The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (1) February 2001 Published by The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria since 1884 Naturalist Note Australian Edelweiss at Mt Hotham: But for How Long? The Australian Edelweiss Ewartia nubige- na is an elusive creature, in line with its more famous and rather larger European cousin. [t occurs mostly on exposed patches of shingle around the 1750 m level or above, appearing at first sight like a patch of prey moss or lichen, but revealing on closer inspection its tiny white daisy flowers. Within the Mt Hotham Alpine Resort, which has recently been extended (by exci- sion from the Alpine National Park) to accommodate new ski runs and facilities, there are, or have been, a few places where Edelweiss can be seen, On an inspection two years ago, the best of these was found just a short distance away from the Orchard Chair Lift Station, but this eluded me on à recent visit over New Year. Does it still exist? - I don't know. Another patch was previously seen deep down in the val- ley of Australia Drift, but could not be checked this time. However, the most accessible specimens were to be found, on this occasion (January 2001), as previous- ly, growing right at the very edge of the 4WD track as it climbs from the Orchard Chair up to the summit ridge of Mt Loch. 1 gather from Jane Calder that it can be found elsewhere, such as on Mt McKay, as well as in the Kosciusko National Park at high altitude. However, my dismay was considerable at discovering large drums of high voltage power cable laid out at intervals along the 4WD track, clearly about to be ripped into the track by a couple of D9s in tandem or whatever. This is evidently intended to be an alternative power supply to the Hotham Resort, connecting from the Gotcha Chair to the West Kiewa Power Station. It might appear to have come about as a result of opposition to a route via Dinner Plain to Omeo. However, it has the potential to make Ewarfia very scarce indeed in Victoria, and any assurances that the area will be restored after the event are clearly rather hollow in respect of Ewartia, It is a reminder that such things can hap- pen very fast and be irreversible, and it is my hope that it will not be too late to save this unique alpine plant. Alan Parkin 70 Allima Avenue, Yallambie, Victoria 3085, Orchard Chair Lift Station, Mt Hotham and could not be found again this year. Most The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (1) 2001 February Editor: Merilyn Grey Assistant Editors: Alistair Evans and Anne Morton Index to Volume 117, 2000 is in the centre of this issue Research Reports The Potential Impact of Freeways on Native Grassland, by Nicholas S.G. Williams, Emma J. Leary, Kirsten M. Parris autori P Wenona S LRN og PROYECTO RES Om 4 Buxton Silver Gum Reserve: Using Geographic Information Systems to Investigate Historic Change in Site Integrity, by Dianne Simmons, Robyn Adams and Chris Lewis ................... 16 Contribution Yarrow Achillea millefolium L.: a Weed Threat to the Flora of the Australian Alps, by Frances Johnston and COENE VDO TORT. EH NE EAE eise PPE. re 2] Naturalist Note Australian Edelweiss at Mt Hotham: But for How Long? Dy Aleut PAAR ess E aeree d PNAS enirn Fed VIE ass Esa 2 Book Reviews Celebrating Our Parks — Proceedings of the First Australian Symposium on Parks History, (Mount Buffalo, 16-19 April 1998), edited by Elery Hamilton-Smith, reviewed by Deirdre Slattery ............ eere 25 Kosciuszko Alpine Flora, Second Edition, by A.B. Costin, M. Gray, C.J. Totterdell and D.J. Wimbush, reviewed by JO Pa (elf Fe eR Pty GRD eroe eC ESSERE CIR Lo a SEE ES 2d Pythons of Australia: a Natural History, by Geordie Torr, illustrated by Eleanor Torr, reviewed by Nick Clemann .............. 30 Tribute John Paul Stewart, by Noel Schleiger................ em 29 ISSN 0042-5184 ISSN 0042-5184 Immm Cover: The adult leaves of Buxton Gum Eucalyptus crenulata look like juvenile leaves. These mature leaves are an unusual characteristic of Buxton Gum. See article on p. 16. Photo: R. Adams. PNOO: R. AANS, aL ————M—————————— See our web page: http://calcite.apana.org.au/fncv/vicnat.html email: fnev@vicnet.net.au Research Reports The Potential Impact of Freeways on Native Grassland Nicholas S.G. Williams', Emma J. Leary', Kirsten M. Parris! and Mark J. McDonnell’ Abstract Transportation planning typically considers only the direct impacts of road construction, such as loss of vegetation and wildlife habitat. However, the ecological impacts of major roads and freeways are not confined to the area immediately adjacent to the road. Recent international research has demon- strated the existence of a ‘road effect zone’ around major roads and freeways. In Melbourne many current and proposed freeways traverse areas of native grassland. This paper presents a review of the major ecological impacts of roads and how they may affect native grasslands using the proposed Hume Freeway F2 Link as a case study. The road effect zone of the Hume Freeway F2 Link route options are quantified and the impacts on the native grasslands of the Merri Creek Valley assessed. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (1), 2001, 4-15.) Introduction The past decade has seen many new freeways constructed in and around Melbourne. The Western Ring Road, City Link, Ringwood Bypass, Northern Ring Road and Eastern Freeway extension have been completed, the Deer Park bypass to link the Western Freeway and Western Ring Road is under construction and other proposed freeways are in the final planning stages. These include the Eastern Ring Road (Scoresby Freeway), a further exten- sion of the Eastern Freeway through the Mullum Mullum Valley to Ringwood and the Hume Freeway F2 Link between Craigieburn and the Northern Ring Road. Most of these projects were subject to extensive environmental review through impact assessments, planning panel reviews and public hearings. Such studies tend to examine the direct impact of free- way construction on the biota. They typi- cally assess the quality of the vegetation and occurrence of rare flora and fauna species along the proposed freeway align- ment. However, recent international research has shown that the ecological impacts of freeways extend well beyond the area destroyed by the road and associ- ated construction activities. The aim of this paper is to review the ecological impact of major roads on native grasslands and to discuss the concept of a ‘road effect zone’ using the proposed Hume Freeway F2 Link as a case study, Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology (ARCUE), Royal Botanic Gardens Melbourne, c/o School of Botany, The University of Melbourne. Victoria 3010. 4 Ecological Impact of Roads More than 20 ecological effects of roads have been identified by scientists from around the world (Forman and Deblinger 2000). These include the dispersal of partic- ulate and chemical pollutants, noise and introduced plants and animals (Forman 1995). Comprehensive reviews of the eco- logical effects of roads are provided by Bennett (1991). Forman (1995). Forman and Deblinger (1998), Spellerberg (1998) and Trombulak and Frissell (2000). Our inten- tion here is to briefly discuss some of these effects to highlight the diverse range of impacts roads can have on the environment. Sources of Pollution and Exotic Species Vehicle traffic along roads contribute numerous chemicals to the environment including heavy metals, organic molecules (e.g. hydrocarbons), ozone and nutrients. De-icing salts are also a problem in colder climates (Trombulak and Frissell 2000). Water runoff from road surfaces may enhance growth of nearby vegetation or erode soils from roadsides and stream crossings. Most chemical transport occurs via stormwater runoff through and over the soil and from drainage into nearby water bodies. Pollutants may alter soil chemistry, be absorbed by plants and affect stream ecosystems (Forman and Alexander 1998), Roads also facilitate the dispersal of intro- duced plants and animals via three mecha- nisms: providing habitat by altering the natural conditions, making invasion more likely by stressing or removing native species and allowing easier movement by natural and human vectors (Trombulak and Frissell 2000). The Victorian Naturalist Barrier and Fragmentation Effects Forman (1995) considers that wide multi- lane highways. such as freeways, have the greatest ecological effect of all roads, as they remove more habitat and create more substantial barriers, effectively fragment- ing the landscape and habitats they tra- verse. Landscape fragmentation with its associated loss and modification of habitat has been recognised as the greatesi threat to biological diversity in Australia (Biological Diversity Advisory Committee 1992). Fragmentation not only reduces the quantity of habitat available for native plants and animals, but also reduces the suitability of the habitat that remains. Increased isolation of habitat patches may impede the movement of animals between patches and lead to local extinction of species (Haila ef al. 1993). Fragmentation increases the ratio of edge to interior habi- tat, encouraging invasion by weeds (Scougall er al. 1993) and potentially increasing predation on birds and mam- mals (Andrén and Angelstram 1988: Burbidge and McKenzie 1989). Habitat fragmentation can also affect the reproduc- tive success and probability of persistence of native plant species, by changing the plant's physical environment and its inter- actions with pollinators (Cunningham 2000). Roads contribute to the fragmentation of habitat and the disruption of resident popu- lations of plants and animals in a number of ways. A new road creates a physical barrier which splits patches of habitat into smaller, disjunct areas, Animals attempting to cross the road may be killed by collision with vehicles. In general, mortality increases with increasing traffic volumes (Rosen and Lowe 1994; Fahrig et al. 1995). The presence of a road may also modify an animal’s behaviour. Species that are sensitive to noise and human distur- bance will change their movement patterns and home ranges to avoid roads (Trombulak and Frissell 2000. and refer- ences therein). This avoidance of areas near roads further reduces the amount of habitat that is suitable for sensitive species in fragmented landscapes. The impacts of habitat fragmentation may be accelerated when local extinctions occur in important habitat patches as a result of increased Vol. 118 (1) 2001 Research Reports mortality or a reduced probability of recolonisation associated with roads (Trombulak and Frissell 2000). Noise Research in the Netherlands has shown that noise from traffic severely disrupts the behaviour of grassland birds, causing them to move away from roads and to cease breeding. Depending on the species, roads with a traffic volume of 50,000 vehicles per day disturbed grassland birds up to 3530 m away (Reijnen et al. 1996; van der Zande ef al. 1980), Reijnen et al. (1996) also found that populations of grassland birds were reduced by between 12% and 52% within 500 m of roads with a traffic volume of 50,000 vehicles per day. It is reasonable to assume that other animals will also be displaced by noise and distur- bance created by roads. The Existence of a Road Effect Zone The ecological impacts of a freeway are not confined to the area immediately adja- cent to the road. Ecologists throughout the world now recognise the existence of a ‘road effect zone’ (see Conservation Biology Vol. 14. No. 1, 2000). Forman ef al. (1995) deseribe a road effect zone as an area defined by the ecological effects extending from a road into the surrounding landscape. It is an area many times wider than the road surface and the roadside verge (Forman and Deblinger 2000). The area impacted by the ecological effects of a road varies with the nature of the effect, quality of existing habitat, topography of the landscape and the pre- vailing wind direction. The road effect zone has convoluted boundaries and is highly asymmetric, due to the differential influences of environmental flows such as wind and water, and variation in habitats on opposite sides of the road (Forman and Deblinger 2000). Generally, it is larger down slope and downwind of the road, and in areas of higher quality vegetation or habitat (Forman 1999; Forman and Alexander 1998; Forman and Deblinger 1998), At points where a road crosses eco- logical conduits, such as streams, the road effect zone may extend much further out- ward. For example, particulate or heavy metal pollution from a road may extend for 5 Research Reports many kilometres downstream of a bridge, but a much shorter distance upstream or into adjacent terrestrial ecosystems (Forman 1999), Quantification of a Road Effect Zone: The Hume Freeway F2 Link The Hume Freeway F2 Link, or F2 Freeway as it is also known, Is a freeway planned to connect the Hume Freeway at Craigieburn to the Northern Ring Road at Thomastown. A reservation for the con- nection was initially created along the val- ley of the Merri Creek, a northern tributary of the Yarra River, in 1975. Since then studies have shown that the freeway reser- vation traverses the 400 ha Craigieburn Grasslands and the 70 ha Cooper Street Grasslands which are now recognised as being of National and State significance for biodiversity conservation respectively (Gibson et al. 1999). The Grasslands pro- vide habitat for a number of Nationally and State listed endangered species. Significant flora include Curly Sedge Carex tasmanica, Mat Flax-lily Dianella amoena and Swollen Swamp Wallaby-grass Amphibromus pithogastris while the endangered fauna include the birds Plains—wanderer Pedionomus torquatus, and Swift Parrot Lathamus discolor and the Striped Legless Lizard Delmar impar (Muir ef al. 1998), Both grasslands have also been listed on the Register of the National Estate under the Australian Heritage Commission Act 1975 (Gibson et al. 1999). Recognition of the significance of the grasslands and presence of endangered flora and fauna has led to a number of alternative routes being proposed by VicRoads (1998). Publie submissions on these routes were evaluated by an advisory committee appointed by the State Government against a defined set of objec- tives whose final recommendation (Gibson et al. 1999) was VicRoads' route 5 (1998). In the process of preparing advice for the Minister of Planning, the Department of Infrastructure (DOI) reviewed the Planning Assessment (VicRoads 1998) and Advisory Committee Reports (Gibson et al. 1999). The DOI determined that it was not happy that any of the seven options evaluated by the advisory committee pro- 6 vided a 'satisfactory combination of trans- port, economic and environmental out- comes’ and convened a working group that developed a further set of route options labelled X, Y and Z (Department of Infrastructure 2000). The Hume Freeway Advisory Committee Report (Gibson eż al. 1999) stated that there was no evidence produced to indicate that the potential impact of noise on fauna within the grasslands was an issue of any real concern (p. 190). This indicates that recent research from around the world into the ecological impact of roads and the road effect zone may not be well known to con- sultants, planners and government agen- cies. The Working Party report (Department of Infrastructure 2000) also failed to consider the extent of the road effect zones on the values of grassland in the Merri Creek Valley primarily consider- ing the direct impacts of freeway construc- lion. As a public submission on the Working Party report (Department of Infrastructure 2000), the Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology con- ducted an analysis of the potential road effect zone of the existing Hume Highway and the proposed routes 5, X, Y and Z. The results of this research are presented below. Methods We quantified the area of grassland affected by the proposed Hume Freeway F2 Link using Geographic Information System (GIS) modelling. Maps of the route options and areas of native grassland were provided by the Merri Creek Management Committee. The amount of grassland in the road effect zones was calculated for each route option to estimate the total habitat affected by road noise and pollution. The distance used for the zones was based on an estimated 35,000-40,000 vehicles per day predicted by traffic modelling to use the Hume Freeway Link Options 1 to 5 (Gibson er a/. 1999), The routes used to produce these projections have slightly dif- ferent alignments to those of the current proposal; however, traffic modelling pro- jections for routes X, Y. and Z were not available. Forman and Deblinger (1998) describe the calculation of road effect zones based The Victorian Naturalist on effect distances from research in the Netherlands on noise sensitive grassland birds (Reijnen er al. 1996). Forman and Deblinger (1998) used 810 m for 50.000 vehicles/day in natural ecosystems in urban areas. We were unable to obtain information on the effect of road noise on grassland birds in Australia so we have fol- lowed the example of Forman and Deblinger (1998) and used data from tem- perate grasslands in the Netherlands. However, we adopted a conservative ‘road effect zone" of 750 m for each route option due to traffic volumes estimated to be less than 50.000 vehicles per day reported in the Dutch study. The Hume Highway was also given a road effect zone of 750 m when considered in combination with any of the Hume Freeway Link options. The road effect zone of an upgraded existing Hume Highway was estimated to be 1 km. as the projected traffic volume on an upgraded Hume Highway is estimated to be 64,000 vehicles per day (Gibson er al. 1999). The area of the road effect zone does not include the added etfect of the upgrading of the east-west roads in the area, such as Cooper Street and Craigieburn Road East, to four lanes. This would further fragment the landscape and reduce the area of core habitat available for many species. The road effect zone is more complex than simply affected and non-affected areas, There will be a decline in intensity of road effects with increasing distance from the road, and the distance and significance of the effects will vary depending on the organism examined. We used grassland birds to illustrate the potential area of grassland affected by the Hume Freeway F2 Link because they have been shown to be sensitive to noise originating from roads, Results Our results indicate the road effect zone of all options for the Hume Freeway F2 Link will fragment the grasslands of the Merri Creek Valley and reduce the quality of grassland habitat. Route Options 5, X, Y and Z are presented in Fig. 1. The impaet of the road effect zones on the adjacent native grasslands is presented in Table 1. Upgrading the existing Hume Highway will have the least impact by placing the Vol. 118 (1) 2001 Research Reports smallest amount of grassland in the road effect zone (151 ha) (Fig. 2) and potential- ly impacting only 13% of the existing grasslands. This option actually includes very little additional grassland in the road effect zone that is not already impacted by the existing Hume Highway road effect zone. Option 5 potentially impacts 461 ha of native grassland, most of which is in the Craigieburn East Grassland which it bisects. Option X would have the greatest impact, placing 645 ha of grassland in the road effect zone (Pig. 3) and affecting 55% of the existing grasslands. It also crosses Merri Creek three times, significantly increasing the impact of the freeway because the road effect zone is wider at water crossings (Forman 1999), Option Y impacts 285 ha of grassland habitat and creates a barrier between the Craigieburn and Craigieburn East Grasslands while the road effect zone of Option Z is 427 ha. Option Z also crosses Merri Creek in three places. The road effect zone of Options X and Z encompass all of the Cooper Street and Galada Tamboore Grasslands. Option 5 and Option Y create road effect zones that completely engulf Galada Tamboore. These areas would effectively become unsuitable habitat for grassland birds. The area of grassland included in the road effect zone for each option is dependent on the width of the zone. Fig. 4 illustrates the area of native grassland remaining unaf- fected by road impacts with varying road effect zone width for each option. Discussion Many of the new and proposed freeways to the west and north of Melbourne tra- versé areas that contain remnant native grassland. Lowland temperate grasslands are among the most endangered ecosys- tems in Australia (Lunt 1994), and Western (Basalt) Plains Grassland which occurs in western and northern Melbourne is one of the most endangered vegetation communities in Victoria (Stuwe 1986; Frood and Calder 1987). It 1s listed as a threatened community on Schedule 2 of the Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act 1988, and is the subject of a Department of Natural Resources and Environment Action Statement (Muir 1994), Research Reports Hume Freeway Link Hume Freeway Link Native Option 5 ^ — Option Y E Grassland Hume Freeway Link .,..Hume Freeway Link — Option X Option Z Fig. I. The Hume Highway, and the different route options for the Hume Freeway F2 Link. Native grassland Reserves — 1, Craigieburn East, 2. Craigieburn, 3. Cooper Street and 4. Galada Tamboore. Freeway construction has had significant, grasslands. Substantial areas on the north- direct impacts on native grassland in the ern boundary of Derrimut Grassland Melbourne region. The construction of the Reserve and at the Sunshine Tip Western Ring Road destroyed many native Grasslands that were of State significance 8 The Victorian Naturalist Research Reports Table 1. The potential impact of the proposed Hume Freeway F2 Link on grasslands based on an estimated road effect zone of 750 m. ——————————————————————————————————————————— Route Area of % of existing Comments grassland in grassland habitat the ‘road effect impacted by zone’ (ha) ‘road effect zone’ Option 5 461 39 Craigieburn East Grassland split in half, . Galada Tamboore lost Option X 645 55 Largest area of grassland impacted by ! P road effect zone Option Y 285 24 Second smallest area of grassland impacted by road effect zone, Galada Tamboore totally included in road effect zone Option Z 427 37 Two reserves totally included in ‘road effect zone’ Upgrade of 151 13 Only one reserve impacted by road Existing Hume effect zone, no grassland lost through Highway road construction, no further were removed as were many smaller patches along the alignment (Meredith ef al. 1989). Many of the route options for the proposed Hume Freeway F2 Link will cut through native grasslands of National and State significance to flora and fauna, including the Craigieburn and Cooper Street Grasslands that are listed on the reg- ister of the National Estate (Department of Infrastructure 2000; Muir ef al. 1998; Muir et al. 2000). Up to 52 ha of significant native grass- land will be removed by the construction of the Hume Freeway F2 Link (Muir et al. 2000). Our analysis has indicated that many times this amount may potentially be influenced by the indirect impacts of the freeway. The area of native grassland with- in the road effect zone ranges from between 285 ha for Route Y to 645 ha for Route X. To date, little scientific research has been conducted on the indirect impact of roads on native grassland in Australia. Some studies have identified the expected effects of freeway projects on grasslands; permanent loss of remnant vegetation, per- manent changes to the hydrological regime and increased potential for invasion by environmental weeds have been listed (Department of Infrastructure 2000; Meredith et al. 1989) but no one has sought to quantify them. Morgan (1998) investigated the influence of a roadside edge as part of a larger study analysing weed invasion in an urban grass- Vol. 118 (1) 2001 fragmentation of grassland patches land at Evans Street, Sunbury. He found that vegetation located on the roadside edge of the remnant was significantly dif- ferent floristically to vegetation in the cen- tre of the reserve as well as the remnant edge bordering a railway line. Introduced plant species richness was significantly higher and richness and cover of native species was significantly lower at the rem- nant edge bordering the roadside than at all locations within the remnant. Soil nutrient analysis revealed that non-native species were favoured by higher concentrations of phosphorous and ammonium which were higher on the roadside edge of the rem- nant. Nitrate was also found to favour non- native species but was not found to be cor- related with the roadside edge. Increased soil phosphorous and weed invasion did not extend beyond 10 m from the road edge into the grassland, Higher nutrient concentrations and changes in plant species composition along the roadside edge at Evans Street Grassland cannot be solely attributed to the presence of a road as other influences such as nutrient input from dogs and occasional garden waste dumping may also be impor- tant (John Morgan pers. comm.). However, some contribution from traffic should be expected as vehicle emissions, such as car- bon dioxide, sulphur dioxide and oxides of nitrogen, are known to act as fertilisers or affect plant growth (Angold 1997). Angold (1997) found that trends in the species Research Reports 3h i> H AES sical — EX : =s: En LU cece Lee SATTE UL TIT) = [J Native Grassland ERS] Road Effect Zone pass Hume Freeway GZ Native Grassland Within Link Options Road Effect Zone Fig. 2. Upgraded Hume Highway, with a 1 kilometre road effect zone. Affected areas of native grassland are shown with diagonal lines. Native grassland Reserves — 1. Craigieburn East, 2. Craigieburn, 3, Cooper Street and 4. Galada Tamboore. composition and enhanced growth of correlated with distance from the road and heathland vegetation, adjacent to a four that the effect extended up to 200 m each lane highway in Britain, were significantly side of the highway. This was attributed to 10 The Victorian Naturalist Research Reports KM Native Grassland [E] Road Effect Zone k ER Hume Freeway ZZ) Native Grassland Within b Link Options Road Effect Zone Fig. 3. Existing Hume Highway and Hume Freeway F2 Link Option X, with 750 metre road effect zone. Affected areas of native grassland are shown with diagonal lines. Native grassland Reserves — 1. Craigieburn East, 2. Craigieburn, 3. Cooper Street and 4. Galada Tamboore. eutrophication from oxides of nitrogen grasslands bordering freeways in Australia. emitted by vehicle exhausts. Similar Grasslands in the Melbourne region pro- effects and distances could be expected for vide important habitat for populations of Vol. 118 (1) 2001 11 Research Reports 1400 | Option 5 rJ 1200. nee Option X =. | — OptionY ° | - ` - Option Z 9 1000 | : £ | Sa © | ° so = | 5 | Saai w 600! ; D | Si “Sy ° | — k ed M Déc. 5 400. E I | «c < 200 ys " an - no road 250 500 750 1000 1250 1500 Width of road effects zone (m) Fig. 4. The area of native grassland not impacted by the road effect zone with varying width of the road effect zone for each Hume Freeway F2 Link option. many resident and migratory bird species. There are at least 20 grassland bird species recorded in the Melbourne area that are considered to be of conservation concern on either a regional, State or National level (Table 2) (Beardsell 1991; Beardsell 1997; Department of Natural Resources and Environment 2000). These include the nationally endangered Plains-wanderer Pedionomus torquatus and the Red-chest- ed Button-quail Turnix pyrrhothorax which is listed as vulnerable in Victoria. Table 2. Grassland bird species considered to be restricted (Res), rare (R), depleted (D), threatened (T), vulnerable (V) or endangered (E) for the Melbourne Region, Victoria and on a National level. Significance ratings have been obtained from Beardsell (1991; 1997) and Department of Natural Resources and Environment Victoria (2000). Scientific Name Accipiter cirrhocephalus Calamanthus fuliginosus Cinclorhamphus mathewsi Circus assimilis Coturnix australia Falco peregrinus Haliastur sphenurus Hieraaetus morphnoides Lathamus discolor Merops ornatus Milvus migrans Ocyphaps lophotes Pedionomus torquatus Poephila guttata Stagonopleura guttta Turnix pyrrhothorax Turnix varia Turnix velox 12 Common Name Region State National Collared Sparrowhawk Res Striated Fieldwren D Rufous Songlark D Spotted Harrier D Brown Quail Res Peregrine Falcon Res Whistling Kite D Little Eagle Res Swift Parrot E E Rainbow Bee-eater D Black Kite i Crested Pigeon R Plains-wanderer E E D Zebra Finch D Diamond Firetail D Red-chested Button-quail E D Painted Button-quail Res Little Button-Quail 1L The Victorian Naturalist A large body of Australian and interna- tional research has demonstrated that many birds that breed in grasslands require large habitat patches (Vickery ef al. 1994; Herkert 1994: Baker-Gabb er al. 1990). Patches shaped to provide abundant interi- or areas, free from the impact of edges, have also been shown to maximise bird species richness. For example Red-chested Button-quail require patches of suitable habitat larger than 50 ha (Beardsell 1997), while areas favoured by the Plains-wander- er are approximately 200 ha (Baker-Gabb et al. 1990). Experts suggest that the con- servation of the Plains-wanderer in north- east Melbourne will require the retention and management of the remaining patches of grassland. In addition, they recommend the linking of suitable native grassland habitat (Beardsell 1997), Given the ecolog- ical requirements of the species it is evi- dent that a reserve supporting viable popu- lations must be large (Beardsell 1997). Freeways may also hinder or prevent the appropriate management of native grass- lands. Western Basalt Plains Grassland requires burning at intervals not greater than 3 years to maintain native plant diver- sity and vigour (Lunt 1994; Morgan and Lunt 1999). However, it is difficult to achieve this aim for grasslands bordered by freeways as smoke may be a hazard to motorists. Bainbridge and Bush (2000) describe the complexity of conducting pre- scribed burns in urban areas while Lunt (1994) has identified the cultural, opera- tional and financial difficulties of burning grasslands for conservation purposes. For Parks Victoria to burn the Laverton North Grassland Reserve wind must blow smoke away from a neighbouring petrochemical industrial plant and over the Princes Freeway. Consequently, burns must take place at night and require the employment of a traffic management group to close the freeway down to one lane that travels at 60 km/h. This dramatically limits the window of opportunity available to burn the reserve and as a result burns may be delayed until the following year (Fiona Smith, Parks Victoria Ranger in Charge, Melbourne Grasslands, pers, comm.). Conclusion Roads have both direct and indirect impacts on the environments they traverse. Vol. 118 (1) 2001 Research Reports Apart from the direct removal of biota and the reduction and fragmentation of adja- cent habitats, all roads contribute pollution, noise and exotic organisms to the sur- rounding ecosystem in a zone of variable width either side of the road. The existence of a road effect zone suggests that reserves may not fully protect the biological values of natural ecosystems if those reserves are in close proximity to freeways. This may be particularly true for native grasslands that require regular, active management and provide habitat for organisms suscepti- ble to noise and other impacts of roads, The two largest protected areas of native grassland in Melbourne, the Derrimut Grassland Reserve and the Laverton North Grassland Reserve, are both bordered by freeways. It is also proposed that the newly proclaimed Craigieburn Grasslands Flora and Fauna Reserve will be bordered by the Hume Freeway F2 Link to some degree. The road effect zone of the proposed route options for the Hume Freeway F2 Link would result in significant areas of the grasslands of the Merri Creek Valley being affected by noise, increased nutrients and other impacts of the freeway. This will fur- ther fragment the grasslands of the Merri Creek Valley and substantially reduce the area of suitable habitat available for grass- land birds. In the past the indirect impacts of roads, highlighted by the road effect zone, have not been considered in the transportation planning process. Successful management and mitigation of all the envi- ronmental impacts of road projects dictates that the road effect zone should be consid- ered. To facilitate this there is a need for research to quantify the nature and extent of the impacts of roads and freeways on Australian ecosystems. Acknowledgements This research was funded by the Baker Foundation. We thank the Merri Creek Management Committee for supplying a GIS layer of the proposed Hume Freeway F2 Link routes. An anonymous reviewer provided useful comments that improved the manuscript. This paper is a product of the Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology, Royal Botanic Gardens Melbourne. References Andrén, H. and Angelstam, P. (1988). Elevated preda- lion rates as an edge effect in habitat islands: experi- mental evidence. Ecology 69, 544-547. Research Reports Angold, P.G. (1997), The impact of a road upon adja- vent heathland vegelation ~ effects on plant species composition, Journal of Applied Feology 34, 409- 417. Bainbridge, B. and Bush, J. (2000), Riparian revegeta- tion in the urban environment the Merri Creek expe- rience, /n ‘Directions in Revegetation. and Regeneration in Victoria’, pp. 19-24. Eds M.J. McDonnell and N.S.G. Williams. (Royal Botanic Gardens Melbourne: Greening Australia, Heidelberg. Victoria.) Baker-Gabb, DJa Benshemesh, J.S and Maher, P.N. (1990), A revision of the distribution, status and management ol the Plains-wanderer (Pedionomus rorquats), Emu 90. (61-168, Beardsell, C (1991), Sites of faunal significance in the western region of Melbourne (inland of the Princes Freeway). Arthur Rylah Institute for Environmental Research. Technical Report Series No. 91. Beardsell, C. (1997), Sites of faunal and habitat signifi- cance in north east Melbourne, Dunmoochin Biological Surveys, Melbourne. (Unpublished Report for the North East Regional Organisation of Councils (NEROC).) Bennett, A.F. (1991). Roads, roadsides and wildlife conservation: a review. /j "Nature Conservation 2: The Role of Corridors’, pp. 99-118. Eds D.A, Saunders and R.J. Hobbs. (Surry Beatty & Sons; Chipping Norton, NSW.) Biological Diversity Advisory Committee (1992), A National Strategy for the Conservation of Australia’s Biological Diversity. Draft. May 1992, DASET. Cunberra Burbidge, A.A, and MeKenzie, N.L. (1989), Patterns in the modern decline of Western Australia’s vertebrate fauna: cuuses and conservation implications. Biological Conservation 80, 143-198. Cunningham, S.A. (2000). Elects of habitat fragmen- tation on the reproductive ecology of four plant species in mallee woodland, Conservation Brology 14, 758-768. Department of Infrastructure (2000). Hume Freeway F2 Link Craigieburn to Metropolitan Ring Road: Review of route aptions and environmental mea- sures. (Department of Infrastructure: Melbourne.) Department of Natural Resourees and Environment Victoria (2000), Threatened Vertebrate Pauna in Vistoria 2000: A systematic list of vertebrate fauna considered extinct, at risk of extinetion or in major decline in Victoria, (Department of Natural Resources and Environment: East Melbourne.) Fahrig, La Pedlar, J.H., Pope. S.E;, Taylor, P.D. and Wegner, J.I, (1995). Effect of road traffic on amphib- ian density. Biological Conservation 73, 177-182, Forman, R.T. L. (1995). ‘Land Mosaics: The ecology of landscapes and regions’. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge: ) Forman, R.T. T. (1999), Horizontal processes, roads, suburbs, societal objectives, and landscape ecology. In ‘Landscape ecological analysis: Issues and appli- cations’, pp, 35-33. Eds J,M, Klopatek and R.H Gardner. (Springer-Verlag: New York.) Forman, R.T F. and Alexander, LT. (1998). Roads and their major ecological effects, Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 29, 207-231. Forman, R.T.T. and Deblinger, RD, (1998). The eco- logical road-effect zone for transportation planning and a Massachusetts Highway example. In "Proceedings of the International Conference on Wildlife Ecology and Transporation’, pp. 78-96, Eds G.L. Evink, P. Garrett, D. Zeigler, and J, Berry (Florida Department of Transportation, Tallahassee, Florida.) Forman, RET, and Deblinger, RI. (2000). ‘The eco- 14 logical road-effect zone of a Massachusetts (USA) suburban highway. Conservation Biology 14, 36-46, Forman, R.T.T., Friedman, D.S.. Fitzhenry, Du Martin, J.D.. Chen, A.S, and Alexander, L-E, (1995). Ecological effects of roads: Toward three summary indices and an overview for North America. /n “Habitat Fragmentation and Infrastructure", pp. 40- 54. Ed. K. Canters. (Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Management: Maastricht and The Hague. Netherlands.) Frood, D. and Calder, M. (1987). Nature Conservation in Victoria. Study Report Vols 1 and 2. (Victorian National Parks Association; Melbourne.) Gibson, H, Love, J. and Sutherland, G. (1999). Hume Freeway — Relocation of Hume Freeway between Craigieburn and Metropolitan Ring Road. Advisory Committee Report. Melbourne. Haila, Y., Saunders. D.A. and Hobbs, R.J. (1993). What do we presently understand about ecosystem fragmentation? Ja ‘Reconstruction of Fragmented Ecosystems Nature Conservation 3°, pp, 45-55. Eds: D.A. Saunders, R.J. Hobbs and PR. Ehrlich. (Surrey Beatty and Sons: Chipping Norton.) Helzer, C.J.. and Jelinski, D.E. (1999), The relative importance of patch area and perimeter-areu ralio to grassland breeding birds. Ecological Applications 9, 1448-1458. Herkert, LR, (1994) The effects of habitat fragmenta- tion on mid-western grassland bird communities. Ecological Applications 4, 461-471, Lunt, 1.1, (1994), Variation in flower production of nine grassland species with time since fire, and implications for grassland management and restora- tion. Pacific Conservation Biology L, 359-366. Meredith, C., Black, D., Carr, G., Tonkinson, D. and Todd, J. (1989). Biological study of the proposed route for the Metropolitan Ring Road Tullamarine to Laverton North. Biosis Research Pty. Lid., Port Melbourne. Unpublished Report for Vicikoads. Morgan, J.W. (1998). Patterns of invasion of an urban remnant of a species-rich grassland in southeastern Australia by non-native plant species, Journal ef Vegetation Science 9, 181-190. Morgan, J-W., and Lunt, LD, (1999). Effects of times since-fire on the tussock dynamics of à dominant grass (Themeda triandra) in a temperate Australian grassland, Biological Conservation 88, 379-386, Muir, A.M. (1994), Action Statement No 53. Western (Basalt) Plains Grassland Community, (Department of Natural Resources and Environment: Melbourne.) Muir, A.M., Collinson, M.H., Lane, B.A., Orseheg, C.K. Robertson, P., Carr, G.W. and MeMahon, A.R.G. (1998). Hume Freeway - Mahoneys Road to Craigieburn detailed flora and fauna investigation of route options, Ecology Australia Pty. Lid., Fairfield, Victoria. Unpublished Report for VicRoads, Muir, A.M., Way. S.L. and MeMahon, A-R.G, (2000). Hume Freeway — Mahoneys Road to Craigieburn Supplemantary Flora and Fauna Investigation: Route Options X, Y, Z and 5, Ecology Australia, Melbourne. Unpublished Report lor VieRoads. Reijnen, R., Foppen, R. and Meeuwsen, H. (1996). The effects of traffic on the density of breeding birds in Duteh agricultural grasslands. Riolagieal Conservation 75, 255-260. Rosen, P.C. and Lowe, C.H. (1994). Highway mortality of snakes in the Sonoran desert of southern Arizona, Biological Conservation 68, 143-148. Scougall, S.A, Majer, J.D. and Hobbs, R.J. (1993) Edge effects in grazed and ungrazed Western Australian wheatbelt remnants in relation to ecosys- tem reconstruction. /j "Nature Conservation 3: Reconstruction of Fragmented Ecosystems’, pp. 163- 178. Eds D.A. Saunders, R.J. Hobbs and P-R. Ehrlich The Victorian Naturalist (Surrey Beatty and Sons: Chipping Norton.) Spellerberg, I.F. (1998). Ecological effects of roads and traffic: a literature review, Global Ecology and Biogeography Letters 7, 317-333. Stuwe, J. (1986). An Assessment of the Conservation Status of Native Grasslands on the Western Plains, Victoria, and Sites of Significance. Arthur Rylah Institute l'or Environmental Research Technical Report Series No. 48. (Department of Conservation, Forests and Lands, Victoria, ) Trombulak, S.C.. and Frissell, C.A. (2000). Review of ecological effects of' roads on terrestrial and aquatic communities, Conservation Biology 14, 18-30. Research Reports van der Zande, A.N., ter Kers, W.J., and van der Weijden, W.J. (1980). The impact of roads on the densities of four bird species in an open field habitat evidence of a long-distance effect. Biological Conservation 18, 299-32), Vickery, P.D., Hunter, M.L. Jr., and Melvin, S.M. (1994). Effects of habitat area on the distribution of grassland birds in Maine. Conservation Biology 8 1087-1097. VicRoads (1998), Hume Freeway Metropolitan Ring Road to Craigieburn Planning Assessment Report. (VicRoads: Melbourne.) Editor's note: An interesting general article on the ‘road effect zone’ (REZ) appeared in New Scientist, 3 February 2001. Christie Aschwanden, in ‘Tread Softly’ on pp. 32-36, describes the theo- ry of REZs and how disruption to the environment by road networks can be lessened. One Hundred Years Ago — `A report of the dredging excursion on Saturday, 15th December, was read by the leader, Mr. J. Gabriel, who said that the Club was indebted to Mr. C.J. Cottell for the use of the yacht Starlight on the occasion. A start was made from the North Brighton pier at about 2.30 p.m., eleven members being present. The afternoon proved a very pleasant one, but, owing to the light wind, results were scarcely so good as had been expected, as time did not permit of the boat reaching the most favourable collecting grounds. Two dredges were employed, and a fair number of Mollusca, Crustaceans, and other forms of marine life were obtained. Amongst the shells found the most notable were Meretria lamarcki and Cardita gunnii, which were dredged, living, in fair quantities off Brighton Beach. Of the higher Crustaceans obtained Ehalia (Phlyxia) intermedia, Miers, and Hymenosoma rostratum, Haswell, are worthy of mention, as these forms are not included amongst our common littoral species.” EXCURSION TO FRANKSTON ‘Striking across the recreation ground towards Mt. Eliza the whole country was found to be a perfect flower garden, in which Leptospermum scoparium and Ricinocarpus pinifolius were conspicuous by their dazzling white flowers, while Melaleuca squarrosa scented the air with its rich honey-like perfume. A few insects of the commoner kinds were obtained by shaking. Crossing over some low-lying ground towards the cemetery the pretty Utricularia dichotoma. Candollea calcaratum, Comesperma ericinum, and other plants were seen at their best. Many years ago the beautiful pmk orchid Spiranthes australis was to be found in this locality, but improvements have resulted in its disappearance. The singular plant Drosera binata grows here-abouts, along with that curious fern Schizea fistulosa. Polypompholyx tenella, Sebaea albidiflora, Drosera pygmaea, and D. glanduligera grew in abundance wherever there was permanent moisture. A few buprestid beetles, of which Stigmodera maculata and S. xanthipilosa were the most common, were taken, while some half-dead leaves of a eucalyptus, shaken into the umbrella, yielded several speci- mens of the pretty longicorn, Ectosticta cleroides. The little green beetle Diphucephala rugosa was very plentiful on the scrub. Very few orchids were seen, but the little plant Comepserma calymega reminded us that summer was rapidly approaching.” From The Victorian Naturalist Vol. XVII - No. 10, February 7, 1901 Vol. 118 (1) 2001 15 Research Reports Buxton Silver Gum Reserve: Using Geographic Information Systems to Investigate Historic Change in Site Integrity Dianne Simmons’, Robyn Adams! and Chris Lewis! Abstract Eucalyptus crenulata is a rare species known from only two populations. The Buxton Silver Gum Reserve was set aside in 1978 for the conservation of the species, but this objective may be compro- mised by changes in the integrity of the landscape immediately surrounding the Reserve. A time sequence of aerial photos and Geographic Information Systems technology has been used to identify patterns of landscape change, and aid in determining appropriate management strategies to minimize negative impacts caused by landscape fragmentation and habitat exposure. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (1), 2001, 16-20.) Introduction Buxton Gum Eucalyptus crenulata Blakely & Beuz. is a rare and distinctive species with glaucous, crenulate heart- shaped leaves (see photo front cover). Eucalyptus crenulata is regarded as Vulnerable in Victoria (Gullan er a/. 1990) and Vulnerable in Australia (Briggs and Leigh 1988). Eucalyptus crenulata is a relict species, having had a more extensive distribution in long-past wetter and colder periods. It is now found at only two sites in Victoria (Pryor 1981), and the suggestion that the species distribution has contracted in historic times due to European distur- bance (Pryor 1981; Albrecht 1983; Jelinek 1991) is largely speculation. Due to the species" habitat specificity, it is more like- ly that at the time of European settlement, it existed as only two populations in two rare, isolated habitats embedded in a matrix of other native vegetation. The species is confined to a specific and uncommon habitat (Pryor 1981; Prober and Austin 1990), and the habitat peculiar- ity of the two extant sites may be indicated by other rare species still found growing in association with E. crenulata. At the Yering site the rare Pomaderris vacciniifo- lia and Pimelea pauciflora are also present (McMahon et al. 1989), and there are a number of restricted species such as Sphagnum cristata and Gymnoschoenus sphaerocephalus at Buxton (Jelinek 1993). The site at Buxton may now represent a rare community rather than Just a site with a single rare species. ' School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, 662 Blackburn Road, Clayton, Victoria 3168. 16 The Yering site (145° 21 E, 37° 41°S) adjacent to the Yarra River. has been cleared for well over a century and the hydrology has been extensively modified. Only a few trees of E. crenulata remain although there are a large number of hybrids (Simmons 1970; Jelinek 1991). Intensive management of this site is required if the natural population is to be restored and conserved. In contrast, the site at Buxton (145° 4I E, 37° 27S), reserved in 1978 when the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve was established (Jelinek 1991), has a different landscape context, and potentially a very different management requirement. The site appears to be rela- tively intact, with few weeds, an uncom- mon combination of understorey species, and it contains a healthy E. crenulata pop- ulation of approximately 600 adult trees (Adams and Simmons 2000). Eucalyptus crenulata is easily propagat- ed, and as a species it is not threatened with extinction. Past hybridization between E. crenulata and E. ovata at Yering has resulted in few trees which produce seedlings clearly assignable to Æ. crenulata, and which lack evidence of hybrization (Simmons 1970; Simmons and Parsons 1976; C. Fletcher 2000 pers. comm.). Conservation of the site at Buxton is particularly important as a seed source as the genetic resources of the species are still intact. The Buxton population of E. crenulata is in an apparently secure Reserve. However, the viability of species and populations in reserves is affected by their landscape con- The Victorian Naturalist The Victorian Naturalist Index to Volume 117, 2000 Compiled by K. N. Bell Amphibians Eastern Dwarf Treefrog, recent Victorian introduction?, 60 Giant Banjo Frog, in northern Victoria, 226 Limnodynastes interioris, in northern Victoria, 226 Litora fallax, recent Victorian introduc- tion?, 60 Australian Natural History Medallion Medallionist 2000, Malcolm Calder, 164 Trust Fund, 155 Authors Adams, R., 36, 110 Adams, R.,Tunbridge, A. and Simmons, D., 44 Adams, R., Parker, D. and Lunt, 1., 93 Akers, D. and Bender, R., 107 Appleby, M.L. and McDougall, K.L., 52 Bender, R. and Akers, D., 107 Bigger, S.W., Saville, T.A., Nugegoda, D. and Scarpaci, C., 4 Brewster, E., Thompson, B. and Lester, D., 157 (Tribute) Calder. M., 194 (book review) Cavanagh, T., 31, 114 (book review) Christidis, L. and Norman, J.A., 219 Clarke, R., 118 (book review) Clemann, N., 180 Clemann, N. and Gillespie, G.R., 60 Clemann, N. and Saddlier, S., 184 Cohn, H.M., 191 (book review) Conole, L. and Mac Nally, R., 226 Coulson, G., Martin, A.A. and Martin, J.K., 140 Dean, J.C., 141 Diez, S., 38 (book review) Doery, M.K., 77 (Tribute) Eichler, J. 66 Endersby, 1., 164 Faithfull, L, 68, 111 Ford, S. and Gibson, M., 172 Foster, E., 122 (book review) Garth, K., 206, 227 Gibbens, J., 124 Gibson, M. and Ford, S., 172 Gibson, M. and Sinclair, B., 166 Gillbank. L., 112 (book review) Gillespie, G.R. and Clemann, N., 60 Gilmore, D., 82 (book review) Green, K., 214 Grey, M., 2, 116 (book reviews) Homan, P., 75 Houghton, S., 130 Hubregtse, V., 156 (book review) Lester, D., Thompson, B. and Brewster, E., 157 (Tribute) Loos, T., 188 Lumsden, L., 117 (book review) Lunt, I.D. and Parker, D., 207 Lunt, I., Parker, D. and Adams, R., 93 McNabb, E., Willig, R. and McNabb, J., 150 McNabb, J., McNabb, E. and Willig, R., 150 Mac Nally, R. and Conole, L., 226 McDougall, K.L. and Appleby, M.L., 52 McGee, T.K. and Miller, K.K., 200 Mahler, D. and Schleiger, N., 14 Maroske, S., 79 (book review) Martin, A.A., Martin, J.K. and Coulson, G., 140 Martin, J.K., Coulson, G. and Martin, A.A., 140 Miller, K.K. and McGee, T.K., 200 Morgan, J.W., 50 Morton, A., 193 (book review) Norman, J.A. and Christidis, L., 219 Nugegoda, D., Scarpaci, C., Bigger, S.W. and Saville, T., 4 O'Neill, P., 154 (book review) Parker, D. and Lunt, I.D., 207 Parker, D., Adams, R. and Lunt, 1., 93 Pearce, J., 84 Peter, J.M., 63 Romanowski, N., 162 (book review) Saddlier, S. and Clemann, N., 184 Saville, T., Nugegoda, D., Scarpaci, C. and Bigger, S.W., 4 Scarpaci, C., Bigger, S.W., Saville, T. and Nugegoda, D., 4 Schleiger, N., 76, 190 (book review) Schleiger, N. and Mahler, D., 14 Seebeck, J., 229 Simmons, D. Adams, R. and Tunbridge, A., 44 Sinclair, B. and Gibson, M., 166 Thies, A.W., 10 Thompson, B., Lester, D. and Brewster, E., 157 (Tribute) Tunbridge, A., Simmons, D. and Adams, R., 44 Vafiadis, P., 228 Wainer, J.W. and Yen, A.L., 131 Wallis, R., 42 (Tribute) Wark, M.C., 96 Weste, G., 187 Willig, R., McNabb, E. and McNabb, J., 150 Yen, A.L. and Wainer, J.W., 131 Birds Acridotheres tristis, excluding from nest- boxes, 75 Acridotheres tristis, using letter boxes, 76 Birds and boxthorn, 63 Common Myna, excluding from nest boxes, 75 Common Myna, using letter boxes, 76 Helmeted Honeyeater, use of Mountain Swamp Gum, 84 Lichenostomus melanops cassidix, use of Mountain Swamp Gum, 84 Book Reviews “Australian Rushes: Biology, Identification and Conservation of Restionaceae and allied families’, Eds K.A. Meney and J.S. Pate. (N. Romanowski), 162 ‘Exploring Central Australia: Society, the Environment and the 1894 Horn Expedition’, Eds S. R.Morton and D.J. Mulvaney. (H.M. Cohn), 191 ‘Feral Future’, T. Low. (S. Maroske), 79 “Field Guide to the Birds of Australia’, sixth edition, K. Simpson, N. Day and P. Trusler. (R. Clarke), 118 ‘Flora of Australia, vol. 1: Introduction’. second edition. (L. Gillbank). 112 ‘Flora of Australia, vol. 17B, Proteaceae 3. Hakea to Dryandra’. (T. Cavanagh), 114 “Flora of the Nathalia District and Barmah Forest’, The Nathalia Wildflower Group. (M. Grey), 116 ‘Grassland Flora: a Field Guide for the Southern Tablelands (NSW & ACT), D. Eddy, D. Mallinson, R. Rehwinkel and S. Sharp. (S. Diez), 38 “Grassland Plants of South-eastern Australia’, N. and J. Marriott, (S. Diez). 38 *Plains Wandering: Exploring the Grassy Plains of South-eastern Australia’. I. Lunt, T. Barlow and J. Ross. (S. Diez). 38 ‘Rock of Ages: Human Use and Natural History of Australian Granites’, I. Bayly. (N. Schleiger), 190 ‘Sea Snakes: Australian Natural History Series’, H. Heatwole. (P. O'Neill), 154 ‘Sherbrooke Forest: Its Flora and History’, Friends of Sherbrooke Forest Inc. (A. Marton), 193 `The Bat: Wings in the Night Sky’, M.B. Fenton. (L. Lumsden), 117 "The Koala: Natural History, Conser- vation and Management', R. Martin and K. Handasyde. (D. Gilmore), 82 "The Orchids of Tasmania’, D. Jones, H. Wapstra, P. Tonelli and S. Harris. (E. Foster), 122 *WildGuide: Plants & Animals of the Australian Alps’, B. Cameron-Smith. (V. Hubregtse), 156 “Wild Places of Greater Melbourne’, R. Taylor. (M. Grey), 2 ‘William Dampier in New Holland — Australia's First Natural Historian', A.S. George. (M. Calder), 194 Botany Anglesea vegetation regeneration project, 96 Banksia. recent literature, 31 Bladderwort, new Victorian record, 66 Boxthorn and birds, 63 Callitris glaucophylla, Jacksons Creek, 107, 110 Callitris glaucophylla, Maribyrnong, 36 Callitris spp, Terrick-Terrick National Park, 93, 207 Cypress Pines, Jacksons Creek, 107, 110 Cypress Pines, Maribyrnong, 36 Cypress Pines, Terrick-Terrick National Park, 93, 207 Dicksonia antarctica, lichens of, 172 Eucalyptus camphora, use as habitat by Helmeted Honeyeater, 84 Eucalytpus-Callitris woodlands, Terrick- Terrick National Park, 207 Hieracium auranticum, naturalized alpine species, 50 Ironbark forest, ant and termites in, 124 Lichens of Soft Treefern, 172 Lycium ferocissimum and birds, 63 Mosses in Melbourne Herbarium from Lord Howe Island, 10 Mountain Swamp Gum, use as habitat by Helmeted Honeyeater, 84 Native spp., germination effects of Sweet Pittosporum, 44 Orange Hawkweed, naturalized alpine species, 50 Pittosporum undulatum, allelopathic effects on native spp., 44 Plant invasions, North-east Victorian highlands, 52 Soft Treefern, lichens of, 172 Sweet Pittosporum, allelopathic effects on native spp., 44 Utricularia gibba, new Victorian record, 66 White Cypress Pine, Jackons Creek, 36, 107, 110 Wijkia extenuata, sexuality in wet Victorian forests, 166 Entomology Ant and termite changes in Ironbark Forests, 124 Butterfly fauna, Paps Scenic Reserve, 131 Coleoptera addendum, Lake Mountain, 111 Termite and ant changes in Ironbark forest, 124 FNCV Values and knowledge of members, 200 Honours Ernest Perkins OAM, 67 Malcolm Calder, Australian Natural History Medallion, 164 Invertebrates Macroinvertebrates, Yarra River, on ero- sional substrates, 141 Octopus kaurna, at San Remo, 228 Shell studies, Edwards Point, 14 Yarra River, macroinvertebrates, erosional substrates, 141 Localities Anglesea, vegetation regeneration pro- ject, 96 Boronia, presence of Swamp Skink, 180 Edwards Point, shell studies, 14 Fitzroy Gardens, Water Rats in, 188, 206 Gunbower Island State Forest, Giant Banjo Frog, 226 Jacksons Creek, Pines, 107, 110 Lake Mountain, coleoptera addendum, 111 Lord Howe Island, moss collections in Melbourne Herbarium, 10 Mansfield, Paps Scenic Reserve, butter- flies, 131 Maribyrnong, Callitris glaucophylla, 36 Mornington Peninsula, new Bladderwort locality, 66 Mullundung State Forest, Yellow-bellied Glider at, 150 Ovens flood plain, Giant Banjo Frog, 226 Paps Scenic Reserve, Mansfield, butter- flies, 131 White Cypress Port Phillip Bay, Bottlenosed Dolphin, 4 St. Leonards, shell studies, 14 San Remo, Octopus kaurna, 228 South Gippsland, Yellow-bellied glider, 150 Terrick-Terrick National Park, Cypress Pines, 93, 207 Yarra River, macroinvertebrates, 141 Yellingbo State Nature Reserve., habitat use of Mountain Swamp Gum, 84 Mammals Bottlenosed Dolphin in Port Phillip Bay, 4 Hydromys chrysogaster in Fitzroy Gardens, 188, 206 Kangaroo death, 140 Nest hollows, sharing, 227 Petaurus australis in South Gippsland, 150 Platypus, paddle with, 187 Snow surface activity, small mammals, 214 Tursiops truncatus in Port Phillip Bay, 4 Water Rats in Fitzroy Gardens, 188, 206 Water Rats, general information on, 229 Yellow-bellied Glider in South Gippsland, 150 Miscellaneous Anglesea, vegetation regeneration pro- ject, 96 Author guidelines, 234 DNA in Natural History studies, 219 Fifty years ago, 13 Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act, 95, 232 One Hundred years ago 106, 153, 183, 213 Origin of Easter Bilby Macrotis lagotis, 68 What are we eating?, 130 Reptiles Austrelaps ramsayi, ritual combat, 184 Egernia coventryi, east of Melbourne, 180 Elliott traps, failure in skink survey, 180 Highland Copperhead, ritual combat, 184 Ritual combat in Highland Copperhead, 184 Swamp Skink, east of Melbourne, 180 Tributes Ken Hamer (R. Wallis), 42 Ellen Lyndon OAM (E. Brewster, B. Thompson and D. Lester), 157 Elizabeth Kathleen Turner (M. Doery), 77 text. and by activities adjacent to the site. The isolation of fragments caused by land clearance often leads indirectly to habitat degradation due to the changed physical circumstances of the remnant (Saunders er al. 1991; McIntyre and Hobbs 1999), Thus reservation of significant habitat alone may not be sufficient to provide future protec- tion for a species. The interpretation of aerial photos can provide a history of landscape change (Hobbs eż al. 1992), and mapping of land- scape at different times can provide a good indication of landscape fragmentation and change (Worth 1996), and clarify fragmen- tation processes and their potential impacts on species conservation (Zheng et al. 1997). Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are a useful tool for monitoring changes identified in aerial photos, as they allow display at a range of scales, with the capacity to magnify areas of interest such as boundaries, and to readily calculate indices of landscape pattern and fragmen- tation (Simpson ef al. 1994; Mast et al. 1997; Bruce er al, 1998) such as core areas or perimeter to area ratios. Understanding the historic landscape context of a remnant, in this case the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve, can aid in determining the type of conservation man- agement suitable for a particular remnant in a particular landscape context (McIntyre and Hobbs 1999). This study identified changes in land cover adjacent to the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve using historic aerial photos and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technology, and used the pattern of landscape change detected to suggest appropriate management strategies. Methods Land cover mapping was carried out using unrectified black and white aerial photos. Sequential aerial photos were obtained for 1952, 1960, 1971 and 1987 (with nominal scales approximately 1:14,000). No more recent photographs of suitable scale are available. All pho- tographs were digitized, georeferenced using GeoSmartimage software, and then imported into ArcView 3.240 GIS software (ESRI 1996). Land cover classes were interpreted and digitized by a single opera- tor for an area covering approximately Vol. 118 (1) 2001 Research Reports 200 ha (one aerial photograph) immediate- ly surrounding the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve. Vegetation was mapped as ‘tree cover? versus ‘no tree cover’ as further dis- tinctions between different vegetation types could not be reliably assessed (Mast et al, 1997). The present distribution of £. crenulata was also mapped from aerial photos and ground survey. Results Land cover maps showing the areas with tree cover/no tree cover and the present distribution of E. crenulata were produced (Fig. 1) and clearly indicate the loss of tree cover, and the increasing isolation of £. crenulata habitat over 35 years. In 1952 and 1960 tree cover was almost continu- ous, covering most (90%) of the study area, and surrounding most of the F. crenulata habitat. By 1987, less than half the study area had tree cover (45%) (Fig. 2a), and visual inspection of the area sug- gests that the land cover in 2000 is little altered from the 1987 situation. The length of the perimeter bounding the E. erenulata site and the adjacent cleared areas also increased from only 150 m in 1952 to 575 m by 1987 (Fig. 2b). Significant fragmentation of the treed area has occurred, increasing from one treed area (90%) and one cleared area (10%) in 1952 to seven fragments by 1987 (Fig. 1). Five of these fragments are less than 1 ha in area. The remaining two "frag- ments? are actually part of larger areas of forest which continue beyond the arbitrary boundary of the study area; the larger of these surrounds the site on the northern and western perimeter, and the other is approximately 800 m to the east. Nine trees have been isolated in a small frag- ment on private land on the northern edge of the Reserve, but no reduction in area or decrease in tree cover of the actual £, crenulata population within the Reserve was detected. Discussion Habitat destruction is the loss of structur- al and floristic features of the original veg- etation (McIntyre and Hobbs 1999), and can be expressed simply by differentiating between those areas with tree cover and those areas with no tree cover. The historic 17 Research Reports 1600 Meters Fig. 1. Changes in land cover category from tree cover to no tree cover for the area surrounding the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve, between 1952 and 1987. sequence of land cover maps showed no detectable reduction in the area occupied by E. crenulata. However, for the area surrounding the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve they clearly indicate loss of tree cover, significant frag- mentation of the original treed area, and increasing isolation of E. crenulata habitat. McIntyre and Hobbs (1999) suggest that the threshold for a shift to a ‘fragmented’ landscape occurs when habitat retention (tree cover) is less than 6096. In the area immediately surrounding E. crenulata. 18 retention of tree cover is now much less (45%) than this threshold. Many ecosys- tem processes can be disrupted when habi- tat becomes isolated and the remaining fragments are embedded in a matrix of cleared land (Saunders et al. 1991). Among the potential threats to the internal integrity of E. crenulata habitat, are fungal attack (Phythophthora cinnamomi has been detected in soil in the Reserve), Coarse Dodder-laurel Cassytha melantha infestation (41% of trees are infested), weed invasion, and lack of recruitment. The Victorian Naturalist (a) — 0 9 100% = 80% > 9 60% = S 40% 5 20% = © , E 0% 1952 1960 year £ 700 5 600 š 500 = 400 Q = 300 a 200 = 100 e e [952 197] Research Reports []no tree cover Bliece cover 1987 EH 1960 197] 1987 year Fig. 2. Changes in (a) the proportion of the study area covered by trees (% of 200 ha) and (b) bound- ary perimeter (m) exposed to adjacent cleared areas, between 1952 and 1987. There are about 600 adult trees at the site, but few seedlings of E. crenulata are pre- sent and the population is skewed to small- er size classes with few large trees (Adams and Simmons 2000). Although there has been a large increase in the length of perimeter of the E. crenu- lata habitat exposed to cleared areas, about 60% of the site perimeter is still adjacent to treed areas. However, the simple binary division between tree cover and no tree cover may underestimate the disturbances impacting on the Reserve (McIntyre and Hobbs 1999). Adjacent areas of habitat Vol. 118 (1) 2001 mapped as tree cover may have been signif- icantly modified. Some of the adjacent large areas of forest have been logged, and the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve now forms part of a variegated landscape (McIntyre and Hobbs 1999) comprising treed areas with various degrees of modification through to completely cleared areas. The degree of exposure of the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve may greatly increase the likelihood of nega- tive impacts on the ecological functioning of the E. crenulata population. From a management perspective, using aerial photos and GIS capabilities to 19 Researeh Reports examine the landscape changes in the area surrounding the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve, has allowed the identification of a trend towards increasing isolation and exposure of the site to the physical changes, such as wind and light regimes, associated with fragmentation (Saunders et al, 1991). While investigation of the ecolo- gy of E, crenulata continues (Adams and Simmons 2000), one immediate and poten- tially highly effective management action is to decrease the exposure of the site by restoring a vegetated bulfer to reduce the abrupt boundary interface between the E crenulata population and the cleared areas. However, most clearing has occurred on private land and the opportunities to reduce isolation of the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve are limited without participation and involvement of adjacent landholders. Like E. erenulata, a number of other Eucalyptus species are known to be restricted to unique habitats (Prober and Austin 1990), However, reservation of the habitat alone may not be sufficient to pro- vide protection for a rare community or a rare species because of potential climatic changes (Prober and Austin 1990) or changes to the landscape context and land- use adjacent to the habitat (Saunders ef al. 1991; MelIntyre and Hobbs 1999). Rare habitat may need to be surrounded by a matrix of other vegetation in order to be buffered from the altered physical process- es which aecompany fragmentation (Saunders er al. 1991). Even common species can become threatened by the accumulation over time of small, individ- ual changes to landscape integrity (Worth 1996), Eucalyptus crenulata at the Buxton Silver Gum Reserve provides an example of the how the use of aerial photography and GIS technology can be combined to identify fragmentation processes and their potential impacts, and aid in suggesting appropriate management strategies for the conservation of other restricted species, References Adams, R. and Simmons, D, (2000), Survival, health and recruitment of Eucalyptus crenulata (Buxton Gum), Unpublished report for Threatened Species Network and Department of Natural Resources and Environment, Alexandra, Victoria. 20 Albrecht, D, (1983). Land Use Case Study; Euealyptus crenulata, Yering. Unpublished report to Burnley Agricultural College, Victoria. Briggs, J.D. and Leigh, J.H. (1988). Rare or Threatened Australian Plants. Special Publication No. 14. Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service, Canberra. Bruce, C.M., Lawrence, R.E. and Connelly, P. (1998). Vegetation regeneration in a small catchment on the Bogong High Plains, Victoria. Proceedings af the Royal Society of Victoria 111, Xxili-xxviil. ESRI Environmental Systems Research Institute (1996). *ArcView GIS The Geographic Information System lor Everyone". Environmental Systems Reseurch Institute, Redlands. Gullan, P.K., Cheal, D. and Walsh, N. (1990), "Rare or Threatened Plants in Victoria’. (Department of Conservation and Environment; Melbourne.) Hobbs, R.L, Saunders, D.A., Lobry de Bruyn, L.A, and Main, A.R, (1992). Changes in biota. Jn "Reintegrating fragmented Landscapes. Towards Sustamable production and Nature Conservation’. pp. 65-106, Eds R.J. Hobbs and D.A. Saunders. (Springer: New York.) Jelinek, A. (1991). Buxton Gum Encalvypius crenulata. Action Statement No. 1. (Department of Conservation and Environment; Melbourne.) Jelinek, A. (1993). Conservation of Eucalyptus crenu- lata: Pre and Post Fire Monitoring. (Department of Conservation and Natural Resources: Victoria.) McIntyre, S, and Hobbs, R. (1999), A framework for conceptualizing human effects on landscapes and its relevance to management and research models. Conservation Biology 13, 1282-1292. Mast. J.N., Veblen. T.T, and Hodgson, M.E, (1997), Tree invasion. within a pine/grassland ecotone: un approach with historie aerial photography and GIS modeling. Forest Ecology and Management 93, 181-194, MeMahon, A.M.G.,, Frood, D., Bedggood, S.E, and Carr, G.W. (1989). A Review of the Sites of Botanical Significance in the Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges Region. Volume 1. Technical Report No 26 Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges Authorily, Melbourne. Prober, S.M. and Austin, M P. (1990), Habitat peculiar- ily as a cause of rarity in Eucalyptus paliformis. Australian Journal of Ecology 16,189-205. Pryor, L.D. (1981). Australian Endangered Species: Euealypts. Special Publication No. 5, Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service, Canberra. Saunders, D.A., Hobbs, R.J. and Margules, C.R. (1991). Biological consequences of ecosystem frag- mentation: a review. Conservation Biology 5, 18-32, Simmons, D. (1970). Analysis of the possible contribu- tion of E. crenulata, E, camphora and E. ovata to à hybrid swarm, (B.Se. (Honours) thesis, Department of Botany, La Trobe University, Australia.) Simmons, D, and Parsons, R.F. (1976), Analysis of a hybrid swarm involving Eucalyptus crenulata and I ovata using leaf oils and morphology. Biochemical Systematics and Ecology 4, 97-101. Simpson, J-W., Boerner, R.E.J., DeMers, M.N., Berns, L.A., Artigas, F.J. and Silva, A. (1994). Forty-eight years of landscape change on two continuous Ohio landscapes. Landscape Ecology 9, 261-270, Worth, G.D. (1996). Estimations of Koala habitat loss on the Tilligery Peninsular NSW, 1954-1992, Australian Geographical Studies 34, 214-223. Zheng, D., Wallin, D-O. and Hao, Z, (1997), Rates and patterns of landscape change between 1972 and 1988 in the Changbai Mountain area of China and North Korea. Landscape Ecology 12, 241-254. 'The Victorian Naturalist Contribution Yarrow Achillea millefolium L.: a Weed Threat to the Flora of the Australian Alps Frances Johnston’ and Catherine M. Pickering! Abstract Yarrow (Milfoil) Achillea millefolium L. is a potential threat to the native subalpine and alpine plant communities of the Australian Alps. Although Yarrow has been found in Kosciuszko National Park for the last 50 years, it has extensively colonised subalpine disturbed habitats, including roadways, during the last decade. Currently, isolated plants can be found in adjacent native vegetation, and a few plants have been found and removed from areas as high as 2000 m along the summit of the main range, Research is currently being conducted on the biology and control of this ‘most hardy weed ... well named for the invulnerable Achilles" (Georgia 1942). (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (1), 2001, 21-24.) Yarrow Achillea millefolium L. (Asteraceae), is a drought tolerant perennial herb with rhizomatous Vegetative growth (Fig. 1). It is native to Europe and Western Asia (Zhang et al. 1996). Aromatic pinnately dissected leaves are produced in a basal rosette and along the flowering stem. Both stems and leaves are coyered with short, white, silky hairs. The flower heads are arranged in a corymbiform inflorescence, each head consist- ing of around 5 ray flowers (usually white, pink or magenta) and 20-25 disk flowers. Flowers are self-incompatible with an extended flowering period trom spring to autumn. Achenes, produced in large numbers, are oblong, 1.5-2.0 mm long. and grey-white in colour (Rydberg 1916; Chandler et al. 1982; Warwick and Black 1982). Yarrow grows throughout south-eastern Australia where it is often cultivated as a popular garden plant and lawn substitute (Thorton-Wood 1999). Although often sold in nurseries, it is regarded as an envi- ronmental weed in the Australian Capital Territory, New South Wales and Victoria (Anon 1998; Sainty er al. 1998; McDougall and Appleby 2000). Throughout the Australian Alps, Yarrow grows along roadsides and around build- ings (Costin 1954; McDougall 1982; Mallen-Cooper 1990; Sanecki 1999, Figs 2 and 3). Although recorded as early as 1949 in grasslands in the subalpine zone of Kosciuszko National Park (NSW Soil Conservation Herbarium database), popu- lations of Yarrow appear to have increased rapidly in Kosciuszko National Park dur- ing the 1990s (R. Knutson, NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service. pers. comm.; Sanecki 1999). The increase in Yarrow is possibly associated with the use of gravel from weed-contaminated dumps in the construction of roads and other infrastruc- ture (R. Knutson, NSW National Parks and Cooperative Research Centre for Sustainable Tourism, and School of Environmental and Applied Sciences, Griffith University, PMB 50, Gold Coast Mail Centre, Queensland 9726. Vol. 118 (1) 2001 Wildlife Service, pers. comm.). Recent sur- veys found Yarrow in all four zones (alpine, subalpine, montane and tableland) of Kosciuszko National Park, predomi- nantly in highly disturbed sites. Potentially of most concern are isolated Yarrow plants that have recently (since 1998) been found in the alpine area along the old Summit Road and the Main Range walking track. as well as around Seamans Hut in the true alpine zone. Where populations of Yarrow occur on road embankments, roadside drains and other disturbed sites (Fig. 4), our surveys indicate that isolated plants are often found in the adjacent native vegetation (Table 1). This indicates that Yarrow has the poten- tial to spread from disturbed areas into native vegetation. Achillea millefolium is potentially a seri- ous threat to the vegetation communities of the high altitude areas of the Australian Alps. It has broad environmental tolerance, including a capacity to thrive on a range of soil types, and in a range of climates (from arid to alpine; Clausen et al. 1958; Bourdot 1984). It is a common weed in many tem- perate countries including most of North America, Canada, Russia, temperate Europe, New Zealand and Australia (Clausen et al. 1958; Bourdot 1984). When 21 Contribution Fig. 1. Inflorescence and leaves of Yarrow Achillea millefolium. ^. Lateral corymbiform inflores- cence and cauline leaves. B. Individual head. C. Terminal branched corymbs. D. Leaflet. E. Cauline leaf. Modified from Stanley and Ross (1983, A), and Hardin (1992, B-E). Mt Gingera 0 50 100 Kilometres Yarrow population & 7 NSW Attitude: 2 asses N. ^. s m, ^. 3 Victoria "teeter mel eet t M Falls Creek Bl] 1000-1800m State border Mt Buffalo —— 0 VAA Wy /.. r Mt Buller. L m =e tr 9 gh Mt Hotham Alpine Resort Fig. 2. Populations of Yarrow in the Australian Alps. Areas above 1000 m, 1500 m marked. Locations from Mallen-Cooper (1990), Sanecki (1999), McDougall and Appleby (2000) and present study. Map modified from Green (1994). allowed to spread unchecked in the forests production, rapid seedling growth, long- of Siberia, it forms an understorey mono- term seed dormancy, rhizomatous growth culture (Banks, Australian National and strong competitive ability, contribute University, Canberra, pers. comm. 1999). to Yarrow's invasive potential in high alti- A series of attributes, including high seed tude areas (Henkens e£ al. 1992). Yarrow 22 The Victorian Naturalist Contribution Table 1. Recorded occurrences of Yarrow plants in native vegetation near populations growing along roadsides in Kosciuszko National Park. Location Latitude, Altitude Longitude (m) Geehi River Bridge 36°17, 148°18" 1400 Dicky Cooper Creek 36°15’, 148/21" 1860 Orange Hut 36°16", 14823" 1700 Valentines Hut 36°16", 148°23° 1700 Shlinks Pass 36^15', 148725" 1800 Guthega Power Station Gate 36*20', 148°25° 1600 Perisher Pass 36°24", 148"25" 1700 Smiggins Hole Sewage Ponds 36°23", 14826" 1700 Seamans Hut 36°28", 148°16° 2000 Twynam Ridge 36°35", 148°20° 2000 Daners Gap 36°22", 148°28" 1700 Distance to road (m) Vegetation type 5 Subalpine grassland 6-15 Tall alpine herbfield l Subalpine grassland 3 Subalpine open woodland 3 Subalpine heath ET Subalpine open woodland 3, 8, 22, 28, 39 Subalpine grassland 40 Subalpine grassland Tall alpine herbfield Tall alpine herbfield 30-40 Subalpine grassland Lii lima U STI S e m an o UX ii asma. Z See ek DL ate iare d o TM shows limited wind dispersal with most seed found within a few metres of the plant (Bourdot ef al. 1979). However, contami- nation of gravel and mulch appear to have assisted its dispersal in Australia and over- seas (Bourdot and Field 1988; R. Knutson NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service pers. comm.). Yarrow also has many of the characteristics of other rhizomatous weeds including bud dormancy, strong apical dominance broken by disturbance, and rapid vegetative propagule formation on fragmentation (Bourdot 1984); characteris- tics that facilitate the growth and spread of the plants in new habitats. Studies in New Zealand on methods to control Yarrow indicate that both different herbicides (bromacil, terbacil, clopyralid, chlorsulfuron, phenoxy, triazine, urea, dinitroaniline, benazolin, bentazone and oxyfluorfen) and other control measures T e " ’ Tn GUA š Vi 7 AY Jom Mae ke uo y ARAS Pen Fig. 3. Frances Johnston assessing cover of Yarrow Achillea millefolium growing on road- side in the subalpine zone of Kosciuszko National Park. Photograph by C. Pickering. Vol. 118 (1) 2001 have limited success (Bourdot et al. 1982: Bourdot and Butler 1985; Field and Jayaweera 1985; Bourdot and Field 1988). Preliminary results from chemical trials on Brush-off (7 g/100 L). Banvel/Amicide (500 ml/100 L), Glyphosphate (1000 mL/100 L and Grazon (500 mL/100 L) conducted in subalpine areas of Kosciuszko National Park support these Fig. 4. Dr Alec Costin, Dr Pickering, and NPWS Soil Conservation Officer Stuart Johnston examining Yarrow growing on Mt Twynam. Photograph by C. Kelly. 23 Contribution results. They show that the recommended chemical control for Yarrow in the Australian Alps is having little effect on containing the vegetative spread of the weed (Sanecki 1999). To better quantify the threat of Yarrow in Kosciuszko National Park a four-year study into the population dynamics and invasive biology of the species is being conducted. In addition, the New South Wales National Parks and Wildlife Service is conducting chemical efficacy trials. Preliminary findings of both projects indi- cate that the emphasis for control of Yarrow must be placed on long-term man- agement that involves the prevention of rhizome growth, suppression of seedlings, and seed and rhizome eradication. In reha- bilitation work like this, alternative mea- sures such as biological control and the use of competitive native species need to be investigated in addition to the selective use of herbicides (Crawley 1997). Effective management during the construction of infrastructure is also vital. This includes reducing site disturbance and using uncon- taminated earth-construction materials. The trick is to find Yarrow's Achilles heel. Acknowledgements The authors are grateful to Graeme Enders and Stuart Johnston who commented on an earlier draft of this paper- References Anon. (1998). Garden plants going bush. Becoming environmental weeds (Conservation Couneil of the South-east Region and Canberra and the ACT Government: Canberra.) Bourdot, G.W. (1984). Regeneration of yarrow (Achillea millefolium L.) rhizome fragments of dil- ferent length from various depths in the soil. Weed Research 24, 421-429, Bourdot, G.W. and Butler, J.H,B, (1985), Control of Achillea millefolium L. (yarrow) by rotary cultivation und glyphosphate- Weed Research 25, 251-258. Bourdot, G.W. and Field, R.J. (1988). Review of ecolo- gy und control of Achillea millefolium L. (yarrow) on arable land in New Zealand. New Zealand Journal of Experimental Agriculture 16, 99-108. Bourdot, G.W., Field, R.J., and White, J.G.H. (1982), Yarrow: number of buds in the soil and their activity on rhizome fragments of varying lengths. New Zeulamd Journal of Experimental Agriculture 10, 63- 67 Bourdot G.W.. White, J.G.H, and Field, R.J. (1979), Seasonality of growth and development in yarrow /n ‘Proceedings of the Thirty-second Weed and Pest Control Conference’, pp. 49-54, Chandler, R.F.. Hooper, S.N. und Harvey. M.J. (1982). Ethanbotany and phytochemistry of yarrow, Achillea 24 millefolium, Compositae. Economie Botany 36 (2), 203-223. Clausen, J, Keck, D.D. and Hiesey, W.M. (1938), n xperimental studies on the nature of species 3. Environmental responses of climatic races of Achillea. Publication No. 581. (Carnegie Institution of Washington Publication: Washington.) Costin, A.B. (1954), ‘A Study of the Ecosystems of the Monaro Regions of New South Wales with Special Reference to Soil Erosion’. (Government Printer: Sydney. Crawley, M. (1997), Plant Herbivore Dynamics. /n ‘Plant Ecology’. Ed. M.J, Crawley. (Blackwell Science: Cambridge, Mass. ). Field, R.J. and Jayaweera: S. (1985). The influence of clopyralid and glycophosphate on yarrow rhizome regeneration. Jn “Proceedings of the New Zealand Weed and Pest Control Conference’, pp. 106-109, Georgia. A.E. (1942). ‘A Manual of Weeds", (The MacMillian Company: New York.) Green, K. and Osborne, W. (1994), ‘Wildlife of the Australian Snow Country”. (Reed, Sydney.) Hardin, G.J. (1992), ‘Flora of New South Wales’. (New South Wales University Press: Sydney.) Henkens, F.L.F., Field, R.J. and Bourdot, G.W. (1992), The carbon economy and ecological strategy of yarrow (Achillea millefolium L.). In “Proceedings of the First International Weed Control Congress’, pp. 219-222. Eds. H.Combellack and G. Friesen. (Weed Science Society of Victoria, Monash University: Melbourne.) Mallen-Cooper, J. (1990), Introduced plants in the high altitude environments of Kosciusko National Park, South Eastern Australia. (PhD Thesis, Australian National University: Canberra. ) McDougall, K. (1982). The Alpine Vegetation of the Bogong High Plains, Environmental Studies. Environmental Studies Publication No. 357. (Division of Soil Conservation Authority, Ministry of Conservation: Victoria.) McDougall, K.L. and Appleby, M.L, (2000). Plant Invasions in the High Mountains of North-Eastern Victoria. The Vietorian Naturalist, 117 (2), 52-59, Rutherford, G.A. (1986). A survey of yarrow control with clopyralid on Canterbury mixed cropping farms. In ‘Proceedings of the Thirty-ninth New Zealand Weed and Pest Conference’, pp. 264-266. Rydberg, P.A. (1916). Caruaceae, Tageteae, Anthemideae. North American Flora 34 (3), 219- 227. Sainty, G,, Hoskings, J. and Jacobs, S. (1998). Alps Invaders - Weeds of the Australian High Country. (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra.) Sanecki, G. (1999). Yarrow (milfoil) Achillea millefoli- um (L). Results for the Monitoring of Current Control Techniques and the Testing of Alternative Chemical Control Techniques, (Internal Report, New South Wales National Park and Wildlife Service: Jindabyne.) Stanley, T.D. and Ross, E.M, (1983). “Flora of South- eastern Queensland’, (Queensland Department of Primary Industries; Brisbane.) Thorton-Wood, S. (1999), Colour on a plate. The Garden June, 442-447, Warwick, S.l, and Black, L. (1982). The biology of Canadian weeds 52, Achillea millefolium L, Canadian Journal of Plant Science 62 (52), 163-182. Zhang, D,, Armitage, A.M.. Alfolter. J.M, and Dirr, M.A. (1996). Environmental control of flowering and growth of Achillea millefolium L, “Summer Pastels’, Horticultural Science 31, 364-365. The Victorian Naturalist Book Reviews Celebrating Our Parks — Proceedings of the First Australian Symposium on Parks History (Mount Buffalo, 16-19 April 1998) Elery Hamilton-Smith (ed.) Available from: Rethink Consulting, P.O, Box 36, Carlton South, Victoria 3053. ISBN 0 646 36675 0 $35.00 (plus $8.50 handling and postage) The history of conservation and the national park concept are under-researched fields in Australia, even though we have a long and deeply felt tradition about these matters, and plenty of reason to be interest- ed in them for practical reasons. This seems surprising, as parks are generally a positive and enjoyable aspect of things environmental and it would seem more likely, therefore, that people would be keen to study them and in so doing, to cel- ebrate them. Given the depressing nature of a good deal of news and ideas about ‘the environment', the stories of substantial vision, achievement and continuing com- munity commitment to our Parks system could do with more attention than they get, The Symposium ‘Celebrating Our Parks? and its Proceedings which are the subject of this review, was a successful and note- worthy attempt to address this deficiency. The Symposium was one of the events which celebrated the centenary of National Parks in Victoria, and Mount Buffalo National Park in particular. Elery Hamilton-Smith not only organised the Symposium, but also edited and published its Proceedings. The papers included in the Proceedings cover a good representation of the history makers of recent generations. These are from the former Premier, Sir Rupert (Dick) Hamer, and two former Directors of National Parks in Victoria (Don Saunders and John Brookes). Other well known figures in policy and recording of policy in recent times are also included, such as National Parks Advisory Council members Geoff Durham and Rachel Faggetter, and the first Parks Planner (and cultural historian) Jane Lennon. There are also contributions by rangers, historians, Vol. 118 (1) 2001 current administrators, and community members. In addition. papers are presented from a strong contingent of overseas and interstate speakers, including Susan Markham from Acadia University, Nova Scotia. Her papers, and those from New Zealand, Queensland, Tasmania and New South Wales, bring out many of the paral- lels between Park systems in Canada and Victoria and the other States. Therefore this collection of papers on park history offers a varied, broad, personal and author- itative overview of a huge range of ideas, issues and experiences. The papers are fairly loosely organised under the headings: Building the Victorian National Park System, Parks in a Cultural Context, Victoria's Alpine Parks, A Diversity of Parks, Wider Perspectives on Parks, and People and National Parks. Across these broad groupings, several themes emerge repeatedly. Some of these are: * The significant role played by many individual citizens. At first this role was in contesting the general exploitation of public land, as well as in establishing. defining and maintaining a statewide system of reserved land. Then later, it was in pioneering the parks system. These citizens include scientists, public servants and community activists such as von Mueller, Stirling, Baldwin Spencer, George Perrin, Crosbie Morrison and Ros Garnet, who not only had the vision and took the lead but also inspired countless other Victorians to support them and to love and serve their parks. * The range of bodies associated with parks and park management. These 25 Book Reviews include those who fought for them, the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria, the Town and Country Planning Association and the VNPA. There are those that determined their existence - the vision- aspect of our Parks, compared with the dominance of ecological ideas such as protection of significant vegetation species or communities. This Proceedings contains many stories and points of view that are not easily avail- able elsewhere, as they are ‘from the horse’s mouth’ - current and personal, offered by people who were doing impor- tant tasks for the first time. I have used several of them in teaching Parks and Wildlife Management to undergraduates, especially Hamilton-Smith's *Changing assumptions underlying national park sys- tems’ and Don Saunders’ "Towards a rep- resentative system of conservation reserves for Victoria'. I would therefore recom- mend the Proceedings strongly for teachers of natural resource management and libraries where these matters are taught. Despite the length of history in our parks system, so much that needs to be recorded, shared and reflected upon is very recent and still resides mainly in people's heads and filing cabinets. And our Parks are under constant pressure, both positive and negative, to take on new directions and purposes, before we have adequately recorded or reflected on the old ones. The value of this Proceedings lies in the wealth of personal knowledge and philosophy it contains, and in the sense of pride it com- municates in the achievements so far. This Proceedings is an invaluable aid to the important task not only of recording histo- ry as a basis for establishing traditions, but also for interpreting or critiquing them. ary Bill Borthwick and the LCC; those that managed or administered them - Committees of Management which ran many parks up until 1975; and various versions of a National Park Service with its many committed public servants. There are those who developed them - the Victorian Railways and the RACY. And of course those that opposed them the Forest Commission, many Shire Councils, resource user groups, e The way in which the same battles between the same kinds of protagonists are fought time after time. This is ‘the tug-of-war between those who would exploit public land in all its forms and those who would preserve it^ as described by Dick Hamer. This struggle continues in each generation. The outer appearance of the argument fluctuates, taking on the form of the current buzz idea to validate economic exploitation. but the inner values remain the same, as do the ingredients that lead to successful defence of the Parks system. * The significance of; and interest in, the cultural heritage of our parks. This qual- ity is not well recognised in their man- agement, nor is the fact that it enriches rather than diminishes the value of the parks for most visitors, Despite our admiration for qualities such as `pris- tine’ and ‘wild’, it is the ‘people places’ and the ‘people experiences’ that draw us and intrigue us on most visits, or the recorded stories, rather than the remote and unpeopled landscapes. Yet even today, cultural heritage does not attract its share of attention as an important Deirdre Slattery Department of Outdoor Education and Nature Tourism, La Trobe University, Bendigo, For assistance with the preparation of this issue, thanks to Maria Belvedere and Karen Dobson (label printing), Dorothy Mahler (administrative assistance) and Michael McBain (web page). 