which in his opinion is necessitated by circumstances.
The police and security organs are in the hands of the
governor-general of India. It should be added that similar
rights are vested in the governors of the individual provinces
of India.
Take another example. In West Africa there is a British
colony called the Gold Coast. The Governor of the Gold
Coast has the right to opprove or not approve the decisions
of the local legislative council. He exercises supreme direc-
tion of the administration of the colony. He can discharge
officials, provided they have not been appointed by the King.
The Executive Council of the Gold Coast, which performs
the role of the local government, is presided over by the
Governor—and, by the way, also consists of six people,
just as has been suggested for the Government Council in
Trieste.
It will be apparent from all this that the position) of the
Governor of Trieste is to resemble that of the governor-
general of India, or the Governor of the Gold Coast colony
in Africa. Now the question arises, is this position suitable
for the "Free Territory of Trieste4'? What will happen if
we accord such rights to the Governor of Trieste? Shall we
not have, instead of a free territory, something like a guber-
natorial territory—instead of a free Trieste, a gubernatorial
Trieste? It seems to me that this danger exists. Naturally, the
Soviet delegation objects to the experience of administration
in British colonies being transplanted to Trieste.
It would be incorrect if we applied to Trieste the policy
of Lord Curzon with regard to India. We cannot sympathize
with such a policy. Also alien to us are the ideas of Cecil
Rhodes, the organizer of the Union of South Africa, who
said: "The native must be treated like a child, and should
not be allowed either the suffrage or alcohol. We must
maintain a system of despotism, similar to that which has
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