer of Thames, where Lewes himselfe, the legat Guallo, and
^ The loss of the French fleet and men sent to hnn, not, as the Play says, on the Goodwin Sands (Pt. II, sc. vii, L ^2, p. 337), but by the victory of the English ships, page xxxiv, above.
An accord betwixt K. Henrie & Lewes.
The Englibti ctironicle saith a ttiou- sand pounds.
Maith. Fa ris.
[Lewes swears ttiat he'll leave England.]
[Henry swears to restore his subjects their liberties.]
[Peace con- cluded on Sept. II, 1217, at
XXXVl PT. II. SO. IX. PEACE CONCLUDED. LEWES GOES. JOUN S PEllSOX.
Staines, diucrsc of the spiritualtie, with the earle of Penbroke lord
Thames'r gouemoF of tlie realme, and otliers, did meet and talke
about this accord. Now when all things were ordered
and finished agreeable to the articles and couenants of
the peace, so farre as the time present required, the lords
[Lewes em- of the realme (when Lewes should depart homeward)
barks at attended him to Douer in honorable wise, as api:)erteined,
Dover about . , 111 r
Michs.] and there tooke leaue of him, and so he departed out oi
the realme about the feast of saint Michaell.'
Of K. John's person and character, Holinshed, besides the extract on p. xxxii, &c., says i^Hol. iii. 196/2, 1. 4) : —
[John, ' He was comelie of stature,^ but of looke and counten-
crud.f' "' ance displeasant and angrie, somewhat cruell of nature, as by the writers of his time he is noted, and not so hardie as doubtfull ^ in time of perill and danger. But this seemeth to be an enuious report vttered by those tliat were giuen to speake no good of him whome they inwardlie hated.'
{Hoi. iii. 1 96/1, col. 67.) ' Moreouer, the pride and pre-
[iie couldn't tended authoritie of the cleargie he could not well abide,
prWe oflhe whcn they went about to wrest out of his hands the preroga-
ciergy.] {jue of his prlncelie rule and gouernment. True it is that
to mainteine his warres which he was forced to take in
hand, as well in France as elsewhere, he was constreined
to make all the shift he could deuise to recouer monie; and
bicause he pinched their pursses, they conceiued no small
hatred against him, which when he perceiued, and wanted
peraduenture discretion to passe it ouer, he discouered now
and then in his rage his immoderate displeasure, as one
not able to bridle his affections, a thing verie hard in a
stout stomach, and thereby missed now and then to com-
passe that which otherwise he might verie well haue
brought to passe.'
The old Playwright' s ircatnient of his Material. — If Shakspere liad not rewritten The Troublesome Raigiie, 1 think the Author of it would have got more credit for his work than he has yet obtained. As the case stands, almost all the Shakspere critics — save Mr. W. Watkiss Lloy»l in his Critical Essays on Shakespeare, [1856], ed. 1875, p. 195-6, &c, — have felt bound to run down the old Playwright and run up Shakspere. They don't seem to have askt them- selves what merit Shakspere saw in the old play, that he was content to write his own King John on his foregoer's lines (more or less), and go no further than the y. R. for his material. They do not give the
' iiiit ' fat and corpulent ' at last, p. xxxii, above. - liesitating, afraid.
THE OLD PLAYWRIGHT ,S TREATMENT OF HIS MATERIAL. XXXVU
Playwright credit for having recognized before Shakspere, that — in Elizabethan days at least — comedy had to be mixt with history in order to get an effective historical play. They forget that if Shakspere had his first lesson of the kind in The Contoition and 2 Henry VI, it made so little impression upon him that after it he wrote Richard II. and Richard III. without comic relief — and made his gardeners in the former play talk hke philosophers — while after the Trouble- some Raigne and King John, he learnt to put Falstaffe and comedy into Henry IV. and V.^ They pass over the fact that Sliakspere put his seal of approval on the old Playwright's invention of Falcon- bridge and his mother, &c., his alteration of Holinshed's characters of Arthur, of Limoges, &c., and his avoidance of Constance's re- marriages. They do not give the earlier dramatist credit for his keeping clear of one great blemish in Shakspere's play, the non- showing of the motive for the poisoning of John by the Swinstead monk. They are not as fair to the old Playwright as Shakspere himself was. He evidently said to himself when he saw (or per- chance read the MS. of) the Troublesome Raigne: 'this play has merit; it '11 do for me; I can make a better thing of it; but the man who wrote it is no fool : he's given me all the material I want, and hints that I can develop ; and I thank him for them.'
Though it is quite true that no good play can be made of the historic John, who degraded himself from the representative of England's independence into the Pope's tool, from a man into a cur, yet it is clear that the old Playwright made a very fair drama on the subject for his time. That Scene xi. of Part I, p. 41-2, when tlie Bastard finds the Nun lockt up in the Prior's chest " To hide her from lay men," and then discovers ' Friar Lawrence' lockt up in the ancient Nun's chest, must have been a very telling one on the Elizabethan stage : you can fancy the audience's chuckles over it. So also must the Falconbridge incident, I. i. p. 7-17, and the Pastard killing Limoges on the stage, Pt. I, sc, xi, p. 35, have been thoroughly appreciated. Besides these scenes, the pathos of Arthur's death, the patriotism of the resistance to the Pope, and to John's oppressive taxation, the treachery of the French turning the nobles back to their allegiance, the final echo of the Chronicler,
" Let England Hue but true within it selfe, And all the world can neuer wrong her state .... If England's Peerts and people ioyne in one, Nor Pope, nor France, nor Spainc can doo them wrong," —
all these points must have appeald strongly to an audience of Elizabeth's time, to whom home strife. Armada threats, disputed succession to the throne, and Papal intrigues, were matters of life- long familiarity.
^ 'Post hoc, sed non propter hoc ' is the answer. All I contend for is, that the Tr. R. may have been one of the many causes of the result.
XXXviii TIIK OLD playwright's use of niS MATERLVL. CORRECTIONS.
The freedom with wliich the old Playwright used his Chronicle material must strike every one who reads or skims over these Fore- words. And altogether, many as are the blemishes of The Trouble- some Raig/ie, no fair-minded reader will deny or belittle its merits. ;
I ought perhaps to mention that — following earlier suggestions of possible authorship, he says— INIr. Fleay has turnd the old Play- wright into three, Greene, Peele, and Lodge, and has assignd to each the part of the Play he is supposed to have written (A'. Jo/in, Collins, 1878, p. 33-5). To these suggestions and the statements in support of them, I attach no value myself; but other readers may do so. Minds differ. To Mr. Fleay's claim that " the original plot was laid down for the early play by Shakespeare " {ib. p. 11) — less the Friar and Nun scene (p. 25) — I cannot conceive many reasonable beings agreeing. But thought is free. After the acceptance of the Baconian and Donnelly hypotheses by some creatures bearing the form of men and women, anything is possible.^
I have now only to thank my friend, Mr. W. G. Stone, for his help, and to ask every owner of a copy of this volume to make in the last pages of the Text, the corrections noted below.
British Mitscuni, under the electric light, 20 Nov. i888, 7.45 p.m.
^ As to Mr. P'leay's mention, on his p. 22, of Mr. Dnniel .idopting his Table prefixed to Marlowe's Edw. II, I note that Mr. Daniel made liis Table showing the difference between the Qo. and Fo. of Henry V . (Parallel Text, N. Sh. .Soc.) quite independently of Mr. Fleay's table showing how the actors' parts in Ediv. II. might be doubled. The object of the two Tables was altogether different, tho' the result of Mr. Daniel's — unconsciously to him — was that a reader could tell from it how to double certain parts.
The foregoing extracts from Holinshed were of course made by Mr. Stone and myself without reference to Mr. Fleay's in his edition oi King John.
By some oversight or accident, the corrected proof of sheet ]'> which I retiirnd to Mr. Practorius, was not sent to Hamburg, so that the following Corrections have to be made in the text : —
p. 34, Sc. vii, 1. 41, word 3 is ' fled ' ; 1. 46, word 8 is ' Nauics '
p. 34, Sc. viiijl. i8, syllable i is 'lij' ; word 7 ' stirfet '
p. 35, 1. 40, word 3 is 'so'
p. 36, 1. 59, word 2 is 'fierce' ; 1. 75, word 3 is 'forgiue'
p. 37, 1. 98, word I is 'But'; 1. 102, word 2 is 'rootc'; 1. 120,
there is no stop after ' fee ' p. 38, 1. 150, word 4 is 'defiance' (alterd in Hamburg to
'distance ') p. 39, Sc. ix, 1. 5, last word is ' lyes' p. 39, Sc. ix, 1. 1 1, word 4 is 'chicfcst'
FALCONBRIDGE AND FALCO DE BRENTA, OR BREAUTK. XXxix
Part I, p. 8. Falconhridge. The name occurs several times in Holinslied. One owner of it was a contemporary of Edw. I\'. ah. 1470. Mr. Waikiss Lloyd {Essays on Shakespeare, [1856] 1875, p. 196) suggests that some of Falconbridge's characteristics were got from that raptarius neqtdssimits and l)astard, Falco de Brenta,— or Foukes de Brent, as Holinshed calls him,— who, thougli he was one of the liarons who wrested Magna Charta from King John {Hoi. iii, 186/1, 1. 38), yet gave him great help in his figlit with his barons, antl backt his son against Lewes. Holinshed tells of Foukes's deeds for John in 1215 — 16, on p. 189, col. 2, how lie helpt in garrisoning the ' castell of VVindsore, Hertford and Barkhamsted,' in wast- ing 'tlie counties of Essex and Hertford, Middlesex, Cambridge, Huntington,' subduing the towns, destroying the possessions of the barons, and setting fire to the suburbs of London. On Dec. 18, Foukes took ' the castell of Hanslap,' and Bedford, ' both the town and castell.'
* Vnto whom K. lohn gaue not onlie that castell, but also com- Castels de- mitted to his keeping the castels of Northampton, Oxford and ''ueredtothe
Cambridge. ^-''T°h
1 T^i 1 • 1 1 1 • T^ 1 ■ t dikes de
Ine king had this l^oukes in great estimation, and amongst Brent, other waies to aduance him, he gaue to him in marriage, Margaret Foukes de de Riuers, a ladie of high nobilitie, with all the lands and possessions ^^duanced b that to her belonged.' Hoi. iii. 189/2, 1. 47-55. marriat^e.
In Henry Hi's time (1217), the castle of Hertford was surrenderd by Foukes's servant to Lewes, after a long defence {Hoi. iii. 198/1) ; but on Feb. 22, 1218, Foukes spoild the town and abbey of St. Albans, as he had wasted all the towns and villages on his way thither from Hertford {Hoi. iii. 199/1). Then he took part in the siege of ' Mountsorell beside Loughborough in Leicestershire' {ib.), and at the after siege of Lincoln, he made the attack which carried the city and castle, and which dctermind Lewes to come to terms with Henry HI. The Earl of Pembrook turnd from his a-.sault on Lincoln Castle, to attack the town gates. The French and their English allies followd to defend the town, leaving the castle unguarded ;
{Hoi. iii. 200/1, 1. 42.) ' Thus whiles they were occupied on both Fouks de parts, Fouks de Brent entered into the castell by a posterne gate on Krent. the backeside, and a great number of souldiers with him ; and rush- [P't-'^^i" ing into the citie out of the castell, he began a fierce batell with the postern, citizens within the citie: wliich, when the Frenchmen perceiued, by and fights in the noise and crie raised at their backs, they ran to the place where ^'^ ^-'ity-l the skirmish was, dooing their best to beat backe the aforesaid I'oukes de Brent with his companie. But in the meane time the Englishmen, under [Other Ene- the leading of Sauerie de Mauleon . . . brake open the gates and lishmen en- entred the citie. Then the fight was sore increased and mainteined ter thro' the for a time with great furie : so that it was hard to iudge who should ^'ty gates.] haue the better. But at length the Frenchmen and those English lords that were with them, being sore laid-at on ech side, began to retire r^.j^g French- towards the gates, and finallie to turne their backs, and so fled men put to awaie : but being beset round about with the king's horssemen, they flight at were straight waies either slaine or taken, for the most part of Lmcohie. them.' 1. 64.
This manoeuvre of Falco de Brenta— or Breaute : see Annals of England, 1S76, p. 148, col. 2 — may (as Mr. Watkiss Lloyd says) have suggested to Shalc- spere, Falconbridge's proposal tliat the English and French forces should attack Anglers from opposite sides, 'east and west,' K. Joint, II. i. 38.
p. xxxi, convert. ' Convert, n. 2. A lay friar, or brother, permitted to enter a monastery for the service of the house, but without orders, and not allowed to sing in the choir.' — Webster. Latin convcrsus : see D'Arnis.
xl PART II.
THE CHARACTEES, IN THE ORDEE OF THEIR ONCOMING.
Arthur, Prince of Britaine, Sc. i, p. 5.
The Earl of Penbrooke, Sc. i, p. 6; Sc. iii, p. 15 ; Sc. iv, p. 24;
Sc. V, p. 26; Sc. viii, p. 38; Sc. ix, p. 39. Thomas Plantaginet, Earle of Salsburie, Sc. i, p. 6; Sc. iii, p.
15 (speaks, p. 18, 21); Sc. iv, p. 24; Sc. v, p. 26; Sc. viii, p.