26 The Victorian Naturalist Book Reviews Kosciuszko Alpine Flora Second Edition by A.B. Costin. M. Gray. C.J. Totterdell and D.J. Wimbush Publisher: CS/RO Publishing, 2000. Hardback, 404 pp., colour illustrations, maps, photographs. ISBN 0643065229, RRP $59.95 The first edition of this work, published in 1979, received national and internation- al acclaim, and this second edition will no doubt be similarly well received. Although the title emphasises the contents related to the flora of the area, the book is far more comprehensive. Human association, from annual Aboriginal excursions, to early exploration by Strzelecki and others, the beginning of the pastoral runs, the work of Mueller, the development of tourism, and the impact of the Snowy Mountains Hydro-electric Scheme, is briefly but com- prehensively covered in the second chap- ter. The first chapter clearly defines, by word and illustration, the terms of refer- ence concerning the alpine and sub-alpine environments. In the third chapter there is an extensive treatment of geological evolution of the Kosciuszko Alpine Area which is essential lo a proper understanding of the distribu- tion of the various plant communities. Our Gondwanan connections are analysed and the sculpting of the present landscape is dealt with in some detail. For the geologi- cally challenged, this is clearly explained with the assistance of an excellent glos- sary, line drawings and a series of colour photographs delineating the diversified landscapes. In these years of concern with global warming and its possible effects on climate, there is some timely data about the extensive modifications that can occur with a variation in temperature of as little as 3°C. Having mastered the basic geology. it will become clear in the fourth chapter why the various plant communities occur where they do. The authors define eight distinct communities, give several exam- ples of the characteristic species to be found in each and where such communities Vol. 118 (1) 2001 are likely to be found. Once again, the detail is assisted by clear definitions, more than two dozen colour photographs, clear diagrams and a colour coded map in the form of an endpaper. A similar map was given in the first edition, in two sections, as part of the text. It must be said that the endpaper in this edition is easier to under- stand than the maps in the former, but that it lacks any reference to the contour inter- vals or altitude of reference points, This chapter is essential in understanding why species occur where they do. It also helps the understanding of why there are apparent disjoint distributions, why habi- tats may contain variations in the general scheme, and the manner in which the vege- tation of a given area can alter even with- out the interference of the human element. These essential introductory chapters occupy less than one fifth of the book, and the next seven pages comprise a list, in taxonomic order, of the 212 native species, subspecies and varieties occurring in the Kosciuszko Alpine Area. In addition, a key is added referring the habitats to the eight plant communities defined previously. The 21 endemic species are clearly indicated. Over 260 colour plates follow. Some of these plates contain separate images salient to the identification of the plant, and all have captions referring to distinguishing features and size. The photographs are not to any particular scale, and some have been magnified as an aid to identification, as they would be with a hand lens, Reference to the notes on identification and description will clarify any problems with size. A twelve page bibliography, referable back to the text, will allow the keen stu- dent to follow up on any or all of the aspects covered in the book, The following 27 Book Reviews 142 pages of taxonomic information brings this edition up to date with current knowl- edge published in the Floras of Victoria and New South Wales, as well as in the volumes of the Flora of Australia pub- lished so far. No apologies are offered for the reasonably technical nature of this sec- tion, the use of which is enhanced by a twelve page glossary of botanical terms. Throughout the descriptions there are cross references to the relevant illustrations. Finally there is a very full index, each species named having a reference to the pages on which the description occurs, its appearance in the general text and the rele- vant colour plate. In addition to this hardback volume, there is a paperback Kosciuszko Alpine Flora Field Edition of 245 pages by the same publisher and authors. This contains the same material as the hardback with the exception of the taxonomic identification and description. This shorter edition is priced at $29.95. This beautifully produced book is now available, and as the reviewer said of the first edition, ‘see it and you'll want to pos- sess it’! R.J. Fletcher 28 Marjorie Avenue, Belmont, Victoria 3216. We regret to announce the death of Dr George Thomas. George, an Honorary Member, had a long association with the club, and had been a member since 1942. An obituary will appear in a later issue. We were also saddened to hear of the death of Stefanie Rennick on 3 January, 2001. Stefanie was tireless in her com- mitment to conservation of the flora of the Mornington Peninsula. A tribute to Stefanie will appear at a later date. ronment, rr | A Second Assistant Editor We are pleased to welcome Anne Morton as Assistant Editor for The Victorian Naturalist, Anne has worked as a desktop publisher on the journal since 1997. We are looking forward to working with Anne on your journal, where her expertise in administration, proof-reading and desktop publishing will be welcome. Anne ts a biologist and her field of interest is the ecology of foxes in an urban envi- Merilyn Grey and Alistair Evans The Victorian Naturalist Tribute John Paul Stewart 2 February 1934 — 21 December 2000 John Paul Stewart was born in Footscray on 2 February 1934. John was a good child and his father once said he could not recall having smacked him, nor was there any need for serious remonstration. John attended St. John’s School in West Footscray. He then won a scholarship to attend St. Joseph’s Technical College in South Melbourne. He became dux in his last year there. During his late teens, John took an inter- est in photography. He enjoyed taking pho- tographs of friends’ weddings and babies and he developed the pictures himself. In later years John spent more time and film photographing grass seeds, flowers and unusual fungi found in the western suburbs. John started work as an apprentice plumber at Maize Products, Footseray. He did his stint of National Service training in the 50s. He said he finished his training the fittest he had ever been in his life. John loved ballroom dancing and went to such events at every opportunity. He also enjoyed underwater fishing, but it lost its appeal the day he almost drowned. John worked at the Fawkner Crema- torium and Memorial Park from 1968 until his retirement in February 1999, In the last 30 years he had many interests. Time was spent with his children driving them to cal- isthenics, tennis, cricket, school functions, speech and drama classes. He said it never failed to be a miserable night, weather- wise, for parent-teacher interviews. When the local scout group needed a leader at different times, John took on the role over a period of 15 years and as a result attend- ed scout jamborees all over Australia. He had many interests ~ weaving, gem- stones, Adult Education Association Geology and finally as a field naturalist. I first got to know John through AEA Geology. It was the practice after taking an Adult Education Geology course to join the AEA Geology Group and continue one's interest with lectures and excursions Vol. 118 (1) 2001 in the Association, At the time John was President of that group and he convinced me to lead excursions to central Victorian geology sites. When John was involved with AEA Geology and the Melbourne University Geology Department, he went on field trips all over outback Australia as their cook. (He had never peeled a vegetable at home!) He kept journals of his many trips and in later life used a computer to keep track of his plant lists. When the AEA Geology Group disband- ed, the remaining members then joined the FNCV Geology Group, which had the same aims as the AEA Geology Group. John joined the FNCV in 1990 and once a member, he linked his geology with botany, concentrating on the western sub- urbs, and he became most involved with native grasses and plants and the impact of urban living on remnant grasslands. At least once a week, or perhaps fort- nightly, he would visit the Herbarium to have a plant or seed identified. Sometimes he did not agree with their conclusions and invariably he was correct. He wrote arti- cles on remnant vegetation in The Victorian Naturalist and took members of our Club on several excursions in western and northern suburban localities. One arti- cle carefully documented a list of plants in the remnant vegetation of the Fawkner Memorial Park (exeluding the deliberately planted gardens) where he worked (Vol 109 (3), 1992, pp. 74-79). A funeral service was held for John at R.C. Corpus Christi Church Glenroy on 27 December 2000. Dorothy Mahler and I attended with lan Stewart, an FNCV mem- ber and cousin of John. John Stewart's cheery countenance, integrity and faithfulness will be sorely missed by his family and Club members. Noel Schleiger ] Astley Street. Montmorency, Victoria 3094, 29 Book Reviews Pythons of Australia: a Natural History by Geordie Torr. illustrated by Eleanor Torr Publisher: University of New South Wales Press, 2000. 103 pp. 16 pages with colour plates. RRP $32.95 (incl. GST), paper cover Anyone who has wandered into one of the growing number of pet shops selling native wildlife will have realised that pythons are becoming increasingly popular as pets. This popularity is leading to a greater awareness of these intriguing snakes, par- ticularly amongst those of us unfortunate southerners who do not share our local environment with pythons. It is no longer only biologists and keen amateur herpetolo- gists who have an interest in information about the biology and ecology of pythons; now a far wider group of pet-owners want information on these fascinating animals. ‘Pythons of Australia’ is a text that will appeal to all of these people, as well as stu- dents and anyone with an interest in the environment or Australian wildlife. Geordie Torr is a writer for Australian Geographic magazine, and the skills he employs to popularise science and the environment for this magazine are evident in ‘Pythons’, with somewhat complex con- cepts explained in a manner that will be easily understood by all readers. Perhaps more importantly, Torr is a protégé of Professor Richard Shine, arguably Australia’s (and one of the world’s) fore- most authority on snakes. The work of Shine and his students, as well as the extensive research on pythons conducted by Gavin Bedford, forms the basis of most of the information in this book. The work of these researchers provides much recent- ly collected data from which to construct a comprehensive overview of the history, biology and ecology of pythons. “Pythons of Australia’ is one of a series of natural history books that examine Australian native wildlife. The bulk of the other books in the series has tended to tar- get more iconic species (e.g. Kangaroos and Koalas), or those that fit the ‘cute and cuddly’ profile (e.g. Mountain Pygmy-pos- sum and Little Penguin), although Harold Heatwole’s ‘Sea Snakes? is an obvious 30 exception. Unlike other books in the series, ‘Pythons’ provides an overview of the cap- tive care and breeding of pythons, a feature that will undoubtedly give this book broad- er appeal than others in the series. The book commences with an examina- tion of the history of Australian pythons, from the fossil record to the discovery of modern pythons, acknowledging that, prior to European incursion, pythons were well known to the aborigines and are a notable feature of aboriginal art. The taxonomy and biogeography of pythons are explored, as well as the striking convergent evolution between the spectacular Green Tree Python of Australia and New Guinea, and the American Tree Boa of South America. The section on biogeography incorrectly states that, within Victoria, pythons are restricted to the more arid regions in the north-west. Two subspecies of Morelia spilota occur within Victoria. The Carpet Python occurs along the Murray River from near Walwa in the east, to the border with South Australia in the west, as well as various localities considerably south of the river in the north of the State. The Diamond Python occurs in far east Gippsland. This is a minor criticism, however, as the book must take a broad-brush approach to the subject of species' distribution. The anatomy and physiology of pythons is then discussed, covering both external and internal anatomy, as well as senses, metabolism, digestion and water relations/exeretion. The text is interspersed with some trivial gems, including the fact that the Black-headed Python is able to regenerate its tongue if it is damaged! Many of the complex physiological and experimental concepts in the text are han- dled admirably by the author, bringing them easily into the realm of the lay reader. Based largely on data collected during radio-telemetry studies, Chapter 3 covers the behaviour of pythons, but includes 'The Victorian Naturalist information on locomotion, spatial subdi- vision and shelter sites. Although infre- quently observed, pythons display numer- ous interesting behavioural traits, ranging from ritualised combat amongst male snakes in the breeding season, to secreting themselves in the ceilings of houses in winter, unknown to most of their human co-tenants! Unfortunately, several of the graphs in this (and other) chapters do not have ‘stand alone" explanations of all graphical symbols or axis titles, although the significance of the graphs can be gleaned from the accompanying text. Chapter 4 covers reproduction and life history, exploring such themes as repro- ductive behaviour, gestation, incubation. clutch sizes and frequency and hatching, as well as post-hatching traits such as growth, sex ratios and sexual dimorphism. A par- ticularly interesting aspect of python repro- ductive behaviour is explored in this chap- ter. Unusually for an ectothermic animal. female pythons are able to generate heat internally to assist in the brooding of eggs. Using a process known as `shivering ther- mogenesis' the female uses regular spas- modic muscle contractions to raise her body temperature well above the ambient temperature. She does this whilst coiled around her eggs, transferring her warmth to the eggs and helping to maintain them at a high and stable temperature. In the sec- tion on longevity and mortality a range of species that prey on pythons is mentioned, however foxes are not specifically includ- ed amongst these. Predation by foxes appears to be one of the major threats to the Carpet Python in Victoria, and is one of the reasons this subspecies is considered threatened in this State. Food and feeding is covered in Chapter 5, including the types of prey taken by various python species and the methods used to capture these prey. As Torr points out, the ability of pythons to consume relatively enormous prey is ‘the stuff of legend’ (p. 15), and taking prey up to the size of pigs and wallabies is not uncommon for some larger python species. Most adult pythons prey largely upon birds and mammals (although the Black-headed Python takes few mammals, relying instead on a predominantly reptilian diet), although Vol. 118 (1) 2001 Book Reviews juveniles of most species tend to eat mainly lizards. The conservation and management of pythons is discussed in Chapter 6, where Torr points to the dearth of data on the abundance, distribution, ecology and processes threatening many python species. Some species of python are con- sidered locally threatened in certain areas, some subspecies are considered threatened by various state government agencies (such as the Carpet Python in Victoria), and the Rough-scaled Python is known from only three specimens. Like so many other species of native wildlife, the great- est threats to pythons come from habitat destruction and introduced predators, and only the amelioration of these threats will create long-term security for the snakes. Chapter 7 covers the captive care of pythons, and should make this book partic- ularly attractive to herpetoculturalists and those considering acquiring a python for a pet. The added advantage of appealing to this market is that people keeping pythons will be able to discover so much more about their serpent companions than is offered in most books on the captive care of reptiles. The final section, ‘Species accounts” provides a profile of each species, and will allow people with captive pythons to enjoy the wider, natural context of their pets. “Pythons of Australia’ is an attractive book, and a useful addition to the library of biologists, students and both experienced and novice amateur herpetologists and will hopefully stimulate further interest and research into these animals. [t contains 34 glossy colour plates, many showing interest- ing and engaging natural history traits such as feeding and egg laying. Of particular interest is Gavin Bedford's photographs of an albino Olive Python. Typographical errors, whilst present, are few and do little to detract from an interesting, informative and quality text, and I heartily recommend it. Nick Clemann Fauna Ecology Section, Arthur Rylah Institute for Environmental Research, Department of Natural Resources and Environment, PO Box 137, Heidelberg, Victoria 3084, 31 The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. Reg No A0033611X Established 1880 ] In which is incorporated the Microscopical Society of Victoria OBJECTIVES: To stimulate interest in natural history and to preserve and protect Australian flora and fauna. Membership is open to any person interested in natural history and includes beginners as well as experienced naturalists. Registered Office: FNCV, | Gardenia Street, Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Postal Address: FNC V. Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia, Phone/Fax (03) 9877 9860; International Phone/Fax 61 3 9877 9860. Patron His Excellency, The Honourable James Gobbo, The Governor of Victoria Key Office-Bearers President: DR TOM MAY, c/- National Herbarium, Birdwood Avenue, South Yarra 3141. 9252 2319 Vice Presidents: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, 1 Astley Street, Montmorency 3094. 9435 8408 and MR JOHN SEEBECK, 113 Arundel Road, Park Orchards 3114. AH 9876 1762 Hon, Secretary; MRS ANNE MORTON, 10 Rupicola Court, Rowville 3178. 9790 0656 Hon. Treasurer: MR ALISTER FERGUSON, 2 Scott Street, Canterbury 3126. 9836 0729 Subseription-Secretary: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. 9877 9860 Editor, The Vie. Nat.: MRS MERILYN GREY, 8 Martin Road, Glen Iris 3146, 9889 6223 Assist. Editor, The Vic. Nat.: MR ALISTAIR EVANS, 2/5 Glenbrook Avenue, Clayton 3168. 9545 6134 and Mrs ANNE Morton, as above. Librarian: MRS Siti A HOUGHTON, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 5428 4097 Excursion Co-ordinator: MR DENNIS MELTZER, 8 Harcourt Avenue, Caufield 3162. 9523 1853 Book Sales: Dk ALAN PARKIN, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 9435 5749 Book Brokerage: MR Ray Wuite, 20 Alfred Street, Essendon 3040, 9379 3602 Newsletter Editors: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, as above and MR Kurr MARSHALL, 8/423 Tooronga Road, Hawthorn East 3123. 9882 3044 Conservation Coordinator: Ms NATALIE SMITH, 37 Childer Street, Kew 3101. AH 9853 1339 Group Secretaries Botany: MS KAREN DOBSON, 58 Rathmullen Road, Boronia 3155. AH 9801 2636 Geology: MR RoB HAMSON, 5 Foster Street, McKinnon 3204. 9557 5215 Fauna Survey: Ms SoPHIE SMALL, 107 Bondi Road, Bonbeach 3196. AH 9772 2848 Marine Research: MR MICHAEL LYONS, 2/18 Stonnington Place, Toorak 3142. AH 9822 8007 Microscopical: MR RAY POWER, 36 Schotters Road, Mernda 3754. 9717 3511 MEMBERSHIP Members receive The Victorian Naturalist and the monthly Field Nat News free. The Club organis- es several monthly meetings (free to all) and excursions (transport costs may be charged). Field work, including botany, mammal and invertebrate surveys, is being done at a number of locations in Victoria, and all members are encouraged to participate. YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION RATES — The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. First Member Metropolitan $40 Concessional (pensioner/student/unemployed) 830 Country (more than 50km from GPO) $30 Junior (under 18) $15 Additional Members Adult $15 Junior $5 Institutional Australian Institutions $55 Overseas Institutions AU$65 Schools/Clubs $35 Send to: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Printed by Brown Prior Anderson, 5 Evans Street, Burwood, Victoria 3125. The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (2) April 2001 GN aH Published by The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria since 1884 | % E | | F.N C | | of A. General appearance of fruit body of B. General appearance of fruit body Zelleromyces sp. Macowanites sp. C. Nothocastoreum cretaceum, showing pow- D. Gelopellis sp., showing gelatinous interior. dery interior. E. Protoglossum luteum, showing sponge-like F. Mesophellia oleifera, with central sterile interior. core. oe, Ë > | ie | ile eeu TONS us E y G. Labyrinthomyces varius, with solid interior. H. Zelleromyces sp., note latex produced on cutting fruit body. PLATE 1 — all photos by Teresa Lebel > g : = C. Glomus sp., a zygomycete (pea-truffle). E. Mycorrl pot culture. Sample from a ground up faecal pellet of yrthern Flying Squirrel showing the large number of different fungal spores present. i -D D. Hebeloma aminophilum or the ‘Ghoul fun- gus’, growing amongst the carcass and bones of a dead animal. — cU TEN » e fruit body pushing through soil, caus- ing soil to be raised. H. Truffle fruit body in situ after raking the leaf litter aside. PLATE 2 — all photos by Teresa Lebel C. Vibrissea dura, Tasmania. Photo: Bruce Fuhrer. PLATE 3 The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (2) 2001 E April Editor: Merilyn Grey Assistant Editors: Alistair Evans and Anne Morton Contributions Native Truffles of Australia, by Teresa Lebel.................................38 Notes on Fungimap Target Species, by Tom May... sse 44 Field Identification, Ecology and Conservation Status of the Red-chested Button-quail Turnix pyrrhothorax in Northern Victoria, by L.E. Conole and R. Mac Nally...................56 Research Report The Impact of Dieback Disease (Phytophthora cinnamomi) on Vegetation Near Mt Stapylton in the Northern Grampians National Park, Western Victoria, by Julian Di Stefano ................ 46 Naturalist Notes Observations of Skink Mating Behaviour, by Alastair Traill .........58 Observations of Black Snake Feeding, by Alastair Traill...............59 Book Reviews Birds of French Island Wetlands, by Des Quinn and Geoff Lacey, PEMTENR CGY Z THT SU) e BFIERS k q a T eee aqa W unkuk en eats 60 Common Australian Fungi: a Bushwalker’s Guide, by Tony Young, reviewed by Rod Barker .............. ene 61 Wildflowers of the Brisbane Ranges, by Clive and Merle Trigg, eee ERATE MOTTON c eda a a EA ae gae eec rnnt 62 Field Guide to the Orchids of New South Wales and Victoria, Second Edition, by Tony Bishop, reviewed by Joan Broadberry .64 Native Orchids of Southern Australia: A Field Guide, by David and Barbara Jones, reviewed by Joan Broadberry....... 65 Tribute George Anthony Thomas, B.Sc., Ph.D. (Melb.), Mta CETUR AR SIUC RR rr n E PNEU TC TRU TU PIPER 66 ISSN 0042-5184 ——————— M ——MM————————— Cover: Entoloma virescens, one of the few blue fungi, Lake Matheson, New Zealand. Photo: Ilma Dunn. Web page: http://calcite.apana.org.au/fncv/vicnat.html email: fnev@vicnet.net.au Contributions Native Truffles of Australia Teresa Lebel' Abstract Information is presented on the biology, ecology, general taxonomy and diversity of truffles in Australia. A definition of what truffles are is provided, and the importance of their interactions with plants and animals in native forests is summarized. Several hundred species have been described from Australia, yet this is probably a small proportion of the total number of species present. A gen- eral guide to where to look for and how to collect truffles is also provided. (The Victorian Naturalist, 118 (2), 2001, 38-43.) Introduction Truffles (both true and false) do occur in Australia. Several hundred species of truf- fles have been described, mostly from the higher rainfall, tall forests of coastal regions. The diversity of truffles found in the last century in Australia is comparable to that of Europe, where the level of taxo- nomic and gastronomic interest has been much higher for several hundred years. Truffles are fungi which either do not actively discharge their spores and/or have fertile tissue (spore-bearing) which matures in an enclosed, below-ground (hypogeous) or partially exposed (emergent) fruit body. These fungi, which are relatives of the cup fungi and gilled mushrooms, have evolved a spore dispersal strategy that depends on ani- mals and many have strong odours which act as attractants (Castellano et al. 1989: Claridge and May 1994; Maser et al. 1978; Trappe 1979). Some Australian mammals, such as the Long-footed Potoroo, rely on these fungi as a food resource for a large portion of their diet all year round (Claridge et al. 1996). The majority of truffles are thought to form beneficial (mycorrhizal) associations with the roots of many trees and shrubs, acting as buffers against stresses such as diseases and aiding in nutrient cycling and the exchange of nutrients between plants and fungi. The interactions between truffles, plants and animals have implications for management and conserva- tion of all these groups. This article presents information about the biology, ecology, general taxonomy and diversity of truffles in Australia. It also provides a guide to where to look for and how to collect truffles. ° National Herbarium of Victoria, Royal Botanic Gardens Melbourne, Birdwood Avenue, South Yarra, Victoria 3141. 38 What are truffles? Like mushrooms, truffles are ephemeral fruit bodies that produce spores by which new colonies of the fungus are established. Unlike mushrooms which fruit above- ground, truffles typically have fruit bodies that mature below ground. The spore-bear- ing tissue is usually completely enclosed by an outer covering (called a peridium) or may be exposed to some degree, but the Spores are retained (i.e. no spore print ís obtainable as it is in mushrooms) until the fruit body decomposes or is eaten. Truffles are quite variable in size, shape, colour, tex- ture, odour, overall appearance and micro- scopic features. In size, truffles range from a five cent piece to larger than a tennis ball, and can weigh over 400 grams. The fruit bodies mostly look like small pebbles or potatoes (Plate 1A) but can also have the appearance of an aborted mushroom (Plate 1B). A full range of colour from pure white, flesh tones, drab browns and yellows to brilliant orange, green, red, purple or blue is visible on the exterior and interior of fruit bodies of different species. When cut ín half truffles may be powdery (Plate 1C), gelati- nous (Plate 1D), sponge-like (Plate 1E), or have a central core of sterile tissue (Plate IF), or solid with a marbled appearance (Plate 1G). A few truffles produce a milky latex when cut or injured (Plate 1H) and some change colour. Most Australian native truffles have a chambered appearance in cross-section. The truffle fruit body form has arisen several times in three quite different lin- eages of fungi: the ascomycetes (cup fungi and allies - Plate 2A), basidiomycetes (mushrooms, puffballs, and bracket fungi - Plate 2B), and zygomycetes (Pea-truffles - Plate 2C). This diversity of origin is appar- ent in the variety of colours, textures, 'The Victorian Naturalist odours and overall structure of the fruit bodies of truffles. Many truffles can be clearly recognised as related to specific genera of fungi which have above-ground fruit bodies. These relationships are based on the similarity of microscopic characters such as spore ornamentation, or shape and type of sterile cells. So, Tuber (truffle) and Peziza (cup fungi) have similar microchar- acters as do Hydnangium (truffle) and Laccaria (mushroom), Protoglossum (truf- fle) and Cortinarius (mushroom), and Rhizopogon (truffle) and Suillus (bolete) (Bruns et al, 1989; Trappe 1979). These relationships have been confirmed from studies of DNA sequences; however, many other hypothesised relationships remain to be tested using molecular tools. A few taxa defy placement in known groups and are placed in their own families and/or orders, e.g. Mesophelliaceae, Elaphomycetales. The three main groups of truffles can be easily distinguished by differences in how the spores are formed at the microscopic level. Ascomycetes produce up to eight spores inside globose to cylindric sac-like cells called asci (Fig. 1). Basidiomycetes produce up to eight spores on the outside of club-shaped cells called basidia (Fig. 2), and zygomycetes produce large spores at the end of hyphae. It is difficult for the casual observer to tell the different groups of truffles apart on sight. However, defi- nite macroscopic differences are detectable by the experienced eye (Trappe and Castellano 1991). Terminology Many different terms have been used to describe truffles. All the terms describe a particular fruit body form, with partially or Fig. 1. Location of spores in ascomycetes, Ascus with eight ascospores inside. Photo: Teresa Lebel. Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Contributions completely enclosed fertile tissue, and may be correctly applied to a subset of all the fungi that have this habit. The term ‘truf- fle’ is sometimes restricted to the prized edible fruit bodies of the genus Tuber, or to ascomycete truffles (the true truffles), with the basidiomycete and zygomycete truffles then referred to as ‘false truffles’. Another term used for this group is ‘sequestrate’ in reference to the spore-pro- ducing tissue remaining enclosed even at maturity (Kendrick 1992). For simplicity, in this paper I use the term truffle to encompass the true and false truffles. Nutrition, Structure and Habit Macrofungi are made up of extremely fine branching tubes called hyphae (singu- lar hypha) which make up the diffuse, perennial body or mycelium of the fungus in the soil as well as the fruit body of the mushroom or truffle. The hyphal walls are composed of chitin, which is indigestible to almost all animals (this is why eating a large helping of mushrooms may give some people indigestion), Unlike plants, fungi have no means of making their own food, instead gaining nutrition either from living organisms or from their remains after death. Fungi have a large array of enzymes that can digest some recalcitrant substrates such as chitin (insects and other fungi), keratin (hair, skin, horn, feathers), cellulose (plant material) and lignin (wood) (Plate 2D). This ability to use a range of substrates makes the fungi extremely important in recycling of nutri- ents in ecosystems, The majority of truffles form mycor- rhizae, a close and mutually beneficial association with plant roots (Harley and w Fig. 2. Location of spores in basidiomycetes. Basidium with single spore attached externally to sterigmata. Photo: Teresa Lebel. 39 Contributions Smith 1983). Indeed, many plants depend on mycorrhizal fungi for seedling estab- lishment and growth, and generally associ- ate with many species of fungi. The fungus forms a tight weft of hyphae around the fine lateral root tips of the plant (like a sock) and penetrates between the outer- most cells of the root, without apparently harming the plant cells. In this partnership the plant obtains water and nutrients from the fungus and the fungus gains nutrients and compounds from the plant that it can- not produce itself. The physical barrier presented by the fungal hyphae on the root tips, and the increased nutrient capabilities of the root system in this association, pro- vide a buffer against stresses such as drought and disease (Plate 2E). In Australia most forest trees and many shrubs form mycorrhizal associations, especially from the genera Leplospermum, Eucalyptus, Allocasuarina, Acacia, Gastrolobium and Nothofagus (Brundrett et al, 1996). The majority of Australian truffles appear to be relatively non-selec- tive in terms of the plants that they associ- ate with, for example Hydnangium carneum which appears to form mycor- rhizal associations with a large number of different Eucalyptus and Leptospermum species. Truffles are generally greatest in number and variety near the interface between the litter layer and the hard subsoil layer, i.e. within the top five centimetres of leaf litter and soil. A few, including species of Tuber, Elaphomyces, and members of the Mesophelliaceae, fruit more deeply in the soil: some have been found at depths of nearly a metre. Where the soil is compact- ed, as in heavily-used camp grounds, pic- nic areas or along abandoned roads, truf- fles often fruit on the soil surface or close enough that they hump up or sometimes crack the soil (Plate 2F). The mycelium is present in the soil all year; all that is required is the right trigger for fruit bodies to be formed. Truffles may fruit at any lime of the year; most species fruit in only one season, but others appear more or less continuously throughout the growing sea- son. In temperate regions, spring and autumn usually produce a flush of truffle fruit bodies, which generally coincides with maximum fruiting of mushrooms. As 40 with many mushrooms, the diversity and extent of fruiting appears to be largely affected by rainfall and temperature. However, the hypogeous nature of the fruit body means that truffles are protected a lit- tle more from short droughts or cold snaps and so may be found for longer periods. Ascomycete truffles are slow growing, tak- ing many months to mature and then slow- ly decay. In contrast, many basidiomycete truffles tend to be ephemeral; the fruit bod- ies form, expand and mature and decay over a few weeks. Zygomycete truffles may be found all year round. Diversity and Distribution Truffles occur worldwide in a diversity of habitats, wherever suitable plant associ- ates grow, Australia has one of the highest levels of diversity of truffles in the world: 83 genera and 294 species are currently known, and several more genera and species are currently being described. Information from recent studies in Australia, both taxonomic revisions of spe- cific genera or groups and ecological sur- veys of different habitats, suggests that between 12-24% of species are known (Lebel 1998; Claridge et al, 2000 a, b). On that basis, between 1250 and 2450 species may occur in Australia. More than 35% of Australian truffle genera and 95% of species are endemic (Bougher and Lebel in press), though a lack of collections from other southern hemisphere countries such as Africa and South America may cause some overestimation of endemism. Although extensive collections have been made in Australia and New Zealand in the last eight years, much of the data should be considered preliminary as many areas have not been sampled, seasonal data is often lacking, and the area sampled at each site in short, opportunistic surveys is generally quite small. Considerable diversity can be found on relatively small, localised sites if surveys are conducted more than once in a year or over several years, e.g. Claridge ef al, (20002) collected truffle fungi twice in a 14 ha area and found 209 species of which 153 were undescribed. Knowledge of the diversity and ecology of truffle fungi is limited, primarily because these fungi can only be reliably identified by their fruit bodies, which are generally ephemeral, The Victorian Naturalist seasonally abundant, patchily distributed and often hypogeal, that is, time-consum- ing to find. A single sampling will ‘pick up’ only a fraction of the species present at a site, and recording a reasonable propor- tion requires repeated sampling at regular intervals throughout the year and over sev- eral years (Claridge er al. 2000 a, b; Colgan et al. 1999). Sampling of truffle fungi is further complicated by the high proportion of undescribed species and lack of keys and descriptions, making identifi- cation difficult. Mycophagy As the fruit bodies of truffles typically mature below ground they must be removed from the soil if their spores are to be dispersed. This is generally accom- plished by insects and other animals which rely on the truffles as a food resource (Fig. 3). Many of the truffles produce strong odours which act as attractants when they are mature, ensuring the fungus has its spores dispersed. The recently re-discov- ered Gilberts Potoroo from Western Australia and the Long-Footed Potoroo from eastern Australia rely on fungi year round for up to 90% of their diet (Claridge et al. 1996). Examination of faecal pellets shows that the animals are finding a greater diversity of truffle species (based on spore types) than is apparent from fruit body collections made in the same areas (Plate 2G). Other Australian animals such as native mice and rats may eat significant amounts of truffles, especially in autumn (Claridge and May 1994). The edibility of Australian truffles for human consumption is largely untested. Aboriginal peoples are known to use sever- al types of truffles for food, medicine and Fig. 3. Possum eating a truffle offered to it. Photo: Teresa Lebel. Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Contributions other purposes (Kalotas 1996). Anecdotal evidence of a very few cases of upset stom- achs exists in the literature, but these are usually cases of mis-identification of puff- balls. Only a few of the several hundred species of truffles are considered delica- cies, and all of these are native to the Northern Hemisphere. The esteemed edible truffles, species of Tuber, have been intro- duced to Australia on the roots of oaks and chestnuts in various commercial ventures in New Zealand and Tasmania (Hall et al. 1998). However, none of the Australian native truffles examined for taxonomic pur- poses so far has the same combination of smell, taste and texture as the ‘gourmet’ truffles of France and Italy (Fig. 4). Collecting truffles Though abundant in Australia, truffles are often overlooked because of the hypogeous nature of the fruit body, and the appearance of some as aborted mushrooms. A fork or a rake is the most important tool for unearthing truffles. A four-tined garden fork with the handle cut to about one metre long is the most comfortable, as it requires less stooping and covers more area than a smaller type of rake. The most likely loca- tion for truffles is around the roots of suit- able hosts. If searching after the first heavy rains of autumn or during summer periods, the canopy drip-line or base of the trunk are good places to start your search. At any time of year, signs of animal activity, such as digs or turned-over soil and leaf litter are important clues to truffle production. Small mammals usually unearth truffles one at a time, leaving a small pit; they will dig up only the more mature truffles, leaving the less mature to ripen. Hence, the small pits indicate likely places to rake. Other animals I Zu | ac Fig. 4. Italian white truffles for sale in à market in the Alba region, Haly. Photo: Teresa Lebel. 41 Contributions such as Lyrebirds turn over large amounts of leaf litter, and it can be quite profitable to follow as the bird actively “truffles” for you. Random searching can also provide fine collections. Generally a heavy ground cover of grasses or small shrubs is not con- ducive to high abundance or diversity of truffles, Choose a spot, then gently rake the litter aside and inspect the exposed humus for specimens. Then rake the humus down to mineral soil while watching for truffles as the soil is turned over (Plate 2H). IF there is any suggestion of a mycelial network, con- linue raking a little deeper or extend the dig. Once a specimen is found, note the depth and kind of material in which it is arowing; truffles are offen gregarious, and many additional specimens may be nearby in the same substrate or mycelial system. When raking is complete, the soil and litter should be redistributed onto the original spot, More than one species may fruit in a spot, so take notes for each specimen that appears different from the others, and place in separate wax or paper bags or wrap in wax paper, Do not use plastic, as it is a good incubator for bacteria and retains Moisture (specimens kept in plastic bags on a warm day rapidly become a slimy mess). While the specimen is fresh, write notes on its colour and odour, whether a latex is exuded from a cut surface, and whether the specimen changes colour when either cut or bruised (press your finger firmly on the surface, bul do not rub; if no immediate colour change oceurs, recheck the speci- men in 10 minutes), The date, locality (including map reference or latitude-longi- tude), collector, associated plants and any interesting site information should be noted, A large number of new species and venera of truffles have been found in Australia in the last few years and many more are likely to be encountered. Collections without locality, date and com- prehensive notes made at the time of col- lection may be interesting but are of little value for increasing our knowledge of truf- fle distributions or diversity, Description of characters made while the truffle is fresh are important in the identification of specimens, and will greatly enhance the value of a collection if it becomes the type of a new species. Each specimen should be 42 sliced in half vertically, through the centre; most specimens will have an apparent point of attachment, so use this to decide where to cut. Many species resemble each other on the surface but differ in the interi- or. Truffles also resemble seed pods, dried chewing gum, clods of dirt, pebbles, and mushroom buttons. Slicing the specimen in half will allow you to confirm that the col- lection is at least fungal! For several rea- sons, well-dried specimens are more useful and easier to maintain than those preserved in liquid. Specimens in good condition can be stored in the fridge for several days if necessary, A food dryer or dehydrator set at 30°C works well to air dry specimens. Conclusion We have little knowledge of the potential rarity of truffles. The lack of collections from many habitats and regions in Victoria and other parts of Australia is a problem that needs to be addressed. In the case of truffles this is further exacerbated by the general difficulty in collecting specimens. The high likelihood of finding new species und possibly genera, and the difficulties of collecting, makes the search for truffles an exciting, interesting, and sometimes frus- trating endeavour. | hope to address the lack of readily available keys and other identification tools for the truffles of Australia by writing various artieles in the Iustralasian Mycologist, The Victorian Naturalist and other journals, and also pro- viding a guide to the truffles of eastern Australia in the next few years. Tf vou are interested in finding out more about collecting and identifying truffles, or helping with ongoing research, please contact the author. References Bougher, N.L- and Lebel, T, (in press). Sequestrate (rulfle-Iike) fungi of Australia and New Zealand. lusiratian Systematic Botany: Brundrett, M., Bougher, N.L., Dell, B., Grove, T. and Malajezuk, N. (1996). *Working with mycorrhizas in forestry and agriculture’. ACIAR Monograph 32. (CSIRO: Melbourne.) Bruns, T.D., Fogel, R., White, T.J. and Palmer, J.D. (1989), Accelerated evolution of a false-trutlle from a mushroom ancestor, Nature 339, 140-142, Castellano M.A.. Trappe, J.Ma Maser, Z, and Maser, C, (1989) Key to spores of the genera of Hypogeous fungi of North Temperate Forests with special refer- ence to animal mycophagy', (Mad River Press: Fureka, California.) Claridge. A.W., Castellano, M.A, and Trappe, J.M. (1996). Fungi as à food resource for mammals in The Victorian Naturalist Australia. Fungi of Australia 1B, 239-268. Claridge, A.W., Cork, S.J. and Trappe, J.M. (2000a). Diversity and habitat relationships of hypogeous fungi. I. Study design, sampling techniques and general sur- vey results. Biodive sity and Conservation 9, 151-173. Claridge, A.W., Barry, S.C., Cork, S.J. and Trappe, J.M. (2000b). Diversity and habitat relationships of hypogeous fungi. II. Factors influencing the occur- rence and number of taxa. Biodiver sity and Conservation, 9, 175-199. Claridge, A.W. and May, mycophagy in Australian mammals. Journal of Ecology 19, 251-275, Colgan, W. III, Carey, A.B. and Thysell, D.L. (1999). Diversity and productivity of hypogeous fungal sporocarps in a variably thinned Douglas- fir forest, Canadian Journal of Forest Research 29, 1259-1265. Australian Hall, 1., Buchanan, P.K., Yun, W. and Cole, A.L.J, (1998). *Edible and poisonous mushrooms: an intro- duction.” New Zealand Institute for Crop and Food Research Limited. (The Caxton Press: Christchurch.) T.W. (1994). A review of Contributions Harley, J.L, and Smith, S.E. (1983). Symbiosis’. (Academic Press: London). Kalotas, A.C. (1996). Aboriginal knowledge and use of fungi. Fungi of Australia 1B, 269-298, Kendrick, B. (1992), *The Fifth Kingdom’. (Mycologue SON et Sag Ontario.) Lebel, T. (1998), Taxonomic Revision of the Sequestrate Relatives of Russula from Australia and New Zealand. (PhD. Thesis. Dept. of Botany and Plant Pathology, Oregon State University, Corvallis, Oregon, USA.) Maser, C., Trappe, J.M. and Nussbaum, R.A. (1978), Fungal- -small mammal interrelationships with empha- sis on Oregon coniferous forests, Ecology 59, 799-809. Trappe, J.M. (1979), The orders, families and genera of hypogeous Ascomycotina (truffles and their rela- tives), Mycotaxon 9, 297-340. Trappe, J.M. and Castellano, M.A. (1991). Keys to the genera of truffles (Ascomycetes). Me//vainea 10, 47- 65. “Mycorrhizal 2nd Edn. RULES FOR HUNTING TRUFFLES (a) always seek the landowners” permission (b) obtain a permit to collect if required (check if you are not sure) (c) be careful that you do not disturb the root systems of associated plants (d) replace all disturbed soil and leaf litter (e) always wash your truffle-fork with water or a weak bleach solution if you are truffling in different areas (this will help reduce the spread of pathogenic fungi) The Inaugural Australian Ornithological Conference Charles Sturt Un iversity Bathurst NSW Australia 4-7 December 2001 The conference will span three full days and feature topical symposia, poster sessions, workshops and round-table discussions in addition to regular contributed paper sessions. Professor Allen Keast will give the keynote address on ‘Adaptations of birds to an arid continent’. Enquiries to: AOC 2001 Conference Secretariat Conference Solutions PO Box 238 Deakin West ACT 2600 Phone: 02 6285 3000 Fax: 02 6285 3001 E-mail: birds(@con-sol.com Visit the web at http://clio.mit.csu.edu.au/aoc2001 Vol. 118 (2) 2001 43 Contributions Notes on Fungimap Target Species Tom May! Fungimap Fungimap is a mapping scheme which records distribution and ecological infor- mation for 100 distinctive species of Australian fungi (see http://calcite.apana. org.au/fungimap/). Many of the target species are illustrated in Fuhrer (1993) and Bougher and Syme (1998), and in other field guides or sources such as the Fungi of Australia series (vols 1A and 1B) and the ‘Australian Cryptogams’ calendars pro- duced by Judith Curnow and Heino Lepp. Indeed, many of the target species were chosen because they were relatively com- mon, and good illustrations were already available. Most target species have turned out to have broad distributions, often occurring in eastern and south-western Australia, or else widely through the interior. Some tar- gets, however, were selected because they were thought to be rare or restricted in dis- tribution, with the hope that Fungimap records could confirm this status, and lead to listing of species on state and common- wealth endangered species schedules. Even a lack of records would be useful, since, in comparison to the many hundreds of records of each common species, this would show that the species were indeed rare. Unfortunately, most of the rarer species were not illustrated in the popular mycological literature, so a lack of records could be due to recorders not being famil- iar with the species. Inclusion of a colour section to this issue of The Victorian Naturalist provides the opportunity to illustrate some of the rarer or more unusual target species (some for the first time in colour), as well as a few common species that have been omitted from recent field guides. Species which seem particularly rare are: Banksiamyces macrocarpus, Craterellus cornucopioides, Hypocreopsis Spa Nvctalis mirabilis and Rozites roseo- lilacina. Royal Botanic Gardens Melbourne, Birdwood Ave, South Yarra, Victoria 3141. tmay(airbg, vic.gov.au 44 Target species There are few blue fungi, and none with the tone and richness of colour of Entoloma virescens (front cover), whose conical cap (to 50 mm diam.) and stem are uniformly an intense sky blue. Cymatoderma elegans (Plate 3A) is a large (up to 30 em diam.), stalked fungus which grows on wood, with the spores pro- duced on the smooth or shallowly-ridged underside of the funnel-shaped cap. The black cups of Plectania campylospo- ra (Plate 3B) are up to 50 mm in diameter, and are found on fallen wood. The stalked pinkish or pinkish brown globular heads of Vibrissea dura (Plate 3C) occur on fallen wood. Some slime moulds produce stalked globular spore masses, but these are usually smaller on thinner stalks, and are soft and easily crushed. In V. dura the head is up to 7 mm diam. and the fruit body is up to 30 mm high. Nyctalis mirabilis (Plate 4A) is a gilled fungus which produces fruit bodies upon the fruit bodies of members of the Russulaceae (probably species of Russula), The cap is up to 30 mm diam. This is Australia's only *toadstool upon a toad- stool’. Known only from a few sites in Cool Temperate Rainforest in Victoria and in Tasmania. Ping-pong bats is an apt common name for the diminutive Dictyopanus pusillus (Plate 4B). This is a common species which grows on wood, often occurring in massed colonies. Caps are about 5 mm broad. Although pored, it is closely related to the gilled Panellus stypticus. Among the stalked puffballs, Battarraea stevenii (Plate 4C) is distinguished by the cap which falls to the ground when the orange-brown spore mass matures. The weathered stalk (up to 35 em high) resem- bles a stick from a paperbark. One of the rarest fungi in Australia is an undescribed species of Hypocreopsis (Plate 4D) found at a few near-coastal sites on the Mornington Peninsula and west Gippsland. The lobed, brown fruit body The Victorian Naturalist clasps branches, The fruit bodies are up to 60 mm across, with individual lobes about 2 mm broad. Anthurus archeri (Plate 5A) is often con- fused with the similarly-hued (and mal- odorous) 4seroe rubra, which has bifid arms. The illustrated Anthurus is interesting in having one (only) of the arms branched, Arms vary from 30 to 70 mm long. Compared to the common Calostoma fuscum, the rainforest-loving Calostoma rodwayi (Plate 5B) is smaller and the outer layer does not fall away as a whole cap, but remains as scattered gelatinous scales, and sometimes as a shield peeling away around the scarlet mouth, The peridium in C. fuscum is up to 30 mm diam., whereas in C. rodwayi it is no more than about 10 mm diam. The deadly Death Cap Amanita phal- loides (Plate 6A) is an unwelcome immi- grant, found under exotic oaks, and invad- ing native Nothofagus forests. Distinguished by the yellowish or greenish caps (to 10 cm diam.) and the volva (mem- branous cup) at the base of the stem. The several species of the genus Rozites occurring in Australia differ from Cortinarius in the possession of a membra- nous ring. Rozites roseolilacina (Plate 6B) has a dry, pinkish mauve cap (to 11 em diam.). It is a very rare species in Victoria (known only from the Grampians), and is known otherwise from a few sites in Tasmania. The stalked cup-fungus Aleuria rhenana (back cover A) is not a current target species, but is included to allow compari- son against the similarly coloured Cookeina tricholoma. The latter grows on wood in tropical areas, and has a fringe of long hairs around the margin of the cup. 4. rhenana is up to 25 mm diam. and C. tri- choloma reaches 20 mm diam. The Crinoline Fungus Dietyophiora indu- siata (back cover B) has a yellow cap. ini- Contributions tially covered with the slimy spore mass, and a white, lacy frill. The fruit body is up to 20 em tall. Banksiamyces are found only on Banksia. The relatively large discs (to 25 mm across) of Banksiamyces macrocarpus (back cover C) are known only from Banksia spinulosa. Preferring Cool Temperate Rainforest, Craterellus cornucopioides (back cover D) produces clusters of vase-shaped fruit bodies, with spores produced on the dark exterior surface of the ‘vase’. Individual fruit bodies are up to 60 mm high. Fungimap CD-ROM A CD-ROM compendium of the Fungimap target species will be available in April 2001. The CD-ROM contains numerous photographs (including many of those shown here), along with maps of all species. For many of the target species, multiple illustrations are provided, to show variation and changes during development. All text and photos for the CD-ROM, and the considerable time of lan Bell in design and programming, have been donated. The CD-ROM will be updated, and expanded to include further targets. Further photos are always welcome. Acknowledgements Merilyn Grey and Anne Morton suggested that additional fungi illustrations be included, and are thanked for their encouragement and assis- tance, Special thanks are due to the photogra- phers who provided the illustrations; Ima Dunn, Bruce Fuhrer, Sheila Houghton, Virgil Hubregtse, Pat Jordan, lan McCann, Margery Smith and Anneke Veenstra-Quah, References Bougher, N.L. and Syme, K. (1998). ‘Fungi of Southern Australia’, (University of Western Australia Press: Nedlands), Fuhrer, B. (1993), `A Field Companion to Australian `. Revised edn. (The Field Naturalists Club of ria: Melbourne), Fungimap Inaugural National Conference 22-26 June 2001 Denmark, Western Australia The Fungimap conference is aimed at Fungimap volunteers, many of whom are relatively new to the study of fungi. There will be field trips to ancient eucalypt forests, coastal heath and woodlands. Workshops will be held on using fungi keys, fungi identification, documentation, preservation and storing fungi for regional and state herbaria and conducting surveys of fungi. Enquiries to Fungimap Conference, Denmark Environment Centre, PO Box 142, Denmark WA 6333 Phone 08 9848 1644 day, 08 9848 1293 ah. email f'ungidenmarkwa(da)wn.com.au Vol. 118 (2) 2001 45 Researeh Report The Impact of Dieback Disease (Phytophthora cinnamomi) on Vegetation Near Mt Stapylton in the Northern Grampians National Park, Western Victoria Julian Di Stefano! Abstract Phytophthora cinnamomi Rands is a soil borne pathogen that leads to the decline of many plant species across Australia. In this study, presence, cover-abundance and health were recorded for plant species within healthy, transitional and diseased zones in a dry sclerophyll forest near Mt. Staplyton in the north western section of the Grampians National Park, western Victoria. The data were sub- jected to non-metric multidimensional scaling (NMDS) analysis, and a change in the distribution and abundance of plant species between healthy, transitional and diseased zones was observed. A seed/fungus test using susceptible Lupinus alba seedlings was performed, and the results are consis- tent with the hypothesis that P. cimmamomi caused the dieback observed at the study site. The vegeta- tion changes observed represent a transition from healthy Eucalyptus baxteri forest with a low heathy understorey to a more open forest with many dead trees and an increased number of sedge and grass species. This transition is expressed as a reduction in biodiversity, density and plant health within diseased and transitional zones, although no effect on vegetative cover was detected. Options for the management of P. cinnamomi are also discussed. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (2), 2001, 46-55.) Introduction Plant pathogens are an established part of plant communities world-wide. In many regions, they play an important role in the patterns and processes of change that occur within forest ecosystems (Castello et al. 1995). However, in some forest ecosys- tems, plant pathogens may have a destruc- tive impact. This is the case in Australia, where the fungus Phytophthora cinnamomi Rands has caused significant ecological damage since its introduction in the early part of the nineteenth century (Bridgewater and Edgar 1994; Barker et al. 1996). Over time, infection by P. cinnamomi may result in significant changes in the structure and function of forest floral communities (Wills 1993; Wills and Keighery 1994) as well as affecting the distribution and abun- dance of both vertebrate (Wilson et al. 1990; Wilson et al. 1994; Newell 1998) and invertebrate (Postle et al. 1986: Newell 1997) fauna. P. cinnamomi is a soil-borne fungus belonging to the class Oomycota. It exists in the form of mycelium or chlamy- dospores in root and decaying plant tissue (Dell and Malajczuk 1989). Both soil tem- perature and soil moisture limit the distrib- ution and abundance of P. cinnamomi. Optimum soil temperatures for pathogenic Forest Science Centre, Water Street, Creswick, Victoria 3363. 46 activity are between 22°C and 27?C, although infection still occurs in soils warmer than 14°C (Dell and Malajczuk 1989). Barker er al. (1996) suggest that in Tasmania, the severity of pathogenic activ- ity is reduced in regions receiving less than 600 mm of rainfall per year. Dispersal occurs when zoospores are transported by laterally moving subsurface water, although surface runoff also has dispersal potential (Kinal et al. 1993). Dispersal is also enhanced by human activities. Transportation of infected soil (for road construction, for example), has led to the introduction of P. cinnamomi to previously unaffected areas (Wills 1993). In the Grampians National Park, western Victoria, areas infected by P. cinnamomi were first observed in the early 1970s (Kennedy and Weste 1986). More recently, a new section of forest displaying charac- teristics consistent with P. cinnamomi infection has been identified within the park, and this area provided the site for the current study. The major objective of the present study is to identify patterns of veg- etation change between healthy and infect- ed regions. A secondary objective is to dis- cuss the suitability of current and proposed management strategies for controlling P. cinnamomi in native forest areas. The Victorian Naturalist (a) ^. YS. FMotiow Mountain $ de Mi Stapin r pi ` ` = B! ` * ` ` ` ` wu N : ` n n 2 ` p * TO ` n Hover Cap Glesorehy Bond Sg te “te ` - ` . (b) HEALTHY TRANS. DISEASED DISEASED TRANS. HEALTHY ZONE ZONE ZONE ZONE ZONE < Drainage line CO VU 125m © O Halls Gap Flat Rock Rd 1s " Distance ~ 120m ë 3 Fig. 1. Study site (a) and experimental design (b). In the experimental design diagram circles represent plots. The area adjacent to the drainage line appeared to be infected by Phytophthora cinnamomi. Methods Study Area This study was conducted in the Grampians National Park, western Victoria. The National Park covers 167 000 ha and is noted for the diversity and abundance of flora within it (Kennedy and Weste 1986). The study site is near Mt. Stapylton in the north-west region of the National Park (Fig. la). The region receives around 645 mm of rainfall annually, most of which falls in winter, and is characterised by skeletal, sandy soil with rocky shallow podzols (Sibley 1967). Surrounding healthy vegeta- tion is dominated by Eucalyptus baxteri, with a low heathy understorey. Sandstone and mudstone cliffs rise up to the north east of the site. The site has an elevation of 190- 200 m and is on a gentle slope (gradient < 5°) with a westerly aspect. The site has a drainage line running through its centre and the strip of forest parallel to the Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Research Report drainage line was believed to be infected by P. cinnamomi, as dead and dying E. baxteri trees were evident. Field Work The sampling program followed a ran- dom-sited systematic design. Patterns of vegetation change were investigated by recording the presence, cover-abundance and health of plant species in healthy, tran- sitional and diseased zones. Each zone was divided into two sub-zones, both contain- ing four circular 100 m: plots, with 25 metres separating the centre of each plot (Fig. 1b). Vegetation cover was measured using the semi-quantitative Braun- Blanquet cover-abundance scale (Mueller- Dombois and Ellenberg 1974). Species health was measured using a forest health index with a scale between one (healthy) and five (dead). Laboratory Work Pre germinated Lupin seedlings (Lupinus alba, known to be sensitive to P. cinnamomi) were grown in soil samples from the field in order to confirm the presence of a soil pathogen at the study site. Seeds were grown for three weeks in clear plastic, gauze covered containers containing a soil slurry made from 50 g of soil and 100 ml of distilled water. Four seedlings were grown in every contain- er. Twenty four containers were used, one for each plot. After one week and three weeks, seedlings in each container were identified as being either healthy, unhealthy or dead. Healthy, unhealthy and dead seedlings were identified visually. Data Analysis Unstandardised semi-quantitative floris- tic data were used to determine the ecolog- ical distance between plots by using the Bray-Curtis dissimilarity coefficient. The resulting matrix was subjected to non-met- ric multidimensional scaling (NMDS) analysis as described by Kent and Coker (1992) using the DECODA software pack- age (Minchin 1987), Species that were pre- sent in only one plot were excluded from the analysis, as they distorted results by making plots unique. Analysis was per- formed in one to three dimensions, from ten random starts. The two dimensional solution (stress = 0.15) was chosen, as additional dimensions did not provide sig- 47 Research Report nificantly more ecological information. Null hypotheses about the number of healthy Z. alba seedlings three weeks after sowing, mean species richness per plot and mean cover per plot were tested using the general analysis of variance (ANOVA) procedure in GENSTAT. AII null hypothe- ses predicted that variables would not differ between healthy, transitional and diseased zones. Where necessary, post-hoc tests were conducted using the Least Significant Difference method (œ = 0.05), All data were tested for normality and homogeneity of variance using graphical methods. Results Seed/fungus Test Lupinus alba seedlings were all healthy after one week of growth. After three weeks, the number of healthy seedlings growing in soil from different zones was found to differ significantly F (2, 69) — 48.94, P — « 0.001. Subsequent post-hoc tests revealed that a significant difference between the number of healthy seedlings existed between all three zones. As expected, the greatest number of healthy seedlings were found growing in soil from the healthy zone and the smallest num- ber of healthy seedlings were found growing in soil from the diseased zone. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that the diseased zone is infected with P. cinnamomi, as L. alba seedlings are known to be susceptible to this fungus. NMDS Ordination The NMDS ordination (Fig. 2) shows that the data from healthy, transitional and dis- eased zones are separated most significantly along Axis 1. The substantial separation between healthy and diseased plots that can be observed along this axis suggests that there is a discernible difference in the struc- ture of the vegetation between healthy and diseased zones. Floristic Data A complete list of the families (n — 25) and species (n — 73) within the whole study site can be found in Table 1. Table 1 also shows the frequency with which each species was found in the healthy, transi- tional and diseased zones, and the response of each plant species to P. cinnamomi. Species have been grouped into three response types on the basis of their fre- quency in each zone: (a) Susceptible — species that existed in Em , the healthy zone and were m Healthy Zone © Transitional Zone 4 Diseased Zone rare or absent in transitional and diseased zones. (b) Resistant — species that were absent or rare in the healthy zone but relatively common in the transitional and diseased zones. (c) Fluctuating — species that retained similar levels of cover and abundance within each zone. Family Richness NMDS Axis 2 The number of species within major families is displayed in $ Fig. 3. Major families were defined as those containing at least two species in at least one of the three zones. These data 4 show that most major families (11 of 13) are represented in all three zones. Moreover, the -02 | a -0.3 "A -0.4 -0.5 E 0 01 OF "OS 04 G5 08 OF Ob os 1 NMDS Axis 1 Fig. 2. NMDS ordination of vegetation data. 48 number of major families repre- sented in each zone changes lit- tle, with healthy, transitional and diseased zones containing The Victorian Naturalist Research Report | ey Healthy Zone Transitional Zone T Diseased Zone | Number of Species N Ó £& Q O-10 o o O ~= Fabaceae Proteaceae Myrtaceae Epacridaceae Cyperaceae Xanthorrhoeaceae Lauraceae KZ Poaceae Dilleniaceae Restionaceae Mimosaceae Casuarinaceae Goodeniaceae Fig. 3. Plant families that contain two or more species in at least one of the healthy. transitional or diseased zones at the study site. 12. 12 and 13 different families respective- ly. Nevertheless, the number of species within some families (especially Epacridaceae, Proteaceae and Fabaceae) is much higher in the healthy zone than in the diseased zone. Species Richness and Cover Analysis of variance showed that the number of species per plot differed signifi- cantly between healthy, transitional and diseased zones: F (2, 21) = 20.65, P < 0.001. Post-hoc tests showed that the num- ber of species per plot in the healthy zone was significantly higher than the number of species per plot in the transitional and dis- eased zones, but that there was no differ- ence in the number of species per plot between the latter two zones. In addition, the total number of species observed was higher in healthy zones (55 species) than in transitional (46 species) or diseased (50 species) zones. Cover (measured as mean cover per plot) was not found to be signifi- cantly different between zones. Responses of Individual Species to P. cinnamomi General trends of vegetation change may disguise fluctuations occurring at the species level. Figs 4 and 5 show how the mean cover scores of eight different Vol. 118 (2) 2001 species changed between healthy, transi- tional and diseased zones. In Fig. 4, the mean cover scores for two fluctuating species, Leptospermum myrsi- noides and Lepidobulus drapeticoleus, remain relatively unchanged throughout the three zones. Although the cover score for L. myrsinoides fell in the diseased zone, the level of cover was still relatively high (cover = 1.25). The responses of three susceptible species, E. baxteri, Xanthorrhoea australis and Isopogon cer- atophyllus are also shown in Fig. 4. It is clear that their cover is much higher in the healthy zone than in the transitional and diseased zones. In contrast, Fig. 5 shows the responses of three resistant species, Hypolaena fastigiata, Hakea rostrata and Lepidosperma laterale. These species show a clear trend of higher cover in the transitional and diseased zones. Discussion The NMDS ordination shows that the veg- etation structure within the study site is het- erogeneous. Based on the presence, cover- abundance and health data used in the analy- sis, vegetation structure differed between healthy, transitional and diseased zones, with the largest difference being between healthy and diseased zones (Fig. 2). 49 Research Report Table 1. A complete list of families and species found within healthy, transitional and diseased zones. The numbers in this table represent the frequency with which a species was identified in a particular zone (maximum frequency = 8). The last column, Species Status, indicates whether the species is susceptible to P. cinnamomi (S), resistant (R) or fluctuating (F) based on the frequency data collected in this study. The *?’ represents a lack of data and * denotes species that were prolific, but very unhealthy, in the diseased zone. Families and Species Common Names Healthy Zone Transitional Diseased Species Dicotyledons Apiaceae Hydrocotyle spp. Asteraceae Helichrysum baxteri Casuarinaceae Casuarina muellerana C. paludosa Dilleniaceae Hibbertia fasciculata H. sericea H. stricta H. virgata Droseraceae Drosera whittakeri Epacridaceae Astroloma conostephoides A. humifusum A, pinifolium Brachyloma daphnoides Epacris impressa Leucopogon ericoides L. glacialis L. rufus L. virgatus Monotoca scoparia Euphorbiaceae Phyllanthus hirtellus Fabaceae Daviesia brevifolia Dillwynia glaberrima D. sericea Hovea heterophylla Phylotta pleurandroides Platylobium obtusangulum Pultenaea spp. Goodeniaceae Dampiera lanceolata Goodenia geniculata Lauraceae Cassytha glabella C. pubescens Mimosaceae Acacia longifolia A. mitchellii A. myrtifolia A. pycnantha A. ulicifolia Myrtaceae Calvtrix tetragona Eucalyptus baxteri* Leptospermum juniperinum L. myrsinoides L. nitidum Thryptomene calycina 50 Pennyworts White Everlasting Slaty She-oak Scrub She-oak Bundled Guinea-flower Silky Guinea-flower Erect Guinea-flower Twiggy Guinea-flower Scented Sundew Flame Heath Cranberry Heath Pine Heath Daphne Heath Common Heath Pink Beard-heath Twisted Beard-heath Ruddy Beard-heath Common Beard-heath Prickly Broom-heath Thyme Spurge Leafless Bitter-pea Smooth Parrot-pea Showy Parrot-pea Common Hovea Heathy Phylotta Common Flat-pea Bush Peas Groved Dampiera Bent Goodenia Slender Dodder-laurel Downy Dodder-laurel Sallow Wattle Mitchell’s Wattle Myrtle Wattle Golden Wattle Heath Wattle Fringe-myrtle Brown Stringybark Prickly Tea-tree Heath Tea-tree Shiny Tea-tree Grampians Thryptomene +. + tƏ —1 — 2 —1 So — c [5 — OO F2 t-Ə n —1 n + — Zone Zone Status 0 2 R 0 2 R l 0 $ 3 1 s 2 2 S 0 0 ? l Al R Ü 0 S 0 l ? 3 0 S 0 1 ? 4 0 S l 0 S l 0 S 0 0 2 2 l S 0 0 S 5 3 F l 0 = l 5 F 0 0 S 2 2 S 3 2 S? 0 0 S 0 0 S 2 3 S 3 l ? 0 2 = 2 F? 6 5 F 6 6 F 0 1 ? 0 l 2 0 2 R 2 3 R? 2 l ? 4 6 F 8 6 S 2 3 R 8 8 F l 0 ? 4 3 R The Victorian Naturalist Table 1. Continued. Families and Species Common Names Research Report Healthy Transitional Diseased Species Zone Zone Zone Status Proteaceae Banksia marginata Silver Banksia l 0 l ? Grevillea alpina Mountain Grevillea l 0 0 ? G. aquifolium Variable Prickly Grevillea 8 8 8 F Hakea decurrens Bushy Needlewood 8 8 7 B H. rostrata Beaked Hakea 4 3 8 R Isopogon ceratophyllus Horny Cone-bush 6 l 0 S Persoonia juniperina Prickly Geebung 2 0 0 S Rutaceae Correa reflexa Common Correa 8 2 l s Sapindaceae Dodonaea cuneata Wedge-leaf Hop-bush 0 0 l ? Sterculiaceae Lasiopetalum macrophyllum Shrubby Velvet-bush 0 0 3 R Stylidiaceae Stylidium soboliferum Grampians Trigger-plant 4 4 l S? Tremandraceae Tetratheca ciliata Pink Bells 7 I 0 S Monocotyledons Calectasiaceae Calectasea cyanea Blue Tinsel-lily 1 0 0 ? Cyperaceae Caustis pentandra Thick Twist-rush 4 4 3 F Gahnia radula Thatch Saw-sedge 3 5 l H Lepidosperma filiforme Common Rapier-sedge — 2 0 0 S L. laterale Variable Sword-sedge 0 0 3 R Lepidosperma spp. Sword-sedges 0 3 2 R? Schoenus apogon Common Bog-sedge 2 l 2 F? Schoenus spp. Bog-sedges 0 0 l ? Juncaceae Juncus spp. Rushes 0 | 0 ? Poaceae Amphipogon strictus Grey-beard Grass 0 0 3 R Poa spp. Other Grasses 0 0 2 R Stipa spp. Spear Grasses 2 2 7 R Restionaceae Hypolaena fastigiata Tassel Rope-rush 8 8 F Lepidobulus drapeticoleus | Scale-shedder 8 8 8 F Xanthorrhoeaceae Lomandra filiformis Wattle Mat-rush 2 0 Ü S L. glauca Pale Mat-rush 3 l 3 F? Lomandra spp. Mat-rushes 2 0 0 S Xanthorrhoea australis* Austral Grass-tree 8 8 7 S Gymnospermae Cupressaceae Callitris rhomboidea Oyster Bay Pine 5 E 2 8? Moreover, the results of the seed/fungus test are consistent with the hypothesis that P. cinnamomi was the cause of the observed differences. It is, however, important to note that P. cinnamon was not isolated in this study, and the results of the seed/fungus test may have been due to other fungal species. Nevertheless, the remainder of this discussion will proceed under the assumption that dieback noted at the study site was due to P. cinnamomi. Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Vegetation Changes Changes to vegetation structure at the community level involved the transition from Æ. baxteri forest with a low heathy understorey in the healthy zone, to a more open forest with many dead trees and an increased number of sedge and grass species in the diseased zone, This transi- tion represents a substantial alteration in community structure, with a significant reduction in species richness. Other studies 51 Research Report Leptospermum myrsinoides ——————— M Cover-Abundance Healthy Zone Transitional Zone Isopogon cerataphyllus Diseased Zone Fig. 4. An example of how the presence of P. cinnamomi affects the degree of cover of susceptible species (solid line) and fluctuating species (dashed line) within healthy, transitional and diseased zones. Susceptible and fluctuating species were defined on the basis of their frequency within each zone. Cover-Abundance Healthy Zone Transitional Zone Hypolaena fastigiata Hakea rostrata ; Lepidosperma laterale Diseased Zone Fig. 5. An example of how the presence of P. cinnamomi affects the degree of cover of resistant plant species within healthy, transitional and diseased zones. Susceptible and fluctuating species were defined on the basis of their frequency within each zone. (e.g. Duncan and Keane 1996) have also found changes to community structure resulting from P. cinnamomi infection to be substantial. The response of vegetation to the pres- ence of P. cinnamomi has been similarly described by Kennedy and Weste (1977, 1986) and Weste and Kennedy (1997) at other sites within the Grampians National Park. In the most recent study, these 52 authors observed substantial changes in community structure without significant change in cover or (in contrast to the pre- sent study) species richness. Shearer (1994) also notes that P. cinnamomi can alter community structure within Eucalyptus marginata forest in Western Australia without a concurrent reduction in the number of species. Other studies from Western Australia, however, have suggest- The Victorian Naturalist ed that species richness is reduced in areas infected with P. cinnamomi. In Banksia woodlands on the Swan Coastal Plain, Shearer and Dillon (1996) observed that. on average, diseased zones had seven fewer species than healthy zones. In this respect, the findings of the present study are similar. The results show that healthy areas accommodate more species than transitional or diseased areas. Susceptible, Resistant and Fluctuating Species All references to susceptible, resistant and fluctuating species in this study are based on the frequency of their occurrence in each zone (see Table 1), On the basis of this somewhat subjective analysis Monotoca scoparia, E. baxteri, X. australis and I. cer- atophyllus provide examples of susceptible species, The susceptibility of all of these species has been previously recorded in the Grampians (Kennedy and Weste 1986; Weste and Kennedy 1997) and the latter two in the Brisbane Ranges National Park (Weste 1986). X. australis has also been identified as susceptible in Victoria's Kinglake National Park (Duncan and Keane 1996). Kennedy and Weste (1986) have identified nine other susceptible species that were present at the current study site; Tetratheca ciliata. Hovea heterophylla. Astroloma conostephoides, Hibbertia fasci- culata, Hibbertia stricta, Persoonia junipe- rina, Correa reflexa, Leucopogon ericoides and Leucopogon virgatus. All of these species were identified às susceptible in the present study, with the exception of 77, stricta, which showed a resistant trend. Hypolaena fastigiata, L. laterale and Leptospermum juniperinum and H. rostra- ta exemplified resistant species. In the Grampians, Kennedy and Weste (1986) also identified M. fastigiata and L. juniper- inum as resistant, while the abundance of L. laterale has been observed to increase within diseased zones at Kinglake National Park (Duncan and Keane 1996). Gahnia radula, a species also identified as resistant in this area (Duncan and Keane 1996), as well as in the Brisbane Ranges (Weste 1986), was not shown to be clearly resis- tant in this study, Although its abundance was higher in the transitional zone than in the healthy zone, its abundance fell to the Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Research Report lowest level in the diseased zone, Fluctuating species identified in this study included L. myrsinoides, L. drapeti- coleus and Grevillea aquifolium. In Victoria, L. myrsinoides has been widely identified as a fluctuating species (Kennedy and Weste 1986; Weste 1986; Weste and Kennedy 1997), However, in the Grampians, Kennedy and Weste (1986) observed L. drapeticoleus to be marginally invasive. Casuarina muellerana has also been identified as fluctuating in the Grampians National Park (Kennedy and Weste 1986). In this study, the density of C. muellerana was so low that its response to P. cinnamomi could not be identified. Regeneration of Susceptible Species The regeneration of seedlings of suscep- tible overstorey species (especially Æ. bax- teri) was observed in transitional and dis- eased zones, Regeneration of susceptible overstorey species at old diseased sites has also been observed in other parts of the Grampians (Weste and Kennedy 1997), Although susceptible understorey species were not noted to regenerate in this study, the regeneration of many susceptible understorey species has also been observed over the longer term, Nearly a decade after the establishment of their Grampians study, Kennedy and Weste (1986) observed that susceptible species had not regenerated at infected sites. Twenty vears after establishment, however, 24 suscepti- ble understorey species from 11 different families were found to be regenerating in old infested plots. These results have been corroborated in other parts of Victoria (Weste 1986; Duncan and Keane 1996; Weste er al. 1999) and Western Australia (Wills 1993; Shearer and Dillon 1996). It is likely that regeneration of suscepti- ble species in old infected areas may be a result of pathogenic decline (Wills 1993; Duncan and Keane 1996). Pathogenic decline may occur for a number of reasons, including changes in the distribution of P. cinnamomi and a reduction in the amount of susceptible root tissue at infected sites. Regeneration of susceptible species may also occur if the potential of the pathogen to cause disease is reduced, due, for exam- ple, from increased resistance in some sus- ceptible species. Although specific factors 53 Research Report causing pathogenic decline may be diffi- cult to isolate, available evidence suggests that the impact of P. cinnamomi is reduced over time (Peters and Weste 1997). Management of Phytophthora cinnamomi —a review The management of P. cinnamomi throughout Australia poses significant prob- lems, as there is no comprehensive solution to this disease (Dell and Malajezuk 1989; Bridgewater and Edgar 1994), At present, the major management strategies involve the isolation of diseased areas and the steril- isation of infrastructure moving in and out of diseased sites. These measures, however, are not expected to prevent the spread of the pathogen in the long term (Dell and Malajezuk 1989: Hill ef al. 1995). Investigations into alternative manage- ment practices are continuing. The use of potassium phosphonate to control P. cin- namomi has been investigated in a number of recent publications. Short term green- house trials have shown that potassium phosphonate can reduce the severity and incidence of disease in Pinus radiata (Ali et al. 1999) and a number of susceptible native species (Peters and Weste 1997; Ali and Guest 1998). A field study at Anglesea, Victoria, indicates that foliar phosphonate spray can help to control P. cinnamomi in forest and heathland communities, although some species exhibited phytotoxic effects at high concentrations (Aberton et al. 1999). In general, chemical treatment of infected regions may be an effective small scale management option if infected sites are identified early (Hill er al. 1995), An alternative to chemical treatment is the use of biological controls. Biological control of P, cinnamomi involves the introduction of antagonistic soil micro-organisms into infect- ed regions. Suggested bio-control mecha- nisms include the use of bioenhanced mulches (Costa et al. 1996) and the introduc- tion of cellulase producing organisms into infected regions (El-Tarabili et a/. 1996). These strategies, however, are primarily directed at controlling Phytophthora species in fruit plantations, and are not appropriate for use in the Grampians as the structure and organic content of the soil is not conducive to the survival of populations of micro-organ- isms (Kennedy and Weste 1986). 