270 ENGLISH SAGA ill together. The generous note first struck by Chamberlain became lost in a cacophony of log-rolling and auctioneering of rival figures. Though the official Conservative Party refused to join open issue with them over protection, the general election of 1905 was won by the Liberals—largely on the cry of "Hands Off the People's Bread." Actually the addition to the price of the loaf involved in Chamberlain's original proposal of giving preference in the home market to imperial corn-growers would have been negligible. Owing to revolutionary changes in popular feeding habijs, caused by new methods of ocean storage, bread was no longer the staple dietary of the masses. But in a conservative country the old parrot-cry sufficed. The real strength of Free Trade lay not in its power to provision England cheaply but in the vested interests that . in sixty years of commercial expansion had grown round its practice. A considered policy of imperial development might in the course of comparatively few years have afforded the British consumer and manufacturer adequate alternatives to most of the cheap food and raw materials bought from the foreigner. By guiding credit into the new area of preferential trade* and by adequately-financed facilities for migration, stable markets for British industrial exports could have been created in an expanding Empire. They would have involved some immediate sacrifice. But it would have been amply justified in, say, 1940. But such a policy, however wise as a form of national insurance, would have involved a transfer of trade and investment from old-established into unproved channels. It scared cautious minds and threatened vested interests. In an old and rich country both were immensely powerful. With the extension of the franchise and the ever-growing cost of electoral organisation, both the main political parties were becoming dependent on the financial support of the City. And the City, as opposed to the provincial manufacturers, was opposed to any change in the country's trade and financial policy. Behind the City was the ordinary investor. Since the general adoption of the limited liability principle an ever-growing • number of citizens had obtained a shareholder's interest in commerce. Their money was invested in British companies trading with foreign countries in every part of the world. Their dividends were paid by the imports with which those