38; Sc. ix, p. 39. The Earl of Essex, Sc. i, p. 6 ; Sc. iii, p. 15 ; Sc. iv, p. 24; Sc. v,
p. 26; Sc. viii, p. 38; Sc. ix, p. 39. Hugh BERT, Sc. i, p. 7 ; p. 9.
King John, Sc. ii, p. 8 ; Sc. iv, p. 24 ; Sc. vi, p. 28 ; Sc. viii, p. 34. 2 or 3 Nobles, Sc. ii, p. 8; Sc. iv, p. 24. Peter, the Prophet, Sc. ii, p. 8. The Bastard, Philip Faulconbridge (son of K. Richard I.), Sc. ii,
p. 10; Sc. iii, p. 16; Sc. iv, p. 24; Sc. vi, p. 28; Sc. viii, p.
34 ; Sc. ix, p. 39. Cardinal Pandulph, Legate from the See of Rome, Sc. ii, p. 13 ;
Sc. iv, p. 24 ; Sc. viii, p. 38 ; Sc. ix, p. 39. A Messenger, Sc. ii, p. 15 ; Sc. iii, p. 19; Sc. iv, p. 24 ; Sc. vii, p.
Zi; Sc. viii, p. 37, 38. The Earl of Chester, Sc. iii, p. 15 ; Sc. iv, p. 24; Sc. viii, p. 38;
Sc. ix, p. 39. The Earl Beauchampe, Sc. iii, p. 15; Sc. iv, p. 24; Sc. viii, p. 38;
Sc. ix, p. 39. The Earl of Clare, Sc. in, p. 15 ; Sc. iv, p. 24 ; Sc. vni, p. 38 ; Sc.
ix, p. 39. The Earl Percy, Sc. lii, p. 15 (speaks, p. 19); Sc. iv, p. 24; Sc.
viii, p. 38; Sc. ix, p. 39. Lewes, the Dolphin of JF7-atice, with his Troupe, Sc. iii, p. 20 ; Sc.
iv, p. 24; (and his Armie,) Sc. vii, p. 32 ; Sc. ix, p. 39. Earle Bigot, Sc. iii, p. 20 ; Sc. iv, p. 24 ; Sc. viii, p. 38 ; Sc. ix, p. 39. Vicount Meloun, Sc. iii, p. 20 (speaks, p. 22); Sc. iv, p. 24; Sc.
v, p. 26. A French Lord, Sc. iii, p. 22 ; Sc. iv, p. 24. 2 English Lords, Sc. vi, p. 28. The Abbot of Stvinsteed, and ccrtayne Monks, Sc. vi, p. 30 ; Sc.
viii, p. 34. The Monke who poisons K. John, Sc. vi, p. 31 ; Sc. viii, p. 36. Another Messenger, Sc, vii, p. 33. Another Messenger, Sc. vii, p. 33. Two Friers, laying a Cloth, Sc. v;ii, p. 34. Prince Henry, afterwards King Henry HI of England, Sc. viii, p.
38 ; Sc. ix, p. 39.
Second part of the
troublefome Kaignc of King
Iohn,conteining the death
of Arthur Plantaginct,
the landing of Lewes,and
the poyfhing of K ing
lohnatSwinftead
As it '^ats (Jundry times) fMikslyaSied by the S^eenes MaieHies T/aycrSj in the ho- nourable ntic of London.
Imprinted at London for Samffon [Urke^ and are to hefolde at hislhofyon the backe-
fide of the Roy all fxchsx-j^e: 1591.
r'
To the Gentlmcn Readers,
THe changelespurpo/e ofdeterminde Fate Cines period to our care, or hurts content. When heatfcnsfixt time for this or that hath end : jNor can earths pomp or polite te present The doome ordftmedin their fecret will.
GcTtfles Vceleft King lohnrepleatewith blijfe That Arthur tikde.whom hefuppofedjlaine j u^nd Hubert polling torethrne thofeLordr^ Who deemd him dead^and parted difcontent : Arthur himfelft begins our latter %/i^. Our t^^ of outrage y delfraicfurie^deathi Wherein fond rafitnes murdreth firfl aPrtnce^ uind Aloni^tfhfklfnes poyfneth laft a -ICing. firfl Scene JltfWsAnirttiTS death in infaniit^ uindtaii concludes lohai/atalltragedte.
t4 2
R.Jolin lY.iii.
The fecand part of the troublefome "^gne of Kin^Iohtti containing the entraunce of Lewes the French Kings Jonne : with the ^vy fining of King John by a tJ^enke.
Enferyong Arthnr on the walls.
C>to tielpe gooo bap to furtber mine entenf, r Crofle not m j» poutb toitb anp moje ejrtreamciei : * % \ktntn Itfp to tramp tn« Iihprti>-
Sc. 1
*.% Uencer life to gaine mp Iibertie, *:^nQtf 31 0(c,iDo;tlO0 troubles b'lueanmo*
jfearegins oifftoaDe tbe fltengtb of mp rcfoluf ,
^p bolD^ mill fai{e>anD cben alas 31 fall,
3nD tf 31 faU,no queltion oeaf b w nzxt x
25ettcr TicQft,aini Uue in pjiifon ffilf*
IPjifon faio 31 'J nap racbct 5eatb tban fo :
Comfort ant) coutagecome agatnero me.
31lc toenter Cure : ti^but a (cape fo; life.
He icapes,ancl brufmg his bones,after he was from his traunce, fpeakcs thus ;
K)oe,tDbo i^ nigb ? fowf boDie taKe me bp . WAitxt i0 mp motber *: let me fpeakc luitb ber. (Kabo bnrts me rtjus ? fpeaKe boe,tDbere are pou gone \ jflp me poo?e Anhnr, % am berc alone. ZB\}V fain 31 motber,boU3t)iD 3! fo?get 't ^p fall.mp fall.batb l^iloe mp Spofbetis ;fe)onne. j|)otJj wtU flje toeepe at tiDings of mp oeotb ? ;8PP ueatb inoau,C) C?od mp bones are bura.
IZ
■16
-la?
^hjeetc
^tocccc 3!eftt faue mv foule, fojsme nip raQj attempf . Comfort mp Sl^otl)cr,Qjirlo ^jct from ocfpajre, ZCIIjm (be (ball beare mp tragickouercbjouje, 5pp beart cfintroules; cb? office of mp tronfij Spp Dtfall pouters fo?tafec mj? biufet) ttunck, 31 &pf 3E ope, beauen take mp fleeting foulr, anu laop S^otbcr all gooD bap to tbtt» He dyw.
Effex' 9pp lo?tJ8 of Fenbroki aUD QtS*tt$bHry
teicm irtbecatffuirmoucponicte ^ouuDcrminetbckcyerg of iljiiJ place, Clfe (ball iMt ncHcrfinD tbell^^mceaerrauf*
Tt/throahc s©p 1 o;to of f^'f.v take no care foj (b^t, 31 uiatrant poa it luas not clofeip Done. !Suttobo is tbw^.lo io?iJ6 tbe teitbcreD ffotu^g €Wi\\o in bis life (binoe like tbc ^a^rnags blui^. Calf out a Dtaie, DfiiiBe biftbatiaH ftgbt, S p?5p fo? biros ano Uesfistc gojjc <jpon«.
Salsburie $D riubfuH fpedacks €> Damned DecDf *, ^p finncmc? W?,mp i?erpbfa« &ctlj bjeioc.
£j^Ar lL?sue cbiitfiK) ttares b?aac Lo^lJtj of £f?^Af??< 3if ttjatcrfltssOB coulti fetcb bis lif^ ii^dwt^ ^p epe5 fboulD cotiDuit fs^.tb a fea of ceares* ijlt fobba iDfiuio brli»e, o? fojrotoce fetnetbe came, fi^u bcart iboula tjolic out oeepe piercing piaint0* 15k baattelTc Mmi tc bjeatb asJ manp ngbes a$; niigbt eriiptc tb« bjtigbtett &onimer« funae, iO^ecre reQe tbe bdpe, a feruicf to \ii^ gbolt* letnottbetpjant caafcr of ibis Dole» line to triumpb in rutbfuU mafiacretf, <3i«f bauD fip.u bart, ants <^gU(b«i2n to armeaf, ^jg '45oi>2 T)C'frfc to toieahf v>d of tbiffc bar»tsc^,
I'ittbrDh^ %^z bel4 40uift:^ttrii<l^oMmmc?^oiift«gbfftf»
Enter
K.Jolm
lY.Di.
Enter Hctghbnt.
!S ig^c nobl£ lo?Dg^,3 fpeafee bnto n^\ all,
tZDtje Eing intrcatcs ponr fooneft fpeeo
'SDo bifit l^inijiubo on pour ^}zknt toanc.
DID ban auD curffe big brrtlj, \imk\tz anD mt,
Stoy eject uttng of (jis Srist commauno.
3 fall) bt's pafrton,anDatfittetttime,
0nui*De Ijim of Ois coufins being fafr,
^i)ome pttcie Vuoulo not lee me ^o; to Dtfitf^
ipc craBes pour compauj^ mplo?53 in balic,
Co lu^omc 31 U)ill ccnuafi pcung Arthur Qreigfjt.
^bo 10 in bealtlj bn^r r ttsi> cuSooie. £-{f'x %\\ bf altt) bafe billaine, inert not 2 leanr tbp crime
•Co ©003 rrueng-e^to iDbomer^uenffe belongs, li;>fcrf (IjouiDfttljou pertfl) onmp Hapires pome* Caia tbou ibi0 beaUb ^ fucb braltb bettoe tbp frieno^,
3nb all tbat are of tbp couDtttom
Hiighberc sppJLo?{)s,but bf «? mf fpgafee,^ feiliue d;mj 3If beere 3 left not t\)i^ pong prince aliuej Spauffit tbe battp Coift of tbe i£\ing, Wi\)Q^dMt me cbarge ca pue out botb bi^^ ^)^^^* Cbac ©oD tbat gaue nis iiuing to tbis boU)?e, Cbunoer reueagebpcn me in rbie place ; 3nb as 3 tenierb \iim \ait\) farneHIoue, ^0 6oMQU8ftj?,anD tben^ ih^M UetocIU SMf. ^iwtt craptD? bfnce i\)^ tmvxd is beercin. Exit FTf^gfA ^ome ill tbis place appopntco bp the King |)aue tb?oto!i£ btmfrom tbis fobging; bere aboue, ^no futc tbe m«ttbfT batb bin netolp Done, iTo? pet tbe boup i? not fulip coior*
Ejfex Ipo'iii fappou lojD05ft)alt b)C bJUb tpceb bifpatcb- ©ntJfrourbanJfs a pachttimnPr/iHNce •SEo bio tbe Dcipbtn enter bJich btsfo^ce "Co claime tbe ii\tngD0me fo) his proper rigbf, 11)1!? title makecb lab$fu(lft?eng,tb tbtreto, iefibCfi tbi^poyfjcn pertU of bis cur lie,
3E)at(?
Set.
5^
5-i-
8
J![)atb barti »? of obc6icncct>oto fohn, ttbtJ! IjatcfuU mutDrr/.f ft'w b w true t«Tccnt, tirbebolp cijacgecbac toeerece(uDefrom^<>wf, 5irc toccgbtie rtafon? if pou like mp reefte, tlDo make bs all perfeuer in tW Df ebe.
Pembroske 2©plo?Dof£/^^,toenbattepoaa5infoe, 01 tDiK accojo to furtber pou in tbi^.
Sahbury ^nnSaisbury toi(l noc gamfaj) djc fame* 35tttaio tbat courfc asj far foo?tb a$ be can»
Wx -Cben cat b of tjs fend iTraigbt to bis ailpc^. '^0 tofnnetbem to fbi0fanioU8f encerp^ife, :anti let D0 all pclati tn ipalmer^ \x>ttu.
%l)C Centb of :ap^il at ^aint Edmonds Bnry
S^tm to confer, ano on tbe $llcar tbm ^toeare fecrecic anoattj to tf)K aotrtfe. S(^eane ttfjifc let us conueigb tbis boDp ^mty ;3nOjj(uel;im burfallas befits biis ttate, JlRcepinff biJJ montbs minne anobw obfequieiS CaiifbCalemne infercenion fo? Ingfoule* jj^otofaj) pou lo?mngs,are von all agreeo ?
Pembrooke tLbe tentb of ap^ill at ^sMEdmottds Bury
(§00 letting not, 31 teill noc feUe tbe time, Ejfex ^benletb^aUconucpcbeboDpljcnce* Esceunt.
Enter King lohn with two or three and the Prophet.
John C^iflurbco tboagbts.fo^etJoomcriS of mine ill, i;)i(lradeii pafiion0,agnes of grouiing barnie0, ;g»trange Ip^pbecieg of imminettt milba^jf, Confouno mp toita^u maitnp fenfes fo, Wcist etierpobiecttbereinincepw bebtrfj ;S>eemeinftrunicnCB to bpgmetomp tmi» !JiccnIIon uap 10 come, John fearenot tben t!ri;c p?ooigie0 fbi0 p?atling ]^;topbet %af eu. mi? c^nje inof ene : ab toere tt fullp part, trtjtn mece31 carrier of a tjroufanD fcaree.
