and exploit it for their revanchist aims^1, lured by the dream
of rebuilding an aggressive imperialist Germany.
There should be no supporters for such a plan for Ger-
many among the democratic countries. Still less should
there be among the democratic countries, supporters of a
plan which would involve an attempt to utilize a part of
Germany as a military or war-industrial base for future
military gambles in Europe, or as a bulwark of the reaction-
ary forces of Europe as against the progressive and demo-
cratic forces in Germany and other European countries,
Only supporters of an imperialist peace can countenance
such a plan for Germany. But it is bound to meet with the
resistance of many democratic countries. Naturally, one of
the consistent opponents of this plan for Germany is the
Soviet Union, which has always undeviatingly championed,
and will continue to champion, the cause of democratic
peace in Europe and outside Europe.
In preparing the peace treaty with Germany we shal
have to decide first of all two major -questions. Preparatioi
of the peace treaty with Germany will be successful if cor
rect decisions are made, first, regarding the creation of ar
all-German democratic government, and second, regarding
the future peace conference for the examination of this
treaty. Of course, there are also- other questions connectec
with the preparation of the peace treaty. But these two
major questions are all-important.
And, in. fact, we have a basis for the settlement of these
questions.
The Potsdam conference said outright, when the Council
of Foreign Ministers was instituted, that "the Council shall
be utilized for the preparation of a peace settlement for
Germany, a corresponding document to be accepted by tli?
Government of Germany when a government adequate for
the purpose is established." This decision of the Potsdam
505