68 THE BRITISH APPROACH TO POLITICS

supremacy of the Cabinet, so long as it has the confidence oi
Parliament, should remain. No Government is good which does
not follow a consistent plan; no consistent plan can be made
except by a body which is sure that no one else has the power
to unmake its work. Second., that since the Cabinet's authority
is justified on the ground that co-ordination is necessary, Cabinet
Ministers must be able to give time to this work; for this reason
the plan for a smaller Cabinet has been mentioned with approval.
Third, that meaningless ceremonial, empty tides and useless
traditions should be removed as rapidly as possible. The frequent
and necessary creation of new Departments will lead to confusion
and waste, unless out of date Departments are abolished.
Further, the mere belief that Government is old-fashioned is
dangerous to liberty because it brings Government by discussion
into contempt. To adapt a phrase used about the administration
of justice, it is not enough that the Government should be
efficient—it must manifestly appear to be efficient; democratic
Government must be Government that people can understand.
The plain man will enjoy ceremonial in what he considers to be
its proper place—e.g., at the Coronation—but no one is thrilled
by the survival of the office of Lord Privy Seal; no dignity is
added to Government by trying to keep up the official pretence
that the Cabinet does not exist. Fourth, in the newest Govern-
ment activities, an effort must be made to determine more
precisely what decisions should be taken by party politicians
and what by Civil Servants.

Keeping these rules, however, will not by itself cause the
Cabinet to govern better or make the people's will more effective.
It has been noticed how the Privy Council rose from being a
group of the King's derks to become the chief organ of Govern-
ment. This did not happen because such a group could be
proved, on paper, to be the best method of Government, but
because the men in the group knew their business. Ministers who
do not understand, for example, the relation between cause and
effect in economic policy, will not rule any better because the