K.John
(not ill R.Jolm)
€be
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XTftc Diall trite me, it is (toelw at noone^ |
9 |
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(not m |
Sc. ii. |
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I. John) |
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aaere ttoclueat miunijrbt paff^fben mig^e^f Umt |
iZ |
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Jffilft feew p?opbcnc» of noimpo?t» |
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Conlo 31 a» toell toicb t5w rigbt bano of mine |
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tamtouct&e Si)uimc from ourspcrioian. |
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V |
t[Xmo cyemoondeD circle of tljantipoDc^, |
¥6 |
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1 |
5!S turne f bt3 fff eU from tvoelue to ttotiue agen. |
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1 1 |
tDijen /<?^« tfje natc of fatall p^opOecies |
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1 |
^feoulo UJit^ t&e?^?opbcts UfetogrtberenD. |
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35ttt tJ^itlta cadknt inter cslicemfupremaque lahre . |
ZO |
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1 1 |
JPeter, Dtifa? t^p foo!i(^ ootinff D?eame, |
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J9ttO bp tbe Crotone t^iEngUnd (jarc 3i fmearc. |
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'^0 mafee tbee great, ane greateft of tb? litn. |
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7^/^r JKing/(?Harf(joualjfbetirae3 liauepjefnrtbeu |
Zi- |
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i |
%t but tioelwc bourea remaining pet bebinoe. |
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^et DO 31 &nolu bp tnfpirattom |
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Cre tbat ^n time be fullp come about. |
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itittg hhn fl;aU not be Eing a^ beeretofo?e» |
Z8 |
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lohn um btt?5ari»,tobat mifcbaunce can cb^uncefo hne. |
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'Ed r« aiding beQoc bis rcgali feate : |
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^p beart is gooD, mp boop paflftfiglTranir, |
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;58^p lano in peacc,mp enemies fuboeteJO, |
iZ |
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^nlp mp 35aron0 fto^me m jlrthnrs oeatb. |
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%vtt Arthur liuefi,3I tbcrecbecbaUengegrotoefif, |
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tmtxt beiiifpatcbt i^nto bis longeftbome, |
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Cbcn loere tbe l^tng fecure of tboufano ioH, |
5<? |
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Hnbtrt ttjj^at netos toitb tb«,tober e arc mf io?D«^ |
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Hubert j^arD ne\»es mp tojo, v4r/W tbc louelp J^^ince |
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;S)eeking to efcape ouer tbe Caaie toane0. |
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jreUbeaolon)j^onjne,anB in tbe curfeti fall |
+^ |
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^e b?a!te \m bonefl,ano tbe re before i\^z gate |
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^our tS5aronjBE fotmo bim neao^ano b^eatbletfe nvitt^ |
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lohn 3(0 Arthur oeao H tbcn Hubert toitbottc mo^e too?Ds |
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bang tbe J9?opbct, |
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•atnap ttitb "y^'^^tJiUen outof mp figbt, |
** |
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31 amoeafe, begone, let bim not fpeake a ino^o. |
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35 imo |
10.
1 nc uuuuicioiiicivaignc
j5obj A?/>w,tl)p fc8re0 are banifbt into fmoake, Arthur i<3 Dean.fbou guiltlcffe of iiis Dcatin fe>U)£3etc ^ouilj,but tbat 31 ftruieu fo) a CrolattC, J31 coulo (jauc tocll affoojtueD to t\)int age l^onij Ijffjano Ijappineis to c|)p concent.
Enter the Baftard.
John Philip, \iif)Htntmti\dtJiit\)te't
COljo imOjt U&e fortune to befall U0 all : Sno luitlj c|3at lDO?o,c^e rope Ijis lateft fdcnu, Ecpt !)im from fallino: l^eaoloiig tot^e gtoutiD.
/c^« ^Ijere let bim ^ang,anD be tlje Hauen^ fooiTj ©Itljile /<?^» triirmpba in fpigfec of pjopbectcjif. !^Mt tobfltjj tljf tlDings ironi t^e IPopelingg noto* (aabat fap ti^e 2^onkc0 ane ip? jeff s Co our p^oceeDingg % S>} tubercfl tlje Karons tbat fo foDainlp S:)io If aue t\)e iKiiig; t)pon a falfe furmife ?
BffnitrJ EUe prelates l!o?me ^ tb?tr(! fo? 0jarpe reufgi tButpIeafejJOiir S^aienie,locre tljattbf tuo^ft, 31t Utcle Huio : a greater Danger (f coluetf, W\}\c\) ni art be toeebeu out bp carefull fpceiic, SJ^all is loa^fo? allCBleudo at,
Johft 2Qoit frtgbt« anD fearer ,ijt)l)at ere tbp tioingsbe, 3 am pKPsrDe : tbcn /'fc^/'p quicUlp fap> $(c)canetl)eptomurDer,o?imp?!fGume, Co c^iue mp crotone atoap to /^<»wr 0? Framce^ C? Vjiid fbep eacb of tbcm become a !Ktnj ? ZSX(i}{z tl;an 3 rtjinke it ii^it cannot be,
^^^4rt/ ji^ot \»o?fe nip t ojo,but c netle b)l)it atf bao.
"SLIjc Ji^Qbif « O^nc eledeo Ltwes l^i'n j,
3Inrir5bf of laoie BUnchepoin jQeece,^ifli 2Ittfc;
15)islanoiu(j icerpfcteD fuerpbotucr,
^l)C jIi2oble^,Cnmn]on0,Clergit,aU €ftfltC|3(,
Snf itfO cluefcip bP the Curdmall,
^ FandHlph
(not ill K.Johii)
11.
(not in R. John)
TandMlfh x\)^i\m bete IcQ^au h). tlie Ipojpej, •^SCbinhs long to feetijar neuj cIcacD iKinij. 9uD fo? tjnDoubccup?Dofe,fefjere mpiiege |.ecters to mefrous pour j^oWidc, *^o be a partk in tbia adion j £)iIl()3\jHiier (Ijotu of fdineJj !)olme«j, %popnt tljeir nicermg Q,tS.EdmondsBttryj^
^I)f re to confulc,confpice,ano concIuDe fDl)e DuertbjoiD atiD tjoiotifail of paur ^^tate*
/<?/j« ^(rifjp fo it mutt be j one (joiytr of coucent ^atcljttoitO amontlj ofpafiionatecfffctg. aail^p OjJKPs C!)C ^unne to fduour tljisf onfo^t / teiOp Doo {()c iDJnDeg not b?eaKEtli)€ir bja^en gatcu, SnB fcaicer ifll tljefe periuro complices, Caiitl) fill t^f ir counfdis ano tljf ir Diunneo 9,nft^» !But fee tbc toclkin rollctb fl:cntlp on, ^birc3 not a lo\Bj(nj^ cioio&e to fro^une on t^cm; djcl}e.iufn,tljceart{j,tberiin!jc,t[je mcaneano ail Confpire toitlj tljofe confcoerates mp Deca?, d.)cn l}ell fo? mc if anp potof r be tbere, J'o^fahc tbat plar e^ani? guioe me tte pDp Cry ^opopfon,ttraiigle,miirDfr in ihtix fteps ^befc traitoj0 : olj tbat name w too 500D foj tyem, 3nD Dentlj 10 caHe : is tb^renotbin^ iDo^fe 'S^o U)?eake me on tbis pjoun peace-b?f iihing creui H, W\)^t faift ibou ThtUp ? tobp affiles tbcu not,
Bafiard ^{jcfe cutfcfi (ffooD mplojD) fitflot tbc feafott; 5)elp mul! Defceno from beaae n agiainfl tbts tcf afon ?
hhn ji5aptboutDtIfp?ooueatratfo?U)i£btbe rctt, (©oeact tbce to t be m,(bame come to pou all
Bahard % UnoulDbe loatb to leaue ponr fpighnes t^usj, ^ft pou commantJjanD^tbougfjgriciUJtoilfgoc,
lohn 3b -^^# tobetber gof f^ tOoa,rome apine^ (man*
Baftard 5^p lop tbefc motions areaapaffionsof amaa
M» §1 maomanP/j/Ap,3(amniaDinl3eeo^ ^^Ijartiis ma^^^mp fciife0 ail fo?eDone»
35 2 9^110
S( .ii
^i?
92
12
•■*v>^«-'^
^u Iphn of Eftglan J no\x> 10 quite bnuone* mafi eueriKinjK aji 31 opp^tll toitlj careis ^ .OameiE/M»or mp noble i^ot^erCJuane, flpp onelp ^ope ant> comfort muiftreffe, 31)5 oeaD,anD>E»?/«/?^ ejccommunicate, 5lntj 31 am inrtroicteDbptbepoye , jflll Cburcljefi curft,tbffr ooojes are fcalettlip, jano fo? tbe pleafute of tbe Homill)P?(ea, •^ be feruic c of tbe lt>^gbeR is neg IcacD ; tLbemulticuDf (a bealtof niatip beaD«) iDootDifb confuQon to tbeir<le)oaeraigne; 'Ehe j^obles blinoco \jiitb ambitionjs fumeaf, /Sinemblc pothers to beat mine €mpireooume# 9 no mo;e tban tbiSjClett a fo?rea Ming, flD Sn^U»ciy)3itxt tboueuer miferable, ISinff fohn QlErtgland fewi tba miferable : Ichti,tietf)p finnetf tbat mahes it miferable,
Qmctjutd deltrunt Reges^fleClkntHr t/^chihi^
:thilip,m tbou ball cuet louoe tbp Kinj,
!feO (boUJ it noto : poll tQ^^Edmonds'Btiry,
DltTemblc toitbtbe JI5obles,fenototbeir ii?ift«f, ConfounD tbeir m'uefilb pIotj^.anQOamtiD \imtt^^ Cbowfib ^0^" befauUicpet let fubictf^beare, Jl?e toill amenoanD rigbt tbe peoples tD?ong0» ja Spotbec tbougfb fbe toerc brmaturall, 3;s better tban tbe &(noe0 ^tcpoame ts t Let neaer Cnglitbman truft fo?raine rule. tJTben Phtiif fbc\u tbp feaitie to cbp Stinff^ ^no mongfl tbe j/3oblc? pleao tbou fo? tbe IKinjf*
Bailard 31 goe mp ILo?D : fee bom (je ijS Di(lraugf)t, Ubisis tbe curfeo p?ieft of /^^/y li^atb beapt tbefc mifcbiefed on tbi^ baplcirelann* Jl?otoP/>//r>,baDa tbou Tnilyes eloquence, '^benmigbtatbou bope to pleao mitb gooo fuccelTe* Exit.
hhn 5nd art tbou gone 'i fuccefTc map folloto cf;ce : '^t)u^ba(Ttbou n^etDD ttjpKinDncs to tf;p lining*
^irta^
(not in R.John)
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fei rra,in l)aff goe gtecee t^e Catmnall, |
43 |
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(not in |
Sc.ii. |
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LJohn) |
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P4ndulph % meanf ,tl}p Legate from tbe It^ope. |
15Z |
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^ap tbat i\)tMxi% ncQrw to fpeaKc toit^ bint. |
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il5ott) 7»^« betbtnkc tljce bom tijou maift rcfoluc j |
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^D if tl)Ott toilt continue fw^/^w^/j King, |
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^ben caft about to kerpe tljp Diatiem; |
4S6 |
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iTo; life anD lann^anD all is leueiuat^ |
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%\)t Pope of ^»»^ci0 l)c tbat is tbecaufe, |
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fipe curfetl) t|jee,lje fets tbp fubietts free |
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Si^m mieobcDience to tbeic^oueraigne: |
i60 |
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i^e animates tbe Cobles in tbeir toatrec. |
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ibe giues atoap tbe Croinneto Phthfs S>onnf , |
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iSInu patDon^ all tbat Ceebe to murtber tbeei |
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;£lno tbU0 biinne ^eale ig Hifl p^eDominant. |
/i?f |
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^bftt ^*^" ^btre is no toap to heepe tbp Crotone, |
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!35ut finelp to oiCfembie toitb tbe pope j |
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'iE:bat bano tbatgnietbe ujounu mutt glue tbe falue |
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^0 cure tbe burt^ela quite incurable. |
168 |
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'^bp Hnnes are farre too great to be tbe man |
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'?L'abolilb pope^anti poperp from tbp Eealme x |
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35ttt in tbp ^eate,if 31 map gelfe at alt> |
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a -King (ball rafgne tbat (ball fupp^elTe tbcm alU peacc/^Kbere comeu tbe legate of tbe pope, |
m |
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2:>i{rcmbletbou,ano lubatfoere tbou faitt, |
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^e( \sA^ tbp ^eart ysi\\i) tbeir confuaoR* |
115 |
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Enter Pandulfh, |
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Pand. jf5oto /fl^»,bntoo?tbie man tob^eatb on eartb. |
116 |
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€:bat ooft oppugne againtttbp Spotber Cbutcb : |
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imp am 3? rent fo? to tbp f urfeu felfe 1 |
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John %\)o\x man of <?5oD,aicegerent fo3 tbe 1^^^» |
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^be bolp mat of ^.Peters cburcb, |
ISO |
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capon mpfenee«,3parDoncraue of tbee, |
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anDDoofubmitme to tbe fea olR^me^ |
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5ln0 boto fu} penaunce of mp bigJ? offence. |
1Si |
44
%o cake on me tOcboIpCrofTeofCfj^iff, andcarpilimw in Ijol^ Cl)?iQiaitUjarte0«
^PandMifb. 1150 /<?/?^, tljp froiDcIjing ann ui{remblm^tiu0 CannPt riccciiie tlje legate of (iic Ij^ope, feap u;l)at djou U)tU, 3] totU not freoit cbee t ^bp Crotune ano KingDome boil) are tane aUiap, ^iiDtbouattcurdtDtt^outreDcmpiiom
lohn Siccucf! (nuaDe to fene ele to fuc^ a Djuu je, ^no gctno bclp iMicl) tljp fubmiCfion, Clniljf atb cl)p f\j}o?ii, anD flep t^e mifpjoton ^^iel! Cljatt^us trmmpl;^ t)z tljaa mig^cpKing ; jj^o John fubmitagame DilTemble pec, ^0? ip?jell3 ano aBoaicn muflt be flatterer* JJfcMp jTatber tl)ou tbpfelfe Dolt knoUD iio time to late fo? finnerft to repent, ^UCoiuc me tben, ano hhn tjotl) fiBearg CdBoo 'C.be \Jtcermoft tubac euer tbou oeniaunoff.
