EDUCATION
of the industrial revolution. Next, the broader social effects
could be studied—the transformation of technically back-
ward countries, the destruction of old-established trades,
the creation of new industries. In these and similar ways
a complete network of relationships could be created in
the student's mind, a network binding together things
seemingly as irrelevant to one another as down-draught
carburetters and the education of children in New Mexico,
aluminium alloys and the slaughter of Abyssinians and
Spaniards, viscose fibres and the ruin of peasants in Japan
and the Rhone Valley. A similar frame of psychological,
sociological and ethical reference could be used, not indeed
to replace, but to supplement the frame of scientific refer-
ence used in academic education. The technician would
integrate his experience and special knowledge in human
terms only; the intellectual would integrate in terms of the
non-human material universe as well as of the human
world. Both educations would thus be made genuinely
liberal—liberal in the academic sense, because even the
technical student would be given a wide range of knowledge
and a principle of integration; liberal also in the political
sense, because it would be hard indeed to receive such an
education and not emerge with a wider range of sympathy,
a keener desire to act.
It would be impossible, in the space at my disposal, to
give an account of all the hopeful experiments in education
undertaken in recent years. The most I can do is to mention
a few of the more outstanding essays in the liberalization of
our existing system. Of Dr. Montessori's work for young
children and of the reasons why we have hesitated to apply
her methods to the teaching of adolescents, I have already
spoken. It is true, as Mr. Russell points out in the passage
I have quoted above, that, in the democratic countries, our
hesitation has not amounted to a complete refusal to apply
the Montessori principles. But the applications have been
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