There is, as we know, another attitude. Early this year
the U.S.A. proposed the adoption of a provisional statute
for Germany, which would have meant shelving the peace
treaty with Germany 'indefinitely. The Soviet Government
was opposed then, as it is now, to the proposal for a pro-
visional statute for Germany, which could only hinder the
establishment of enduring peace in Europe*
At the London meeting the Soviet delegation urged that
the preparation of the .peace treaty with Germany be
begun, and not postponed any longer. Our delegation
insisted that the Council of Foreign Ministers should tackle
its 'main task, for which it had been set up. When the
Council of Foreign Ministers was instituted, the Potsdam
conference laid down that its main task was to conduct
"Ihe necessary preparatory work for the peace settlements,"
by which was envisaged not only the West, but also the
East, and it was because of this that China was included in
the Council of Foreign Ministers.
It was decided at Potsdam that the Council should
first draft the peace treaties for Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria,
Hungary and Finland; and this was done last year. The
decision of the Potsdam conference, however, also said
that "the Council shall be utilized for the preparation of
a peace settlement for Germany, a corresponding document
to be accepted by the Government of Germany when a
government adequate for the purpose is established." It is
perfectly obvious that the time has now come for the
Council of Foreign -Ministers to focus its attention on the
problem of the peace settlement for Germany in the West
and the problem of the peace settlement for Japan in the
East. Thds is the sure road to the consolidation of general
peace.
It is known that last year the Government of the U.S.A.
also believed it necessary to begin preparation of the peace
543