^andnlph hhn, noto3Ifeetbpbarjppemtenfe, 3Ir?U) anDpittptbpuiflrgaertatf, flDne toap is left to reconcile tljp felfe, 9no onlponebJbicb 310!)aHftetDtotbef» "^bou mull furrcnucr to the fea of ^^^w 'Cb? Crotone ant Dtaseme,t&en (ball tbe ^ope Defeno tbee from tbmuaOon of tbp foe0» Qno vubere bis bolineCfe bacb l^inoleo Fraunce, 5lnD fct tbp fubietts Ijearto at toarrc Witb tbee, '^Tben (ball be curlTe tljp foes, anlJ beate tbem uolone, ^bat feeKe tbeosfcontentnient of tbeiKing.
fohn jprom bao to vooo^fe o? 31 mutt Imfe mp realmf, O? giue mp Crolone fo^ pcnnancc unto Rome <• J^mtfcrie mo^e piercing tban tbe oattg 'GT hat b^f ake from burning erbalationg poVDcr* tClbat ': iball y\ ^m mp Croione toitb tbi« right banu i j15o : toit^ t^xi bartD ucfcnD tb? Crotone anD tb«e« ^batne)xiedU)(£btbce«
Enter
(not 111 K.Johii)
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if>. |
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(not in |
Enter Mcflengcr. |
vSc.iL |
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K. .lolin) |
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pwfe it pour S0ak(tity thtxe i^ nttctim on cf;e Coafl of |
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Kent an IjimujcD ^aple of ^Ijips, tobictj of all men ia |
zzo |
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tijougljt toOet!)e jTrencl; ^leece^uaDci: t^c conuiirt of tfec |
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IDolpbtn, To cbat tc puts t};c Cttntcie tn a muttnic, fo t|)ttp |
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fcuD t0 pour (Srace fo? fuccour* |
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KJchn i)QXa noU) lo?ti Caruwall, tuljac^ pour bcft aouife, |
%%l. |
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%l)tk mutiniejs mufi be allapo in time |
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%V polltcp 0^ (jeaDllron^ rage at lea ft. |
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iD J^ohn» t^efe troubles t^^t t&p Uiearpen foule. |
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and like to Luna in a fao <£clipfc, *i^o are tbp tbougbts; anD paffions fo]t tljid ne\ne^« SS^ell map it be \sihm ^in^s are gricuto (oy %\^t ttulpr fo?t bJO^fee |3?inces ouertb?oUi* |
%%s |
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Cardinall UJohnJai not effecting? of tbp ph'abteb tjoto. |
%yi |
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'Ebis! flrangeannopance Iiappens to tliplantJ : |
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t35ut pec be reconcilD bnto tbe Cljurcb, |
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5no nothing Ojall be grieuoug to tijp Sate. |
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John 2Dn Pariiifilpb be it 86 tljou (jafl Dccreeu^ |
236 |
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lohn toiUnot fpurne againitcOp foutiD aDuifc, |
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Come let0 atoap, anu toitb tljp ^clpe31 troto |
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$pp KealmeQjall flojiflj anD mp Croiwne in prace. |
235' |
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Enter the Nobles, Penbrtok^.Ejfex^ChtfierBcwchanife^ |
Sc.iir |
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C/4rr, with others. |
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Tenbro$ke j^ObJ flueet S.EiimondljolV ^Mut in bf flUeo, |
/ |
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t£ll)ore5^b?ine is facrcD;ljigb cttee mB on eartb. |
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3lnfufe a confidant jeaie iu all our bear ts |
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Co p^ofecute tbis act of mickleujaigbf' |
«■ |
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Lo;d Bcwcham^ rap,lMbat frienus bauf pou pjiDCurtJC> |
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Bewchamp. ^\)(tJ-ft'{^iy^ter, t. Percy, anti I . ^''j^* |
'" |
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OoiDU meeting beerc tbifi(»ap tbe icuentbboure. |
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£px Umn cjje cloKe of (icU? pilgrimage. |
s |
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^P |
16
^p tbat fame boure on toarrant of tbeir faitb, /*fci7/r/> PUntagenct^ a biro of ftuifteK toing,
Lo?D Eujiace^ ^^f^y% 2^0?B Crfjgr, anO lo?D Mowbrey,
iajjpopnteu mectinj at ^,Edm(,nds ^b?mr» 'Pembrtke cintiU tbcir p]fcfenre ile comcale m^ tale,
^toeece r ompUccs in boUe Cb?i0ian &(i9y
'^Tbat uenturefo? tbepurcbafe ofrcnotone,
^b?icf toelcomc to tbe league of bigb refolae,
1!Lbat pabine tbeir boDiCjS fo; tbcir foules re^arD* Ejfex jf5ott) toantetb but tbc red to enD t\m too^he,
3In idtlgrtms babit comme^ our bolie troupe
^ furlong bene e ttiitb ftoift bntoonteo pace,
j^ap brtbep aretbeperfonspou erfperc* (jwte,
Tembroke cOitb fujift bntoonteo gate,fe tobat a tbing isJ
'Slbat fpurrs tbem on mty^ feruence to tbi2 ^b?ine^
jl5oto iopcome iQ tbem fo^ tbeir true intent
ilno in gooD time beere come tbe marmen aU
^bat imntt in boop h^ tbe mino^ Difeafe
i|;)apanD bartseafeb^aue lo}&ing0be^ourlot«
Enter the Baftard Phillip, <?cc.
Smen mp 1o?d^, tbe like betioe pour lucke, ^nn ad tbattrauaileina Cb^ifiian caufc^
Efcx Cbcerelp repHeu l^aue b^auncb of hinglp flocli, ^tigbfP/^wr^^iwrr fljoulo rcafon fo* 35ut filence Lo?D3, attenD our commingisf c aufe, ^{)t feruile poke tbat papneijijs tottb tople, S)n ftrottjc inlTina batb frami) tbis conucnticWe, ^0 eafe our necKct of feruitui^es contempt, ^bouh) 31 not name tbe foeman of ourrefll, ZBWh of pou all fo barraint in conceipt, JCljf cannot leuell at tbe man 3^ meane ^ i^utleaft enigmas n;aDotolbining ttutb plainelptopainfas trutb requtrei^ noarte» 'Ebeffectoftbi^refo^t impo^tetb tbis, %o roote anD cleane e):tirpate ticanc I^h/f, 13:irdnt 31 fap^ appealing to tbe man,
3if
(not in R. John)
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!5if attp()«retbacloue8btm,anD3I afke |
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(not in |
Sc.iii |
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(. John) |
't't |
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aa^ac hiuDfijip, lenitie, o) cl)?iftian rafgne |
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Hules in tlje man, to barretljis foulc tmpcacb* |
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Sfixit Ji inff rre ttie Chefien banmfijnicnj : |
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Sto] rcpKfjenmng bim in moft \jncb?tQian crimesf. |
1^8 |
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COasfpectall notice of a cp^ant^ tutU* |
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QBut toere tijis all, tlje oeuill a;ouIo be faun. |
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!But cbts tlje leaft of manp tboufanu faults, |
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^l)at circumdauce Uittb Icifure mig&c uiTpla?* |
52 |
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£)ur p^iuate lojwigg, no parceH of mp talc |
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ZlWt^ nolo in p^efcncc^but foj fome threat caiife |
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SpigbttDilbtobtmae to a mo^cali foe* |
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tIBuc iiiali 3i clofe t^e perioD tuitb an acte |
56 |
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9bljo?rinffint|eeare3 ofCb?iftian men. |
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Jpis Cofensi Deatbitbat ftocct bnguiltp cljtlDe^ |
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tlntimelp butcberD bp tbe tp^anis meaner. |
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|)eere t;^ m^ maUe as cleerc asgraueil bjoohe. |
60 |
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SnDoncbefame3Ifartber mudinfccre. |
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IZLbac U)bo upbolDs a tp^ant in bis r ourfe. |
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3!« culpable of alibis oamneb guilt* |
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•21:0 (bote tbe tobicb, is pet to be Dcfcribtr* |
6Ji |
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5^p to}D (ffPenhrooke tbeto tobat (s bebinor. |
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S^nlp 31 fap tbac Ujcre cbcre notljing elfc |
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'Eomoueus but tbel^opes ntoftD?eaBfuUcurltc» |
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SBbereof tjjc are alfurefi if toe faple. |
68 |
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3 1 toere inougl; to inftigate bs all |
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CiOltit^ earnellneflie of fp?ic to fee he a meane |
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^0 bifpofl'cfle John of bis regiment. |
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Penbrooke mtW batbmp lo?H dlEfex tolOClji^ talf^ |
72 |
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Mlbicb 31 auer fo? mol! fubltanciall trutb. |
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;SlnD mo?e to maRc tbe matter to our minor , |
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31 ^s^v tbat Lewu in cbalenge of bis toife. |
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4Datb title of an bncontrouleD plea |
16 |
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%Q all rbaf longctb to our €H^ii\i Cratonc, |
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^bo?t tale to make, tbe "feeaapoftolick |
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il;at|) olTero Uilpenfarion fo? tbe fault. |
19 |
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C 3f |
1»
X lie LI v/uuitivTiiic ivaigiic
;yf anp be,afl truftmencmc 35 l^no\u
OPp plantiug Lewes in cljc Ofurpers roomc :
Cljis is rl^e caiife of all our p?f fence ^ecre,
^hat on tlje Ijolte 2Uat toe p^otell
•Eo apoe tbe rigljt of /^^»v« toitb gcous anu (ife,
£Obo on our knoiulelige tfi in 5lrm?0 fo? England.
CitUatfappouiLojiOs*:
SahbHue 2.9 Pembreoke faptb, afflrmeCb SabbHrit: jTaire Lr iv^i of Frannce t^at fpoufeO taOp Blanch,
i^atl) title of an bncontrouIeD ftrengtO Co England, anD tobat longetb to tUe Crotone : 3!n rigl)t iDbereof, a^ toe are true info?mo, Z.\yt prince ij3 marcljinjj bitljertoarD in ^arnietf* iE)ur purpofe to concluoe c^at toitfe a too^u, 3!s to inucft l;im as toe map DeuiCf, jKtng of our Countrep in tlje tpjants fleatJ : 9nD To tlje toarrant on tlje ^Itarftoojne, ^uD fo tbe intent fo? tofjicb toe Ijitber came*
3a[iard. Sj^p lo?0 ofSalsbury^ 3 CannoC CDUCt?
l(Bp fpcecbcs toitb lije needful! too^tis of arte,
as Dotb befeeme in fuct a toaigbtie too^he,
a3ut tobat mp confrience ano mp Outie toil!
3i purpofe to impart*
4f oj Chefters e]cilC5blame bis biifie \siiu
'Ebat meolet) tobcre W tiutie quite fo^baoe :
So), anp p^iuate caufeg tbat pou baue,
£pe tbmkc tbep (boulD not mount to fucb a b^tsl)t,
^stooepofea Kingintbeirrcuenge.
jTo) Arthurs x^zsxl) Mitig lohn toas tnnoccnt,
i^c Defperat toas tbeoeatbfmantobimfeUe,
ffinitb pou to make a colour to pour crime iniuftTpuo tniptrte
OBut tobere fell trapto^ifmc batb refioence, (to bis Default,
"Ebere toance no too^os to fee oefpigbt on toojke*
31 fap ti* (bame, ano too?tbP all rcpjofe,
Co toKft fucb pettic tojongjj in tearmejs of rigbt,
;ljgatn(l a Kitig dnno|'U(eD bp tbe io|D»
(not in K. John)
19
(not m R. John)
Sc.i
in
taxhp Sahhitrk aomtt tfjf to?ong0 are f rur,
gft fubiedg map not cake m (jano re uenge,
9nu rob tbe beauens of tijeir proper pouia-,
2ffilt)Ccenttet!)lieccti3{)omereuenge belongs,
9ttO ootf) a pope,a lj5^ieft,a man of p?ine
C5iue rfjarters fo? tije liuess of latofuU King* 'i
aObac can^e blelTc, o? toljo rc^arog bts c urffCj
^ut fucb a;5 giuc to manyflno ta^cs fiom (^oD»
31 fpeafee it [n tlje figbc of ©oD abotip,
Cberes not a man cbat upcs in pour beiiefe,
3But fcls bi3 foulr pcrpe fuallp to papne.
