the * Unionists/ had long ago been sent back to her novels. Berling had just disappeared. The new c Cabinet' was officially composed of four Communists who held the main portfolios^ together with an equal number of members from Soviet-sponsored Peasant, Socialist and Democratic Parties,, the latter party had never been heard of in Poland until now, and neither had any of these £ Cabinet Ministers.3 The only figures retained from the£ Committee J was Osubka (who now became the Prime Minister) and Zymierski. As is well-known to all students of Soviet State organisation^ the highest authority of that bureaucratic fabric was its f Polit-bureau' headed by Stalin. The same system was now applied in Poland^ where the branch of Moscow's 6 Polit-bureau/ comprising a few Comintern agents., the specialists in foreign affairs^ began to function under Bierut in the name of the ' Political Committee of the Home National Council/ The policy of the c Provisional Government * proved to be identical with that of the c Committee.5 Osubka Morawski declared., at a meeting on January 2 of the ' National Home Council.5 " Our claims in the West for the return of the lands on the Oder5 the Neisse (Lusatian) and the Baltic> which have forever been dear to the Motherland, have for long been regarded as justified by our Great Eastern ally5 the U.S.S.R. They have also found appreciation from the Prime Minister of Great Britain. " We shall direct Poland's foreign policy into new channels. We are aiming consistently at turning the friendship and solidarity of the Slav nations into a constructive and fruitful factor in shaping political relations in the new Europe^ and into one of the guarantees of collective security. We shall strive to extend and tighten friendly relations between Poland and our great neighbour^ the U.S.S.R0 to establish direct diplomatic relations and tighten the neighbourly bonds of friendship with the sister republics of the Soviet Ukraine^ White Ruthenia and Lithuania. This will make it easier for us to arrange for a reciprocal and voluntary exchange of popula- tions, which will, radically and for all time5 settle the tangle of nationalities in our country." Zymierski used the opportunity to explain once more the basis of the * Lublin Committee's ' alliance with the U.S.S.R.: " Our alliance with the U.S.S.R./' he said3 " rests on a far-reaching convergence of the Polish and Soviet reasons of State. The Polish reason of state demands that our eastern frontier should cease to be a seed of dis- cord5 a barrier between the two sister nations^ and become a line of friendly neighbourhood. As such we regard the * Curzon Line/ We must expect that even in the future^ after this war has been won., an aggressive Germany will await an opportune moment to fall upon us once more. But German imperialism will also remain an enemy of the Soviet Union. The military alliance with our powerful eastern neighbour assures us of his military aid and guarantees us the defence of our western frontier. Our national interests^ namely^ frontiers on a wide stretch of the Baltic^ acquisition of territories on the Oder and the Neisse, undivided rule over the estuaries of the Vistula and the Oder, the liquidation of East Prussia,, the return to Poland of the whole of Silesia—all this coincides with the Soviet Union's {strategic interests." 401