TECHNOLOGY, WAR, AND GOVERNMENT 491 221 B.C., Western Europe mid-way through the twentieth century of the Christian Era had lost her own stomach for a warlike temper which she had thus perversely re-evoked in Chinese hearts; and this revolutionary psychological change in Western Europe marked the turn of a local tide that had been flowing, save for one pause in the eighteenth century, since the opening of the Modem chapter of Western history. When, at the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the North Italian field of a Late Medieval Western Balance of Power between city- states had suddenly expanded to embrace the whole European domain of Western Christendom, the nation-states that were now replacing the city-states as the Great Powers in a larger constellation of forces had still followed the example of their Milanese, Venetian, and Florentine predecessors in fighting their battles mainly with mercenary troops— and these hi numbers that were relatively small by comparison with the contemporary Western World's total stock of potential 'cannon-fodder*. In this Early Modern Western World the only peoples yet broken in to military service en masse were the seafaring populations of Venice and Genoa who furnished the man-power required for rowing their war- galleys.1 In most of the Transmarine and Transalpine West European countries the only class yet militarized was a rural aristocracy that furnished a national heavy cavalry. In sixteenth-century France, for instance, poverty conspired with martial spirit to send the younger sons of the nobility into the gendar- merie? On the other hand the younger sons of a French peasantry that was able to make a living from agriculture found no need and felt no inclination to seek service in a national infantry;3 the only French pro- vince that produced a native infantry in the sixteenth century was Gascony;4 and in this age the French Government did not persevere in its discouraging attempts to build up a native infantry on a nation- wide scale,5 because it was rich enough to hire a Swiss infantry which had established its ascendancy over the heavy cavalry of a Medieval Western Christendom since the eighth decade of the fifteenth century6 and which had been constrained by poverty to raise its military pro- ficiency to a professional pitch of excellence at -which it could sefi itself at a high price for mercenary service abroad.7 Taking a cue from the Venetian Government,8 the French Government in the sixteenth cen- tury recruited its light cavalry from mercenary Albanian *stradioti*;9 and, for the reinforcement of armies operating in the Italian arena of Modern Western warfare, France could compete with other belligerents, non-Italian or Italian, for the services of the professional forces of the Italian principalities of Mantua, Ferrara, and Urbino,10 which were pioneers in the state trading enterprise—afterwards taken over by Ger- man principalities catering for a wider market—of maintaining standing 1 See Fueter, E.: GeschichU des Europauchen Staatensystems von 1492-155$ (Munich and Berlin 1919, Oldenbourg), pp. 30-31, 163-4, and 228. 2 See ibid., p. 54. 3 See ibid., p. 53. 4 See Jbid., p. 59- s See ibid., p. 59. * See Ibid., p. 18. i The equipment, drill, and licensing of these Swiss mercenaries in the pre-Reforrna- tion generation of Early Modern Western history are described by Fueter, op. at., pp. 10-18 and 334-6. * See ibid., pp. 19 and 163. 9 See ibid., p. 58. I0 See ibid., pp. 231-2.