19 52. There is no evidence of corrupt practices; but the pressure put upon an elector by his creditor or landlord is often considerable. The effect may be either positive and result in a vote being cast in favour of a candidate who would not have been selected by the voter of his own free choice; or it may be negative and result in a voter failing to appear to record a vote which he has promised. With an electorate not greatly imbued with political eathusiasm the simplest solution of conflicting and irreconcilable interests is obviously to adopt a negative attitude and vote for neither. 53. Votes polled.—The statement already referred to (Appendix II) shows the number and percentage ofthe electorate that voted at each elec- tion. The results may be summarized as follows: — Number of constituencies. Percentage of votes polled. 1920. 1923. 1926. Central Provinces Non-Muhammadan Urban Central Provinces Non-Muhammadan Rural Central Provinces Muhammadan Rural Berar Non-Muhammadan Urban Berar Non-Muhammadan Rural Berar Muhammadan Rural and Urban 21 (22 in 1926) 4 2 10 3 14-0 7-8 6-5 3-6 7-0 40-7 55-7 57-2 56-9 38-5 60-0 66-9 52-6 46-2 67-3 62-2 33-6 The figures taken as a whole show a progressive evolution of interest in the Legislative Council. If in some constituencies such as the Central Prov- inces rural, the poll has decreased, it may, in most cases, be ascribed to something lacking in the personal appeal and organization of the candidate rather than to the relapse of the electorate to apathy. In 1920, voters were not only deterred by the propaganda of the non-co-operators, but were even intimidated. " In 1923, on the other hand, many were brought to the poll'by promises of a millenium, which included the abolition of taxation, and which they were sufficiently unsophisticated to accept as a fact cer- tain of accomplishment rather than an empty aspiration. It is, therefore, not impossible that disillusion may have been a factor in the drop in the number of votes polled in some constituencies. 54. Special arrangements, e.g., for illiterate voters.—Illiterate voters in general constituencies are provided for by the almost fool-proof device of coloured ballot boxes. The voter is only required to remember the colour of the candidate for whom he votes and drop a paper with which he is provided into the box of that colour. In the earlier elections, before the colour system was evolved, voters were commonly given slips of paper bear- ing the name of the candidate to whom they had promised their votes and, in spite of all advice to the contrary, insisted on placing these slips, or even sometimes printed handbills of their candidate, in the ballot box and bear- ing off their voting papers as receipts #>r the due performance of their duty. For blind voters the Presiding Officer places the voting paper in the box. He also attempts to guide voters who cannot identify colours by their names. No evidence of misplacement of votes through colour-blindness is recorded; but of the colours, which the colour-blind usually mistake, green is not usually used as it is the Muhammadan colour and might pre- judice opinion. In the first elections another error that was committed was that voters came to vote for the Legislative Council election on the day fixed for elections to the Legislative Assembly. Nowadays it is only the voter who combines extreme obstinacy or carelessness with illiteracy who can fail to vote, or record a vote for the wrong candidate. In the only plural constituency, Nagpur-ctwn-Kamptee, there is more scope for error. It has to be explained by the Presiding Officer to the voter that he must not put two voting papers into one box, and that he is not bound to use more than one paper. * A person is placed beside the ballot boxes to ensure that no error is committed. This destroys the i secrecy of the ballot, but no mechanical method, which would avoid this objection, has yet been •evolved.