244 LAW AND FREEDOM IN HISTORY latterly overshadowed all the rest, while France had held the same position of pre-eminence from A.D. 1648 to A.D. 1815. In A.D. 1952 the Soviet Union and the United States alone were still standing erect; and from a strategico-political standpoint the respective stances of these two Powers vis-a-vis one another were reminiscent of those of France and the Burgundian-Hapsburg Power some four hundred years earlier. In an arena which had expanded in the mean- while beyond the bounds of Western Europe till it had come to be co- extensive with the entire surface of the planet, a prixc that had expanded paripassu beyond the bounds of Italy, until it had come to embrace the whole of the Old World outside the limits of Russia's present domain, was being contended for in A.D. 1952 between a Russia which enjoyed the advantages of interior lines, compact metropolitan territory, and centralized autocratic government, once enjoyed by France, and a United States whose overwhelming superiority in aggregate strength on paper, when the assets of her dependencies and her allies were added to her own, was largely offset in practice, like the strength of the Count-King- Emperor Charles V, by the liabilities that these assets brought in their train and by the wide dispersion of the scattered territories and popula- tions whose resources America had to defend in order to be able to draw upon them. It was easier for a twentieth-century Russia, as it had been for a sixteenth-century France, to take her adversary by surprise, in making sudden sorties in divers directions, than it was for a twentieth- century United States to mobilize her own and her friends' forces effectively for the arduous task of containing her adversary all the way round a line of circumvallation which, scale for scale, was proportionate in its length to the line which Charles V had once set himself to hold. The strategico-political bearings of a confrontation of two Great Powers, and two only, were thus much the same circa A.D. 1952 as they had been circa A.D. 1552. Yet, in these geographically similar circumstances, the Western Balance of Power's expectation of life was, for ideological reasons, decidedly less promising in the twentieth century than it had been in the sixteenth. If the division of power in the Western World between no more than two competitors during the years A.D, 1519-55 had resulted, not in an increase in the number from the dual to the plural but in the reduction of a duality to a unity, the most likely way in which this unification would have been achieved would have been through the negotiation of one more felicitous dynastic marriage; and, even if a miscarriage of matrimonial diplomacy had made it impossible to avoid resorting to the barbarous alternative of unification through force of arms, the unifying war would still have been a temperate one, like those 'undecisive con- tests' through which the number of the Great Powers was, not dimi- nished, but augmented in the course which history actually took during the three centuries and a half running from A.D. 1556 to A,D, 1914. The Royal French Valois and the Imperial Burgundian Valois were divided by nothing more serious than a dynastic rivalry that could have been re- moved painlessly by a marriage and almost painlessly by a conquest. They were not estranged from one another by any impassable gulf of incora-