3%
to	of the populat<V,r« *   The
led       to	at tb* * *ime was undoubtedly
the	of his hold upon the, upper <la/,ses.   He
to	this by getting the supjKTt of
the	classes;,        e^eiai;     * ^ 1 ;r/* *
prove* very useful nn:r  *   "7    r ^
to state that & Mont" «•*
meats'*	not national asK-rnbik-?, bu*  ~
the	find representatives of a p; ^;    *
the country was divided in civil ?*~*t     T> / *\
of borough representation at the c;-r;t^r "vva?
not lost.   Of its future use in central assemblies <;r that
any	of	being shaped, Simon de
Montfort	of	no	idea	of Jrs
contemporaries.2   A	earlier Henry  II.
had,	to titne?	such element?- to the feudal
of Ms	as the business of the occasion
the growth of ideas of represen-
tation	making it easier for the
king to tip use	of his people as he
chose. But the were still	the
same.
Having tip to         point	with	con-
ditions and	and the         beginnings of what may
be called an embryonic Parliament, the subject now
broadens and three rather	divisions naturally
suggest themselves: first, the external history of the
institution, Its form and	through the
changes of its early years until it	,
in these respects and developed its characteristic features;
secondly, the electorate through the century a
half of Parliament's life; thirdly,
* See above, pp. 358, 3^59, 362,
3 Professor Adams believes that "borough representatives wopM hive
been summoned to the great council by the close of the -century^ if Sin:on's
writs had never been issued and for* reasons wry different from tl:;?e
which influenced his action." His grounds for this opinion are the rapidly
growing mportance of the boroughs in the thirteenth century and the
fact that the **stricter feudal ideas" were	away.