54 In the Grampians, Kennedy and Weste (1986) suggest that fire may be an appro- priate management strategy. Severe fire kills P, cinnamomi in the top 20cm of soil (Weste 1974), and promotes regeneration in the fire adapted vegetation of the region. In addition, Kennedy and Weste (1977) propose that public education could aid the management of P. cinnamomi. Peters and Weste (1997) agree that education should be an important element of an effective management strategy. Informing people about P. cinnamomi, and the risk of spreading infection via vehicles and equip- ment may reduce its rate of spread in the Grampians National Park. Areas infected with P. cinnamomi are not uniformly distributed — they form a non- uniform mosaic of infected patches across the landscape (Weste and Kennedy 1997). Consequently, developing a detailed inven- tory of diseased regions (Shearer 1994) and the identification of healthy but susceptible miero regions (Kennedy and Weste 1986) may help to manage infected areas. Barker et al. (1996) have developed an objective methodology for the selection of sites with a high management priority, and such objec- tive delineation of more and less important areas seems like a logical first step in the development of a management plan. Better management of P. cinnamomi in Australia requires the development of a national management plan. To this end, communication between management bod- les in different parts of the country needs to be enhanced (Bridgewater and Edgar 1994). However, the impact of P. cinnamomi in a particular region depends on potentially unique interactions between the pathogen and the surrounding ecosystem (Bridgewater and Edgar 1994; Shearer 1994; Castello et al. 1995; Shearer and Dillon 1996). The ear- lier discussion, for example, shows that the same species may respond differently to P. cinnamomi at different points in space and lime. As a consequence, management strate- gies, although holistic in nature, must be flexible enough to deal with problems spe- cific to a particular region. This may require the use of different management strategies for different regions, or the integrated use of a number of management techniques to con- trol P. einnamomi in a particular area. The Victorian Naturalist Acknowledgements Thanks to Stuart Reeh. Jodi Braszell, Andrew Evans and others who helped with the field work. Neal Enwright provided assistance with the statistical analysis and Kylie McKenzie read and helped to improve earlier drafts. Thanks also to two anonymous referees for improving the quality of the final draft. References Aberton, M.J., Wilson, B.A, and Cahill. D.M. (1999), The use of potassium phosphonate to control Phytophthora cinnamomi? in native vegetation at Anglesea, Victoria. Australasian Plant Pathology 28. 225-234. Ali, Z. and Guest, D.I. (1998), Potassium phosphonate controls root rot of Xanthorrhoea australis and X minor caused by Phytophthora cinnamomi. Australasian Plant Pathology 27, 40-44, Ali, Z, Smith, I. And Guest, D.L (1999). Effect of potassium phosphonate on root rot of Pinus radiata caused by Phytophthora cinnamomi. Australasian Plant Pathology 28, 120-125. Barker, P.C.J., Wardlaw. T.J. and Brown, M.J. (1996). Selection and design of Phytophthora management areas for the conservation of threatened flora in Tasmania, Biological Conservation 76(2). 187-193. Bridgewater, B.P. and Edgar, B. (1994). Ecosystem pathogens: A view from the centre (east). Journal of the Royal Society af Western Australia 77(4), 109- Ht. Castello, J.D., Leopold, D.J. and Smallidge, P.I. (1995). Pathogens, patterns and processes in forest ecosystems. BioScience 45(1). 16-24, Costa, J.L. da S., Menge, J.A. and Casale, W.L. (1996). Investigations on some of the mechanisms by which bioenhanced mulches can suppress Phytophthora rool rot of avocado, Microbiological Research 151(2), 183-192. Dell, B. and Malajezuk, N. (1989). Jarrah dieback - a disease caused by Phytophithara cinnamomi. In ` The Jarrah Forest - A Complex Mediterranean Ecosystem," pp. 67-87. Eds B. Dell, J.J, Havel and N. Malajezuk. (Kluwer Academic Publishers: Dordrecht.) Duncan, M.J. and Keane, P.J. (1996). Vegetation changes associated with Phytophthora cinnamomi and its decline under . Xanthorrhoea australis in Kinglake National Park. Victoria, Australian Journal of Botany 44( 3), 355-369, El-Tarabili, K.A., Sykes, M,L., Kurtbóke, 1.D,, Hardy, G.EStJ., Barbosa, A.M. and Dekker, R.F.H. (1996), Synergistic effects of a cellulase-producing Micramonospora carbonacea and an antibiotic-pro- ducing Srrepromyeces violascens on the suppression of Phytophthora cinnamomíi root rot of Banksia grandis. Canadian Journal of Botany 74(4), 618-624. Hill. T.C.J.. Tippett J.T. and Shearer, B.L. (1995), Evaluation of three treatments for the eradication of Phytophthora cinnamomi from deep, leached sands in southwest Australia. Plant Disease 79(2), 122- 127. Kennedy, J. and Weste, G. (1977). Dieback disease due to the cinnamon fungus in the Grampians. Victoria s Resources 19, 28-29. Kennedy, J. and Weste, G. (1986). Vegetation changes associated with invasion by Phytophthora cimamaomi on monitored sites in the Grampians, western Victoria. Australian Journal of Botany 34, 251-279, Kent, M. and Coker, P. (1992), ' Vegetation Deseription and Analysis. A Practical Approach’. (Belhaven Press; London.) Kinal, J., Shearer, B.L. and Fairman, R.G. (1993). Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Research Report Dispersal of Phytophthora cinnamomi through lat- eritic soils by laterally flowing subsurface water, Plant Disease 77(11), 1085-1090, Minchin, P.R. (1987). An evaluation of the relative robustness of techniques for ecological ordination. Vegetario 69, 89-107. Mueller-Dombois, D. and Ellenberg, H. (1974). “Aims and Methods of Vegetation Ecology". (Wiley: New York.) Newell, R.G. (1997). The abundance of ground- dwelling invertebrates in a Victorian forest affected by 'diebaek^ (Phytophthora einnamomi) disease. Australian Journal af Ecology 22. 206-217. Newell, R.G. (1998). Characterization of vegetation in an Australian open forest community affected by cin- namon fungus (Phytophthora eimamomi): implica- lions for faunal habitat quality. Pram Ecology 137. 55-70. Peters, D. and Weste. G. (1997), The impact of Phytophthora cinnamomi on six rare native tree and shrub species in the Brisbane Ranges, Victoria. Australian Journal of Botany 45, 975-995, Postle, A.C... Majer. J.D. and Bell, D.T. (1986). Soil and litter invertebrates and litter decomposition in Jarrah (Eucalyptus marginata) forest affected by Jarrah dieback fungus (Phytophthora einnamomi). Pedabiolagia 29, 47-69. Shearer, B.L, (1994). The major plant pathogens occur- ring in native ecosystems of south-western Australia. Journal of the Royal Society af Western Australia TT(4). 113-122, Shearer, B.L. and Dillon, M. (1996). Impact and dis- ease centre characteristics of Phytophthora cinnamo- mi infestations of Banksia woodlands on the Swan Coastal Plain, Western Australia. Australian Journal of Botany 44( 1), 79-90, Sibley, G.T. (1967). 4 study of the land in the Grampians area, pp. 18. 19, 40, 4] and Land Systems Map in back cover. (Soil Conservation Authority: Victoria.) Weste, G. (1974), Phytophthora cimamonmi, the cause of severe disease in certain native communities in Victoria. Australian Journal of Botany 22, 1-8. Weste, G. (1986). Vegetation changes associated with invasion by P/tophthora cinnamomi of defined plots in the Brisbane Ranges, Victoria, 1975-1985. Australian Journal of Botany 34, 633-648. Weste, G. and Kennedy, J. (1997), Regeneration of susceptible native species following a decline of Phytophthora cinnamomi over a period of 20 years on defined plots in the Grampians, western Victoria. Australian Journal of Botany 45, 167-190, Weste, G., Walchhuetter, T. and Walshe, T. (1999). Regeneration of Xanthorrhoea australis following epidemic disease due to Phytophthora cinnamoni in the Brisbane Ranges, Victoria, Australasian Plant Pathology 28, 162-169. Wills, R.T. (1993). The ecological impact of Phytophthora cinnamomi in the Stirling Range National Park, Western Australia. Australian Journal of Ecology 18, 145-159, Wills. RT. and Keighery, G. J. (1994), Ecological impact of plant disease on plant communities. Journal of the Royal Society of Western Australia THA), 127-131, Wilson, B.A., Robertson, D; Moloney, D.J., Newell, G.R. and Laidlaw, W.S. (1990). Factors affecting small mammal distribution and abundance in the eastern Otway Ranges, Victoria. Proceedings of the Ecological Society of Australia 16, 379-396. Wilson, B.A., Newell, C, Laidlaw, W.S. and Friend, G. (1994), Impact of plant diseases on faunal com- munities. Journal of the Raval Society of Western Australia 77, 139-143. Un un Contributions Field Identification, Ecology and Conservation Status of the Red-chested Button-quail Turnix pyrrhothorax in Northern Victoria Lawrie E. Conole! and Ralph Mac Nally'- The Red-chested Button-quail Turnix pyrrhothorax is classified as Vulnerable in Victoria (DNRE 2000). It is generally regarded as widespread, although uncom- mon (Pizzey and Knight 1997), in New South Wales, Queensland (CYPLUS 1996) and the Northern Territory (PWCNT 1999). In north-west Western Australia, O'Connor (1997a, b) reported three records from an environmental survey at the Argyle Diamond Mine (16?41^12"S 128?25'50"E) and another near Broome (17957^47"S 122?14^06" E), which added to just six previous Kimberley records. Red- chested Button-quail are also rare in South Australia (Stanger ef a/. 1998; TSN 1998). Marchant and Higgins (1993) describe it as generally uncommon across Australia, but apparently secure. Bennett ef al. (1998) thought it rare on the Victorian Northern Plains. Its status across Victoria is unclear — thought to be present most years in some regions, but only an occasional visitor to other regions depending on seasonal condi- tions (Emison ef al. 1987). The observations reported here come from a more extensive study of the verte- brate fauna of Gunbower Island, Barmah State Forest and the Lower Ovens Regional Park, which focused on the role of coarse woody debris (fallen timber) in influencing biodiversity on the southern floodplains of the Murray-Darling basin (Mac Nally et al. 2000). Habitat use Although generally considered a grass- land species, we recorded Red-chested Button-quail in River Red Gum Eucalyptus camaldulensis and Black Box E. largiflo- rens woodland along the Murray River at Lindsay Island (34*08'S 141°07°E) and ' School of Ecology, Department of Biological Sciences, Monash University, Victoria 3800. ` email dacelo@silas.ce.monash.edu,au, 56 Gunbower Island (35?45'S 144?18' E) (L.E. Conole, unpubl. data). Other observers have found the species in box-ironbark forests at Dunolly in central Victoria (37*00'S 143°44 E) (G. Horrocks, pers. comm.) and Chiltern in north-eastern Victoria (36°07’S 146°37°E) (R. Clarke, pers. comm.). In New South Wales, Red- chested Button-quail have been found with- in box-ironbark remnants in farmland in the Capertee Valley (33?07'S 150°10°E) (D. Geering, in /itt.), The species can be locally abundant in these areas, as appears to be the case on Gunbower Island where it out- numbered Painted Button-quail by about 5:1 at one site (L.E. Conole, unpubl. data). The common factors in these woodlands and forests seem to be areas of bare ground and abundant leaf litter, little or no under- storey and patches of tussock grass or sedges. In River Red Gum habitats, there are often drifts of flood debris. This com- bination of conditions most commonly occurs along drainage lines. The birds nor- mally forage in open areas of deep leaf lit- ter, and retreat to the cover of tussocks or woody debris if threatened. This is con- trary to the description in Marchant and Higgins (1993), which suggested that Red- chested Button-quail prefer thick standing ground cover of grasses or weeds. We believe its occurrence in open wood- lands in Victoria may be significantly underestimated, which in turn leads to its overall status in Victoria most probably being in error. The species appears to be a regular visitor to woodlands in northern Victoria, if not a resident. Emison ef al. (1987) regarded River Red Gum habitats along the Murray River to be the habitat in which Painted Button-quail reach their greatest densities. Even so, it is also the case that Red-chested Button-quail out- number Painted Button-quail in areas of Gunbower Island and Lindsay Island. We recommend that observers should be wary The Victorian Naturalist of presuming button-quail in woodlands of northern Victoria to be Painted Button- quail. All ‘quail’ should be scrutinized carefully before making an identification. Field identification Identification of Red-chested Button- quail in the field is probably easier in woodland than in some of the grassland habitats they frequent. We have found Red-chested Button-quail more reluctant to fly than Painted Button-quail. In dense ground cover, birds are probably missed as they run out of the path of the observer rather than flush. In woodland, Red-chest- ed Button-quail typically flush quite late — 2-10 m from the observer. On the other hand, Painted Button-quail typically flush earlier — 20-50 m from the observer. Red- chested Button-quail also often allow a longer period of observation in flight than Painted Button-quail. They can generally be relocated after the first flushing, but rarely after a second. When first flushed, Red-chested Button-quail typically fly a short distance, land and then stand motion- less to inspect the ‘intruder’. After being flushed a second or third time, they usually run out of view very quickly. The key characters to look for to identify Red-chested Button-quail are: »clearly smaller in size than Painted Button-quail; * when viewed from directly behind Red- chested Button-quail look uniformly pale grey across the upperwings and back com- pared with Painted Button-quail, which are two-toned, warmer brown-grey on the back with greyish upperwings; e Little Button-quail T. velox are clearly pinkish-cinnamon on the upperparts; ewhen viewed from side-on, the rufous wash on the underparts of Red-chested Button-quail is obvious, and the thick bill may be seen at close range. If viewed on the ground, either before flight or when located after landing, the characteristic plumage and bill-size differ- ences can be sought. Once Red-chested Button-quail had been identified as the most abundant species of Turnix at *86 Break’ (a forestry track) on Gunbower Island, a number of observers visited the area and found they were able to distinguish between the two species in Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Contributions flight, after a little practice (C. Coleborn and C. Lester, pers. comm.). Foraging Although Marchant and Higgins (1993) mentioned that Red-chested Button-quail *... glean and scratch in litter ...’ and use small circular scrapes for roosting, it is not clear from that description whether they make platelets in the course of foraging in the manner of other species of Turnix. Platelet making for foraging has been observed at Gunbower Island (L.E. Conole pers. obs.; C. Tzaros, pers. comm.) and is typical for the genus. The birds rotate on the spot, scratching out a small círcular depression in leaf litter, pecking occasion- ally at the ground, and can sometimes be detected in dry periods by the small puffs of dust they cause while making the platelets. Foraging occurs throughout the day, although the species has been said to be nocturnal and crepuscular (Marchant and Higgins 1993). In areas where Red- chested Button-quail were found to be abundant, the density of platelets over large areas of ground was marked and relatively uniform (e.g. 10 platelets/m*, 27 April 1999). At one logging coupe on '86 Break" on Gunbower Island, Red-chested Button- quail concentrated foraging — for a short period — around the gouges and depressions made in the ground where sawlogs had been dragged through the woodland. Status and threats The Red-chested Button-quail is catego- rized as Vulnerable in Victoria (DNRE 2000), but is thought to be uncommon and secure throughout the rest of its Australian range (Marchant and Higgins 1993). Few records were made of Red-chested Button- quail in Victoria during the first Atlas of Australian Birds (Blakers ef al. 1984), and all of these were from grassland or crops. Although it may be irruptive south of the Great Dividing Range and into drier areas of the Wimmera and Mallee of western Victoria, we believe Red-chested Button- quail may be a regular visitor or resident along the Murray River floodplain in northern Victoria. We have found it to be locally more abundant than Painted Button-quail in areas of River Red Gum and Black Box woodland on Gunbower 57 Naturalist Notes Island and on Lindsay Island. Although Red-chested Button-quail may be relative- ly rare in Victoria, it Seems to occur more regularly and widely, and utilizes more habitats, than previously thought. Given that areas of ground cover such as (tussock grass or sedges and woody debris seem important to Red-chested Button- quail, we recommend that these habitat elements be managed in riverine forests to ensure appropriate conditions for this species, Grazing by livestock, and removal of woody debris for firewood, are threaten- ing processes for the Red-chested Button- quail in these floodplain woodlands. Acknowledgements We thank the Murray. Darling. Basin Commission for funding this work (Project R7007). R. M. gratefully acknowledges the support ol the Australian. Research Council, We thank Chris Coleborn, Chris Lester, Chris Vzaros, Jahn Barkla and Tony Russell for access to their unpublished observations of Red-chested Button- quail at Gunbower Island. Paul Peake and Martin O'Brien offered useful information and advice. References Bennett, A; Brown, G, Lumsden, L., Hespe, D., Krasna, S, and Silins, J. (1998), "Fragments for the Future. Wildlife in the Victorian Riverina (the Northern Plains)’, (Department of Natural Resources and Environment: Fast Melbourne.) Blakers, M., Davies, SLP. and Reilly, P.N, (1984), “Atlas of Australian Birds’. (Melbourne University Press: Melbourne, ) CYPLUS (1996), Birds of Cape York Peninsula, Cape York Land-use Strategy. Web address: httpz//www.environment.gov.au/states/cyp on l/ reports/nrap/nr E9bird. html, DNRE (2000). *Fhreatened Vertebrate Fauna in Victoria 2000. A systematic list of vertebrate fauna considered extinet, at risk of extinction or in major decline in Victoria’, (Department of Natural Resources and Environment: East Melbourne.) Emison, W.B., Beardsell, C.M., Norman, Fl., Loyn, R.H. and Bennett, S.C, (1987). ‘Atlas of Victorian Birds’. (Department of Conservation, Forests and Lands/ RAOU: Melbourne.) Marchant, S. and Higgins, P.J. (Eds) (1993). "Handbook of Australian, New Zealand and Antarctic Birds. Volume 2, Raptors to Lapwings'. (Oxford University Press: Melbourne.) Mae Nally, Ra Parkinson, A., Horrocks, G., Conole, L. and Tzaros, C. (2000). Relationships between verte- brate biodiversity and abundance and availability of coarse woody debris on south-eastern Australian floodplains. Murray-Darling Basin Commission report No. R7007.1TL. O'Connor, F. (1997a). Red-chested Button-quail at Argyle. Birding Articles 1993 #5. Web-address: hittp://members,iinet.net.au/ - foconnor/ar]99305.htm. O'Connor, F. (1997b), Red-chested Button-quail at Broome, Birding Articles 1996 42. Web-address: http://members.tinet.net,au/- foconnor/ar199602 htm, PWCNT (1999), Connell's Lagoon. Parks and Wildlife Commission of the Northern Territory, Weh-address: httpz//www.nt.gov.au/paw/parks/alice/ connells lagoon.html. Pizzey, G. and Knight, F. (1997), ‘Field Guide to the Birds of Australia’, (Angus and Robertson: Sydney.) Stanger, M., Clayton, M., Schodde, Ra Wombey, J. und Mason, E, (1998), ‘CSIRO List of Australian Vertebrates. A reference with conservation status’. (CSIRO Publishing: Collingwood, Victoria.) TSN (1998), Threatened Birds of SA. Threatened Species Network, Web-address: http://www, neensw.org.au/member/tsn/projeets/S A/birds.html. Observations of Skink Mating Behaviour On à warm, sunny, summer afternoon (10 October 2000) I noticed what at first sight appeared to be a heap of dead garden skinks (Lampropholis guichenoti). Closer examination revealed that all were very much alive and that the heap had a definite structure. There were five skinks involved and all were on their backs. The central skink was held to the ground by the jaws of two others attached to each flank. The purpose of this behaviour soon became apparent when one of the attached skinks raised the rear half of its body (with its rather messy intromittent organ at the ready) and curved it over the female. After a union of several seconds the group broke up and the female escaped only to be pinned down again after travelling about 70 em. As there were a number of excited 58 skinks about I am not sure whether the same group reconvened. | suspect that the matings had been going on for some time and that many males were involved. The sex of the assistants was not obvious to me. The behaviour seemed risky — the cluster of lightly hued bellies was very conspicuous. Furthermore, their natural wariness was lacking. They would have been easy pickings for kookaburras etc. However, the strategy is obviously suc- cessful judging by the abundance of these skinks. They are communal nesters and in my limited experience the hatchlings are all ready to emerge at the same time. Alastair Traill 3 l'reyne Street, Wonga Park, Victoria 3115, The Victorian Naturalist Naturalist Notes Observations of Black Snake Feeding Since taking up part-time residency on a Genoa River property in Far East Gippsland I have had many opportunities to view animals I would not otherwise have encountered. Red-bellied Black Snakes (Pseudechis porphyriacus) appear to be common and are usually observed curled up in a sunny spot or fleeing. Sometimes a moying snake will ‘freeze’ when confronted by a walker or vehicle, A ‘frozen’ black snake can be encouraged to move out of harm’s way by very gentle contact — a longish stick is recommended as they can ‘thaw’ quickly. Very occasion- ally I have seen a black snake sampling scents with its tongue as it moves over rocks and litter, but until recently I had never seen one feeding. At midday on 22 December 1999 I saw a loop of active black snake protruding from a shallow pool isolated from the river by lack of rain. The approximately 130 cm long snake was working its head under a rock in about 10 cm of water. Suddenly it emerged with a galaxid about 7-8 cm long. The front two-thirds of the fish was visi- ble. Swallowing was assisted by pushing the galaxid against rocks and against its own flank. All this occurred underwater. The snake resumed hunting in a system- atic pattern by vigorously working its head into every available crevice close to where it caught the fish. [t would surface periodi- cally for air — its breaths were audible — and then return to the crevices. It varied its approach to any one ledge, sometimes approaching from the left and sometimes from the right. Occasionally there were forward thrusting movements of the body but as the head was out of sight I could not see what was happening. Periodically it would raise its head from the water and check the immediate pool surrounds before The Victorian Naturalist All material for publication to: resubmerging. Several times it swam to the centre of the pool (depth about 30 cm) where it swept through the sediment before quickly returning to the crevices. Eventually it swam the 3 to 4 metres to the other end of the pool forcing its way into more ledges and through a patch of aquatic vegetation. This resulted in a galaxid leap- ing from the water onto a rock shelf. While the snake was not looking, | moved from my vantage point and returned the stranded fish to the pool. Without going back to my former position, I continued to watch, I could see that this reptile had disturbed tadpoles, shrimps and a larger decapod. Then the snake abandoned its ledge search and swam into the shallows and raised its head. 1 found myself 60 to 70 cm from a hyped-up snake with its tongue still flick- ering. | remembered reading that ‘you would be very unlucky to be killed by a black snake’. As I resolved to hold my ground another part of me calculated I was within striking distance and also that any help was hours away. Suddenly my legs stepped backwards and equally suddenly my snake vanished into its pool. It had been a fascinating half-hour. | was left with the distinct impression that this animal had been working to a plan — a strategy involving the stirring-up the cen- tre of the pool so that potential prey fled into ledges or even out of the pool where it would be easier to catch. The snake also seemed to position its body to act as a sort of barrier to stop potential food escaping to deeper water. If this was the strategy, was it learned by trial and error or was it insight or was it an innate behaviour? Alastair Traill 3 Freyne Street, Wonga Park, Victoria 3115. The Editor, The Victorian Naturalist, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, P.O. Blackburn, Victoria 3130. Vol. 118 (2) 2001 59 Book Reviews Birds of French Island Wetlands by Des Quinn and Geoff Lacey Publisher: Spectrum Publications, PO Box 75, Richmond Victoria 3121. ISBN 0 86786 271 8. 153 pp., paperback RRP $20. French Island in Victoria’s Western Port Bay is, in many ways, a jewel in the State’s flora and fauna heritage, particular- ly from the avifaunal viewpoint. The island occurs in one of the State’s largest Ramsar (internationally recognised wader and waterbird habitat) sites. As with a number of other important sites across the State the island has a ‘Friends group’ that carries out much important work. Authors Des Quinn and Geoff Lacey, founding members of Friends of French Island, communicate their enthusiasm, interest and commitment to preserving and record- ing the water and wader birds of the island with this fascinating and well produced book that deserves wide appreciation by all Victorians, not just those interested in birdlife. The book is divided into five sections: an "introductory" section on the island and its wetlands, then sections on the coastal wet- lands, inland wetlands, wetland birds and their ecosvstems and finally wetland man- agement guidelines. Much in evidence is the authors’ use of their own data and hand-drawn illustrations, with assistance from many others who are carefully acknowledged. The book opens with some notes about the authors then gives some brief com- ments on the island's Aboriginal and European history and other Western Port bird studies. The authors then outline the books" purpose in five points: the publish- ing of their records and an interpretation of this data; exploration of species and their habitats and hence the importance of the area; guidelines for management of the wetland sites; to show how individuals and groups can achieve conservation goals; and finally to highlight methodology used on the study of the island's wetlands as a means to compare these sites with wet- lands elsewhere in Victoria and Australia. Some brief information is given on the island’s geology and wetland ecology 60 before the main chapters dealing with the wetland sites. The chapters on coastal and inland wet- lands are clearly laid out so the naturalist or new visitor can gain an insight into each site’s water or wader bird community. Common and scientific names are used and the text is supported by hand-drawn maps plus a few illustrations. The importance of sach site is stated and notes from the authors" own notebooks are interspersed with the text. This adds a personal dimen- sion that communicates their enthusiasm while giving the reader an immediate impression of a site or observation. Where a site is particularly significant within Victoria or Australia, this is noted and other information sources are clearly referenced. The last two parts of the book put the bird and wetland data into a State or ecosystem context. Some opinions are given on trends in numbers of species at certain sites, and the state of Western Ports seagrass community is briefly dis- cussed. There are a number of useful tables including a complete (including terrestrial) bird list and records for most wetland sites mentioned in the text. Management guide- lines for the wetlands are also discussed based on the Department of Natural Resources and Environment Guidelines of 1996 (NRE 1996). l had a minor criticism about the images used. Most of the bird photographs in the text are from the lan MeCann collection and unfortunately a number are repeated in different parts of the book. Likewise the line drawings of birds. However, it is the authors’ own images of the wetland habi- tats that are the most interesting, as they show what some sites actually appear like on the ground. The authors have produced a book that not only details the numerous and varied wet- land sites on and around the island but also gives an account of the interaction between the birdlife, their habitats and the chemo- The Victorian Naturalist physical environment. Although it is not especially a book for the casual tourist, any visitor would find in the publication valu- able resource material prior to visiting or if they wished to research the island’s water and wader bird fauna. It is a delight to see the use of original, long-term data presented in a complete and informative format that will allow further analysis by the interested observer. The authors’ 35 years of observa- tions are clearly evident in this fact-filled publication. For those interested in French Island bird fauna this is an important text to add to your library. It is also the first book to attempt to record and publish details of a Book Reviews major vertebrate group for the casual visitor and ornithologist alike. While not a field guide or a handbook for the pack, I thor- oughly recommend the book to all interest- ed in Victorian fauna. Reference NRE (1996), Manual of Wetlands Management, Wetlands Conservation. Program. Wetlands Conservation Report No, 4. National Parks Service, (Department of Natural Resources and Environment: Melbourne.) Martin O'Brien Wildlife Biologist, 28 Newry Street, Richmond, Victoria 3121. Common Australian Fungi: a Bushwalker's Guide by Tony Young Publisher: University of New South Wales Press Limited, Sydney, Australia, 2000. Revised Edition, 134 pp, 16 watercolour plates, I suspect this little volume now holds the record for the number of different editions of essentially the same work, this being the fourth, although two are minor revisions of a previous publication — well on the way to becoming a bibliographic nightmare! 'The latter pair have photographs to sup- plement the watercolour illustrations, minor updates in terminology, an addition- al introduction and a revised introductory paragraph for the work proper. The water- colours in the latter pair have been separat- ed from their original taxonomic sequence and regrouped alphabetically, and are poorer reproductions than in the first pair. The shape and covering have also changed from hard covered ‘paperback’ size to a longer narrow paperbacked pocket size. The only difference I could detect between this ‘2000 bushwalkers guide revised edi- tion’ and the *1994 naturalist’s guide edi- tion’ was a change in key entry 54 (p. 28) and the insertion of Pyeroporus here and Pycnoporus coceineus at p. 39 and in the index. At the index entry, you will also see a reference to plate 23, where you will look for it in vain, until you realise that il has the caption Trametes cinnabarina. Vol. 118 (2) 2001 16 photographic plates, sofiback. RRP $22.95 (This name change is unexplained in the text, and similar unexplained changes also occur within a few genera.) Unfortunately, a number of such ‘design flaws’ mars this and the earlier editions, (all by the same publisher), the two most glaring of which are the use of ‘old’ names in both the key and often illustrations, as opposed to ‘new’ names in the text, and the failure to indi- cate plate numbers in the text, which means you are forever thumbing back- wards and forwards or using the index. So, into the work! The ‘many hundreds of species of microfungi’ alluded to in the introduction is one of the greatest under- statements I’ve ever seen. Perhaps hun- dreds of thousands. Maybe millions. A sin- gle decaying leaf would probably supply the ‘many hundreds’, We then run briefly and reasonably interestingly through the main fungal groups, which are illustrated with good, though small, but always unsealed line drawings. | have never, how- ever, seen an entire Cordyceps ascospore liberated as illustrated in Figure 9r (p. 8) they usually break into about 100 tiny bar- rel shaped part spores. The remaining sec- tions of Fungi in the Bushland are general- 61 Book Reviews ly adequate, although the section on Fairy rings (pp. 10-11) would have benefited from the inclusion of reference to the research indicating the fungal structures underlying fairy rings may be the largest living things on earth! Also adequate (for a bushwalkers guide) are the following sec- tions on Fungi and People and Poisonous and Edible Fungi, though again, there is no reference to the now common use of fungi (usually yeasts) in the genetic engineering of various products. The Study of Fungi is fine for those already ‘in the know’, but would benefit from simple illustrations on ‘how to ...' — how to make a spore print, section, slide and the like, perhaps a sample record sheet for beginners. The Key itself appears, from my relatively limited knowledge, to be sat- isfactory, except, as indicated above, for the use of discontinued names — eg. Pleurotus. Cordyceps keys out, assuming you know, or can observe the spore mass is not ‘slimy and foul or foetid’! The key does not, however, indicate on which page the species descriptions begin — you have to look this up in the index. The species descriptions are alphabetic within orders organised roughly taxonomi- cally — a fairly common pattern, The order- ing of the watercolours is now purely alphabetic, and the photographic plates appear to have been inserted at random. There is no indication of scale with any of the illustrations — you have to work this out from the species description. The descriptions themselves appear adequate, although again the accompanying (often useful) diagrams where present are both unlabelled and unscaled. Newer terminolo- gy has been included as subtext following or under the ‘old’ name, which is the one used to position the species in the text. Important information re edibility is clear- ly displayed — you can't say you weren't warned! The sixteen photographic plates are of good to excellent quality. All would aid in the identification of the species depicted. The sixteen watercolour plates, while intrinsically beautiful, are of variable use with respect to identification and all illus- trations are small. I do not, for instance, think 1 would identify Lactarius deliciosus from its illustration (Pl. 18), though I might Cordyceps gunnii (P1. 6). The work concludes with a useful glos- sary and further reading, although you would need inter library loan to get hold of some of these! Interestingly, although this contains the more recent releases, it is a considerably cut down version of the bibli- ography presented in the first ‘pair’. Despite the aboye criticisms, this is a useful guide, and it is a pity it does not carry a reference to the Fungimap scheme (many target species are included). There are an awful lot of fungi out there, and pre- cious little information on any of them. This work, while suffering from a number of design faults, would enable the lay per- son, with a bit of effort, to enter in a practi- cal way into the fascinating world of fungi. How many you could identify on a bush- walk — well, that’s another question! Rod Barker P.O. Box 536, Healesville, Victoria 3777, Wildflowers of the Brisbane Ranges by Clive and Merle Trigg Publisher: CS/RO Publishing, Collingwood, Victoria, 2000. 128 pp, colour photographs. RRP $19.95, Photographic records of the wildflowers of a region, locality, state or national park collected into books are becoming popular, perhaps with the availability of funds for such projects from government depart- 62 ments, This book is no exception and the authors, based on their experience of 10 years of observation, have compiled a col- lection of over 400 of the 430 species of the Brisbane Ranges National Park. The Victorian Naturalist Brisbane Ranges National Park is situat- ed 80 km west of Melbourne and 30 km north west of Geelong and boasts a wide range of soils, aspects and terrain that sup- port grassy plants, dry open forests, wood- lands, moist shaded sites, rocky sites and dry sandy areas. This is reflected in the rich diversity of the flora, There is a short introdyctory section on the history and the events that shaped the Brisbane Ranges beginning 450 million years ago, with comments on Aboriginal and European settlement, gold, Geelong’s need for a water catchment, timber removal and the adoption of the Brisbane Ranges as a National Park. The main part of the book is of course the photographs of the flowering plants of the Brisbane Ranges. The species are arranged alphabetically under family and then species. The monocots appear to come first, represented by the Liliaceae and Orchidaceae and a few other family groups. A clump of Xanthorrhoea aus- tralis (family Xanthorrhoeaceae) with spikes in full-flower is immediately fol- lowed by Carpobrotus modestus (family Aizoaceae) with no explanation for the change back to the start of the alphabet. Plants are in two groups but there is noth- ing to explain this. Some of the larger or more important family groups begin with a descriptive paragraph detailing the characteristics of the family in growth form, leaves, flowers and fruits. Details presented with each photograph are scientific name, common name, family, some limited detail on growth form (herb, shrub, erect annual, tufted herb), height of plant, flower arrangement and width (e.g. capitula to 30 mm, buttons to 15 mm, flowers in clus- ters, flowers in brown plumes). A short phrase describes where these plants may be found (dry areas, damp flats, wide- spread in forests, poor stony ground) and when they flower. There are two very useful aids to identifi- cation of plant species in this book. One is Book Reviews the ‘colour identification guide’, which groups colour and the types of flower arrangements likely to be found in that colour. For instance, under ‘pink or red’ flowers may be arranged as daisies, peas, spikes and umbels (to name just a few) whilst ‘green or brown’ can be buttons, clusters, cylindrical or tubular. Page num- bers refer to the main photographic sec- tion. Secondly, letters after the location of plants refer to the Soils of the Brisbane Ranges map in the back end-paper of the book. Each soil region is shaded with a unique colour and numbered from A-L. Knowing where you are when you try to identify species may aid in differentiating between similar species and genera (pro- vided you are not already lost! ). The photographs are excellent, clear and detailed and provide a close-up view of each subject. Some species are represented twice with another photo to give more detail, e.g. the flower of Caleana major followed by a photo of its leaves, or Eucalyptus camaldulensis, a photo of the tree and one of the leaves and buds. Ideally, there would have been more pho- tos of growth form as well as flower close- up. but perhaps there was not room or the budget would not allow extra photos. Ideally, too, there would have been more detail in the text to draw attention to the characteristics that differentiate similar species from each other, such as flower and leaf form. There is a map of Brisbane Ranges National Park, which includes local and park roads, walking tracks, barbecue and camping areas and an index, glossary and a list of references. On the whole, this is an excellent publi- cation and I look forward to visiting Brisbane Ranges National Park, book in hand, to locate and identify many of these plants for myself. Anne Morton 10 Rupicola Court, Rowville, Victoria 3178. For assistance with the preparation of this issue, thanks to Maria Belvedere and Karen Dobson (label printing), Dorothy Mahler (administrative assistance) and Michael McBain (web page). Vol. 118 (2) 2001 63 Book Reviews Field Guide to the Orchids of New South Wales and Victoria Second Edition by Tony Bishop Publisher: University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, 2000 344 pp., incl, 72 colour plates. RRP $37.95 ‘Field Guide to the Orchids of New South Wales and Victoria 1996’, will be well known to orchid enthusiasts. It is quite simply the best available, complete field guide to the orchid species found in South Eastern Australia. The second edi- tion has been updated by David Banks, John Keller and John Riley. Two main revisions have occurred. In the first edi- tion, Tony Bishop covered a number of species that had not been formally described. Since his death, many of these have been described and named. For exam- ple, the lovely spider orchid I first admired last October is described, in the first edi- tion on p.149 as Caladenia sp. Aff. reticu- lata (Dalyenong). It is now listed as a full species, Caladenia cruciformis, *distin- guished by its rigid cross-shaped crimson flowers with clubbed sepals’. Secondly, the genus Dendrobium has been split into two genera, Dendrobium and Dockrilla. The descriptions and key reflect these changes, However, for the general user, the revisions could be considered relatively minor, The book remains compact and easy to carry on field trips, although the paper used in the second edition is a poorer quality than that of the first. For those who are unfamiliar with it, ‘Field Guide to the Orchids of New South Wales and Victoria’, is divided into three main sections. The first contains detailed information for each species of orchid, sys- tematically covering distribution and habi- tat, identification, similar species and field notes. These descriptions are arranged by botanical affinities, not alphabetically. The 64 second section contains over 500 high quality colour photographs of all taxa described. An index to the colour plates gives specimen location and photographic credits. Finally there is a comprehensive key to the orchid genera and species of New South Wales and Victoria. The book also contains a glossary and index. The photographic work, mainly by Tony Bishop, is outstanding. The photographs are close ups, mostly taken by flash in situ, and especially selected to aid identifica- tion. The standard and consistency is awe- some. | checked on the illustrations of two orchid genera difficult to identify because of their small size, Midge Orchids Genoplesium, and Onion Orchids Microtis, and they are wonderfully clear and sharp. Only one new photograph, a superb illus- tration of the Long-tailed Greenhood Pterostylis woolsii, with its 10-15cm long lateral sepals, is included in the second edition. A continuing frustration is that the illustrations are still not named in the new edition. They are linked back to the text only by a number, requiring a certain amount of flipping back and forth. At a list price of $37.95 this volume is a ‘must buy’ for all orchid lovers, botanists, bushwalkers, and field naturalists. However, many who already own the book will probably not immediately update to a second edition of what is substantially the same work. Joan Broadberry 2 Shaun Court, Templestowe, Victoria 3106. The Victorian Naturalist Book Reviews Native Orchids of Southern Australia: A Field Guide by David and Barbara Jones Publisher: Bloomings Books. 37 Burwood Road, Hawthorn, Victoria 3122. 272 pp.. 275 full colour photos. RRP $29.95 The introduction to ‘Native Orchids of Southern Australia’ states, “This book pre- sents a sample of the native orchids which occur naturally south of latitude 27°S. This line passes close to Brisbane on the east coast of Australia, and Kalbarri on the west. Approximately one-third of the indigenous orchids found in this region are included.” Unusually, this means that orchids from Western Australia and South Eastern Australia are grouped together, The authors’ aim, explained in the Preface, is to produce ‘a simple field guide to intro- duce these special native plants to a wide audience’. I will say at the outset, "Native Orchids of Southern Australia’ has some difficulty ful- filling its stated aim, because, although published as a field guide, it covers only one third of possible species. Size and cost are constraints, but anyone more than a casual user would find this book inadequate as a single field guide to the orchids of Western and South Eastern Australia, This is an obvious criticism that will limit its appeal, but what are the book’s strengths? David and Barbara’s new publication is a handy size and weight for a field guide, and has a simple easy to use structure. A brief introduction covers the basics of orchid ecology. The major part of the book deals systematically with each chosen orchid species, A colour photograph, botanical and common names and a straightforward description are provided. Overall distribution, flowering period, habitat and field notes are covered, and in many cases, differences from similar species are outlined, The field guide finish- es with a short glossary, references and a very clearly set out index. The general user would find its alphabetic arrangement of orchid genera very convenient. As a keen native orchid enthusiast, two things drew me to buy this volume even before I was asked to review it. Firstly, its illustrations. Many are truly mouth-watering and a great aid to learning more about native Vol. 118 (2) 2001 orchids. The photographs | appreciated most are those showing groups of orchids in their natural bush habitat, Examples include the Leafy Greenhood Prerostylis cucullata, the Tall Leek Orchid Prasophyllum elatum, and the Red Beaks Orchid, Pyrorchis nigricans. ] wish more publications would include such gems. | was also fascinated by the excellent photographs of the Western and Eastern Underground Orchids Rhizanthella gardneri and R, slateri, In some cases an accessory photograph taking in leaves, stem, or from a different perspective is also included. The main photographs of the Channel Leaf Cymbidium Cymbidium canaliculaltum. and the Sweet Cymbidium C. suave, actu- ally show the dense clumps of green pseudobulbs attached to trees. The flower racemes are only shown in the smaller, inset photograph. I have never seen these orchids and such a treatment really helps me to understand how they would appear in the bush, Secondly, | was drawn to the book’s wide coverage. | have not yet had much opportunity to seek out orchids interstate, and want to be exposed to orchid genera and species | cannot see in Victoria. Such a book allows less experienced orchid enthu- siasts, such as myself, to learn without being overwhelmed, as might happen with a larger volume. I believe then that ‘Native Orchids of Southern Australia: A Field Guide’ does, to a great extent, fulfil its purpose. In comparison with native birds there is still very little literature covering Australia’s magnificent native orchids. It is such a pleasure to welcome not just one, but two new publications. In their different approaches they will enable both the expert and the beginner to extend their knowledge of these unique plants. Joan Broadberry 2 Shaun Court, Lemplestowe, Victoria 3106. 65 Tribute George Anthony Thomas, B.Sc., Ph.D. (Melb.) 30 June 1921 — 13 November 2000 Dr George Anthony Thomas loved and had a great respect for the natural world. It is therefore not surprising that he joined the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria, at an early age (on 10 August 1942) and went on to become an honorary member. The Victorian Naturalist was an important part of his library and was read with great interest. George was born in Northcote in 1921. He was the eldest of six children (sisters Shirley, Valda and Patricia, brothers Kenneth and Warren) born to his father, George, and his mother, Dorothy McMahon. The family lived in Clifton Hill. George’s interest in nature, in particu- lar geology, began with his childhood ram- bles, complete with dogs in tow, up and down the banks of the Merri Creek. He The young geologist George Thomas in 1952, shortly after joining the Bureau of Mineral Resources. 66 was quick to notice the massive layers of (Quaternary) basalt overlying the obvious- ly different older (Silurian) rocks beneath. He attended St. John’s Primary School, Clifton Hill and St. Thomas's Christian Brothers Secondary School, Fitzroy before achieving a place at St. Kevin’s College in Toorak to undertake his Leaving Certi- ficate. However, the aftermath of the Great Depression was still widely felt throughout the community and George, well aware of the scarcity of the necessities of life and his parents’ position, left school to work as a copyboy for The Herald newspaper. Nevertheless, George never gave up his love of reading, learning and science and he enrolled part time at the Austral College in Collins Street (Melbourne) in order to complete his Matriculation Certificate. He was later to take up a junior position at the National Museum of Victoria. In 1940, George gained a place at the University of Melbourne where he com- menced a science degree with major stud- ies in Geology and Zoology. On the 16 June 1945, during the King’s Birthday weekend, he married a fellow geology stu- dent, Nancy Mary Fenwick-Barbour, at St Patrick’s Cathedral, East Melbourne. This was the time of the Second World War and, as a student, George was a cor- poral in the Melbourne University Rifles. His father, a veteran of the First World War’s Western Front, advised George that an officer’s life was preferable. The National Museum of Victoria had a use for George until 1944 when he enlisted in the Royal Australian Air Force as Pilot Officer George Thomas. With his background in Geology, he was drawn into the new area of Operational Research on such tasks as air photo interpretation. He then took part in the Allied invasion of the island of Borneo. After the War, new opportunities in Geology resulted in George joining the Commonwealth Bureau of Mineral Resources (BMR), Geology and Geophysics in 1948. George, Nancy and new daughter Marianne moved to Canberra The Victorian Naturalist in 1949 and son Paul was born in 1951. On joining the BMR, George com- menced field work in the Carnarvon Basin, Western Australia under the leadership of Curt Teichert for ‘a couple of weeks’. The ‘couple of weeks’ became 5 months! Communications were limited in such a remote region and so it was that George and half the Western Australian outback heard the news of Marianne’s first tooth — courtesy of the Royal Flying Doctor’s radio network. George further developed his interests in fossils during the field seasons in the Carnarvon, Canning and Bonaparte Basins of the West. In particular, fossil bra- chiopods from the Devonian to Permian were to capture his imagination. He enrolled for a Ph.D. at the University of Melbourne and spent time at the University in the mid 1950s, graduating in 1961. He joined the staff of the Department of Geology at the University of Melbourne in 1960 and was a Senior Lecturer in that department until his retire- ment. In 1960 George, Nancy and family returned from Canberra to live in North Melbourne and then Ivanhoe. The family continued to grow with the arrival of Peter and then Michael and Andrew, George’s geological work, covering such areas as field work and mapping, stratigra- phy and palaeontology, is preserved in a range of monographs and articles. It is characterised by meticulous detail and sig- nificant discoveries. Amongst the latter were the discovery and proving on palaeontological grounds of the existence of an Early Carboniferous succession in the Canning Basin and the palaeontologi- cal proof of a Late Permian Tatarian (or Wuchiapingian in current terms) succes- sion in both the Canning and Bonaparte Basins. These and other significant discov- eries, which have had major impacts on Late Palaeozoic Gondwanan and global correlations, are to be found in the pub- lished literature. George himself, with characteristic modesty, never trumpeted his achievements. Vol. 118 (2) 2001 Tribute Dr. George Thomas in 1999, Photos kindly sup- plied by Mrs. Nancy Thomas. George, often with his family, travelled widely to Europe (including the then USSR), India, Asia and the Americas. These travels extended his range of geo- logical friends but were also opportunities to extend his wide cultural and historical interests. George's broad interests, and knowledge, were vast as testified by a glance at the library in the family home at Ivanhoe. Lengthy discussions would range through philosophy, religion, and fine art, to subtleties of American Civil War History. However, above all, he was a family man and a true gentleman. His was a life to celebrate and he shall be greatly missed by Nancy, his family and all who knew him. Neil W. Archbold School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Clayton, Victoria 3168. 67 The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. Reg No A0033611X Established 1880 In which is incorporated the Microscopical Society of Victoria OBJECTIVES: To stimulate interest in natural history and to preserve and protect Australian flora and fauna. Membership is open to any person interested in natural history and includes beginners as well as experienced naturalists. Registered Office: FNCV, 1 Gardenia Street, Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Postal Address: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Phone/Fax (03) 9877 9860; International Phone/Fax 61 3 9877 9860. Patron John Landy, wBE, The Governor of Victoria Key Office-Bearers President: DR TOM May, c/- National Herbarium, Birdwood Avenue, South Yarra 3141. 9252 2319 Vice Presidents: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, 1 Astley Street, Montmorency 3094. 9435 8408 and MR JOHN SEEBECK, 113 Arundel Road, Park Orchards 3114. AH 9876 1762 Hon. Secretary: MRS ANNE MORTON, 10 Rupicola Court, Rowville 3178. 9790 0656 Hon. Treasurer: MR ALISTER FERGUSON, 2 Scott Street, Canterbury 3126. 9836 0729 Subscription-Secretary: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. 9877 9860 Editor, The Vic, Nat.: MRs MERILYN GREY, 8 Martin Road, Glen Iris 3146. 9889 6223 Assist. Editor, The Vic. Nat.) MR ALISTAIR EVANS, 2/5 Glenbrook Avenue, Clayton 3168. 9545 6134 and Mrs ANNE MORTON, as above. Librarian: MRS SHEILA HOUGHTON, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 5428 4097 Excursion Co-ordinator; MR DENNIS MELTZER, 8 Harcourt Avenue, Caufield 3162. 9523 1853 Book Sales: DR ALAN PARKIN, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 9435 5749 Book Brokerage: Mr Ray WHITE, 20 Alfred Street, Essendon 3040. 9379 3602 Newsletter Editors: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, as above and MR KEITH MARSHALL , 8/423 Tooronga Road, Hawthorn East 3123. 9882 3044 Conservation Coordinator: Ms NATALIE SMITH, 37 Childer Street, Kew 3101. AH 9853 1339 Group Secretaries Botany: Ms KAREN DOBSON, 58 Rathmullen Road, Boronia 3155. AH 9801 2646 Geology: MR Ron HAMSON, 5 Foster Street, McKinnon 3204, 9557 5215 Fauna Survey: Ms SoPHii SMALL, 107 Bondi Road, Bonbeach 3196. AT 9772 2848 Marine Research: Mk MiCHAEL LYONS, 2/18 Stonnington Place, Toorak 3142, AH 9822 8007 Microscopical: MR RAY Power, 36 Schotters Road, Mernda 3754. 9717 3511 MEMBERSHIP Members receive The Victorian Naturalist and the monthly Field Nat News free. The Club organis- es several monthly meetings (free to all) and excursions (transport costs may be charged). Field work, including botany, mammal and invertebrate surveys, is being done at a number of locations in Victoria, and all members are encouraged to participate. YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION RATES — The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. M Metropolitan $40 Concessional (pensioner/student/unemployed) $30 Country (more than 50km from GPO) 330 Junior (under 18) $15 Additional Members Adult $15 Junior $5 Institutional Australian Institutions $55 Overseas Institutions AU$65 Schools/Clubs $35 Send to: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Printed by Brown Prior Anderson, 5 Evans Street, Burwood, Victoria 3125. A. Nyctalis mirabilis, The Beeches. Photo: Bruce Fuhrer. C. Battarraea stevenii, Victoria. Photo: Bruce B. Dictvopanus pusillus, Mt. Kembla. Photo: $e : Fuhrer. Pat Jordan. D. Hypocreopsis sp., Nyora. Photo: Ilma Dunn. PLATE 4 A. Anthurus archeri, Michelago Peak. Photo: Margery Smith. PLATE 5 A. Amanita phalloides, Melbourne. Photo: Virgil Hubregtse. PLATE 6 A. Aleuria rhenana, Dom Dom. Photo: Sheila B. Dictyophora indusiata, Innisfail. Photo: lloughton. Bruce Fuhrer. 2 — A `. Banksiamyces macrocarpus, Kurth Kiln. Photo: Ilma Dunn. The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (3) June 2001 Published by The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria since 1884 Naturalist Note A Large Weevil from the Simpson Desert During a trek through the southern part of the Simpson Desert, west of Poeppel Corner, in July 1999, we crossed a number of salt lakes. These lakes form a prominent feature of the area and have a hard, dry crust (Fig. 1). To my surprise members of our group found two large, dead weevils encrusted in the hard salt surface of two of these lakes and then, further east on another dry salt lake, a live specimen was found crawling sluggishly on the surface some distance from the edge of the lake. The live Weevil was black with grey markings and heavily sculptured. One of the most interesting things was that the elytra (wing cases) were fused together, i.e. the weevil was flightless. Fusion of the elytra forms a protective shell for the abdomen and reduces moisture loss in the harsh conditions. The total length of this beetle was 35 mm, and was known to the group leaders as the ‘Elephant Beetle’ because of its prominently large rostrum (snout). Since baggage was limited to one kitbag, I was unable to carry Zimmerman’s 8-vol- ume series on weevil identification and had to wait until my return to Melbourne. Fortunately, the specimens travelled well and one was photographed before the iden- tification (Fig. 2). The identification was done using the dead beetles, the live one having been released in the desert after careful study. It was fortunate that Mr Bob Thompson, a weevil expert, was working at the Museum of Victoria and was kind enough to attempt the identification using E.C. Zimmerman’s Australian Weevils (CSIRO Australia), and specimens from the MOV collections. The weevils were identified as belonging to the sub-family Leptopiinae (Curculion- idae) and most likely the species Leptopius (near) gravis. This sub-family is distin- guished by a conspicuous scar on the outer surface of each mandible left by the detachment of a tooth used by the adult when escaping from the pupae (Lawrence and Britton 1994). Larvae of most species of Leptopius live in the soil and feed on the AS SN M Fig. 2. The weevil Leptopius (nr.) gravis found on the lake surface. roots of wattles (Moore 1980) and, accord- ing to *The Insects of Australia! (CSIRO 1970), on ‘roots and foliage of Acacia’. The wattle species seen near these salt lakes were Dune Wattle Acacia ligulata, Victoria Wattle 4. victoriae, Mulga A. aneura and Gidgee A. cambagei. The reason why these beetles were walk- ing on the salt lakes remains to be explained. References Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (1970). ‘The Insects of Australia’, (Melbourne University Press: Victoria.) Lawrence, J.F. and Britton, E.B, (1994), ‘Australian Beetles’. (Melbourne University Press: Victoria.) Moore, B.P. (1980). ‘A Guide to the Beetles of South- Eastern Australia’, (Australian Entomological Press: Greenwich, N.S. W.) Zimmerman, E.C. ‘Australian Weevils’. Volume IV. (C.S.LR.O.: Australia.) E.J. Grey 8 Woona Court, Yallambie, Victoria 3085. The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (3) 2001 June Editor: Merilyn Grey Assistant Editors: Alistair Evans and Anne Morton Research Reports The Distribution and Abundance of Little Penguins at Sea in Western Port, Victoria, by Peter Dann, Ros Jessop AIRONET Poo 12 ael TINE E EN EATER ETUR, 76 New Tanjilian Fossil Localities at Dungaree Creek, A I a ao Ea e Dory u. OAIE E ET TE 82 Contributions Addendum to ‘Moss Collections from Lord Howe Island in the National Herbarium of Victoria (MELY, by Josephine Milne Rud WAS EOS, TU E ATA m PA a aa Fea e l Cont ody 89 Effects of Grazing, Tourism and Climate Change on the Alpine Vegetation of Kosciuszko National Park, by Pascal Scherrer and Catherine Marina Pickering .............. eere 93 Naturalist Notes A Large Weevil from the Simpson Desert, by E.J. Grey sss 74 A New Zealand Hepatic in Victoria, by Alex McLean (Buna SL NUR wr rir M ER 9 dausprhaviour i e DV EGR ua uuu. uuu tp etn eg retta enr 100 Book Reviews A Guide to Squid, Cuttlefish and Octopuses of Australasia, by Mark Norman and Amanda Reid, reviewed by K.N. Bell ...... 101 Flora of Australia Volume 48: Ferns, Gymnosperms and Allied Groups, reviewed by Maria Gibson .............. een 102 Software Review Compendium of FUNGIMAP Target Species Version 1.0 [CD-ROM], reviewed by Pat Grey ........ creen 104 Tribute Steiner REDEK, Yr LOM DAMEA eo oret n iarria Pegeen nit errakia iE 106 Honours EVC DAM Ponai apa er eret iay Hrita eii iiis 107 Legislation Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act 1988 ........... reirse saent} 9] ISSN 0042-5184 CQ RIAL LO c = .. U U UU lU UU — Cover: Little Penguins Eudyptula minor arriving ashore at night after spending the day feed- ing at sea. See story on page 76. Photo by Scancolor Australia Pty. Ltd. and supplied by Peter Dann. Our web page: http://calcite.apana.org.au/fncv/vicnat.html email: fnev@vicnet.net.au Research Reports The Distribution and Abundance of Little Penguins at Sea in Western Port, Victoria Peter Dann', Ros Jessop! and Marg Healy! Abstract The main aim of this study was to describe the patterns of distribution and abundance at sea of the Little Penguin Audvptula minor in Western Port. Penguins were counted along an 81 km series of transects from a boat at approximately four-weekly intervals between April 1991 and August 1994, The mean number (+ 5.6.) of penguins seen per survey was 61.7 + 10.4. Total numbers per count ranged from 0 to 214. Higher numbers of penguins were found in late autumn and winter and lower numbers in mid and late summer. In April 1994, when the number of penguins was greatest (214), we estimated that the total number of penguins in the bay was 383. Similarly, the mean for all counts (57,4) gave an estimate of 103 birds, This estimated maximum number was 1.5% of the estimated breeding population on the Summerland Peninsula. Penguins were located mainly in the western and northern arms of the bay. Relatively few birds were seen in the shallower eastern arm and none over intertidal areas. The highest numbers of penguins per kilometre of transect were found along two transects in the centre of the bay at the confluence of the western, northern and eastern arms. Group sizes were small, 49% of 884 groups consisted of sin- gle birds and 94% of groups consisted of five birds or fewer. Finally, the distribution and seasonal occurrence of Little Penguins in Western Port are discussed in relation to penguin movements and the biology and ecology of the fish species eaten by penguins. (The Vierorian Naturalist 118 (3), 2001, 76-81.) Introduction The distribution and abundance of birds at sea in Victorian waters are not well known. Learmonth (1966) gave some details of the occurrence of seabirds in western Victoria, as did Wheeler (1981) for Phillip Island, Simpson (1972) lor Bass Strait and Norman (19924, Phillip Island. Some studies have consid- ered seabirds in enclosed waters such as Port Phillip Bay (Pescott 1983; Norman 1992a, b) or surveyed the distribution and abundance of seabirds at breeding sites along the coast (Harris and Norman 1981). Previous studies of birds in Western Port have been land-based and consequently concentrated on the waterbirds, waders and the few seabird groups such as cormorants, gulls and terns that congregate at roosting sites at high tide (Dann er al. 1994; Loyn et al. 1994). To examine the distribution of those seabirds which are less dependent on land, such as penguins, it is necessary to conduct surveys from boats at regular intervals and in a systematic fashion. The main aim of this study was to describe the patterns of distribution and abundance at sea of one locally breeding and abundant ! Phillip Island Nature Park, PO Box 97, Cowes, Phillip Island, Victoria 3922; 76 b) for waters south of seabird, the Little Penguin Fudyptula minor, in Western Port between April 1991 and August 1994. Methods Western Port lies on the southern coast of Victoria, east of Melbourne, and covers 680 km? including 270 km? of tidal mud- flats, H has a coastline of 263 km of which 107 km are lined by White Mangroves Avicennia marina (Shapiro 1975), One large island (Phillip Island) lies in the southern entrance and a larger island (French Island) occupies the centre of the bay (Fig. 1). Thirty-six surveys were completed in the 40 months between April 1991 and August 1994, Boat engine failure and inclement weather caused four counts to be aban- doned or postponed and prevented our attempts to maintain four-weekly intervals between counts. Little Penguins were counted along an 81 km series of transects (Fig. 1) from a boat travelling at 20-25 knots. The transects were perpendicular to the main channels to cover the entire range of sub-tidal water depths in each section of the bay. Intertidal areas were not traversed and subtidal areas less than two metres deep at high tide were also not counted with the exception of those areas in the eastern part of the Bay (Fig. 1). The Victorian Naturalist LOCALITY MAP VICTORIA Hastingse Bass Strait Research Reports French Is . Cowes Phillip Is Fig. 1. The series of transects (black lines) used to count Little Penguins in Western Port and the total number of penguins per kilometre counted on each transect in Western Port. The shaded areas are those less than two metres deep at high tide and include all intertidal areas and some shallow subtidal areas. The small arrow north-west of French Island indicates the approximate position of Barriliar Island. Usually two observers were stationed on either side of a seven-metre boat (eye height c. 3 m) and counted penguins in the right-angled sector from the bow to star- board or port. Observers recorded each penguin seen up to 500 m from the boat onto a tape cassette. When counting accu- racy was impaired by either choppy sea conditions or larger numbers of penguins, the boat was stopped briefly while the counts were made. The observations made each time a penguin was seen included the time, transect, number of individuals and behaviour at the time. Difficulties of visi- bility caused by weather (Tasker er al. 1984) were reduced by only counting on days with wind speeds of less than 10 knots. The counts usually took five hours and were carried out around the middle of the day and, when possible, within a few hours of high tide. Identifications were made using 8 x 40 binoculars. Total counts in the bay were compared with the monthly mean numbers of pen- guins coming ashore at Summerland Beach, Phillip Island and the total numbers of penguins with eggs or chicks in bur- rows. Penguins were counted for 50 min- utes from the time of first arrival each Vol. 118 (3) 2001 night as they crossed Summerland Beach under lights at the Penguin Parade. Approximately 60% of birds coming ashore each night have done so by the end of this period (Montague 1982). The breeding data were collected during two- weekly visits (and combined in monthly samples) to c. 55 burrows at two sites on the northern side of Summerland Peninsula on Phillip Island (see Dann eż al. 1995 for more details of data collection). Results A total of 2224 penguins was recorded on the 36 counts. The mean number (+ S.E.) of penguins seen per survey was 61.7 + 10.4. Total numbers per count ranged from 214 (April 1994) to 0 (June, November 1991 and February 1994) (Table 1). Greater numbers were found from mid-autumn to early winter in most years (April to June 1991, April to July 1992, April and May, 1993 and March to May 1994) and occasionally in late spring and early summer (October and December 1992 and September and November 1993) (Fig. 2). Comparisons of total counts in the bay with monthly means of penguins coming 77 Research Reports Table 1. Numbers of penguins counted each month between April 1991 and August 1994. nc — not counted. 1991 1992 1993 1994 Mean Jan 11 13 12 12 Feb 19 20 0 13 Mar 2] 10 78 36.3 Apr 202 66 81 214 140.8 May 105 181 89 138 128.3 Jun 118 SA ne 24 64.7 Jul 15 52 48 ne 38.3 Aug 5 nc 33 14 24 Sep ne 2 121 61.5 Oct 22 183 28 77.7 Nov 0 4 126 43.3 Dec 9 88 nc 48.5 ashore at Summerland Beach on the south- ern shore of Phillip Island showed no sig- nificant correlation (r = 0.31, df = 34, p > 0.05). Similarly there was no significant relationship found between the counts of penguins in Western Port during the breed- ing period and the number of penguin bur- rows on Phillip Island containing eggs or chicks (r = 0.09, df = 18, p > 0,05). The absence of correlations between these vari- ables suggests that the number of birds using Western Port is not related to atten- dance patterns or breeding activity on Phillip Island. We attempted to estimate the total number of penguins frequenting Western Port by caleulating the percentage of the bay cov- ered by the counts and, assuming that the penguins were distributed in a representa- tive manner on the transects, extrapolating from the mean and maximum counts accordingly. We also assumed that there i 1991 1992 c 3 2250 à 200 ‘5 150 5 100 2 50 I I E 0 m-Nm = m A H ^ hs29S8S2553 < Q u < > < dı D +< o 9 Ou < 5 googu <5 were no penguins in the shallow parts of the bay and that the field of view was 500 m on either side of the transect. Both of the latter of these assumptions were tested in the field and found to be valid. No penguins were seen during extensive searches over inter- tidal areas of the bay at high tide on the first two surveys suggesting that these areas were not important feeding areas for pen- guins. In addition we experimented with penguin-sized objects floating on the sea's surface and found that these could be seen up to 500 m from the boat providing wind speeds were less than 15 knots. Calculated in this manner, we estimated that the total counts covered 55.8% (81 km) of the area of the bay judged as likely to be frequented by penguins (145.2 km'). In April 1994, when the number of penguins counted in the bay was greatest (214), we estimate that the total number in the bay was 383 (214 x 100/ 55.8). Similarly, the mean for all counts (57.4; Table 1) gave an estimate of 103 birds. The seasonal pattern of penguin abun- dance in Western Port is illustrated by the monthly means of all counts (Fig. 3). Higher numbers of penguins were found in late autumn and winter and the lowest means were in mid and late summer. The penguins were located mainly in the western and northern arms of the bay (Fig. 1). Relatively few birds were seen in the shallower eastern arm and none over inter- tidal areas. The highest numbers of pen- guins per kilometre of transect were found along two transects in the centre of the bay at the confluence of the western, northern and eastern arms (Fig. 1). 1993 1994 ..Ilull.. L. 25 €C DO O o “x= cC o° 09.5 59 o o 2 5 Aug N Fig. 2. The total numbers of Little Penguins counted each month in Western Port between April 1991 and August 1994. N denotes missing counts, 78 The Victorian Naturalist Table 2. Group sizes of Little Penguins record- ed at sea in Western Port. Group Size Number of Groups % I 437 49.4 2 194 22.0 3 117 13:2 4 57 6.5 5 27 3.1 6 12 1.4 7 7 0.8 8 6 0.7 9 2 0.2 10 i 0.8 1] 2 0.2 12 5 0.6 13 0 0 14 2 0.2 15 l 0.1 16 0 0 17 l 0.1 18 0 0 19 0 0 20 l 0.1 23 l 0.1 25 l 0.1 31 l 0.1 35 l 0.1 40 l 0.1 112 1 0.1 Total 884 100 Group sizes were small, 4995 (437) of 884 groups consisted of single birds and 94% of groups consisted of five birds or fewer (Table 2). In October 1992, 112 birds were observed in one group feeding with terns and gulls at the confluence of the northern and western arms but groups of 20 birds or more were seen on only Seven occasions. Penguins were seen feeding in conjunc- tion with terns and gulls on a number of 180 tæ E £ 120 3 z & 60 o z 0 a «mcm = rp. n 3232233283 Fig. 3. The mean numbers (+ s.F.) of Little Penguins counted each month in Western Port between April 1991 and August 1994, Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Research Reports occasions and these aggregations appeared to be associated with large schools of bait- fish. Fig. 4 is an echosounding trace taken where penguins and Crested Terns Sterna bergii were feeding together and shows schools of baitfish that have apparently been driven to the surface by predatory fish (Frank Hoedt, pers. comm.) and hence made available to feeding seabirds. Over the past 25 years there have been many reports of penguins on and around Barriliar Island to the north-west of French Island (Bird Observer's Club of Australia- Western Port Survey, unpubl. data). In March 1993 we visited the island and found one penguin chick almost at fledg- ing age in one burrow, and one moulting adult in another. Two other empty burrows appeared to be in regular use. A second visit in March the following year revealed a similar number of burrows in use. This small group of breeding birds (probably eight in total) presumably accounted for the small number of penguins occasionally seen at the top of the north arm. Discussion Significance of Western Port for Little Penguins These surveys and recent radio-tracking studies (Collins et al. 1999) have shown that more penguins feed in Western Port than previous studies suggested. For exam- ple, none of the 67 penguins from Phillip Island that had been followed by radio- tracking between 1986-87 went into Western Port (Weavers 1992), This may have been because the birds that were radio-tracked by Weavers came from the southern side of the Summerland Peninsula rather than the northern side that faces Western Port (Dann et al. 1992). Similarly, none of the 413 penguins that were banded (with individually num- bered flipper tags) on Phillip Island between 1968 and 1988 and found dead aris away from the Island, was za found inside Western Port (Dann et al. 1992). Most of the shores of Western Port are mangrove-lined with 79 Research Reports Terns pem aT _ Penguins n £ 20 x r Haltfish schools J ü, i T " 4 it I a Botton \ AQ surface t ' Lay LI ` HI Fig. 4. An echosounding trace of baitfish schools that have been driven to the surface by predatory fish. The lower of the two horizontal lines above the sea surface represents where penguins were observed feeding in relation to the baitfish schools and the higher, Crested Terns Sterna bergii. Diagram and interpretation provided by Frank Hoedt. extensive intertidal mudflats (Shapiro 1975) and it may be that beach-washed penguins (the major source of band recov- eries away from Phillip Island) are rarely discovered in these areas, l'he largest number of penguins using Western Port during this study was esti- mated to be 383 and the mean for all the estimates was 103 penguins. It is estimated that there are approximately 24-28,000 breeding penguins on Phillip Island (Mike Cullen, unpubl, data). Using the middle of this range (26,000), the estimated maxi- mum number of birds in Western Port (383) was 1.5% of the breeding population on Phillip Island. Distribution in Western Port [he western arm, and to a lesser extent, the northern arm, were the more important feeding areas for penguins in Western Port. Both this survey and radio-tracking studies (Collins ef al. 1999) have highlighted the importance of the western arm to penguins in autumn, a reflection in part of the prox- imity of this part of the bay to the breeding 80 colony. The high numbers per kilometre in the central part of the bay suggest that the availability of food may have been higher there. It may be that the mixing of different water masses at the confluence of the three arms of the bay creates conditions favourable to the prey species of penguins, The convergent fronts associated with tidal plumes have been identified as physical processes that may enhance seabird forag- ing (see Hawke 1996 and references there- in). By contrast to penguins, observations of Australian Fur Seals Arctocephalus pusillus were fairly evenly spread throughout the bay and Bottlenose Dolphins Tursiops trun- catus were found more frequently at the two entrances to Bass Strait (Dann er al. 1996). The group size of penguins in Western Port showed some similarity to that report- ed for penguins seen at sea in Port Phillip Bay (Norman 19922). In this study, 94% of groups consisted of five birds or fewer, and in Norman's (19922) surveys, 93.7% of groups consisted of five birds or fewer (cal- culated from his Table 5). However twice as many birds were solitary in this study. 'The Victorian Naturalist Seasonal occurrence of penguins in Western Port Peak numbers occurred in April and May and lowest numbers in January and February. Brager and Stanley (1999) found peaks in abundance of White-flippered Penguins Eudyprtula minor albosignata in inshore waters around the Banks Peninsula in New Zealand in autumn and spring also but had no information on prey abundance or distribution for comparison, Peak num- bers of penguins in Western Port coincided with the latter part of the seasonal occur- rence of juvenile pilchards and anchovies in the bay in late summer and autumn (Hoedt et al. 1995). The food supply of penguins between spring and autumn may be largely dependent on the appearance of spawning adult fish near Phillip Island (Cullen er al, 1992; Hoedt er al. 1995) and the subsequent pulse of young recruits (late summer and autumn) hatched from the spawning. The increased use of Western Port by penguins in autumn may be caused as much by the depletion of adult fish outside the bay as the arrival of juvenile fish inside the bay and hence not precisely reflect the timing of the latter event. Acknowledgements This project was funded by Esso, BHP Petroleum, BHP Community Trust and the Phillip Island Nature Park and we would like to express our gratitude to these organisations for all their support. We are indebted to Darrell Bray and lan Huther for their capable boat han- dling, to Wendy D'Amore and Leanne Renwick who provided considerable assistance in the field sometimes under difficult conditions and, to Marion Wood who kindly transferred most of the tape recorded information to data sheets. Additional help was generously given by Maria Belvedere, Mark Collins, Frank Hoedt and Wetgens Dimmlich. We are also grateful to lan Norman and Mike Cullen for their comments on drafts of this paper. References Brager, S. and Stanley, 5. (1999), Near-shore distribu- tion and seasonal abundance of White-flippered Penguins (Eucdyptula minor albosignata) at Banks Peninsula, New Zealand. Notornis 46, 365-372. Collins, M., Cullen, J,M. and Dann, P. (1999). Seasonal and annual foraging movements of Little Penguins from Phillip Island, Victoria. Wildlife Research 26, 705-721, Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Research Reports Cullen, J.M., Montague, T.L. and Hull, C, (1992), Food of Little Penguins Eucdyprula minor in Victoria: comparison of three localities between 1985 and 1988. Emu 91, 318-341. Dann, P., Cullen, J.M. and Jessop, R.E. (1995). The cost of reproduction in Little Penguins. /n "The Penguins: Ecology and Management’, pp. 39-55. Eds P. Dann, F.I. Norman and P. Reilly. (Surrey Beatty and Sons: Sydney.) Dann, P., Jessop, R.E. and Healy, M, (1996). The dis- tribution and abundance of Australian Pur Seals Arctocephalus pusillus and Bottle-nose Dolphins Tursiops truncatus in Western Port, Victoria. The Victorian Naturalist 113, 306-310. Dann, P., Loyn, R.H, and Bingham, P. (1994). l'en years of waterbird counts in. Western Port, Victoria, 1973-83, 11. Waders, gulls and terns. Australian Bird Watcher 15, 351-365. Dann, P., Cullen, J.M.. Thoday, R. and Jessop, R. (1992). Movements and patterns of mortality at sea of Little Penguins Eudvptula minor from Phillip Island. nu 91, 278-286. Hawke, D.J. (1996). Relatively infrequent seabird aggregation at nearshore fronts and tidal plumes at locations around Banks Peninsula, New Zealand. Notornis 43, 66-70. Harris, M.P. and Norman, F.I. (1981), The distribution and status of coastal colonies of seabirds in Victoria. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 42, 89- 106. Hoedt, F., Dimmlich. W. and Dann, P. (1995). Seasonal variation in the species and size-coniposi- lion of clupeoid assemblages in Western Port, Victoria, Marine and Freshwater Research 46, 1085- 1091. Learmonth, N.F. (1966). *Birds of Portland (Victoria) District’. (Portland Field Naturalists Club.) Loyn, R.H.. Dann, P, and Bingham, P. (1994). Ten years of waterbird counts in Western Port, Victoria, 1973-83. I. Waterfowl and large wading birds. Australian Bird Wateher 15, 333-350. Montague, T.L. (1982), The Ibod and feeding ecology of Little Penguin Eudyprula minor at Phillip Island, Victoria, Australia, Unpublished M. Sc. thesis, Monash University, Norman, F.L (1992a). Counts of Little Penguins Evdyptula minor in Port Phillip Bay and off southern Phillip Island, Victoria, 1986-1988. Emu 91, 287- 301. Norman, F.I. (1992b). Distribution and abundance of seabirds off Phillip Island and within Port Phillip Bay, Victoria, 1986-1988. Hmm 91, 377-394. Pescott, T. (1983). ^ Birds of Geelong”. (Neptune Press: Newtown, Geelong.) Shapiro, M.A. (1975). Westernport Bay Environmental Study 1973-74. (Ministry of Conservation, Victoria, Melbourne.) Simpson, K. (1972), “Birds in Bass Strait’. (A. H. & A. W. Reed; Sydney.) Tasker, M.L.. Hope Jones, P., Dixon, T. and Blake, B.F. (1984). Counting seabirds at sea from ships; a review of methods employed and a suggestion for à standardised approach. «ik 101,567-577. Weavers, B.W. (1992), Seasonal foraging ranges and travels at sea of Little Penguins Fudvptnla minor determined by radio-tracking. Emu 91, 302-317, Wheeler, W.R. (1981). “The Birds of Phillip Island’, (Western Port Bird Observer's Club: Phillip Island.) 81 Research Reports New Tanjilian Fossil Localities at Dungaree Creek, Central Victoria Clem Earp' Abstract Forestry work in the Matlock district, central Victoria, Australia, has temporarily revealed two new fossil localities in the Norton Gully Sandstone, Walhalla Group, of Pragian-Emsian (Early Devonian) age. The fauna, a ‘Tanjilian’ marine fossil assemblage of Panenka bivalve molluscs, dacryoconarids, and orthoconic nautiloids, is briefly described, and a summary of relevant literature is given, From qualitative and quantitative observations of the sedimentology, it is concluded that the fossils are allochthonous and were deposited by turbidity currents, with no sign of reworking by storm wave action. (7he Victorian Naturalist 118 (3), 2001, 82-88.) Introduction The term ‘Tanjilian’ was coined by Chapman (1914, 1926) as a tentative name for a rock series characterised by a small set of distinctive fossils. The first of these had been described by McCoy (1879) from the Tanjil goldfield in west Gippsland. This location was lost and Gill (1941) renamed the series ‘Jordanian’, claiming that it did not occur in the Tanjil area at all. Thomas (1953) reported the rediscovery of the original location, but further geolog- ical mapping has made the term obsolete as a stratigraphic name. The name now seems restricted to a subset of Chapman’s original group of fossils, which form a dis- tinctive assemblage in a Lower Devonian marine formation, the Norton Gully Sandstone unit of the Walhalla Group (VandenBerg 1975). A Tanjilian assemblage typically con- tains three types of fossils: * bivalve molluses, usually belonging to the genus Panenka, although a few other genera are known; * dacryoconarids, small conical-shelled planktonic animals, referred to in older lit- erature as tentaculites and pteropods; * orthoconic (straight-shelled) nautiloids. Brachiopods, so characteristic of the Victorian Devonian, do not occur in the assemblage but are common enough in other horizons of the Norton Gully Sandstone. Conversely, the Tanjilian species seldom occur outside this assem- blage. A notable exception is the occurrence of the Tanjilian dacryoconarid Nowakia in limestone at Tyers River (Cooper 1973). ' 1/270 Albert Road, South Melbourne, Victoria 3205, 82 Dungaree Creek fossil localities The Warburton-Woods Point road close- ly follows the old Yarra Track after it pass- es Monty's Camp 70 km east of Warburton. The area contains several important Palaeozoic fossil localities, among which may be mentioned the 19- Mile Quarry (type locality of Baragwanathia longifolia; Lang and Cookson 1935), Mt. Matlock (Ordovician and Silurian graptolites; Harris and Thomas 1947), and Frenchman Spur (Early Devonian plants; Tims and Chambers 1984). The road runs along the crest of the Great Dividing Range at an altitude of 1000 m. The district is unpopulated, hilly, and cov- ered almost completely by a forest of Alpine Ash Eucalyptus delegatensis with an undergrowth of Acacia and Coprosma species and Blanket Leaf Bedfordia arborescens. The bush and a soil cover of up to 2 m mean that rock exposures are lim- ited solely to areas of human disturbance, such as roads and former building sites. In 1994 I noticed a new logging track which did not appear on any maps (Fig. 1). It is 1.2 km east of Fehring's Clearing, and branches northwest off the main road just past where the road crosses the head of Dungaree Creek. The track follows a ridge for about 0.75 km, then emerges into a burnt clearing (now overgrown). Bedrock is first exposed about 0.4 km along the track, on the ridge separating Dungaree and Oaks Creeks. For the next 0.3 km, the strata are visible in the surface of the bulldozed track, dipping 75° west and striking 135*. The rock is weathered and relatively soft, and consists of yellow The Victorian Naturalist Research Reports = Woods Point road == old Yarra Track eee vehicle track Tx clearing @ fossil locality Fehring's Clearing —— luürburton 72 kin Frenchman Spur 7.5 km T Ñ ec, s PEN ee s Oaks ° Ck 19-Mile Quarry 500 Mt. Matlock 17 km Vois Point 29 km Fig. 1. Locality map, Dungaree Creek area. Fossil localities; A, B - this paper; F73. F74, F75 - spot localities of Moore (1965); 18-Mile Quarry and 19-Mile Quarry according to Geological Survey of Victoria (Talent 1968). Map drawn from aerial photograph (1995) supplied by Qasco Pty. Ltd. and black thin-bedded claystone, siltstone, and fine to coarse sandstone. At one particular point, designated loca- tion A (Fig. 1), loose blocks of the bedrock have been unearthed, and coarser material is evident. Sandstone, weathered pink and yellow, is interbedded with the finer sedi- ments, and all contain abundant comminut- ed plant fragments. Most are preseryed as mineralised impressions, but some coali- fied remains were found. A single sand- stone block was found to contain a typical Tanjilian fauna. At a fork in the track, a low cutting exposes red sandstone speckled with mica. The west branch of the track is bulldozed out of the thick soil cover, which contains loose stone blocks. In the area where this branch of the track turns to the northwest, the blocks are a silvery sandstone, in which mica is the main component. The bedding planes in these blocks are crowd- ed with comminuted plant impressions, but because of the lack of mineralisation or remnant carbon, and the coarseness of the medium, none are identifiable. The source of the mica is unknown; possibly the mate- rial is reworked from older sedimentary rocks. Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Further on, the track winds round the side of a small valley, and the area is heavily churned by logging machinery. Loose blocks of graded coarse sediment contain well-rounded quartz particles ranging up to small granule size (2 mm diameter). The only in-place exposure is thin-bedded grey mudstone; the dip and strike indicate hill- side creep. On the side of the hill near here were found loose blocks of yellow and grey thin-bedded claystone to sandstone containing a well-preserved Tanjilian assemblage; this is designated location B (Fig. 1). A collection in the Museum of Victoria, made by G. Bell near Mt. Duffy almost exactly 20 km north of Dungaree Creek, shows precisely the same lithology and fossil assemblage as location B. Previous studies The references cited previously are all relevant to the general Yarra Track area. A useful list of all the early fossil localities has been compiled by Bell (1956). However, faulting is present, and sudden lithological changes occur, so that the par- ticular interval of rock observed at Dungaree Creek is very unlikely to be the 83 Research Reports Fig. 2. Oriented moulds of Panenka planicosta shells and a dacryoconarid (arrowed) at the base of a 2 sandstone turbidite layer. Location B, «4,5. The arrow points down current. same as that at 19-Mile Quarry or Frenchman Spur, for example. Gill (1941) listed a number of fossil local- ities in the area. At the closest of his locali- lies, the 18-Mile Quarry, he recorded the typical Tanjilian assemblage of bivalves (Panenka gippslandica), dacryoconarids (Styliolina fissurella and *Tentaculites’) and orthoceratid nautiloids, as well as the planis Zosterophyllum australianum and Hedeia corymbosa, The dacryoconarids were re-examined by Boucek (1968, as ‘locality 60216’), who identified several other taxa, but some of these were disputed by VandenBerg (1975). Recent revisions of daeryoconarid species have altered many of these identifications (Alberti 1988, 1993, 1995, 1997. 1998). Moore (1965) attempted a detailed description of the area from Warburton to Woods Point, but his observations were limited to road cuttings and his stratigra- phy is regarded as unreliable (VandenBerg 1975). His record of fossils from his loca- tion F75, which he equates with the 18- Mile Quarry, includes Gill’s earlier collec- tion, with the addition of the bivalve Panenka planicosta. Also from this loca- lion, and from two others nearby (F73 and F74, see Fig. 1), Moore added 84 ‘Hostimella’, and ‘plant remains indet.`. terms which are really synonymous, It is important to note that the location shown on Moore’s map for the 18-Mile Quarry does not match that on the later Geological Survey maps (Talent 1968; VandenBerg 1975; Fig. 2). The area was more closely examined towards the early 1970s in connection with the Thomson Dam scheme. Talent (1968) emphasized the importance of allowing for considerable hillside creep when measur- ing dips and strikes. Tapp’s thesis (1970) largely follows Moore. VandenBerg’s pre- liminary stratigraphy (1971) contains some interesting sections; some of the nomencla- ture was published (VandenBerg and Schleiger 1972). The definitive stratigra- phy is set out in VandenBerg’s final report (1975); this makes it clear that the 18-Mile Quarry and the new exposures all lie in the lower part of the Norton Gully Sandstone. Palaeontology Only the fauna is discussed here, as none of the abundant plant remains are identifi- able. The fossils of the Tanjilian fauna at Dungaree Creek are represented by moulds, with no calcareous shelly matter remaining. The Victorian Naturalist - ° a” aF - Ë - Fig. 3. Crushed mould of one dacryoconarid shell in longitudinal view, and another (arrowed) in transverse view, in shell breccia siltstone. Location B, *26, Panenka bivalve molluscs Phylum Mollusca - Class Bivalvia - Subclass Pteriomorphia ~ Order Praecardioida — Family Praecardiidae — Genus Panenka Panenka planicosta Chapman 1908 Well-preserved moulds of single valves of this species (Fig. 2) were found at location B. Unlike other Victorian Panenka, which have medium to large shells, this species is under 5 mm in diameter. The radial ribs, when viewed under a magnifying glass, have a groove along their length and this distinguishes them from juvenile specimens of the larger species. Members of the genus are said to be deep-water molluses burrow- ing shallowly in a soft sea floor (Kriz 1979). Interspersed among the Panenka are poorly-preserved minute smooth shells, up to 0.7 mm diameter. These are presumed to be the spat (juveniles) of P. planicosta; the association of smooth juveniles and ribbed adults is similar to other bivalve occur- rences (e.g. Pojeta er al. 1976, Plate 2, fig. 4). The same small shells are seen at loca- tion A without the adults. Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Research Reports Fig. 4. Poorly preserved mould of the uncrushed apical portion of a nautiloid. Location A, «2. Dacryoconarids Phylum Mollusca — Class Tentaculitoidea — Order Dacryoconarida The dacryoconarids are fossil remains of small, narrow conical shells (Figs 2. 3), usually appearing in erushed form as nar- row isosceles triangles with a prominent longitudinal fracture that was once erro- neously thought to be a characteristic of the live animal. As the dacryoconarid ani- mals were planktonic, they spread freely over the mid-Palaeozoie seas, and can be used to correlate and date strata from dif- ferent continents. Most Tanjilian forms are classed as either styliolinids, with smooth or longitudinally striated shells (Gill 1941), or nowakiids, with prominent trans- verse rings (Cooper 1973). Family Styliolinidae — Genus Sn /iolina Styliolina cf. fissurella (Hall) Smooth-shelled Tanjilian dacryoconarids are assumed to belong to this species, which ean be distinguished from the other Victorian styliolinids Merastyliolina (with longitudinal ribs) and Sty/iacus (with very narrow shells) (Alberti 1988). This species of Styliolina would, by international comparisons. date the Dungaree Creek localities as Emsian or younger (Boucek 1968), i.e. latest Pragian to Zlichovian in the Bohemian stages. However, the situation is not quite so clear as that. In Victoria, S. /issurella has been reported from a wide range of localities (Garratt 1975), often in conjunction with typically Pragian fossils, but ranging down to the base of the Humevale Siltstone at Lilydale, which is supposedly of earliest Lochkovian age. Elsewhere, S. fissurella has been reported from Alaska (Churkin and Carter 1970) and Central Asia (Obut 1974) from the same graptolite zones of the Pragian-Emsian as are found in the 85 Research Reports a ums i Fig, 5. Transverse section through layers of silt- stone and claystone which have been deformed underneath a single detached chamber of a nau- tiloid shell resting at the base of an overlying sandstone bed (now removed). Location A, *3. lower Norton Gully Sandstone. On the other hand, Boucek (1968) suggested that the dacryoconarids from 18-Mile Quarry were much younger: Eifelian (Middle Devonian), as they are in Europe. The dif- ference arises, at least in part, from the nondescript nature of the fossils, which prevents discrimination of taxa from dif- ferent periods. On account of the associa- tion with Pragian fossils, it is preferable to consider the Victorian occurrences as being contemporaneous with those in Alaska and Central Asia rather than those in Europe. Family Nowakiidae - Genus Nowakia Nowakia ex gr. acuaria (Richter) These are too fragmentary. to identify precisely. Moreover, the minute rings have often become very faint, suggesting the possibility that some of the apparent styli- olinids are poorly preserved nowakiids, Alberti (1995) considers Tanjilian speci- mens to be an indeterminable subspecies of N. acuaria at lower levels, succeeded by N. matlockiensis (Chapman). The age ranges he gives for these species are late Pragian - early Emsian, The specimens from Dungaree Creek belong to the acuar- ia species group, lacking the density of [ine rings seen in N. matlockiensis. Orthoconic nautiloids Phylum Mollusca — Class Cephalopoda Subclass Nautiloidea — Order Orthocerida - Superfamily Orthoceratoidea — Family Orthoceratidae — Genus Michelinoceras 86 Michelinoceras sp. indet. Sections of conch found at location A in fine-grained pink sandstone. These show a circular eross-section, empty central siphuncle, and a relatively wide septal sep- aration. The remains are commonly referred to in Victorian literature as ‘Orthoceras’, however this genus has long been restricted to a few species of Ordovician age. Modern standards of diag- nosis practically rule out any hope of iden- tifying leached-out specimens like these, as most internal structures have been destroyed. The surviving characteristics mentioned above are consistent with the genus Michelinoceras, which is, indeed, where many former *Orfhoceras^ species are now assigned. In contrast to the thin-shelled dacry- oconarids, which are mostly crushed, the nautiloid sections are intact (Fig. 4). The pressure of overlying sediments has instead pushed them down a little, slightly distorting the underlying layers (Fig. 5). Sedimentology Recent studies of the Walhalla Group, outside the Matlock district, have suggest- ed that the sediments were deposited in rel- atively shallow water and reworked by storm waves (Weir et al. 1988; Dyson 1996). Previously, deep-water turbidity currents were considered responsible for the sedimentation (VandenBerg and Schleiger 1972). Insufficient exposures are available to allow study of purely sedimen- tary structures at Dungaree Creek, but the appearance of the fossil remains do permit some conclusions to be drawn. The Tanjilian assemblages occur in two modes: as chaotically arranged three- dimensional shell breccia, and as oriented shells lying on a single plane. Both contain only disarticulated bivalves. Moore (1965) was of the opinion that bands of shelly Tanjilian fossils represented mass mortali- ty episodes caused by turbidity. From the appearance of the Panenka it would seem the shells are the transported remains of already disarticulated animals. The associ- ation of mineralized comminuted plants and small molluses resembles the ‘dysox- ic’ facies of Mapes and Mapes (1997). formed by rapid sedimentation at depth. The shell breccia forms irregular layers The Victorian Naturalist Research Reports 0-15-20 Fig. 6. Rosettes showing the distribution of orientations in 15" intervals of dacryoconarids (A, sam- ple size N=31) and Panenka (B, N=27). The orientation conventions used for the measurements are those of Nagle (1967), shown by the arrows with the small drawings of each shell type. From the bedding plane part of which is shown in Fig. 2; as the slab was not in place, absolute directions could not be used; the measurements are relative to the mean orientation direction of the daery- oconarids. in massive siltstone. Panenka valves are oriented at all angles with respect to the bedding and to each other. Dacryoconarids are also oriented at angles to the bedding (Fig. 3), indicating rapid, turbulent deposi- tion (Hladil ef al. 1996). There are rare tabular rip-up clasts of shale. These obser- vations suggest rapid deposition from a dense turbidity current. The layers of oriented fossils seem to form at the junction of a breccia layer with an overlying band of fine sandstone, and probably represent reworking of the brec- cia by current scouring. Panenka valves all rest concave side down, and dacryoconar- ids lie on their sides (Fig. 2). As cleavage is planar at the base of the sandstone, it is possible to measure the longitudinal orien- tation of the shells using the plastic sheet method (Schleiger 1969). The results are shown diagrammatically in Fig. 6, and may be compared with the classic findings of Nagle (1967) on the differences between wave and current orientation. The unimodal orientation of the conical dacry- oconarids unambiguously indicates current action, and this is supported by the strong orientation of the Panenka, even though it is of a shape which Nagle found to be rela- tively insensitive to currents, The absolute palaeocurrent direction can- not be determined from the material avail- able. Tapp (1970) recorded currents from due west at a number of Tanjilian locali- Vol. 118 (3) 2001 ties, and this is consistent with recent, more accurate measurements from more distant localities of the Norton Gully Sandstone along the same structural trend as the study area (Powell et al. 1998). Conclusions The sediments at Dungaree Creek are of late Pragian or early Emsian age, The pres- ence of coarse sandstone, and the orienta- tion of the fossils, indicate turbidity cur- rents; there is no evidence of wave action from the limited observations. Soft-sedi- ment deformation under hard fossils, preservation of abundant plant remains, reworking and random orientation of shell breccia all indicate a period of rapid depo- sition. Acknowledgements Thanks to James Calder (Acme Photographic Lab) for the quality enlargements to specifica- tion, and to the anonymous referees for their suggestions. References Alberti, G.K.B. (1988) Stratigraphische Untergliederung einiger Lochkovium/Pragium- Grenzprofile (Unter-Devon) in NW-Marokko, Oberfranken und Victoria (SE-Australien) auf Grund von Dacryoconariden und — Conodonten, Senckenbergiana lethaea 68, 479-493. Alberti, G.K.B. (1993). Dacryoconaride und homoctenide lentaculiten des Unter- und Mittel- Devons, 1. Courier Forschungsinstitut Senckenberg 158, 1-229, Alberti, G.K B. (1995). Planktonic tentaculitid correla- tion with conodont zonation in the south-east Australian Lower Devonian. Courier Forschungsinstitut Senckenberg 182, 557-558. 87 Researeh Reports Alberti, G,K,B, (1997). Planktonische Tentakuliten des Devon. IIl. Daeryoconarida Fischer 1962 aus dem Unter- und Mittel-Devon, Mit einem mikrofaziellen Beitrag von T. €. Hüsken, Palaeontograplica A246, 1-32, Alberti, G.K.B. (1998). Planktonische Tentakuliten des Devon. III. Daeryoconarida Fischer 1962 aus dem Unter-Devon und oberen — Mittel-Devon. Palaeontograplica A250, 1-46. Bell, G. (1956), Geology and mining summary of the Upper Goulburn - Big River District. Unpublished report 1956/28, Geological Survey of Victoria. Boucek, B. (1968). Significance of Dacryoconarid ‘Tentaculites and Graptolites for the stratigraphy and pulaeogeography of the Devonian System, /n “International papas on the Devonian System, Culgary 1967", vol, 2, pp. 1275-1281. Ed. D.H. Oswald. (Alberta Bovis of Petroleum Geologists: Culpary.) ‘hapman, F. (1908). A monograph of the Silurian bivalved Mollusca of Victoria. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 2, 1-62. hapman, F. (1914). On the palaeontology of the Silurian of Victoria. /n “Report of the Fourteenth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science’, pp. 207-235. Ed. T.S. Hall. a (Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science: Melbourne.) Chapman, F. (1926). On the question of the Devonian age of the Tanjilian fauna and flora of Victoria, fn 'Report of the Seventeenth meeting of the ^ Australasian Association for the Advancement of Seience’, pp. 313-318. Ed, L.K, Ward. (Australasian Association lor the Advancement of Science: Melbourne.) “hurkin, M. and Carter, C. (1970), Devonian tentaculi- lids of East-Central Alaska; systematics and biostrati- graphic significance, Journal of Paleontology 44, 51- 68, Cooper, B.J. (1973). Discovery of Tentaculites in the limestone at Tyers, Victoria. The Victorian Naturalist 90. 192-194, Dyson, LA (1996). Significance of hummocky cross- stratification and quasi-planar lamination in the Lower Devonian Walhalla Group, Victoria, Australian Journal of Earth Sciences 43. 1 89-199, Garratt, M.J. (1975). Notes on the geology of the Yan Yean and Kinglake 1:63,360 geological maps. Unpublished report 1975/57, Geological Survey of Victoria. Gill, B.D. (1941). The place of the genus Séy/jelina in the Palaeozoie palaeontology and stratigraphy of Victoria. Proceedings of the Royal Society: of Victoria 53, 145-164. Harris, W.J. and Thomas. D.F. (1947). Notes on the geology of the Yarra Track area near Mount Matlock. Mining and Geological Journal 3, Te 49. Hladil, J, Cejehan, P... Gabasova I deàborsky, Z. and iW asa J. (1996). zh cba: and orien- tation of tentaeulite shells im turbidite lime mudstone lo packstonez: Lower Devonian, Barrandian, Bohemia. Journal of Sedimentary: Research 66, 888- 899. Kriz, J. (1979). Devonian Bivalvia. Special Papers in *ulueontology 23, 255-257. Lang, W.H, and Cookson, LC. (1935), On a flora, including vascular land plants, associated with Monograptus, in rocks of Silurian age, from Victoria, Australia, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B224, 421-449, Mapes, RIL and Mapes, G. (1997). Biotie destruction of terrestrial plant debris in the Late Paleozoic marine environment. Lethaia 29, 157-169. MeCoy. F. (1879). Cardium gippslandicum. Prodromus of the Palacontology af Victoria 6, 23. Moore, B.R. (1965), The geology of the Upper Yarra region, Central Victoria. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 78, 221-239, Nagle, J.S. (1967). Wave and current orientation ol! shells. Journal of Sedimentary Petrology 37, L124- | 38. Obut, A.M. (1974), Nizhnedevonskie graptoliti v sred- nei Azii, Trudy instituta geologii i geofiziki Akademia Nauk SSSR sibirskoe otdelenie 95, 134- 144. Pojeta, J., Kriz. J. and Berdan, J.M. (1976). Silurian- Devonian peleeypods and Paleozoic stratigraphy of subsurface rocks in Florida and Georgia and related Silurian pelecypods from Bolivia and Turkey. US Geological Survey Professional Papers 879, 1-29, Powell, C.McA,, Baillie, P.W. and VandenBeryg, A.ILM. (1998). Silurian to mid-Devonian basin development of the Melbourne Zone, Lachlan Fold Belt, southeastern Australia, Unpublished report 1998/5, Geological Survey of Victoria. Schleiger, N.W. (1969). Problems in sampling the ori- entation of fossils in a graptolite band at Faglehawk, Vietoria. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 82, 161-177. Talent, J.A. (1968). Geological report on the proposed tunnel to divert water from the Thompson River to the Upper Yarra Dam. Unpublished report 1968/16, Geological Survey of Victoria. Tapp, B.A. (1970). The stratigraphy and structure of the Upper Yarra - Thomson River region of East- Central Victoria, Australia. Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Sheffield, England. Copy in the Geological Survey library, Melbourne. Thomas, D.E. (1953). Tanjilian fossils. Mining and Geological Journal 5, 27. Tims, J.D. and Chambers, T.C. (1984). Rhyniophytina and Trimerophytina from the early land flora of Victoria, Australia. Palaeontology 27, 265-279, VandenBerg, A.H.M. (1971). Report on the geology of the Upper Yarra-Upper Thomson Catchment Area Unpublished report 1971/23, Geological Survey ol Victoria. VandenBerg, A.1L.M, (1975). Definitions and descrip- tion of Middle Ordoyician to Middle Devonian rock units of the Warburton distriet, East Central Victoria Geological Survey of Victoria Report 1975/6, VandenBerg, A,H.M. and Schleiger, N.W. (1972), Palaeogeographic and tectonic significance of diachronism in Siluro-Devonian age flysch sedi- ments, Melbourne Trough, Southeastern Australia: Discussion, Bulletin of the Geological Society of America 83, 1565-1570, Weir, J,C., Fenton, M.W., Tomlinson, M.K. and Wilson, C.J.L. (1988). Sedimentology of the Early Devonian Walhalla Group at Walhalla, Victoria Australian Journal of Earth Sciences 35, 405-419. For assistance with the preparation of this issue, thanks to Karen Dobson and Maria Belvedere (label printing), Dorothy Mahler (administrative assistance) and Michael McBain (web page). 88 The Victorian Naturalist Contributions Addendum to ‘Moss Collections from Lord Howe Island in the National Herbarium of Victoria (MEL)’ Josephine Milne! and Arthur W. Thies! Abstract Plagiothecium howeanum Miill.Hal. ex Jaeger, nomen nudum is Ectropothecium leucochlorum (Hampe) Broth., the spelling of which is corrected. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (3), 2001, 89-91.) Hampe (1874) described a new species, Drepano-hypnum leucochlorum, from Lord Howe Island, This grammatically correct specific epithet ending is repeated in Hampe (1880), with the citation of Hypnum (Sect. Drepano-Hypnum) leu- cochlorum. According to the International Code of Botanical Nomenclature, this orig- inal spelling of the epithet must stand. Mitten (1883) introduced the combina- tion Srereodon leucochlorum (sic) (Hampe) Mitten. Paris (1904, p. 54) refers to the name Hypnum leucochloron (Hampe) Jaeger with Drepano-Hvpnum leucochloron and Stereodon leucochlorus as synonyms. Brotherus (1908) transferred the species to Ectropothecium, as E. leu- cochloron (Hampe) Broth. The name P/agiothecium howeanum was published without description as a nomen nudum by Jaeger (1878), attributed to Müll.Hal., citing ‘Lord Howe's Island ad truncos (Fullager [sic|) . There is a collec- tion identified as this species from Lord Howe Island collected by Fullagar (the correct spelling) at MEL (MEL 32391), and is likely to be the material referred to by Jaeger. Although there are no other col- lections in other Australian herbaria, dupli- cates may exist elsewhere. In any case, the specimen has no formal status as type since the name was not validly published. The collection (MEL 32391) also contains a label *Platy-Hypnum Howeanum C. Müller', apparently in Hampe's hand (Thies (2000) incorrectly cited the label as *Cyrto-Hypnum howeanum C.M. "). Thies (2000) suggested, on the basis of MEL 32391 that P. howeanum ‘seems to be a good species’. However, further examination of the material has shown that Royal Botanic Gardens Melbourne, Birdwood Avenue, South Yarra, Victoria 3141. Vol. 118 (3) 2001 MEL 32391 is actually Ectropothecium leucochlorum (Hampe) Broth., and agrees with several other collections of Fullagar’s, correctly identified. The species was subsequently collected on Lord Howe Island by W.W. Watts in 1911 (c. 40 collections — specimens in NSW) and more recently by D.H. Vitt, in 1981, (specimen in CANB; dupl. in ALTA). Ectropathecium leucochlorum, which is endemic to Lord Howe Island, is a small, delicate moss with a creeping habit (Fig. la). It often has numerous side branches on which perigonia (male reproductive structures) usually occur. The stems and branches are c. 0.1 mm diameter and in cross-section the stem consists of outer stereid cells (small thick-walled cells), a core of wide cells, and lacks a central strand (Fig. 1b). Delicate filamentous or two cell wide hyaline (colourless) pseudoparaphyllia (minute filaments borne on the stem) occur at the base of branches (Fig. le-d). Leaves are non-decurrent (with leaf margins not extending down the stem below the point of insertion), generally spi- rally inserted and branch leaves are some- what smaller than stem leaves. The leaves are narrowly obovate-acuminate (Fig. le), occasionally falcate (sickle-shaped leaf tip) (Fig. 1f), lack a nerve and the leaf margin is entire (Fig. le). Leaf cells are smooth, linear and thin-walled (Fig. 1g), and those at the basal corner of the leaf (alar cells) can vary from undifferentiated to greatly inflated (Fig. Ih). The sporophyte occurs on the main stem and the seta (c. 0.6- 1.6 cm) is red, smooth and twisted to the left. The capsule lacks stomata and an annulus (specialized ring of cells around the rim of the capsule mouth). The peris- tome (teeth at capsule opening) is double and spores are 10-12 um diameter. 89 Contributions Fig. 1. MEL 32391. a) Plant habit; b) stem cross-section; c)-d) pseudoparaphyllia at origin of branches (MS = main stem, SBR = side branch); e) stem and branch leaves; f) falcate leaf; g) lamina cells at mid leaf; h) cells near stem insertion. Scale bars a) 2 mm, b)-d) 50 um, e)-f) 300 um, g)-h) 250 um. 90 The Victorian Naturalist Acknowledgements We thank an anonymous reviewer who pointed out the true affinity of the specimen labelled as Plagiothecium howeanum with Ectropothecium: Prof. R.D. Seppelt and Dr T. May for their valu- able comments, Dr. A. Veenstra-Quah for assis- tance with the figures, the curator of NSW for the loan of herbarium specimens and staff at AD, BRI, CANB, HO and PERTH for checking holdings of herbarium specimens of this species. References Brotherus, V. (1908). Stereodonteae. /n ‘Die natür- lichen Pflanzenfamilien', T. 1, Abt. 3, H. IL, pp. 1062-1078. Eds A. Engler and K. Prantl. (Engelmann: Leipzig.) Hampe, E. (1874), Species muscorum novas ex Legislation Herbario Melbourneo Australiae exposuit. Linnaea 38. 661-672. Hampe, E. (1880). Musci Frondosi Australiae conti- nentalis, praesertim e Baronis de Mueller collection- ibus. /n F.v. Mueller: Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae 11, suppl. 3, 45-52. Jaeger, A. (1878). Adumbratio florae muscorum totius orbis terrarum. Berichte der Thütigkeit der St Gallischen Naturwissenschafilichen Gesellschaft 1876-77, 446. Mitten, W. (1883). Australian Mosses, enumerated by William Mitten Esq. Transactions & Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 19, 49-96. Paris, E.G. (1904), ‘Index Bryologicus, 2nd edition, Vol. 3." (Hermann: Paris.) Thies, A.W, (2000). Moss Collections from Lord Howe Island in the National Herbarium of Victoria (MEL). The Victorian Naturalist 117, 10-13. Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act 1988 The Flora and Fauna Guarantee Scientific Advisory Committee has made recommenda- tions in relation to nominations for listing under the provisions of the Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act 1988. The following reports have been received: Species/Process/Community Final Recommendations Acacia phasmoides Acacia phlebophylla Acianthus collinus Aprasia striolata Babingtonia crenulata Caladenia sp. aff. venusta Caladenia carnea var. subulata Caladenia colorata Caladenia cruciformis Caladenia insularis Caladenia pilotensis Caladenia valida Caladenia versicolor Calomnion complanatum Chthonicola sagittata Engaeus rostrogaleatus Egernia coventryi Gaultheria hispida Litoria hooroolongensis Litoria raniformis Litoria verreauxii alpina Macronectes giganteus Macronectes halli Melanodryas cucullata Megaptera novaeangliae Neuropogon acromelanus Nyetophilus timoriensis Oreoica gutturalis Peronomyrmex 'bartoni ` Persoonia asperula Prasophyllum fosteri Prasophyllum morganii Prasophyllum niphopedium Pratia gelida Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Recommendation Phantom Wattle Supported Buffalo Sallow Wattle Supported Inland Pixie Caps Supported Striped Worm-lizard Supported Fern-leaf Baeckea Supported Kilsyth South Spider-orchid Supported Striped Pink Fingers Supported Painted Spider-orchid Supported Orchid spp. Supported French Island Spider-orchid Supported Mt Pilot Spider-orchid Supported Robust Spider-orchid Supported Candy Spider-orchid Supported Tree-fern Calomnion Supported Speckled Warbler Supported Strzelecki Burrowing Cray Supported Swamp Skink Supported Snow-berry Supported Booroolong Frog Supported Warty Bell Frog Supported Alpine Tree Frog Supported Southern Giant-Petrel Supported Northern Giant-Petrel Supported Hooded Robin Supported Humpback Whale Supported Lichen spp. Supported Eastern Long-eared Bat Supported Crested Bellbird Supported Ant sp. Supported Mountain Geebung Supported Foster's Leek-orchid Supported Cobungra Leek-orchid Supported Marsh Leek-orchid Supported Snow Pratia Supported 91 Naturalist Note Species/Process/Community Final Recommendations (cont.) Pseudocephalozia paludicola Pterapus poliocephalus Pterostylis aenigma Pultenaea lapidosa Spyridium nitidum Stagonopleura guttata Struthidea cinerea Thelymitra hiemalis Thelymitra gregaria Thunnus maccoyti Xanthoparmelia suberadicata Victorian temperate-woodland bird community Fhe introduction and spread of the large earth bumblebee Bombus terrestris L. into Victorian terrestrial environments Loss of terrestrial climatic habitat caused by anthropogenic emissions of greenhouse gases Preliminary Recommendations Euastac Us neocdiversus Gramastacus insolitus Hyridella glenelzensis Prasophyllum sp. Recommendation Liverwort Supported Grey-headed Flying-fox Supported Enigmatic Greenhood Supported Mt Tambo Bush-pea Supported Shining Spyridium Supported Diamond Firetail Supported Apostlebird Supported Winter Sun-orchid Supported Balsalt Sun-orchid Supported Southern Bluefin Tuna Supported Foliose Lichen Supported Listed as a community Supported Potentially Threatening Supported Process Potentially Threatening Supported Process South Gippsland Spiny Cray Supported Western Swamp Cray Supported Glenelg Freshwater Mussel Supported Swamp Leek-orchid Supported Copies of all reports are held in the FNCV library. Recommendation reports will be available on NRE’s web page (http///www.nre.vic.gov.au). A New Zealand Hepatic in Victoria The leafy liverwort Pedinophyvllum monoieum (Stephani) Grolle, until now thought to be a New Zealand endemic, has been found in cool temperate rainforest in the Yarra Ranges National Park, near Marysville. The specimen was collected from rotting wood and soil by Alex McLean of Monash University, while studying the bryophytes of Myrtle Beech Nothofagus cunninghamii forest. The identity was con- firmed by David Glenny, Landcare Research New Zealand. Although a member of the family Plagiochilaceae, P. monoicum is at first glance very similar to the common liver- wort Chiloscyphus semiteres (formerly Lophocolea semiteres). However, P. monoicum has no underleaves, and there are copious rhizoids on the yentral surface on the lower parts of the stem. It is the only species in the genus that occurs in Australasia (Schuster 1963). It is described in Grolle (1960), Inoue and Schuster (1971) and Allison and Child (1975). It is possible that this species will be found elsewhere in Victoria, and in Tasmania, For the present it must be consid- 92 Scott, G-A.M,, Entwisle, T ered to be endangered (ROTAP category | E) in Australia, according to the criteria set out in Scott ef al, (1997), Under the criteria currently used in Victoria it might also be classified as endangered in the State (D. Cameron, NRE Victoria, pers. comm.), but no formal assessment of its conservation status has been made. References Allison, K.W. and Child, J. (1975), "The Liverworts of New Zealand’. (University of Otago Press: Dunedin). Grolle, R. (1960). Uber Plagiochila monoica Su, P. carnosa Herz. und P. lobata Kaal, und ihre Bezeichnungen zu Pedinophyllum. Nova Hedwigia 2( 1-2), 287-29], plate 49. Inoue, H, and Schuster, R.M. (1971), A monograph of New Zealand and Tasmanian Plagiochilaceae. Journal of the Hattori Botanical Laboratory 34, 1-225. Schuster, R.M. (1963). Studies on antipodal Hepaticae. 1. Annotated keys Io the genera of antipodal Hepaticae with special reference to New Zealand and Tasmania. Journal of the Hattori Botanical Laboratory 26, 185- 309, 4 May, T.W, and Stevens, C.N. (1997), *A Conservation Overview of Austral Non-Marine Lichens, Bryophytes, Algae and Fungi’. (Wildlife Australia: Canberra). Alex McLean Department ol Biology, Monash University, Clayton 3168, Victoria. and David Meagher School of Botany, University of Melbourne, Parkville 3010, Victoria. The Victorian Naturalist Contributions Effects of Grazing, Tourism and Climate Change on the Alpine Vegetation of Kosciuszko National Park Pascal Scherrer! and Catherine Marina Pickering’ Abstract Activities in the past (grazing), present (tourism) and future (tourism and potential climate change) have documented or potential long-term impacts on the biologically significant alpine fora of Kosciuszko National Park, Australia. The management of these activities provides insights for the conservation of fragile ecosystems in the Australian Alps, and for other high use, high conservation- value reserves. Grazing caused widespread damage that has required expensive, ongoing revegetation, the costs of which have been borne by publicly funded conservation organisations. The increasing use of the area by summer tourists has also caused severe bul more localised damage to the vegetation, that can largely be controlled and reduced by effective management of tracks, visitors and weeds. Management of the most recent threat, climate change, requires a holistic approach including lobbying for a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. The predicted changes in climate may result in a sequence of changes in the distribution of the native alpine plant communities, including an increase in the diversity and abundance of alien plants. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (3), 2001, 93-99.) Introduction The impact of human activities on vege- tation communities has reached critical levels in many natural systems. These include alpine regions where human activi- ties have resulted in long-term damage or irreversible change (Mosley 1989; Good and Grenier 1994; Bakker and Berendse 1999). This is, in part, the result of the lim- ited capacity that some alpine environ- ments have to recover from disturbance, due to the low energy of the system and resultant slow growth rates for vegetation (Costin et al. 2000; Jacobs 1992), Human- induced damage to alpine vegetation has jeopardised water quality in catchments, indigenous communities, sustainability of the harvesting of natural resources and mountain tourism (Cullen 1992: Williams and Costin 1994). The largest contiguous alpine region (taken here to only include yegetation above 1830 m) in Australia is centred around Mt Kosciuszko in the south east of New South Wales (Fig. 1). This area of 122 km’ has been subjected to a range of harmful human activities despite the international biological signifi- cance of the area (Good 1992a). The unique qualities of Kosciuszko National Park led to its inclusion in the UNESCO ' Griflith University, School of Environmental and Applied Sciences, PMB 50, Gold Coast Mail Centre, Queensland 9726, Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Man and the Biosphere Program in 1977, as an International Biosphere Reserve (Good 1992a). The region was classified as an outstanding example of an alpine and subalpine environment, which contains unique communities, and areas of unusual natural features of exceptional interest. Human activities pose a threat to these qualities unless effectively managed. Impacts of human activities Grazing Grazing was the first human activity to substantially alter the vegetation of the alpine region of Kosciuszko National Park (Table 1). Until the arrival of cattle and sheep, the flora had not experienced tram- pling by heavy, hard-hoofed animals (Good 1993). Grazing commenced in the 1830s and stock numbers were often high and ineffectively managed (Costin ef al, 2000). The pressure of grazing was far beyond the capacity of the vegetation to sustain even seasonal usage (Good 1995), Decrease in vegetation cover, reductions in palatable species and changes in vegetation patterns and communities occurred (Helms 1893; Byles 1932; Costin 1954; Costin 1958; Costin et al. 1959; Costin ef al, 1960; Bryant 1971; Good 1992a). The combination of regular intense grazing and the frequent use of fire as a management tool also led to severe sheet erosion, a legacy that remains with the park today (Bryant 1971; S.W. Johnston, pers. comm. 2000). 93 Contributions EE. mcn C i | ; r ; í 2 ie ; am Mt Gungartan Mt Tate Guthega Mt Twynam Perisher . Mt Townsend, m Charlotte Pass Mt Kos¢iuszko Thredbo i Roads & Walking Tracks - * Ü : Rivers South Rams Head ; F r a sae Contiguous alpine area (above 1830 m) Fig. 1. Contiguous alpine area covered in this study around Mt Kosciuszko in Kosciuszko Nationa Park, New South Wales, Australia. The establishment of the Kosciusko State Scheme in 1949 were the major factors (later National) Park in 1944 and the start that eventually led to the cessation of graz- of the Snowy Mountains Hydroelectric ing in the Kosciuszko alpine area (Clark 94 'The Victorian Naturalist 1992; Good 1995). With the commence- ment of the hydroelectric scheme, the con- trol of soil erosion and careful manage- ment of alpine catchments became crucial (Costin 1958; Costin and Polach 1971), Grazing leases were progressively with- drawn until in 1969, all grazing in what had become Kosciusko National Park was banned (Stanley 1982; NSW NPWS 1988). In 1957, a 25-year plan to revegetate and restore badly eroded areas commenced (Clothier and Condon 1968; Keane 1977; Clark 1992) and the most severely dam- aged lands were rehabilitated and revege- tated. Although most of the revegetation works appeared to be successful at the time (sometimes after several treatments), there is now renewed erosion within these areas requiring more expensive rehabilitation (S.W. Johnston, pers. comm. 1999). Grazing in the alpine zone highlights two general management issues. First, that damage to fragile ecosystems can have long term conservation and financial costs that greatly exceed the benefits of the orig- inal activity. Rehabilitation and stabilisa- tion of the area cost in the order of A$4796 per hectare (A$2500 in 1984; Good 1995), considerably outweighing the benefit of the area as summer pasture (about A$10 to A$40 per hectare per annum, depending on method of estimation; values from Costin (1966) adjusted to 2000 values). The second issue is that rehabilitation costs are often borne by organisations dif- fering from those responsible for the origi- nal damage. In this case, rehabilitation was the responsibility of the publicly funded NSW Soil Conservation Service, and cur- rently is the responsibility of the NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service. Therefore the benefits of grazing went pri- marily to private individuals, while the costs of repairing the damage resulting from the impacts of that activity was, and still is, borne by the public. Tourism With the end of grazing, tourism became the major issue for management in the alpine zone (Good 1992b; Buckley et al. 2000). As a result of increasing, visitation, it is forecast that permanent and irre- versible changes to the vegetation will oceur (Table 1, Good 1995). Visitor num- Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Contributions bers have increased with improved access to the area (Good 1995), increased public interest and environmental awareness (Mercer 1992) as well as efforts of the adjacent subalpine winter resorts to diver- sify and promote summer activities (Good 1995: König 1998). In the late 1970s, up to 1000 people per day visited the alpine zone (Edwards 1977). Currently over 2000 peo- ple per day visit the area during the peak holiday periods (S.W. Johnston, pers. comm. 1999). The main tourist activities are walking, sightseeing and camping during summer and snowboarding and cross-country ski- ing in winter (Table 1). Impacts of tourism on the vegetation include trampling, intro- duction and spread of weeds, fire scars, lit- tering, nutrient supplementation of soils and water, and the illegal collection of plants (Willard 1970; Liddle 1975; Cole 1985; Good and Grenier 1994; Good 1995; Zimmermann 1998; Buckley et al. 2000). To date, trampling and weeds appear to have had the greatest impact on the alpine vegetation (Edwards 1977; Mallen-Cooper 1990; Good 19923). The response by park management to erosion problems on tracks and trails has been the hardening of walkways with grav- el, gravel within a plastic soil containment grid, raised wood or metal walkways, and pavers, along with controlled drainage lines (Good and Grenier 1994; CDT 1996). These management practices are expen- sive, with the rehabilitation of the summit area of Mt Kosciuszko and the surrounding area costing more than A$420,000 (NSW NPWS 1997). The most effective measure in terms of vegetation protection appears to be the construction of raised walkways. These reduce the physical contact of visi- tors with the flora, limit trampling and associated erosion and prevent the forma- tion of multiple tracks particularly through bog and fen communities (Parr-Smith and Polley 1998). Raised walkways can also reduce weed establishment along track edges, because the introduction of gravel and sand is rarely necessary. Rehabilitation of track edges and other areas is an ongo- ing process using native seed and tube stock, mulch, fertiliser and plastic webbing (Terra Mat) at an overall cost of around A$119 per metre square (1997 values; 95 Contributions 666) "02 saəd uolsuuor[ M'S :ç661 uolsuuor ,, PIPP 'Jgqndun ñuutəyoid pue uojsuyor ‘0007 9uonsuuyy pue 8utiə39id :000Z 7? 42 AME xı 661 2241 1661 NA 9661 AANAN a `L661 S&OQ10AN vı "q£66] D TVV *P£661 ITVY « 8661 Áll0d pue qiussueg :g661 SAAN ASN:8861 SMAN MSN n PT66I POOD :176] Qot[og pue UNSOJ :8961 uopuo pue 4ərtño|Ə :q8ç61 J0|4e], 88661 JO[ABL ., 8661 UONDYAL « “BMP "]qndun uojsuuor °S :có6| UoXIN pue Aeypoe|N :ec66] poor) ,, “PIDP "1qndun BuLroysig pue uotsuuor {NOT "woo sod uolsuuor M'S S66 ‘UOXIN pUe Aexor]A :ec66] poor) :0661 19doo;)-us||v]N :646[ 70 J2 ou£ax “LLOI SPIEMPA :9ç61 WRUNG ,, “ODOT P 72 UNSOD *ez6g| poop) 6/6] UNSOJ put tisnqui A, 10961 77 72 unso;) :6S61 7? 12 UNSOD *scol usog ;:q8ç61 10]4€ [ ‘96l WeYING :pe6] uso) +0007 SUONSULIY pue Sutiaxorq :g661 Sutsxotd 3661 POOD , '666| 7? 12 MOAN :866| POOD :p66] ueArns pue vanule1o[ :/86] 7P 19 SAUTE , 8661 UOH9UuA o 'S66| UOXIN pue AeyoejN :ec66I POOD :8861 SMAN MSN ; 'tc661 POOD ‘0661 1adoo )-ua|[u]N ‘gs61 UNSOD tpco] UNSO) , 8661 HONEA , "Pc66| poor) -Z661 MELD - "Pc66| POOD :pe6] USO) , uononpoJd ses asnoquoo18 -papasoxa A|ie|ng231 SABA [BA Jo Aoede Sur uv; ,Syoedui ,,5p99A put uoisodo [ros jo tuə[qo.d Sumunuo;) ut uoponpo1 94129]Jo ssojun poyrur 119s inq ‘uosiad tad ə8putpp ur uoronpoy — soroeds pue soniunuruoo ətuos Jo A19A02311 papa a MONBALASUOD [ros jo yed 4, SHOQUUNU tusiunol ur put) |el)uƏloq se urea odd uolRasaaal aAnay «SVL SANISUAS u! Suidureo uo Uonoərnsəzl PLIP v ISVS] JE 10] ƏA1193JJƏ A[[e]0] jou ,Surdureo pue usnotp[e prl ut 3u3Lrnno peuueq Sulzedro 4Sp99A JO [031U0) SULYEMYSNG Jo sapoo edw unu ,BUIZEJg UO suorornsoJ asuodsay ,uoronpoud seg osnoquoo18 ur uononpaw ,, 019939421 pue SAPA N|BA, pasreupouopaen pue yo SUING uo ueq Aj|[entu] — Ju21428DUDJAI = p91otpaud 19403 Mous pue gewo ,Siea& jusnoap ur Apremorjed *sseurp 01 SABURYD onetueJp o] PIN u80£61 DUIS oseedour p|oJ-1uƏ1:] PUP siəquunu Sulzela ui soseoJou] puat SJUdLIINU poseedou] spaam jo praids sjeunue [bday pue spəəA ul eseaiou] penou juv]d Jo uoəəl|op sjue[d pasnpo.qui Jo peaudg sənüunuutuoo xeuipjoj 4ueqwous Suid r UOISOLA [10g pue pjougaeu surdye joys ur uononpoy Ayissaarp səroads eunsodxo [ros ,8S9 roads oruopuo 0j easy [eiJualoq əayeu pue Ajsuop uonejesoA ut soSueu ,880| uortjosoA suia2]q04d ,Siuejd jo saisads juauojjrp Jo sajai[oA anoso1 pug woddng sjete pue sjuejd poonpoujur Jo Apige oAnneduioo 01 uongiey| y zodipu] Surpieoqous/Surpis &gunoo SSO juourjst|qejsa [ejuapiooe pue oje1oqraq Aui Am Jo surqui]o 32031 ASVUIBIP JO uoneorrpouur Pq S|ƏAƏ[ YSIY 0} onsodxo Jo yua pasearouy suidtue Surpdurea p „13409 MOUS JO uoranp pug uonejidraoodd Buləəs1u8s suung ‘aanyesadua, 0} uone y q ,S|re4] jeunoy JJO pue uo SUPT BUILD S2HIAHOE 31n} ur sivo Q/-0€ juesaud 01 s0c6[ (poseoo) saevo 001 a[nosauin 28uni[2 Ibu) WSO, 8112010 'eyensny Seg JeuoneN oyzsniosoy JO eare oudje ayy JO UONRIASAA at uo spape pue sanjAtjoe uewny Jo &rurtuns “T AQEL The Victorian Naturalist 96 Johnston 1997; Parr-Smith and Polley 1998). Although there are no formal camp sites in the alpine zone, informal areas at popu- lar sites often suffer from severe localised trampling, nutrient addition to soil and water from human waste, fire scars, root damage from digging and collection of firewood from the few woody species (AALC 1993a; Buckley et al. 2000). Open fires and camping in the catchments of the glacial lakes have been proscribed in an effort to limit tourism impacts (AALC 1993a, b). The provision of ‘portaloos’ within the alpine area in summer and the rotating composting toilets at Charlotte Pass are likely to reduce human waste in the alpine area, although they have their own impaets and are expensive manage- ment options (AALC 2000). Due to their confined nature, tourism impacts appear to be much more control- lable than those of grazing. In summer, people tend to stay on the designated tracks and trails and can, to a large extent. be effectively guided and directed by man- agement tools such as informative signs, raised walkways, hardened tracks and the provision of toilets (NSW NPWS 1988). The major problem is increased usage. As park authorities work towards stabilising and hardening tracks and implementing other management strategies to direct peo- ple away from sensitive areas, problems will keep redeveloping as visitor numbers increase, expanding the areas of damage. The economic costs of these methods are high, although partly offset by revenue from the entrance fee to the park (currently A$15 and AS$80 per car for a daily and annual pass respectively). As the limit to the effectiveness and desirability of the hardening strategy approaches, restrictions on numbers or even closure of some areas may well be required. particularly at peak times, Climate change Global warming is likely to be a major threat to the alpine environment with wide- spread effects on the ecology of the system (Green 1998; Pickering 1998; Pickering and Armstrong 2000). Predicted changes in temperature, precipitation and snow cover (Whetton 1998) are likely to alter the Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Contributions distribution of native and introduced plants and animals, the hydrology of the system and soil processes (Green 1998; Good 1998; Pickering 1998; Pickering and Armstrong 2000). The direct and indirect effeets of these changes on the flora are difficult to predict but are likely to involve reductions in the distribution of certain plant species and communities, particularly the snowbank feldmark and short alpine herbfield communities that are associated with late snowbanks (Pickering 1998; Pickering and Armstrong 2000). Climate change may be a greater threat to the alpine zone than either grazing or tourism. However, the impacts of grazing and tourism have been, or can be managed by altering human activities within the park; the same approach will not work for climate change. The threat from climate change is global in nature, with the issue being human activities at a truly global scale. Therefore part of the direct manage- ment response by park agencies should be the lobbying of organisations responsible for the production and/or control of green- house gases, including the Federal Government. The clear legislative obligation of NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service and other conservation agencies to maintain the natural values of the environment may require them, more and more, to assume an advocate’s role for the natural environ- ment. This type of management approach, although vital for preserving conservation reserves, is likely to attract criticism from groups who see the responsibility of the parks services as limited to issues that can be managed within park boundaries. There are two local programs that parks agencies can undertake to assist in dealing with the impacts of climate change indi- rectly. The first is a watching brief. The Australian Alps national parks including Kosciuszko National Park should join international monitoring programs such as GLORIA (Global Observation Research Initiative in Alpine Environments) that examine the impacts of climate change on natural systems. Monitoring would allow early detection of critical changes in the Australian alpine flora and fauna. Documenting changes in both the climate and the biota could highlight the impact of 97 Contributions our activities on this fragile ecosystem, possibly adding support to moves to limit emissions. The second program is the control of alien plants and animals. Although there are existing control programs, the problem is likely to amplify as climate change increases the abundance and diversity of weeds and feral animals in the alpine zone (Green 1998; Pickering 1998; Pickering and Armstrong 2000). It is also possible that tourism and climate change will have synergistic effects on the distribution of weeds in the alpine area further enhancing the problem (Buckley e/ ai. 2000). Conclusions There have been, and continue to he, long-term negative effects of human activi- lies on the Australian alpine vegetation despite expensive and committed manage- ment by conservation groups and other organisations. Grazing and associated activities have caused extensive damage to the vegetation and soil that still requires rehabilitation. Tourism, although with more localised effects, is causing damage, and has elicited expensive management responses that have their own environmen- tal and aesthetic impacts on the region. Climate change is likely to have wide- spread, cascading ecological effects that are not amenable to a local management response. Currently the most effective method of limiting the impact of climate change would be to reduce greenhouse gas production, something that has been notable for its lack of success at a national level. Acknowledgements This research was supported by the Cooperative Research Centre for Sustainable Tourism, Griffith University. We also thank Stuart Johnston for his valuable insights and comments on matters related to this paper. References AALC (19933). *Bushwalking code’. (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra.) AALC (1993b). “Snow camping code’, (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra.) AALC (2000). *Australian Alps Best Practice Human Waste Management Workshop Papers and Presentations’. (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra.) Bakker, J.P. and Berendse, F, (1999). Constraints in the restoration of ecological diversity in grassland and heathland communities. TREE 14 (2), 63-68. 98 Barnes, P.W. Flint, S.D. and Caldwell, M.M. (1987). Photosynthesis damage and protective pigments in plants from a latitudinal aretic/alpine gradient exposed to supplemental UV-B radiation in the field. Arctic and Alpine Research 19 (1), 21-27, Bryant, W.G. (1971). Deterioration of vegetation and erosion in the Guthega catchment area, Snowy Mountains, N.S.W. Journal of the Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales 27, 62-81. Buckley, R.C., Pickering, C.M. and Warnken, J, (2000). Environmental management of alpine tourism and resorts in Australia. /n ‘Tourism and Development in Mountain Regions'. Eds P. Goode, F.M. Price and F.M. Zimmermann. (CABI Publishing: New York.) Byles, B-U, (1932). A reconnaissance of the mountain: ous part of the River Murray catchment in New South Wales. Forestry Bureau Bulletin 13, 1-34. CDT (1996). ‘Repairing the roof of Australia - eco- Tourism infrastructure in Kosciuszko National Park." (Commonwealth Department of Tourism: Canberra.) Clark, E. (1992), Alpine grazing, a tale of two states, /n ‘The Australian Alps.” Eds P. Grenier and R.B Good, (Institut de Géographie Alpine: Grenoble.) Clothier, D.P. and Condon, R.W, (1968). Soil conser- vation in alpine catchments, Journal of the Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales 24, 96- 113. Cole, D.N, (1985). Recreational trampling effects on six habitat types in western Montana. US, Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Intermountain Research Station, Ogden. INT 350, 43. Costin, A.B. (1954). *A study of the ecosystems of the Monaro region of New South Wales with special rel- erence to soil erosion." (Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales: Sydney.) Costin, A.B. (1958), *The grazing factor and the main- tenance of eatehment values in the Australian Alps? (Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, Australia: Melbourne.) Costin, A.B. (1966). Management opportunities in Australian high mountain catchments. /n ‘Forest Ilydrology", pp. 567-577. Eds W.E. Sopper and H.W. Hull. (Pergamon.) Costin, A.B. and Polach, H.A. (1971). Slope deposits in the Snowy Mountains, South-eastern Australia. Quaternary Research 1, 228-235. Costin, A-B., Gray, M., Totterdell, C.J. and Wimbush, D.J, (2000). *Koseiusko Alpine Flora, Second Edition’. (CSIRO and Collins: Sydney.) Costin, A.B., Wimbush, D.J. and Kerr, D. (1960), "Studies in catehment hydrology in the Australian Alps. IL Surface run-off and soil loss’. (Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization, Australia: Melbourne.) Costin, A.B, Wimbush, D.J., Kerr, D. and Gay, L.W. (1959). ‘Catchment hydrology in the Australian Alps. I. Trends in soils and vegetation’, (Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, Australia: Canberra.) Cullen, P. (1992), Management of water quality in the Australian Alps. 7n “The Australian Alps’. Eds P. Grenier and R.B. Good, (Institut de Géographie Alpine: Grenoble.) Durham, L.J. (1936). Soil erosion problems in the Snowy Mountains area, Journal of the Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales 12 (4), 1-9, Edwards, LJ. (1977). The ecological impact of pedes- trian traffic on alpine vegetation in Kosciusko National Park. Australian Forestry A0 (2), 108-120. Good, R.B. (19922). “Kosciusko Heritage'. (National Parks und Wildlife Service of New South Wales; Hurstville.) Good, R.B. (1992b), Vegetation management in Ihe The Victorian Naturalist Alps. Ja ‘The Australian Alps’. Eds P. Grenier and R.B. Good. (Institut de Géographie Alpine: Grenoble.) Good, R.B. (1995). Ecologically sustainable develop- ment in the Australian Alps. Mountain Research and Development 15 (3), 251-258. Good, R.B. (1998). Changing snow regimes and the distribution of alpine vegetation. /n ‘Snow - A Natural History; An Uncertain Future’, Ed. K, Green. (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra.) Good, R.B. and Grenier, P. (1994). Some environ- mental impacts of recreation in the Australian Alps. Australian Parks & Recreation (Summer). 20-26. Green. K. (1998). ‘Snow - A Natural History; An Uncertain Future". (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra.) Helms, R. (1893). Report on the grazing leases of the Mount Kosciusko Plateau. Agricultural Gazette of New South Wales 4, 530-531. IPCC (1997). *The regional impacts of climate change: an assessment of vulnerability'. (International Panel on Climate Change: Geneva.) Jacobs, P. (1992). *Stabilising Walking Track in Alpine and Sub-alpine Environments’, (Department of Conservation and Environment: Melbourne.) Johnston, S. W, (1995). Zine toxicity and its effects on short and tall alpine herbfields, Carruthers Peak, Kosciusko National Park, NSW, (Unpublished Honours Thesis. School of Resource and Environmental Management, Australian National University: Canberra.) Johnston, S.W. (1997). "Snowy River Borrow Pit: Report on Works’. (New South Wales National Park and Wildlife Service Report: Jindabyne.) Keane, P.A. (1977). Native species for soil conserva- tion in the Alps - New South Wales. Journal of the Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales 33, 200-217. Keane, P.A,, Wild, A.E.R. and Rogers, J.H. (1979), Trampling and erosion in alpine country. Journal of the Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales 35; 7-12. Kickert, R.N.. Tonella, G., Simonov; A, and Krupa, S.V. (1999), Predictive modelling of effects under global change. Environmental Pollution 100, 87-132. König, U. (1998), Climate change and the Australian ski industry. /5 'Snow - A Natural History; An Uncertain. Future’. Ed. K. Green. (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra.) Liddle, M.J. (1975). A selective review of the ecologi- cal effects of human trampling on natural ecosys- tems, Biological Conservation 7, 17-35. Mackay, J. and Nixon, A, (1995). *Australian. Alps national parks Back-country Recreation Strategy.” (Australian Alps Liaison Committee; Canberra.) Mallen-Cooper, J. (1990). Introduced Plants in the High Altitude Environments of Kosciuszko National Park, South Eastern Australia, (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Department of Biogeography and Geomorphology, Research School of Pacific Studies. Australian National University: Canberra.) Mercer, D. (1992). Contested terrain. Conservation and recreation in the Australian Alps, /n ‘The Australian Alps”. Eds P. Grenier and R.B. Good, (Institut de Géographie Alpine; Grenoble, ) Mosley. J.G. (1989). History of conservation of the Australian Alps. /n ‘The Scientific Significance of the Australian Alps - The Proceedings of the First Fenner Conference’. Ed. R. Good, (Australian Alps National Parks Liaison Committee: Canberra.) Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Contributions NSW NPWS (1988), “Kosciusko National Park - Plan of management: Second Edition’, (New South Wales National Parks and Wildlife Service: Sydney.) NSW NPWS (1997). ‘Repairing the Roof of Australia: Report on the Commonwealth National Ecotourism Program’. (New South Wales National Parks and Wildlife Service; Jindabyne.) NSW NPWS (1998). “Kosciuszko National Park sum- mit trails’, In: Kosciuszko Today. (New South Wales National Parks and Wildlife Service; Sydney,) Parr-Smith, G. and Polley, V. (1998). ‘Alpine Rehabilitation Manual for Alpine and Sub-Alpine Environments in the Australian Alps - Working Draft’. (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: St Kilda.) Pickering, C.M. (1998). “Climate Change and the repro- ductive ecology of Australian alpine plants’. Australian Institute of Alpine Studies, Newsletter No. 1. Pickering, C.M. and Armstrong, T. (2000). *Climate Change and the Plant Communities of the Kosciuszko Alpine Zone in the Australian Alps’. (Joint publication of the Cooperative Research Centre for Sustainable Tourism and the Australian Institute of Alpine Studies: Griffith University.) Stanley, M. (1982). `A History of the Establishment of Kosciusko National Park’. (National Parks and Wildlife Service: Sydney.) Taylor, A.C, (1958a). A soil conservation survey of the Snowy catchment. Part 2 - soils, vegetation and land use, Journal of the Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales 14, 5-23. Taylor, A.C. (19585), A soil conservation survey of the Snowy River catchment, Part 3 - erosion and soil conservation. Journal of the Soil Conservation Service of New South Wales 14, 104-130. Teramura, AH. and Sullivan, J.L. (1994), Effects of UV-B radiation on photosynthesis and growth of ter- restrial plants. Photosynthesis Research 39, 463-473. United Nations (1997). ‘Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’. (United Nations: Kyoto.) Whetton, P. (1998). Climate change impacts on the spatial extent of snow-cover in the Australian Alps. In ‘Snow - A Natural History; An Uncertain Future". Ed. K. Green, (Australian Alps Liaison Committee: Canberra, ) Willard, B.E. (1970), Effects of human activities on alpine tundra ecosystems in Rocky Mountain National Park. Colorado. Biological Conservation 2, 257-265, Williams, RJ. and Costin, A.B. (1994). Alpine and subalpine vegetation. /n “Australian Vegetation’, Ed, R.H, Groves. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.) Wimbush, D.J, and Costin, A.B. (1979), ‘Trends in veg- etation at Kosciusko, HI Alpine range transects, 1959-1979. Australian Journal of Botany 27, 833- 871. Worboys, G.L. (1997), ‘Draft Nature Tourism and Recreation Strategy’, (NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service: Sydney.) WWE. (1996), ‘Climate Change and Biodiversity Conservation’. (World Wide Fund for Nature:Gland.) Zimmermann, F.M. (1998). Sustainable tourism in a fragile environment - the Alps. 7n ‘Progress in Tourism and Hospitality Research: Proceedings of the Eighth Australian Tourism and Hospitality Research Conference’ Eds B. Faulkner, C. Tidswell and D. Weaver. February |] to 14 (Bureau of l'ourism Research: Canberra.) 99 Naturalist Note Ant Behaviour Part 2 This note reports the apparently unusual and aggressive behaviour of a single Sugar Ant Camponotus sp. as observed at Ridge Park, Sugarloaf Reservoir, Christmas Hills, Victoria. The behaviour of this Sugar Ant contrasts with the report on Sugar Ants in the August 1999 issue of The Victorian Naturalist (Grey 1999) where they exhibit- ed submissive behaviour in the presence of Meat Ants /ridomyrmex purpureus. At 11 a.m. on 19 September 1999, a sin- gle Sugar Ant, subsequently identified as Camponotus "consobrinus * (sub-family Formicinae) was observed at the entrance to the nest of a small, black ant, subse- quently identified as Anonychomyrma 'itinerans' (sub-family Dolichoderinae). Identifications were made using keys from Andersen 1991, Greenslade 1979 and Shattuck 1999, The Sugar Ant repeatedly approached the nest entrance where it attacked (and was in turn attacked by) the small ants as they left, and returned to, the nest. This activity was observed for about 15 minutes and during this time one of the A. ‘itinerans’ was killed and another injured. Each bout, and there were quite a number, was short — a matter of seconds. The Sugar Ant used its mandibles to hold the small black ant while bending its abdomen (gaster) to bring the formic acid spray into action. This spray, directed through à conical opening (the acidopore) at the rear of the gaster, is used for defence and communication (Shattuck 1999), It was interesting to note the Sugar Ant ignored other species of ants, one a Ponerine species and the other a very small, brown ant (not identified), even though they were within the area where the attacks took place and close to the Sugar Ant. In Andersen (1987), ants were grouped into seven ecological categories. Anonychomyrma ‘itinerans’ is a member of the dominant species group (Category 1). Category 1 ants are characterised as abundant, highly active and aggressive. On the other hand, the Sugar Ant C. 'consobri- nus' belongs in Category 2 — subordinate species exhibiting submissive behaviour. Thus the aggressive behaviour of C. ‘con- sobrinus' in this observation appears uncharacteristic. * |nverted commas indicate a species group. A group is a complex of species closely allied to, and including, the named species (Andersen 1990). References Andersen, A.N. (1987). Ant community organisation and environmental assessment. /n ‘The Role of Invertebrates in Conservation and Biological Survey'. Ed. A.D. Major. Western Australian Department of Conservation and Land Management Report. Andersen, A.N. (1990). *The use of ant communities to evaluate change in Australian terrestrial ecosystems : a review and a recipe’. Proceedings of the Ecological Society of Australia, 16. Andersen, A.N. (1991). ‘The Ants of Southern Australia. A Guide to the Bassian Fauna’. (C.S.LR.O.: Australia.) Greenslade, P.J.M. (1979), *A Guide to Ants of South Australia’. (South Australian Museum: Adelaide.) Grey, E.J. (1999). *Ant Behaviour’. The Vietorian Naturalist 116, 150. Shattuck, S.O. (1999). ‘Australian Ants: their biology and identification’. (C,S.1.R.0.: Australia.) E.J. Grey 8 Woona Court, Yallambie, Victaria 3085. Vale Ilma Dunn We were deeply saddened to learn of the recent death of Ilma Dunn. Ilma was a long time member of the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria as well as an ardent supporter of the FUNGIMAP scheme and a talented photographer. A tribute to Ilma will appear in a later issue. 100 The Victorian Naturalist Book Reviews A Guide to Squid, Cuttlefish and Octopuses of Australasia Mark Norman and Amanda Reid Publisher: CSIRO Publishing and The Gould League of Australia, 2000. 96 pp. RRP $32.95. All beach-goers are familiar with 'cuttle- bones’ washed up on the strand, with occa- sional views of octopus in tidal pools and with calamari rings to finish off the day. But to most, knowledge goes little further as to the actual identity of these cephalopods or where and how they live, feed, and reproduce or their behaviour and relationship to other marine fauna. The Australasian cephalopod fauna has been the subject of much research in recent years, as we have in our region perhaps as great a number of species of squids, cuttle- fish and octopuses as anywhere in the world. Lu and Phillips (1985) catalogue over 220 nominal species but the more recent research, as outlined in The Southern Synthesis (Beasley et al. 1998), would put this number closer to 180 actual species (squid, 80; cuttlefish and allies, 50; octopus, 50). However there has been little in the way of field guides for their identifi- cation. The Southern Synthesis (Chaps 11- 13) deals in detail with the anatomy, mor- phology and physiology of the Class Cephalopoda and the subclasses Nautiloidea (nautilus) and Coleoidea (cut- tlefish, squids, octopuses). In the latter chapter keys to the various families are given (with line drawings of representative taxa) but lower taxonomic identifications are not made. In southern Australia we are a bit more fortunate in that Zeigler and Norris (1989) give keys and brief descrip- tions and some colour photos of our cephalopod fauna, and Edgar (1998) also has a small section on this fauna — but nei- ther of these two books is complete nor easily used in the field. Now, in this new publication by Norman and Reid, we have a very readable guide to the specific identity of at least some of the cephalopod fauna of the wider Australasian region. The fauna mentioned includes species from all parts of the Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Australian coastline with a number which occur only in the islands to our north, Some of the taxa have very extensive ranges, occurring throughout the western Pacific region, whilst others are quite restricted, e.g. The Capricorn octopus, known only from a single island group in the Great Barrier Reef. Introductory chap- ters deal very briefly with the evolution of cephalopods in geologic time, cephalopods today and the means of identifying the var- ious groups of cephalopods. The largest section deals with sixty-three of the more common species of squids, cuttlefish and octopuses found in mainly shallower waters. Taxa described range from the huge Giant Squid (up to 2 metres mantle length and 18 metres overall) to species less than 2 em overall length, and from those living in intertidal pools to the soft, gelatinous octopuses living at depths of several kilometers. One page is usually devoted to each species which is described with a half-page colour photo, a distribu- tion map and a brief discussion of some of the more important points of the animal and something of the biology where known. A final section figures the most common beach-stranded sepions (‘cuttle- bones’) although I feel that the rosy, bronze and bluish hues of these figures, which may be true of live-taken sepions, are quite strange for the normal white objects found on the beach. There is a short reading guide, a glossary and an index to complete the book. This book could be quite easily carried and used in the field but would almost certainly not stand immersion. There is still a great deal to be found out about these animals — just two quotes from The Southern Synthesis — *Life histories of the overwhelming majority of cephalopods are still unknown..." (p. 470) and *...the taxonomic importance of observing the 101 Book Reviews colour patterns, skin textures and body postures of live animals’ (p. 476). This is where the amateur beachgoer or diver can assist. Interesting, and previously unknown, behaviour of these animals can be gained if we take the opportunity of a chance encounter to simply observe e.g. Vafiadis (1998) on Octopus maorum. | feel a short section, with this in mind, on observing (photography, video-recording), collecting and preserving specimens would have been useful. The photographers are to be congratulat- ed as the photos used are quite exquisite (1 liked the Striped Pyjama Squid) and, tak- ing into account the colour changes that the Coeloidea are capable of with their chromatophore systems, should enable confident identification of the species dealt with. I would recommend this book as a very useful guide for all marine-goers. References Beasley, P.L.. Ross, G.B.J. and Wells, A. (Eds) (1998), `Mollusca: The Southern Synthesis. Fauna ol Australia Volume 5'. (CSIRO Publishing: Melbourne.) Edgar, G.J. (1998). ‘Australian Marine Life’. (Reed Books: Victoria.) Lu, C.C. and Phillips, J.U. (1985). An annotated check- list of the Cephalopoda from Australian waters. Occasional Papers from the Museum of Victoria 2, 21-36. Vafiadis, P. (1998). Intertidal sighting and behaviour of Octopus maorum Hutton, 1880. The Victorian Naturalist 115, 100-104. Zeigler, W. and Norris, K.H. (1989), Squids, Cuttlefish and Octopuses (Class Cephalopoda). /n ‘Marine Invertebrates of Southern Australia, Part 2’, Chapter 13, pp. 789-822, Eds S.A. Shepherd and I.M. Thomas. (South Australian Government Printing Division.) K.N. Bell 120 MeCallum Rd, Inverleigh, Victoria 3321. Flora of Australia Volume 48 Ferns, Gymnosperms and Allied Groups Publisher: (ABRS)/CSIRO, 1998. 766 pp. 96 colour photographs, numerous black and white drawings, distribution maps. ISBN 0 643 05972 5 (soft cover). RRP $99.95 Available from CSIRO Publishing, PO Box 1139, Collingwood, Victoria 3066. This wonderful volume of Flora of Australia caters for all those interested in our Australian non-flowering vascular plants. It is divided into two main sections, the ferns and fern allies and the gym- nosperms. In each instance, a brief review of the taxonomic history of each group is provided giving the reader a quick, albeit rudimentary, understanding of previous taxonomic research. Similarly, the reader is given an overview of the morphology, biology and ecology of the two broad groups. This is ideal for those in the early stages of their studies although they must come to grips with terminology. To assist with this, a glossary of specialised and fre- quently used terms for the ferns, conifers 102 and their allies is included at the back of the volume. It is not exhaustive but this is acknowledged and the reader is advised to use it in conjunction with the glossary in Flora of Australia Volume 1. I have tested the key to the families of ferns and fern allies in Australia and found it simple and easy to use, making it ideal for the student and amateur and highly desired by the professional botanist! Each family has its own key to genera and each genus, similarly, has its own key to species. Although | have not tested all of these, they are designed in the same man- ner as the key to families and appear straightforward. Indeed, the ones I have tried posed no problems. Descriptions are The Victorian Naturalist brief and to the point, as they should be, photographs and drawings generally are of high quality. showing the intricate detail and quiet beauty of selected specimens. The proliferous buds in the distal axils of Callipteris prolifera (Figure 88 in the Volume) and the aerial shot of Platycerium superbum (Figure 150 in the Volume) are particularly captivating. Short notes on habitat and distribution are presented and information on type collections, chromo- some numbers and published illustrations provided, supplemented by significant ref- erences and synonymy. This occurs for the gymnosperms as well. No single key to the families of gym- nosperms was provided, instead, each divi- sion has its own key to families, then fami- lies to genera etc. Several keys to families are provided for the Pinophyta: based on female specimens, male specimens and on vegetative characters. Again, photographs and drawings are of high quality and show the attention paid to detail by the photogra- phers and artists. In both the gymnosperms and the fern and fern allies many of the photographs and diagrams are of reproduc- tive structures, accentuating their impor- tance as identification tools. The chapters dealing with the fossil records of the ferns and fern allies and the gymnosperms are an important inclusion and help piece together the scattered infor- mation available, providing a holistic view of the changes that occurred over time with respect to these plant groups. The impor- tance of continued comparative investiga- tion of extant and fossil flora is highlighted by the mention that the discovery of Wollemi pine Wollemia supported the hypothesis that the Araucariaceae may have included an additional genus in the past, although, Wollemia has not been con- firmed as a fossil. There still is much to be understood about the fossil record of our Australian non-flowering plants, Why, it is asked, did Dacrycarpus become extinct when apparently more susceptible genera survived? This is an important question as Australia is a large land mass and has, and presumably had, a wide variety of habitats. Why did Cyathea fail to recover from the Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Book Reviews last glacial when it has survived more extensive glaciation? Is there a factor restricting its expansion? If so, what? The collation of the distribution maps for each species is particularly useful. In the first instance, it allows a rapid visualisation of the Australian biogeography of each species but, also, allows easy comparison between species. The instant recognition of isolated occurrences of many species high- lights their vulnerability and the impor- tance of their conservation/preservation. An appendix presents new taxa, combi- nations, lectotypifications, epitypifications and neotypifications. There are quite a number of these accentuating the enor- mous amount of work done by the authors. One of the amazing points to note is that even large new species still are being described. Obviously there is a lot more work needed! This volume of the Flora of Australia is comprehensive, authoritative, and written in easily understood English. The numer- ous black and white line drawings are an excellent aid to the text and, conveniently, are usually adjacent to the text or on the next page. The colour photographs were divided into three groups, which were dis- persed throughout the volume, serving to break the monotony of black and white. While the photographs, therefore, were not near to the relevant text and some flipping of pages back and forth was necessary, it is understandable that this should occur, especially when considering convenience for putting the publication together and associated costs. There are a number of ‘typos’ scattered throughout the text, including incorrectly spelt words and omissions but this is a minor fault and the reader should not let this detract from the otherwise superb presentation of the vol- ume. | highly recommend that anyone even remotely interested in Australia’s ferns, fern allies and gymnosperms save their pennies, fill their piggy-banks and buy a copy of this volume of Flora of Australia! Maria Gibson School of Biological and Chemical Sciences, Deakin University, Clayton, Victoria 3168. 103 Software Review Compendium of FUNGIMAP Target Species Version 1.0 [CD-ROM] Publisher: Fuvciwar, Melbourne, Australia. RRP $15.00 This outstanding first PuNGIMAP CD- ROM provides the user with detailed infor- mation on the 100 FUNGIMAP Target species in the form of written descriptions, numerous photos and illustrative material as well as the distribution maps created from the records sent in by volunteers across Australia. The CD also includes general information on FUNGIMAP, à glos- sary of mycological terms, and basic infor- mation on the structure of fungi. For those interested, further mycological information may be gained from the list of reference books and fungi web sites. The opening screen makes it so easy to pet started — just click on the topic //ow to use this CD-ROM and all is revealed. The icons are explained and navigation through the CD is clearly laid out. The opening statement was particularly reassuring: "Explore the CD-ROM in any manner you like. You can't do it any harm and you can always return to the start by clicking this icon [HOME]. Troubleshooting is also very helpful, especially with older machines and earlier versions of Windows where sometimes the whole screen is not visible, or ‘the image is awful; Answers are given with easily followed solutions. However, the CD-ROM needs a computer with a colour resolution of 800x600 (and higher) pixels, and is, unfortunately, only available for PC's not Mac`s, The first screen is clearly set out with a list of topics on the right and on the left, a diagrammatic ‘mushroom cap' divided into segments that when highlighted and clicked lead to the descriptions of the 100 FUNGIMAP Target species, Everything that you need to know about partieipating in FUNGIMAP is included in the headings under Fungimap. In Fungi Features the stages of ‘why a mushroom is mushroom-shaped’ is amusing — first there is a sketch of a gill, a pore and a tooth, then clicking on the next ‘principles’ you get a collection of gills/pores/teeth, then ‘a 104 cover to keep off the rain’ etc. This is especially useful for those of us who are new to the subject. Additional documents can also be accessed that include informa- tion for beginners, record sheets ete., and PUNGIMAP Newsletters 1-12. In the next topic, Fungi Skills, microscop- ic images of some fungi spores have been included which further adds to the interest and study of the subject, The Resources topic shows the paucity of purely Australian fungi books, and indicates how necessary this CD-ROM is. Throughout the topics there are direct access routes to fungi web sites other than the FUNGIMAP site. This feature is very useful. Back to the fun part of the opening screen finding out about the 100 FUNGIMAP Target species. Access to each species can be done in a number of ways as indicated on the ‘mushroom cap’, which is divided into 8 segments and an inner cir- cle. As the cursor moves over any of the sections, sample illustrations and text appears in boxes, which give more infor- mation about that segment. Al targets, in the centre of the ‘cap’, takes you directly to the descriptions of the species starting at A — Agaricus xanthodermus Yellow Stainer as 1/100 down to 100/100 Volvariella speciosa. From the outer segments of the ‘cap’, you can select whether you want to look at gilled fungi, those with pores or teeth, or any of the other types. All these, when activated, take the reader to a second screen with tagged files and thumbnail illustrations of each species. Clicking on any of the species illustrated will take you to its description. On the other hand, you can go to the Taxonomy segment that lists the species in their order, family, genus and species, and by clicking on any of the species here you can also go directly to the deseription. There is also another way to access the species, which | particularly liked - by colour. At the second screen the The Victorian Naturalist thumbnails are arranged in colour. [ also found helpful those fungi listed by habitat, ie. the desert fungi, and think it would also be useful if other species could be grouped according to habitat, or substrate. The first screen of the description gives the name, etymology, taxonomy and com- mon name, if there is one. Most of the screen is taken up with an illustration of the species, with arrows indicating the rel- evant macroscopic features that are charac- teristic of the fungus. This is an excellent feature and backed up with the more detailed description (accessed by the ‘nage’ icon on the screen), and further photos (accessed by the ‘camera’ icon) enables a positive recognition of the species. The number of additional photos of the species is another commendable fea- ture. They show the species in a variety of stages and aspects, thus giving the reader a ‘concept’ of the species, which is very important since fungi are so variable in many cases. The photos are excellent, and the wonderful thing is that FUNGIMAP vol- unteers have contributed all (over 700) free of charge. Unfortunately not all the species have further written descriptions, or a vari- ety of other photos, thus making it difficult to identify these species, especially for beginners, The map icon shows the distribution of the fungus. It is particularly gratifying that FUNGIMAP volunteers’ records have very greatly increased the information on the Software Review distribution of most species. The red FUNGIMAP Squares dominate almost every map (the blue ones indicate herbarium specimens, and the green, literary records). Victoria and Tasmania are seen to have a lot of records, but this is probably the dis- tribution of recorders rather than a dearth of FUNGIMAP targets elsewhere. Other information included with some species is a spore print, and any ‘look alike’ fungi. One feature I particularly liked was that when Cyttaria gunnii was said to grow on Myrtle Beech, by clicking on the camera icon near this information, an image of the Myrtle Beech was shown, similarly with Banksiamyces macrocarpa on Banksia spinulosa. This is just the first version (see How to use this CD-ROM — the 2" edition) and a later edition will fix up the lack of descrip- tions and photos as well as adding further features and an enlarged target species list. I shall look forward to that. lan Bell is to be congratulated on putting together such an elegant program — easy to use and tremendous fun. It will be espe- cially useful for those just starting with FuNGIMAP; in fact, fungi in general, since there is information on many genera, The RRP of $15.00 makes this CD-ROM an extremely good buy. Pat Grey 8 Woona Court, Yallambie, Victoria 3085, CD available from FUNGIMAP Royal Botanie Gardens Melbourne, Birdwood Avenue, South Yarra, Victoria 3141. Cost $15.00 + $3.00 (GST + postage and handling) anywhere in Australia. Cheques made out to; Field Naturalists Club of Victoria 100 Years Ago WHERE THE BiRDS Go To — In à recent issue of the Daily Mail (London) some account was given of a sale of bird skins in that city. One firm sold no less than 2,151 female Birds of Paradise, while another had 847 and a third 531! These were sold in lots of 50 or 60 at from 16s. to 24s. per skin. One of the firms had 1,181 Impeyan Pheasants, together with large quantities of Osprey feathers, skins of parrots, jays, owls, crested pigeons, and other birds. A line of 1,000 lately deceased “Pretty Pollies" went off at 1'/4 d. each! From The Victorian Naturalist Vol. XVIII, 1901. Vol. 118 (3) 2001 Tribute Stefanie Rennick 27 March 1918 —3 January 2001 Environmentalist and Naturalist Stefanie Rennick joined the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria 18 years ago, in 1983. About this time she also became a prominent environmentalist on the Mornington Peninsula. She joined the newly formed Southern Peninsula Tree Preservation Society and put to work her visions for the protection of biodiversity in the region. She was already a long time member of the Melbourne Women's Walking Club and also had an increasing interest in native plants. When there was a plan to subdivide part of Greens Bush she campaigned strongly for the whole area to be put into the Mornington Peninsula National Park. Finally, when this goal was realised, and when walking tracks were being constructed she had visions for a field guide for the whole Peninsula. A book committee was set up and a grant obtained. Stefanie worked tirelessly at this with assistance from Ilma Dunn, who sup- plied most of the photos. The book, *The Mornington Peninsula: A field guide to the flora, fauna and walking tracks’ (1990), was a great success, raising over $40,000 in book sales which she requested go to Trust for Nature to be used only for con- servation on the Mornington Peninsula. One campaign Stefanie fought strongly for was the relocation of the Main Ridge Equestrian Centre from Council-owned land adjacent to the Mornington Peninsula National Park. Phytophthora had been found in the area near a stream that runs into the Park, causing a serious threat to the flora of the Park. Stefanie fought Council bureaucracy for years in this ongoing saga and it is unfortunate she did not live to see the matter resolved, On a brighter note Stefanie had been engaged in a long- running dispute with the Shire over slashing road- side verges in late spring when many late flowering native species had not set seed. Because of her tena- cious spirit, Council has changed its attitude and has identified many road- Side verges for special protection. Stefanie was also a mem- ber of the Southern Peninsula Indigenous Fauna and Flora Association and always had lots to say on local matters, At meetings she would nearly always bring along a bunch of environ- mental weeds to educate members, and spoke strongly for weed removal. All those she inspired are determined to keep fighting for the things she believed in and her vision for the The Victorian Naturalist Peninsula. A granite tor with a bronze plaque has been erected in her honour on a section of the Two Bays Track. It reads In honour of Stefanie Rennick ‘Teacher, Naturalist, Environmentalist and Bushwalker whose vision saw the establishment of The Two Bays Walking Track, and who has fought tirelessly for the Preservation of Mornington Peninsula’s Biodiversity. A woman lor all seasons. Stefanie’s environmental activities also extended to suburbia, where she used her Honours teaching skills to introduce the students at Ormond East Primary School to indige- nous plants. Together they built and looked after a native garden at Joyce’s Park and thus she passed her knowledge and envi- ronmental ideas on to a new generation. She was also involved and participated in activities with the Victorian National Parks Association, Native Corridor Research Group, and The Australian Plants Society (where she was made a life member). Somehow she also found time to con- tribute to The Victorian Naturalist! Tom Sault 51 Russell Street, l'ootgarook, Victoria 3941. Stefanie's photo supplied by her family Lyle Courtney, OAM Congratulations to Lyle Courtney, a long-time member of the Maryborough Field Naturalists Club, who was awarded the Medal of the Order of Australia in the General Division on Australia Day, 26 January 2001. Lyle's award was ‘for ser- vice to the community through the collec- tion and supply of Red-back Spider speci- mens for the production of antivenoms by the Commonwealth Serum Laboratories’. Inspired by an appeal from the late Crosbie Morrison, Lyle began collecting Red-backs in 1955 and over a period of more than 43 years supplied over 50,000 spiders to CSL. The vast majority of the spiders came from within a 50-mile radius of Maryborough, and, in true field natural- ist style, Lyle has a record of every spider sent over the years to CSL. The individual spiders required by CSL had to be large, so of course when Lyle was collecting he would see ten times more Red-backs than he captured and feels he can justifiably claim ‘to have seen more Red-back Spiders than anyone else in the history of the human race’. Lyle Courtney is probably more well- known to many members of the FNCV for his untiring conservation efforts in the last Vol. 118 (3) 2001 remaining remnants of his local Box- Ironbark forest. Congratulations Lyle from all your FNCV colleagues. The Editors 107 The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. Reg No A0033611X Established 1880 In which is incorporated the Microscopical Society of Victoria OBJECTIVES: To stimulate interest in natural history and to preserve and protect Australian flora and fauna. Membership is open to any person interested in natural history and includes beginners as well as experienced naturalists. Registered Office: FNCV, | Gardenia Street, Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Postal Address: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn. Victoria 3130, Australia Phone/Fax (03) 9877 9860; International Phone/Fax 61 3 9877 9860. Patron John Landy, MBE, The Governor of Victoria Key Office-Bearers President: VACANT. Vice President; DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, | Astley Street, Montmorency 3094, 9435 8408 Hon. Secretary: MRS ANNE Morton, 10 Rupicola Court, Rowville 3178. 