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teenth and fourteenth century elections, which antedate
party and interest and all consciousness of the value of
the franchise, may seem unworthy to be reckoned popular
elections at all. Yet modern popular elections are their
lineal descendants. Names were probably proposed to
the assembled court by the sheriff or other influential
men of the county. If they met with approval, there
was general acclamation and the election was complete.
But some one might be bold enough to object; if his
objections seemed valid and he could gain a backing,
his point was made good and other names were proposed.
It was thus only in the acclamation and in the right to
dissent that the popular element consisted. And yet
in theory—and this is very important—these elections
wgrejby the court; any^mber might propose names_and_
any migRt dissent^
™No one cared to take part in these elections, not only
because there was little inspiration in electing people to
places they did not want, but because wages had to be
paid them. These became fixed under Edward II. at
four shillings a day for the knights of the shire and two
shillings for the burgesses.* Abstention from the election
might be urged as an excuse for not sharing in the pay-
ment of the wages. Few were able to make good such a
claim, but the possibility worked with other forces so to
belittle the election that the sheriff often practically
named the knights who were to be returned, and, when
he had an object for doing so, he could usually manipulate
the elections to suit himself.2
1 By Elizabeth's time wages had ceased to be paid to the county mem-
bers, though not legally abolished. But many boroughs continued to
pay their representatives until the late seventeenth century. The amount
paid varied in the later time. Since 1911 members of the House of Com-
mons, who do not get salaries as ministers or other officials, receive £400
per year.
3 In 1376 a petition was sent to the king by the Commons asking that
the knights be chosen by the better folk of the shires and not by the sher-
iffs alone. The king replied that they were to be chosen by the whole
county. This shows the continuance of the sheriffs' undue influence, but
undoubtedly also indicates an increasing interest on the part of the people.
As late as 1410, an act was passed restraining abtises by the sheriffs in the
election returns. See A, and S., document 113,