Spu Leivf/, Icaue 6oD, feill /f?^/?, plpafe bell,
S^afee bauock of ite tcelfareofpouE fouJce,
jfo? bff^te 3! Icaue pou hi tbe 6gbt of b?auen,
^ troupe of trapto?3fooDE toi bcllifb fceuDs?;
3If p0U ucniT, tben foUoto me a-s ftienos,
31f not, tbni Oqj pour toojft as batefult crap(o^0»
5Po? Lewes bw rigbt alas tis roo to lanw,
9fenre!Eirfclapme,iftrutl?betitlesfr{Enl»#
31nb?ieff,if tbisbe caafe of ourrefo^t,
CJurJ^ilgrimagc is to tbe Deuils ^b?i"e»
31 came not t o?og to troup as trapto?^ tco,
^). tuill 31 rounfaile in fo bao a caufe :
JpieafepoureturnejUjcego againeasfr!>n50,
31f not, 31 to mp King:,anD pou tobtrc ttapco^g pleafc. Exit,
Tercy ^ bote poung man, aniifo mp llo|D0 pjocfe&> 31 let bim ffo, ano better loll tben founo*
Penbrooke (IO()atfappoulo?DS,lnrnaU tberttl piOfcets, Saiill pou all toub me fineare bpou tfje Suiter %\M pou toil to t\it Deafb be nv^i to Lewes, f trnm^ to hhn ? Currp man lap bia iiao Op mme,in mtnn of Ow batts acco^ft, Wi^\\ tben, euerp man to (^rmes to meet? cfje King ®Dt[jo is alrcaDie before London.
U6
J-lih
■I'tS
MeffengerEnter.
C 2
'Zf^z
20
at bano, comming to biQt pour Oonoj«, ntrecteDbftbcrbp tbe rigbt bono^abic T^tcfurd Carle \ilBi^ot, tocoafme toifbpouril)ono?s»
T'enhroeke $30 to Httre IS bt^l^tffbncrfe,
Aftjjengcr iRf aDp to enter pour p^efence*
JLntcvLcvfu,VAr\c Bigot, with his troupe. Lewes jfajre lo^DS ai England, Lewes faluCfg pOlUlIl
9fi frieiH))3,ano firmc \DeItaillers of I;is ttjealc,
3t tDliofe reaucft from plentp floiuing Frannce
Croflinjj tbe ©ccan \»icb a ^outbern gale,
Ipe 18 in pcrfon come at pour comntaunofi
'(^Td unoertake ant) gratiRe UiitbaU
•^be futnelTe of pour fauours pjoffrru lyinu
Idui too?lDs b?aue rtien,omittin|: p^omifrF,
liilltimcbfminiflerofmojeamenDg,
3! mufT acquaint pou \j3itb our fortunes courfe*
^bf bcaunifi oetoing fauours on mp beaD,
ibauc m tbeir conouct fafe tt)itbwcco?te,
i5;iougbt me alonn; pour tocU manures bounujf,
SxUtfb fmall repulfr, ano little croQTe of ibauncr*
3Dour Citic Kocbcttertoitb great applaufe
"Bp fomcDeuine inRinctlapuarme^afioe:
lant) front tbe boHoiu boles of Ebamcfis
Cccbo apace repliue f^ine U toy.
jTrom cbence, along tbe toant on robiltng glatjf
^0 Troynonant^mx fa^}t ^"fetropfflis,
dlitb UtcK came Lnv^to n^eln bis trouper ofFraHnce, SClauing our Cnfignestoitb tbeDallpingUiinoes!^ 8:be fearcfull obiect of fell frotoning tuarrc; S^illberp after fome alTaultjanD fmall Defence, i^eauens map 3i ta^, ano not mp toarlthe troupe, '2:cmpero tbeic beartc to taUe a frienolp foe tClllbintbf compaflfc of their bigb built \Bal(ei5, i^mnji rae tttU ag (t fttm& tbep toil^.
(nol in K. John)
21.
(not in K.John)
Sc.ii
Mir.
^W Jf ojtune (lopjii) acf0 to pour fo^ujarotteg gppane« of content in lieu of former griefe : 9nD map 3i liue but to i-?quite pou aU, aajoilUsiDiffj txjereminc in DpingnoteDpour^.
Salisbury eaJelcometbebalmetbardofettjDp ourtoounug, ^f;e foueraigne me&cine fo) our quick rccure» ^Oe ancfcfo? of our (jope.t ijc onelp p^op, fiaa^ereonDtpenus our Iiuc0,out UntJMur toealf, tlTitfjoutcOeiDlHct),a5 fbcepe toirtjouttbeir bears, (Crccpt a njEpbearD^inktng ac t^e ujolfe) mt ffrapjtoe pim^m run to tboufauD barmen. S^o meruaile tljen cbouglj uiitb untoonteD iop, me tBelcome Wm tl;atlieatetbiMoei3 atoap,
Lewes ^(janks to pou all of tW vtligm^ leagut» 9 Ijolp knot of Cstfjolique confenc. 3! cannot name pouLo?Dinff£f,man bp ma»3 O^ttt like a llranget bnacquainceo pet, 3n 3f enc rail 3 p^ornife faitfjfun loue :
lo;ili ^>50^bJ[OUgf)t me to ^.Edmonds ^\)\\X(t,
CStuing tiie toarrant of a CbM^i^n oatfj, Cbat tijis affemblp came bcuateo beere, ^ofmeareacco^Ding: as pour packets HjoUjd, ^omagt ano lopaU feruiceto our felfe, 31 nabe not boubc tbe furetie of pour \a\\\i ; ^mccttjcll3 knoUJ fo^ manp of pour fake jf %\)z totoneg bauepe clDcD on tljcir otone accojb^ : |>et fo? a fafbion>not fo? ttiifbeliefe, S|^p epes malt toitnesjdnb tljcfe tarcfJ inuOE bearc ^our oatb bpon tbe bolp ^Har ftoo^ne, ^no after marcb CO enoourcomminffjei cauCe.
Salf ^bactocintenDnootbectbcngoobfrutb, Slltbacare p^efentof tbi« Ijolp League, Jf 0? confirmation of our better crud, 3ln pjtefence of bis ll?igbnes$ ftoeare bJitb me, ©be fequei tbat m? felfe Ojal bttcr be ere.
Z16
Thtnao
22.
r — I
3! ThomM Plant aginet Caric fit SalisburySmZAXt^i^aW. i%t
aitacjano bp tbe bolp Srmic of ^aincsjbomage ano aUeag- ante to the rigbt CbM^ian ip^ince i^fW« of FraKnce^ as true
anOrisbtfull King to En^Und,CarmvalUxi^ Wales, $ to tbfiC
'?[efriro;ie5 , in rlje Defence iPtiPteof 31t)ppoutbe!jolpaitarc f ttieare ali fo^ toatones . All the En g.Lords fweare,
93 tt)e Jioble Carle hatb fU)o?nc,fo fcoeare Uje alU
Lrjv£» 31 rett affurcD on pour WV J»atlj, gno on tbis ^Itar in Ulie fo?t 3! fiufate Loue to pou alUanD p^incf ip recompence ^0 guerDon pour gtoo wills Vsnco tbe fuU« 9nD fince J am at tbis religiou0 ^^)m, S©p gooDlurltoincrSjfliae us Icauc atobile '^oufei'omco^ifoneourreluesapai't ^0 all tbc bolpcompanieofbecum, Cbat tbep Ujiil fmile bpon our purpofesJ, 9nD bjingtbem to a fojtimatf euent.
Sal f bury mt leauepour ipigbnes to pour o;ooDinffnf.
Exeunt Lords of €rigland. Levies j/5ob3 JUtcount Afelourr^\![i\)at reiiiaines bebinoe? ^ruftme ibefctraitojiBtotbeirfouerrignc ^tacc !Hce not to be be Iff utic in anp fn^f ♦
Afeloitn 3!ntiecD mp lo?i>,tbeptbat infringe tbeiroatbsf, ann plaptbe rebcllg gaina tbnr natiue Eing, Ca:iiU fo? ag little caufc rcuolt from pou, nifcueroppo^tunific incite tbcmfo; fo) onccfo?fi»o?ne,ant)netrer after found, Cbcres no affiance affer periurif*
L<^\X>es mtil A^elof^nyjUtMlctZ fitlOOtb toltb tbCUt atohlle,
ilntill loe hauc afmucb ag tbep ran ooo : 3 no \Dben rbeir bertuc is ertalcu oye, 31 bflngtbemfo?tbefiWfroot^of^betrbelp, gtbeanr tohtle toee1 ^k tbem at 3 p?ecioua pcpfon '5to tonocrtaketb^ifl'ufufoin^bopf.
/•v. LcTi^ Zii poltcic (mp lo?o) to bak our htchr^ taitbmerrp rmile3,anopjamifeDf mucb »a«gbt:
3&u<
23
(not in R.John)
^ut tob^n pour J^igbne^ neeoetb tijf m no mo?e. '^fegooDmftkefurcU30?ktDU|)tbem,lfaftinDfeDC 'Ebf ? P?ooue to pou as to ebeic naturall King*
Mdun Ecua mt mp lo?D ngbt voell Ijauc pou anuifoe Clcnpme fo? bfe,but neaer fo? a fpojt 3l55tobc Dallpeo VDitb,leattit infect. SBcrc pou inCalD,a0 foonc 31 b^pe poti Iball: Idz free from trauo^s,an^ bifpaccb tbem all.
Lexves W!)Qt fo 31 meane,31 ftueare defoje pou all ©n ttiw fame ^ltar,anO b^ btauen^ potoe r, ^beresnot an €n%Wi) trapto? of rfj^ni all,
John OUCCUifpatfbt.anU 3 tmZ England f^iw^^
^ball on bts (boulDecsi beare t)i0 beao one nap,
nsutj U)jll crop it foj tbeir guilts oefert :
^0? (ball tljeic bf ires f mop tbeir 5§>ignonesf,
^ut peritb bp cbeir parents foUile amilTe*
'^bis baut 3i ftoo?ne,ano tbis toiU 31 perfojnie,
3!f ere 31 come bnco tbc \)tig^^ 3 bopt *
lap Dou^ne pour banos^anofioedre tbe fanteti^itb mce*
The French Lords fweare.
SUbP ro,notocaIUbem in,anu fpealte tbem faire, a fmile of Fr4»r£ iDiU feeo an Cnglilb foole . 3!5eare tbtmiu band as tticnosj Jo? fo t\)t^ be : 3^uc in eb^ bart UKe trapto^ss as djep are*
Enter the Englifh Lords »
J5ob) famous folfotDer8,cbieftaines of tbe too^io, Ipanc Voe HMizXi toitb beartic p^aper •Cbebfaucn in fauour of our bigb attempt* JLeaue bjetbi« place,anDmarcb uje toitb our potoer Co rolofetbe ^^pjaot from bisfbiefert bolu : Sna toben our labours baue a p?ofp?ous eno, Cacb man (bail reape i\it fruite of biis oefert, Jnu fo rcroluce,b)aue fol(otoer!3 let tJiS bene £.
Sc
254
;e5^
26Z
m.
Z.7<2
27*
«7*
iSZ
Enter
2^
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Enter YiJohtifBaHard, Pandnlfh^ and a many pricfls |
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Sc.jt. |
K.Jo |
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y.i. |
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with them. |
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'^\)Ui lohn tboit art abfoUidf from all dj^ finneg?, 9nD freeo bj> o^uer from our /aibers curHf ♦ IRecciue tbp CrotDncagainc,iDitbtlji3p?ontfo, |
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k |
%\)&t Hjou remains true liegeman to t^jellDopf, ^BiJ carrparmeainrigbtofljolp ^<?wff. /f^« 31 Ooloe tbe fame as cenaunt to tljcpope, ^nn tbanhe pour ilpolines fo> pour kimjoes ^oisne^ |
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8 |
Philip !3 proper leff ,Uibcn Kings mud (1 sop to ^riew, >^ceDe tadjno lato,)jDt)en JTriersmuttbe^ing^* Enter a Mcffengcr. |
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10 |
fjliejf. pieafe it pottr 3paieCie,tIje prince of Framct^ ZJ^itl) all tbe Ji^obles of pour («5racc0 lanu, ♦Ire marcljingljetOcrUjarc in 500 arap» tillljere ere rbep fet tljeir fooce,an places prtlD ; |
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ilt |
^ bp 1 anD is tljeirSjanD not a foote Ijolos out !30ut Doner CattlctubicI) Is (wro OeficgD* Panduiph St€&te not Kin^ /o^/;,rbp KingDome in j popej^s i3nu tbep Q)al( bnoto bis (fpolines batbpotoer. |
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id |
CobcafetbemfooiicfromtojjeuceljeljatljtoDoo* Drums and Trumpets- Enter Lerver^fJ^^ehn^Salis" |
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Y. it. |
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hHry^tjfcXjTembreoke, andall the Nobles from |
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FranncCy and England. |
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19 |
Le>\>f! PanJ^iph^ii jjaue l)i!! Wines in cbarge^ ^0 bath ibe Dolphm mullreo \jp bi^ troupes VlnD luonue tbe greatell part of all tbis ianu. l^utill bccomeg pour c{5rare Lo^o ^ararDiiiall, |
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Z3 |
Et)U9 to conuer fe uiirt) John tl^at is accurft. |
25
O
vSc.ir.