9790 0656 Hon. Treasurer: MR ALISTER FERGUSON, 2 Scott Street, Canterbury 3126. 9836 0729 Subscription-Secretary: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. 9877 9860 Editor, The Vic. Nat.: MRS MERILYN GREY, 8 Martin Road, Glen Iris 3146. 9889 6223 Assist. Editor, The Vic. Nat.: MR ALISTAIR EVANS, 2/5 Glenbrook Avenue, Clayton 3168. 8505 4339 and Mrs ANNE MORTON, as above. Librarian: MRS SHEILA HOUGHTON, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 5428 4097 Excursion Co-ordinator: MR DENNIS MELTZER, 8 Harcourt Avenue, Caufield 3162. 9523 1853 Book Sales: DR ALAN PARKIN, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 9435 5749 Book Brokerage: MR RAY WHITE, 9 Longtown Court, Craigieburn 3064, AH 9308 3770 Newsletter Editors: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, as above and MR KEITH MARSHALL, 8/423 Tooronga Road, Hawthorn East 3123. 9882 3044 Conservation Coordinator: MR Jim WALKER, 167 Balaclava Road, Caulfield 3162. 9527 5601 Group Secretaries Botany: MS KAREN Dosson, 58 Rathmullen Road, Boronia 3155. BH 9877 9860 Geology: MR Ros HAMSON, 5 Foster Street, McKinnon 3204. 9557 5215 Fauna Survey: Ms SOPHIE SMALL, 107 Bondi Road, Bonbeach 3196. A11 9772 2848 Marine Research: MR MicHAeL Lyons, 2/18 Stonnington Place, Toorak 3142. AH 9822 8007 Microscopical: MR RAY POWER, 36 Schotters Road, Mernda 3754. 9717 3511 MEMBERSHIP Members receive The Victorian Naturalist and the monthly Field Nat News free. The Club organis- es several monthly meetings (free to all) and excursions (transport costs may be charged). Field work, including botany, mammal and invertebrate surveys, is being done at a number of locations in Victoria, and all members are encouraged to participate. YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION RATES — The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. First Member Metropolitan $40 Concessional (pensioner/student/unemployed) $30 Country (more than 50 km from GPO) $30 Junior (under 18) $15 Overseas AUS65 Additional Members Adult $15 Junior $5 Institutional Australian Institutions $55 Overseas Institutions AUS65 Schools/Clubs $35 Send to: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Printed by Brown Prior Anderson, 5 Evans Street, Burwood, Victoria 3125. The Victorian Naturalist August 2001 Volume 118 (4) f Published by The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria since 1884 Tribute Vale Ilma Dunn 1911 — 2001 Photographer and Naturalist Around 1960 Ilma joined the Native Plants Preservation Society and, in 1963, the Bird Observers Club. She joined the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria in 1972. From that time she was an active participant in the Club, especially the Botany Group, leading excursions and giving talks, includ- ing a memorable slide show of high country plants set to music. IIma enjoyed attending Club and Botany Group meetings, and was a regular until prevented by frailty in recent years. She often brought along some inter- esting recent find for the table of exhibits, and also helped to prepare displays for open days. Her husband, David Dunn, also attended many Club activities, and was FNCV Treasurer from 1980 to 1984 (see The Victorian Naturalist 114: 259). Already a keen photographer before join- ing the FNCV, her knowledge of natural history and skill in wildflower photogra- phy developed rapidly, her pictures being much admired for their artistic quality as well as their technical excellence. [lma’s favourite subjects were orchids and fungi, and she also photographed many wildflow- ers. She had a wide knowledge of plants and fungi, was interested in growing native and exotic orchids, and was also interested in the details of natural history, such as observing insect pollinators of orchids. Ilma sent in one of the very first batches of records to the Fungimap scheme in 1995, and continued to support the scheme by providing records and photos. A number of Ilma’s photographs appear in two recently published books. One is "The Mornington Peninsula — a Field Guide to the Flora, Fauna and Walking Tracks’ of which she was also a joint author with the late Stephanie Rennick. More recently, the book ‘Wildflowers of Victoria’, by Margaret Corrick and Bruce Fuhrer. con- tains further examples of her work. Ima and her husband David were enthu- siastie supporters of the *Photoflora' com- petitions and exhibitions organised by the Native Plants Preservation Society from 1963 to 1980. Ilma contributed both as a committee member, slide contributor and judge. She also played a major part in organising the subsequent ‘Mini- Photoflora’ series of audiovisuals which were made available to the public for bor- rowing and display. Ilma was actively involved in the many projects of the Society to save and protect small areas of valuable native vegetation in danger of being lost to development. Through this activity she became a founda- tion member of the group whose work led to the setting aside of the Barak Willem Flora Reserve in South Belgrave with its wealth of botanical interest. Ilma was very generous in allowing oth- ers to use her photos in talks and publica- tions. Her photos appeared in the Viridans CD-ROM Wild Plants of Victoria, and are also represented in the NRE Flora Information System. A superb photo of the blue toadstool Entoloma viresecens, taken by Ilma in New Zealand, featured on the front cover of a recent issue of The Victorian Naturalist, Volume 118 (2). Her collection of more than 5 000 photographs is now housed at the Royal Botanic Gardens Melbourne. Ilma and David were close friends of Jim and Mavis Willis and Ilma also took some photographs for Jim on excursions in his later years. In her last years, when no longer able to attend meetings or visit the bush, Ima con- tinued to enjoy her nature photography using the many fascinating plants, flowers and insects in her own garden. Serious ill- health in early 2001 curtailed her activity but she reached her 90^ birthday in May, celebrating the occasion quietly with friends and relatives. She died peacefully in her sleep on the night of her birthday. Ilma will be remembered fondly by her many friends in the FNCV for her gentle and inquisitive nature. She was always good company on excursions, and ever willing to share her knowledge of and enthusiasm for plants and fungi, and assist others with photographic techniques. This tribute has been compiled from information kindly supplied by Geoff and Ruth Christensen, John Eichler, Paul Gullan, Tom May and Hilary Weatherhead The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (4) 2001 August Editor: Merilyn Grey Assistant Editors: Alistair Evans and Anne Morton Research Report Long Distance Transport of Arsenic by Migrating Bogong Moths from Agricultural Lowlands to Mountain Ecosystems, by Ken Green, Linda Broome, PICO FIenze Gnaastuart SONS LO Gyo Ie eee cete I icta EHI W n SEN 112 Contributions A Review of Insect-induced Galls and Mistletoes on Buloke Allocasuarina luehmannii in the Victorian Wimmera, by Matthew F. Wright and Diana R. Burgess iniaatas 117 Opportunistic Vertebrate Predation by the Squirrel Glider Petaurus norfolcensis, by Greg J. Holland.................. sess 123 Human and Natural Impacts on the Upper Yarra Region with Reference to the Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve: DREVEN DP ASSET RS SE ERE ATA A S Ba: 127 Book Reviews Nature Photography, by Ken Griffiths, reviewed by AARE a Le) ctf) ge E es rE E EE ee enait 142 Wildflowers of Victoria, by Margaret G. Corrick and Bruce A. Fuhrer, reviewed by Bernadette Sinclair ..................... 143 Honours PATAAS DAMA S0, PHAR HERNAN P t Heine inde 140 WE ROTET INTO UNDO Aire ERRETIRA rro qaytas 141 Tribute Vete Linda IAE P W. tense RTA Mie EAR 3 «e Map eate 110 ISSN 0042-5184 Cover: The Squirrel Glider Petaurus norfolcensis has been found to occasionally feed on vertebrates. Photo by John Seebeck. See article on page 123. Our web page: http://calcite.apana.org.au/fncv/vicnat.html email: fnev@vicnet.net.au Research Report Long Distance Transport of Arsenic by Migrating Bogong Moths from Agricultural Lowlands to Mountain Ecosystems Ken Green’, Linda Broome’, Dean Heinze’ and Stuart Johnston! Abstract Bogong Moths Agrotis infusa (Lepidoptera: Noctuidae) migrate in spring from the inland plains of eastern Australia to aestivate up to 1000 km away in rock crevices in tors and periglacial block- streams in the Snowy Mountains and Victorian Alps, In spring/summer 2000/01, heavy rains washed debris from caves in the Snowy Mountains, killing adjoining, grass. Arsenic was detected in soils from the caves and soil and grass from outwash areas, but not in soils and grass from adjacent unaf- fected areas. Faeces from mammalian predators of moths contained more arsenic than faeces Irom a herbivore from the same region, Arsenic levels were higher in moths from caves in the Snowy Mountains where vegetation was killed than in moths from the ACT or Victoria. The results indicate long distance transport of sublethal quantities of arsenic which are then concentrated to damaging levels by the millions of moths at aestivation sites. Introduction The larvae of Bogong Moths Agrotis infusa (Noctuidae) are found from autumn lo spring in eastern Australia from the Darling Downs in Queensland, south to the north-western plains of Victoria (Fig. 1). These areas have historically been used for grazing and cropping, and the Bogong Moth cutworm larvae are sometimes con- sidered an agricultural pest (Common 1954). The larvae feed on annuals, but in the absence of their food plants over sum- mer the moths migrate to the Australian Alps where they fast while aestivating gre- gariously in rock crevices and caves (Common 1954). Historically, Bogong Moths formed an important part of the summer diet of Aboriginal people from around the Australian Alps (Flood 1980). Today they still form an important part of the diets of many vertebrate species, including the endangered Mountain Pygmy-possum Burramys parvus, the most reliant of the native mammals on Bogong Moths (Mansergh and Broome 1994), Heavy rains in November 2000 washed accumulated debris of dead moths out of many aestivation sites. In January 2001 | National Parks and Wildlife Service, Snowy Mountains Region, PO Box 2228, Jindabyne, NSW 2627. : National Parks and. Wildlife Serviee, l'hreatened Species Unit, PO Box 2115, Queanbeyan, NSW 2620. La Trobe University, PO Box 821, Wodonga, Victoria 3689 ‘Johnston Environmental Consulting Pty Ltd, 5 Nightingale Lane, Berridale, NSW 2628, 112 (The Vietorian Naturalist 118 (4), 200), 112-116.) complete mortality of grass Pod fawcettiae in the outwash zone at one site prompted an investigation of possible chemical cont- amination in the moths, the affected soils and vegetation. Methods In order to examine soil chemical proper- ties in detail, soil samples were collected (approximately 0-10 cm depth) from up to five separate areas within each site and samples were then pooled. Samples were collected from within caves used as aesti- vation sites by Bogong Moths, in the area outside the cave over which water and debris from the cave had drained, and as close as possible to this but outside of the drainage line from the cave. Soil exchangeable cations were determined using an ammonium acetate extraction (Lambert 1978) and analysed on a Varian Flame Atomic Absorption Spectro- photometer. Statistical analysis of arsenic levels was undertaken using two-way ANOVA, From preliminary findings it was estab- lished that arsenic occurred in higher con- centration in affected soils, and therefore, subsequent analysis concentrated on this one element. Bogong Moths were collected live by hand at aestivation sites or by ultra violet moth lights at Mt, Gingera (ACT), South Ramshead (Snowy Mountains NSW) and from Mt. Buller and Mt. Buffalo (Victoria) (Fig. 1). Sample size varied from 50-120 moths depending upon availability, and The Victorian Naturalist e. QUEENSLAND < ay | | - n 1 i @ Brisbane j Mt Gingera E hz Melbourne Sth Ramshead Mt Buffalo Mt Buller ES] Self-mulching soils = Areas above 1400m 0 100 200 300 N km Fig. 1. Map of south eastern Australia showing areas above 1400 m altitude, including the mountain aestivation sites sampled in the pre- sent study, and the chief areas of self-mulching soils that appear to be the most important breed- ing grounds of Bogong Moths (after Conimon 1954). samples were pooled and frozen as soon as possible after capture. Analysis was of a subsample of approximately 50 moths (adjusted to give approximately equal mass) from each location. Analysis of arsenic levels in Bogong Moths was con- ducted using a nitric acid digest (modified from Rayment and Higginson 1992) with arsenic determination on a Varian Vista ICP-MS (Inductively Coupled Plasma - Mass Spectrophotometer). Samples of grass were collected from three to four sites of approximately 400 cm' within the area outside the cave over which water from the cave drained (dead grass) and from adjacent to this, outside of the cave drainage but still close to the Vol. 118 (4) 2001 Research Report Table 1. Elemental arsenic content of Bogong Moths Agrotis infusa compared to a known sample of 0.0000 ug.kg' arsenic (for use with samples at low concentrations). Location Elemental arsenic (ug.kg") Control (known sample) 0.103 Mt. Gingera (ACT) 0.101 South Ramshead (NSW) 2.296 Mt. Buffalo (Vic) 0.186 Mt. Buller (Vic) 0.333 rocks (live grass). Grass samples were pooled, sub-sampled and then prepared using a wet acid digestion method using hydrochloric acid (Lambert 1978, Rayment and Higginson 1992) and analysed on a Varian Flame Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometer. Sub-sampling of stored faeces of Mountain Pygmy-possums was conducted following the discovery of arsenic in the mountain system. Faecal samples had been collected annually for dietary studies and stored frozen. Individual samples were sub-sampled so as to retain information on diet, and all samples for one area were then pooled. Three other mammal species were also tested. These were trapped at Smiggin Holes, 3.5 km from the nearest Bogong Moth aestivation site. These had differing diets ranging from insectivorous (Dusky Antechinus Antechinus swainsonii). omnivorous with the major food being fun- gus and insects (Bush Rat Rattus fuscipes) and one obligate herbivore (Tooarana or Broad-toothed Rat Mastacomys fuscus) (Green and Osborne 1994), Samples from the latter species were chosen as represen- tative of background levels of arsenic in mountain mammals. Only M. fuscus is marked individually on the trapping grid, so samples could be collected from indi- viduals over the three days of trapping. For the other two species which were not marked individually, faeces were pooled from all animals after the first night's trap- ping. Analysis of arsenic levels in faecal samples was undertaken using ICP-MS (Inductively Coupled Plasma - Mass Spectrometry) on a Hewlett Packard HP4500 ICP-MS using nitric acid digest (Rayment and Higginson 1992). 113 Research Report Table 2 Arsenic levels in soils adjacent to moth aestivation sites where live moths were sampled and for all sites combined. (Each site is pooled [rom up to five samples.) Mean and standard deviation. Site state Elemental arsenic (mg.kg") South Ramshead site 2 — in cave n/a 15.7272 South Ramshead site 2- outwash area Dead 3.5551 South Ramshead site 2- undisturbed Live 0.0000 Average of 8 sites - in cave n/a 6.0292::8.0292 Average of 8 sites - outwash area Dead 0.50354-1.2553 Average of 8 sites — undisturbed Live 0.0005-£0.001.3 Mt. Gingera — in cave n/a 0.1542 Mt. Gingera — outwash area Live 0.0000 Mt. Gingera ~ undisturbed Live 0.0000 Results and Discussion The movements of arsenic from Bogong Moths to soil to grass and from moths to mammals are firmly established (Tables 1- 4). There was a significant trend (E 3.593, P<0.05) of decreasing levels of arsenic in soils from caves to unaffected sites outside of drainage lines (Table 2) that mirrored the observed effect on vegetation. The analyses of unaffected soils, live grass and herbivore faeces indicated that the arsenic in the affected soil, dead grass and faeces of insectivores was not of local origin but had been introduced to the system by immigrant insects. The presence of arsenic in the most heavily preyed upon insect, the Bogong Moth (Table 1), indicates that these moths are the source of arsenic at the aestivation sites. Bogong Moths do not feed locally during aestivation (Common 1954) so it is most likely that the arsenic originated in the soils where the larvae feed (LE.B. Common, pers, comm.). The distances between the larval sites inland to the aestivation sites in the mountains is up to 1000 km. This finding constitutes yet another example of long-distance transport of pollutants, but one that is unusual in that an insect is the transporting agent. Although there are few data on insects, the levels of arsenic detected in moths at the most affected site were well below levels causing mortality of moths elsewhere (Eisler 1994), Arsenic levels in moths were highest at the location where the impact of outwash from aestivation sites on vegetation was first noted at South Ramshead, Arsenic levels in caves and outwash (Table 2) reflect the differing lev- els found in the moths at Mount Gingera and South Ramshead (Table 1). Soils at 114 Table 3. Elemental arsenic content in affected und unaffected grass beside moth aestivation sites at South Ramshead. (Each site is pooled from up to four samples.) Site Grass state Elemental arsenic (mg. kg") Site | edge ofcave — Dead 0.005 outwash area Dead 0.006 Site 5 undisturbed Live 0.000 -outwash area Dead 0,006 Site 6 outwash area Dead 0.007 five other sites where grass was killed had similarly elevated levels of arsenic in the cave and outwash relative to undisturbed soil. Unfortunately the phenomenon was noticed too late in the season to sample moths at those sites prior to their emigra- tion. The compound containing the arsenic has not yet been identified, due to the shortage of moths subsequent to the main migration, but all dead grass contained levels of arsenic not found in live grass (Table 3). There was obviously uptake of arsenic [rom the soil by the grass although the causal connection of arsenic with grass mortality is not firmly established. The arsenic levels in soils in two caves at South Ramshead, a major aestivation site south-west of Mt. Kosciuszko, were high- er, at 15.7 and 23.8 ppm, than residues generally found in farmlands in America (Yan-Chu 1994) and orchards in New South Wales (EPA 1995) but within the range of residues accumulated in orchards in America (Yan-Chu 1994), Arsenic appears to be well entrenched in the mammalian insectivore food chain, The Victorian Naturalist Research Report He — < — — — —————T—WrF apan Table 4. Elemental arsenic content (mg.kg"') of faeces of three mammal species that feed on Bogong Moths and one herbivore (Mastacomys fuscus) acting as a control. Year 1994 1995 1998 2000 Burramvs parvus Trap grid 1 0.1 0.4 0.1 <0.2 Trap grid 2 <0.5 1.6 <0.2 «0.2 Trap grid 3 <0.5 Trap grid 4 0.2 <0.1 0.3 0.3 Trap grid 5 «0.5 0.8* 0.1 «0.5 Trap grid 6 0.2 0.4 «0.5 0.3 Smiggin Holes: Antechinus swainsonii 0.5 Rattus fuscipes 0.6 Mastacomys fuscus «0.1 *1994 and 1995 combined. with only one species of small mammal tested, the herbivorous Tooarana or Broad- toothed Rat, being unaffected. The impacts of arsenic within the mountain ecosystem are unknown. The small size and the rarity of dead specimens of the endangered Mountain Pygmy-possum make it difficult to collect samples to determine the levels in tissue and to speculate as to its possible effect in suppressing the population of Mountain Pygmy-possums. Bioaccumulation of environmental pollu- tants and their concentration by terrestrial organisms normally occur im situ in, for example, plants such as willows (Salix spp.) (Larison et al. 2000). Exceptions to this are where transport of pollutants occurs through the action of wind or water prior to uptake (Sivertsen et al. 1995; Kalas et al. 2000) with levels generally decreasing with distance from the source (Kalas er al. 2000). What is less frequently documented is the long-distance transport of small amounts of chemicals by individ- ual organisms and subsequent concentra- tion to detrimental levels. The altitudinal flow of anthropogenic nutrients such as crop fertilisers has, however, been docu- mented for phosphorus in windblown Alfalfa Moths Loxostage cerareolis (Halfpenny 1994). Polluting sources such as smelters and fossil fuel power plants are major sources of arsenic in surface soils (Yan-Chu 1994), However, Bogong Moths come from upwind of the eastern seaboard of Australia where industry is concentrated. It is possible that there are natural sources of arsenic in Vol. 118 (4) 2001 systems from which the larvae feed which are amplified by bioaccumulation via the Bogong Moths. However, a more likely source is agricultural. The use of arsenic in agriculture has left a legacy of broad-acre contamination of soils, mainly associated with areas of intensive agriculture and horti- culture (EPA 2001). Arsenic has been used in a variety of agricultural applications: in pesticides, insecticides and in cattle and sheep dips (Azcue and Nriagu 1994). It has also been used as Jead arsenate for the con- trol of moths in fruit crops (Buchanan 1977; Yoon and Kim 1977). From the 1860s to 1940s, when DDT was introduced, arsenical compounds were the major insecticides available to agriculture (Nriagu and Azcue 1990) and remained in use in Australia until the 1950s and 1960s (EPA 2001). The major use of arsenic is still in agriculture in various forms including monosodium methylarsonate (MSMA) (Azcue and Nriagu 1994). There are five MSMA herbi- cide sprays currently licensed for use in agriculture in New South Wales (National Registration Authority 2001). In soils, arsenic is present as arsenate (AsO,*), and its behaviour resembles that of phosphate (Davies and Jones 1988). For example, arsenate is absorbed by ligand exchange on hydrous iron and aluminium oxides (Davies and Jones 1988). This study shows that the soils of the Snowy Mountains have natural- ly low levels of exchangeable arsenic. Addition to these soils of exogenous arsenic, which is readily taken up by plants, has led to major impacts on the vegetation around the aestivation areas. 115 Research Report The presence of arsenic in all four years for which faeces of B. parvus were tested (Table 4) suggests that arsenic may be transported to the mountains annually. This suggests that there may be regular absorption of arsenic by the cutworm lar- vae, probably from their food plants. Small amounts of arsenic are then trans- ported at low concentrations, by individual moths but in extremely high numbers, and concentrated where they congregate in the mountains, causing visible and extensive damage. The arsenic content of moths and soils at Mt. Gingera (Tables | and 2), con- trasting to those at South Ramshead and in Victoria, suggests that there are different sources of these moths. It has long been suspected that Bogong Moths in different aestivation sites come from different areas and this study adds credence to that specu- lation. This question may be resolved by genetic studies matching adults to larvae from known agricultural areas. Collection of material for this study is currently in progress with the primary aim of the genetic study being to narrow the focus of searching for the source of the arsenic. Acknowledgments We thank lan Common and Ted Edwards (CSIRO) for discussions on Bogong Moths and l'rances Johnston for help with statistics. References Azeue. J.M. and Nriagu, J.O. (1994), Arsenic: histori- cal perspectives. /n “Arsenic in the environment Part V, pp. 1-15. Ed, J,O. Nriagu. (Wiley, New York.) Buchanan, G.A. (1977). The seasonal abundance and control of light brown apple moth, Epiphyas postvit- tana (Walker) (Lepidoptera:Tortricidae), on grapevines in Victoria. Australian Journal of Agricultural Research 28, 125-132. Common, LF.B. (1954), A study of the ecology of the adult bogong moth Agrotis infusa (Boisd.) (Lepidoptera: Noctuidae), with special reference to its behaviour during migration and aestivation. Australian Journal of Zoology 2, 223-263. Davies, B.E. and Jones, L.H.P. (1988) Micronutrients and toxic elements. /7 ‘Russell's soil conditions and plant growth, 11" edition’, pp. 780-814. Ed. A. Wild. (Longman Scientific & Technical; Essex.) Environment Protection Agency (1995). “Assessment of orchard and market garden contaminated sites dis- cussion paper’. (Environment Protection Agency. Sydney.) Environment Protection Agency (2001). Website WW. epa.nsw.gov.au. Eisler, R. (1994). A review of arsenic hazards to plants and animals with emphasis on fishery and wildlife resources. fn ‘Arsenic in the environment Part 2’, pp. 185-259. Ed. J.O. Nriagu. (Wiley, New York.) Flood, J.M. (1980). ‘The moth hunters’. (Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies: Canberra.) Green, K. and Osborne, W.S. (1994). "Wildlife of the Australian Snow-Country'. (Reed: Sydney.) Halfpenny, J.C. (1994). Animals of the mountains. fn ‘Mountains’, pp. 80-95, Ed. J.D. Ives. (Rodale Press: Emmaus.) Kalas, J.A., Steinnes, E. and Lierhagen, S. (2000). Lead exposure of small herbivorous vertebrates from atmospheric pollution. Environmental Pollution 107, 21-29. Lambert, M.J. (1978). "Methods for Chemical Analysis'. Technical Paper No. 25. (Forestry Commission NSW: Sydney.) Larison, J.R., Likens, G.E., Fitzpatrick, J.W. and Crock, J.G. (2000). Cadmium toxicity among wildlife in the Colorado Rocky Mountains. Narure 406, 181-183, Mansergh, I.M, and Broome, L.S. (1994). ‘The moun- lain pygmy-possum of the Australian Alps' (University of NSW Press; Kensington.) National Registration Authority (2001). Website Www.nra.gov.au. Nriagu, J.O. and Azcue, J.M. (1990). Environmental sources of arsenic in food Advances in Environmental Science and Technology 23, 103-127. Rayment, G.E. and Higginson, F.R. (1992), * Australian Laboratory Handbook of Soil and Water Chemical Methods’. (Inkata Press, Melbourne.) Sivertsen, T., Daae, ILL., Godal, A. and Sand, G. (1995). Ruminant uptake of nickel and other ele- ments from industrial air pollution in the Norwegian- Russian border area, Environmental Pollution 90, 75- 8L, Yan-Chu, H. (1994). Arsenie distribution in soils. Ji ‘Arsenic in the environment Part 1°, pp. 17-49, Ed, J.O. Nriagu. (Wiley, New York.) Yoon, J.K. and Kim, K.S. (1977). Control of the fruits piercing moths, Korean Journal of Plant Protection. 16, 127-131. International Year of Mountains 2002 The United Nations has declared 2002 as the International Year of Mountains. The aim is to celebrate and focus global attention on mountain communities and environ- ments. A number of activities associated with mountain environments in Australia are already planned including a “biodiversity blitz’ at Kosciuszko in January (under the auspices of the Australian Institute of Alpine Studies) and a conference on rehabilita- tion of mountain ecosystems in November (Australian Alps Liaison Committee). 116 The Victorian Naturalist Contributions A Review of Insect-induced Galls and Mistletoes on Buloke Allocasuarina luehmannii in the Victorian Wimmera Matthew F. Wright' and Diana R. Burgess Abstract Remnants of Buloke Allocasuarina luehmannii on the Wimmera plains of Victoria are host to gall- inducing insects and mistletoes, The taxonomy, life cycle and morphological variability of the Cylindrocoecus gall-formers are reviewed, together with their potential for damage and methods of control. The host range and population status of two buloke-associated mistletoe species, Amyema linophyllum and Lysiana exocarpi, are described and their effects on the buloke host are considered. The review revealed a lack of information about environmental factors that may cause gall and mistletoe populations to increase at the expense of their buloke hosts. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (4), 2001, 117-122.) Introduction Buloke Allocasuarina luehmannii R.T. Baker (Casuarinaceae) is the dominant or co-dominant tree species in remnant wood- lands on the Wimmera plains of Victoria (Lunt et al. 1998). These ecosystems were once extensive on the better-drained, fer- tile soils of the Wimmera (Goucher 1982; Morcom and Westbrooke 1998) and played a vital role in the ecology of indige- nous flora and fauna (Connor 1996; Emison 1996; Morison and Harvey 1997), After extensive clearing, 95% (16,700 km) of this land is now under cultivation (Land Conservation Council 1985), leav- ing a mosaic of isolated remnants on road- sides and freehold land. Buloke is listed as depleted under the Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act (Morison and Harvey 1997). Its failure to regenerate, especially in northern areas (Flux 1998), and the death of mature trees (W. Jones pers. comm.; D. Burgess unpubl. data) is cause for concern. Decline and death of native trees in isolated remnants has been attributed to increased infestation by mistletoes and insects (Loyn 1987; Wylie et al. 1993) resulting from vegetation removal (Thomas 1997). This review will discuss the gall and mistletoe parasites of Buloke, and will consider their implica- tions for the survival and conservation of Buloke in the Victorian Wimmera. Current address: 15 Kalmaine Court, Diamond Creek, Victoria 3089, ` Current address: Department of Botany, La Trobe University, Victoria 3086. ` Author for correspondence. Vol. 118 (4) 2001 Insect-induced galls Insect-induced galls are atypical growths produced in response to insect feeding ona host plant (Mani 1992; Austin and Dangerfield 1998). Growth forms range from almost normal plant organs to bizarre and complex abnormalities (Mani 1992). Gall shape and morphology is often unique to the inducing insect species (Rohfritsch 1992), facilitating its identification (Manners 1993). Most gall-inducers are host specific (Dreger-Jauffret and Shorthouse 1992), the result of a prolonged evolutionary association (Roskam 1992). Galls are physiological sinks, drawing photoassimilates from the plant into spe- cialised nutritive cells that supply the gall insect (Rohfritsch 1992; Ananthakrishnan 1998). Recorded gall-inducers of Casuarina and Allocasuarina species are few compared to some other major Australian plant genera. They include three closely related species of Thysanoptera, which produce bulbous woody galls on tree stems (Jones and Elliot 1995; New 1997), species of Hymenoptera which form cone-like bud galls on Casuarina quadrivalvis (French 1911), and Skusemyia allocasuarinae (Diptera), which damages lateral branch buds of Allocasuarina verticillata (Kolesik 1995). The coecid Cylindrococcus spp. form galls similar in appearance to Allocasuarina fruit on host stems (Gullan 1984; Jones and Elliot 1995). Cylindrocoecus casuarinae Maskell is the only gall-inducer recorded on Buloke, and is in fact specific to Casuarina and 117 Contributions Allocasuarina (Gullan 1978, 1984). Cylindrococcus spp. are by far the most intensively studied gall-formers on Casuarinaceae, Initially Cylindrococcus was raised to include C. caswarinae and C. spiniferus (Maskell 1892), then two further species, C. amplior (Maskell 1893) and C. gracilis (Fuller 1897), were reported from Casuarina in Australia. However, Gullan's study (1984) of the gall type and adult female morphology of these four species revealed insufficient features to support this separation. She therefore reclassified them into two 'species-pairs', C, amplior being synonymísed with C, casuarinae, and C. gracilis with C. spiniferus, The lifecycle of C. easuarinae is typical of the coccids. The female, a sessile, plump, pinkish insect, about 0.4 cm long when fully grown, occupies the central gall cavity throughout her life (Jones and Elliot 1995). Small, six legged larvae move out through an opening in the gall, migrate along the stem, and form feeding attach- ments (McKeown 1942), The introduction of insect saliva into the stem stimulates host cell growth, causing the stem to expand and surround the larva (McKeown 1942; MeMaugh 1994). The male, in con- trast to the large degenerate female, under- goes complete metamorphosis into a small, gall-independent insect, with a single pair of wings, non-functional mouthparts and long external genitalia (Gullan 1978), It escapes through an opening in the gall (McKeown 1942), then fertilises a female by penetrating between the bracts of the female gall with its long external genitalia (Gullan 1978). Male and female galls are generally found on the same stem (Gullan 1984) and are often densely aggregated, reflecting the limited dispersal of the independent larvae. The mature female gall of C. casuarinae closely mimics the fruiting capsules of Allocasuarina species (Jones and Elliot 1995), the galls being conical to fusiform, 10-32 mm long, widest (2-15 mm) towards the base, and with a stalk 1-5 mm long. Ihe gall body is grey, glabrous or pilose, with brownish apex and basal bracts. The body consists of 4-6 thickened bracts that taper to the pointed apex, and the base is surrounded by 6-15 whorls of leaf-like bracts that become smaller towards the 118 stalk (Gullan 1984). The male gall is simi- lar in structure to that of the female, but is distinguished by its slender shape (maxi- mum length 17 mm, maximum width 2.5 mm) and extremely attenuate bracts (Gullan 1978). Gullan (1984) found that mature galls of C. casuarinae range in shape from broad to slender, with the two extremes being most common. The broad gall, with a maximum diameter of 4-15 mm, is of the form C. amplior and the slender gall, maximum diameter 2-7 mm (usually <5 mm) is of the form C. casuarinae. Although galls broaden with maturity, this does not account for the observed morphological variability. Nor does host plant response cause gall variabil- ity, because galls of both types were collect- ed from a single specimen of Sheoak, Allocasuarina verticillata (Gullan 1984). Cylindrococcus casuarinae is widely dis- tributed (although infrequent) in south- eastern Australia and in the south-west of Western Australia. Gullan (1984) ruled out geographic variation as the cause of size variability, even though galls from coastal localities were often thinner than those col- lected inland, Galls growing on Buloke in New South Wales were of the broad form only; for example, collections from Burrewarra Point contained only broad galls, while both slender and broad galls were collected from Sheoak. This suggests that the potential for infestation of Buloke by the slender gall was present, but was either not expressed or not recorded. Gullan (1984) suggested that variation in gall form results from the dioecious nature of Allocasuarina spp., galls growing on male and female plants differing in size. This hypothesis has not been thoroughly tested, but Wright (unpubl. data) observed both slender and broad galls on Buloke in the eastern Wimmera of Victoria, an area not sampled by Gullan. Furthermore, slen- der galls were found on both sexes of Buloke, providing evidence to reject Gullan's hypothesis. Since Gullan's collec- tions were primarily from Sheoak, conclu- sions regarding the associations between C. casuarinae and Buloke must still be tentative. Further research, based on a larg- er host sample and geographic distribution, is needed to understand this morphological variation. The Victorian Naturalist There is little information about the effects of Cylindrocoecus spp. on the host plant. Gullan (1978) noted that galls of C. spiniferus arose from the growing tips of branchlets. In the absence of compensatory growth. termination of tip growth would reduce the photosynthetic capacity of the plant. Deleterious effects on growth and reproduction might also result from the physiological sink effect of galling, espe- cially under conditions of stress. This topic is largely unresearched, but is important, especially in view of the decline and deple- tion of Buloke noted earlier. Control of Cylindrococcus spp. has received little attention, as Buloke is not an agricultural or economic species. Jones and Elliot (1995) suggested that in an undisturbed environment Cylindrococcus galls are controlled by parasitic wasps. Artificial methods of control, including chemical control and removal of galls by hand (Jones and Elliot 1995; McMaugh 1994), have been largely unsuccessful, Fire is known to eliminate some phytophagous insects (Gill 1996), but the impact of burn- ing on the host trees and ecosystem may make this method of control unadvisable. Applications of fertiliser can reduce insect attack (Hadlington and Johnston 1998), but the effectiveness against Cylindrococcus has not been assessed. In addition to the gall-formers, plant galls support whole communities of insects, including natural enemies. A study by Austin and Dangerfield (1998) on gall wasps of Banksia marginata revealed that 57% of sampled galls were occupied by other insects, including 11 species of Hymenoptera, three of Coleoptera and one of Lepidoptera. The relationships between these secondary colonisers are poorly understood and there are no descriptions of the insect communities in Cy/indrococcus galls. This highlights the limited knowl- edge of the ecology of Cylindrococcus galls and the need for further research, especially before undertaking gall control, as chemicals that remove natural control agents within the gall may exacerbate rather than reduce galling. Mistletoe parasites Mistletoes are highly specialised and geographically widespread hemi-parasitic Vol. 118 (4) 2001 Contributions plants. Australia has 86 species of native mistletoe, distributed in forests, woodlands and shrubland communities throughout the continent (Reid 1997). The response of a host plant to mistletoe parasitism varies from spectacular growth abnormalities to almost no visible symp- toms (Calder 1997). Mistletoes compete for water, inorganic ions and metabolites (Ehleringer er al. 1985; Downey et al. 1997), causing reduction or inhibition of host growth (Nicholson 1955; Reid et al. 1994) and defoliation and replacement of host foliage with mistletoe (Kenneally 1973). Mistletoe infection may also pro- duce imbalances in growth regulation by the host, and introduce toxins through the haustorial interface (Stewart and Press 1990; Downey er al. 1997). Damaging levels of mistletoe infestation both in agricultural environments and in forests in Victoria have been recorded since the early 1900s (Patton 1917; Kerr 1925; Calder 1997; Fage 1997). Nevertheless, host death was uncommon, and was generally attributed to drought, salinity, senescence or rural dieback (Hart 1961). The interaction between mistletoe damage and these factors has not yet been assessed. Of the 12 mistletoe species native to Victoría only two are recorded on Buloke (Calder 1997). Amyema linophyllum or Buloke Mistletoe is found only on Allocasuarina and Casuarina spp. (Lunt et al. 1998). This species shows striking mimicry, its leaves being so similar to the Buloke branchlets that it is easily over- looked, except when in flower (Fletcher 1996; Lunt et al. 1998). Amyema linophyl- lum is considered vulnerable in Victoria (Lunt et al. 1998), although Calder (1983) suggested that mimicry has caused its under-representation in many surveys. Fletcher (1996) reported heavy infestation of A. linophyllum on roadside Buloke and Calder (1997) described the species as ‘a local problem’ in areas of Victoria. This suggests either a recent increase in localised populations of A. /inophyllum, particularly in disturbed remnants, or improved recognition of the mistletoe species, Lysiana exocarpi, the Harlequin Mistletoe, has a much wider host range 119 Contributions than 4. /inophyllum, including species of Casuarina, Acacia, Cassia, Exocarpus, exotic trees and even other mistletoes (Calder 1997). It is easily recognised on Buloke due to the bright green, broader foliage, and the dense clumps that can weigh down the Buloke branches. Large dead haustoria are common on fallen Buloke limbs, suggesting limb abscission in response to mistletoe parasitism (Race and Stelling 1997). Harlequin Mistletoe is widespread and abundant, but is not regarded as a problem species. However, Calder (1997) noted that reports of heavy infestations are common, suggesting that parasitism by /. exocarpi may be increasing. Population explosions of mistletoe plants along roadside verges and disturbed vegetation remnants are well documented in Australia (May 1941; Kenneally 1973; Norton and Smith 1999). For example, Lamont and Southall (1982) recorded ten times as many mistletoe (Amyema preissii) individuals per potential host (Acacia acuminata) along a roadside than in an adjacent nature reserve. Increased mistletoe infestation of tree species on roadsides and in disturbed envi- ronments has been attributed to various causal factors, depending on the locality and vegetation type. These include increased water run-off from roads (Norton and Smith 1999), increased nutrient avail- ability (Cale and Hobbs 1991; Van Schagen ef al. 1992), reduced incidence of hot fires (May 1941; Gill and Moore 1993; Gill 1996) and increased host stress due to drought, inseet or fungal attack and soil compaction (Calder 1983). Birds play an important role in mistletoe dispersal; reduced numbers of perching sites in an area may encourage flight along roadside corridors (Lamont and Southall 1982; Saunders and de Rebeira 1991), while age- ing host trees provide conditions favourable to the Mistletoebird Dicaeum hirundinaceum and other pollinating bird species (Calder 1983). If these birds in turn displace mistletoe control agents, such as possums, defoliating insects and other fru- givorous birds that are less effective in dis- persing mistletoe seed (Thomas 1997), an inerease in mistletoe population may result. Physical removal of mistletoe has 120 been minimal due to the risks and costs involved (Fagg 1997). Fletcher (1996) recorded an increased incidence of mistle- toe on roadside Buloke, but was unable to identify the cause. The effects of mistletoe parasitism on Allocasuarina spp. have not been reported, but studies on Eucalyptus hosts (Kerr 1925; Nicholson 1955; Race and Stelling 1997) indicate that mistletoe reduces vigour and increases host mortality. Preston (1977) and Knutson (1983) found an inverse relationship between host vigour and the number of mistletoe plants per host, and Knutson (1979) concluded that damage to mistletoe-infested trees was due to parasite induced water deficits. In a survey of farm trees in northern NSW, 24% of heavily infested Eucalyptus blake- lvi died in 33 months (Reid et al. 1994). In irees with 50% of crown occupied by mistletoe, the average increment in branch diameter was about half that of uninfested trees. There is also evidence, however. that mistletoe parasitism is not harmful to the host. Assessment of 208 eucalypts carrying indigenous mistletoes around Melbourne found that 57% were healthy and there was no correlation between host health and the number of mistletoe plants (Race and Stelling 1997). These authors concluded that mistletoe is not necessarily harmful. but forms a symbiotic relationship with the host in times of low environmental stress. [he suggestion that mistletoe may only be detrimental in times of stress has received limited attention. Stewart and Press (1990) noted that high transpiration rates of xylem feeding mistletoes affect the water balance of the host, but concluded that the level of water stress depends on water availability: in a dry environment, mistletoe parasitism may kill the host, while in areas of high rainfall, the effects may be negligible. Similarly, Ullmann ef al. (1985) found that water use by mistletoe is disadvantageous only if the host is severely damaged or senescent. In areas of minimal ecological stress, the minor impact of mistletoe sup- ports the conclusion that mistletoe is not a problem but rather a symptom of ecologi- cal imbalances ( Thomas 1997). The Victorian Naturalist Conclusions Galls Although the gall-inducers on Buloke have been identified and studied since 1892, questions remain about the morpho- logical variability of the galls, while their effect on Buloke vigour and mortality has not yet been investigated. These effects will depend on the level of infestation, which in turn may be influenced by host vigour and thus by environmental factors. Surveys of gall infestation in Buloke rem- nants in conjunction with environmental assessments are therefore a high priority. In addition, research is needed to study the lifecyele of C. casuarinae in relation to the phenology of Buloke growth and reproduc- tion, and assess the biocontrol activity pro- vided by secondary gall colonisers. Only then will informed decisions be possible regarding the necessity or otherwise for gall management and appropriate manage- ment methods. In the meantime, restora- tion and protection of these old and isolat- ed Buloke remnants would be prudent. Mistletoe It is unclear whether mistletoes pose an immediate threat to the conservation of Buloke, but the potential for high rates of parasite recruitment and host tree mortality is present, especially in damaged roadside corridors and in isolated stands. On-going surveys of the distribution and abundance of mistletoe on Buloke together with assessment of host vigour are needed to determine whether the host-parasite rela- tionship is changing. It must also be recog- nised that A. /inophyllum and L. exocarpi are important components of the indige- nous flora and in turn provide habitat and food for indigenous fauna (Yan 1993). Hence mistletoe control methods cannot be based simply on eradication, but must focus on management to restore the eco- logical balance and sustain a healthy equi- librium between mistletoe and their Buloke hosts. This requires ecological and physio- logical studies of the interaction between the mistletoe species and Buloke. Acknowledgements We would like to thank Mr. Geoff Harvey of the Department of Natural Resources at Charlton, and the Whykes, Green and Jones families of Charlton, Litchfield and Donald, respectively, for sharing their knowledge of the Wimmera Vol. 118 (4) 2001 Contributions flora with us and for allowing us to study the Buloke on their properties. References Ananthakrishnan, T.N. (1998). Insect gall systems: Patterns, processes and adaptive diversity. Current Science 75, 672-676. Austin, A.D. and Dangerfield, P.C. (1998). Biology of Mesostoa kerri (Insecta: Hymenoptera: Braconidae: Mesostoinae), an endemic Australian wasp that caus- es stem galls on Banksia marginata. Australian Journal of Botany 46, 559-569. Calder, M. (1983). Mistletoes in focus: an introduction. In ‘The Biology of Mistletoes', pp. 1-17, Eds M. Calder and P. Bernhardt. (Academic Press: North Ryde, N.S,W.) Calder, M. (1997). The mistletoe plant. The Victorian Naturalist 114, 96-98, Cale, P. and Hobbs, R.J. (1991). Condition of roadside vegetation in relation to nutrient status. /r ‘Nature Conservation 2: The Role of Corridors', pp. 353-362. Eds D.A. Saunders and R.J. Hobbs. (Surrey Beatty and Sons: Chipping Norton, N.S.W.) Connor, D.J. (1996), Vegetation studies in north west Victoria IL The Horsham area. Proceedings of the Royal Societv øf Victoria 79, 637-753. Downey, P.O., Gill, M.A. and Banks, J.C.G. (1997). Ihe influence of host attributes on mistletoe coloni- sation; an example from Mulligans Flat nature reserve, ACT. The Victorian Naturalist 114, 105- 111. Dreger-Jauffret Fand Shorthouse J.D. (1992). Diversity of gall-inducing insects and their galls. Z7 ‘Biology of Insect Induced Galls’, pp. 8-33. Eds J.D. Shorthouse and O. Rohfritsch. (Oxford University Press; Oxford.) Ehleringer, J.R.. Schulze, E.-D., Ziegler, H., Lange, O.L., Farquhar, G.D. and Cowan, LL. (1985). Xylem-tapping mistletoe: water or nutrient parasites? Science 227, 1479-1481, Emison, W.B. (1996). Use of supplementary nest hol- lows by an endangered subspecies of red-tailed black-cockatoo. The Victorian Naturalist 113, 262- 263, Fagg, P.C. (1997). Mistletoe in forest management in Victoria. The Victorian Naturalist 114, 112-116. Fletcher, R.J. (1996). Back to the heart of the mallee, The Victorian Naturalist 113, 107-111. Flux, l. (1998). Allocasuarina luehmannii (Buloke) establishment trials on the Wimmera plains; some Suggestions and further efforts for Buloke regenera- tion in the Wimmera. (National Landcare Project: Melbourne.) French, C. (1911), `A Handbook of the Destructive Insects of Victoria. Part V’. (Government Printer: Melbourne. ) Fuller, C. (1897), Some Coccidae of the Casuarinas. Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales 58, 363-374. Gill, A.M. (1996). How fires affect biodiversity. Jn ‘Fire and Biodiversity: the Effects and Effectiveness of Fire Management. Proceedings of the Conference, 8-9 October 1994, Footscray, Melbourne’. Ed. J.R. Merrick. Biodiversity Series, Paper No, 8, Biodiversity Unit. (Department of the Environment, Sport and Territories; Canberra.) Gill, A.M. and Moore, P.H.R. (1993). ‘Effects of Flames on Mistletoes. A Report to the ACT Parks and Conservation Service’. (Parks and Conservation: Canberra.) Goucher, G.P. (1982). ‘Wimmera Farm Management Study 1979-80', Research Project Series No. 127. (Department of Agriculture: Victoria. ) Gullan, P.J. (1978). Male insects and galls of the menus 121 Contributions (Cylindroecoeenus Maskell (llomoptera:Coceordea). Journal of the Australian Eniomological Society VT, 33-61, Gullan, P.J. (1984), A revision of the gall-forming coc- coid genus Cy/Indrococcus Maskell (Homoptera: Eriocoecidae), Australian Journal of Zoology 32, 677-690. Hadlington, P. and Johnston, J. (1998), “Australian Trees: Their Care and Repair’, (UNSW Press: Kensington, N.S.W.) Hart, T.S. (1961). Do mistletoes kill their hosts? The Victorian Naturalist 57, 215. Jones, D.L, and Elliot, R.W. (1995), ‘Pests, Diseases and Ailments of Australian Plants. 4" edn, (Lothian Books Pty Ltd: Victoria.) Keneally, K.F. (1973), Some observations on the stem hemiparasite, or mistletoe, Amyema miquelii (Loranthaceae), in south Western Australia, Western Australian Naturalist 12, 156-1061, Kerr, L.R. (1925) A note on the symbiosis of Loranthus and Eucalyptus. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 37, 249-251. Knutson, D.M, (1979). How parasitic seed plants induce disease in other plants. /n ‘Plant Disease: An Advanced Treatise’, pp. 293-312. Eds E.B. Horsfall and E.B. Cowling. (Academic Press: New York.) Knuston, D.M. (1983). Physiology of mistletoe para- silism and disease responses in the host. Jn "The Biology of Mistletoes', pp. 294-316. Eds M, Calder und P. Bernhardt, (Academic Press: North Ryde, N.S.W,) Kolesik, P. (1995). Sknseymyra allocasuarinae, a new venus and species of Cecidomyiidae (Diptera) dam- aging lateral branch buds of drooping sheoak, Allocasuarina verticillata in Australia, Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia 119, 41-416. Lamont, B,6. and Southall, K.J. (1982). Biology of the Mistletoe Amvema preissii on road verges and undis- lurbed vegetation, Search 13, 87-88. Land Conservation Council (1985). ‘Report on the Wimmera Area’, (Victorian Government Printer: Melbourne.) Loyn, RIL (1987). Effects of patch area and habitat on bird abundances, species numbers and tree health in fragmented Victorian forests. /a ‘Nature Conservation’, pp. 65-75. Eds D.A. Saunders, G.W. Arnold, A.A. Burbidge and AJM, Hopkins, (Surrey Beatty and Sons: Western Australia.) Lunt, IL, Barlow, T. and Ross, J. (1998). ‘Plains Wandering: Exploring the Grassy Plains of South Eastern Australia’, (Victorian National Parks Association Inc. and the Trust for Nature: Victoria.) Mani, M.S. (1992), Introduction to Cecidology. /n "Biology of Insect Induced Galls’, pp. 3-7. Eds J.D. Shorthouse and O. Rohfritsch. (Oxford University Press: Oxford.) Manners, J.G. (1993), ‘Principles of Plant Pathology”. 2" edn. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.) Maskell, W.M. (1892). Further coccid notes: with descriptions of new species, and remarks on coccids from New Zealand, Australia and elsewhere. Transactions of the New Zealand Institute 24, 1-64. Maskell, W.M. (1893). Further notes; with descriptions of new species from Australia, India, Sandwich Islands, Demerara, and South Pacific. Transactions of the New Zealand Institute 25, 20] -252, May, V. (1941). A survey of the mistletoe of New South Wales, Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales 66, 77-87. McKeown, K.C, (1942), ‘Australian Insects. An Introductory Handbook. (Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales; Sydney.) 122 MeMaugh, J. (1994). ‘What garden pest or disease is that?’ (Lansdowne Publications: Sydney.) Marcom, L.A. and Westbrooke, M.E, (1998), The pre- setilement vegetation of the western and central Wimmera plains of Victoria, Australia, Australian Geographical Studies 36, 273-288. Morison, P, and Harvey, G, (1997). Ants, floods and why buloke don't regenerate. Land far Wildlife News 3, 13-14. New, TR, (1997), Insect galls on plants. The Victorian Naturalist 114, 290-295, Nicholson, D.I. (1955), The effects of 2:4-D injections and of mistletoe on the growth of Eucalyptus polyan- themos, Forestry and Timber Bureau Leaflet 69. Norton, D.A. and Smith, M.S. (1999), Why might roadside mulgas be better mistletoe hosts? Australian Journal of Ecology 125, 193-198, Patton, R T. (1917). Timber production and growth curves in thé mountain ash (Eucalyptus regnans. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 30, 1-3. Preston, A.P. (1977). Effects of mistletoe (Viscum album) on young apple trees. Horticultural Research 17, 33-38. Race, D. and Stelling, F. (1997). Mistletoe ecology in Melbourne’s bushland. The Victorian Naturalist 114, 123-126. Reid, N., Yan, Z. and Fittler, J. (1994), Impact of mistletoes (Amyema miquelii) on host (Eucalyptus blakelyi and Eucalyptus melliodora) survival and growth in temperate Australia, Forest Ecology and Management 70, 55-65. Reid, N. (1997). Control of mistletoes by possums and lire: a review of the evidence. The Victorian Naturalist 114, 149-157. Rohfritsch, O. (1992). Patterns in Gall Development. Jn "Biology of Insect Induced Galls’, pp. 60-85. Eds J.D, Shorthouse and O, Rohfritsch. (Oxford University Press: Oxford.) Roskam, J.C. (1992), Evolution of the gall-inducing guild. Ja ‘Biology of Insect Induced Galls', pp. 35- 49. Eds J.D. Shorthouse and O. Rohfritsch. (Oxford University Press: Oxford.) Saunders, D.A. and de Rebeira, C.P. (1991). The effects of habitat discontinuity. Jn ‘Nature Conservation 2: The Role of Corridors', pp. 221-244, Eds D.A. Saunders and R.J. Hobbs, (Surrey Beatty and Sons: Western Australia.) Stewart, G.R. and Press, M.C. (1990). The physiology and biochemistry of parasitic angiosperms. Annual Review of Plant Physiology and Plant Molecular Biology 41, 127-151. Thomas, R. (1997). Mistletoes in the rural landscape — veiling the balance right. The Vietarian Naturalist 114, 127-130. Ullmann, L, Lange, O.L., Ziegler, HL. Ehleringer, 1. Schulze, ED. and Cowan, LR. (1985). Diurnal cours- es of leaf conductance and transpiration of mistletoes and their hosts in central Australia, Oecologia 67, 577-587. Van Schagen, J.J., Hobbs, R.J. and Majer, J.D. (1992), Defoliation of trees in roadside corridors and remnant vegetation in the Western Australian wheatbelt. Journal of the Royal Society of Western Australia 75, 75-82. Wylie, F.R., Johnston, P.J.M. and Foster, B.A. (1993). Decline of Casuarina and Eucalyprus in the Mary River Catchment. Forest Research Institute, Research Paper No. 17. (Department of Primary Industries: Queensland.) Yan, Z. (1993), Seed dispersal of Amyema preissii and Lystana exocarpi by mistletoe birds und spiny- cheeked honeyeaters. [my 93, 214-219, The Victorian Naturalist Contributions Opportunistic Vertebrate Predation by the Squirrel Glider Petaurus norfolcensis Greg J. Holland: Abstract The Squirrel Glider Petaurus norfolcensis is classified as an exudivore/insectivore feeder, with sta- ple dietary items including insects, insect exudates and plant exudates. During a study of the forag- ing ecology of the species in northern Victoria, an adult female glider was observed to harass a nest- ing Common Bronzewing Phaps chalcoptera, ultimately removing the bird before consuming eggs within the nest. A description of this observation is provided and vertebrate predation by the Squirrel Glider is discussed in relation to other published accounts. Vertebrate predation by the Squirrel Glider is considered infrequent and opportunistic, but may provide an additional protein and energy source for lactating females. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (4), 2001, 123-126.) Introduction The Squirrel Glider Petaurus norfolcen- sis (Fig. 1) is an arboreal, gliding possum of eastern Australia with a distribution extending from northern Queensland to Victoria (Menkhorst 1995; Suckling 1995a). The species is considered endan- gered in Victoria and is listed under the Victorian Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act 1988 (DNRE 2000). The diet of the Squirrel Glider is similar to that of its Australian congeners the Sugar Glider Petaurus breviceps, Mahogany Glider Petaurus gracilis, and Yellow-bellied Glider Petaurus australis (Menkhorst 1995; Strahan 1995). All are classified as exudivore/insectivore feeders with dietary items including plant exudates (e.g. eucalypt sap), insect exudates (e.g. honeydew), and insects themselves (Smith 1982; Goldingay 1986; Kavanagh 1987; Howard 1989; Quin er al. 1996; Carthew et al. 1999; Jackson 2001). More specifi- cally, studies of the diet of the Squirrel Glider have found the species to rely on nectar and pollen, sap, Acacia gum, Acacia seeds and arils, fruit, lichen, manna, hon- eydew, and invertebrates as food sources (Menkhorst and Collier 1987; Suckling 1995a; Holland 1998; Sharpe and Goldingay 1998). The diets of all Australian petaurids tend to be opportunis- tic, with the importance of individual dietary items varying both temporally and spatially. School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, 662 Blackburn Road, Clayton, Victoria 3168. Vol. 118 (4) 2001 The following is a description of an observation of an individual Squirrel Glider preying upon a vertebrate animal. Such accounts are rare in the literature for both Squirrel Gliders and petaurids in gen- eral, particularly concerning free-ranging animals. The observation was made during a detailed study of the foraging ecology of the species in northern Victoria. Vertebrate predation observed in the Squirrel Glider To study the foraging ecology of the Squirrel Glider, individual animals were fitted with radiocollars and data was col- lected via direct timed observations. The study was conducted along a strip of rem- nant roadside vegetation in the northern plains of Victoria, near Euroa. Vegetation along the road reserve forms an open woodland dominated by Grey Box Eucalyptus microcarpa (Ross 2000). On the night of 12 November 1998, observations were made of an adult female Fig. 1. Squirrel Glider Petaurus norfolcensis, Photo by John Seeheck. 123 Contributions glider, known to be carrying a single, fur- less pouch young, approximately 2.5-3.0 cm in length (crown-rump). At 2228 hours the glider approached a nesting Common Bronzewing Phaps chal- coptera (Higgins and Davies 1996). The nest was located in the fork of a near hori- zontal Grey Box branch approximately 10 m above the ground. The Common Bronzewing became very distressed as the glider sniffed the edge of the nest. Facing the glider, the bird rapidly flapped its wings while remaining on the nest. This behaviour did not deter the Squirrel Glider, which then forced its head beneath the bird for a short period. At 2231 hours the glider moved past the nest and sat stationary on the same branch, approximately one metre distant. The Common Bronzewing ceased its wing flapping and remained on the nest. After one minute the glider again approached, sniffing the nest and pushing its head under the bird as above. Again the Common Bronzewing became severely agitated and resumed its wing flapping. This continued for a period of one minute before the Squirrel Glider again moved approximately one metre past the nest and sat stationary. After a further one minute of inactivity, the glider moved towards the nest once more and continued harassing the Common Bronzewing. After 20-30 seconds the Common Bronzewing vacated the nest, flying to a nearby tree. The Squirrel Glider then moved approximately half a metre from the nest and sat station- ary for one minute. It then moved back, placing most of the front half of its body into the nest. For a period of 10 minutes the glider remained in this position, mov- ing only its head in a licking motion. During this time it was inferred that the Squirrel Glider broke the shell and con- sumed the contents of eggs within the nest. At 2246 hours the glider left the nest and engaged in other activities. Inspection of the nest the following morning found no trace of eggs. However. an eggshell was found on the ground almost directly beneath the nest, This eggshell had a neat, narrow incision on one side and was completely void of contents. lt is possible that this egg had been con- sumed by the Squirrel Glider the previous night. 124 Discussion Although classified as an exudivore/ insectivore feeder, this observation indi- cates that the Squirrel Glider is capable of preying upon the eggs of nesting birds. Similar accounts of vertebrate predation by free-ranging Squirrel Gliders are uncom- mon. Winter (1966) described a remark- ably similar observation of a Squirrel Glider attacking a nesting Magpie-lark Grallina cyanoleuca near Brisbane, Queensland. Prior to consuming the eggs the glider bit the adult bird and lifted it Irom the nest using its teeth. The Magpie- lark later died from injuries inflicted by the glider. In their investigation of the diet of the Squirrel Glider in Victoría, Menkhorst and Collier (1987) found feather fragments in the faecal samples of several individu- als. The absence of bone fragments created doubt as to whether the gliders in question had killed and eaten roosting birds. Hence; it was hypothesised that feathers may have been inadvertently ingested while consum- ing bird eggs (Menkhorst and Collier 1987). Fleay (1947) described the carnivorous tendencies of Squirrel Gliders, Sugar Gliders, and hybrids of these two species in captivity. All were observed to attack small birds placed in their enclosures. Sugar Gliders were also responsible for the consumption of a House Mouse Mus domesticus. Published accounts of verte- brate predation by wild Sugar Gliders are rare, despite much work having been done for the species. McKenzie ef al. (1977) observed a Sugar Glider eating a Peaceful Dove Geopelia striata in the Kimberley region of Western Australia. The above indicates that both the Squirrel Glider and Sugar Glider include avian prey in their diet, if only infrequently. Both are known to attack small birds in the wild and in captivity, and there are now two accounts of free-ranging Squirrel Gliders consuming bird eggs. There is no pub- lished information relating to vertebrate predation for the Mahogany Glider or Yellow-bellied Glider. All previous accounts of avian predation for both the Squirrel Glider and Sugar Glider have involved a direct physical attack on an adult bird. In this observation, the Squirrel Glider made no attempt to The Victorian Naturalist physically attack the nesting Common Bronzewing. It is possible that the larger size of the Common Bronzewing (28-36 cm, 320-350 g; Higgins and Davies 1996), in relation to the Squirrel Glider (18-23 cm excluding tail, 190-300 g; Suckling 19952), deterred the glider from making a direet physical attack. The Magpie-lark (26-30 cm, 75-95 g; Pizzey and Knight 1999: W. Boles, Australian Museum, Sydney, pers. comm.) is considerably lighter than the Common Bronzewing, and is the only species recorded as a victim to a Squirrel Glider attack in the wild (Winter 1966). Similarly, recorded avian victims of the Sugar Glider (16-21 cm excluding tail, 95-160 g; Suckling 1995b) have been com- paratively small (Peaceful Dove: 20-24 cm, 41-66 g; European Blackbird Turdus merula: 25-25.5 em, 75-95 g; Fleay 1947; McKenzie et al. 1977; Boles 1988; Higgins and Davies 1996). The diet of petaurid possums is consid- ered to be low in protein, with plant and insect exudates such as sap and honeydew being rich in carbohydrates but containing little protein. Hence, such possums must include protein-rich food items such as arthropods and pollen in their diet to meet their protein demands (Smith 1982; Quin et al, 1996; Jackson 2001). Protein is a particularly important dietary component during reproduction, with lactating females requiring increased protein intakes (Smith 1982; Henry and Suckling 1984; Suckling 1984; Goldingay 1986; Sharpe and Goldingay 1998). Several authors have found that petaurids time their reproduc- tive efforts so that lactation occurs when protein-rich food sources (i.e. pollen and/or arthropods) are most abundant (Smith 1982; Suckling 1984; Quin 1995; Jackson 2001). Smith (1982) observed the Sugar Glider to forage for arthropods in preference to plant exudates while lactat- ing, despite the abundance of exudates dur- ing the same period. The Squirrel Glider in this observation was a female carrying a single pouch young, and most faecal samples identified as containing feather fragments by Menkhorst and Collier (1987) were from female gliders. Female gliders may engage in egg predation when provided with the opportunity in order to facilitate lactation. Vol. 118 (4) 2001 Contributions Not only are bird eggs rich in protein, they are also rich in fats that would assist lactat- ing animals in satisfying increased energy demands (Green 1997). The risk of injury associated with attacking and/or removing the parent bird may make egg predation less worthwhile for male gliders and non- lactating females given their lower protein and energy requirements. Vertebrate predation by the Squirrel Glider (and Sugar Glider) appears to be opportunistic. Despite observing Squirrel Gliders for in excess of 3 000 minutes over the course of a year, only one incidence of vertebrate predation was recorded. Hence, it is unlikely that the Squirrel Glider actively searches for vertebrate prey in the course of general foraging activities. Instead. it is concluded that gliders capi- talise on vertebrate prey only when suit- able targets are encountered by chance whilst foraging for more abundant and reli- able food sources. This explains the dearth of records for such behaviour. Acknowledgements This work was undertaken while enrolled as a student within the School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University. Thanks to my supervisor, Dr. Andrew Bennett, for guidance, support. and comments on an earlier draft, I also thank Dr. Rodney van der Ree for guidance, field assistance, and for generously supplying equipment and materials. Natalie Woodward provided field assistance and commented on earlier drafts. The comments of an anonymous referee also improved the quality of the manu- script. References Boles. W.E. (1988). The Robins and Flycatchers of Australia. (Angus and Robertson Publishers: Sydney.) Carthew, S.M., Goldingay, R.L. and Funnell, D.L. (1999). Feeding behaviour of the Yellow-bellied Glider (Petaurus australis) at the western edge of its range. Wildlife Research 26, 199-208. DNRE (2000). Threatened Vertebrate Fauna in Victoria 2000; A systematic list of vertebrate fauna considered extinct, al risk of extinction or in major decline in Victoria. Victorian Department of Natural Resources and Environment, East Melbourne. Fleay, D. (1947). Gliders of the Gum Trees, (Bread and Cheese Club: Melbourne.) Goldingay, R.L. (1986). Feeding behaviour of the Yellow-bellied Glider, Petaurus australis (Marsupialia: Petauridae), at Bombala, New South Wales. Australian Mammalogy 9, 17-25. Green, B. (1997). Field energetics and water fluxes in marsupials. /n ‘Marsupial Biology: Recent Research, New Perspectives’, pp. 143-162. Eds N.R, Saunders and L.A. Hinds. (University of New South Wales Press Ltd.: Sydney.) 125 Contributions Henry, S.R. and Suckling, G.C. (1984). A review of the ecology of the Sugar Glider, fn ‘Possums and Gliders’, pp. 355-358. Eds A.P. Smith and I.D. Hume. (Australian Mammal Society: Sydney) Higgins, P.J. and Davies, S.J.J.F (eds) (1996). Handbook of Australian, New Zealand and Antarctic Birds. Volume 3: Snipe to Pigeons. (Oxford University Press: Melbourne.) Holland, G.J. (1998). Time budget and related aspects of the foraging behaviour and habitat use of the Squirrel Glider Petaurus norfolcensis. Honours the- sis, Deakin University, Victoria. Howard, J, (1989). Diet of Petaurus breviceps (Marsupialia: Petauridae) in a mosaic of coastal woodland and heath. Australian Mammalogy 12, 15- 2k Jackson, S.M. (2001). Foraging behaviour and food availability of the mahogany glider Petaurus gracilis (Petauridae: Marsupialia). Journal of Zoology 253, 1- 13 Kavanagh, R.P. (1987). Forest phenology and its effect on foraging behaviour and selection of habitat by the Yellow-bellied Glider, Petaurus australis Shaw. Australian Wildlife Research 14, 371-384. McKenzie, N.L., Chapman, A., Youngson, W.K. and Burbidge, A.A. (1977). The Mammals of the Drysdale River National Park, North Kimberley, Western Australia. /n ‘A Biological Survey of the Drysdale River National Park, North Kimberley, Western Australia', pp. 79-86. Eds E.D. Kabay and A.A, Burbidge. (Wildlife Research Bulletin Number 6, Western Australian Department of Fisheries and Wildlife, Perth, Western Australia.) Menkhorst, P.W. (ed.) (1995), Mammals of Victoria: Distribution, Ecology and Conservation. (Oxford University Press: Melbourne.) Menkhorst, P.W. and Collier, M. (1987). Diet of the Squirrel Glider, Petaurus norfolcensis (Marsupialia: Petauridae), in Victoria. Australian Mammalogy 11, 109-L16. Pizzey, G. and Knight, F. (1999). Field Guide to the Birds of Australia. (Angus and Robertson Publishers: Australia.) Quin, D.G. (1995), Population ecology of the Squirrel Glider (Petaurus norfoleensis) and the Sugar Glider (P. breviceps) (Marsupialia: Petauridae) at Limeburners Creek, on the central north coast oF New South Wales. Australian Wildlife Research 22, 471-505. Quin, D., Goldingay, R., Churchill, S. and Engel. D. (1996). Feeding behaviour and food availability of the Yellow-bellied Glider in North Queensland. Wildlife Research 23, 637-646. Ross, J. H. (ed.) (2000). A Census of the Vascular Plants of Victoria. (Royal Botanie Gardens of Victoria: Melbourne.) Sharpe, D,J. and Goldingay, R.L. (1998). Feeding behaviour of the Squirrel Glider at Bungawalbin Nature Reserve, north-eastern New South Wales. Wildlife Research 25, 243-254. Smith, A.P. (1982). Diet and feeding strategies of the marsupial sugar glider in temperate Australia. Journal of Animal Ecology 51, 149-166. Strahan, R. (ed.) (1995). The Mammals of Australia. (Reed Books Australia: Sydney.) Suckling, G.C. (1984). Population ecology of the Sugar Glider, Petaurus breviceps, in a system of fragment- ed habitats. Australian Wildlife Research 11, 49-75. Suckling, G.C. (1995a). Squirrel Glider. /n ‘The Mammals of Australia’, pp. 234-235. Ed. R. Strahan. (Reed Books Australia: Sydney.) Suckling, G.C. (1995b). Sugar Glider. Jn `The Mammals of Australia’, pp. 229-231. Ed. R. Strahan, (Reed Books Australia: Sydney.) Winter, J.W. (1966). Bird predation by the Australian marsupial Squirrel Glider. Journal of Mammalogy 47, 530. 23" International Ornithological Congress Beijing, 11-17 August, 2002 Beijing International Convention Center Plenary speakers include Walter Bock (USA) and Rosemary Grant (USA) The congress includes forty symposia covering diverse topics such as ‘Influence of Birds on Ecosystem Structure and Function’, ‘How Birds Sing’ and ‘Ecological Forestry and Avian Communities’. Early registration (US$420) is available from 1 November to 31 December 2001. See http://www.ioc.org.cn/ for full registration and program details. 126 The Victorian Naturalist Ki > _ Contributions Human and Natural Impacts on the Upper Yarra Region with Reference to the Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve: a Review Sabine Kasel' Abstract The Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges region has a rich and diverse social history. Past and current land management activities, including gold mining, timber harvesting, agriculture, and urban development, have fragmented and degraded the landscape. Currently, there is a wide range of agricultural and horticultural activities within the region, some of which are in decline (e.g. dairy farming) whilst others are expanding rapidly (e.g. grape production). The Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve is situated within the Shire of Yarra Ranges and is best known as the last remaining habitat of the Helmeted Honeyeater Lichenostomus melanops subsp. cassidix, Victoria's official State bird emblem. The general land use activities within the Shire of Yarra Ranges are reflected in changes in land use in areas bordering the Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve. Over the past fifty years there has been a marked reduction in the area of native forest (from 47 to 13%) and a corresponding increase in pasture based activities (from 53 to 83%) and some intensive horticulture (0 to 4%). With current revegetation strategies and ongoing land purchases, there will be a gradual increase in forested areas bordering the Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (4), 2001, 127-139.) Introduction In 1982 a report was produced for the then Fisheries and Wildlife Division enti- tled A Historical Survey of Yellingbo (Curtis 1982). The following review is loosely based on this report but provides more detailed historical information and has been substantially updated to incorpo- rate more recent events and material. The Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve (YNCR) is located approximately 48 km east of Melbourne (37?47' S, 145°32° E; altitude 70-120 m above sea level) within the Shire of Yarra Ranges, a region that covers a total of 276 000 ha. The Shire of Yarra Ranges was formed in December 1994 and now oversees the majority of land previously included with- in Shires of Lilydale, Sherbrooke, Upper Yarra and Healesville (Fig. 1). This paper begins with a general descrip- tion of the Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve, This is followed by the natural history of the region that includes the ori- gin of the township of Yellingbo, land set- tlement and past natural events such as fires, floods and droughts. The physiogra- phy, geology, and soils of the region are Botany Department, University of Western Australia, Nedlands 6907, Western Australia. Current address: Centre for Land and Water Resource Management. Central Queenslaad University, Bruce Highway, North Rockhampton 4702, Queensland, Vol. 118 (4) 2001 then discussed, The paper concludes with a general description of land use activities within the Shire of Yarra Ranges and a his- torical account of changes in land use activities surrounding the YNCR. Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve The YNCR was created in May 1965 to protect the habitat of one of the few remaining populations of the Helmeted Honeyeater, Lichenostomus melanops subsp. cassidix (nomenclature after Christidis and Boles 1994), Victoria's bird emblem. At that time, the YNCR was only 170 ha in size but has since grown with subsequent purchases to 591 ha. The YNCR now supports the last remaining population of the Helmeted Honeyeater (approximately 100 individuals) following the extinction of relict groups at Cardinia Creek and near the township of Cockatoo around the time of the “Ash Wednesday’ wildfires in February 1983 (Smales et al. 1990). YNCR is situated in a sheltered valley system between the Dandenong and Great Dividing Ranges, the former providing a high-rainfall catchment for the permanent streams in the YNCR. The climate is cool- temperature. Mean daily maximum tem- peratures range from 13.6"C in winter to 25.6°C in summer (YNCR 1988-1994 127 Contributions Great Dividing Range I5. 1 pa (Shire of (Shire of Eltham) Mansfield) UPPER YARRA Upper Yarra Reservoir Yarra River : Little Yarra River ) 26. 24.