It must also be assumed that in regard to ttie former
aggressive states we will consistently maintain such a
policy, such a stand as answer to the interests of univer-
sal peace. We must -carry to completion thd demilitari-'
zation of the former enemy states, their genuine disar-
mament, and must establish strict control to prevent them
from -again becoming aggressive forces- We must carry to
completion the fight against fascism, the fight to democ-
ratize these states, as the Allies recognized while the war
was still in progress. Thus, so far as the forces of aggres-
sion are concerned, we now have favourable "Conditions
for setting to work to prevent new aggression.
Another important circumstance is the fact that
there are no countries today, after the second world war,
which hold themselves aloof from the international
organization newly established to build up peace and
security.
In this, too, the situation differs tremendously from
what we had after the first world war. Now all coun-
tries, great and small, deserving of the name of demo-
cratic states are Members of the United Nations organi-
zation. The exceptions to this rule are very inconsiderable.
And this provides a most important requisite for the so-
lution of the problem we are discussing today, the prob-
lem of general disarmament.
It must be recognized that much now depends on our-
selves, on our joint efforts, on our desire to cooperate
with one another in the interests of universal peace, with-
out setting up one country against another, without organ-
izing some states into .blocs against other* peace-loving
states, or giving rein to a policy dictated by the desire to
subject other states to the dominating influence of some
powerful country. Working in the spirit of the purposes
and aspirations which form the cornerstone of the United
M*