P^ndulph Levees of France, UCtOjioUi ConqUtYO^,
aai^ofefu)o?D \)at\) maoc tbts 3iiano quake fo^ fear •, Cbp fo^toarone0 tofig^t fo; fjolp '^^r, ^IjaiberemunerateotofljcfuU: 3ut hnotu my to)tfi^ John ts notu abfoluoe, ^fje popns plcafDe,rlje LmiDisbleft agen, Sail tbou OaC b?ougbt ml) tljin^ to gooD e ffert* 3!t rcftetl) tben ttjat tijou tott|)0?auj t^p potrjer^, ^iD quictlp returue to Frannce againr: jf o> all 13 Done rbe tsopie luoulD to^f^j tlja doo»
ZLptvw "But flla not Done t^jat Lc^i^ei came to Dco, 22i()p/''i«irf«/ip^,b«tb B.Phihp fmhis fonne flnu been at fucb eycelTiue cbarge m toarreat, Cobe Difmid Ujitlj loojius *: E./<?/?« Qjail ftnolu, EtjgUndisi nn'ne,anO l;e\>furp0 mp rigbt.
Prfw^. ZLeivr^jji c(jarge tbee ano tbp complices ?lpon tbe paine ofPandHlphs [jolp f urfe, ^Ijat (Ijou im'tDt)?aio tbp potoers to Fraunce againe, J9nii pfclDDp /--<?«^<?« anD tbeneigbbour Cotones 'Cbat ttjou ball cane in EngUndby tbe ftoo;kD*
Mel/4/3 1o;d CarUtnaUjbp Lfjvc^ p^tncelp Uauc, 3!t can be nou^bc hut ufurpat ion 3Intbee,tbePope5«nl» oil tbe Cburcbof Rome, CbuB to infuU on Kin^s of C(j?iftenDonir, 3/5oto tuitb a >j)o?n to make tbem carte armejs, ^ben tuitb n loojiu to make tbem leaue tbeir armefif* CbijS muft not be : p?incc Lewes kee pc tbine oiune, Let 13ope ant> Ipopelings cuife tbeir bellpes fuIU
i?rfi?, il|9p lo?Dof e^/f/><»,'tobac title bat» tbe is^ince '^oEftgUndH\\ot\)e Cromne oit^lOion, !But fucb a title as tbe^ope con6rmDe : ^be prelate noto lets fall ^jis faineo c laime : Xwfn^buttbc agent fo? tbe l^opp, Cben mud thtDolphw ceafc.fitb b? batbcead*. O^utceafe 02 ncitgreatlv matters not> 3if pou mv ilojog ano l£>avron)ESof tbe Jlano
'^ o mill
zs
3Z
36
kO
26.
R.John
2Hinieanetbejfrfnch,antjcIcaue^ntopottTJKiitff» if 0? (Ijcimc pe ]pefi-e0 of £«^iW^/^,fufffriiot |)our feIues,pour I>onoura5anD pout lanu to Fall: 1i5ut miti) rf foluf D tljoug;t)Cfi beatc back tfje if reoc^, !3no free tlje lano from pohe of fnuituue*
Salisbury Thilip^not fOjlDjiO LfVVf/ tS OUC iKUtg;,
3nD toe luill folloto bi'm iJnfo tt)CDeat()»
Prf«<;^. «2:|)en in tbc name of innocent t\)t pope, 3! f nrfc the ^|D?inf e and all cbat taJ^e Ms pact* 9nD e,rcoTnmunicafc tt)C rebell peetti 9s trapto?0 CO t^e JKins.anD lo tbe pope,
Lewes T/zWi^/p^jOur ftuo^os (ball bleCTeour felue^aftent ip^epare thn /o^«,lLo?Ds follota me pout ^in^, Sxehnt,
John Qfcurfco /o^/?,cl)eDlucUottJCstbffifbanif, ■RefiQing Rome,o), peeking to tbe Pope, alls one* ^Ije Diuflltake tbe popejC^clpmt j5,anb PrAH»ce: ^bamc be mp (bare fo? peeloing to tbe p^ieflf.
Vand. <Comfo?tcbpfelfl5,/<?^«,t^cCarDnalIgoe:3 Oponbwcurfetomaketbemleauetbn'rarmea. Exit^
'SaiJard Comfo?t mjj Ho^o.anD furfe tbe Catbinall, Betake voar felf to 3rmes,mp troupc0 are p^eft ^0 anfiufre Lewestxiitl) a luflie fbocfee t ^bP €ngli(b 3rf|>er2 baue ibeir quiuerss full, ^btir bo\M es are bent, tfje ppkes are p?eff to puflj : ^00 rbeere mp lo?b,E.^c^^4'j fbjfutietjansaf Opon tbe plume of tuarlike i^ib/Z'/^ bf lme» ^ben lee tbem kiioto hia bjiotfjer ano his Tonne ^re lea t}fr>i of tbe Cn^lifbmen at armejs.
fohfi PhiUp 3} knoto noc boiu toattftoere c()ee : 25ul let ua bf'nce^ro anfraere Lewn p^ioe.
Excurflons. Enter tJ^eloMn with Engl ifh Lords.
fJ^el. C>3I amflaine,j(5ofaIeii,SflA;^/»rT,/*fw^7^i>i^<', S©p foule is fbargeD,beare me : fo? tobst 31 fap Conrenies ii}e]peece)5gf f^^^^^nn tjjttr ^late.
IT.
Y.w.
2 7.
R.Jolm
Eiff en^h^atif 1o?ds,8 fearfull mourning tale
^obcDeUuerreftjtamanofDcatlj,
2L5rl)Olti tWt fcams,tf)e sole of blouDie e^^y/
areftarbingrrs from narureg common foF,
Cpttng cbis tninfte to 7>^«/p?ifon fjoufe;
iLiff0cb3rt?r(lo?ctnp) lafietb not anbolofr j
^no fearfull iI)oug{jts,faurunners of mp euo,
^iDs meaiuelpbificfeetoa fichlpfoulf.
£) ppcrcs of Eff^tand.kno'O} pou tofjac jjou ooj>,
^fjfres but afjaire cbat funucrg pou from barme,
'^he btthe 12 baptelJ,anO tbe ttaine rs maue,
3nD fimplp pou runne Uoating to pour Bf atjjs*
But leas 3 6pe,anD leaae mp rale bnt oloe,
^ith filence flaugljterint^ fo h}au€ a cteto>
^bis J anerri',if Lewes \3iiH\)trfi]p,
'S^beres not an CngliQijnan tbat lift? bis ^anu
5?gainl! tKing: lohn to plain tb? beite of Frannce,
^ux t;3 alreaop Danino to cvufllOf atb»
3! bearo «iJo)»D; mp fclfeamongfi tbe reft
^tooje on rbe 3ltar ato to t^is €Dta.
'iZL.toofaureslLo^UiSjmakes me Difplaptfjisi D^ift,
^be fl:reatcC fo? tbe fresomti^ of mpfoale,
^b^c ionff B to Icaue tbis manfion ittt from ^m\t t
'^be ott)cr on a naturaU tn{ltn(t>
^o?t(?atnip ©ranollretoas an ^ngltfiiman,
fl^iibcubtnot lo^DS tbe trutb of mpbircourfe,
3130 frenjte.no? no b^ainfick iDlefit,
!But b}eIIatiui(l)C,aniib}ottin$tDbat 3! i^v*
l{9?onounce31 bfft before tbe faceof ijeauen,
^batnotbtngi« tJifcouereo but a trutb*
'Sisttme tofiie/ubmitpoat felnes to lohv^
•BTbe fmilf s ofFraunce ^aoe in tbe frotunes of oeat^,
lift \jp pout fU)o;53,turn2 ^ace againtl tbe Jf renclj,
Cj:pen£bE pol^et^atsnameftfo^ poutnechs.
!l3arK tDarmen,bach>imbfltyell not tbe rlpme ,
gour feare^pour nurfe, pour birtt) trapes b^^eatljing place,
D 2 %h^t
28
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^bat b?CD poujbparefi poujbjiougbc poutp in armctf. i^b be nof fo ingratf t o Dj'gge pour Sl^otljerg graue. |
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Sc.T. |
R.Jolm |
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JhO |
Y.iY. |
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l^;e^cruc pour iambcs ano beate atoap tbe Sfllolfe* |
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ipp foule bari) faio, contritions penitence |
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Jt^ |
lapes bolo on mang reDempHon fo? mp finnr. jf aretocU nip 1 o?D0, toitne 0 mp faitb \»ben toee arc met in QnD fo]t mp kinones giuc me graue rooniebeere. (beauen, ^p foule Dotb fteete,tDo?lD0 banitiejB faremell* |
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i-8 |
Salj. jQott) (opbftloetbp foule tofl-meanin^ man* I5)oto note mp io?og,iubat cooling carli is tbis, ^ greater grtefe grotoeis noto (ban earft batb been, (ICIbat coun fell fituepou,fijaUuie (lap ano 6pe \ |
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5Z- |
flD? fljali toe bome,anii Kneele bnto tbeiKttig . Pcmh, 5©p batt mifgaue tbffi fan accurfeo netoeg : ii?[1bat baueU)eDonc,6elo?D0j\»bat fren^iemoueo Our beaccg to peelD bnto cbe p^toe of f^raftnce ? |
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56 |
3If tue per feuetjiMc are fure to ope : 3f \j}c nefi(t,fmall bopeagaineoflife. Salsb. "Bearebence tbe bouie of tbi^ UJ?etcbeti man, Cbat maDe tts to^etr bfu loitb bis o^ing tale. |
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60 |
9ni> ftantj not toapling on our p^f fenf bavmes, 9s toomen \Dont : but feeke our barmes reD?e(fe« ^0 fojt m^ felfe,3I toifi in baft be gon : '^nD kneele fo;i paroon f 0 our ^ouereigne hhn. |
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6U |
Pe>»y. 3!.tbere0 tbe toap,lf t« ratber feneele to bnw> ^ban to tbe ^rencbtbat UjouId confownu w all. Exeunt, Enter King John carried betvpeene 2. Lords. John ^et Doi0ne,fet botone tbe loao not tnojtb pout pain, |
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Sc.^. |
Y.itt. |
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if 0? Done % am u>itb oeaolp ixiounbing griefe ; |
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feichIpanofufcourles,bopele0ofanpgooo, |
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^be luoilD batb ttiearieb me,anD 31 bawe \joeariel> it : Ut loatbs 3! Iiue,3! liue ano loatb mp felfe . £ttbo pities me **. to tobom baue 3j been kinl>e *t 55ut toa feU) ; a feiDluillpiiie me* |
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SObp i»pe 31 not ? Deatj) fco^nej? fo biloe a p^aj . |
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29 |
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W,\f^ Itue 3! not, life t^aeed To faD a p^i^e* |
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. JollTl |
Sc.TI. |
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y.iii. |
9 |
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3 fue to bot^ to be retapno of ritljer, |
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!I[5ut botbare oeafe, 31 can be bearo of neitljer. |
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S^o} oeatb no? litCy pet lifeanb neare tbe neere, |
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^mirt toitboeatljbiUmg 31 ^Mottioc tobeve» |
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Thilip. {poto farect mp iojo tbat be in tarpfb tl)«?i, |
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j5ot all tbe auktoaro fortunes pet befalne, |
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Spaoe fucb imp^eltion of lament in me* |
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iI5o;i euec bib mp epe attapnt mp ^eart |
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ea.titb anp obtect moaing mo?c remo?fr. |
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^ban notu brbolDing of a mis^tpKing, |
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Ql^o^ne by bis lo]tbd in fucb bidrerfeo date. |
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John cObat netoB toit^ tbee, if bao, tepo?t it (fraite : |
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31f gooD, be mute, it Dot^ but flatter me. |
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"Phillip ^uc(j as it is, ano Ijeauie t^oufil) it be |
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'Eo glut tbe too?lD \ioit(j tragick elegies. |
Z>t- |
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©nee \xnU 3 b?eatl) to agrauate tbt reft. |
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<anotl)er moane to make tbe meafuie ftilL |
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Cbe b^auelf boloman bad not pet fent fo}t|; |
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12:11)0 arrouies from tbe quiuer at i)is fine, |
%S |
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But tbat a rumo? toent tb^ougbout our Campe, |
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€:bat John toajs fleD,tbe Eing bao left tbe flelo^ |
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^tlaft tbe rumo? fcalo tfjefe earee of mine. |
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W\)o ratber cbofe as facrifice fo? Mars, |
■b% |
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%{]mx ignominioas fcanoaJl bv retp?e. |
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31 cljecro tbe troupes as bio t^e p?ince of T'j'*;? |
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^is \2)cerp foUotuers gainQ tjje 9^irmiDons, |
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Crping alolobe '§).<^f<jr^^ tl;e Dap is ours* |
H |
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But fearebab captiuateb courage quite,- |
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^nblike tbe lamb befo^ie tbe greeDie^Oolfe» |
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^0 Ijartleffefleo our toarmeufrom tbe feelb. |
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^I)0?f Mie to make^mp fdfe amongfl tbe reJl, |
^0 |
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CSla!3 faine to flie before tbe eager foe. |
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Bp tbi6 time nigbt bab lljaboiDeb alt tbe eart"b> |
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(f2f itb fable curteines of tbe blacked b"^» |
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^itb fend bs from tbe furj of tbe jrrencb, O.J |
4-¥- |
30.