(Shire of Buln Buln) N _——E—E | 0 5 10 15km Fig. 1. The Shire of Yarra Ranges. Solid line major rivers, Dotted line boundaries of the former Shires of Lilydale, Healesville, ‘Sherbrooke, U pper Yarra and Dandenong Ranges, Shaded region The Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve. Localities mentioned i in the text are indicated by corre- sponding numbers. Localities: 1. Beenak; 2. Belgrave; 3. Christmas Hills; 4. Cockatoo; 5. Coranderrk; 6. Don Valley; 7. Emerald; 8. Ferntree Gully; 9. Ferny Creek; 10. Gembrook; 11 Healesville; 12. Hoddles Creek; 13. Kallista; 14. Kalorama; 15. Kinglake; 16. Launching Place; 17. Lilydale; 18. Lysterfield; 19. Macclesfield; 20. Monbulk; 21. Mooroolbark; 22. Mt Dandenong; 23. t Evelyn; 24. Noojee; 25. Olinda; 26. Powelltown; 27. Sassafras; 28, Selby; 29. Seville; 30. Silvan; The Basin; 32, The Patch; 33. Toolangi; 34. Upper Beaconsfield; 35. Upper Ferntree Gully; 36. iE 37. Wandin; 38. Warburton; 39. Woods Point; 40. Woori Yallock; 41. Yarra Glen; 42. Yarra Junction; 43. Yellingbo; 44. Yering. inclusive; DNRE unpubl. data). The annu- al rainfall is approximately 1 100 mm which falls throughout the year with peaks in winter and spring. There are generally fewer than ten frosts each year but fogs may persist for much of an estimated 50 to 100 days each year (McMahon and Franklin 1993). The YNCR encompasses narrow strips of riparian and swamp vegetation along the Woori Yallock, Cockatoo, Macclesfield and Sheep Station Creeks (Fig. 2) that are dominated by Mountain Swamp Gum Eucalyptus camphora, Swamp Gum Æ. ovata and Manna Gum Z. viminalis (nomenclature for all flora species after Ross 1996), YNCR includes the largest and most intact example of E. camphora swamp woodland in Victoria, a 170 ha drainage basin along the lower reaches of the Cockatoo and Macclesfield Creeks (McMahon ef al. 1991). This swamp is 128 subject to seasonal inundation which lasts from three to ten (or more) months per year (McMahon and Franklin 1993). Much of the swamp was formerly used for agri- culture (Backhouse 1987). Tree decline is a serious problem throughout the YNCR and most of the eucalypts (E. camphora, E. ovata, E. vimi- nalis, Green Scent Bark £. fulgens) dis- play symptoms of decline or dieback (McMahon et al. 1991). In 1991 an esti- mated 25-30% of the eucalypt canopy was affected by dieback (MeMahon et al. 1991). Dieback is particularly severe with- in the swamp and in 1991 approximately 30% of the swamp was affected by dieback (MeMahon and Franklin 1993), Since 199] a further 12% of the swamp has been affected by dieback, and 20% of the affect- ed trees (predominately E. camphora) are dead (Carr 1998; Craigie et al. 1998). Most of the land bounding the YNCR is cleared The Victorian Naturalist Woori Yallock Creek Boggy Creek Middle Creek Woori Yallock Creek Macclesfield Creek Contributions Sheep Station Ci reek” T N LR te a CT WA: 0 1000 m Artificial Drain ‘Shepherd Creek Cockatoo Creek Fig. 2. The Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve. Solid line, water course, Dotted line, reserve boundary (as it stood in 1995), Dashed line, Melbourne Water pipeline. or semi-cleared farmland and uses include cattle grazing, hobby farming, market gar- dening, poultry and pig farming. A large artificial lake adjacent to the northern end of the Cockatoo Creek forms part of a holi- day (‘Way of Life’) camp. Two Melbourne Water pipeline easements cut through the YNCR; one crosses the Cockatoo Creek in the central part of the YNCR, while the other runs adjacent to the northern end of the Woori Yallock Creek before it crosses the YNCR just after these two creeks con- verge (Fig. 2). The Macclesfield-Woori Yallock Road runs between the Woori Yallock and Cockatoo Creeks and crosses the YNCR just north of their junction. History Aborigines Immediately prior to the arrival of European settlers, four major groups of Aborigines occupied what is now the Shire of Yarra Ranges. The Aboriginal groups included the Boonurrong, Moonoba Ngatpan, Taoungurong and Wawurrong (or Woewurrong) people (Smyth 1878). Most of the region (which includes Yellingbo) was the territory of Vol. 118 (4) 2001 the Wawurrong people and was more or less continuously inhabited. The Wawurrong laid claim to all the land included within the basin of the Yarra River and the Dandenong Ranges. The boundaries followed the course of the Maribyrnong River in the west, the divid- ing range to the north, the mountains con- taining the sources of the Yarra in the east and the mountains lining the Yarra basin in the south. In 1838, the number of Aborigines who inhabited the region was estimated to be 205 members of the whole Wawurrong tribe and 87 of the Boonurrong tribe. Before Melbourne was settled in 1835, the aboriginal population would have been larger, but was always small (Tansley 1978; Carroll 1988). Archaeological evidence and reports from early European settlers suggest that Aborigines preferred the river flats around present-day Yarra Glen and Yering and the foothills around Lilydale and Mooroolbark. Mountainous areas with rough and densely-forested terrain and cold, wet winters were avoided and only visited in summer to obtain specific prod- 129 Contributions ucts and to maintain contact between dis- tant tribes (Tansley 1978). The Aborigines were a hunter-gatherer community, living well on the river flats and in the foothills where game was abun- dant. They were semi-nomadic and roamed the countryside in small tribal groups in search of game. Their diet consisted of ani- mals such as possums, kangaroos, various water-birds and fish and vegetables such as the roots of small plants and a variety of fruits and seeds (Aveling 1972). Not long after the arrival of European settlers, reserves were created for the pur- pose of protecting the Aborigines from the settlers, many of whom were ruthless in dealing with the Aborigines. The largest Aboriginal station in Victoria was Coranderrk, near Healesville. The reserve was established in 1863 on 930 ha of land between Badger Creek and the Watts River. In 1868, the reserve was enlarged to | 960 ha and by 1878, the population had reached 148 (Massola 1975). In 1922 the reserve was officially closed and most of the remaining inhabitants were taken to Lake Tyers and Coranderrk was subdivid- ed for soldier settlement. The township of Yellingbo Yellingbo was originally known as Claxton after James Claxton, one of the earliest settlers in this particular portion of the Yarra Ranges Shire. Claxton's title to land on the outskirts of the future township of Yellingbo became permanent in 1883 and he erected a solid weatherboard build- ing near the Woori Yallock Creek that served as wine salon, post office and store for a number of years. Groceries were brought each week to Claxton from Lilydale by bullock wagon (Coulson 1959). After marrying Elizabeth Parslow, James Claxton moved to Melbourne to live. By 1888 all the titles had passed to Elizabeth's brother, Henry Parslow. The locality soon became known as Parslow's Bridge, or simply Parslow's. During that period, a grocer from Seville called at the store weekly. while mail was carried by a horse- back rider twice a week (Coulson 1959: Carroll 1988). The post office, known as Parslow’s, was operated for many years by members of 130 the Parslow family. For some time the wine hall was also the post office but by 1918 had been moved to Mrs Ellen Parslow's property. A telegraph and tele- phone office opened there on 3 February 1921. Christopher John Parslow (nephew of the original selector) took over the post office on 14 November 1925. In the early 1940s, the original building was replaced and the post office transferred to its exist- ing site. In March 1952 Christopher lan Parslow took over functions in the post office. On 12 August 1946 the locality was renamed Yellingbo (which means ‘today’) after the last Aborigine to have frequented the district (Coulson 1959; Carroll 1988). Land settlement European settlement of the region began in 1837 with the arrival of the Ryrie broth- ers. They travelled overland from New South Wales with a large herd of cattle and settled on the lush river flats near the future site of Lilydale and called their property by its Aboriginal name, *Yering’. They took up a grazing licence on 17 000 ha of the most fertile land between Woori Yallock and Olinda Creeks on the south side of the Yarra. Once established, the Ryries extended their grazing licence and established two outstations on the north bank of the Yarra (Marriott 1975; Tansley 1978; Curtis 1982; Carroll 1988). A number of pastoral leases were taken up in the Upper Yarra Valley between 1835 and 1851 (Fig. 3). ‘Elgars’ and *Unwins', were taken up soon after settle- ment and subsequent leases included: the ‘Gulf along Dixons Creek, north of the present day township of Yarra Glen; ‘Christmas Hills’ (which was close to the present day settlement of the same name); ‘Steels Flat’ along the Wandin Yallock Creek valley; and ‘Solitude’ along the Woori Yallock Creek valley (Marriott 1975; Tansley 1978). Of these, Steels Flat and Solitude are of most interest since they were in the vicinity of Yellingbo (Curtis 1982). Steels Flat is believed to have been part of Ryrie's outstations (Curtis 1982) and was farmed by Robert Brierty, followed by Peter Kerr and David Mitchell (Curtis 1982). David Mitchell cleared the land, introduced English pasture species, and began dairying The Victorian Naturalist Contributions s. UE zx N pene ERE SAL. Q — 1D 29 30km ` ^. ut "T Great Dividing Range p { WIN a sate x O'Shannassy R. NIGRI ` A . MtStLeonard <— kas v SA Aw vU s NM KS X - Š Mt Gregor: Legend ale: Y k g n SS Merri Ck. by E Elgars V j Unwins ` [ ] cur View Hill Solitude Steels Flat Port Phillip Bay ah "T. y vd Woori Yallock Ck. ~ Fi x À Mt Donna Buang rr od Warburton JM ree n Q ow MM m ` - sheepstation Ck. — @ Powelltown —McCrae Ck. Cockatoo Ck. S AM Macclesfield Ck m y Fig. 3. Pastoral leases of the Yarra Valley, 1835-1851 (modified from Marriott 1975), The various leases are indicated by differently shaded areas (see legend). The Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve is located within Steels Flat and Solitude Run. This map shows the Yarra Valley defined on the basis of the watersheds of the Yarra River and its tributaries. Dashed line, catchment boundaries, Black areas, water storage reservoirs. and cheesemaking. In the 1880s, David Syme took over the area and divided it into two parts called Killara and Dalry (Curtis 1982). Solitude Run in the Hoddles Creek area is also thought to have been part of Ryrie's outstations (Curtis 1982). In 1846, James Cavanagh operated the 11 580 ha Solitude Run which was to change hands frequently — some nine times in 20 years (Curtis 1982). Each successive owner had the right to farm the Solitude Run, however its lower reaches, where Yellingbo is situated today, were not cleared and developed until the 1880s (Curtis 1982). The pastoral- ists preferred to graze their cattle on the river flats rather than in the timbered regions (Tansley 1978). The following statement held true until the days of the Land Settlement Act: *It was only around the homesteads that the mark of the man was much apparent; here the land was cleared both for its timber and to plant kitchen gardens’ (Aveling 1972). Housing was mostly made from local materials. Most of the homesteads were constructed from hand-hewn wooden slabs and had shingle roofs. Vol. 118 (4) 2001 In the 1880s, the Land Settlement Act was introduced to Parliament with the aim of providing the ‘everyday working man’ with an opportunity of obtaining land for a low cost, under the condition that he clear and work the land. The proclamation of the act provided the impetus for ‘development’ of land throughout Victoria. An inspector would visit the settlements monthly to police this agreement. Clearing was slow and patchy and eventually many of the set- tlements were abandoned and cleared areas returned to scrub (Curtis 1982). Gold mining The Shire of Yarra Ranges was the site of several gold rushes. During the 1860s and 1870s there was a great deal of mining in the Upper Yarra Fields. Gold was first dis- covered in Emerald in November 1858 (Marriott 1975; Curtis 1982). News of the find brought some 60 miners rushing to the district at a time when the remainder of the area was populated by timber workers and pastoralists living in the foothills. Five months later a total of 1 000 miners were living on the goldfields of Emerald (set around the junction of Woori Yallock and 131 Contributions Menzies Creeks) (Coulson 1959; Fleet 1970; Curtis 1982). By 1861 only 52 min- ers remained at the Emerald Goldfields since news of fresh discoveries elsewhere “constantly sent miners packing — virtually overnight’ (Coulson 1959). Gold was discovered at Macclesfield (south of Yellingbo) in either 1864 or 1865 when prospectors from the abandoned Emerald diggings began working their way along the creeks in the area (Coulson 1959). The original prospecting era lasted only a short period but 30 years later a second find in Smith’s Creek by four men picking Eucalyptus leaves began a small gold rush that lasted five years. A considerable quan- tity of gold was removed from Macclesfield during the 1890s. The majority of the gold mining in this area was alluvial, although there were some quartz claims (Coulson 1959; Fleet 1970; Curtis 1982). Gold mining is now a minor activity in Shire of Yarra Ranges. The only opera- tional mine of any type is a small but inac- tive gold mine at Hoddles Creek (Christoff and Wishart 1994), Saw milling Tree fellers arrived in the Yering and Mooroolbark area in the early 1840s. By the early 1850s they had cleared the Yering and Moorolbark areas and moved up the Olinda Creek valley into the Dandenong Forest. Saw milling was a large industry by the 1920s serving the booming housing industry in Melbourne. During this time, the Gembrook, Beenak and Hoddles Creek areas were the sites of most of the mills (Tansley 1978; Curtis 1982). The number of sawmills reached a peak of 241 in 1921, and then declined steadily, especially after 1924, to 169 in 1930 (LCC 1991). Timber from the present YNCR area was transported to the railway at Woori Yallock. A timber tramline followed the Sheepstation Creek through what is now the YNCR (Curtis 1982). Land was cleared for the construction of lines for the horse drawn trams and the felled timber was used there and then to construct the lines (Curtis 1982). In the vicinity of the present-day YNCR office in Shaw Road, a sawmill was oper- ated by the Moore family in the 1930s, 132 Other properties in the area had small mills for their own use (Curtis 1982). The disastrous fires of 1939 left a large death toll because people were stranded at the many isolated sawmills. The period of timber tramlines and isolated sawmilling settlements came to an end with the post- fire introduction of new regulations requir- ing that mills be located in towns. The few tramlines and isolated mills that survived the 1939 fires have decayed or have been destroyed. Currently there are 22 sawmills in the Shire of Yarra Ranges (Christoff and Wishart 1994). The railway In 1881 the Melbourne to Lilydale rail- way was completed. This opened the area to tourists and allowed local produce to be transported to Melbourne. The railway line was extended to Healesville in 1889 and boosted development of that township. Construction of a further broad gauge rail- way line from Lilydale to Warburton in November 1901 provided great advantages to the region surrounding Yellingbo and grazing country around Woori Yallock developed. Dairying was popular along the flats of Launching Place and Don Valley and the orchards surrounding Wandin and Sevillle became more prosperous (Tansley 1978; Curtis 1982). Fire The Shire of Yarra Ranges ranks among the most fire prone area in the world. Major fires swept the area in 1851, 1898, 1926, 1932, 1939, 1962 and 1983 (Table 1). The bushfires of 14 February 1926 killed seven people and large numbers of livestock. A considerable portion of the region was burnt during 1932 but those fires were minor by comparison with the ‘Black Friday’ fires on 13 January 1939. The 1939 fires raged across much of Victoria burning vast areas of forest (approximately 1.4 million ha) and pasture and claiming 71 lives. The Mountain Ash E. regnans and Alpine Ash E. delegaten- sis forests of the Upper Yarra were severe- ly burnt. On 13 February 1983, the ‘Ash Wednes- day' bushfires again burnt through much of the Shire of Yarra Ranges. Victoria was possibly in the midst of its worst drought. 'The Victorian Naturalist Contributions Table 1. Major fires in the forested public land of the Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges Region (after McHugh 1991). Date Name Location 1851 Black Thursday Widespread 1880 Basin/Olinda 1898 Red Tuesday Kallista - The Patch - Selby; Gippsland 1908 Powelltown 1913 Sassafras - Monbulk 1918 Healesville 1923 Belgrave - Upwey - Ferny Creek 1926 Monbulk; Powelltown/Healesville 1932 Powelltown 1934 Basin - Ferntree Gully 1939 Black Friday Widespread 1944 Basin - Ferntree Gully 1954 Upper Ferntree Gully 1962 Basin - Sassafras - Ferny Creek; Gembrook; Olinda Creek; Mt Evelyn; Kalorama 1968 Basin - Upwey; Basin - Sassafras - Ferny Creek 1972 Lysterfield 1983 Ash Wednesday Warburton/Powelltown; Belgrave South - Upper Beaconsfield; Cockatoo 1991 Warburton 1997 Mount Dandenong; Sassafras - Ferny Creek For example, in 1982, Warburton had its lowest rainfall since 1972, with just 1 026 mm compared with the ayerage of | 344 mm. Inflow into the Yarra River system in spring had only been about a quarter of the average and far less than that in the previ- ous severe drought in 1967-68. In excess of 180 000 ha of forest and pas- ture were severely burnt in the Ash Wednesday fires. In the Warburton area, fire damage was severe. About 36 000 ha were burnt in the area roughly bounded by Yarra Junction, Powelltown (west of Noojee), Upper Yarra Dam and Warburton, Much of this area had burned in the 1939 bushfires and the Mountain Ash forests had regenerated in the 43 years since. A settler in the area of Yellingbo by the name of Walsh, reported that his fences and crops were damaged severely by bush- fire during 1898, when Gippsland along with much of the remainder of the State was ablaze. It is feasible then, that the 1898 fire encompassed parts of Yellingbo. Beenak, a few kilometres to the southeast of the YNCR, was badly burnt by the fire (Curtis 1982). The major fires affecting Yellingbo were those of 1926 and 1939 (Curtis 1982). According to a local resident, Mr Alec Ferguson, the blaze of 1939 extended from Healesville to Woods Point (Curtis Vol. 118 (4) 2001 1982). Spot fires erupted in the Yellingbo area, caused by falling ash. Another local resident, Mr Hubert Champion, recalls that the area ranging from Parslow’s through the Cockatoo Swamp was burnt at this time and that until World War II, the swamp was deliberately burnt on a regular basis (Curtis 1982), Mining records sup- port these interpretations; Protective Registration (a means of formally request- ing protection from fires and other natural disasters) was applied for in January and April, 1939 (Curtis 1982). No fire on the scale of the 1939 ‘Black Friday’ has been reported for the Yellingbo area in the post World War H period. In 1962 a fire extending from Sheepstation Creek-Hoddles Creek- Gembrook, claimed the lives of four of the Ockwell family at Woori Yallock, but apparently did not burn much of the pre- sent YNCR (Curtis 1982). Floods Evidence of severe floods was noted by Grimes (surveyor-general of New South Wales who surveyed the shores of Port Phillip Bay) when he arrived in 1803 and houses and properties of the first settlers at Melbourne were flooded within a few years of their arrival, Between the years 1839 and 1954, a total of 80 floods were recorded for 133 Contributions the Upper Yarra Valley (Bureau of Meteorology 1955; Curtis 1982). Bureau of Meteorology records indicate that on average, some part of the valley is severely flooded every two years and gen- erally in the months of August, September and October — over 50% of all floods have been recorded in these three spring months, This is the period of greatest rainfall and heavy falls cannot be absorbed by the satu- rated soils. While most available informa- tion deals with the lower reaches of the val- ley, the alluvial flats around Yarra Glen are perhaps more susceptible to flooding than anywhere else (Marriott 1975). One of the earliest records of flooding appeared in the ‘Melbourne Age’ on 16 December 1863. The whole of the Yarra delta was flooded and all the local creeks were in full flood. One man was drowned in Flinders Street in the heart of the city of Melbourne, an indication of the severity of the floods (Curtis 1982). Since European settlement, the most severe floods in the Upper Yarra Valley were in late November and early December 1934 when a cyclonic storm brought “hurricane winds, heavy seas and torrential rains’ to southern Victoria. Communications were cut and isolated rural settlements far up the valley were lit- erally washed away. Bridges disappeared, factories and homes were flooded, and peo- ple drowned. The Melbourne Age, | December 1934, described the storm as ‘one of the most terrific gales ever experienced in the history of this State’. Land which now forms part of the YNCR was flooded during this time and several farmers in the region lost entire crops to flood waters (Miller and Buckland 1992). The 1934 flood was recalled by Mr Alec Ferguson, a present-day resident of Yellingbo. According to Mr Ferguson 11 inches (275 mm) of rain fell in 30 hours (Curtis 1982). Mr Ferguson stated that ‘the water was four feet above the bridge across the Woori Yallock Creek on the Warburton Highway” (now known as the ‘Old Warburton Highway’; Curtis 1982). Mr Hubert Champion, whose family were amongst the early settlers of the region, recalls the damage, ‘cows, horses and any- thing else in the path of the water was washed downstream’ (Curtis 1982), 134 A flood on the scale of 1934 was made less likely by the ‘snagging’ of the Woori Yallock Creek during the 1930s Depression. In this period, drains were cut at the junction of the Shepherd and Cockatoo Creeks in an effort to reclaim swampy land for agricultural use and to further control flooding. In the early 1950s levy banks were constructed further down- stream along the Cockatoo Creek in an attempt to further control water flow and reclaim ‘swampy’ land (Curtis 1982). Applications for Protective Registration Certificates under the Mining Act again support the contention that the region is prone to flooding with applications con- cerned with excess water in: July 1909, March 1934, September 1934, January 1935, November 1936, January 1937, October 1937 and July 1939 (Curtis 1982), Another Yellingbo resident, a member of the original Parslow family, Mr lan Parslow, recalls that during 1958 water rose approximately two metres above the present road level on Macclestield-Woori Yallock Road (Curtis 1982) near the con- fluence of Cockatoo and Woori Yallock Creeks (Fig. 2). In 1962, floods on a scale of 1934 were made unlikely by the opening of the Upper Yarra Reservoir (see Fig. 1) that traps much of the water previously destined for the Yarra and its tributaries. Heavy local rainfall may still cause local and short- term flooding and records of the Department of Natural Resources and Environment (DNRE) show that even average rainfall could result in water cov- ering the Sheepstation Creek Road for a distance of 50 yards (46 metres), According to Mr Hicks, who has a proper- ty on the road, floods in the area are short lived, one to two days on average (Curtis 1982). Droughts Droughts are less frequent than floods in the Upper Yarra Valley although their impact is more severe. The Bureau of Meteorology has recorded eight major drought periods for the Upper Yarra Valley-Port Phillip region (Table 2). In each case droughts were not confined to this region but instead were widespread throughout southern Victoria. The Victorian Naturalist Contributions Table 2. Major periods of drought in the Yarra-Port Phillip region (Bureau of Meteorology 1955, 1983a, b; after Curtis 1982). Years Description 1895-1902 Major rainfall deficiencies, especially in 1895 when rainfall in Melbourne was 432 mm, and in 1898 when the fall was 396 mm (average was 679 mm). 1913-1914 Marked shortages of rain, between May and October 1914, rainfall in Melbourne was 203 mm; the average for that period was 334 mm. 1925-1927 From June 1925 to June 1927, rainfall in Melbourne was about half the average. 1939-1940 — Good rains in early 1939 were followed by 12 months of drought, ending in December 1940. 1943-1945 Three years of below average rainfall led to severe stock losses and bushfires. 1967-1968 The most severe drought on record. Beginning in January 1967. it lasted until April 1968, Stock, crop and home garden losses were severe. Between October 1967 and April 1968, rainfall in Melbourne totalled 148 mm instead of the average of 394 mm for these months. The total rainfall for the year of 1967 was 322 mm, the driest since records began in 1855. 1972-1973 A short yet extremely severe drought which began in the winter of 1972 and lasted until late February 1973. During that time, Melbourne faced its most severe water restrictions ever. Rainfall between March and December 1972 was about half the average. 1982-1983 Melbourne's total rainfall in 1982 was 422 mm (average 659 mm); the fourth driest since records commenced and the second driest this century. The eleven month period from April 1982 to February 1983 was the driest on record over most of Victoria (338 mm). In the summer of 82/83, the rainfall total was 78 mm compared with an average of 154 mm. In 1983, Melbourne experienced its hottest February day on record, 43.2°C. The mining Protective Registration Certificates once again provide some indi- cation of water levels in the Woori Yallock Creek. Water shortages were recorded on the following dates: 19 November 1929, 24 November 1936, 6 February 1937, 6 December 1938, and 10 March 1939 (Curtis 1982). Physiography The Shire of Yarra Ranges spans two land systems. These are the Eastern Victorian Uplands, which cover most of the region; and the Yarra Plains, in the lower reaches of the former Shire of Lilydale (Rowan 1988). The southern edge of the former Sherbrooke Shire is also at the northern margin of the Basalt Plains region, as evidenced by a few plant species characteristic of that area such as the Zig- Zag Rush Schoenus brevifolius (Christoff and Wishart 1994). The physiographic evolution of the Shire of Yarra Ranges was governed by combi- nations of erosion, faulting, warping and volcanic activity, Extensive areas of out- cropping bedrock have given rise to areas of high elevation. Prolonged erosion has produced a step-like succession of partially preserved erosion surfaces, the dissection Vol. 118 (4) 2001 of which has resulted in considerable relief (McAndrew and Marsden 1973). Three main cycles of erosion are recognizable in central Victoria, culminating in turn in the Baw Baw surface, the Kinglake Surface and the Nillumbik Terrain (McAndrew and Marsden 1973). The Shire of Yarra Ranges lies within the Kinglake Surface and the Nillumbik Terrain; of these, the Nillumbik Terrain is the most important. The Nillumbik Terrain is the prominent erosion surface as shown by the generally concordant height of ridges in the area of Silurian-Lower Devonian bedrock east and northeast of Melbourne. It rises in eleva- tion from about 20 m at Melbourne to about 200 m at the foot of Mt Sugarloaf (40 km northwest of Yellingbo), which is part of the well-defined escarpment at the southern edge of the higher Kinglake Plateau (McAndrew and Marsden 1973). It is also present further east in the Woori Yallock Basin. The Nillumbik Terrain has been dissected by the Yarra River and its tributaries and to a lesser extent by the Dandenong Creek. Geology Bedrock comprises a thick sequence of folded Upper Ordovician to Middle 135 Contributions Devonian sediments ranging from mudstone to sandstone with mudstone dominant in the western part of the Shire of Yarra Ranges and sandstone in the east. The western and central parts of the Shire of Yarra Ranges are dominated by thick acid voleanics com- prising rhyolite and rhyodacite, and acid intrusives comprising granite and granidior- ite of Middle to Late Devonian age (Cooney 1979). Outcrops of Tertiary basalt are found in isolated patches between Lilydale and Hoddles Creek. The basalt is usually highly weathered in outcrops although fresh materi- al up to 50 m thick has been recorded in drill holes (Cooney 1979). Thin Tertiary sedi- ments underlie the basalt in some places. Deposits of Quaternary alluvium and collu- vium line major streams such as the Yarra River and the Woori Yallock, Olinda, Cardinia and Dandenong Creeks. Remnants of erosion surfaces from the Cretaceous, Lower Tertiary and Middle Tertiary ages are present within the region, indicating that such locations have under- gone prolonged weathering. The many flat ridges at elevations of about 250 to 350 m reflect the now dissected Nillumbik Terrain (LCC 1973). The majority of the YNCR lies on Quaternary alluvial deposits of gravel, sand and silt, Within the Woori Yallock Creek and Cockatoo Creek catchments, the dominant geologies are siltstones of Lower Devonian origin to the north, and siltstones of Middle to Lower Silurian origin to the south. Upper Silurian sandstones and scat- tered caps of Tertiary volcanics are also present. Middle Devonian granidiorite is localized near the junction of the Woori Yallock and Cockatoo Creeks (Geographical Society of Victoria 1977, 1981). The Macclesfield Creek catchment is more elevated than the Woori Yallock or Cockatoo Creek and the soils are indica- live of leached duplex profiles derived from older (Devonian and Silurian rather than Quaternary) sediments, The flood- plains of the creek system are areas of gen- erally minor topographic variation (natural and otherwise) with the elevation ranging from 60 to 80 m above sea level. Soils At higher altitudes in the Upper Yarra Valley, soils are generally brown, friable, 136 and gradational. At lower altitudes friable reddish and yellowish gradational soils dominate, with some acidic duplex soils in the lower rainfall areas in the west, and shallow stony soils on the steep slopes. Loams, dark clays, and yellow duplex soils dominate the river plains (LCC 1973; Rowan 1988). Small areas of friable brown gradational soils are scattered throughout the Dandenong Ranges. Friable reddish grada- tional soils are more widespread, particu- larly on outcrops of basalt and dacite extending east to Gembrook, and have been largely cleared for agriculture. Shallow stony soils cover the steep slopes. In the lower-rainfall areas, acidic duplex soils, yellowish gradational soils and sodic duplex soils are all common (LCC 1973; Rowan 1988). The floodplain of the Woori Yallock Creek lies on a mosaic of poorly and rela- tively well drained soils of alluvial origin. The soils vary from brown silty clays at the surface (0-5 cm) to clay loams at depth (50-100 cm). Soils along the Cockatoo Creek range from grey to brown silty clay loams (0-5 em) to sandy clay loams (50- 100 cm) of colluvial or alluvial origin. Sites are seasonally waterlogged and dry over the summer months. Pale grey silty clays are found throughout the soil profile (0-100 cm) along the floodplain of the Macclesfield Creek. A detailed discussion of the physical and chemical properties of soils within the YNCR is given by Kasel (1999). Land Use The human population within the Shire of Yarra Ranges has increased five-fold over the past 50 years with similar increas- es in the number of dwellings and a con- comitant decrease in the number of rural holdings (Table 3). Public land accounts for approximately 73% of the Shire of Yarra Ranges and includes most of the water supply catch- ments (providing 75% of Melbourne’s water supply) and forested areas close to Melbourne. The bulk of publicly owned land is located within the Upper Yarra Ranges. Private land used for rural activi- ties comprises approximately 24% of the total area within the Shire of Yarra Ranges The Victorian Naturalist Contributions Table 3. Historical changes in land use within the Shire of Yarra Ranges. Year 1947 Population 20-707" Year 1966 Number of dwellings 18 588 Year 1959 Number of rural holdings ] 981* Total area of rural holdings (ha) 8] 745* Year 1959 Number of beef cattle 12 682° Number of pigs 5 865° Number of milk cattle 18 771° Number of sheep 50.725° Year 1977 Grape production (ha) 75^ 1967 1993 55 530* 148 927^ 1976 1991 30 680" 49 583? 1977 1993 965" 477! 49 530° 26 033! 1977 1994 39 905" 25 384* 11 327* 13 395* 9 796* 2 5330* 10 067° 1 506° 1990 1996 415: 1 300: * Williams (1979); P Christoff and Wishart (1994); ' ABS (1994); * ABS (1995); Phillips et al. (1989); and urban development accounts for a fur- ther 3% (Christoff and Wishart 1994). The wide range of rural activities within the Shire of Yarra Ranges reflects the region's climate, soil fertility, proximity to Melbourne and historical development of farming. Agricultural and horticultural activities are discussed further as they rep- resent the most common forms of land use in areas directly adjacent to the YNCR. Agriculture Some 9%, or 25 000 ha of the Shire of Yarra Ranges' total area is currently devot- ed to agricultural land use (ABS 1994), This represents approximately one third of the area of private land in the entire shire. More than half of this land (13 740 ha, including 2 460 ha of crops and 6 480 ha of pasture) is found near Lilydale (Christoff and Wishart 1994). Pasture-based industries (dairy cattle, beef cattle, sheep and horses) dominate agricultural land use and dairy farming has been the most intensive and profitable of these uses. Dairying is in serious decline; between 1959 and 1994, the number of milking cows fell by 90% (Table 3). Beef cattle production is now the dominant live- stock industry in the Shire of Yarra Ranges (Table 3) and has been stable during the last ten years (Christoff and Wishart 1994). Sheep farming for both wool and meat is à minor and declining activity (Table 3) while equine industries (especially breed- ing for recreational use, harness racing and thoroughbred racing) is a large but gener- ally unquantified land use. Vol. 118 (4) 2001 * CBCS (1966); © ABS (1991); ° ' Business East (1997). CBCS (1960); Horticulture Some 2 000 ha within the Shire of Yarra Ranges is devoted to horticultural activity. The major horticultural crops are nursery plants, flowers, vegetables, fruit orchards, berry fruits and vineyards. Vegetable production is a significant but again a declining land use in the Shire of Yarra Ranges. Major vegetable growing areas are Silvan, Wandin, Toolangi, Coldstream and Hoddles Creek. Approximately 520 ha of vegetables are grown in the Shire. The largest crops are carrots (almost 300 ha), brussell sprouts, cabbages, potatoes and beans (Christoff and Wishart 1994). Over the past few years fruit production has remained stable. Crops include straw- berries, apples, cherries and other stone fruits such as peaches and nectarines. The wine industry is expanding and the total area of vineyards increased from 75 ha in 1977, to over 1 300 ha by 1996 (Table 3). Land use surrounding the Yellingbo State Conservation Reserve Land uses directly adjacent to the YNCR boundary include intensive horticulture, cattle grazing and native forest. The inten- sive horticulture is in the form of a *market garden’ on the eastern bank of the Cockatoo Creek at the northern end of the YNCR. The market garden is approximate- ly 14 ha in area and the major crops grown include broccoli, cauliflower and spinach. The general changes in land use within the Shire of Yarra Ranges are reflected in changes in land use in areas bordering the 137 Contributions 1E d aS Á s s "P u M——— Table 4. Historical changes in land use surrounding the YNCR (based on the length (m) of each activity with the boundary" of the YNCR). Year Surrounding land use Length of boundary with the YNCR Cockatoo Ck Woori Yallock Ck Total (m) (%) (m) (%) (m) (%) 1946 Forest 8 382 39 7 308 61 15 690 47 Pasture 13 224 61 4592 39 17 816 53 Horticulture 0 0 0 0 0 0 1968 Forest 4717 22 3 422 29 8136 24 Pasture 16 892 78 8 478 71 25 370 76 Horticulture 0 0 0 0 0 0 1988 Forest 1 504 7 2 878 24 4 382 13 Pasture 18 836 87 9 022 76 27 858 83 Horticulture 1 266 6 0 0 | 266 4 1998 Forest 3357 15 2 878 24 6 235 I8 Pasture 16 983 79 9.022 76 26 005 78 Horticulture 1 266 6 0 0 1 266 4 Total boundary lengths 21 606 11 900 33 506 * Changes in land use surrounding the YNCR were calculated with the use of the following aerial photographs: 1998 colour, 1:16 000; 1988 colour, 1:10 000; 1969 b/w 1:10 000; and 1946 b/w 1:20 0000. The length of the boundary of the YNCR was kept constant throughout the analysis and was based on the boundary as it stood in 1995 (the perimeter of the YNCR in 1995 was superim- posed on the corresponding area (images) for 1998, 1988, 1969 and 1946; the actual length of the perimeter changed over this time period as land was purchased and added to the YNCR ). YNCR. There has been a marked decrease in the area of native forest and a corre- sponding increase in pasture based activi- ties and some intensive horticulture. For example, in 1946, native forest bordered about 16 km of the YNCR but only 4 km in 1988 (Table 4). Conversely the area of pasture bordering the YNCR increased from 18 km in 1946 to 28 km by 1988, with a further 1 km allocated to horticul- ture (Table 4), With no further land clearing between 1988 and 1998, land uses surrounding, the YNCR have remained fairly constant. Whilst keeping in mind the immature state of revegetated areas, land purchases and revegetation since 1988 have increased the ‘forested’ area surrounding the YNCR, For example, purchase and revegetation of "Logan's land’ (which was predominantly cleared, see Fig. 2) has increased the amount of forested area bordering the YNCR by 1 853 m (Table 4). Further revegetation and land purchases will increase this figure. Acknowledgements This paper was financially and logistically sup- ported by: The Holsworth Wildlife Research Fund; Melbourne Water; Department of Natural Resources and Environment; Land and Water Australia; River Basin Management Society: 138 School of Botany at Melbourne University; and the School of Botany at the University of Western Australia. | thank an anonymous reviewer for valuable comments on an earlier version of this paper. References ABS (1991). “Census. Census counts for small areas Victoria. Census of population and housing’. Catalogue No. 2730.2. (Australian Bureau of Statistics: Victoria.) ABS (1994). "Agricultural statistics-selected small area data, Victoria, 1992-93*. Catalogue No. 7120.2. (Australian Bureau of Statistics: Victoria.) ABS (1995). ‘Agricultural statistics-selected small area data Victoria 1992-1993", Catalogue No. 7120.2. (Australian Bureau of Statistics; Victoria.) Aveling, M. (1972). *Lilydale-The Billarook Country 1837-1972’. (Grey-Hunt: Carlton.) Backhouse, G.N. (1987). Management of remnant habitat for conservation of the Helmeted Honeyeater Lichenostomus melanops cassidix, In ‘Nature Conservation: The role of remnants of native vegeta- tion’. (Eds D.A. Saunders, G.W. Arnold, A.A. Burbidge and A.J.M. Hopkins.) pp. 287-294. (Surrey Beatty and Sons Pty Limited in association with CSIRO and CALM: Victoria, Australia.) Bureau of Meteorology (1955). ‘Commonwealth of Australia-Bureau of Meteorology. Climatological Survey: Region 10-Port Phillip, Victoria". (Issued by the director of Meteorology: Melbourne, August 1955.) Bureau of Meteorology. (19832). ‘Monthly weather review-Victoria. February 1983’. (Department of Science and Technology: Melbourne.) Bureau of Meteorology (1983b). ‘Preliminary report of the Ash Wednesday fires, 16 February 1983", (Bureau of Meteorology, Department of Science and Technology: Canberra.) Business East (1997), *A grape investment’. (Business East: Miteham, Victoria.) The Victorian Naturalist Carr, G.W. (1998). Brief investigation of Eucalyptus eamphora (Mountain Swamp Gum) dieback, Yellingbo Nature Conservation Reserve, A report to Department of Natural Resources and Environment. Dratt Report, July 1998. (Ecology Australia Pty. Ltd.: Fairfield, Victoria.) Carroll, B. (1988). ‘The Upper Yarra: an illustrated his- tory’. (Shire of Upper Yarra: Yarra Junction, Victoria.) CBCS (1960). ‘Rural holdings classified by type of activity’. Catalogue No. 7171.2. (Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics: Victoria.) CBCS (1966), *Census of population and housing. Volume 4. Population and dwellings in local govern- ment areas, Part 2 Victoria’, (Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics: Canberra.) Christidis, L. and Boles, W. (1994). *The Taxonomy and Species of Birds of Australia and its Territories’. Monograph 2. (RAOU: Australia, ) Christoff, P. and Wishart, F. (1994), Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges Region. Biodiversity Study. Discussion Paper. June 1994, (Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges Authority: Melbourne.) Cooney, A.M. (1979). ‘Geology, Mining and Quarrying Activity, Groundwater and Engineering Geology'. (Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges Authority: Melbourne.) Coulson, H. (1959). *Story of the Dandenongs, 1839- 1958". (Cheshire: Melbourne.) Craigie, N.M., Brizga, S.O. and Condina, P. (1998). Assessment of proposed works to ameliorate the effect of hydrological processes on vegetation dieback at Cockatoo Creek Swamp, Yellingbo Reserve. A report prepared for Parks Victoria. July 1998. (Neil M. Craigie Pty. Ltd.: Croydon, Melbourne.) Curtis, C. (1982). A historical survey of Yellingbo. (Ministry of Conservation. Fisheries and Wildlife Division: Yellingbo State Nature Reserve, Yellingbo.) Fleet. J. (1970). ‘The history of gold discovery in Victoria’. (The Hawthorn Press: Melbourne.) Geographical Society of Victoria (1977). Warburton, 1:250 000, Sheet SJ 55-6. (Geological Survey of Victoria: Australia.) Geographical Society of Victoria (1981). Ringwood, 1:63 360. (Geological Survey of Victoria; Australia.) Kasel (1999), The decline of Eucalyptus camphora and E. ovata within the Yellingbo State Nature Reserve, Victoria. (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Western Australia.) LCC (1973). Report on the Melbourne Study Area. December 1973. (Land Conservation Council: Victoria, Melbourne.) LCC (1991). Melbourne Area, District 2 Review, Descriptive Report. August, 1991. (Land Conservation Council: Melbourne.) The Victorian Naturalist All material for publication to: Contributions Marriott, K.L. (1975). *The Yarra Valley". (Sorrett Publishing: Melbourne.) Massola, A. (1975). *Coranderrk: a history of the Aboriginal station’, (Lowden Publishing: Kilmore, Victoria.) McAndrew, J. and Marsden, M.A.H. (eds) (1973). "Regional Guide to Victorian Geology’. (School of Geology, University of Melbourne: Melbourne.) McHugh, P.J. (1991). ‘Statement of resources, uses and values for the Dandenong forest management area (Yarra forests)’. (Department of Conservation and Environment: East Melbourne.) McMahon, A.R.G. and Franklin, D.C. (1993), The sig- nificance of Mountain Swamp Gum for Helmeted Honeyeater populations in the Yarra Valley. The Victorian Naturalist 110, 230-237. McMahon, A,R.G., Carr, G.W,, Race, G.J.. Bedggood, S.E. and Todd, J.A. (1991), The vegetation and man- agement of the Yellingbo State Nature Reserve with particular reference to the Helmeted Honeyeater (Lichenostomus melanops cassidix). November 1991, (Ecological Horticulture Pty Ltd: Clifton Hill, Victoria.) Miller, J. and Buckland, I. (1992). "Not just for today- the Yellow Helmeted Honeyeater and its habitat." (Miller and Buckland: Yellingbo, Melbourne.) Phillips, R.N. and Associates Pty. Ltd., Gittins, W.J. and Associates and Williamson, D. (1989). Rural Study, Technical Report Series Report No. 15. (Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges Authority: Victoria.) Ross, J.H. (1996). “A census of the vascular plants of Victoria’. (Royal Botanic Gardens: South Yarra, Victoria, Australia.) Rowan, J. (1988). *Land Systems of Victoria'. (Victorian Government Printer: Victoria.) Smales, I.J., Craig. S.A., Williams, G.A. and Dunn, R.W, (1990), The Helmeted Honeyeater: decline, conservation and recent initiatives for recovery. /n *Management and conservation of small popula- tions’. Proceedings of a conference held in Melbourne, Australia, September 26-27, 1989. (Eds T.W. Clark, and J.H. Seebeck.) pp. 225-238. (Chicago Zoological Society: Chicago.) Smyth, R.B. (1878). ‘The Aborigines of Victoria’. Volume 1, (Government Printer: Melbourne.) Tansley, M. (1978), Sites, structures and areas of his- torical and archaeological significance. (Unpublished Research report - planning. Bachelor of Town and Regional Planning, Universily of Melbourne.) Williams, J.H. (1979). *Regional Statistics. Compiled in preparation of Regional Strategy Plan. Revised Edition'. (Upper Yarra and Dandenong Ranges Authority: Melbourne.) The Editor, The Victorian Naturalist, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, P.O. Blackburn, Victoria 3130. Vol. 118 (4) 2001 139 Honours David Ashton, OAM Dr. David Ashton was awarded a medal of the Order of Australia in the recent Queen's Birthday Honours. He is an emi- nent botanist known to many Field Naturalists, and has contributed enormous- ly to the understanding and appreciation of Victorian ecology. He studied at Cambridge with Dr. Alex Watt as supervi- sor and continued for an additional year with a Nuffield grant. In recognition of his the ‘Big Ash’ (Eucalyptus regnans) of Victorian mountain forests, Parks Victoria prepared and erected a beautiful bronze plaque at the Toorourong Reservoir. David has a rare ability of evaluating the forest as a whole, but still including all its detailed living processes from which the reader can visualise the living forest. David’s research covers many other areas of Victorian forest such as the Brisbane Ranges, the Bogong High Plains, East Gippsland, Macquarie astounding record of 50 years’ research in Island, Pelican Island in Western Port Bay, and overseas in Chile. His research extends from mycorrhizae to lyrebirds. Some years ago David was made a Fellow of the Royal Society, and he recently received the Kookaburra award by Parks Victoria and a medal from the Ecological Society of Australia. The Department of Natural Resources and Environment has just named a biodiversity award after him, David has just completed an article on the history of the McCoy Society for The Victorian Naturalist. Quiet, unassuming, friendly, and with a wicked sense of humour, David is also a talented artist. Congratulations, David, from the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria. Gretna Weste 605 Park Road, Park Orchards, Victoria 3114. One Hundred Years Ago KING [sLAND.—In the agricultural columns of the Australasian, of 27th July, “Bruni” writes that King Island, hitherto regarded as useless has, owing to the spread of an introduced plant, become valuable for dairy farming, When the members of the Field Naturalists’ Club of Victoria held their first extended “camp-out” there, in 1887 (Victorian Naturalist, iv., p. 129), the country was reported as being sandy, sterile, and unsuitable for grazing, but it seems that since that time some seeds of a clover-like plant, Melilotus officinalis, were washed ashore from a wreck on the southern coast, and, contrary to the usual custom of introduced plants, has transformed the barren wastes into splendid pasture. The island now supports a population of about 250, and boasts a general store with post-office, while a creamery is talked of, but no school, church, or hotel has yet been established. The official requirements of the island are supplied by a police trooper. In the following issue of the Australasian, Mr. Frank Madden, M.L.A., writes warning farmers in Victoria against trying the Melilot as a pasture plant, as it is nothing more than a useless weed. It is, however, according to Baron von Mueller, “Select Extra- Tropical Plants,” a valuable honey-yielding plant. From The Victorian Naturalist Vol. XVIII, 1901. 140 The Victorian Naturalist Honours W. Rodger Elliot, Am Rodger Elliot and his wife Gwen Elliot were each recenty appointed as a Member in the General Division of the Order of Australia (AM) ‘for service to the horticul- ture of native plants, particularly through the Society for Growing Australian Plants’. Rodger was a member of the FNCV in the 1970s and early 1980s and rejoined Club in 1995, when he was awarded the Australian Natural History Medallion. He is currently a member of the Board of the Royal Botanic Gardens, an Honorary Life Member of the Australian Plants Society, a member of the Dandenong Ranges Garden Trust, and Deputy Chair of the Advisory Committee of the Maud Gibson Trust. He is a recipient of the Australian Institute of Horticulture's Award for Excellence and the Gold Veitch Memorial Medal. Rodger is no doubt well-known to many members as a lecturer, broadcaster and author. He was a contributor to Your Garden magazine for over 20 years, has published plant field guides, botanical booklets and à number of gardening books. His major work-in-progress, co-authored with David L. Jones, is the ‘Encyclopedia of Australian Plants Suitable for Cultivation’. This unique series, when completed, will cover the flora of the entire continent. Gwen Elliot has been invaluable in all of Rodger's endeavours, which are listed in detail in an article by Sheila Houghton in The Victorian Naturalist 142 (5), 1995, pp. 188-189. Congratulations Rodger and Gwen from the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria. Rodger and Gwen Elliot. The Victorian Field Naturalists Clubs Association Annual Camp Labour Day Weekend — Friday 8 to Monday 11 March 2002 The 2002 annual camp and meeting of The Victorian Field Naturalists Clubs Association will take place at Campaspe Downs Country Resort, 7 km SW of Kyneton, Victoria over the Labour Day weekend. As the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria is organising the event, we are hoping for the support of our members through their attendance and as volunteers for various tasks before and during the campout. Mark this date in your diary and come and enjoy guided excursions and walks through Victoria's Box and Ironbark forest remnants and surrounding areas. Learn about the plants, birds, mammals, invertebrates, fungi, geology and much, much more with field naturalist colleagues from around the State. Guest speakers during the weekend are Dr Julian Hollis on volcanic activity in Victoria with emphasis on the Newer Volcanics, Stuart Dashper on Box-Iron Forests and Marcus Ward on Logging in Wombat State Forest. If you would like information and a booking form, please write to Dorothy Mahler, Secretary, VFNCA Camp Weekend Organising Committee, 1 Astley Street, Montmorency 3094 and enclose a business-sized (approximately 22 > 10 cm) stamped, self-addressed envelope. A deposit of $30 is required by 19 November, 2001. Vol. 118 (4) 2001 141 Book Reviews Nature Photography by Ken Griffiths Publisher: University of New South Wales Press, 1999. 148 pp., colour illustrations. ISBN 0868406724. RRP $29.95. As a keen amateur photographer | tackled this book with some enthusiasm. I was not disappointed. Nor was John (obsessive videographer and long-suffering husband) as we both found this book informative, interesting, detailed and loaded with plenty of advice and examples of what to do and not to do when photographing nature. The book is divided into two sections; Part 1, Equipment and Accessories, delves into the camera and the main format types of SLR, rangefinder, medium and large format and digital. But the book is about SLR photography and discusses camera features, lenses, flash, light meters, film, accessories, equipment care and mainte- nance, even what to look for when buying used equipment. Photos are used as examples in how to use equipment, e.g. lenses illustrated with a collection of landscapes taken with a wide- angle lens and wider apertures. All pictures are captioned with notes describing the photo, type of lens used and aperture, shut- ter speed and type of film. Telephoto and macro, lens and flash features are all pre- sented in easily-digested form and accom- panying photos add detail to the text, illus- trating, for example, types of flash equip- ment available and when to use each one. Throughout the book key words are light- ly highlighted in the text. A quick referral to the index of cross-referenced topics will lead to the page number where the high- lighted topic is dealt with in detail. Part 2 deals with ‘Photographing Natural Subjects’ under the headings of Natural Light; Macro and Close-up Photography; Picture Faults and Technical Problems; Where to Practice your Techniques; Plants and Animals Exposed; What to Wear and Carry; and Ethics when Photographing Wildlife. 142 I found Part 2 particularly useful, and armed with all the knowledge acquired in Part 1 applied some of the tips during our recent trip into Western Australia. Tips for photographing in brightly lit situations like white sand so as not to under-expose (Eyre Telegraph Station), taking photos of back lit subjects (Marble Gums and their white trunks are illuminated by back lighting in the Great Victoria Desert), using macro lenses (the detail of an Ooldea Mallee in flower in the Great Victoria Desert or a Rhinoceros Beetle on the attack on the road between Rawlinna and Cocklebiddy) are all covered within. The section ‘Plants and Animals Exposed’ is a handy guide with advice on photographing all creatures great and small from invertebrates to landscapes and includes useful techniques, recommended lenses for each subject, when and how to improve your photo with the use of flash, when to use fast or slow shutter speed and open or closed aperture. The book closes with some useful tips and a list of essential items required for a day’s filming and a final emphasis on the three Ps of nature photography — practice, patience and perseverance. So it’s back out to the bush for me, my camera and lenses in a purpose designed backpack and a healthy dose of the 3 Ps. This book can be used by beginning SLR photographers who will learn much from the advice and detail presented here. Experienced photographers will also find it useful to extend their knowledge and capa- bility in nature photography. Anne Morton 10 Rupicola Court, Rowville, Victoria 3178. The Victorian Naturalist Book Reviews Wildflowers of Victoria by Margaret G. Corrick and Bruce A. Fuhrer Publisher: Bloomings Books. 256 pp., 840 colour plates, RRP $59.95 This terrific book illustrates 840 native flowering shrubs and herbs of Victoria, including 50 species endemic to Victoria. The plants are presented alphabetically by family, and a brief description of the dis- tinguishing characteristics of each family precedes the individual species description. A wide array of flowers is included from many different habitats. For example, in the Daisy family, the Asteraceae, there are 128 photographs including Microseris sp. 2, which is common in alpine herb- fields, Leucochrysum albicans subsp., Alpinum var. tricolor, currently known only from road verges, Water Buttons Cotula coronopifolia, widespread in damp areas and Sticky Cassinia, Cassinia uncata, which occurs mostly in western mallee and dry forest although a distinctive form occurs on shallow, rocky ground in the alps and subalps north of Licola. This family also includes the strange and bizarre such as Ground Heads Chthono- cephalus pseudevas and Woolly Heads Myriocephalus rhizocephalus. The species descriptions include the author, the common name where available, distribution and a few habitat notes. Included are measurements of leaves, fruits and flowers, to aid identification, along with plant height. The distribution information is provided according to the natural regions of Victoria, and these are illustrated on a map taken from The Flora of Australia (1994-1999). The introduction includes a brief description of the natural regions of Victoria, with reference to where they are situated within the state. A useful addition, however, would be the inclusion of flowering dates, such informa- tion being particularly valuable for people seeking rarely seen flowering plants such as Silvery Emu-Bush Eremophila scoparia or Fairy Lanterns Thismia rodwayi. A glossary is provided and includes detailed descriptions of many technical terms, making the species summaries easi- er to understand. ‘Wildflowers of Victoria’ has such an extensive coverage of flowering shrubs and herbs of Victoria that it makes an ideal companion to Leon Costerman’s ‘Trees and Shrubs of South Eastern Australia’. Costerman’s book includes coverage of shrubs which are generally taller than one metre, but a slight overlap does occur with a few species: Corrick and Fuhrer have included some small acacias, and a number of trees that display a shrubby growth form, such as Prickly Bottlebrush Callistemon brachyandrus described as a ‘shrub or small tree 2-3 metres high’ and Muttonwood Rapanea howitliana ‘a small tree to 15 metres high’. This book is packed full with beautiful colour photographs of the kind of excep- tional standard we have come to expect of Bruce Fuhrer’s work, along with simply written, easy to read text. Overall, it is a very readable and informative, beautifully illustrated book. Many species occur in other states as well so this book is ideal not only for Victorians but also for those iden- tifying plants in similar habitats within neighbouring states. Bernadette Sinclair Deakin University, Rusden Campus, 662 Blackburn Road, Clayton, Victoria 3168. For assistance with the preparation of this issue, thanks to Karen Dobson (label printing), Dorothy Mahler (administrative assistance) and Michael McBain (web page). Vol. 118 (4) 2001 143 The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. Reg No A0033611X Established 1880 In which is incorporated the Microscopical Society of Victoria OBJECTIVES: To stimulate interest in natural history and to preserve and protect Australian flora and fauna. Membership is open to any person interested in natural history and includes beginners as well as experienced naturalists. Registered Office: FNCV, | Gardenia Street, Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Postal Address: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Phone/Fax (03) 9877 9860; International Phone/Fax 61 3 9877 9860. Patron John Landy, MBE, The Governor of Victoria Key Office-Bearers President: VACANT. Vice Presidents: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, | Astley Street, Montmorency 3094. 9435 8408 and Ms WENDY CLARK, 97 Pakenham Street, Blackburn 3130. 9877 9266 Hon. Secretary: MRS ANNE MORTON, LO Rupicola Court, Rowville 3178. 9790 0656 Hon. Treasurer: Ms BARBARA BURNS, 16 Montclair Court, Templestowe 3106. 9846 2608 Subscription-Secretary: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130, 9877 9860 Editor, The Vie. Nat.: Mrs MERILYN Grey, 8 Martin Road, Glen Iris 3146. 9889 6223 Assist. Editors, The Vic. Nat.: MR ALISTAIR EVANS, 2/5 Glenbrook Avenue, Clayton 3168. 8505 4339 and Mrs ANNE MORTON, as above, Librarian: Mrs Suri A HoucnroN, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 5428 4097 Excursion Co-ordinator: MR DENNIS MELTZER, 8 Harcourt Avenue, Caufield 3162. 9523 1853 Book Sales; DR ALAN PARKIN, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 9435 5749 Book Brokerage: MR RAY Winte, 9 Longtown Court, Craigieburn 3064. AH 9308 3770 Newsletter Editors: DR Nov. ScHLEIGER, as above and MR KEITH MARSHALL, 8/423 Tooronga Road, Hawthorn East 3123. 9882 3044 Conservation Coordinator: MR Jim WALKER, 167 Balaclava Road, Caulfield 3162. 9527 5601 Group Secretaries Botany: Ms KAREN DonsoN, 58 Rathmullen Road, Boronia 3155. BH 9877 9860 Geology: Mr Ros HAMSON, 5 Foster Street, McKinnon 3204. 9557 5215 Fauna Survey: Ms SOPHIE SMALL, 107 Bondi Road, Bonbeach 3196. AH 9772 2848 Marine Research: MR MICHAEL LYONS, 2/18 Stonnington Place, Toorak 3142. AH 9822 8007 Microscopical: MR RAY POWER, 36 Schotters Road, Mernda 3754. 9717 3511 MEMBERSHIP Members receive The Victorian Naturalist and the monthly Field Nat News free. The Club organis- es several monthly meetings (free to all) and excursions (transport costs may be charged). Field work, including botany, mammal and invertebrate surveys, is being done at a number of locations in Victoria, and all members are encouraged to participate. YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION RATES — The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. First Member Metropolitan $40 Concessional (pensioner/student/unemployed) $30 Country (more than 50 km from GPO) $30 Junior (under 18) $15 Overseas AUS65 Additional Members Adult $15 Junior $5 Australian Institutions $55 Overseas Institutions AUS65 Schools/Clubs $35 Send to: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Printed by Brown Prior Anderson, 5 Evans Street, Burwood, Victoria 3125. fS. oan ) KE Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (5) October 2001 McCoy Special Issue Part One — eret freno A, MAY" £ Z hr pnt. — F.N.C v. | Published by The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria since 1884 Foreword Doug McCann! This special two-part issue of The Vietorian Naturalist has been produced in honour of the life and work of the nineteenth century Irish-Australian naturalist Sir Frederick McCoy. He died just over 100 years ago, on 13 May 1899, at about 77 years of age (his exact birth date remains uncer- tain). McCoy was the first President of The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria (1880- 1883) and later, along with his renowned colleague Ferdinand von Mueller, was made a patron of the Club (1889). Although he was not directly involved in regular meetings and Held excursions, the Club gained prestige and direction from his stewardship and he provided a useful link between the Club's activities and that of the Melbourne Museum of which he was first Director. At the time of his death he was arguably Australia's most distinguished scientist. In an obituary in The Geological Magazine, the editor Henry Woodward stated that *Professor McCoy was the acknowledged chief of the scientific world of Australasia" - yet today he is little known outside the specialised areas of palaeontology and the history of science. McCoy made significant contributions to taxonomic and stratigraphical palaeontol- ogy in Ireland and England, and to palacon- tology and zoology in Australia. He was the first to confirm that Australian stratigraphy correlated with that in the northern hemi- sphere and hence to demonstrate that the geological column was a global phenome- non. He was foundation Professor of Natural Science at the University of Melbourne and concurrently Government Palaeontologist for the Geological Survey of Victoria and Director of the National Museum of Victoria, where he built up one of the finest natural history collections out- side Europe and North America. Why then is McCoy so little appreciated? The reasons are complex and varied. McCoy was, and remains, a somewhat con- troversial and contradictory figure. As well as making many worthy contributions to science he was also involved in some acri- monious and long-running scientific dis- putes, and in some of these he fared rather badly. Authors in this issue explore aspects of some of these debates. In a sense McCoy ! School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Clayton, Victoria 3168. has had to endure a ‘bad press’ in which his negative qualities have been emphasised (i.e., one historian referred to him as that ‘bad tempered redheaded Irishman’) and his more positive contributions have frequently been ignored or forgotten. The breadth, and often the depth, of his work, however, were considerable. He was very much a product of the mid nineteenth century, when natural history enjoyed wide- spread popularity and standing. Taxonomy and classification were highly esteemed activities, in keeping with the then prevalent philosophy of Natural Theology. It was an era of geographical exploration and exten- sive collecting. There was much being dis- covered that was new to science and a need for it to be classified and described. McCoy was an accomplished naturalist and a very diligent taxonomic palaeontologist. Even in his day palaeontologists were beginning to specialise but the scope of MeCoy's work was remarkable; he covered virtually the whole of invertebrate palaeontology as well às being competent in vertebrate palaeontol- ogy and zoology. He was also well versed in geology, botany, mineralogy, chemistry, mining technology and many of the arts. A reassessment of MeCoy's life and work has been long overdue. The current collection of papers provides a variety of viewpoints and some general as well as some in-depth studies of many aspects of his life and work. This two-part issue of The Victorian Naturalist offers the first exhaustive critical study of McCoy and will provide an obligato- ry starting point for any future work on McCoy's scientific contributions and of his life and times. Many people have contributed towards the success of this project, in particular, the individual authors and the dedicated and patient work of the editors Merilyn Grey, Anne Morton and Alistair Evans. Special thanks are due to Professor Neil Archbold for proposing and nurturing this project from the very beginning, and for his written contributions and generous material support. The end result of the combined work of all the contributors is a landmark in document- ing. analysing and understanding a pioneer- ing period in the history of natural science in the Colony of Victoria and of the contribu- uons of Sir Frederick McCoy, an eminent nineteenth century Victorian naturalist. The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (5) 2001 October McCoy Special Issue Part One Editors: Merilyn Grey and Anne Morton Production Editor: Alistair Evans Foreword by Doue eC Bi oirn wa. aes cscgracorecscrornsscesadguiassseagtaaccspesiazersasiess 146 Timeline: Frederick McCoy, by Doug McCann .............. e 148 Geological Time Scale... u uni contiene tth enero nennen trennt teen) 150 Sir Frederick McCoy FRS — an Overview, by Malcolm Carkeek ..................... 151 Frederick McCoy: the Irish Years, by Thomas A. Darragh ............. e 160 Frederick McCoy and his Contributions to Stratigraphical Palaeontology, by Doug MCCA MR 165 Frederick McCoy and the Phylum Brachiopoda, by N. W. Archbold................. 178 Frederick McCoy and the University of Melbourne, by Jan Wilkinson......186 McCoy’s ‘Living Museum’, by Gwen Pascoe ...............ssnsssssssssssssssssssass 193 Professor Frederick McCoy and the National Museum of Victoria, 1856-1899, by Carolyn Rasmussen.......... eene ennemis 200 Birds, Books and Money: McCoy's Correspondence with John Gould (1857-1876), by Anthea Fleming .............. eee 210 McCoy and Clarke: their Dispute Over the Age of Australia's Black Coal, by Roger Pierson.................. erret 219 Frederick McCoy's Anti-evolutionism — the Cultural Context of Scientific Belief, by Barry W. Butcher ............ eese 226 McCoy and Sarcophilus harrisii Boitard, 1842 — a Diabolical Relationship, by W.R. Gerdtz 231 Revisiting the Real McCoy, by N.W. Archbold................ eem 2 Editors’ Acknowléedeements........... .. rmt etm Edara SEND OI ERE QT ETE ET DN TESI 233 ISSN 0042-5184 one Ee SS SS MEE Front cover: Lithograph of Frederick McCoy by Frederick Schoenfeldt; from a series enti- tled ‘Notable Men of the time’. Published by Hamel and Co., c. 1859. Signed by Frederick McCoy. La Trobe Picture Collection, State Library of Victoria. Back cover: Frederick McCoy, c. early 1870s. UMA/I/1242 University of Melbourne Archives. a € IgLLL l LLIIL L lll ll lLLLLlHLLLLCOII IL!LI I ”LLL l2aÑRlea<—[l]: |>——— McCoy Issue Timeline: Frederick McCoy (1823-1899) Born in Dublin (exact year of birth uncertain), Second son of Dr Simon McCoy, First paper published in Magazine of Natural History: Remarks on Mr. Arranged the collections of the Museum of the Geological Society of Dublin and became a member of that Society. (The Catalogue of the Museum Engaged by Sir Richard Griffith to determine fossils collected by Griffith and Named and catalogued for sale shells and fossils of the Henry Sirr Collection. Curated collections of the Royal Dublin Society and the Geological Publication of Synopsis of the Carboniferous Limestone Fossils of Ireland Geological Survey of Ireland established. McCoy hired as first field staff Publication of Synopsis of the Silurian Fossils of Ireland (based on his work for Sir Richard Griffith). In November invited by Adam Sedgwick to arrange the fossil collection of the Woodwardian Museum at Cambridge (worked on Publication of On the fossil botany and zoology of the rocks associated with the coal of Australia in Annals and Magazine of Natural History (based on examination of fossils collected by Rey. W.B. Clarke and sent to Sedgwick). Appointed Professor of Mineralogy and Geology at Queen’s College, Belfast. Doug McCann c. 1823 physician and professor of materia medica, Queen’s College, Galway. 1838 Eyton’s arrangement of the Gulls. 1839 published 1841 — McCoy’s first publication on fossils.) c. 1840 the staff of the Boundary Survey for a Geological Map of Ireland. 1841 Society of Dublin. First met Adam Sedgwick. 1843 Married Anna Marie Harrison in Dublin. 1844 (based on his work for Sir Richard Griffith). 1845 member, Surveyed and completed maps. Resigned September 1846. 1846 this project 1846-1854). 1847 1849 Continued work with Sedgwick during vacations. 1852 Elected Fellow of the Geological Society of London. 1854 Appointed Professor of Natural Science at the University of Melbourne (lifelong tenure). Publication of Contributions to British Palaeontology (reprint of 28 papers from Annals and Magazine of Natural History). Arrived in Victoria December 1854. 1855 Publication of Synopsis of the British Palaeozoic Rocks and Fossils (MeCoy's major work). University of Melbourne officially opened. McCoy lectured in a wide range of subjects including chemistry, botany, mineralogy, comparative anatomy, systematic zoology, geology and palaeontology. 148 The Victorian Naturalist Part One 1856 Appointed Palaeontologist to the Geological Survey of Victoria. Moved National Museum of Victoria collection to University of Melbourne. “System Garden’ laid out in north-west corner of university grounds. Chairman of Royal Commission on the Victorian Goldfields. 1858 Formally appointed Director of the National Museum. Appointed to Victorian Board of Science. 1861 Vice-President of the Royal Society of Victoria. Acclimatisation Society established — McCoy and Frederick von Mueller Vice-Presidents. Publication of Note on the ancient and recent natural history of Victoria in Catalogue of the Victorian Exhibition — the first general account of palaeontology and zoology in Victoria. 1864 President of the Royal Society of Victoria. 1867 Publication of On the recent zoology and palaeontology of Victoria in Annals and Magazine of Natural History (included the first detailed list of Victorian birds). 1869 Public lecture The order of creation. Began publication of a series of popular articles on Victorian and Australian natural history in the Australasian under the pseudonym *Microzoon' (from 1869-1871). 1870 Public lecture The plan of creation. Vice-President of the Royal Society of Victoria. 1874 First part of Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria published (work on it actually started in 1858; published serially; publication ceased with seventh decade 1882). 1878 Publication of Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria (in twenty parts with 200 coloured plates; published serially 1878-1890). 1879 Awarded Murchison Medal from Geological Society of London. 1880 Elected Fellow of the Royal Society of London. Invited to be First President of the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria (President for three years 1880-1883). 1880s Many honours conferred upon him including a knighthood (KCMG) in 1891. and Now regarded by many as Australasia's most distinguished scientist. 1890s Honourary member of many British and foreign learned societies, Royal honours from Italy and Austria. Received D.Sc. from Cambridge 1886 (one of the first granted). McCoy's health deteriorated in 1890s — protracted bouts of bronchial illness. Wife died 1886, son died 1887, daughter died 1891. 1899 Died 13 May. Buried in the Brighton Cemetery, Melbourne. Vol. 118 (5) 2001 149 McCoy Issue (a) Tertiary Secondary Transition Primitive, or Primary Geological Time Scale Cenozoic Mesozoic Palaeozoic Proterozoic Archaean Permian (b) mS ERA | PERIOD EPOCH Mill yrs ago CHARACTERISTIC LIFE Quaternary Recent <10000 yrs Man i] Pleistocene L 1.8 Pliocene Great variety of mammals L— 5. Miocene 7 Flowering plants. Ancestral dogs and bears 2 Er 24 Tertiary Oligocene 34 Ancestral pigs and apes Eocene 55 Ancestral horses, cattle, Palaeocene SiSohauts 65 Cretaceous Extinction of dinosaurs and ammonities. Mammals and flowering plants slowly appear Iran 141 Jurassic Dinosaures and ammonites abundant. Birds and mammals appear irm At P» Triassic Flying reptiles and dinosaurs ME —— w | appear. First modern corals Rise of reptiles and amphibians} Conifers and beetles Carboniferous Coal forests (North Hem.) First reptiles and winged insects Devonian 354 First amphibians and ammonities. Earliest trees and spiders. Rise of fishes Silurian 410 434 L First spore-bearing land plants Earliest known coral reefs Ordovician First fish-like vertebrates. Trilobites and grapolites abundant I — OC n 'J" ADB, 5, 134. “ Finney, C. (1993), Paradise Revealed: natural history. in nineteenth-century Australia, p. 142. (Museum of Victoria: Melbourne.) ^ ADB, 9, 100-1. ^ ADB, 5, 134-36. 'The Victorian Naturalist Part One McCoy’s ‘Living Museum’ Gwen Pascoe* Abstract The System Garden, a specialised botanic garden, was established at the University of Melbourne under Professor Frederick McCoy. This paper is concerned with a description of the garden and its purpose, a (speculative) explanation of the botanical system it was designed to display, and the administrative problems relating to its maintenance and decline. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (5), 2001, 193-199.) Human bliss is popularly supposed to be represented by a scientific life, by a Professor of Botany, or the Director of a Botanic Garden or Museum.’ If this anonymous statement, dated 1864, is true, Frederick McCoy should have been blissful indeed, for his professional life reflected the contemporary passion for the collection, classification and display of natural history specimens. At that time he was Professor of Natural Science and con- trolled an almost completed botanic garden (which was later known as the “System Garden’), and a museum which was grow- ing in size and popularity. Purpose and establishment From his museum tower, McCoy could have surveyed the System Garden, which was a ‘living museum", designed to illus- trate ‘all the natural Classes, Orders and most of the Families and many of the Genera of plants, arranged with the sys- tematic precision of the leaves of a book and fully /abelled." When complete, the System Garden was a chamomile-edged arrangement of the plant kingdom, spread over about four acres in the north-west cor- ner of the University grounds. It consisted of three concentric circles with radial paths leading to a central octagonal conservatory surrounded by a moat. Each class of plants occupied a large bed with a central label large enough to be read from the edge, and subsequent divisions into family, genus and species were in smaller compartments with smaller labels. The carefully devised labels also contained information concern- ing essential structural characteristics and country of origin. Aquatic plants were * 192 Progress Road, Eltham, Victoria 3095, Vol. 118 (5) 2001 exhibited in sunken tanks ‘in their proper places in relation to terrestrial kinds instead of the usual practice of putting them all in one reservoir ... Even the sea- weeds were kept growing for many years’. Labels in appropriate places referred to tropical plants which could only be exhib- ited in the conservatory.^ McCoy believed that students and visi- tors who became familiar with this arrangement of the plant kingdom would be able to understand the basis of scientific classification through observing the natural alliances and affinities of the various groups of plants. Botany lectures were given in the first term of the academic year and samples of all parts of relevant plants were required. As many plants did not flower or fruit at that time, students were to obtain specimens from the System Garden as these became available.” The System Garden (Fig. |) was a formal arrangement of plants, a living herbarium which supplemented the dried specimens of a normal herbarium, and a gigantic teaching aid. Botanic gardens played an educational role in British and Irish universities. MeCoy’s determination to have such a gar- den for his students may have been inspired by the University’s first gardener. William Hyndman (c. 1822-83) had been a botanical ‘porter’ at Trinity College, Dublin, where he had collected botanical specimens for use in lectures and for preservation in an herbarium.’ He was later employed at the Melbourne Botanic Garden where a system garden or ‘class ground’ was being established. In March 1856 McCoy endorsed his application for employment at the University with a refer- ence to the necessity of having a ‘small, rigidly systematic botanic garden’ to pro- 193 McCoy Issue Fig. 1. The System Garden, ‘laid out in a novel plan’ c. UMA/V/1154 University of Melbourne Archives. vide specimens to illustrate botany lec- tures, and recommended Hyndman's engagement as a “botanical porter’ who would also superintend the laying out of the proposed garden,* in association with Edward La Trobe Bateman (1815?-1897)." Contemporary photographs show sec- tions of the System Garden in the 1860s to 1880s, while a fuller ‘picture’ is given in the planting list which appears in the Building Committee Minutes between entries for 8 November 1864 and 9 January 1865. This *1865 List’ shows nearly 1500 species in the garden, hot house, frames and propagating grounds. Some plant fam- ilies and individual species, especially the conifers and various genera such as Xanthorrhoea, Aloe and Agave, can be identified from the photographs. By align- ing photographs with buildings, the posi- tion of these plants in the garden can be determined. The 1865 plant list, later cor- respondence and memories of the garden make it possible to fill some of the blank spaces, Professor Ewart, for example, wrote an impassioned letter about the ‘destruction of the system garden’ in 1909, when ‘sixty-two trees and shrubs’ were removed to make room for the conservato- rium, which was eventually built further down Royal Parade." He lists a few of these plants, which seem to have been mainly from the western side of the System Garden, though other large trees 194 1865. Photo Donald McDonald. were also removed. E.J. Sonenberg, in compiling a list of System Garden plants for the Professor of Botany, John Turner, wrote of his memories of the garden, which included a depression (the remains of the moat), trees which he believed to be original, and the groups of trees which were near several identifiable features, such as the forestry glass house and the animal houses." Maps and plans also pro- vide hints about the planting. The 1896 MMBW plan shows the System Garden, but some divisions were non-existent by then. This is not surprising, as such gar- dens are difficult to maintain, for trees tend to outgrow smaller plants." Collectively, this information suggests that the System Garden was planted in an anticlockwise direction (perhaps in recog- nition that the plants were growing in the southern hemisphere), and beginning at the southern gate of the outer circle. On the basis of currently available material, the System Garden planting plan, superim- posed on the 1896 MMBW plan, may have been something like Fig. 2. Whose ‘System’ did the System Garden display? McCoy was not a botanist, but his inter- est in classification may have encouraged him to tabulate the vegetable kingdom, for the arrangement of plants according to per- ceived relationships was the basis of The Victorian Naturalist Fig. 2. A plan of the System Garden, showing some families and the main features. 1. Sapindaceae. 2. Umbelliferae, 3, Liliaceae, 4. Coniferae, 5. Casuarinaceae, 6. Artocarpaceae, 7. Myrtaceae, 8. Ranunculaceae, 9. Proteaceae, 10. Gramineae, 11. Palmae, 12. Leguminosae, 13, Compositae. 14. Hedge, 15. Conservatory, 16. Moat. botanical ‘systems’. Artificial systems were based on an obvious or convenient characteristic; the Linnaean system, for example, was based on external character- istics of the stamens. ‘Natural systems’, such as that which the System Garden was designed to display, were based on the comparison of morphological and physio- logical characteristics. The search for a ‘natural system’ resulted in the publication of Antoine de Jussieu’s Genera Plantarum . in 1789, but no single system was uni- versally accepted, and by 1860 there were at least twenty-four *versions' representing various botanists’ attempts to devise an acceptable model," It was believed that nature revealed its own 'shape' in a natural system." Many analogies were tried, including maps, retic- ula, grids, archipelagos, genealogical trees, constellations, even three-dimensional pyramids. As well as being interested in ihe ‘shape’ of nature, many botanists felt it Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One important to find out where families fitted on a general scale of advance- ment or perfection, but as the 19" Century pro- gressed, fewer naturalists believed in such continu- ity and shape." The anal- ogy used in the University garden was a triple concentric circle with radiating paths. Features of contempo- rary botanical systems were progression from ‘simple’ to ‘complex’ plants, the range of plant groups included, the number of ‘natural orders’ (families), and the coincidence of order (family) names, or syn- onyms. The 1865 System Garden (S.G.) plant list moved from complex to simple, from Ranunculaceae to ferns, and included 267 families. The results of comparing this list with some contemporary versions of a ‘natural system’ are shown in Table 1. This comparison shows that the closest ‘match’ is with Balfour’s system, which appeared in the article ‘Botany’ in the 8" edition of the Encyclopaedia Brittanica vol. 5, 1854, pp. 63-239, and in his Outlines of Botany 2" edition (Edinburgh, 1862). It is not known why this system would have been chosen for the System Garden. Ferdinand von Mueller was an internation- ally recognised taxonomic botanist who was also establishing a ‘class ground’ in the Botanic Garden, but there does not appear to be any record of his having had a role in the University System Garden other than in supplying plants." The adoption of Balfour’s system may have reflected admiration for its creator, John Hutton Balfour (1808-84), and for Edinburgh University, both being known for the excellence of their teaching. The successor to William Hooker at Glasgow University in 1841, Balfour was Professor of Botany (1845-79) and Medicine (1845- 75) at Edinburgh, and Regius Keeper of the Royal Botanic Garden. Although 195 McCoy Issue Table I. ‘Natural systems’ of plants compared with the 1865 System Garden (S.G.) plant list. *Four names are missing from the 1865 List, which was apparently a copy of an earlier list. Author Date Direction Published Simple (s) Complex (c) De Jussieu, A.L. 1789 stoc Brown, R. 1810 stoc De Candolle, A.P. 1813 ctos Meisner 1843 ctos De Jussieu, A. 1844 stoc Lindley 1845 stoc Balfour c. 1854 ctos Bentham & Hooker 1862- ctos 1883 Range Families Names (number) (like S.G.) Fungi to nettles 100 77 Ferns to 58 55 Goodenoviae Ranunculaceae 155 121 to ferns Ranunculaceae 275 221 to Graminae Ferns to 226 165 Compositae Ferns to 281 253 Aristolochiaceae Ranunculaceae 267 263* to ferns Ranunculaceae 200 178 to Graminae Balfour's textbooks were standard works," and McCoy brought a copy of Outlines of Botany with him," the textbook McCoy later recommended to his botany students was Lindley's Vegetable Kingdom. The ‘Edinburgh connection’ may be via Charles Babington (1808-95), John Henslow’s assistant and successor at Cambridge. In 1849 Babington expressed pleasure at receiving Balfour’s Manual of Botany, and said that both he and Henslow had recommended it.” It is possible that McCoy was one of those to whom the book was recommended, for he regarded them as friends and adopted their labelling system for the System Garden." Another possible connection is William Hyndman, who is believed to have been a botanical assistant to William Hooker, Balfour's pre- decessor at Glasgow, and may have known Balfour, although he seems to have left Glasgow before 1841.2 Dr Godfrey Howitt (1800-73) is another possible connection, for he had trained in Edinburgh and was a member of the Melbourne University Council. Whatever the connections were, for over twenty years McCoy claimed that his ‘design’, ‘plan’ or ‘system’ was origi- nal, as, for example, in the 1860 Building Committee Report which referred to McCoy’s ‘original design for illustrating the botanical arrangement of trees, plants and shrubs, on a strictly methodical plan indispensable for educational purposes of students (and) also useful for popular 196 improvement and general scientific instruction), but Balfour's contribution was not acknowledged. In 1875, McCoy explained that he had originally laid out the System Garden *on a new plan by which the Natural Orders were exhibited in their exact order of mutual affinity, beginning with the highest in organization and ending with the low- est’ (Fig. 3). McCoy's ‘originality’ lay in aiming to display the whole vegetable kingdom, not just herbaceous plants and annuals, which seems to have been the usual practice.” It was an ‘original’ arrangement of an existing system, not an original system. It was a linear progres- sion, for despite Balfour's statement that ‘it is impossible to represent the affinities of plants in a linear series’,* McCoy may have felt that the teaching value of this representation was more important than this objection. His explanation that the System Garden was ‘invented by me’, or was ‘laid out by me on a plan which has been praised and copied by many high authorities’ usually occurred when his *ter- ritory’ was under threat. Despite this inno- vation, ‘not everything in the garden was rosy . Problems of administration Bateman and Hyndman had important roles in establishing the System Garden, then moved on, while McCoy’s continuing involyement made it part of his territory. The Victorian Naturalist mU PEL E Fig. 3. Almost complete! The System Garden c. 1875. Melbourne University Gardens, Victoria. -— E = Part One = Albumen silver photograph by Charles Nettleton. The University of Melbourne Art Collection, The Russell and Mab Grimwade Miegunyah Fund. The problems of establishing and main- taining such a garden are hard to imagine now: the soil was poor, with most of the topsoil removed, there was no reticulated water until the supply from Yan Yean was connected in late 1859, there were no her- bicides, no artificial fertilisers and no machines — only (frequently inadequate) manpower and committees with little understanding of the requirements of such a specialised garden. On 9 January 1860, for example, McCoy’s concern was water- ing, for the hose only reached the inner cir- cle of beds in the system garden and all other water had to be carried. Requests involving proposed expenditure on the System Garden appeared in the Building Committee minutes for most months, but attempts were made to curb McCoy's enthusiasm and expenditure, For example, after requesting plants which were typical of certain plant families, McCoy was given catalogues from which to make a list, which was then revised by Godfrey Howitt, who found that many of the plants were not available in Victoria." On 12 July 1860, McCoy applied to the Building Committee for funds to erect a portion of the conservatory which was intended to Vol. 118 (5) 2001 occupy the centre of the garden. This may not have been the first such application, and it certainly was not the last, for the conservatory was not completed for anoth- er fifteen years. McCoy was at the University for forty-four years, but his tur- bulent relationships with administrators and gardeners resulted in the progressive contraction of the territory he controlled. The medical school was becoming increasingly important by the 1870s, and the System Garden grounds and hothouse were required to provide plants for medical students. By 1880 the garden was overrun with weeds, neglected and largely unoccu- pied, ‘the most prominent objects being an abundant supply of named labels, but with- out any specimens to represent them’.* Despite spirited defence by McCoy, the presentation of an alternative plan of man- agement, and a petition signed by 160 past and present students, the System Garden was not seen as justifying the expenditure of 150 pounds per year. After twenty-five years, McCoy's management of the System Garden was over. The System Garden was maintained by University staff, as shown in two pho- tographs taken about 1885”, and teaching 197 McCoy Issue Fig. 4. The end of an era. The System Garden between 1916 and 1922. Photo J. Nanson. material would still have been available. During the financially troubled 1890s, the Pharmacy College offered to maintain the garden, but withdrew over terms and con- ditions.” As the System Garden was seen as having no further educational role, the Finance Committee resolved to sell plants and buildings, Guilfoyle wrote that the Botanic Garden would gladly accept some of the palms, but the conservatory was not worth moving.” Conclusion McCoy had a vision of what the System Garden could be. In the face of public and official lack of interest and inadequate funding, the novelty of his ‘original plan’ wore off even before it was removed from his physical control. It was McCoy's System Garden in the sense that his influ- ence lasted for twenty-five years, and he knew how it was designed to work. He did not try to justify the garden in terms of sci- entific advancement, but as a practical demonstration. With little public and acad- emic interest, the System Garden was just too ambitious. 198 McCoy's contribution to the University lay in establishing the base for the teaching of science; for even though he was not remembered for being innovative, his botany students were encouraged to observe. In supporting a petition in favour of McCoy retaining control of the System Garden, Rev. E.C. Spicer wrote I can most truly say that nothing was of so great practical help to me in the study of botany as the access to the (system) garden where in the course of a few minutes one could see the whole vegetable world repre- sented from the lowest to the highest in order, Often I have walked up and down the path with my books and notes and nailed if I may say so my knowledge in my mind by living examples properly arranged. I find myself referring to the garden in thought for the position of some Order I may meet.” This was the purpose of the System Garden, for it was a ‘living museum’ designed to complement herbarium and museum collections for university students and interested members of the public. It was McCoy’s arrangement of Balfour's botanical system, and displayed the Professor of Natural Science's mid 19^ Century pre-Darwinian view of the plant kingdom. * * * A century after McCoy's death, the remains of the System Garden form a secluded oasis between the schools of Botany and Agriculture. Buildings have encroached and planting has obscured McCoy's design, but the white octagonal tower (Fig. 4) which was once the centre of the conservatory still marks the heart of the garden. This ‘funny little white build- ing’ deserves to be recognised as a memor- ial to the System Garden of Frederick McCoy. Notes ' “Botanical lesson books. Lessons in elementary botany; the systematic part based on materials left by the late Professor Henslow ...’ by Daniel Olive (1994) Natural History Review 4, 355-369 (Review), cited P.F. Stevens, The Development of Biological Systematics, p. 212. (New York.) ` M. Simo (1998) Loudon and the Landscape, p. 105. (Yale.) The Victorian Naturalist AF; UTA ‘Museums in Victoria’, Trans- actions of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria, 1856, 1, 131. * McCoy, p. 132. * 29 May 1875, 1875/17 543 University corre- spondence (UM). "^ McCoy to Morrison, 6 September 1880, 1880/19 710 UM. 7 A.W. Greig, University Grounds (unpaged, undated. but probably 1930s), University of Melbourne Archives (UMA). ê Greig, pp. l-2; 4 July 1857 Building Committee Minutes (BCM). ° 31 March 1856, 27 May 1857, BCM UMA. " A.J. Ewart to Dr Hill, 2 April 1909, 1909/66 UM. u E.J. Sonenberg, System Garden 1946-87, 47.1 UMA. " R. Schomburgk, cited T. Stephens, Proceed- ings Royal Society of Tasmania 1881, p. 38. 5 LR. Green (1914) 4 History of Botany in the United Kingdom, pp. 329, 336. (London.) 5 Stevens, p. 255. '* DW. Woodland (1991) Contemporary Plant Systematics, p. 2. (Englewood Cliffs.) '* Around 1972, it was believed that Mueller, rather than Bateman, had been associated with the laying out of the System Garden, Sonenberg 47.1. " Green, p. 432. 1" McCoy was repaid on 22 May 1856, Payment Vouchers (PV) UMA. Notebook of George Higgins, student 1875-78 UMA. It was previously thought that the System Garden was based on Lindley's system. S. Ducker, *The System Garden of Melbourne University’, The Australian Garden Journal, 5/4 April/May 1986, p- 160. ? C.C. Babington (1897) Memoirs, Journal and Botanical Correspondence of Charles C. Babington, p. 283. (Cambridge.) * McCoy, p. 132. = John Hyndman, great-great-grandson, person- al communication, 24 November 1997. > 28 May 1860, BCM UMA. ^ W. Guilfoyle (1893) Glimpses of Some British Gardens and their Conservatories, p. 52. (Melbourne.) * J.H. Balfour (1852-54) Class Book of Botany, p. 729. 3" edition, 1871. (Edinburgh.) ^ 9 January 1860, BCM UMA, ? 27 August 1860, BCM UMA. = Morrison to McCoy, 6 September 1880, 1880/19 710 UM. ? Photographs c. 1885 — in University of Melbourne Archives, and State Library of Victoria. `° The proposition was made 2 October 1893 and withdrawn 5 February 1894. CM UMA. il Guilfoyle to Ellery, 12 November 1894, CM UMA. ? Rev. E.C. Spicer, 22 April 1881, 1881/26 UM. Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One Bibliography Unpublished Greig, A.W., University Grounds (undated), University of Melbourne Archives (UMA). Higgins, G., Notebooks 1875-78 UMA. Sonenberg, E.J., System Garden 1946-87 47.1 UMA. University of Melbourne - Building Committee Minutes (BCM), University of Melbourne — Correspondence (UM). University of Melboume — Council Minutes (CM). University of Melbourne - Payment Vouchers (PY). Published Babington, C.C. (1897). ‘Memoirs, Journal and Botanical Correspondence of C.C. Babington’. (Cambridge. ) Balfour, J.H. (1852-54), edn. 1871. (Edinburgh.) Balfour, J.H. (1862). ‘Outlines of Botany’, (Edinburgh.) Balfour, J.H., (Edinburgh. ) Bentham, G., and Hooker, J. (1862-83). Plantarum’. (London.) Bentley, R. (1873). ‘A Manual of Botany, including the structure, functions, classification, properties and uses of plants’. (London.) Brown, R, (1810). ‘Prodromus Florae Novae Hollandiae et Insulae Van Diemen'. (Codicote, Herts., reprinted 1960.) Brown, R. (1830) ‘Supplementum Primum’ Herts., reprinted 1960.) De Candolle, A. (1873). 'Prodromus Systematis Naturalis Vegetabilium’. (Paris.) De Jussieu, A.L. (1994). The Natural Method (trans. S. Rosa). /n ‘The Development of Biological Systematics’, ed. P.F. Stevens, (New York.) Ducker, S. (1986). The System Garden of Melbourne University. The Australian Garden Journal, 5/4 April/May 1986, 160-165. Green, J.R. (1914). *A History of Botany in the United Kingdom’. (London.) Guilfoyle, W.R. (1893). “Glimpses of Some British Botanic Gardens and their Conservatories’. (Melbourne, ) Lindley, J. (1849). (London.) Lindley, J, (1853). (London.) McCoy, F. (1856), Museums in Victoria. Transactions of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria 1, 127-134. Meisner, C.F. (1836-43), ‘Plantarum Vascularium Genera’, (Libraria Weidmannia.) Moyal, A.M. (1976). ‘Scientists in 19" Century Australia’. (Stanmore.) Pascoe, G. (1999), ‘The University of Melbourne System Garden: Whose Garden? And Whose System?’ (History of the University Unit, Department of History, University of Melbourne.) Rafinesque, C.S. (1836), ‘Flora Telluriana’. (Philadelphia.) Simo, M. (1998). Loudon and the Landscape (Yale.) Stephens, T. (1881), The Question of establishing a Class Ground in the Botanic Gardens. Proceedings of the Royal Society af Tasmania, 36-39, also discus- sion, pp. xviii, xix. Stevens, P.F. (1994). "The. Development of Biological Systematics’, (New York.) Woodland, D.W. (1991). ‘Contemporary Plant Systematics’, (Englewood Cliffs.) ‘Class Book of Botany’, 3" 2™ edn. 3" (1876). ‘Elements of Botany’, edn. "Genera . (Codicote, ‘Elements of Botany’, 6" edn. ‘The Vegetable Kingdom’. 199 McCoy Issue Professor Frederick McCoy and the National Museum of Victoria, 1856-1899 Carolyn Rasmussen* Based on a talk given for the History of the University Unit, Department of History, University of Melbourne, Occasional Seminar Series, 22 March 2001, based on a recently published history A Museum for the People: a history of Museum Victoria and its predecessors, 1854-2000." I don't presume to be an expert on Professor Frederick MeCoy but in the course of working on a series of commis- sioned histories for the past fifteen years or so I think I have acquired some insight into directors, chief executive officers and the like, especially of public institutions in Victoria. Foundation directors are a uniquely inter- esting group because they have the greatest opportunity to stamp their character on the new institution. That stamp is usually remarkably persistent — especially so in the case of Professor McCoy who took over the National Museum of Victoria only two years after its formation and presided over its development for 43 years from 1856 to 1899, Foundation directors are also uniquely interesting because the ereation of new institutions suggests interesting and dynamic times, an historical moment when underlying processes of change and resis- tance can more easily be discerned. [ made my first acquaintance with Professor Frederick McCoy, not when I began to work on the history of Museum Victoria, but several years earlier while supervising Gwen Pascoe's honours thesis on McCoy’s System Garden (see Pascoe this issue). | embarked on the Museum project fully aware that fitting such a com- plex, or should I say, contradictory, man into any neat paradigms was never going to be easy. On the other hand there is something truly seductive about the histor- ical character who defies generalisations and stares at you, hands on hips, taunting you with the currently unfashionable ques- tion, “What if ...?" Today I will take the risk and argue that without Professor McCoy — for all his * 7 Grandview Street, Moonee Ponds. Victoria 3039, 200 obvious flaws — Victoria would not have had the museum it has today. McCoy arrived at a singular moment of opportuni- ty for one person to make a very big mark on a small canvas and, like Redmond Barry (see Carkeek this issue) with whom he was eventually locked in near mortal combat, he wielded a very thick brush with a confidence that bordered on hubris, except that his efforts were, I think, for the most part genuinely directed towards the benefit of the citizens of the Colony of Victoria. The va/ue he added to the National Museum was a significant bequest to the nation, defined in his life- time as the Colony of Victoria, but ulti- mately the whole of Australia. *A dedicated director was of paramount importance” ] am indebted to historian Susan Sheets- Pyenson for the title of this section. In her comparative study of the development of colonial museums during the late nineteenth century she observed that, “Only those directors who possessed considerable ener- gy and charisma could mobilize the power and financial support necessary for the sur- vival of their institutions." Pronouncements about the centrality of director or curator in defining a museum abound in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but Sheets- Pyenson stresses the extra special qualities needed by colonial ‘museum builders’ who ‘produced remarkable institutions from almost nothing. Nearly every conceivable factor — political, economic or academic — militated against the museum builder's suc- cess in his undertaking, but remarkable indi- vidual perseverance brought eventual tri- umph over adversity.’ The directors’ intense commitment to their museums ‘continued unabated for decades’. Only such ‘an unwa- vering sense of purpose’ could ‘wring the The Victorian Naturalist resources they needed from parsimonious colonists’.* I think that Sheets-Pyenson overstates the case for museum director as hero and underrates the factors favouring museum development — not the least of which was the rich material to be collected, described and traded that was all around them — but if her image of natural history museums as ‘cathedrals of science’ stands — and I think it does — then it is not unreason- able to speak of McCoy as a high priest. The association of museum directors with the passion, conviction and faith of religious profession can serve to remind us that in MeCoy’s formative years religion and sci- ence had not yet parted company. There was still only a very rudimentary notion of a secular world view and, in McCoy’s opin- ion (made concrete in the form of his muse- um exhibitions) the relationship between natural science and natural theology was not challenged by Charles Darwin’s theories of natural selection and the origin of species. At this point, since McCoy’s reputation with subsequent generations has been dis- torted by his steadfast rejection of the theo- ry of evolution (see Butcher this issue), it is important to stress that he arrived in the colony full of the latest and most exciting knowledge in his ficld. He was not just a man of his times but a man with a justifi- able sense of himself as one of those work- ing on the frontiers of that knowledge. His claim to be developing his own botanical system in the System Garden at the University of Melbourne, and similarly his claims regarding the particular arrange- ment of specimens in his museum, make this quite clear. He was undoubtedly imbued with a sense that there were sys- tems and theories to be developed and that he was as well equipped as anyone he knew to help to give some final shape to those classificatory systems. When McCoy arrived to take up his posi- tion as Professor of Natural Science at the University of Melbourne in 1854 the sub- ject of museums would have been promi- nent in his thinking. Scientific teaching in that period was scarcely imaginable with- out some form of museum, or museum- style collection, to use for demonstrations in lectures and for systematic study by stu- dents, just as today science teaching is scarcely imaginable without access to lab- Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One oratories. McCoy also needed a museum if he was to have any chance of continuing his palaeontological studies. The original plans for the University of Melbourne had included a museum, and McCoy was dismayed to see that as things stood financially with the University, it did not have a high priority. He set to work to convince the University Council that his science course could not possibly be con- ducted adequately without additional accommodation for his equipment, his glass cases of mineral and botanical specimens, his pneumatic pumps and galvanic and elec- tromagnetic apparatus.” He succeeded, and finance was found for a two storey building on the north side of the quadrangle (now the Law Library) which included lecture the- atres and a physics laboratory on the first floor, and within a short time, the collec- tions of the infant ‘National Museum’, as it became known, on the second. The University Council also provided funds for Professor McCoy to establish a botanic garden which he intended to arrange ‘with the systematic precision of leaves of a book and fully labelled in the way adopted in the University Botanic Garden at Cambridge'.^ As Gwen Pascoe has suggested, “Such a formal arrangement of plants, a living herbarium which supple- mented the dried specimens of a normal herbarium, was a gigantic teaching aid’.’ So too was a museum, but it was much more than that. Notwithstanding their obvious utilitarian and intrinsic value, museums were valued and contested sym- bols of power and status. Historian Dick Selleck argues, in his forthcoming history of the University of Melbourne, that in the mid-nineteenth century powerful men sought to hold museum keep- ership in their gift and, as McCoy [had] found to his cost in England, to use the giv- ing to increase their power and their control over knowledge. Museums were also sites of the contest to improve the standing of the teaching of modern studies, particularly the natural sciences, so that it is not surprising that at Oxford and Cambridge the extension of science teaching was planned around museum areas.* At the same time as systematic science gained in status, museums throughout the European world were being transformed 201 McCoy Issue from idiosyncratic private collections and acquiring greater significance in intellectual and cultural life generally. MeCoy wanted to be part of this process of transformation. So too did a number of other people in the colony — or rather those who fancied them- selves ‘men of science’ and in tune with modern developments. There were already private museum-style collections of some significance, and the Mechanics’ Institute was home to a small museum. The scientif- ically oriented Governor La Trobe had encouraged ambitions for bigger things which had borne fruit in the establishment of a small natural history and economic geolo- gy museum. When McCoy arrived it was housed in two rooms of the Government Assay Office under the care of Surveyor- General Andrew Clarke and Government Zoologist William Blandowski. The funding crisis that had threatened plans for a university museum also threat- ened the continued existence of the gov- ernment-sponsored museum. The group of well-connected enthusiasts, members of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria, who saw themselves as unofficial trustees of this museum, had little power to protect or promote it in hard times. And hard times came about with a regularity that has kept all of Victoria's cultural institutions on a financial knife-edge to the present day. McCoy was quick to see the opportunity to acquire a museum under his care, and the government was relieved to hand it over to someone willing to develop it as part of the role of Government -Palaeont- ologist and university professor. The local museum supporters were outraged, but those with cooler heads, such as Andrew Clarke, saw more than a neat financial solution. McCoy brought intellectual authority, professional experience and international connections that could only enhance the status and prospects of the colonial museum. With hindsight it is clear that the museum was more secure than if its fate had been left in the hands of a com- mittee of quarrelsome men with inflated egos. That McCoy soon proved inclined that way himself was unfortunate, but at least he didn’t waste opportunities arguing amongst his selves over the museum’s needs — and there were battles aplenty still to be fought on behalf of the Museum. 202 Quite apart from Sheets-Pyenson's conclu- sions about the benefits of a single, strong- willed director, closer to home, the diffi- culties Gerard Krefft experienced with his trustees at the Australian Museum in Sydney — to the detriment of that muse- um's development — certainly bears out the point." McCoy's subsequent behaviour in build- ing and defending this museum — his dedi- cation to it long after many of his other passions had waned; his willingness to beg, borrow, barter, provide out of his own pocket and seriously overspend his budget, suggest an almost complete identification of himself with the National Museum. It was, as he explained to Redmond Barry, Chancellor of the University in 1856, not only his “business’ but his ‘pleasure also’. I devote much time to the arrangement of the museum and the naming and classifica- tion of specimens, but this Í do ... Because I like [where others] might wish to take exercise in the open air, or practice music, or please himself otherwise in the disposal of his time after lectures ...'" All this seems to justify what was an administratively correct removal of the infant museum collection to the University" despite the use of colourful words such as ‘raid’ and ‘brigandage’ at the time, and ever since." It also tells something about the way McCoy concep- tualised hís own role in science and sci- ence education, and the place of a museum in that. ‘The museum I am growing here’ The National Museum soon outgrew the four rooms in the north wing of the Quadrangle Building. McCoy expended much detailed thought on his requirements for the new Museum building (in the secu- lar Gothic style of the new museum at Oxford) which opened in 1864, as well as the arrangement of the specimens with which it would be stocked (Fig. 1). The modern museum, such as McCoy wished to develop, would be defined by its spe- cialisation, its careful and accurate classifi- cation and its visual explication of the state of knowledge at the time. The *showy and useless’ would not crowd out the ‘appar- ently insignificant creatures that for good or evil most concern mankind’. Neither The Victorian Naturalist Fig. 1. National Museum of Victoria, Melbourne Part One , €. 1865-1889, Lithograph and watercolour by Clarence Woodhouse. The University of Melbourne Art Collection, Grimwade Bequest, 1973. would McCoy’s museum be a jumble. Labels on zoological specimens would include family, genus, species, locality and popular name. A system of Roman numer- als permitted ‘reference to lists painted on the walls giving the orders of all the class- es of animals in full’. Mineral specimens were similarly labelled with name, locality, *erystalline system and the chemical for- mula of its partial composition set forth in symbols explained by adjoining painted tables and lists’. Palaeontological speci- mens were first divided into geological groups or peri- od according to the distribution in time and analogous to the distribution in space indi- cated by the arrangement of the collections of specimens of living species. The fossils of each formation are then arranged in zoo- logical systematic order, and fully named with genus, species, locality and forma- tion." In short, McCoy wished to provide the colonial frontier with access to a world view that was only just making itself felt in the metropolitan centres of Europe and North America. He also exhibited a deft touch in marrying his metropolitan know- Vol. 118 (5) 2001 ledge with provincial needs and aspira- tions. His museum was as focused on what we would understand today as applied sci- ence - the technology for extracting ore and minerals from the earth, identifying building materials and improving agricul- tural production — as it was on laying out the classificatory systems of natural sci- ence. The mining models were among his most prized exhibits, for his museum was always intended to be both a site of research and of education — a place for the elite and for the ordinary, curious citizen. McCoy never intended to shut the public out of the National Museum, as his detrac- tors in the Philosophical Institute and the daily press had claimed; quite the contrary. Apart from his scientific mentors, McCoy was influenced by men such as the British Museum's director, Edward Forbes, whose thoughts on * The education- al Uses of Museums’ were published in 1851. Within the last few years, wrote McCoy, museums had been discovered to be *the most ready and effectual means of communicating the knowledge and experi- ence of the experienced few to the many.’ Under his direction “the eye of the 203 McCoy Issue unlearned could be familiarised with natur- al objects, with the principles of classifica- tion applied to them by scientific men, to place their peculiar characters and mutual relations in a striking light." This was not empty rhetoric. McCoy went to great lengths to entice visitors. The Museum was open all day from Monday to Saturday and every week he supplied the Argus with reports of the latest attendance statistics and descriptions of new acquisitions. Many were brief, others little essays on the latest developments or the lessons that might be learned from observing new exhibits. Something of McCoy’s style of exposition can be gleaned from one such report in the Argus of | January 1860. The case devoted to osteology has had sev- eral additions, amongst which the skeleton of the armadillo is of great interest to natu- ralists and geologists, from illustrating the great geological extinct mammals belong- ing to the edentate group - such as the Megatherium, Mylodon, Glyptodon, &c. The singular structure of the bones of the limbs and shoulders, recalling, on a small scale, the peculiarities of the extinct gigan- tic creatures mentioned. This skeleton of the armadillo also illustrates better than that of any other Edentata the extremely interesting arguments of Dr. Buckland in his Bridge- water Treatise, and Professor Owen, touch- ing the special peculiarity of the spinous processes of the vertebrae of the trunk to enable them to support the external body carapace (which may be seen in the stuffed specimens of armadillo in the South American cases) peculiar to the Edentata amongst warm-blooded animals, and the recognition of which peculiar development in the gigantic fossil vertebrae enabled Lord Buckland and Owen to predict the existence of a great bony external armour protecting the extinet animals alluded to before the nearly perfect shields of the Glyptodon now in the College of Surgeons, were known, The lovers of osteology will also find in the additions of the week to this case beautiful- ly mounted skeletons of the jackal, the sea- eagle, the Virginian eagle-owl, and of the cobra de capella (Naja tripudiens), and also the skulls of the walrus, the zebra, Arabian horse, and the hippopotamus, the latter affording an interesting comparison with the fossil Hexaprototon from the sandstone 204 of the Sivalik Hills in the east room. To the mining department several models of gold washing and crushing machinery have been added, and a large working model of the Freyburg Erz muehle or mill for grinding ores for the metallurgist; also examples of the new patent galvanic plates of Meyerhoff's patent gold-washing and amal- gamating cradle, presented by the inventor, together with samples of gold amalgam and extremely fine gold saved by this machine. A fine specimen of the mantis called Pod- acanthus viridiroseus, caught in Gardiner, has been presented by Mr Vail, and another species from Beechworth, presented by Mr Roberts. McCoy’s efforts as a publicist not only attracted visitors, they helped raise the pro- file of science and the level of knowledge even among those who did not visit. McCoy proved an excellent publicist with a sure instinet for what would attract popular interest. Even P.T. Barnum, whose style and circuses are so often presented as the antithesis of sober, ‘dusty’ museums, would have taken his hat off to the sensa- tion created by McCoy’s coup in securing a large case of Paul Du Chaillu’s gorillas in 1865 - some of the very first to be seen by Europeans. They were to serve as cen- tre piece for his orchestration of a lively debate on the theory of evolution in Melbourne and further strengthened his reputation as a man in touch with the latest developments throughout the world,” By the middle of the nineteenth century science was established as an international enterprise and the building or redeveloping of museums very much the vogue," Scientists in different countries engaged in regular communication and McCoy was a prodigious letter writer. Australia’s place in this intellectual community may have seemed dependent and peripheral by most measures, but its role as a site of sustained interest and valuable research material for international visitors ensured that antipodean scientists would soon assume a greater degree of independence and custo- dianship. McCoy could draw quickly and easily on the latest museum models to plan his own, and he articulated a clear concep- tion of where his museum sat in this scheme of things. ‘The Museum I am "growing here"', he wrote to Adam The Victorian Naturalist Sedgwick, was to be truly scientific, approximating the comprehensive collec- tion which Richard Owen was at that time constructing at the Natural History Museum at South Kensington in London." One of his first acts on behalf of the Museum was to seek from Owen a “few separated skulls and other parts of skele- tons ticketed and coloured and connected’ to illustrate his Vertebral Theory." McCoy adopted Owen’s principle of displaying specimens that called attention to an ani- mal group by accentuating a particular quality. Whale skeletons, for example. showed the enormous size attained by aquatic animals and it is easy to imagine McCoy’s enthusiastic pursuit of the bones of the oversized Blue Whale Balaenoptera musculus that washed up on the beach at Jan Juc in 1866. The 90 foot skeleton was of necessity set up outside at the back of the museum and has not survived. At the time it was among the largest articulated specimens in any museum (see Seebeck and Warneke next issue). MeCoy also followed Richard Owen's example in remaining inside his museum rather than out in the field collecting. Part of the reason lay in his dual role as profes- sor. The University had only allowed McCoy's appointment as Government Palaeontologist after assurances that the work would not interfere with his profes- sorial duties. MeCoy taught across a wide range of subjects in addition to various other commitments within the University and outside in the wider community that would not easily have allowed for lengthy expeditions. Significantly, his own reputa- tion rested on museum study not field work, for which he had been severely criti- cised while working with the Geological Survey of Great Britain.” In any case a steady stream of material for him to work on arrived from the Geological Survey of Victoria." The subsequent elevation of field trips in the work of scientists has led to some undervaluing of McCoy’s legacy which included the first comprehensive account of the zoology and palaeontology of Victoria published in the Victorian Exhibition Catalogue of 1861. On the basis of his work on Victorian palaeontology McCoy was able to demonstrate that the geological column in Australia conformed Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One to that of Great Britain, Europe and North America (see McCann this issue). “For the first time it was unequivocally verified that the rock sequences in the Southern Hemisphere correlated precisely with those of the Northern Hemisphere. In other words, the geological column was a global phenomenon." This work would earn him a doctorate from Cambridge (1886) and the coveted fellowship of the Royal Society (1880). For McCoy, as for many significant sci- entists of his era, the museum was central to his investigations and the ideas devel- oped on the basis of that work. Richard Owen ‘assumed that the collection, display and description of natural history objects added to the "intellectual wealth" of a nation and that the “indoor naturalist/ museum curator played a significant part in this important scientific enterprise". McCoy cast himself, in the manner of Owen in London, Agassiz at Harvard and others, as builder of a ‘national’ collection for the benefit of all Victorians despite modifications and limitations on the model imposed by the colonial context. McCoy’s primary intention was to devel- op for Victorians a wide-ranging interna- tional reference or ‘Index’ collection in clear harmony with Ferdinand von Mueller’s claim that ‘the ripened work of our successors’ depended on ‘the timely storing up of collections for scientific use’. For McCoy such a collection was neces- sary if local investigators were to identify their discoveries correctly and authorita- tively as they turned ‘the unread pages of the Book of Nature'.? In explaining this McCoy drew an analogy with politics. *As well might you expect to understand the politics of one European state without ref- erence to the acts and laws of the others, as attempt to investigate the natural products of a colony without at least certain typical specimens from all other parts of the world). Such a collection was also essen- tial to the provision of sound scientific education in the colony. In the long run this would strengthen the authority of younger local scientists who were disad- vantaged by their limited access to educa- tion and museums in the northern hemi- sphere. Such authority and a good refer- ence collection were also necessary if 205 McCoy Issue Australia were to stem the flow of the most valuable material to overseas museums, In pursuit of this reference collection McCoy immediately set about establishing a network of overseas collectors of high quality from whom to buy the specimens he required. The scope of his plans and the size of his budget are readily revealed by the first orders placed in 1857. Predictably one of the earliest went to John Gould (see Fleming this issue). He was asked to pro- vide as large a collection of the generic types of ‘good bird skins and for species as good [as] exemplification of the principal geographical groups’ as £400 would pur- chase. The first consignment of 1,000 bird skins arrived the following year. These augmented the 150 North American bird skins presented by the Boston Society of Natural History in 1857 which included a pair of the now extinct Passenger Pigeon. Gould would ultimately provide ten thou- sand skins of birds and mammals (mostly from outside Australia) in regular consign- ments to the Museum until 1870." J.O. Westwood was forwarded £250 to obtain ‘as large a collection of generic types of insects, Crustacea and other articulata as can be obtained’ accurately labelled according to the latest museum style. McCoy sought the efforts of Dr John Edward Gray, Keeper of Zoology at the British Museum, in obtaining examples of generic types and geographical groups of *quadrupeds, British and other fishes dried flat, shells, corals, echinoderms and rep- tiles’ to the value of £520. He. was also asked to send a complete set of the British Museum catalogues. Rev. Professor Henslow of Hitcham Rectory, Suffolk was to see if he could acquire a *copy as it were of your Museum of Economic, Botanical and Agricultural Museum at Kew’. All expenses of anyone undertaking to put this collection together would be 'cheerfully paid by the Colony whose desire it is above all things to save time or take it by the forelock" .^* McCoy's use of ‘cheerfully’ here is worth some reflection. lt suggests a largesse and mood rarely associated with governments, certainly not hard-pressed colonial governments beset from every direction with urgent needs for basic infra- structure. Rather this is a transference of 206 McCoy’s own state of mind and heart. His pleasure in building Victoria's museum was immense, so immense that he could scarcely acknowledge that others might be less enthusiastic, that they might have other priorities for the spending of public money, or, in the case of collectors, that they would not mind waiting years to be paid for valuable consignments to the other side of the world. Of these early contacts, John Gray proved a particular friend of the Museum. McCoy had not presumed to seek his per- sonal attention, only that the *tedious mat- ter’ of his requests be handed over to “one of the zoological assistants’, but Gray con- cerned himself closely with purchasing more than £3,182 worth of specimens between 1857 and 1864 when he suffered a debilitating stroke. He struck a bargain with Liverpool’s Derby Museum which netted 128 mounted mammals and ten skins for less than the usual cost of stuffing alone, and spent six months attending to the mounting of 2.000 species of shells on boards and another three to name and cata- logue an assortment of fish and reptiles preserved in alcohol. He offered to travel to Paris to evaluate 8,000 bird specimens offered by the Verreaux taxidermy firm and in 1863 purchased the Curtis British Insects Collection, which unaccountably had been turned down by the British Museum. Above all, Gray provided McCoy with essential introductions to pro- fessional natural history dealers and collec- tors in Britain and Europe where trade and commerce in such items was a flourishing business. He ‘gave unstintingly of his time and talent to help the collections of a man he had never met and a museum he would never see." McCoy had managed in a remarkably short time to bring to Victoria a collection that embodied a good deal of the latest scientific understanding of the natural world. In the first decade of his directorship McCoy enjoyed a relatively lavish budget. When this collection expenditure is added to normal running expenses and the cost of the new building opened in the grounds of the University in 1864, it amounted to over £80,000. In the new building he had far more scope to present the material accord- ing to his own view of the *great chain of The Victorian Naturalist being` and the relationship between vari- ous animal groups. Here we return to con- sider a man who, even after half a life- time’s exile in the colonies, never relin- quished a sense of himself as a scientist capable of generating and explicating new knowledge. His geographical museum lay- out became a concrete expression of his rejection of the new intellectual paradigms, not only Darwin’s theories of natural selection and the origin of species by evo- lution, but the rise of biology, physiology and laboratory-based science that threat- ened the status of museums far more com- prehensively than these theories. This steadfast rejection was in tune with many of his fellow citizens. The published trib- utes of the time tended more to praise him for this than ridicule. As one writer in 1881 declared, ‘It is satisfactory in this age of weak-backed men to find someone who has the courage of his opinions". That McCoy clung to older paradigms is hardly surprising given his age, but like others with more expertise than I can demonstrate, he seems to have rejected Darwin’s theory in scientific terms, as he saw them (see Butcher this issue). It was not simply an irrational rejection of a novel idea, He did attempt to engage with the new theories ‘as a scientist’ and his Museum played a significant role in that engagement. A year before his death, McCoy drafted what appears to be a letter to a daily newspaper that was never sent — or at least, never published, In outlining his version of the history of the National Museum of Victoria, the ever increasing size of his handwriting and the intensity of the corrections and underlining under- scores his rising passion. The story had acquired some revealing ‘errors’ of fact, and there was the unusual rehearsal of complaints about poor treatment and bud- getary deficiencies, but far more interest- ing is his resonant, if querulous and long- winded, restatement of his philosophy of museum arrangement. It requires a long quotation to do justice to McCoy’s propo- sitions and his sense of himself as no mere imitator. The plan and arrangement of the National Museum had from the first some special peculiarities which have been since recog- nised generally as adding greatly to the Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One interest of collections arranged according to the methods in the older museums; a little explanation may now be desirable. All the zoologists well acquainted with the great number of species are agreed that the Geographical Distribution of the Species is of a great & peculiar interest not striking the attention in the old museums. There are six ... regions of the earth, all the living creatures in which are so peculiar to one or other of them that the term *centres of cre- ation’ has sometimes been applied to them by theorists. The fact is that very few crea- tures are common to any two of these regions, & in the design of our National Museum there was a separate gallery for each of these great regions of the world. This gives great interest to geographical studies, and the public will readily see the zoological peculiarities of each of these regions with a distinctness not suggested by any other arrangement. ... Each of the regions has a complete Systematic Classifi- cation of all the species in its own gallery. One can see by this plan at a glance the fal- sity of the view held by most theorists that the differences in the structure of animals are due to their surroundings, climate &c. One can see in our Museum when finished [McCoy had been waiting 34 years for the second wing to be built] that Australia, South Africa and South America present great tracts in the same latitudes, having practically the same surroundings in all their varieties, & yet ... the fauna of each is totally different from the other two — scarcely a single species being in common & where in either of them the external cir- cumstances would influence the habits, structure or appearance of some characteris- lic creature. instead of that species being common to the three similar localities they are ‘represented’ by singularly similar crea- tures in habit and general appearance, but totally distinct structurally. The Ostrich of the sandy plains of Africa, for instance, is represented in the similar plains of Australia by the Emu; and by the Rhea in the similar plains of South America. In this way the ‘theory of representative forms” comes with clearer apprehension to the visi- tor than in any other classification. In the three birds I mentioned there could be no question of one of these forms having grown out of the other by a difference of 207 McCoy Issue surroundings, for the Ostrich has two toes. & the Australian and South American rep- resentatives three ~ a change not required, & all the three thriving when introduced into any one of the localities by man, The monotony in other museums of immense numbers of species of a genus showing little striking diverseness is curiously and sug- gestively relieved by breaking the series up into the great geographical regions or groups where the set in one country curi- ously represents the series in another, 1 believe that at present there is no known reason for those great characteristic geo- graphical distributions and representations; but when the Museum is finished the visi- tors will have the means of judging for themselves on the truth of these theories, the facts, for the first time, being made clear in the initial arrangement; & children & travellers or persons studying the works of voyagers will have a peculiar pleasure in seeing all the characteristic animals of a country treated of, contrasted with those of another gallery ... [The fossil collection could also be used to reinforce his views] 1 have always considered the changes between the fossils of one geological for- mation and another comparable to the changes above referred to in the geology of the six great zoological regions of the earth at the present day. This is a new view, which I have had in mind in all the prepara- tions of the Museum, & which will be clear- ly seen when the building is finished and my fine collections of fossils are displayed for inspection of the public in due systemat- ic order; showing the world-wide distribu- lion of species in the old time but distinctly conforming in the more recent [unclear] to the main characteristics of the geographical distribution of the living types ... of our own times,” McCoy had frequently stressed the singu- larity of his museum arrangement — not only because it was, in his view. more sci- entifically valid, but because it was more entertaining and engaging. He never con- ceived of his museum as one where display was not integral to its purpose. His sup- porters certainly praised the National Museum for the absence of the “depressing monotony' seen elsewhere in Victoria "where all the species of one genus are dis- played together" and *one has scores of 208 cases of birds, avenues of skeletons, a mile of rats and mice’ (though the modern read- er might well wonder where these other museums actually were!) All that could be dismissed as yet further evidence of MeCoy's famous dogmatism, which it cer- tainly was from one perspective, On the other hand, it was the foundation of his strategy and the source of the drive that brought to colonial Melbourne a genuinely world-class, international collection. A more humble, self-effacing man would not have prevailed to the extent that McCoy did in overcoming the huge financial and other obstacles, most notably distance, that stood in the way of his ambition. A man less convinced of the near religious signifi- cance of the knowledge embodied in the collection and its arrangement would have scaled his vision to colonial horizons — and taken fewer risks with his money and his reputation. A man less convinced of the rightness of his vision and understanding would not have bothered to gather an international, representative collection, and Victoria would have been the poorer. A high priest in his cathedral of science for nearly half a century, MeCoy created a museum that was the embodiment of his own singularity and Victorians then and now are the beneficiaries of that singularity. Notes ' Scribe Books in association with Museum Victoria, November 2001. ^ S, Sheets-Pyenson (1988). “Cathedrals of Science: The Development of Colonial Natural History Museums During the Late Nineteenth Century’, p. 25, (Magill-Queen's University Press; Kingston), ‘Thid., 25. * [bid., 26. ` Blainey, G. (1957). `A Centenary History of the University of Melbourne’, p. 14. (Melbourne University Press: Melbourne.) ^ (1856). ‘Museums in Victoria’ in Transactions of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria 1, 131, Ies ` Pascoe, G. (1997). "The University of Melbourne System Garden: Whose Garden? and Whose System?’, p. 6. (BA Honours thesis, University of Melbourne.) * RW, Selleck, Manuscript of forthcoming History of the University of Melbourne from its foundation to World War Il. ° See Piggot, A. and Strahan, R. (1979), "Trustee-Ridden: 1860-74^, In ‘Rare and Curious Specimens: An Illustrated History of the Australian Museum; 1827-1979', pp. 27-36. The Victorian Naturalist Eds R. Strahan et al. (Australian Museum: Sydney.) " F. McCoy to R. Barry, 25 October 1856, McCoy Letter Book, 1. Museum Victoria Archives. '" McCoy could not have succeeded without the full co-operation of Surveyor-General Andrew Clarke. Indeed, a rueful Blandowski wrote to the Argus on 24 July 1856 to say that he had been ordered by the Commissioner of Crown Lands to pack the specimens for transmission to the University. See also Armstrong, E. La Trobe (1906). `The Book of the Public Library, Museums and National Gallery of Victoria: 1856-1906", p. 28. (Trustees of the Public Library etc.: Melbourne.) " The Age and the Argus generally supported those who opposed the move. See also, cartoon and verse in Punch, 14 August 1856; Sheets- Pyenson, Cathedrals of Science, p. 53. A. Moyal, 4 Bright and Savage Land. 1986 (1968; reprint, Ringwood: Penguin, 1993), 78. "" Memorandum by Professor McCoy on "The Organisation of the National Museum of Melbourne’, n.d. McCoy's papers, Museum Victoria Archives. ^ McCoy, F. (1857), Museums in Victoria. Transactions of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria 1, 127-128. © Argus, 20 June 1865 and The Illustrated Melbourne Post, 25 July 1865. For an examina- tion of this debate. see Butcher, B.W. (1988). Gorilla Warfare in Melbourne: Halford, Huxley and ‘Man’s Place in Nature’. In ‘Australian Science in the Making’, pp. 153-169. Ed. R.W. Home. (Cambridge University Press: Melbourne.) See also Bulcher (this issue). " See Sheets-Pyenson, Cathedrals of Science, p. 9. Part One " F. McCoy to A, Sedgwick, 14 December 1857, quoted Selleck, Draft Manuscript. " R. T.M. Pescott (1954). ‘Collections of a Century: The History of the First Hundred Years of the National Museum of Victoria’, p. 36. (National Museum of Victoria: Melbourne.) " Selleck, Draft Manuscript. " Sheets-Pyenson, Cathedrals of Science, pp. 31 and 74; ibid. " McCann, D. and Archbold, N. (in press). Frederick McCoy and the Conformation of the Global Geological Column. /n ‘Geology of Victoria', Third Edition, Ed. W.D. Birch. Note also Jackson, N.W. and Monaghan, N.T. (1994), Frederick McCoy, An Eminent Palaeontologist and his Synopses of Irish Palaeontology of 1844 and 1846. Geology Today 1994, pp. 231-234. See also McCann (this issue). “ Wilkinson, I. (1996), The first science profes- sor at the University of Melbourne. History of Education Review 25, 63-4. " McCoy, F. (1859). Transactions of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria 6, 7-8. ^ McCoy, F. (1857). ‘On the Foundations of Museum in Victoria', 4, 12. (Goodhugh and Hough: Melbourne.) See also, Argus, 29 May 1857 for text of this address. * Pescott, Collections of a Century, p. 42. See also Fleming (thís issue). * Ibid., 35-36. * Sheets-Pyenson, Cathedrals of Science, p. 76. ^ 'Prominent Victorians’, The Leader Supplement, 28 May 1881. See also Table Talk, 9 January 1891. ” Handwritten and considerably corrected man- uscript in McCoy Papers, Blue Box of miscella- neous loose papers, Museum Victoria Archives. "THE NATIONAL Museum. - In 'The Book of the Public Library, Museums, and National Gallery of Victoria,’ by Mr. E.L. Armstrong, M.A., LL.B., Chief Librarian, recently issued in connection with the jubilee of the foundation of the Melbourne Public Library, will be found some interesting notes of the early history of the National Museum ... Mr. Armstrong acknowledges [Professor McCoy] succeeded, in face of great difficulties, in making the Museum a credit to the colony and a fine memorial of its first Director; and, greatly as it has been improved since his death, the credit of collecting, determining, and describing a large portion of the contents will always belong to its first Director, whose knowledge of natural history was exception- ally wide, besides which he was the possessor of an extraordinarily keen memory.' From The Victorian Naturalist Vol. XXIII, No. 3., pp. 79-80 July 5, 1906 Vol. 118 (5) 2001 209 MeCoy Issue Birds, Books and Money: McCoy’s Correspondence with John Gould (1857-1876) Anthea Fleming* Zoological museums are either local or gen- eral: the first being as complete a series of species as possible of some particular local- ity; the latter being principally generic types from all parts of the world! (McCoy 1856). Between 1857 and 1870, Professor Frederick McCoy, Director of National Museum of Victoria, acquired for its col- lection about 5,000 specimens of birds — mainly exotic — from Britain’s pre-eminent ornithologist, John Gould, FRS. (This fig- ure is based on the surviving lists and accounts in Museum correspondence. I believe the figure of 10,000 specimens, given by Pescott and others, refers to all the specimens supplied by Gould, which included mammals, insects and shells.) Of these, 1,961 birds survive today, of which 561 are mounted, and 1,399 are study skins". One thousand of Gould’s skins were originally mounted for display.* Apparently some specimens were exchanged with other museums in Australia and elsewhere, but inevitably many fell victims to damage from dust, light and destructive insects. The National Museum's correspondence files throw an interesting light on the development of the bird collections. Even before McCoy's time, 230 species of Victorian birds were represented" appar- ently donated from private collections. Many birds were — and still are — donated, often with a request for identification, such as the hawk, ‘its plumage a beautiful pure white’ [White Goshawk] sent by Andrew Anderson of Ballarat (19 February 1868), or the Regent Honeyeater sent by N. Mack from Warrnambool (15 September 1879). But MeCoy intended that the Museum should become a general museum, capable of educating the students of the University of Melbourne and the general public about the natural history of all the geographic regions of the world. It was essential to * 27 Clark Road, Ivanhoe, Victoria 3079 210 obtain specimens from beyond Victoria and Australia. There were also many exchanges with overseas museums: McCoy was generous with Australian specimens, and often included a pair of Lyrebirds and some Bowerbirds in a ship- ment of 60 or 100 Victorian birds. Unfortunately only a few lists of what he obtained in this way seem to have sur- vived. Other specimens came in from the Acclimatisation Society, and from collec- tors and dealers in Australia, New Zealand and beyond, To obtain the birds for ‘a good systemat- ic Zoological Museum,’ McCoy wrote to Gould in flattering terms, asking him ‘to order ... as complete a set of good bird- skins as can be obtained, and for species [to exemplify] the principal geographic groups, ... for the sum of £400. (Australian specimens of course to be excluded.) ... All should, as a sine qua non, be named fully.’ McCoy also ordered the Supplement to Gould's Birds of Australia, and in a post-seript added *We should particularly have all the strongly marked types — Flamingo, Hornbill, Toucan, Ostrich, Vulture etc." (14 September 1857). Gould replied promptly (7 December 1857), “You shall certainly have a very fine series, as | have the means and believe 1 have the knowledge, particularly as to their fair value etc. ... You may expect a portion to be sent off to you in a month.’ He also offered to obtain quadrupeds, insects, shells and other specimens if required and recom- mended his publications, such as the Mammals of Australia, emphasizing that they should be ordered ‘from me direct’. The publication of his lavish folio works was Gould’s principal business and he saw Victoria as a profitable new market. Presumably the cost of Gould’s folios and other authors’ works led to MeCoy’s 1859 estimate that one thousand pounds was needed to provide the Museum with its "books of reference for classification." The Victorian Naturalist The first consignment arrived in April 1858. packed in 4 tin-lined cases. It consist- ed of 1,021 birds, all individually named. Gould directed that they should be unpacked at once and stored in drawers or boxes, away from light and dust. In a fifth box, together with the two parts of the Supplement published to date, Gould sent samples of his publications: the Toucans, the Partridges of America, and sample parts of the Hummingbirds and the Birds of Asia (Letter, 25 January 1858). *It will be impossible for you to ascertain the colours of the eyes and the soft parts of your birds when mounting them unless you have these publications.’ (The Public Library duly accepted all these books on McCoy’s rec- ommendation.’) A second shipment of about 400 birds, plus glass eyes for use in mounting the skins, arrived later that year. This had used up the £400, at an “average cost per bird of just over 5s.6d each’ (Gould, 20 May 1858). Gould complained that ‘naming the species had been much more work than expected.' This was to be a perennial complaint. ‘Many species are ... not available at present. Please say if 1 should purchase desiderata and say what sum per annum etc. Rarer forms will be more expensive.' In a postseript he asked McCoy to obtain, by loan or purchase, ‘one or two eggs of Menura superba to figure from’, and in due course received one. In reply to a letter from McCoy (not found, perhaps never entered in the Letter Book), Gould wrote (11 January 1859) that he had sent quadrupeds and birds from parts of Australia outside Victoria and NSW, besides some from Norfolk Island and New Zealand. He suggested that the Museum should have its own copy of the Mammals of Australia. Business between McCoy and Gould set- tled down for some years into roughly annual shipments of birds, sometimes with nests and eggs and other specimens, and books. Payment was made via Victoria's Colonial Agent General in London. Gould (or his secretary Edwin Prince) drew up a financial statement at the end of each year, and Gould posted it next February. Nineteenth century discoveries of new fauna in newly explored regions were one result of European exploration and colonial expansion. Alfred Russel Wallace’s collec- Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One tions in the East Indies and New Guinea led him to recognize the abrupt boundary (now known as Wallace’s Line) between the Oriental and the Australian zoogeo- graphic Regions — which he discussed in 1859*. In April that year (14 April 1859) Gould enquired: ‘Am I still to collect for you? Fine things from the Aru Islands and New Guinea collected by Mr Wallace fetched high prices — Birds of Paradise five pounds each, the dealers are now re-selling at a profit. May I spend £100 a year for you?" McCoy responded at once. On the 19 June, in a letter briefly summarized in the Letter Book, he gave instructions for the purchase of Wallace's Birds of Paradise. No price limit is mentioned in the summary in the Letter Book. On 15 February 1860, Gould told McCoy: ‘Large collections are now diffi- cult; they contain what you already have.’ In his next consignment (arrived April 1861) ‘I have sent as much variety as pos- sible, including females to match male Hummingbirds you have.’ The only Wallace specimen mentioned was ‘a splen- did New Guinea swallow (Dendro- chelidon)’. A pair of Neomorpha [Huias] from New Zealand — in high demand because of the different beaks of the two sexes — would now be priceless, as the species was extinct by 1910, probably through over-collecting. In this letter, Gould showed himself up to the minute with current events, saying that a series of Common Pheasants Phasianus colchicus, including ‘crosses’ and white and pied birds, would ‘illustrate Darwin’s theory of artificial and “natural selection”. The Origin of Species had first appeared only on 22 November 1859. (McCoy’s strong disap- proval of Darwin’s work on “progressive development’ is well-known.) Insects and birds’ eggs were also sent. At this stage Gould had £143 in hand and suggested some high-priced birds — ‘Surely your rich colony will not be behind the British Museum?’ The temptations on offer included Balaeniceps rex (the Shoebill) at £20, a new Bird of Paradise Semioptera wallacei (Wallace’s Standardwing) £14, the extinct Nestor pro- ductus (Norfolk Island Kaka) ‘a large sum — every year it will become dearer. Tell me if you have Menura alberti — | could send a pair, Let me know by return of post." 211 McCoy Issue McCoy repeated his request for Wallace’s material (24 April 1860), appar- ently in forceful terms. Gould (22 February 1861) replied: ‘Many of the birds now sent out were collected by Wallace. Your last note wishing me to beg borrow or steal anything sent home by him arrived atter the present shipment had been forwarded: it matters little as I could not have pro- cured you more ... | am now not only out of funds but you are a little in my debt ..." Such birds as female hummingbirds were difficult to name — a single bird might take an hour, even if he did not have to take it to the British Museum. ‘I mention this to show I have some claim on you — if new species should be brought in ... [they] should be sent to me to be figured in my publications... Please support my books... *And now my friend, let me beg of you to write a little oftener ... whether you get any new birds or quadrupeds ...' McCoy wrote (24 August 1862) asking again for more of Wallace's birds, and to say that, as Gould had requested, he was for- warding a pair of Victorian Lyrebirds, together with a Chestnut-crowned Babbler and a description and drawings of the Hairy- nosed Wombat from South Australia’. On 13 August 1862 Gould wrote to announce the despatch of two cases — 500 fine birds in one, a few more birds and some books in the other. He promised another consignment later, but ‘T must now tell you that I have for some time been without funds and you are in debt to me for some portion of the Birds and Books now sent, when con- venient let me have a remittance .,,”. McCoy’s career as Director was a contin- uous series of financial struggles with Victorian Governments — he had no notion of confining his expenditure to what the government felt it could afford. In late 1861," he agreed to ‘observe the strictest economy ... consistent with the efficiency of [the Museum].’ From this time on, Gould was repeatedly irritated by McCoy’s lateness with payments. The expenses of construction of the new National Museum building in the University grounds led to a reduction in McCoy’s annual grant, from £2,500 to £1,500 — though his pleas that he was com- mitted to overseas purchases restored it to the larger sum", 212 The books would certainly have added to the debt, as they included a complete bound copy of the Hummingbirds and the Toucans, apparently sent on approval. But the large case of birds proved an unpleas- ant shock (25 October 1862): ‘You will I am sure regret to hear ... nearly half of [the birds] arrived so full of moth and living larvae that they could not be used and many of them had to be put into the fire at once. The Colymbus septen- trionalis and glacialis [Loons] were the most complete mass of living larvae I ever saw and I think it was from them ... that all the mischief came. The fine Mycteria sene- galensis [Saddlebill Stork] was full of the larvae ... many others were quite destroyed before their arrival. None of those you were kind enough to send before had the slight- est thing the matter with them. ‘I hope that by today’s mail the Treasurer will send £100 to the order and next mail I hope to send some more. Pray send me ... Wallace and everybody else's rare birds and also his Cuscus and other rare quadrupeds ...’ McCoy had begun this letter with lavish plans to obtain skins of large quadrupeds — beginning with African and Indian Lions, Tiger, deer, bears etc. — to be mounted by the best English taxidermists. Perhaps those that died in English zoos and menageries might be obtained? Gould (13 May 1863) gave this short shrift as *not practicable'. Zoo specimens became mangy and emaciated, and in any case the British Museum had first call. The cost of shipping large mounted specimens would be unthinkable. His irritation was well-founded — the Victorian Treasurer had indeed sent him £100 in August, but no second payment had followed, and Gould was now owed £132 and a penny. “How is this? You really cannot expect large col- lections to be transmitted if you do not send the means for their purchase.’ He complained that McCoy had not acknowledged the Hummingbirds — ‘one really ought to be advised of such things. Pray do not become like most colonial men less punctual than you would have been in the "Old Country". Despite the debt, he was sending more birds — 138 specimens — ‘Good things are now rare and difficult to obtain — vou have the cream — still there The Victorian Naturalist are others procurable but you must send me the requisite funds.’ It seems surprising that Gould was pre- pared to continue to extend credit, even for a comparatively small consignment of birds. However he could not well break off the subscriptions to his costly books, which were his main source of income. Besides, he could not risk losing contact with those who might inform him of novel- ties or send him specimens. Ninety-five pounds’ worth of birds, and books, including the first two parts of The Birds of Great Britain (and some others intended for the Public Library), were sent off in April 1863. but again no remittance was made. On 19 September 1863 Gould wrote: *Month after month rolls on and I do not receive either a letter or a remit- tance from you. I know the enervating character of your climate ... but you really ought to favor me with a line oftener ...' Sending the books for all Melbourne sub- scribers in the same case saved freight costs, but was a fruitful source of confu- sion as to which institution owed what sum. Subscribers to different works includ- ed the Public, University and Parlia- mentary Libraries. McCoy’s explanation of his current financial problems was written on 25 May 1864. First the ‘unexpected expenses’ brought about by books sent on approval had caused the cost over-run, Next, ‘the Colonial Agent General had paid one of my correspondents about £500 more than | had authorized ... and your additional bal- ance was then left unprovided for, although but for the books it had not arisen. By next mail ... I shall be able to send a remittance...’ He complained in turn that the pair of Victorian Lyrebirds which he had sent had never been acknowledged, ‘nor the drawings and description which I sent of the new South Australian [Hairy-nosed] Wombat.’ From the Lyrebirds, Gould in 1862 had described" a new species Menura victori- ae, (now reduced to a subspecies); it was named for the Queen, not the Colony. McCoy was able to send £50 in June 1864; ‘the remainder would go now, but for a difference of opinion in the Treasurer and Chief Secretary's office." On 23 July he promised the remaining £32 ‘by the Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One next mail, but seven months later it was still unpaid. Gould wrote (24 February 1865): *Your account has never been balanced since the commencement — a spread of eight years.’ He asked for the £32 plus another 17 guineas for books, totalling £49, seventeen shillings and a penny. ‘I will then most readily go on and collect all I can for you.’ Another case of books was on its way, but clearly there would be no more birds till matters were settled. McCoy answered that he had already sent £50 in February (25 April 1865), and would have forwarded £25 more but for the breakdown of the mail steamer. ‘I have sent to the Treasurer to request that £25 be forwarded ... We have scarcely any Psittacidae of India, Africa and America ... Paradise Birds would be very welcome ...' The £25 was sent in June 1865. Gould (16 September 1865) was rather annoyed; the draft for £25 had arrived, but could not actually be cashed for another 60 days. But he was sending more birds and books, and announced the publication of his Handbook to the Birds of Australia — a summary of the text of his folio volumes. McCoy (24 November 1865) wrote that he would be *most happy to subscribe to your new book ... and to sound its praise in all quarters’. In fact he had some criticisms, and when in 1869 he came to write a series of articles, under the pen-name Microzoon, in The Australasian on ‘Our Colonial Birds’™™ (25 September 1869) he summa- rized them: the lack of measurements, (very useful for identification ‘in the hand’) and the lack of the ‘generic charac- ters’, as many readers had no idea ‘under what generic head to look’. His articles attempted to remedy this, covering raptors, owls, kingfishers and many passerines. On 20 December 1865 Gould wrote; ‘The £50 received ... in June at last over- paid your long overdue account to the close of 1864 by 2 shillings 11d. Since then I have received £25 and transmitted to you ... a collection of natural history ... to the amount of £65, plus books etc. makes the sum of £74 5s. Among the birds [is] ... an exceedingly rare Penguin Aptenodytes Jorsteri [Emperor Penguin], immature it is true but it is so rare a bird that I never had a specimen in my collection although I 213 McCoy Issue have several times offered £20 for an adult to some of the officers of Ross’s Antarctic expedition. “The Ladies, the Ladies, however have so stripped us of birds for their bonnets that but few are in the market and these of course are high-priced — still if it be your wish I shall go on collecting ... for you until you say Stop.’ As well as the Emperor Penguin, this shipment included an Andean Condor and many parrots and woodpeck- ers, plus a few small North American mam- mals and eggs of about 19 species. On 24 Aug 1866, Gould complained that McCoy had not yet informed him of its arrival, but offered: ‘Some species collect- ed by Wallace in islands north of Australia — not likely to be collected again (Fig. 1). Please say if required with balance of my last account, £49 5s. Let me know of any new discoveries [from] the interior for I am sure much remains to be discovered ...* MeCoy sent the money (26 October 1866), and was ‘much obliged to you for putting by some of Wallace's birds ... You have left surprisingly little to be discov- ered in the bird way in Australia, but I shall be delighted of course to forward any novelties which may occur.’ The next shipment from Gould (26 March 1867) had been ‘accumulating for an entire year — 620 species plus Naming took a month of my life. Duplicates cannot be avoided — but where possible I have sent males or females where you had only the opposite sex ... you could exchange dupli- cates with other Australian museums.’ The average price per bird was 5 s — ‘[this] amounts to £155 which considering the great rise in the price of birds consequent on the present abominable fashion for the decoration of women's hats and bonnets, is exceedingly cheap; and I shall be obliged by your sending me a remittance ... as soon as you can.' This shipment contained no fewer than 50 specimens of birds collected by Wallace. Meanwhile, MeCoy had pub- lished descriptions of two new species — the Rufous Bristlebird (Fig. 2) and the Yellow- rumped Pardalote (Annals of Natural History, 29 Dec 1866") (Fig. 3). (For the controversy with E.P. Ramsay on the name of this Pardalote see K. Hindwood (1950)", The Emu 49, 205.) Gould wished to borrow the specimens for the Supplement. 214 Fig. 1. Double-eyed Fig-parrot Cyc/opsitta dio- phthalma collected by Alfred Russel Wallace from New Guinea and Mysol Island. Photo by Anne Morton; from the Museum Victoria col- lection. ‘I am even more especially interested with the Casuarius australis vel C. john- soni Mueller. Now no-one better than you knows the importance of publishing a good figure ... there are several species of the group ... of which it is impossible to point out the distinctions without an actual com- parison, and surely I am the person in Europe who ought to do this." Gould's interest had been roused by Ferdinand von Mueller's description of the first specimen of the Australian Cassowary in the //lustrated Sydney News (29 December 1866)". The species had been known since the disastrous Kennedy Expedition of 1848, but that specimen had been lost. Mueller named his bird C. john- sonii after its collector, and after a detailed description of differences with the well- known East Indian Cassowary wrote: The Victorian Naturalist Fig. 2. Rufous Bristlebird Sphenura broadbenti as described by Frederick McCoy (now Dasyornis broadbenti). Photo by Anne Morton; from the Museum Victoria collection. ‘Further discrepancies ... will unquestion- ably be pointed out by our learned profes- sor of natural history whenever the solitary specimen, which I intend to present to the Melbourne Zoological Museum, shall have arrived.” But the specimen never appeared. McCoy later suggested to Gould that it had been ‘intercepted’ (4 February 1868). In a Microzoon article" (4 September 1869) McCoy described a young Cassowary ‘about two feet long’ which had been ‘very recently’ supplied by Mueller, and com- pared it with a Cassowary from Ceram of the same size. For this young Australian Cassowary, incidentally, McCoy exchanged a collection of 20 rare Victorian mammal specimens", including skins of the Eastern Hare-wallaby Lagorchestes lep- oroides and the White-tipped Sticknest Rat Hapalotis apicalis — both now extinct. Mueller also provided a ‘portion of the skin of the adult Cassowary’” and received in return *two dozen Victorian birds not found near Melbourne, and one the Red-capped Pomatorhinus [Babbler] only described a few years ago, as a slight exchange for the Casuarius with which you enriched the Museum’ (26 June 1869). On 26 June 1867, McCoy sent the Pardalote and Bristlebird to Gould on loan. On 26 September (a letter omitted from Letter Book), he forwarded two specimens of what he believed to be a new Honeyeater Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One Ptilotis leadbeateri (Helmeted Honeyeater), named after his able assistant. Gould was dismissive — ‘a bird ... long since named P. cassidix by Jardine ... I have figured it in the new part of my Supplement.' (20 November 1867). In fact McCoy’s descrip- tion was published in the Annals on the same day as Gould's in the Supplement, December 1867; Jardine's name, as used by Gould, became accepted because it was accompanied by an illustration”! (Part 2, Plate 6). Gould thanked McCoy for the loan of the specimens, and said that in the forthcoming part of the Supplement he had acknowledged ‘McCoy and his Directors’ liberality.’ He concluded: “You write and spur me on to collect and send birds to your Museum but you seldom acknowledge their arrival and are somewhat tardy in remitting the money I may have expended for you.’ The balance due was £164 10 s — no small sum. MeCoy (4 February 1868) promptly pointed out ‘Pray understand that | am the only Director of the Museum of Natural Science here. I have the exclusive manage- ment of it as a head of department." He was disappointed about the Honeyeater (in a Microzoon article? McCoy later disputed Jardine's priority and kept the name honor- ing Leadbeater). ‘I beg of you to believe that I have not overlooked the remittance due to you of the £164/10/- through care- lessness, but owing to political contest, no payments have been made for 4 or 5 months and cannot probably for two months more — at the same time there is no cause for uneasiness as the Treasury is full of money and all parties willing to pay when political contention is at an end.’ On this occasion the delay in payment was not McCoy's fault. 'During 1867 ... Supply was refused to the Government of the day and money was not available for any of its normal functions." Moreover, McCoy’s grant was reduced by 30% and he was ordered not to incur any further lia- bilities without the approval of the Chief Secretary.” Gould wrote, announcing another ship- ment and again requesting this payment on 18 February 1868. He wrote once more on 8 April 1868: ‘It is desirable that these accounts should be settled as early as may be, besides which I really want the money, 215 McCoy Issue Fig. 3. Yellow-rumped Pardalote Pardalotus xanthopyge described by Frederick McCoy (now Spotted Pardalote Pardalotus punctatus xanthopyge). Photo by Anne Morton; from the Museum Victoria collection, I have put away for you several interesting objects ... `l am sorry you have not yet received the cassowary ... | hear there is a specimen en route to London; if so I hope to get a draw- ing of it." On 24 April 1868, McCoy wrote: °l hoped to have been able to send the remit- tance by this mail, but although the Treasury is full of money, the contest still remains between the two houses of Parliament — but I hope to be able to send it by the next mail.” Gould, writing to say that at last he had an Australian Cassowary to draw (19 June 1868), added ‘I hope you will send me the money next month.’ A fifth part of the Supplement was planned ‘Pray forward me for figuring any other new birds you may have,” such as Ramsay's new Orthonyx (O. spaldingii, the Chowchilla). McCoy, 19 June 1868: ‘I exceedingly regret not being able to send you the money by this mail, owing to the political contest between the two houses of Parliament, but shall not fail to do so as soon as the money is available,’ At last on 14 August 1868 McCoy could write: ‘I have the pleasure of informing you that by the present mail £115 is for- warded to your credit ... the balance I will send by the next mail. Many thanks for your kindness in selecting the additional 216 species for the Museum, which I long very much to receive as I have not seen a bird from you for a long time." He was able to forward another £63 Is. on 12 October. On 2 Feb 1869, Gould wrote to tell McCoy that he was sending a case with 530 birds, plus eggs of 15 Indian species. The total cost would be £132 10s. The average cost was between 4 and 5 shillings, though some cost very much more. They included the very rare * Didunculus strigirostris believed by many to be allied to the Dodo. I have been blamed for letting 1t pass out of Europe. [It] should be well cleaned and mounted and if your taxidermist is a clever hand at his profession, he will make it ... even bet- ter than the one in the British Museum.’ [This was the Samoan Tooth-billed Pigeon, now believed to be extinct]. For the future, Gould promised interesting birds from Bogota and a pair of the cave- dwelling Guacharo or Oilbird, Steatornis caripensis. "These will be sent at the close of the present year, unless I hear from you that I must stop or that your funds will not allow you to continue." This case was duly sent in December 1869, but McCoy did not write to Gould. On the 18 February 1870, Gould wrote: "Twelve months barring six days have elapsed since I last wrote to you stating that I had a case of Birds and Books for you in the Yorkshire and requested to be favored with an answer ... On reflection I am sure you will say ‘this is too bad!’ Your silence really prevents me from act- ing for you ... and is the reason of my sending out ... only a small series of birds and a few eggs — only 34 specimens of 22 species.” He also included the parts of the Birds of Great Britain, The Trogons, and part 5 of the Supplement. “Besides writing to me I must really ask you for a remit- tance: your Bill enclosed shows that you owe me £112 14s.’ A major change had occurred. The Government had passed an Act of Parliament (29 December 1869), to pro- vide for *the incorporation and government of the Public Library, Museums and National Gallery of Victoria. Fifteen trustees were appointed (4 February 1870), who were given power to make rules and regulations for the corporation. McCoy TThe Victorian Naturalist had irrevocably lost his independence. In his rearguard struggles to protect the Museum he had built up, he had no time to write to Gould. Many of his orders for overseas material had to be cancelled at this period. Moreover, in 1871, changes to the Museum’s finances meant that many payments, including salaries, were delayed for months because such business now had to go, via innumerable official forms, through the President of the Trustees.” Gould wrote (25 February 1871) ‘As I have not received a reply to my Letter ... of Feb 12, 1869 nor to that of Feb 18, 1870, 1 am naturally very desirous of knowing the reason of your silence ... What can be the cause of your not replying? Our correspon- dence is mainly in your interest and I do think that on reflection you will come to the conclusion that you are not using me well ... The debt of your Museum is increasing ... it now owes me £119 .., ‘I shall not in this allude to the subject in which we are both interested — natural his- tory — but am ready to enter upon it when I again hear from you.* At last McCoy replied: (c. 18 May 1871): ‘The delay in settling your account and in writing to you arises from the unsettling the affairs of the Museum by the appointment of Trustees for it and several allied institu- tions who so reduced and impeded all money transactions that I must beg you to forward nothing more until I am able to place your money in your hands. | have made an application to have your £119 paid forthwith, but cannot be certain when it will be forwarded as yet. I shall stop all expenditure for the present until matters are more settled.’ In June, McCoy apologized for further delay — Gould's bill must be sent in the form requested by the trustees, On 25 October 1871, Gould replied: “In your letter ... you say that the change in your Ministry has delayed the remittances due to me ... I have received no money from you since the early part of 1869 and therefore I hope the Trustees will take my claim of £119 into consideration ... *[ particularly regret that the action of the Trustees has prevented you from continu- ing your collection as you have thereby lost many very fine things from New Guinea and the neighbouring islands ... you ] know will also regret this, To be Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One cramped in your endeavours to raise à large and fine collection for the Colony must be very disheartening. “A short time since I delivered to Mr Bain of the Haymarket London the two parts of the Birds of Great Britain due to your Museum and they will be duly deliv- ered to you by his correspondent in Melbourne on their arrival.” Apparently Gould had handed over the distribution of his books to Bain. The bill is annotated: Paid by mail 21/12/71. McCoy wrote on 27 December that year, apparently believing that all was well, now that the bill had been paid: ‘Pray keep at least 25 pounds’ worth of desiderata for us a year until good times come again,” and again in 15 July 1873: ‘I forward by the mail £20 on a/c of books etc. and hope to hear you will continue your kind vigilance for new or rare species not formerly sent, as the tremendous dislocation produced by putting the Museum in connection with a body of Trustees is settling down more near its good old way." But apparently Gould did not respond to this suggestion. Gould's last letter (15 April 1876) refers to a shipment of books forwarded by Mr Bain. It shows clearly that he could no longer disguise his exasperation with dis- organized subscribers. ‘Kindly say for Heavens’ sake to whom the case should be shipped and to which library New Guinea should be sent. This confusion sadly perplexes me and makes me say | will never send another book to Melbourne ... Let your secretary find to which Institution the other books should be forwarded to, if possible by return of post and you shall have the continuation of New Guinea. Pt 3 1s ready containing some marvellously beautiful things; this and some fine birds shall at once be sent when I hear from you. *This New Guinea is a wonderful country teeming with novelties, novelties which bear so much upon Australia as to render it of great interest to you. *Pray then get me out of this mess with regard to names and payments of your Melbourne Institutions, and you shall have all early information on the subject." McCoy could no longer order birds with- out the Trustees’ approval, so it seems nothing came of this last offer on Gould's 217 McCoy Issue part. Gould’s signature now looks very shaky, unlike his former confident bold hand: it clearly shows that he was already affected by ill-health. Gould was by now 71 years old; he was to die five years later on 3 February 1881. Professor McCoy was to continue as Director of the Museum, despite all difficulties, until his own death in 1899. N.B. No attempt has been made to mod- ernise obsolete scientific names. Where pos- sible, common names have been inserted. All correspondence quoted is held in the Library of Museum Victoria. The inward letters of Gould and others are quoted Jrom the originals. McCoy's letters are taken from the Museum's Letter Books — unfortunately, often only a brief summary is recorded, and some letters were never recorded at all. Gould methodically quotes dates of letters received from McCoy, so some gaps can be identified. Gould's letters, 30 in all, with accounts and lists of specimens supplied, are gener- ally in good condition, though some thin paper is becoming brittle. Some letters, originally posted without envelopes, have suffered tearing, with loss of some text, when their stamps were removed by some unknown stamp collector. Acknowledgements My sincere thanks are due to Frank Job. Wayne Longmore and Alan Yen of Museum Victoria, to Doug McCann who kindly supplied copies of McCoy`s *Microzoon’ articles, to Merilyn Grey and Anne Morton of FNCV, and to my husband and son for technical assistance. Finally, | must remember the encouragement given by the late Allen McEvey to my early interest in Gould and his works. Notes ! Pescott (1954), Collections of a century, 28. * Pescott (1954), 42. ' Wayne Longmore, pers. comm. ! Pescott (1954), 42. Pescott (1954), 7, " Pescott (1954), 44. ' A. Tulk, Librarian, Museum Victoria corre- spondence, 13 May 1858. * Wallace (1859), ! Datta (1997), 432. " Pescott (1954), 47. " Pescott (1954), 53. ' Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, 1862, 23, cited by Whittell (1954), 295. " Microzoon (McCoy) Australasian, September 25 1869, 390-391, " Cited by Whittell (1954), 461. 218 ' Hindwood (1950), ^ F. von Mueller (1866), " *Microzoon’ (McCoy) (1869a). ™ McCoy, letter to F, von Mueller, 9 February, 1869, Museum of Victoria correspondence. " MeCoy, letter to F. von Mueller, 28 May 1869. " MeCoy, letter to F. von Mueller, 26 June 1869. *" Mathews (1923), “Birds of Australia’, vol. 11, 504. ~*Microzoon’ (McCoy) (1870). = Pescott (1954), 65, * Pescott (1954), 88. = Pescott (1954), 69. * Pescott (1954), 74, Bibliography Datta, A. (1997). ‘John Gould in Australia: letters and drawings’, (Melbourne University Press: Melbourne.) Desmond, A. and Moore, J. (1992), ‘Darwin’. (Penguin.) Fisher, J. (1954). *A history of Birds'. (Hutchinson: London.) Gould, J. (1845-63). ‘Mammals of Australia’, Fd. J. Dixon. (Maemillan, 1973-76.) Gould, J. (1851-69). *Supplement to The Birds of Australia’, (Lansdowne Press facsimile: Melbourne, 1975.) Gould, J, (1857-1876). Museum Victoria correspon- dence. Gould. J. (1865). ‘Handbook to the birds of Australia’ (Lansdowne Press facsimile: Melbourne, 1972.) Hindwood, K.A, (1950). Pardalotus xanthopygus: a competion in ‘christening’, The Emu 49, 205. McCoy, F. (1857-1876). ‘Correspondence’. Copies and summaries in Letter Books 1, 2 and 3, Museum Victoria Library. “Microzoon’ |F. McCoy] (1869a). The new Australian Cassowary, Australasian September 4, 295, *Microzoon’ [F. MeCoy] (1869b), Our colonial birds: 1 Eagles and falcons. Australasian 25 September, 390- 391. *Microzoon' [F. MeCoy] (1870). Ptilotis (Honey- eaters). Australasian May 21. 646. Mack, G. (1938). John Gould's correspondence with Sir Frederick McCoy. The Emu 38, 212. Mathews, G.M. (1910-1934). *The Birds of Australia’, vol. 1 (1910), vol. 8 (1920), vol. 11 (1923-24). London. Mueller, F. (1866). Discovery of a true Cassowary in North-east Australia. Australasian December 29, 1221, reproduced in Somerville (1950), Pescott, R,T.M. (1954). ‘Collections of a Century’, (National Museum of Victoria: Melbourne.) Rogers, K. (1988). “John Gould’s ‘Handbook to the birds of Australia’: an Index’. (RAOU.) Sauer, G.C. (1982). ‘John Gould, the Bird Man: a chronology and bibliography’. (Lansdowne Editions: Melbourne.) Somerville. J.D. (1950), Australian Cassowary: Corrigenda. The Emu 49, 214. van Oosterzee, P, (1997). “Where Worlds collide: the Wallace Line’, (Reed: Kew.) Wallace, A.R. (1859). Letter from Mr Wallace con- cerning the geographical distribution of birds /bis 1. 449-54, Cited by Fisher, J. (1954), and van Oosterzee (1997). Whittell, H.M. (1954), ‘The Literature of Australian Birds; a history and a bibliography of Australian Omithology'. (Paterson Brokensha: Perth.) 'The Victorian Naturalist Part One McCoy and Clarke: their Dispute Over the Age of Australia’s Black Coal Roger Pierson! Abstract From 1847 until his death in 1899, Professor Frederick McCoy, palaeontologist in Melbourne, main- tained a war of words in the scientific literature with Rev. William Clarke, geologist in Sydney. con- cerning the age of Australia's black coal deposits. MeCoy was convinced that the coals’ were all of Mesozoic age and Clarke, during the period from 1847 to his death in 1878. maintained equally vehemently that they were Palaeozoic. In fact, Clarke was correct in placing the New South Wales coals in the Palaeozoic, and McCoy’s placing of the Victorian coals in the Mesozoic was also cor- rect. The two men were both particularly stubborn and neither would admit that they might have been arguing about coals of differing ages. Both stood unbendingly by their Northern Hemisphere, European backgrounds, and neither would change their views in the face of new evidence from the Colonies. