gone when Slav lands were spoils to be divided among
European Powers, when Slav peoples groaned under the
yoke of western and eastern conquerors. Today, we know,
the Slav nations have found their place in the ranks of the
Allied states, and state life in all the Slav countries is being
built on progressive democratic principles.
Among the Slav and non-Slav states, Yugoslavia holds a
glorious place as a heroic fighter in the ranks of the anti-
Hitler coalition. That Yugoslavia suffered the extremely
heavy weight of German and Italian occupation and bore
enormous sacrifices in the struggle against our common ene-
mies everyone is aware. In these circumstances, it cannot be
doubted that Yugoslavians claim to Istria, with its Slovene
and Croatian population, is as well-founded as Italy's claim
to Istria, or to part of it, isi ill-founded. If certain Ital-
ian politicians have not realized this, until now, it only
proves how tenacious the old annexationist traditions
are in quarters: where we would like to see a really
new, really democratic foreign policy of the Italian
Republic.
It is likewise clear that were the new Italy also to take
this path, the path of forcible annexation of Slav or other
foreign lands, we would not be able to expect the establish-
ment of enduring friendly relations between Italy and all
other democratic countries. Yet, it is in the interest of Italy
herself, as of all other peace-loving countries of Europe,
that the Italian Republic at last put an end to its old policy
of expansion, and that Italy establish normal friendly rela-
tions with other countries, and primarily with her neigh-
bours. Only then will Italy really become an important
factor in the consolidation of peace in Europe, which all of
us so much desire.
We greet the 'striving of the new Italy for national resur-
gence. But we positively cannot admit that any attempt OT?
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