0s !o from the fealous /«//<>/ cpr , Cilhfn in the moaning our troupes nio ffatF)?r fjeac, pafTcnjj tl)e ttjafies toitb cur carriages, ^beimpartiaUtpocueaDlpanDinfyo^ablf, Camerasmg in ttJUlj billolDrg ib^catningoeatl;, flnt) fujallotofD \jp tlje moa of all our irifn, 9|^p frlfc bpon a (Sallotoap rigbt free, to?U pacof, S)ufc{lript t\}£ douojecbat foHotDfO toawebp toaue, 31 To rff apt f 0 tell tl)t5 tragichtale*
7(7/7/; o^rif fe bpon griefe, pec none fo gccflt a 5:tif ff, 'Eo eno tbis Hfe, anD tberebp rio mp gricff ♦ ^eias fueranp fo tnfo?tun,ite, •STbf r jgbt3!Dea of a curffpD man, /i^fi 31, P©?e 31, a triumpb fo^ Dcfpfgbf . S^p feuer grouje^, tobat ague njakrs me fo : !l)oto farre to ^iDinQceD, tell mctJo pou knoto, lc);cfent unto tbe ^bbot ido?d of mp repaire* C^pCfKneireragea, to tiramii^e bpon me, ;3I cannot hue bnledfe tbisfenerleaue mc*
Tht/lip. (SooD rbearp mplo^o, tiit ^^hhep i« at l^anXf, ^ebolD mpHo^ii tbe<fi:burcbmencomctomeetepoiu Enter the Abbot, and certaync Monks.
^bbot ^\l bea!tb ^ bapptnea to our foueraigneLo^ft tljc
/ohn j?5o? bealtb no? b^ppine^ batb ^ohn at all, (feinj, ^ap^lbbot am3i toelrometo tfjp bouff^
y^bhot ^ucb toekomc a^s out Sbbfp can affo^o, lOour gF)a(e(fp (balbe affureu of*
'Phii/tp z be Krng tbou feelt I's taeake anb berp faint, aSlbat biauali? ball tbou tv rcfrefli bis ©race,
yibbet^ ($©0 fto?e mp lo^o, of tbat pou neebe not fearf , Soj lincolnefinre, anDtbefe oui^buep grounbsf flClfrc nttLCT fafter,no? in betterpligbt*
/ohn ThW/p, tbou neuf r neebft to ooobt of cate^, Jf5o?JKtngno^lLo?D is frateDbalfefobsenj as arc tbe ^trbepa tb?o«gbout all tbe lano, a"! ^np plot or groimo do pafTe anortjcrj
K.J ohn Y.jii.
31.
V.iil"
Sen.
"Ebe fmti raffen an it ftretgljt t
*35ut let us in to tafle of tbctr rcpaff,
;^tgoefi aga I nff mp bcart to feeo mttljtfiem,
£)^ be bcbolOjUij; to fuel} ^bbep groomes. Exeunt,
Ma»et the Monkc.
tJ^enh^ %stM% tlje i^ng tfjat neuer louD a jTriet *; j3!0 t(its tbe tnan tW Dotf} contemne the pope \ 310 t^t^ t^e man t^at r obti tlje feoip Cfiurc^, anopettuiliflpcbntoa jfno?p^ 3)8 ti>i« tbe JKtng tbat apmes fltj3bbepjs IanO« \ ;3]]Stbt)StbirmanlDbomeaU (beiuo^lD abbo^res, 5nt) pet toill fipe unto a jf rio?p': ;9ccurft be ^tom&eeDi^bbep, Qlbbot, fmx», f^onrhg, ji5unj!,anD Clayfes, anoall tbatDtoelte tberein, 31f totckeB /o/jw eff ape aliue aluap. 3(5oto if tbat tbou voilt loakc to merit Ijeauen, Qititi be canoni^o fo? a bolp feaiiit : ^0 pleafe tbe too?lo ujitb « Defetumg luo^lte, 35e tbou tbe man to fettbpcuntrep free, 9nD mutDer bim tbat feehes to mutDer tbee»
Enter the Abbot.
e^^^o^ ailbpar^ not pou toitbtn tocbeare tbeB^uijff ^ ![)e noln begins to menD,aiiDiajiUto meate*
Menk^ ^bat if 3 Tap to ftrangle bim in biftHeepe 't
-^i/'ijo/ iWi. bat St tbp mumpfimiu / aioav, ^nfi feekc fome meanesfo^fopaaime tfee J5tna^^
^^o^i aiefet a DuDge on Dagger at bi« bcaJ^* ^nn mttb a mallet knock bim o\\ tbe beao.
Abbot aias,i»bat mcanes iW :0^onke to mutfbet me t Dare lap mp life bcel kill me foj mp place*
A^onk^ 3Ilc popfon bim, aitD \t fball neare be knatone, 9no tben Ml 3 be rbicfert of mpboufc*
Abbot jf 3! toere Deao, inoecK be ii^ tbe ncxt^ ^ut lie ainap, fo; tcbp tbe S^onke is maD, ^0 in \)\si mai^nelTe l;e ysi\\)i martb^t nic»
5^
i?4
83
9Z
3'Z
Monk, gpp 1. 3! txp pour lojuftjip mercp,3B fato pou not.
^hbot aias gooD Thomas DO) not murtbcc nic,ano t^ow (bait bauemp place toit^ tl^oufanD t^anK«»
Afonk. 3 murtlier pou, 600 Iljeelo from fucba t!joug&C.
^fc^<jr 3f tfeou toilc ueeow, pet let me (a^ mp p?aper0.
Afonk. 1 toill not burt pour to?DCbip gooo mp to^u i but if pou pleafe, 3 toill impart a t()ing f Ijat Qjall be Ue ne&ciaU to
Abbot WiiXt t^ou not Ijurt me bolp S^on&e, fap on»
JUoni^ g)ou kuoui mp lo?i> tUe JSing 10 in our Ijouft,
Abbot %x\xt.
Monk. 5^ou knoto Uketoife tfjeKing ab^o^tf a /Trier,
Abbot Crue*
Monk^ iSnD be tbat louefi not a jTrier is our enemp*
Abbot ^b^ufapfttrue*
Monk^ Cben tbe J^ing is our enemp,
v^/'W "^Erue*
Monk. 3Ilbp tben (bottlD toe not hil eur enemp,flr tbe Siting being our enemp,"b3bp tben (boulo toe not Kill tbe iKing,
Abbot © bleffeo Sponke, 31 fee 600 raoueja tbp minoe (0 free tbi0 lano from tpjtants flauerp* 15\xi tobo nare ijcnter fo? to 00 t\)i^ oeeue **.
Monk. (liUbo care •: \3i\))f 31 mp io?o uare fio tbe ^eeue, 3le free mp (Countrcp ano tbe Cburcb from foes, ^uD merit beauen bp killing of a Eing»
Abbot Thorns knecleDotone,anD if tbou art refoluoe, 3i toill abfolue tbee bcere from all t^^ finneg, So} tobp tbe Deeoe ijs merito?iou«* jFo?i»artianD feare not man, fo; euerpmoutb, Cur JTrierjet (ball Hnga ^aCrefo;tT/7fl/»-«roule»
Monk^ (SoijanD ^.fMWfA^piofpermp attempt, Jfo} noto m>> 1o;d 31 goe about mp toojke. Exeunt. hnt(^r Lewfs and hisarmic.
Lewfs CbUBioicto^p in blouop tatojell clao, jf oHotuea the fortune of poung Lod<m^icke, tZ^ljeCngUfbmen a^^bauntenat ourligb^s
Jfall
33
Sc.Tzii.
^nlp mo crofter of comrarp change Do ntp mp tiearf > anu iseice me tot'eb ijnrrl!» lo?o Mekns Df at^^ tf)e one part of ttip foule, Q. b}mtt man Dio neuer lUie tn Fraartce, %\it oe^er grecfe, 31 tfeaf 0 a gall ia Deeoe, ^0 tbwke fljac i>Mfr Cattell l|)ouIo bolD ouc C5ainft ananaulC!5,anD reft impregnable, ^ee toarlike race of France He^on fonnr, iz
tEriumpb inconqueft of ibat cp?anc lohn^ Cbe better balfe ofEt?^lantiis our otonc, 9nt) coU}arD0 tbe conqae0of tbe ocber part. Wit baue the face of all tbe CngU(b lo^osr, tSlbat rben rematneg btn ouerrancbe Iani}» 15e refolute mp toariike follotoerff, ^no if $000 fortune ferue a^ n;ebeg:in£r, Cbe poo?el! peafanc of tbe Hcalme of Frauttce &b^!l be a matter o^e an Cn^liQ) lo^o« EntcraMcfTcnger.
I.WW jTelloUiUJbatnetoes*
Mefeft. pieafetb pour <eirace,tbe Carle atSaUbury, "Vtn-
broke,EJfex,ClareMi ArundeU,\Siix[) all tbe BaronS tbat Did z'^
figbc fb^ tbee, are on a faooetne fleo tuttb all tbeir yoiuetji^j ea iopne tottb John, CO o^tue dee back aa^ame« Enter another Mcflengcr.
Mefen. Lewct m? lo^o \obp Canuft cbou in a ma^f , <Satber tb? troupg, bope out of belp from FrMince, S?o} all tbp forces bejnjj fiftie faple. Contemning tmencp tbonfano fouloper^. ZSXith btduall and munition fo? tbe t»arre, putting from CaJlis in bnluckie time, se
S>io ccolTe tbe featf, anti on tfje Coodwin {sma^ ^b^men, munition, and tbe (bips^ arelod.
Enter another Mcflcnger. L9WCS S^o^enckDCS^fapoa*
Mejfen. lohn (mp 1 Op) ttiitb all bi^ frattereo troupes , 3^
C Jflpin^
34
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jTIping tl)C farp of ponr conquering umo?^. |
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Scvsii |
R.Jo} |
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37 |
Y.Y |
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9g Fharaoh tarft tDit!)in ttjc WtDjp fra, |
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&o be ann Mce enuttoucn tnit^ ti)e tpoe. |
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¥0 |
©n L««co/«r toafijC2 allMre oner\s)^elmeD, "51:1)0 "Barons flet), our forces call attap* Levpes m^ii tiKx beatD fuf |) i)ncj:fpe(tcD ncujcsi ? Mtjfcnger J^ct Lodoyvike rcuiuc ttjp Dying ^Cart, |
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kit |
E<U5 /''/^w anti all Ijis forces arc confuniDc* ^fjr fffTctljou ndeDQ-tlje apD ofCngliO) €arlf)?, •^^clefle tljou neDfi to grieue c{jp ji^auies to^atJte, 5lno foIIoiD cpnics auuantagc ttiitfe fuccelTe* |
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hS |
Z-fiva is^fauc Frenchmen arinue uittl) mapaoimitic, Sparcb after Lewes \33ljO b)tn leaoe pou on Co cbnfc tUe Barons po^er t^at isantsE a ^eao, fo} hbn 10 D?otonD, ano 31 am £wg/4«^Eing* |
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5% |
'^bougl) our munition and ourmen beIoft» 7'/7;7//;> of Frstunce \iii\\ fenD US frcflj fuyylp?^* Exeunt, |
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::>c.m. |
Enter two Fners laying a Cloth. |
y.m. |
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/"nVr Difpatcl;, oifpatf b, tbe ^ing Dcfirejj to race. |
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^lotilD a migljt cace Ijts {aft fo^ c^e loue Ijce Nearest to |
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C^urcljmcn, |
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+ |
i^'Wcr 31 am of Va^ minne to, autt Cait fllioim) fee anoUJe migljt be our otone carne rs. ;j meruaile tul^p tbep nine beere in t^e C>?cf?arD» Frier % kuoto not, no? 3) care not* Cbe JKing coms^» |
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s |
/o/jw c onte on to?D ibbot^ (Ijall tae fit toget()Ct \ j^bbot ^^Icnfetb pour (grace Qt uotonc. loh» tZLake pour places Ors, no pomp in penorp, all beg* gct^ ano frienos map rome, toijcre neceCitie tieepeia tije |
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1% |
boufi?, ciirtcfie ig barn tbe table, fit ootone Phithf. '^^11. 5^pln?D, 3lamiotbfoaUunefomucbtopp?oaerb l}ono?B change mancrs : a iSing is a JSirtg,tbougb fortune Do Ijcr ttJo?ft, ano toe as sutifuiiinoefprgbt ofbcr frotone, as if |
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16 |
pour bignciTe taere noto in f l)C btgbcR: tppe of Dignitie, fohn ^ome^no mo?e adoj ano pou tPll me muci) of Digni? iipj pouk mar mp ai^)^tiiu ina fuciet of fojroto. |
35
K.Johii V.¥ii.
o»
t\)at kmws W ^'c8 (jaf!) no inoncpte pap t\)t tnkmn^ *:
Mhoi if5o nip liegjjif 3 frotone ae alL it is foji 31 fearc tljtd tljeere too ^omelp to €mm&i\u k migbtp aguefi a^ youripaiellp.
"BajUrd 31 tbtnHc rather n?p Icju ^febot poa remeni&ef mp laR being fjeerCj toljgn 3 luenc in p^ogrcffe to? powtcbeffj «int! tlje ranco^of ^ts {jeart titsktQ owtinWamttmut, to {l)ei»be tatb notfo73DCiiie»
ylbbot ji5oc fo mp lo|a, pou. ano tOc meaneft foliotocc of bfe maieftp, ate Cartel? ujeicome to mt.
Monke aXKafTcU mpttcge,an0 ag apoo?e S^onheftiap fap, Uielcome to ^tvinffeo^
M» :5fgin9ponfef,aaD4:epe?t bereaftrr t^ouijjal! tallec 10 a ^KitTff,
Monk_ 91 g ntuci) %t\i\ CO poitr tifl^()negf ,50 to nip o^n lj«t#
M« 3Iplei>gctb?tkintse^or.ke.
