The Struggle for Independence 175
scepticism about her fitness which was dissipated only by a British
guarantee which stated that 'H.JVL Government have never re-
garded the attainment of an ideal standard of administrative
efficiency and stability as a necessary condition either of the termi-
nation of the mandate or the admission of Iraq to membership of
the League; nor has it been their conception that Iraq should from
the first be able to challenge comparison with the most highly-
developed and civilized nations in the modern world.' Britain's
argument was accepted and Iraq admitted.
In Faisal's reign 1921-33 Iraq had no fewer than fifteen govern-
ments, and twenty-one more in the four years 1933-36. All these
were merely the reshufflings of a small and narrow group of
professional politicians, well-to-do landowners and merchants,
outside which there was no adequate class from which to draw
responsible and public-spirited officials, and no substantial body
of Hterate and informed citizens. 90 per cent, of the population was
still illiterate. The government was not controlled by the Chamber
of Deputies; instead it was the government that 'made' the
Chamber, often during the mandatory period under pressure from
the British High Commissioner. Confidential orders from the
government to the provincial mutasarrifs were sufficient, except in
Baghdad, to ensure the election of government candidates. In 1925
all but four of the government candidates were returned. In 1928
half of the twenty-two opposition deputies had previously been
given the government coupon. Political parties were abolished
as a sigrL.of 'national unity' when Iraq became independent in
1932, and were revived only in 1946. Nuri as-Sa'id has described
lit all interview with an Egyptian newspaper how elections to the
Chamber of Deputies have been managed: 'Nominations to the
elections are arranged so as to include the names of all former
prime-ministers, all ministers who were in office more than twice,
the presiding officers of parliament, eminent ex-officials receiving
government pensions, distinguished heads of communities and
professional men, tribal chiefs, etc. These make up nearly 60 per
cent, of the Chamber; the remainder depends for the most part on
the will of the government in power, though such Iraqis as wish to
put themselves forward may also submit their candidacy/1
With the diminution and ending of direct British influence the
only check on this narrow oligarchy, in which personal interest
1 Quoted in Middle East Times (Jerusalem), 28 February, 1946,