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The weak point of such special efforts is that they teftcl to leave things in a worse position than ever when they are 'concluded. Nobody sits down to calculate what is to be-•come of the thousands who have been drawn together, often hundreds of miles from their homes, when the time comes for them to be paid off. They are thrown bodily upon the labor market and left to shift for themselves as best they •can, without any means of informing themselves wh^re they ought to go, or into what other channels they can most profitaWy direct their labor.
This evil we hope to obviate by means of our Labor Bureaux, which will be planted in every city and district, ?and will keep such elaborate returns as will enable to watch ;all the fluctuations of the labor market.
For instance let us be informed of the fact that a railway 'is to be opened, a canal dug, or some other public work 'constructed in a particular district, we should be able to 'calculate from our returns the amount of labor that could conveniently be withdrawn from existing channels, and the •amount that would have to be imported.
, We should be able to constitute a Solomons levy (voluntary of course), and the laborers would have the assurance that when the work on which they were engaged was concluded, sufficient provision would be made for their re-employment elsewhere, or for their restoration to their ordinary occupation. Our Labor Bureau would thus do for the laborer what is at present impossible for him to do for himself, and would economise his time to the utmost
(2.) Off to the Tea Gardens—
We should be able again to supply the Tea ancl Coffee Districts with gangs of laborers, and should guard the interests of both employer and employed. The former would