necessary to take up the question of the free flow of goods
throughout the whole of Germany.
The same idea was also expressed in the British dele-
gation's proposal of March 31, in support of which Mr.
Kevin spoke today. We now know from Mr. Marshall's
statement that the American delegation supports the British
proposal.
As for this British proposal, it contains much that is
unacceptable. The adoption of this proposal would disrupt,
for example, the fulfilment of reparations by Germany. The-
British proposal also aims at clearing the way for the flow
of goods throughout the whole of Germany. And what is
more, since at present Germany produces few goods, it evi-
dently chiefly envisages facilitating the sale of goods import-
ed from other countries. For those with unsaleable goods on
their hands1, this, of -course, is convenient. But, while the
production of goods inside Germany itself remains at a low
level, neither the German people nor the other peoples of
Europe will derive any benefit from the acceptance of such
a proposal.
The afore-mentioned British draft of March 31 bears the
name "Supplementary Principles to Govern the Treatment
of Germany." It deals with many questions contained in the
decisions of the Potsdam conference. The draft supposedly
aims at supplementing these Potsdam decisions, but in point
of fact it is directed towards replacing them by totally new
decisions, which in many cases grossly violate the interests
of the Soviet Union 'and certain other states. It is obvious
that the Soviet Government cannot agree to such a substitu-
tion of the Potsdam decisions by the new British proposals.
Everyone knows that in some respects the Potsdam de^
cisions'are being carried out unsatisfactorily. The Soviet
Government is seeking for a more correct implementation of
these decisions. It cannot agree to their revision without the
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