TECHNOLOGY, WAR, AND GOVERNMENT 497 bourgeoisie's private property as a quid pro quo for the abrogation of their country's national sovereignty,1 If in France the Vichyssois policy and spirit had thus demonstrated that the experience of a First World War had made one once aggressively martial-minded Western nation willing to purchase peace 'at any price*, the French people's British allies had been convicted of.a willingness to purchase peace 'at almost any price'2 by a policy and spirit of 'appease- ment* (in a pejorative connotation of the word) that had been in the ascendant in Great Britain from the i8th September, 1931, when her inter-war temper had first been put to the test by the opening move in a new Japanese campaign of military aggression in the Far East, and the loth May, 1940, when the British people had taken for their leader a statesman who had lost no time in putting their temper to the test again by his challenging offer to his countrymen of 'blood and toil and tears and sweat'3 as the price that must be paid for the United Kingdom's present survival and future victory. From June 1940 to August 1945 the British people had paid as appallingly heavy a price for the purchase of an inestimably valuable spiritual treasure as the French people had paid in A.D. 1914-18; and in A.D. 1952, some seven years after their release from this supreme ordeal, it had still to be seen whether the ultimate psychological effect of a Second World War on British moral would or would not prove to have been the same as the effect of a First World War had proved to have been on French moral. Would British souls that had been willing to pur- chase peace *at almost any price' rather than have to face a Second World War be found willing to purchase it 'at any price' if a third world war were to descend upon them? There were, after all, limits to Human Nature's powers of endurance, even in communities of the toughest moral fibre fortified by the most Spartan martial tradition. If the spirit of France had flinched in June 1940 at the prospect of having to face casualties in the field even heavier than the French casualties in A.D. 1914-18 and having to see the whole of her metropolitan territory over- run by a temporarily victorious enemy, how was the spirit of Britain likely to react to the prospect of seeing a congested island subjected to an intensive bombardment with guided atomic missiles which would do incomparably greater execution than the heaviest of the blows recently delivered by Goring's Luftwaffe ? The answer to this question was no foregone conclusion, and any future follower, German or Russian, in Hitler's footsteps would be inviting the fate that Hitler had brought on himself and his ambitions if, like Hitler, he were to gamble on the answer to the question turning 1 Similarly, in a China that had been living under the regime of a Kuornintang during the years A.D. 1938—48, a considerable section of the industrial working class and even of the peasantry had apparently come, by A.D. 1948, to feel that the incompetence and corruption of this ruling clique of a Chinese intelligentsia -was a greater evil than the hegemony of the Soviet Union under which they would be allowing their country to fall if they acquiesced in the liquidation of the Kuomintang regime by a Chinese Com- munist Party, 2 'Not peace Commons at We 3 Mr. Churchill in the y, ace at any price, but peace at almost any price* (Mr. Eden in the House of t Westminster on the 2$th June, 1937)- urchill in the House of Commons at Westminster, *3th May, 1940.