iS2 RENAISSANCES to revert to a reanimated dead language which had been shown, by the great Humanist's performance, to be a superb medium for convey- ing all the thoughts and feelings that Erasmus's contemporaries in the Western World might be moved to express in prose; it inspired them with the ambition to develop their divers living vernaculars into ade- quately massive vehicles for carrying a Ciceronian load, and, a fortiori, to refine them, into adequately subtle instruments for catching, from a Horace or a Virgil, strains that could find a convincing echo only in some language that was still alive on the lips of a latter-clay Western poet. An Erasmian Latin prose found its metier, and kept it for some two hundred years, as the lingua franca of an early Modern Western Re- public of Letters; but, when, towards the end of the seventeenth century of the Christian Era, the Humanists' cult of Hellenism suffered its decisive defeat in the controversy between the respective champions of 'the Ancients' and 'the Moderns', even this limited function of serving as an oecumenical linguistic medium for Western philosophy, science, and scholarship was captured from Erasmus's Latin by Bossuet's French. The transition may be caught in the act in the table of contents of the collected works of Leibnitz (vivebat A.D. 1646-171:6). These incidents in a Modern Western reaction to a. Late Medieval Italian renaissance of Latin and Greek were Antaean indeed; but they were also Antaean with a vengeance. A living French vernacular which, in the grand siecle of Modern French history, came to be elevated above its peers to an invidious eminence, in order to play a discarded Latin's oecumenical role, had neither the literary prestige nor the political neutrality that had made Latin so apt an instrument for this indispen- sable Western cultural purpose. The failure of French fully to fill the formidable linguistic vacuum produced by the abandonment of Latin was the first symptom, in this cultural encounter between the Modern West and a ghost of Hellenism, of the stiffening of an Antaean rebound into an Atlantean stance; and this tragic peripeteia declared itself un- mistakably when, in a Late Modern chapter of Western history, the local vernacular languages of the Western World began to prostitute to the political service of a parochial nationalism the literary gifts that had accrued to them in double measure from the Humanists' cult of the Hellenic classics and from the Protestants* cult of the Bible.1 This Atlantean aspect of the sequel to a fifteenth-century renaissance of Hellenism in the Western World was, however, relatively incon- * Down to A.D. 1952 it looked as if the Hindu World miffht succeed in avoiding a corresponding aberration. There seemed to be little sign of any tendency for a polyglot Hindu Society's sense of oecumenical solidarity to disrupt itself into parochial national movements animated by the perverse ideal of manufacturing so many political father- lands out of the areas in which the divers living vernacular languajjCH of th« Hindu World happened respectively to be current. If it were indeed tru« that the Hindus had not reacted in this unfortunate Western way to the literary cultivation of local living vernaculars un4er the stimulus of a classical language and literature derived from an antecedent civilization, the Hindus' happier record in this respect waa perhaps the con- sequence of external pressure rather than the fruit of innate virtue, Whex'eaB tne Modern Western World had been virtually free from external pressure from A.D, 1(683, when the Osmanlis had met with their second, and decisive, reverse before the walk* of Vienna, down to A.D. 1917, when the Bolsheviks had entered into the heritage of a Petrinc Rui- sian Empire, the Hindu World had been under Muslim pressure since the tenth century of the Christian Era, and under Western pressure since the eighteenth.