Monk^ ^be meneft D?a«g:!j£ ^ %mi >(sm a^onfe in £/rj/-5^. Sm 31 nor $oo{ic!d imtbpour t^igbndT?.
/dfo« j?50C a toljic, all ixizxiM aao Cclloiaes fo? a timr*
A/««i& 3f fbe intoariJSi 0f a Eoa© be a cempoimo of an^
lohn ^tap T/j/7/i)> tobcrCiS i(;e Spends ?
/«»&« Cbf n o^inke na£ P^/VA^ fo? a teojio of tuealtfr.
^-s/?. 5C[l()ac cbf eremp lieg^e,pour cullo? gins to cijangf*
M« ^0 oocb mpljfe, €) P^<% 31 a«i popfonDu €:be ^onltfjtbc Deiitlljtbepopfon ^iug to raji^e, 3!t tuilloepofc nip felfe atftiasfrom raigne.
Bayard %\)i^ Sbbot featb an intereft \\\ tijig act» ^t all aoueutures ta&e tljou tbat from me. Cbete Ipe tbe 9bbof , Witi^, lubber, C)f tiiir* Sparrb i»itb tbe Sponke eatot^e ptrs ofbHU Ijpous fares mplo?o*:
/fl^« p/7^///> fome fijinfee, ob fo? tbe frojen Cilj^sf, '^o tumblf* on anu crole t^istntoarB beate-^ U|i«aaget(? as tljt to^naw fcueufaio bote,
C 2 Co
36
Co burnc t^t fjolp tree in BAbyhn, pottjeraftct potaer fojifa'se t[jcir piioper potoer, Onfp tbe bart impugnes tult!} faint tefifi ^be fierce inuaoe of Ijim tbat conqtuers JSmg0, Ipelp <^oD, £) papnej ope /<>/?;?,€) plague 3lnflicteD on tbee fo? JbP^rieuotisCnnejf. ?/;/////> a cbapKj <Jno bp ano \i^ a grane, Sl^p legg0 Dtfoatne tbe carriage of a £(tng»
BaftArd. a gootj mp lege luitb patience conquer gn'efe> ^nu bcare t^is pame \xittb Itinglp fo^titutie*
lobn 9^t cbinHst31 fee a cattalogue of finne ZSX%m hf a fienn in Sparbie cbaracters, ^^e leaft enougb to loofe mp part m beauen. %i tbinhs tbe Deuiil It)btfper0 in mine eares ^noteldme tis tnbapne tobope fo^ grace, 3 mutt be oamno ft>} Arthurs foDainebcatb* 31 fee 31 fee a tboufano tboufano men Come to accufe me fo^ mp tt);tong on eaitfy, ^nu tbcre in none fo metcifuU a ©oti '^bat ^ill fo^gine tbe number of mp finne0« ^omb^ue 31 Imo,but bpanotbers lotTe ? mw baue 31 louo but to^ack of otber^ tneale ^ ©Kben \)mt ^ Mnw, ane n(« infringe mine oatb ? CBbere b^ue 31 ^onz a oeeoe Deferuing tneU ? i|poi0,\]}bat>ben3anii tu|)ere,baue3 htttowt a bap ^attenneonot to fome notorious iiK $|^p life rrpkat Usitb rage ano tp^ame, Crauesi little pittie fo^Co ttrangeatieatb^ ^} tobo Mi fap tbat hhn uifceaib to foone, €Q!tbo \DtU not fa^ be ratber liuD to Iong« Di(bono?DiD attapnt me in mp life, 3nD fl;anie attenoetb ^off» bnto kiB oeatb» ^aibp DID 31 fcape tbe fntp of tbe jTrencb, ilno DpDe not b^ tbe temper of tbf ft ftt)O?D0 t <febamcleffe mp iife, ano tbamefuUp it enDs;, ^cc^no bp mp foetf, oiibaineo of mp frienoef,
Baflard,
R.John Y.m.
37
Sc.
^nr
Maftard fti}%i[it tf)c iDO?lii ano Ml pour mtfjif fot^, ^m cali on CJ)?ii!,t»!jo is iJouriaceft frienn-
^^^ Upp tongue ooti) faltgc : PMip,% tell t^ee man, ^ince/o^w DiJi prelo unto t&el^?icft of Rome, Mo} l)tno} !;t«l)aue p?ofp?fD on tde^art^ t €w:it are &i3 lile'fang0,a«o bwcnrfe is (jlilfe* 3uc in tljc fpinc 31 crp Dnco mp (SoD, 3« oio t^e ^tnglp pppOrt Dauidtt^^ (Ombofe banos,as mme^tsit^ murder tiiere attaint) 31 am not 6c (ball buplo tbelo>Da boufe, SD^ rcDCe tljeCe locuSs from tb^ face of eartlj % !Buc tf mp dping lieart Deceaue me nor, jTrom out t^efe lopnes l^all fp^lnn^ a Mn%\^ b^aunr^} ^Ijofe armest (I)allreac^Dnto t|)e gacest Q^Rome, ^na uittl) Ijtsfcete treaD0Ziotone£|)e^ttumprt0 pjloe^ C^at fits tjpon t(je c!)aireof Babylon. Philip,m^\}zm firings b;eaite,t|e poplbng flame !()atb outrtome in me U)eake Jf^atures puttier, ^no in t^e fait^ of 3Iefu lohn Dotl) ope.
Bafard ^ee ^oU) be (friues fo) life, bnbappp to)}i» ^bofe botoells are oeu'ioeo in tbemfelue0* %W ii tbefruit0ofi^operie,))aben truel^ingtf dreflaineano (^oulD^eo out bp ^onHes ano jTrier^.
Enter A K^ejfenger,
Meff, peafe it pour 6race,tbe Sarong of tbe JCano, ^bicb all tbis lubife bare ar^es apinStbe l^ing, Conoucreo \x^ i^^t legate of tbel^ope, ^og:etber tnitb tbep^ince \v& lt)isbne0 s^onne, Doo craue to be aumitteo to tbe p^efence of t\)t Einff«
Baltard ^out ^OUtte mpto>l> ,ponff Henry craue0 to f«. S^our 9^aie0ie,anll brings Maitli bim beUoe Cbel^aronstbat renolteoftom pour (^race. €> piercing figbt,be fumbietb in tbe motttb> l^iff rpeecb o^tb fafU t lift Dp pour (elk mp lo?o.
e 3 5nt>
96
'lOit
10$
116
IZ-'i
38
5inti (et t\)t]p}mu to comfojt poa w ctacjj.
Enter p4«</«//>/»,yong Henry, thcBaromwitJi daggers intijejrluncls,
Princg © let me tct tttp f^tltx cft be ^^ : C> UmUi mere poii litre^anD fuflfcrutim ^0 be f bus popfneo bp a uanineu ^mkt*, Sf) b? is cedD,5F dtl)?c f\neete.f atbec fpealw*
BAilArd i)i% fpcacbuofb fatle^be baftetb to bus tva.
Pandklph llo)Dg,giue me feaue to iop tbe ftpitig !Ktng, ^titb Ugbt of tbcfe bis JlSobles kneeling b'ere ti^itb Dd^gers ir& tbeir banog^tubo offer t)p Cbf ir liucs fc? ranfonie of tbeit fouile offturc. Cben go05 nip lo?^,!f poufojgiuetbf «» «n, liftup paurb^no i» rokenpottfojgiae*
Satiibury Wit bumbl? tbaske pour ropaU ^aieltif, ^nistJOtD to fifljbt fo? Sngiand m\i%tx King; : 9oD in tbe Hflbt tsXJehn our font raigne lojc, 3n fyigbs oO^ewe^ ant) £be potucr of rranmt W\n bctber^ars ace marcbtiTj in ail bait, Wit cro\Mne ponj //)f»ry in Ijis if afbfra fteu.
//(f/?rj $;elp^b«lp.bf&pes,a jf afbcr^iooke onmf^
i^tg^i ikjihrj UuXsitli I m loken ot tbp faitb,> %m ilgnc Jljou Dpeff tb0 feruant of tbe lo?o, itift t»p ifjp banu ,tbat lue map toune0 Ijne CbflU Dpctift tbc fcruant of our ^auiour €Wffi. JO^ott) iop bettoe tbp foule : tsb^^ "(^P^^ i^ (l)^^ «
£ntcr a Mcdcngcr.
-A^Of |)elp lo?o«,tbP Dolpbin rtiahctb (jetbertoatH 2£Ittb CnOgne-s of beftance in tbe minor, Zm all our acmiclIanDetb at aga^e (Trpe (ting mbat thtii leaDers loiU commanno.
Banard Hit^diXVM Dur feluf^in pong K.^///>'»<?j rigbt,
;^nii
R. John V Yii.
39
RJollR
Y.m.
V#A M.^A*J,
(not m
K.JohTl)
9n0 Itf ate tbe ptoer of f m««« to Tea apine, Leg^t Philip net f0,bu£31 taiH to tlje jp^incf ,
^no b?i«0 him face to face to parle mitfj pou. Ba-ftard lojD SAisbnrj,^om fclfe TbaH ffiacclj \»ic|j me,
^0 Ml tsjebjingcljefc troubles io an eaDe. ^<»^ ^loeete Oncfele.tf tbou Joiictbp ^cueratgne,
hei not a ftoiie of Smrsfted 30bep lt<?nDj
23itt putt t^c ^oufe about t^e iTriers UXH :
4f 0? ^ep l^aue kiloe mp jf atfeer ano mp Sinrj. Excimt.
A park Com\dcdjLewef,PArtdHlph,Saljbury,(^c, PAftdftlph LeWet of Fr4«wcr, pong Henry Efi^Uf7({s ]^in^
Requires to ^nolu tbe reafon oftbe claimc ^bat tbou canft make to anp tljing of bis. £inig foh» ti)at btit ofTenD i$ man ano gone, ieetoljcre^is b^eatbles trunlie in pjefeaccipej?, SitD be as bette apparant to tijc cro\une 3!a noto fucceeocD in bic ifatbero roome.
Henry Lewei^hM lalU of 9rmC0lWtl)UalJ t|j9f t()U^,
•Eo hcepe poffeffioii of mp lauifult rigbt" t dnfluere tn fine tf tbou uiiit take a peace^ ^nD make fucrenber of ntp risbt ag:atue^ £D? trie tbp title uiitb tbe bint of fiDo^b ? JM t^aDoIpbin^^^^w^r-fearcs tijpenof, Jf oj note tbe Karons cleauebnto tljeir iXing;, Slno toljat tbou bal! in EngUndti)tv m gn*
Le-^u Henry of Englmd;si^Xa tbat /«/?» iSWaO
^ijat utag t^e cbicfefl eiiemie to Ftmwu, 3! map tbe tatber be innucoe to peace. i^uiSaUbttry^mXi pou Batongoffbc Kealme. %\)\% Orange renolt agrees not toitb tbe oati) ^^at pGUOTi*^«ry^Uare latelp ftoare,
S&lsbury }^q. m tbe oatb pour j^i^bneis t^erebiD take a^ree toitb bo«out of tlje prince of Fraunce.
Bafiard % iDp,tD|^t anGnew make pou to t^e^inffv
I)olfhin
Sc,
\TIE.
Sc.
K
Z-S'
40.
Dolphin if at'tb Philip t^ts 31 fsp J 3!t OootCfj not me,
jao? anp p? irtf f jtto^Po^^J^ of <£!)?iBenuome
©0 fccke to Uiiiubis 3lanD v^/^/p^,
diitw l)e feaue a partie in f be Kcalme
asp trc afon fo? to belp^im mbis toarres*
«:ieTparei3 toljic^ toeretljepartie on nip (tDt,
arc fleD from me: tbtnboocejinot metofigl;t,
a$nt on conDtt(on0,a!S mine i)onour Mis,
3«m conccnteD totiepart t^e Eealme« Henry ©n iD^iat coiwitious VxJilIpour i|)ig!)m« peelo ^ Lw« ^^at Wl toe t^inke bpon bp nio?e ai»utce^ ^r^/^r^ ^^enEinffs§tp?ince3.lettbcfeb?oils ijauecrw,
9nD at mo?g ieafure talke tjpon tbe League.
^eanc lubile to WorBer let t>0 beare tbe JKing,
9no tbere int e rre W bo6ie,8j{ befe eme0.
13ut ara.in fig:l)t of Z'rwa Ijeire of Fraume,
lo^Ds tahe cDe crol]}ne,anD fee tt on W beaD»
Cbat bp fuccclTton t!3outla)))fnIl)^tns*
They crowne yong Hcnty .
tTbtts^"^^"^^ peace begins in Henry a lEtaipe, 9nD bloop tuarresEarecIofDeDiitbbappieleague^ lee engiandMvit but true ^ilW \% felfe, Sinn all tl;c tuojlQ can nener to?ong bet ^tafe. L w<»,tboa (ball be b^auelp (bipt to Fr4»cr, jTojneuet jTcencbwan g^ of €ngUQ) ground ebe tmentitb part tbat tbou baO^ conqucreD. Ifolphtnt^p bano, to w^wiJrr lue \uiH marcb, Io^Hjs all lap banos to beare pour ^ouerat^ae JOitb obfequietf of bono) to W sraue : %t En^Unds petrel anD people iopne in one, ^0} j^ope,no}Fr4i/;y<:r^iui^ SpAinc can noo tbemttf^ottj^.
FINIS.
(not in
K. Johi
PR Shakespeare, William 2750 The toublesome raigne of
B18 John, King of England 188B
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
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