IV PREFACE.

.necessary, therefore, than all the labours of politicians, is"
^National Education. We should not rest satisfied until
the entire control of Indian education is in Indian hands.
It is a matter in which no European should have a voice/,
save by the express invitation of Indians. For those only
can educate who sympathise. Every Government and
missionary college and school must be replaced by colleges
and schools of our own, where young men and women are
taught to be true Indians. So long as Indians are pre-
pared to accept an education, the aim of which is to make
them English in all but colour—and at present they clo in
~the main accept such education—they cannot achieve a
national unity.

An India, united by even one generation of National
Education, would not need to ask or fight for freedom. It
would be hers in fact, for none could resist that united

• aloofness of spirit which would make the mental atmos-
phere of India unbreathable by any but friends. The
vital forces associated with the national moye^^njyinjndia^
Si^JQ^^^l^ly.pP.Uii^i but -m-°ra^ literary, and artistic ;
•and their significance lies in the ?acti tnat India *
"henceforth will, in the main, judge all things by her own
standards and from her own point of view. But the two sides
of the national movement, the material and the spiritual, are
inseparable and must attain success or fail together. Political
freedom and full responsibility are essential to self-respect
and self-development. Believing this, it will be understood
how impossible it is that any supposed or real advantages
resulting from the British dominion in India could ever lead

, us to accept the indefinite continuance of that dominion as
part of our ideal. Granting the reality of some of these
-advantages—and no.one would pretend* that the government
of India by England has been an absolutely unmixed evil—