EFFECT OF THE DEGREE OF DISPLACEMENT 695 civilization varies in its effectiveness in inverse ratio to the degree of the geographical displacement of the affiliated society's cradle from its pre- decessor's ? If we now go on to complete our survey, we shall find our tentative 'law' vindicated on the whole. For example, in the history of the offshoot of the Far Eastern Civiliza- tion in Japan, on ground lying right outside the domain of the antecedent Sinic Civilization, even at its widest extent, a ghost of the Sinic universal state that had been successfully resuscitated in the main body of the Far Eastern Society in the shape of the Sui and Tang Empire was duly introduced into Japan tel quel\ but, as we have seen,1 this unimagina- tively exact replica of the T'ang regime was too exotic a plant in Japan to strike root there effectively; and accordingly a resuscitation of the Han regime that was against nature even in China was soon reduced in Japan to a political facade thinly masking a free play of native Japanese political forces on original lines of their own. The offshoot of Orthodox Christendom in Russia resembled the off- shoot of the Far Eastern Civilization in Japan in lying right outside the geographical limits of the antecedent civilization, even at their widest; and here Moscow's claim to be 'the Third Rome'2 was not belied by her performance so conclusively as Kyoto's claim (if ever made) to be 'the third Ch'ang Ngan'. Yet, though a Muscovite Tsardom was a more effective avatar of the Roman Empire than a Western 'Holy Roman Empire' ever contrived to be, the native Russian element in its ethos, which was the source of its vitality, made it a much less exact replica of its Roman model than was reproduced in an East Roman Empire which had retained the authentic 'Second Rome' to serve as its own imperial capital. If we pass on to take a synoptic view of the two Islamic societies affiliated to the Syriac Civilization, we shall find our 'law* holding good here again. In an Arabic Muslim World whose cradle included Syria itself, a reintegrated Syriac universal state, in the shape of an * Abbasid Caliphate, was revived, in a beleaguered fortress which had Syria for its glacis and Egypt for its donjon, within less than three and a half years after the extinction of the original * Abbasid Caliphate in its residual metropolitan territory in 'Iraq.3 On the other hand, in an Ottoman extension of the Iranic Muslim World into Anatolian territory that had not been embraced in the domain of the Syriac Civilization at any time since its inclusion, from 547 B.C. to 334 B.C., in the dominions of the Achaemenian Empire, the Caliphate enjoyed so little prestige that, as we have seen,* Sultan Selim I, the Ottoman conqueror who overthrew the Egyptian Mamluk power and annexed its dominions, never took the trouble to usurp the title of Caliph from the last scion of the Mamluks Cairene 'Abbasid puppets; and Istanbul's potential claim to be the Third Baghdad' was not exploited by Ottoman statesmanship_tuTdie rapid break-up of the Ottoman Empire after the Great Russp-Turkish War of A.D. 1768-74 moved the Porte to bring its dusty title to the Caliphate out of its muniment room as a long-neglected pohtical asset which might perhaps be used to offset the Ottoman Empire s grievous