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (5), 2001, 219-225.) For over 30 years from the middle of the 19" century, Frederick McCoy and William Branwhite Clarke conducted wordy battles in the scientific literature over a matter dear to both their hearts: the age of Australia’s black coal beds. McCoy argued from Melbourne for a Mesozoic age, while Clarke in Sydney argued equal- ly strongly for a Palaeozoic age for the coals. It is interesting to note that although Clarke maintained his behef in a Palaeozoic coal age for most of his time in Australia, he argued for an Oolitic age in 1841 (Jervis 1944; Vallance 1975; Vallance 1981). The Oolitic (or oolitic as it was commonly written) of the 1840s was approximately equivalent to the Jurassic Period of the Mesozoic Era in modern ter- minology. Explaining the prevailing view on coal held in the mid-1800s, Stafford (1989) wrote, ‘Since Carboniferous coals were considered of higher value as steam fuel, this stratigraphic battle had direct implications for colonial development’. As well as a clash of intellects between McCoy and Clarke, there was an underly- ing commercial pressure on them to assert that the New South Wales coals were Palaeozoic in age. The Palaeozoic ‘Carboniferous’ age of the time was that proposed by Conybeare and Phillips in 1822 (Secord 1986). It spanned what are now accepted as the Carboniferous and Permian Periods. ' School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Clayton, Victoria 3168. Email pierson(@ideakin.edu.au Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Frederick McCoy’s early life is covered elsewhere in this volume. William Clarke was born in East Suffolk, England in 1798 (Grainger 1982). His formal education was completed at Cambridge University where one of his tutors was Rev. Adam Sedgwick, Woodwardian Professor of Geology. Clarke obtained his BA degree in 1821 and his MA in 1823, and he was ordained in the same year. He was accept- ed as a Fellow of the Geological Society of London in 1826 (Mozley 1969). Clarke combined his curate's duties with poetry writing and the practice of geology. In 1828 his presumed first geological publica- uon, in the Magazine of Natural History, described how he replaced a wooden han- dle on his geological hammer with ‘an elastic handle of leather' (see Grainger 1982). Following severe attacks of rheumatism, he received medical advice that he should live permanently in a warm climate, This advice, together with his curiosity concerning the unknown geology of the colonies, led Clarke to emigrate to New South Wales with his family in 1839 to take up a chaplaincy. Clarke continued geologising and collect- ing around New South Wales as he under- took his church ministry, just as had been hís practice in England. He sent several boxes of fossils from New South Wales to Professor Sedgwick at the Woodwardian Museum in 1844, for classification. Sedgwick did not consider himself a palaeontologist and the fossils remained unclassified until 1847 when Frederick 219 McCoy Issue McCoy, at that time working as Sedgwick’s assistant, was given the task. The geological paths of McCoy and Clarke crossed for the first time. McCoy (M'Coy 1847) soon published the results of his classification of the fos- sils, He recognised ‘abundant fossil remains of animals referable to the palaeo- zoic period’, and above these ‘a series of clays, shales and sandstones, with remains of fossil plants and beds of coal’. The genus Glossopteris (Fig. 1) was one of the most common plant fossils that he recog- nised, and he argued that it was ‘never found in the old-coal fields, but well known in coal-beds of the oolitic age in various parts of the world’, Glossopteris had been described and named by Brongniart in 1828 in material collected from the Newcastle Coal Measures in New South Wales by Robert Brown, Matthew Flinders’ botanist, in 1801 or 1802 (sce Brown 1946; Murray 1983; Vallance 1975). Glossopteris was found in coal from India as well as from Australia by Brongniart, but was quite unknown in the European coal measures (Vallanee 1975), One of the new plant fossils named by McCoy was Cyclopteris? angustifolia, a species that received more of his attention in later years. At the 17" Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1847, he discussed Clarke's ‘oolitic’ plant fossils and stated that no trace existed of ‘any characteristic fossil of the old coal of Europe or America’ (M'Coy 1848), These ‘old coals’ were considered to be of Carboniferous age. Convicts first found coal on the coast north of Sydney in 1791, George Bass, the explorer, had observed coal cropping out along the coastal cliffs as he sailed both northwards and southwards from Sydney during 1797 (Vallance 1975). Bass speculat- ed upon the possibility of a coal basin in the region. At that time, *Lithological stratigra- phy still prevailed and insofar as anyone cared about Australian coal it was assumed to match European (Carboniferous) coal’ (Vallance 1981). The accumulation of knowledge relating to the age of Australian coal has been doc- umented by Archbold (1985), Branagan (1998), Brown (1946), Murray (1983), and Vallance (1975, 1978, 1981). Prominent 220 Fig. 1. Glossopteris linearis (M‘Coy) from M'Coy (1847) Plate 9; 5 and Sa, participants in this gathering of knowledge were T.L, Mitchell, P.E. de Strzelecki, J.D, Dana, J.B. Jukes, W.S. Macleay, F.W.L, Leichhardt, A.R.C. Selwyn, R. Daintree, and of course McCoy and Clarke. Opinions expressed varied as to the age of the coals and as to whether or not the coal plant fossils were conformable with associ- ated marine invertebrate fossils, McCoy’s 1847 paper classifying Clarke's fossils (M*Coy 1847) polarized the geolog- ical community when he confidently argued for a Mesozoic age for Australian black coals. By 1847, Clarke had moved on from his 1841 belief that the coals were Oolitic. Based upon fossil evidence, J.B. Jukes, in 1842, had decided that "Australian coal was at least as old, and The Victorian Naturalist probably older than. the Carboniferous coal of England’ (see Vallance 1981). Clarke adopted this position and main- tained it for the remainder of his life. Since MeCoy and Clarke were prominent propo- nents of the ensuing Mesozoic/Palaeozoic coal age furore in Australia, their publicly aired differences dominate this paper. In 1848. Clarke had sent a specimen to Sedgwick that bore impressions of Glossopteris along with marine inverte- brate remains (Vallance 1981). This was evidence of the co-existence of a plant fos- sil that MeCoy was convinced was Mesozoic with Carboniferous invertebrate fossils. McCoy remained silent, and amaz- ingly Clarke did not press the issue. MeCoy was chosen as the first Professor of Natural History of the University of Melbourne when it opened in 1855. His arguments with Clarke gathered momentum. In 1860, the Governor of Victoria and President of the Royal Society of Victoria, Sir Henry Barkly (1861) reported to a Royal Society of Victoria meeting that specimens of the fossil plant genus Taeniopteris, discovered in coal beds at Cape Paterson, had been exhibited at the meeting by Professor McCoy. McCoy had told the meeting of Clarke's claim that an absence of Taeniopteris in Australian coals indicated that they could not be of Oolitic age. With this new species, Taeniopteris daintreei, McCoy felt he had strengthened his Mesozoic age position for the coal and refuted Clarke's claim (Fig. 2). (In fact, the coals at Cape Paterson are Mesozoic, and McCoy was correct in his assumption of that age based upon the fossil Taeniopteris daintreei.) Clarke (1861a) was quick to respond to McCoy's assertions and wrote that, *Taeniopteris and Glossopteris (Sagenop- teris) have been the means of placing, by some geologists, the coal deposits of Australia and India in the horizon of the oolitic coal'. He pointed out that the genus Taeniopteris may range from Carboniferous to Tertiary and that the age was determined by the species. Clarke then returned to McCoy’s original classification of his fossils in 1847. He wrote, ‘Mr McCoy, who knew nothing of Australian plants’ had ‘because of the absence of cer- tain genera, and the presence of others Vol, 118 (5) 2001 Part One PL It Fig. 2. Taeniopteris duintreei (McCoy) from McCoy (1875) Plate 14: 1, la and 2, which have a relation to some oolitic species' assumed an Oolitic age for the fossils he had sent to Sedgwick in 1844. Clarke maintained, in this paper, that the coal beds were Carboniferous. McCoy (18612) immediately took excep- tion to Clarke's comments. He stated ‘that the time of a scientific man may be better employed in endeavouring to add new facts to the general store of human knowl- edge than in defending himself or his views...'. But in this case he felt he had to respond, and in doing so he dissected Clarke's paper paragraph by paragraph, fighting for acceptance of his own age interpretation and strongly dismissing Clarke's Palacozoic age for the plant fos- sils. McCoy accused Clarke of misrepre- senting the source of a specimen of Lepidodendron found by ‘an unscientific friend' from Queensland, In this paper, McCoy named a new genus, Ganga- mopteris, through a specimen he called Gangamopteris angustifolia (Fig. 3). The example was from Bacchus Marsh sand- stone. He stated that he had previously fig- ured it from the New South Wales coal beds under the name of Cyclopteris? angustifolia in 1847. He inferred its age to be Mesozoic because of its association with G/ossopteris. In his turn, Clarke (1861b) responded to McCoy’s dissection of his paper. He stated that he was ‘not aware, till I perused 221 McCoy Issue Fig. 3. Gangamopteris angustifolia (McCoy) from MeCoy (1875) Plate 12; 1: Plate 13; 2 and 2a. Professor MeCoy's "Commentary" on my letter, that I had offered any grounds of offence in it’. He took McCoy's paper apart, again paragraph by paragraph, and proceeded to justify his belief that Australia's coal bearing rocks were Carboniferous, On the question of the Lepidodendron, he corrected McCoy and stated that ‘the late Dr Leichhardt, an excellent geologist’, had recognised the 222 fossil in New South Wales. The ill will between the two men was evident in almost every sentence of their papers, despite Clarke writing ‘I have no object in any controversy on this question but truth’. The bickering continued when McCoy (1861b) informed the reader of the ‘real point at issue, namely:- Mr Clarke holds and has always held that the “Glossopferis beds" associated with the coal of New South Wales are Palaeozoic, and belong to the same geological epoch as the underly- ing marine beds containing Lower Carboniferous animal remains. I hold and have always held that the aforesaid "Glossopteris beds" are Mesozoic’. In a paper read to the Royal Society of Victoria in 1861 but not published until 1865, Clarke (18652) argued at length for a Palaeozoic age to be assigned to the coal beds of the Maitland district of New South Wales. He maintained that he had located beds ‘containing fossils of the same Palaeozoic formation which Professor M'Coy has long ago determined to be at the base of the "Lower Carboniferous" for- mation of Ireland’ at Maitland. In the same year Clarke (1865b) contin- ued to press his opinion against McCoy's Oolitic age for the New South Wales coals. He wrote, ‘the vegetable fossils, which are taken as the datum for the Oolitic age of the coal, have been traced into a position between rocks assigned, from their distinc- tive zoological fossils, to be as low as the "base" of the old “Carboniferous system", He defended his stance in relation to the existence of Mesozoic formations in Australia by stating that, *the existence of Mesozoic formations has not been disputed by me; all that my position amounts to is the denial that the coal beds of New South Wales are Oolitic’. Clarke (1861c; 1861d), described G/ossopteris and Cyclopteris in shale at Maitland lying beneath beds containing Palaeozoic marine fossils, rein- forcing again his Palaeozoic age for the associated coal, The Australian geological community must have been getting thoroughly tired of the sparring between McCoy and Clarke that was interminably ongoing through the respected journal of the Royal Society of Victoria. In reality the two individuals allowed their respectively entrenched posi- The Victorian Naturalist tions to outweigh their intellects. McCoy and Clarke met on at least one occasion. Clarke (1861a) wrote that he had personal- ly shown McCoy plant fossils that he had taken to Melbourne. Taking into account the obvious hostility they showed towards each other in their writing, it would be interesting to know how McCoy and Clarke reacted towards one another at this meeting, Vallance (1978) felt that both McCoy and Clarke were ‘locked in a cell of European experience’, and that ‘McCoy remained a British palaeontologist in Australia, Just as Clarke continued to be a British geologist’. In another paper read to the Royal Society of Victoria in 1861 and unpub- lished until 1865, McCoy (M'Coy 1865a) reported on the age of fossils collected at Wollumbilla, on the Fitzroy Downs of Western Australia, and sent to him by Clarke. (Despite the animosity between the two, Clarke continued to rely on MeCoy's palaeontological skills.) McCoy stated that, for the first time in Australia, he had found a Mesozoic marine fauna, including ammonites and belemnites in this collec- tion. He felt that the marine deposit was of exactly the same age as the eastern coal beds: ‘to the base of the Mesozoic series, certainly not lower than the Trias, and not higher, I think, than the lower part of the great Oolite’. At his Presidential Anniversary Address to the Royal Society of Victoria in 1864, McCoy (M‘Coy 1865b) noted that Richard Daintree had ‘tried to settle the points in dispute between Rev. Mr. Clarke and myself, relative to the age and position of the beds associated with the coal of New South Wales, but failed’. Richard Daintree (1864a; 1864b) had, in fact, detailed at length his belief in Clarke's observation of Glossopteris in shales and coal below the marine Carboniferous beds at Stony Creek. near Maitland. Daintree (1864c) repeated hís support of Clarke's position in a brief abstract printed in the Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France. Interestingly, this abstract figured a mea- sured stratigraphical section at Maitland, clearly showing Glossopteris beds below the then undisputedly Carboniferous marine beds. It is difficult to understand how McCoy interpreted Daintree's reports Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One as having failed to 'settle points in dis- pute’. In 1864, William Keene (1865), Examiner of Coal-fields, New South Wales, reported that *... Glossopteris accompanies the entire series of Coal-mea- sures from the topmost to the lowest seam’, He stated that his specimens ‘will prove satisfactorily that the coal-seams of New South Wales belong to as old a geo- logical series as those of Europe’. (His statement did not prove to be correct.) McCoy (1867) took his Mesozoic coal age argument to the Americans with a paper in The American Journal of Science and Arts. In the same year, he (M^Coy 1867) published his belief in the age of Australia’s coals in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History in England; he had published his descriptions of Clarke’s original fossils in this journal in 1847. He referred to species of Zamites and Taeniopteris recognised from Cape Paterson and Bellarine, Glossopteris and Belemnites and Ammonites from New South Wales, and Gangamopteris from Victoria and New South Wales, as positive proof for a Mesozoic coal age. Clarke (1868) also published in The American Journal of Science and Arts. Referring to the New South Wales coal seams, he stated, ‘Up to a comparatively recent period, it was not known that under the marine beds below these coal seams, other seams occur bearing the same genera of plants as in the upper beds’, Daintree, he maintained, had verified this fact. In his Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria, McCoy (1875) described and provided plates of Victorian examples of three species of Gangamopteris from Bacchus Marsh and one of Taeniopteris from Cape Paterson. He maintained that their age was Mesozoic. The plates and descriptions for the Prodromus had been prepared in the 1860s, but publication was delayed due to a lack of government fund- ing until 1875. In his Report on Palaeontology of the Geological Survey for the year 1891, McCoy (1892) described a fragment of Schizoneura, “from a newly discovered bed just under the famous Gangamopteris sandstone of Bacchus Marsh’. This fossil, he wrote, indicated a Mesozoic (Triassic) age for the bed. Although the precise loca- 223 McCoy Issue tion of the supposed Triassic bed was not given, and McCoy mistakenly placed it below the Gangamopteris beds, the Schizoneura was probably discovered in what is now known as the Council Trench Triassic outcrop at Tramway Lane, Bacchus Marsh. The outerop is stratigraph- ically above the Gangamopteris sandstone. McCoy (1898) reported the finding of Taeniopteris sweeti in 1897 at Bacchus Marsh in the same sandstone beds as Gangamopteris angustifolia and found it "of value as indicating a Mesozoic age for this Victorian rock’, Clarke had died, aged 80 years, in 1878, In that year he (Clarke 1878) published the fourth edition of his book Remarks on the Sedimentary Formations of New South Wales in which he remained adamant that the New South Wales coal beds were of Palaeozoic age. From 1847, to his death in 1899, Frederick McCoy always maintained that the plant fossils found in Australian black coal beds and identical fossils found in other, non coal-containing beds, clearly and unerringly indicated that the coal and sediments were all of Mesozoic age. He stubbornly refused to bend in the hope that he would ultimately be proved correct. In presenting a lecture on early Australian geologists, Professor E, Skeats (1933) wrote of McCoy stating, ‘He was, in fact, a distinguished palaeontologist, rather than a geologist, There is, I believe, no record of his ever having undertaken fieldwork’. This is generally true of McCoy’s time in Australia; he had, howev- er, carried out geological field survey work in Ireland in the 1840s (Anon 1899; Anon 1900) and with Adam Sedgwick in Wales in the early 1850s (Secord 1986). Clarke’s geological work, in contrast, was based upon numerous collecting journeys to the field and upon his observations made there, Perhaps it was inevitable that two men with such differing approaches to their science should have vigorously defended such opposing views on the age of Australia’s coal beds. As Darragh (1992) reasoned, ‘Neither MeCoy nor Clarke realised that they were arguing about two different series of rocks of widely different ages, In the end McCoy was right about the Mesozoic age of the 224 Victorian coal bearing rocks, and Clarke was right to regard those of New South Wales as Palaeozoic. Both scientists did not come out of this controversy very well, because neither was prepared to accept the new evidence of the other but argued from a predetermined position based on outdated data’. References Anon. (1899). Obituary: Professor Sir Frederick McCoy, K.C.M.G., M.A., D.Sc. (Cantab), F.R.S.. F.G.S. The Geological Magazine New Series Decade 4, 6, 283-287. Anon, (1900). Obituary Notices of Fellows deceased: Professor Sir Frederick McCoy, Jn “Year Book of the Royal Society of London’, pp. 196-198. (Harrison and Sons; London,) Archbold, N.W. (1985), Nineteenth century views on the Australian marine Permian. Larth Sciences History 5, 13-23, Barkly, H. (1861). A report on specimens exhibited by Professor McCoy at the Royal Society of Victoria ordinary meeting of June 4th 1860. Proceedings, &e, Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria from January to December 1860, inclusive 5, x. Branagan, D. (1998), The Pole and ihe Australian Permian. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 110, 1-30. Brown, LA. (1946), An outline of the history of palaeontology in Australia. The Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales 71, v-xviii, Clarke, W.B. (1861a). A communication from the Reverend W.B. Clarke of Sydney, to His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly, K.C.B., &c., &c., President of the Royal Society of Vietoria, on Professor McCoy's new Taeniopteris from the coal-bearing rocks of the Cape Paterson district in particular, and on the evi- dence bearing on the question of the age of Australian coal beds in general, Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria, from January to December 1860, inclusive 5, 89-95 and Proceedings 11, Clarke, W.B. (1861b). Remarks on Professor McCoy's commentary. Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria, from January to December 1860, inclusive 5, 209-214 and Proceedings 23. Clarke, W.B. (1861c). On the geological age of the coal-bearing rocks of New South Wales. The Geologist, 209, Clarke, W. (18614). Extrait d'une lettre de M. W.B. Clarke à M. d'Archiac. Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France 1861 to 1862, 669-673. Clarke, W.B. (1865a). On the coal seams near Stony Creek (junction of Singleton and Wollombi roads), West Maitland district, New South Wales. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, during the years 1861 to 1864, inclusive 6, 27-31 with 2 Plates between 32 and 33. Clarke, W.B. (1865b). On the Carboniferous and other geological relations of the Maranoa district in Queensland in reference to a discovery of zoological fossils in Wollombilla Creek and Stony Creek, West Maitland. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, during the years 1861 to 1864, inclusive 6, 32 - 42 and Proceedings 13. Clarke, W.B. (1868). Remarks on the sedimentary for- mations of New South Wales, illustrated by reference to other provinces of Australia. The American Journal of Science and Arts, Second Series 45. 334-353, Clarke, W.B. (1878). *Remarks on the Sedimentary Formations of New South Wales’, 4" Edition. (Thomas Richards, Government Printer: Sydney.) The Victorian Naturalist Daintree, R, (1864a). The age of New South Wales coal-beds. The Colliery Guardian 20 February, 1864, 150-151. Daintree, R. (1864b). Colonial geology. Age of the New South Wales coal-beds. The Geologist 72-79. Daintree, R. (1864c). Note de M. D’Archiae ... une let- tre de M. W.B. Clarke accompagnant un numero de journal The Yeoman Australian acclimatiser de Melbourne, 29 aoüt 1863, dans lequel se trouve une faite par M. Daintree. Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France 1863 to 1864. 33. Darragh, T.A. (1992). Frederick McCoy. The Fossil Collector 36, 15-22. Grainger, E. (1982). "The Remarkable Reverend Clarke’, (Oxford University Press: Melbourne.) Jervis, J. (1944), Rev, W.B, Clarke M.A., F.R.S., F.G.S., F.R.G.S. The father of Australian geology. Royal Australian Historical Society Journal and Proceedings 30, 345-458, Keene, W. (1865). On the coal-measures of New South Wales, with Spirifer, Glossopteris, and Lepido- dendron. Quarterly Journal of the Geolagical Society of London 21, 137-141. McCoy, F. (1861a). A commentary on ‘A communica- tion made by the Rev. W. B. Clarke to His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly, K.C.B., &c., President of the Royal Society of Victoria on Professor McCoy's new Taeniopteris, &c., &c.". Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria, from January to December 1860 inclusive S. 96-107 and Proceedings. p 11. McCoy, F. (1861b). Note on the Rev, Mr. Clarke's "Remarks," &c. Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria, from January to December 1860, inclusive 5, 215-217. McCoy, F. (1867). On the palaeontology of Victoria, South Australia. American Journal of Science and Arts 44, 279-283. McCoy, F. (1875). Gangamopteris angustifolia (McCoy), and var G. spatulata and G. obliqua, and Taeniopteris daintreei (McCoy). Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Vietoria or Figures and Descriptions of Victorian Organic Remains. Decade 2. pp. 11-13, plates 12-13. (Geological Survey of Victoria: John Ferres, Goyernment Printer: Melbourne.) McCoy, F. (1892). Report on palaeontology of the Geological! Survey for the year 1891, Annual Report, Secretary for Mines, Victoria for 1891 (1892), 30. McCoy, F. (1898), Notes on an additional genus of fos- sil plants found in the Bacchus Marsh sandstone. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria (N.S.) 10. 285-286, Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One M'Coy, F. (1847). On the fossil botany and zoology of the rocks associated with the coal of Australia. Annals and Magazine of Natural History 20, 145- 157, 226-236, 298-312. M'Coy, F. (1848). On plants of the New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land coal-fields. Report of the Seventeenth Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science; held at Oxford in June 1847, 64-65. M'Coy, F. (18652). Remarks on a series of fossils col- lected at Wollumbilla, and transmitted by Rev. W.D. Clarke, of Sydney. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, during the years 1861 to 1864, inclusive 6, 42-46. M'Coy, F. (1865b). Royal Society of Victoria, Anniversary Address of the President, Frederick M'Coy, Esq., F.G.S,, &c. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria during the years 1861 to 1864, inclusive 6, 63-99, M'Coy, F. (1867), On the recent zoology and palacon- tology of Victoria. Annals and Magazine of Natural History 20. 175-202. Mozley, A. (1969). Clarke, William Branwhite. /n ‘Australian Dictionary of Biography’, Volume 3: 1855-1899, A-C, pp. 420-422. Ed. D. Pike. (Melbourne University Press: Melbourne.) Murray, C.G. (1983), Permian Geology of Queensland. Proceedings of the Symposium on the Permian Geology of Queensland, held in conjunction with the Geological Survey of Queensland from 14th to 16th July, 1982, in Brisbane, pp. 1-32 (Geological Society of Australia, Queensland Division.) Secord. J.A. (1986). “Controversy in Victorian Geology the Cambrian-Silurian Dispute’. (Princeton University Press; Princeton.) Skeats, E.W, (1933). Some founders of Australian geology. David Lecture, 1933, No. 1, p. 24. (Australian National Research Council.) Stafford, R. A. (1989), 'Scientist of Empire: Sir Roderick Murchison, scientific exploration and Victorian imperialism’, pp. i-xii, 293. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.) Vallance, T.G. (1975). Origins of Australian Geology, Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales 100, 13-43, Vallance, T.G. (1978), Pioneers and leaders — a record of Australian palaeontology in the nineteenth centu- ry. Alcheringa 2. 243-250. Vallance, T.G. (1981). The fuss about coal — Troubled relations between palaeobotany and geology. /n “Plants and Man in Australia’, pp. 136-177. Eds D.J. Carr and S.M.G. Carr, (Academic Press; Sydney.) 225 McCoy Issue Frederick McCoy’s Anti-evolutionism — the Cultural Context of Scientific Belief Barry W. Butcher! June 1865 and excited Melbournians are flocking to the National Museum of Victoria to see the latest arrival, a gorilla, the first (albeit stuffed) to arrive in the Antipodes. Centrepiece of a glass-encased "family" of great apes, it represents the successful culmination of the Museum Director's three-year effort to acquire a specimen of this the largest and most recently ‘discovered’ of the anthropoids (Butcher 1988; Fig, 1). Nearly a century and a half later we can only speculate on the reasons why attendance at the museum doubled in the weeks after the first appear- ance of Gorilla gorilla in the booming post-goldrush metropolis of Melbourne. Were they expecting to see a ghastly human alter ego, a monstrous, degraded creature, human-like but manifestly not human, embodying perhaps all the worst features of humanity, all the vices and none of the virtues? Or were they there to see and be impressed by humanity’s most recently discovered long lost relative? Of course we can never definitively answer the question; these first Australian viewers of the gorilla stand as far apart from us culturally and historically as we do biologically from the poor grinning crea- ture in the glass case does. We do know however what first drew them in such large numbers — a letter from the Museum Director himself, Frederick McCoy, pub- lished in the local newspaper, the Argus. It was a letter of exhortation, calling on Melbournians to come and see the new arrival so as to adjudge for themselves. ... how infinitely remote the creature is from humanity, and how monstrously writ- ers have exaggerated the points of resem- blance when endeavoring to show that man is only one phase in the gradual transmuta- tion of animals, which they assume may be brought about by external influences and which they rashly assert is proved by the ' Faculty of Arts, Deakin University, Geelong Campus, Pigdons Road, Waurn Ponds, Victoria 3216. 226 intermediary character of the gorilla between the other quadramana and man (Argus 1865). No clearer statement of disbelief in ‘the development hypothesis’ is likely to be found in the first years after the publication of Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species in 1859. That McCoy detested evolutionary theory is clearly the case, but the battle over *Man's Place in Nature’, sparked off by Thomas Henry Huxley's book of the same name, provided the first opportunity in Australia for public discussion of Darwinism and its implications for both science and society. McCoy’s letter was as much a shot in this battle — aimed clearly at Huxley and his supporters — as it was a promotional piece for the Museum. But to say that McCoy was anti- Darwinian is in fact to say very little; an earlier historiography of science, viewing. the ‘Darwinian revolution’ through post- Darwinian eyes, would have dismissed his position as that of an outdated scientist, a doomed representative of an earlier age of science when Natural Theology held sway. But this approach will not do anymore; thirty years of careful scholarship have shown just how complex the issues sur- rounding this debate over evolution really were. Perhaps the first intimations of this complexity came in the groundbreaking work of Robert Young in the early 1970s, when Darwinian scholars were reminded that ideas draw their importance from the specific social and intellectual contexts in which they originate and that their origin is itself the product of multiple cultural resources. Since then Adrian Desmond has brilliantly dissected ‘the politics of evolu- tion’, demonstrating how social structure and class interest played a role in the myri- ad ways in which pre-Darwinian evolu- tionary theories were used in political and social debate, while James Moore and James Secord have built on Young’s work to show again how cultural resources are utilised and in turn utilise scientific theory The Victorian Naturalist Part One Ae Very, Tho Gorillas et the M a= suu ASK UR Fig. 1. The gorillas at the museum. A wood engraving by Samuel Calvert 1865. La Trobe Picture Collection, State Library of Victoria. and practice. Simple stories of winners and losers in the development of science no longer cut the mustard (Young 1985, Desmond 1989; Desmond and Moore 1991: Secord 2000). What I wish to do in this paper is to briefly look again at McCoy in the context of his scientific, social and cultural back- ground. I want to suggest, albeit specula- tively, that rather than his rejection of evo- lutionary theory being out of step with his scientific career it sits easily with his roles as geologist, Museum Director and Colonial scientific spokesman. | am not suggesting that there is full consistency in Vol. 118 (5) 2001 his position, only that it makes his involve- ment in a particular mid-Victorian Colonial cultural setting more interesting, more complex and more historically fasci- nating. Learning his trade As James Secord and contributors to this volume have shown, McCoy owed his geo- logical training to two patrons who just happened to be giants of nineteenth-centu- ry British science — Roderick Murchison and Adam Sedgwick (Secord 1986). While both were opposed to evolutionary theory of any kind, it was Sedgwick who most 227 McCoy Issue stridently spoke out against it. In his mas- sive critical review of Robert Chambers Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, written in 1845, a year before McCoy became his assistant, he thundered against a theory of cosmological evolution that was factually inaccurate, based on a poor philosophy of science and most cru- cially that ‘annulled all distinction between physical and moral and reduced human reason to nothing more than a development of animal instinct (Secord 2000: 245). Sedgwick was an evangelical Anglican, seeing in science not only the possibility of producing greater material wealth, but a moral trope that justified religion and the social order. McCoy moved from being an Irish Catholie, with all the social and pro- fessional disadvantages that entailed in mid-century Britain, to High Anglicanism. When in his later career in Australia he took up arms against the more dangerous evolutionary theory espoused by Darwin and championed by Huxley. Sedgwick's rhetoric still seemed to be ringing in his ears. In the meantime, however, he needed a Job; according to Secord, his early work was not highly thought of in British scien- tific circles and his involvement in a long and bitter geological spat between his for- mer and current patrons placed him in a difficult position. When Australia beck- oned, both Murchison and Sedgwick came to the party and supported him for the Chair of Natural History at the University of Melbourne (Secord 1986; Wilkinson this issue). It was a decision that almost certainly saved his career; his contempo- rary James Salter, considered by many the better geologist, struggled on in near penury in a Britain where good positions in science were almost impossible to find, before finally conceding defeat and throw- ing himself into the Thames. For McCoy, the future might lie in a colony half a world away but it paid well and eventually led to honours he could never have expect- ed had he stayed in the metropolitan cen- tre, among them a knighthood, and perhaps the best of all, an FRS. When he left Britain in 1854 he took with him a goodly number of professional debts, to Sedgwick in particular. And as I implied above, among these was an aversion to evolution- ary theory. At one level his sorties against 228 evolution can be seen as repaying some of those debts; he could bring credit to his patrons by opposing theories which defied the religious, social and scientific outlook which they had done so much to foster. As it turned out, in Melbourne he found an establishment elite largely attuned to hear that message. Going public against evolution: the social context of a scientist's actions McCoy's involvement in the *gorilla war’ in Melbourne in the early 1860s was largely confined to offering material ammunition — anatomical specimens from the Museum and ultimately the gorilla itself. Statements of support came only within the confines of scientific meetings, especially the Royal Society of Victoria. In a sense this is a case of presenting creden- tials, demonstrating support for the domi- nant establishment view. And here ‘estab- lishment’ encompasses both the scientific community and the political and religious elites in the colony — the presence and involvement of the Victorian Governor Henry Barkly. Anglican Bishop Charles Perry and the prominent Roman Catholic John Bleasdale on the side of those oppos- ing evolution ensured that an official line would emerge and be clearly identified for public consumption in the press (Butcher 1988). In 1869 and 1870 when McCoy present- ed his most celebrated public protest against evolution he did so in a forum where the same establishment interests were to the fore. The Early Closing Association had its origins in the concern of prominent Melbourne citizens to counter the rise of anti-religious and free- thinking groups: local businesses were encouraged to close for a period on one day of each week in order to allow workers to attend lectures on political, religious and scientific subjects. By then McCoy was an important figure in the social and scientific fabric of the colony, his scientific ortho- doxy, as defined by establishment inter- ests, unimpeachable, With that bastion of respectability, judge Sir Redmond Barry in the Chair, he prefaced his first lecture with the comment that in a previous talk he had been criticised for saying that *,.. the high- est scientific authorities with whom he was The Victorian Naturalist personally acquainted were among the most humble-minded believers of the great religious truths that could be found in any part of the community’ (McCoy 1870: 1). Thus at the outset, his audience was left in no doubt about the relationship between true science and true religion. The great figures of science — Sedgwick and Murchison pre-eminently — provided proof that the two could, indeed must, be held together. The lecture itself simply rein- forced the message, with an account of the Biblical story of creation rendered in the light of modern science, and reiteration of the message that science rightly under- stood was an invaluable aid to religion. For the body of his criticism of evolutionary theory he drew on Sedgwick’s earlier attack on Vestiges, bolstered by his own observations in Australia. To account for the geographical distribution of animals and plants he turned to the ‘centres of cre- ation’ theory of the Swiss-American zoolo- gist Louis Agassiz whereby the flora and fauna of the world could be divided into six zoological provinces in both hemi- spheres. Each province had its own autochthonous life forms that had been created for the particular conditions exis- tent at the time, Similarities between groups of animals and plants that were often geographically distant were explained not by recourse to any genetic relationship but as the working out of a divine plan. Discussing the idea of such provinces McCoy used the examples of the Ostrich, Rhea and Emu to show that simi- larity of form and habit could not be assumed to mean common ancestry, for .., there could be no question of one of these forms having grown out of the other by a difference in surroundings for the ostrich has two toes, and the Australian and South American forms three — a change not required and all three thriving when introduced into any one of the locali- ties by man (MeCoy 1870). At the level of the particular such as this case epitomises, McCoy showed little regard for Darwinism, giving some support to the claim that he may never have read the Origin of Species. It is doubtful that had he done so he would have changed his view — what was to be deplored was ‘the development hypothesis’ itself which, Vol. 118 (5) 2001 Part One whatever the mechanism underlying it, would not fit either his science, his religion or the traditional values he drew from both. He was Sedgwickian in outlook through and through. But a more provoca- tive claim might be made which gives a fascinating twist to the story; McCoy was a geologist, and as Darwin himself admitted, geology offered little immediate support for the theory of evolution. McCoy’s stance then was, even in ‘scientific’ terms, a reasonable one. As Susan Sheets- Pyenson points out in her study of nine- teenth-century museums, other palaeontol- ogists given the task of building up these ‘cathedrals of science’, such as Hermann Burmeister in Argentina and William Dawson in Canada, also treated evolution with suspicion (Sheets-Pyenson 1988). Rather than being a scientific eccentric then, MeCoy fitted a pattern; and when one adds to Sheets-Pyenson's list McCoy's opposite number in Sydney, Simon Pittard, this claim gathers further strength. In his old age McCoy complained that he had not been provided with enough money to organise the museum according to his acceptance of Agassiz’s theory of ‘centres of creation’ (McCoy papers 1898). The University — a centre of anti- Darwinism? The Australian physicist William Sutherland complained that when he attended McCoy’s lectures at the University of Melbourne in the 1870s he was constantly subjected to anti-Darwinian sentiment as McCoy ‘thundered against’ evolutionary theory. Worse, examination papers were laced with questions requiring students to critique evolutionary theory (Osborne 1920). Was this all simply an obstinate rejection of a naturalistic theory that was rapidly overtaking his own providential philosophy of science? At one level it was certainly a rejection of that theory, but this was just one side of the coin. For forty years McCoy had worked tirelessly to uncover the secret of Australia's geological past; if his early work in Britain had indeed been poorly thought of, his Australian work was groundbreaking and original, as other papers in this volume show. Rejection of a given theory then, did not determine the quality of the work done. 229 McCoy Issue Discussion and Conclusion Towards the end of his life McCoy was showered with honours; a knighthood in 1891, an imperial award he could hardly have dreamed of when he left for Australia in 1854, and of even greater significance for understanding his scientific career, admitted to Fellowship of the Royal Society of London. The Irish Catholic turned Anglican had now entered into the highest realms of the social and scientific establishment. His achievements recog- nised by a scientific community that no longer shared his understanding of science rewarded him for his contribution to the understanding of Australia’s paleontologi- cal history. What then did his anti- Darwinian stance do to his career? In one sense nothing; it fitted comfortably into a dominant colonial ideology where conser- vative religion and science were seen to be in harmony. More intriguingly, it should be seen not through the medium of a post- Darwinian world-view, but in a specific temporal and local context. Anti- Darwinism was not an eccentric excres- cence on an otherwise glittering scientific career; it was part and parcel of Frederick MeCoy, a bulwark against a type of god- less science that he had learned to despise through his early patrons and mentors. The science he believed in had a moral edge it led to a wonder in the face of ereation and provided the intellectual stimulus to the immense amount of work he undertook and completed in Australia, His museum philosophy was guided by this essentially providentialist science; a museum must be a teaching institution, the lessons to be learnt a combination of the factual and the moral, not a place to be filled with stuffed specimens arranged higgledy-piggledy. His adherence to Louis Agassiz’s ‘centres of creation’ was his guide in this, even though his grand plans for the National Museum never fully materialised, As the historians of science John Brooke and Geoffrey Cantor have said, ‘In writing biography the historian or biographer seeks to identify the various strands that mould the biographical subject ... through biogra- phy we might come to appreciate the exis- tential tensions encountered by scientists as they struggle to cope with the demands made by both science and religion? (Brooke and Cantor 1998: 247). This paper is manifestly not a biography of Frederick McCoy, but in laying out, however briefly, the factors that played a role in determin- ing his anti-evolutionism I have sought to follow that wise advice. Look again at the grinning ape in the glass case; it symbolically brings together the twin aspects of McCoy's scientific atti- tude. When McCoy invited Melbournians to view the creature he was inviting them to share his vision — of an empirical sci- ence grounded in a religious, social and moral order. References Argus, 20 June 1865 Brooke, J. and Cantor, G. (1998). ‘Reconstructing Nature’. (T and T Clark: Edinburgh.) Butcher, B.W, (1988). Gorilla Warfare in Melbourne; Halford, Huxley and ‘Man’s place in nature’. /n "Australian Science in the making’, Ed. R. Home, (Cambridge University Press; Cambridge.) Desmond, A. (1989), "The Politics of Evolution". (University of Chicago Press; Chicago.) Desmond, A, and Moore, J. (1991), ‘Darwin’. (Michael Joseph: London, ) McCoy, F. (1870), "The Order and Plan of Creation: The substance of two lectures delivered in connection with the Early Closing Association’. (Ferguson & Moore: Melbourne.) McCoy Papers (1898), (v) National Museum of Victoria, Osborn, W.A. (1920). ‘William Sutherland: a Biography’. (Lothian; Melbourne.) Seeord, J. (1986). ‘Controversy in Victorian Geology’. (Princeton University Press: New Jersey.) Secord, J. (2000), “Victorian Sensation’, (University of Chicago Press; Chicago.) Sheets-Pyenson, S. (1988). ‘Cathedrals of Science’, (MeGill-Queen's University Press: Kingston and Montreal.) Young, R.M, (1985). ‘Darwin's Metaphor’. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.) For assistance with the preparation of this issue, thanks to Karen Dobson (label print- ing), Dorothy Mahler (administrative assistance) and Michael McBain (web page). 230 The Victorian Naturalist Part One McCoy and Sarcophilus harrisii Boitard, 1842 — a Diabolical Relationship W.R. Gerdtz!' Abstract Frederick McCoy contributed to the knowledge of the fossil record of the Tasmanian Devil Sarcophilus harrisii Boitard, 1842 in Victoria by including a number of figured specimens in the Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria, However, an article McCoy wrote under the pseudonym *Microzoon’ highlighted his anti-Darwinian thoughts and embraced a successionist viewpoint, The article, entitled ‘Pre-historic Tasmanian Devils’, is an interesting account of zoogeography from a successionist perspective, and is used here to contrast McCoy’s anti-evolutionary viewpoint with modern Darwinian thought, A number of fossil sarcophilines discovered since McCoy’s death illus- trate the shortcomings of McCoy's favoured anti-Darwinian viewpoint when discussing the nature of evolution and extinction. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (5), 2001, 231-233.) Introduction As an icon of the Tasmanian marsupial fauna, the Tasmanian Devil Sarcophilus harrisii Boitard, 1842, is unparalleled. Its depiction in popular culture extends from associations with sporting teams (as a sym- bol of aggression and determination) to children’s cartoon animation, and implies the singular vision of a voracious marsu- pio-carnivore which cares for little else than eating and fighting. This popular mis- conception of the largest living dasyurid (carnivorous marsupial) is as prevalent today as it was in 1869, when Frederick McCoy published his natural history col- umn in The Australasian newspaper enti- tled *Pre-historic Tasmanian Devils' under the pseudonym *Microzoon' (° Microzoon* 1869). McCoy did not identify himself as being the mysterious natural history columnist *Microzoon'. Posthumous inves- tigations into the numerous articles submit- ted under that pseudonym, however, leave little doubt as to his identity (Whitley 1969). While McCoy was not impressed with the Tasmanian Devil (nor the ecclesi- astic connotations of its common name). he did seem to relish describing his con- tempt for S. harrisii. Descriptions such as ‘clumsy’, ‘cruel’, ‘savage’ and even *... a creature ... destitute of any redeeming quality’ abound in McCoy’s article, but it is McCoy’s comments on the zoogeogra- phy of the species that illustrate an inter- School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Clayton, Victoria 3168. Email wrgerdtz(aideakin.edu.au Vol. 118 (5) 2001 esting theory. With the benefit of hindsight and a number of intriguing fossil finds since McCoy’s death, a contemporary pic- ture of the sarcophilines in time and space is slowly starting to emerge. McCoy’s Sarcophilus McCoy (1882) described the fossilised remains of a number of S. harrisii speci- mens from ‘many ossiferous caves of Victoria’, as well as Pleistocene sediments near Camperdown, Queenscliff, Gisborne and Baringhup (McCoy 1882). These dis- coveries clearly posed a dilemma for McCoy as they contradicted his belief in ‘The Order and Plan of Creation’ (McCoy 1869). Based on ideas from an anti- Darwinian perspective, McCoy believed not in the ‘struggle for existence’, but rather a ‘successionist’ view of creation — God’s creations being punctuated by time and space. This theory was based on the idea that a certain faunal assemblage was ‘created’, existed in a finite time and space, then became entirely extinct, to be replaced by another ‘batch’ of God's cre- ations. McCoy noted it a ‘curious circum- stance’ that fossilised remains of an extant mammal from Tasmania could appear in mainland Australia, and found this “quite inexplicable’ (McCoy 1882). McCoy’s belief in the Creator's perfect and univer- sal plan of successive creation appeared to be contradicted by the fossil evidence McCoy himself described in the Prodromus, The *Microzoon' article only serves to highlight the shortcomings of the progres- 231 MeCoy Issue sionist theory — surely the smaller, outlying islands of a zoogeographic region are more at risk of faunal extinction than the larger land mass of the same region, irrespective of who or what is causing the creation and extinction. Small island communities are more susceptible to extinction by virtue of the population size, so why would the exact opposite occur? While the concept of faunal refugia was not mentioned by McCoy, in attempting to explain this conundrum in the *Microzoon' article, McCoy had inadvertently touched on what was to become a cornerstone of Darwinian evolutionary thought, Natural Selection. The extinction of S, harrisii on mainland Australia is now believed to be the result of two factors, the failure of the animal to adapt to increased aridity, and its inability to compete for food with an introduced species, the Dingo Canis lupus dingo (Strahan 1998). Intermediate forms and fossil Sarcophilines McCoy. like many other anti-evolutionary thinkers, quoted the lack of ‘intermediate forms’ between fossils and extant fauna as an argument against Darwinian evolution. McCoy had already noted a morphological similarity between S. harrisii and the Spot- tailed Quoll Dasyurus maculatus; however he did not expand his discussion to explain the implications of this similarity. In 1911, twelve years after the death of McCoy, a specimen found in a well near Smeaton was presented to the National Museum of Victoria. It appeared to represent an inter- mediate fossil form linking S. harrisii and D. maculatus. The fossil, later to be named Glaucodon ballaratensis Stirton, 1957 was a small right jawbone of a dasyurid of Plio- Pleistocene age that was almost exactly halfway between S. harrisii and D. macula- tus in both morphology and dimensions. However, as the G. ballaratensis holotype was missing most of its teeth (and thus the most compelling evidence of its intermedi- ate status). the specimen remained a curios- ity in dasyurid evolution for 85 years, sub- ject to discussion of dasyurid phylogeny by many authors such as Gill (1953), Stirton (1957), Ride (1964), Marshall (1973), Archer (1976, 1982), Archer and Bartholomai (1978) and Crabb (1982). 2332 A number of other sarcophiline fossils have also surfaced since the time of McCoy. These include the small, gracile S. moornaensis (Crabb 1982) of the Pliocene, and the Pleistocene's gigantic cousin of today's devil, S. /aniaris (Ride 1964), However, it wasn't until 1996 that another specimen of the genus Glaucodon was dis- covered. This new specimen was a dentally complete lower right jaw found in Batesford Quarry near Geelong. The fossil was brought to the attention of Dr Tom Rich, Curator of Museum Victoria's Vertebrate Palaeontology Department. Dr Rich's preliminary assessment was that the fossil represented a new specimen of G. ballaratensis (Rich pers. comm. 1997). This specimen will be shown in a future work to share characteristics of both Sarcophilus and Dasyurus, thus supporting Darwinian theory rather than McCoy's. The fossil record has many instances of specimens that appear to have shared ancestral stock. The reason there is no sin- gle ‘common ancestor’ in any case is part- ly due to the highly selective conditions required for fossilisation (and thus the bias in the fossil record). This apparent stum- bling block in Darwinian evolutionary the- ory is often used to strengthen arguments such as McCoy’s successionist perspec- live, however upon closer examination it shows a fundamental misunderstanding of the very nature of the Darwinian theory of evolution. It is now thought the process of evolution is based on incremental changes (mutations) in genetic structure through generations, and how these changes in genetic makeup affect the populations in their environment. McCoy subscribed to ‘Successionism’, a form of Creationist theory seemingly at odds with his scientific investigations into S. harrisii. \t is possible McCoy may have interpreted the S. harrisii case as an anom- aly which might be dealt with at a later stage within his own scientific views. In either case, this should in no way have detracted from the concise and extensive knowledge applied to describing and illus- trating S. harrisii and its taxonomy in the Prodromus. McCoy’s ‘Microzoon’ article on S. harrisii is therefore an interesting example of the evolution of evolutionary thinking, and illustrates that palacontologi- The Victorian Naturalist cal evidence may never provide the defini- tive answer to the question on the mecha- nisms of extinction, but that scientific the- ories are shaped and re-shaped by new evi- dence and new interpretations. Acknowledgements The author is grateful to Dr Doug McCann for discussions on the life and works of Frederick McCoy. References Archer, M. (1976). The dasyurid dentition and its rela- tionship to that of didelphids, thylacinids, borhyaenids (Marsupicarnivora) and peremelids (Peremelina: Marsupialia). Australian Journal of Zoology, Supplementary Series 39, 1-34. Archer, M. (1982). Review of the Dasyurid (Marsupialia) fossil record, integration of data bear- ing on phylogenetic interpretation, and suprageneric classification, /n “Carnivorous Marsupials’, Volume 2, pp. 397-443. Ed. M. Archer, (Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales; Sydney.) Archer, M. and Bartholomai, A. (1978). Tertiary mam- mals of Australia; A synoptic view. Alcheringa 2, 1-20. Boitard, P. (1842). Le Jardin des Plantes a Paris. Description et moeurs des mammiferes et de la menagerie el du Museum d'Histoire Naturelle, Paris, Crabb, P.L. (1982). Pleistocene dasyurids (Marsupialia) from south-western New South Wales. Part One In ‘Carnivorous Marsupials’, Volume 2, pp. 511-516. Ed. M. Archer. (Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales: Sydney.) Gill, E.D. (1953), Distribution of the Tasmanian Devil, the Tasmanian Wolf and the Dingo in southeast Australia in Quaternary time. The Victorian Naturalist 70, 86-90. McCoy, F. (1869). The Order & Plan of Creation - The substance of two lectures. Records of the Early Closing Association 1-32. McCoy, F. (1882). Sarcophilus ursinus (Harris sp.); The Tasmanian Devil Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria; or, figures and descrip- tions of the Victorian Organic Remains. Decade 7. pp. 11-13, Marshall, L.G, (1973). Fossil vertebrate faunas from the Lake Victoria region, S. W. New South Wales, Australia, Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 34, 151-81. *Mierozoon' (1869). Pre-Historic Tasmanian Devils. The Australasian. Melbourne: Issue 264, Ride, W.D.L. (1964). A review of Australian fossil marsupials. Journal of the Royal Society of Western Australia 47, 97-131. Stirton, R.A. (1957), Tertiary Marsupials from Victoria, Australia. Memoirs of rhe National Museum of Victoria 21, 121-134, Strahan, R. (ed.) (1998). “The Mammals of Australia’ (New Holland Publishers Pty. Ltd.: Sydney.) Whitley, G.P. (1969), Who was "Microzoon"? Australian Zoologist 15, 121-123. Editors’ Notes The manuscripts published in the two McCoy special issues vary in content and cover parts of his professional, scientific and private life. Some authors have waited a long time for their *MeCoy' papers to be published, and others prepared manuscripts at very short notice. All of the papers have been refereed and we are most appreciative of the time taken by everyone in con- tributing to these issues. To accommodate both the scientific and historical writing styles, there are some diversions from our usual referencing style. Many of the manuscripts also contain quotes, some of them lengthy; short quotes of a few lines are enclosed in single quotation marks, long quotes are indented in a smaller font size without quotation marks, Readers will notice different spellings of McCoy throughout the issues - this is intentional. Frederick McCoy spelt his name several ways during his life. Neil Archbold's paper on page 234 in Part One illustrates the different spellings. Museum Victoria's name has also changed several times, so there are variations throughout the issues, depending on the time under discussion. Similarly, the date that McCoy became the first director also varies, as he was acting in this capacity for some time before the position was officially gazetted. The exact date of McCoy’s birth is not known and varies with the source material. There is some cross-referencing to other papers in the two issues. This has been done as a gen- eral guide and is not intended to be comprehensive. Cross-referenced papers have not been included in the reference lists at the end of manuscripts. Part One commences with a time line of Frederick MeCoy's life and a geological time scale. We felt that these would be most useful to readers in an easy-to-find place as they will probably be referred to frequently. The papers in Parts One and Two are not in strict chronological order. Part One (118 (5)) is mainly about McCoy's early years in Ireland and also contains general historical papers. Part Two (118 (6)) covers McCoy's scientific work in Australia and also some general historical materia]. Merilyn Grey Anne Morton Alistair Evans Vol. 118 (5) 2001 233 McCoy Issue Revisiting the Real McCoy N.W. Archbold! It is well known to most naturalists and palaeontologists that there are numerous variations in the way that Frederick McCoy wrote his surname in his publica- tions. In a note by Rushton (1979), McCoy is referred to as “the versatile and prolific Irish naturalist and palaeontologist and three forms of the surname are noted from McCoy’s own publications (Fig. 1). Four additional variants of spelling, provided by citations of MeCoy's works by other work- ers, are also noted by Rushton (Fig. 2), Rushton concluded that at least some of the variant forms are the result of type- writer and printing technique limitations (partieularly issues concerning inverted apostrophes and the superior lower case c). Rushton (1979) concludes his discussion by preferring the use of the form of McCoy with the inverted apostrophe (Fig. la) but considered that, as an alternate method, the ‘rare form McCoy’ could also be used. It is odd that Rushton shows little if any awareness of McCoy's work in Victoria and his long career of publishing in the colony. Indeed, McCoy could well be referred to as *the versatile and prolific Victorian naturalist and palacontologist’. Considerable variation occurs in the sur- name spelling of McCoy during the late 1850s and 1860s. McCoy’s name is given in two styles, those of Fig. la and 1c here- in, in the William Fairfax, Handbook to Australasia of 1859. The Catalogue of the 1861 Victorian Exhibition (English Edition) gives it as McCoy while the German edition gives two forms; MeCoy and M'Coy). Both the Annals and Magazine of Natural History (1862, 1868) and the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London (1862) use the inverted apostrophe as does the Melbourne Intercolonial Exhibition, 1866- 67, Official Record (1867). During the same period the Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of ! School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Clayton, Victoria 3168, 234 Victoria uses both McCoy (1860) and the inverted apostrophe version (1865). During the 1870s, and subsequently, McCoy consistently used the lower case c as an inferior letter in his palaeontological reports for the Progress Reports and later Annual Reports of the Geological Survey of Victoria. The same form was used through- out his text for the progressively issued major works, the Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria and the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria. These latter works ensure that ‘McCoy’ is the real McCoy to naturalists in Victoria (and Australia) and hence rather than being “the rare form’ of his name as stated by Rushton (1979), it is, instead, a common form. But even in the two major Prodromus works there is an interesting footnote to the story. The lithographic plates for these two major works were prepared by a number of artists. Each plate was acknowledged at its base as having been prepared under the direction of McCoy, the spelling of which varies! The early plates (prepared by Ludwig Becker in the late 1850s) were directed by M'Coy, with a normal apostro- phe, all subsequent plates were directed by McCoy but using the lower case c as a superior letter! M‘COY A M*'COY B McCoy C Fig. 1. Three forms of McCoy’s name as pub- lished. a. 1844, b. 1855, c. 1875. M'Coy A MacCoy B Mac Coy C Mac'Coy D Fig. 2. Four additional forms of McCoy's name as quoted from secondary sources by Rushton (1979). Reference Rushton, A, (1979), The real M'Coy. Lethaia 12, 226. The Victorian Naturalist The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. Reg No A0033611X Established 1880 In which is incorporated the Microscopical Society of Victoria OBJECTIVES: To stimulate interest in natural history and to preserve and protect Australian flora and fauna. Membership is open to any person interested in natural history and includes beginners as well as experienced naturalists. Registered Office: FNCV, 1 Gardenia Street, Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Postal Address: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn. Victoria 3130, Australia, Phone/Fax (03) 9877 9860; International Phone/Fax 61 3 9877 9860. Patron John Landy, MBE, The Governor of Victoria Key Office-Bearers President: Ms WENDY CLARK, 97 Pakenham Street, Blackburn 3130. 9877 9266 Vice Presidents: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, | Astley Street, Montmorency 3094. 9435 8408 and DR ALAN YEN, 52-54 Brushy Park Road, Wonga Park, 3115. 9722 1665 Hon. Secretary: MRS ANNE MORTON, 10 Rupicola Court, Rowville 3178. 9790 0656 Hon. Treasurer: Ms BARBARA BURNS, 16 Montclair Court, Templestowe 3106. 9846 2608 Subscription-Secretary: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. 9877 9860 Editor, The Vic. Nat.: MRs MERILYN GREY, 8 Martin Road, Glen Iris 3146, 9889 6223 Assist. Editors, The Vic. Nat.: MR ALISTAIR EVANS, 28 Chandler Road, Glen Waverley 3150. 8505 4339 and MRS ANNE MORTON, às above. Librarian: MRs SHEILA HOUGHTON, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 5428 4097 Excursion Co-ordinator: MR DENNIS MELTZER, 8 Harcourt Avenue, Caufield 3162. 9523 1853 Book Brokerage: MR Ray Whitt, 9 Longtown Court, Craigieburn 3064. AH 9308 3770 Newsletter Editors: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, as above and MR KEITH MARSHALL, 8/423 Tooronga Road, Hawthorn East 3123. 9882 3044 Conservation Coordinator: MR JIM WALKER, 167 Balaclava Road, Caulfield 3162. 9527 5601 Group Secretaries Botany: MS KAREN DOBSON, 58 Rathmullen Road, Boronia 3155. BH 9877 9860 Geology: MR ROB HAMSON, 5 Foster Street, McKinnon 3204, 9557 5215 Fauna Survey: Ms SOPHIE SMALL, 107 Bondi Road, Bonbeach 3196. AH 9772 2848 Marine Research: MR MICHAEL Lyons, 18 High Street, Nunawading 3131. AH 9877 3987 Microscopical; MR RAY POWER, 36 Schotters Road, Mernda 3754. 9717 3511 MEMBERSHIP Members receive The Victorian Naturalist and the monthly Field Nat News free. The Club organis- es several monthly meetings (free to all) and excursions (transport costs may be charged). Field work, including botany, mammal and invertebrate surveys, is being done at a number of locations in Victoria, and all members are encouraged to participate. YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION RATES — The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. First Member Metropolitan $44 Concessional (pensioner/student/unemployed) $33 Country (more than 50 km from GPO) $30 Junior (under 18) $16 Overseas AUS65 Additional Members Adult $16 Junior $6 Institutional Australian Institutions $55 Overseas Institutions AUS65 Schools/Clubs $35 Send to: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Printed by Brown Prior Anderson, 5 Evans Street, Burwood, Victoria 3125. oe «Ihe Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (6) December 2001 McCoy Special Issue Part Two Published by The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria since 1884 The colour pages of this issue sponsored by Global Change Research Group, Deakin University Plate 1 Plate 2 Plate 3 The Victorian Naturalist Volume 118 (6) 2001 McCoy Special Issue Part Two December Editors: Merilyn Grey and Anne Morton Production Editor: Alistair Evans McCoy’s Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria — an Unfinished Task, by A.L. Yen, S.Boyd, A.J. Coventry, J. Dixon, M. Gomon, M. O'Loughlin, G. Poore and K. Walker ...242 The Bryozoa of McCoy's Prodromus, by Philip Bock... sss 256 McCoy's Contribution to Graptolithology, by Noel Schleiger........................2066 McCoy’s Mammals, by John Seebeck and Robert M. Warneke........................ 277 Comments on the Ostracod Genus Bairdia M’Coy, 1844, DEVIDT Healt ERNEST ILC Oe ON nat, n SY. N.N ga EN ned ate E E, 283 TSS BATTS ENGST tte: Past y: Loya dien La ics a wskoscaka rere E asya sssayaqamw Mea 285 Frederick McCoy — the Challenge of Interpretation of Thylacoleonid Fossil Material, by Bernard Mae6,..... eee 287 M‘Coy and the Australian Ichthyosaur /chthyosaurus australis RON n ty A TII Seta OR NW i pear Astra AOP INPN PRESS 294 Animal Acclimatisation: McCoy and the Menagerie That Became Moelhourme:s (2:00, Wali em (GIIIOGHK ... amu DAN re B D te d 297 The Fate of the Cranbourne Meteorites, by Sara Maroske................................305 Frederick McCoy and the Naturalist Tradition, by Doug McCann ..................309 Frederick McCoy and the FNCV, by Sheila Houghton...................... Frederick McCoy’s Mount Macedon Property, by Doug McCann The History of the McCoy Society, by David H. Ashton issii iiaea UGY a D COLOWISERD LOEGS kya wanu ret repe renes Peer atero mh ee soe 328 ISSN 0042-5184 Cover: Sir Frederick McCoy, 1891, to commemorate the award of KCMG. Reproduced courtesy of Museum Victoria. Our web page: http://calcite.apana.org.au/fncv/vicnat.html email: fnev@vicnet.net.au MeCoy Issue McCoy's Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria — an Unfinished Task A.L. Yen'>, S. Boyd, A.J. Coventry, J. Dixon, M. Gomon', M. O'Loughlin, G. Poore' and K. Walker’ Abstract Frederick McCoy published the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria between 1878 and 1890. It included text and illustrations on 447 species of invertebrates and vertebrates. The aim was to make people more aware of Victoria's natural history. Although it was not continued after 1890, the Prodromus contains important biological and distributional information about many species, some of which are now threatened with extinction. (The Victorian Naturalist 18 (6), 2001, 242-255.) Introduction One of the lesser known contributions to our knowledge of the zoology of Victoria is Frederick MeCoy's Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria. Between 1878 and 1890, McCoy published this Zoology Prodromus as 20 parts in two volumes (Pescott 1954). Each part comprised 10 plates, so a total of 200 plates was pub- lished. There was often more than one species on each plate, so the total number of species recorded in the Prodromus was 447. McCoy also prepared a Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria, and a more detailed account of the history of the pro- duction of both these texts is outlined by Darragh (2001). What is a Prodromus? The Oxford Dictionary defines a ‘prodromus’ as a pre- liminary book or treatise. The Government of the day deemed it necessary to acquire knowledge on the geology, botany and zoology of the Colony of Victoria *to form collections illustrative of each for the pub- lic use, and to make the necessary prepara- tions for such systematic publications on the subject as might be useful and interest- ing to the general public, and contribute to the advancement of science’ (McCoy 1878. in Preface to Volume 1). McCoy stated that the publication required a large number of illustrations made of living or fresh examples of many species of reptiles, fish and the lower ani- mals because (1) they were not as well known as the flora; (2) they lose their nat- ural appearance shortly after death; and (3) ' Museum Victoria, GPO Box 666E, Melbourne, Victoria 3001. 7 52-54 Brushy Park Road, Wonga Park, Victoria 3115. 242 not all true characters had been recorded, as many were described from preserved specimens. The illustrations were repro- duced lithographically, and several differ- ent artists were involved (Darragh 2001). In many cases, the illustrations were the first time that the species was illustrated, sometimes for the first time in colour. McCoy saw the Prodromus as a prelimi- nary issue in the form of ‘Decades’ (10 plates). There was no systematic order to the sequence of publication, nor did he wait until particular groups were thorough- ly known. It was aimed to encourage peo- ple to observe natural history objects and to send new material to the National Museum of Victoria for description. McCoy saw the Prodromus as a step towards the publication of the final sys- tematic volume for each class when they approached completion. The publication years for each part (Decade) were 1878 (Decades 1 and 2); 1879 (3 and 4); 1880 (5); 1881 (6); 1882 (7); 1883 (8); 1884 (9); 1885 (10 and 11); 1886 (12 and 13); 1887 (14 and 15); 1888 (16 and 17); 1889 (18 and 19); and 1890 (20). Many of the species that McCoy included in the Prodromus have been renamed and some species have been split into two or more species in subsequent taxonomic revisions. This paper will provide the cur- rently accepted scientific and common names of the taxa in the Prodromus, as well as some notes where relevant. Information on the changes has been pro- vided by Sue Boyd (molluses and echino- derms); John Coventry (snakes, lizards, frogs, tortoises and turtles); Joan Dixon (mammals); Martin Gomon (fish); Mark The Victorian Naturalist O`Loughlin (echinoderms); Gary Poore (crustaceans); Ken Walker (insects); and Alan Yen (insects, earthworm), The fauna Not all species in the Prodromus were new. although a number of new species described by McCoy were included. Of the 447 species outlined in the Prodromus, 16 were species originally described by McCoy. However, only 14 of these species had their original descriptions in the Prodromus. The two species described by McCoy prior to the publication of the Prodromus were Leadbeater's Possum, originally described by McCoy in 1867, and the Painted Lady Butterfly (described in 1868). The following were McCoy species: the Giant Gippsland Earthworm, Gould's Squid, two species of stick insects, the Painted Lady Butterfly, four species of fish (the Two-pronged Toad- fish, the Melbourne Pelamyde, Macleay's Wrasse and the Blotch-tailed Trachinops). five species of snakes (Little Whip Snake, Common Brown Snake, Small-scaled Brown-Snake, Shield-fronted Brown Snake and the Two-hooded Furina-Snake). one species of lizard (Victorian Rhodona), one subspecies of lizard (Gippsland Water Dragon) and one mammal species (Leadbeater's Possum). Table 1 lists the species outlined by McCoy. They have been re-arranged according to their appropriate groups rather than following the order used by McCoy. For each species, the Prodromus issue in which it is described, the scientific and common names given by McCoy, and the currently accepted scientific and com- mon names are given, along with some notes of interest. Some of the species do not have a specific common name. Polyzoa These animals belong to the Phylum Polyzoa and are also known as Bryozoa. A total of 298 taxa was included and each was described by a polyzoan expert, Dr Paul MacGillivray, from Bendigo. Mollusca There were four species of molluscs, all of which were cephalopods. These were two species of cuttlefish, an octopus (Paper Nautilus) and Gould’s Squid (now known Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two as the Arrow Squid). The latter was described by McCoy. Echinoderms McCoy included four species of echino- derms, three species of sea stars and a species of sea urchin. Annelida Only one species of earthworm was included, and this was McCoy’s original description of the Giant Gippsland Earthworm Megascolides australis. Crustacea A total of seven Crustacea taxa was included. He dealt with very few of the species of Crustacea now known to exist in Victoria. In the family dealt with in most detail, Parastacidae or freshwater crayfish, the number of species now recognised is far greater. With few exceptions his fami- ly, genus and species names have been revised. Insects McCoy dealt with 26 species of insects, including three species that he described, although one of these, the Australian Painted Lady Butterfly, had been described prior to the publication of the Prodromus. The insects that McCoy included in the Prodromus were generally large-bodied and often brightly coloured species that would generally have attracted people's attention. McCoy included the immature life history stages of moths and butterflies, which would have aided identification con- siderably. Fish The 61 species of fishes treated by McCoy make it the second largest ‘group’ to feature in the Prodromus. It is estimated that well over 600 species occur in Victorian waters. The coverage reveals a predominance of species that might have been expected to turn up in early fish mar- kets, or species, like the Basking Shark, Briar Shark and Tasseled Anglerfish, that were perhaps brought to McCoy’s attention because of their peculiar nature. Since the publication of the Prodromus. there have been major changes in fish taxonomy. As a result, only one of the five new species, Trachinops caudimaculatus, retains that 243 MeCoy Issue name, and a large proportion of the species are now junior synonyms, Less than a third of the scientific names provided by McCoy are recognised today, with a number of the “correct? names differing in spelling from that currently in use. Eight species have since been referred to other genera. Though most species presented occur in Port Phillip Bay, or are oceanic species that are occasionally reported from Bass Strait coasts, one, the Sand Whiting Sillago ciliata, lives along the coasts of Queensland and New South Wales, and is unlikely to be found in Victorian waters. The inclusion of the Grey Nurse Shark is interesting, as is the commentary about its abundance in Port Phillip Bay where it was considered a nuisance to commercial fish- ers, At present, the species is all but absent from Victorian waters, and was recently considered by the Victorian Department of Natural Resources and Environment as Warranting placement in a conservation category that would afford it protection. Frogs, Snakes, Lizards, Tortoises and Turtles McCoy included three species of frogs, 14 species of snakes, 21 species of lizards, two species of tortoises and a species of turtle. Six of these species, including four species of snakes, involved original descriptions by McCoy, Mammals Only five species of mammals were included, of which four were marine species. The one terrestrial species, Leadbeater's Possum, is significant because it is one of Victoria’s faunal emblems. It was thought to be extinct for almost 50 years, but was rediscovered by Museum staff in 1961. Although few in number, the mammals figured and described in the Prodromus were treated in much detail, though McCoy’s understand- ing of the taxonomy of the seals was con- lused. As an example, although he con- fused the taxonomy of the Australian Sea Bear, his excellent observations made on animals living on the Seal Rocks off the Nobbies on the coast of Victoria remained a primary source of information on this Species until Wood Jones (1925). 244 Significance of the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria McCoy, besides providing a detailed description of each species, attempted to illustrate the species in true colours. To this end, he provided illustrations of 13 species for the first time and nine species in true colours for the first time. There was no apparent rhyme or reason as to how the species were selected for the Prodromus. Over half the species included were bryozoans, not a group of great pub- lic concern or interest at the time. However, McCoy used the expertise of Dr P.H. MacGillivray who was a specialist on bryozoans. Of the better known groups, no birds and only one species of non-marine mammal (Leadbeater's Possum) were included. It is likely that McCoy did not include any birds because the fauna was considered well known and there were books on the birds available, such as Gould's handbook (1865). The mammals were covered by the publications of John Gould (Gould 1845-1863). Surprisingly, given McCoy's interest in venomous snakes, there were no spiders or scorpions ineluded. The snakes of Australia had already been well covered by Krefft (1869), but MeCoy described four more species, MeCoy also provided information on the natural history of some species, both scien- tific and aneedotal. For example, the docu- mented effects of the bite of a Copper-head Snake on a station-master at Elsternwick, who was considered to be at the point of death until given an injection of strong liquor of ammonia! Other information verges on the bizarre, such as McCoy's comments on a specimen of the White Pointer Shark in the Museum collection: “Our two specimens were caught, one in July, 1873, and one in April 1877, in Hobson's Bay, near Brighton. The larger had been observed for several days swim- ming around the ladies’ baths, looking in through the picket fence in such a dis- agreeable manner that the station master had a strong hook and iron chain made so as to keep the rope out of reach of his teeth, and this, being baited with a large piece of pork, made to look as much like a The Victorian Naturalist piece of a lady as possible. was swallowed greedily; and then, with the aid of a crowd of helpers, the monster was got on shore.” However, there is considerable informa- tion on the distribution of many of the species during the early settlement of Melbourne that is of importance to conser- vation today. McCoy recorded a large number of species found in areas close to Melbourne, which may now be extinet in Victoria (such as the Earless Dragon Tympanoeryptis lineata pinguicolla, now a full species, Tympanocryptis pinguicolla, which was common around Essendon and Sunbury). or locally extinct. or very much reduced in numbers (such as the Striped Legless Lizard Delma impar). It is interest- ing to note that 16 species of fish were col- lected from Hobson's Bay. Another interesting side Issue is whether all the species that McCoy had in his Prodromus are actually Victorian. One of the species that he described was the Inland Taipan or Fierce Snake, Although McCoy listed the specimens as originating [rom the junction of the Murray and Darling Rivers, it is likely that these speci- mens were collected in New South Wales during the Blandowski Expedition of 1857-8; the location is Blandowski's camp site. McCoy also stated that the Death Adder was very common in the warmer parts of northern Victoria near the Murray River; in fact, the only record of a Death Adder was a specimen from Lake Boga that had been illustrated by Krefft, Despite its narrow scope of coverage in light of what is known about Victoria's fauna today, the Prodromus was a bold attempt to document the fauna. Its progres- sion was no doubt hindered by the need to prepare colour lithographs of the species, but McCoy's initial aim to provide true colour illustrations in the days before colour photographs is laudable. The Prodromus was not fully recognised dur- ing MeCoy's lifetime. There were efforts made in 1902, after McCoy's death, to get the Government to continue the series to cover more of the Victoria, but to no avail. It was found that McCoy had prepared more than the 200 plates in the two decades published, but he had not prepared any text to accompany these plates. The knowledge gathered by Vol. 118 (6) 2001 natural history of Part Two McCoy on the unpublished plates was lost upon MeCoy's death (Pescott 1954). For example, McCoy prepared an illustration of a specimen of an undescribed species of legless lizard. This figured specimen is still in the Museum collection, with MeCoy’s proposed name, “Pygopus porcatus’. McCoy never wrote a formal description and this species was described by Fischer in 1882 as Pygopus nigriceps. The Prodromus illustrates MeCoy’s all- round ability as a natural scientist. He was a palaeontologist, but described species from a diverse range of animal groups: snakes, lizards, squid, mammals, fish and insects. MeCoy did not revise any particu- lar groups, unlike his successor, Baldwin Spencer, who published several papers on Victorian earthworms. However, McCoy recognized that there was still a wealth of material waiting to be described, and the publication of the Prodromus was an important initial step in bringing this to public attention. Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank Dr Tom Darragh for his advice and for providing an advance copy of his article. Dr David Rentz and Mr Ted Edwards (CSIRO) checked the current names of some of the Orthoptera and Lepidoptera (insects) respec- tively. References Darragh, T.A. (2001), The Prodromus of Palaeontology and Zoology, /n +A Museum lor the People: a History of Museum Victoria and its Predecessors 1854-2000. Ed. C, Rasmussen, (Seribe Publications: Melbourne.) Gould, J, (1845-1863). ‘The Mammals of Australia’, (The Author: London.) Gould, J, (1865), “Handbook to the Birds of Australia’, (The Author: London.) Kershaw, J.A. (1897). Naturalist 13,119, Krefft, G. (1869), “The Snakes of Australia’. Richardson, Government Printer: Sydney, ) McCoy, F. (1878-1890). Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria; Figures and Descriptions of the Living Species of all Classes of the Victorian Indigenous Animals. (Government Printer; Melbourne.) Pescot, R.T.M, (1954), “Collections of a Century’. (National Museum of Victoria: Melbourne, ) Wood Jones, F. (1925), “The Mammals of South Australia’. Part Hl. (Government Printer: Adelaide.) Cicadas. The Victorian (Thomas Editors’ note: Some examples of the beautiful coloured lithographs from MeCoy's Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria are reproduced in the colour plates at the beginning and end of this Issue. 245 McCoy Issue use) SISH2DAA4DA. usi-Ae1» MeS `sətoadsqns uet 1əulei saroads e se paean MON Auids pup x SNIDISONT Autdg PEA SMDS sisdoopis p Boost) (091 Held) WAX “saloads purjesz MƏN WpS ÁA ay] 10] oureu [enualod e st 1nq 124424 ym pəsttuKuouéKs Aj[exeues st 1/28əny saroads ay] "euopotA 198007 1ə1sqo'] Áuids 10 IPH Ul aI SI Mq MSN ut ÁYSY P Jo SISEQ ayp st sat3əds sip yooy waseq IXHD24424 SHsDf' YSY-MBIJ Koup&s 1A8nH snanujpg waooejsni) (6S1 Pd) HA X ‘saloads umeoujy yinos au oi AyUO 3JQL13JƏ1 SI Jpupip] ATeUSUIWOD ASUNA s, ÁODIN JO Əlds u] “Jsp.pxapə USU-AF419 f ‘saidads purjeaz way ay] woy 12unisip ApYysiys ATUO Área JasqoT aplpupjjoyapaou IMON “121SqoT] "uie -tsojoydiow pue A[e21joues ‘saisadsqns v 152g 1? st sor2ads au] Xoow wayinog — Uspapapa snspr' Kutds wiayinog — ;punjp] snanuijog races) (OST '6r] Ild) AX "Arona uleuiow eu 0) pauyuoa Aid) SHnibul4p21q SI SHJDUI4DOIQ XD421/) `SƏl9Əds ueuo1o1A AjoSae[ p st Aqqe A au KqqeA 4olonisap XD421;) — qSUÁEI)) J9qqE A. sisdoapisE paorysnin (6c Veld) II "Pr[e^ 19500] OU SI $72204425 oureu 3ds ay] 'aydsruəy UsuÁEg1) Avus ujəuliou ag 0} peutjuoo Aou Á[rureg e ^aepioejsy pasn K02]N Auidg ALINN SDUD snovjspng Jasqo7y Aeuny, 5710.4425 sisdoopisp LIMS (SI 114) H “OFS I `ÁBID sijparsmp piso j uoututo2 HOW (&r10)) ay] Woy saisads sry) saysinsunsip A[o1enaoe 402] smoes I0)S-pjengs pip.inp (piso |) ay} ut uəəs Ája jnq Avg dypyd Hoq ut puno] st sarsads siy p S YInəsigq 4ojeaur) — poufiuspu DISOT pale|d-3AJaA 1 .tƏjspuoBplua q unapoulqo3 (00T Pid) XX `dno:8 sry} ur saroads ouo usus ARID uey aow aq ew aay) y a1pə1put sarpnis Temno 119529 JIS Bag JEWS IUNS pjəLujpq UOYSNI s.uunr) TUUND) DULIAISP uiapourqoq (007 Pid) XX usriejs uorgsn;) "ue "ÁO Aq paieorpur se ' els BAS IAJEM MOT[EYS UOMO KISA y IRIS LAS UOWWOJ — 4D2]D2 DJJ2LUD dq poÁAeu3usrq 4D2]D2 DUASH uiopoulu23 (00c Id) XX Usyepm,) Usyg-epnn)) (061 681 jugir) uei[erisny puivdn pidog 10 vidas oumoqjo]q Abin) vundo pidəç ISN *88 | Eld) XIX (&059]A) 1pjlio£) (ÖLi pinbS mouy — noa snappolo N pinbs s pjnor) saida41spuiu() 3sn[[ojw “691 Held) HA X “AOI Aq parou se s&eg uog u1ojsa A, pue Diapgni (ute) piapgn] dilliud Hoq ur Apuoururoo puno aq 01 senuruoo saroads siu] urgoar) [rouag aims SLADPIIOIUOD St4DpI201U07) uuopourmqo3 (001 Eld) X (wen pug AonO) sypalsap usuəmmoəa peddno SUDAISAY Awure wiayinos siymmajoidag —-ipoo] weyensny siyjnajoidas osnpjojN (¿¿ 9/ o1e|d) ITA "(1€61) uosqox Jopue[os CYS) Aq &ui&uouás ojur paoejd sem pasn opo euru 1orrea Su L snijuneN Jadeg Psopou vnouosiy snjunen Jadeq ppzAuo pjnpuod4p asnyJoW — (79 “19 ANd) ITA “sy YIPLAMUOWWUIOD aii uo ajqEiauN, se past] aq 01 alpiqallaAut 1811] IY) SEM pug [AAI] ALIS AP ye saroads paisajoid p si pue aues |Euonnqtunsip sir ur pautjoap seu lp puno: Aoləq s]st2 SII səxgə| s/JD-Is717 JY :ullosAUMEƏ SIY} JO sispa apns AYI 21244 YSYARID pueg Jo smounq [earuoo au ein Surwnsse jo 10112 uouiuioo etg apew ODIN "puejsddin) uuowgue3 (4059]A) srp.gsno uuoA (KODIN) sz]p4rsno ipnos uio uuo guee URIS e Jo uonduosop jeurSu() — puejsddir) jugi) sapioospSapy -yue trug au p. sapijooseaajy uuoAugmeg (L Id) | augu amen 40jo[y Aq ua4I3.— AOD IW Aq PASH SION UOWWOD NALIN 3ugnuənpsiuəamm3 sweUUOWWOD oumuonngusms dnoijs[euneg4 IPLI smuo4po4q. "snuuopo4q A30]007 aun ut OQIW Aq PƏ12A03 Exei JO ISI] `[ AQEL The Victorian Naturalist 246 UO U O M a a. — Part Two jaddoyssein (Aras) san-unr) DUlSSIIua8ta “salads sry} jo uonensnirr ISA ou T ¿ "ds smapupdao[ — uəərn WAN ou]. DISNIOT l3əsu] (601 ald) IX “Umoq pue ( &p1r)) pulsed (Aran) HIH puowysry punoge puno] sem sardads sr je parou Kojo ¿ wound smjpuvovpog pesurw-yutq 287 uvoyday snyuponpog 13əsu] (08 Id) TILA (yoeaq) '50161-0961 24] ñuump spur[usrH qoasul SHƏƏSƏJOIA putspud SHƏƏSƏJOL, IgnuəO 2t ut S4910} ysy urejunojw payeroyap yeyi saroads y -JNS 19JOIA DiAnupicq pasuim-jor A, Dl do. F 1»asu] (6L 21d) IA (&059]A) smuaopotja ewseyd (0901W) sntuopoy. "ODIN Aq uonduosop [eursu() ¿ snaapopidoa] pozapynoys-pay snaapopido. [ Weasuy — (07 “69 ed) ITA (ODIN) smaopor ewseyd (4059]N) SNULOPOL `&oOƏN Aq uondriosəp [eursuo é sn4opopido4] — Pd1ap|NOYS-}2] OLA snaopoptdoa 1 19su| (0¿`69 Weld) HA `Npo pue (upxouoq) (CAouoGq) 1e|dod ‘mojjim Sutdaam `iəqureprnbi se ons səən paonponut Əp1sp|palsnp Əptsp|p.usny əsıyyn ueo 1: asneoaq sano 0} pardepe sey yey} sətoəds y 192018u22r) DUYIOJIAD EpL uaair) WAN D]nf20]247) 1oesug (QS Ə3IP|d) A `9681 ut Suouapurg eau səən «oj p Suniqequr spuesnoq payodar (L681) weusioN xau (aewuan) EPLI LUUL Cunan) ay} luasge pue 1eaÁ ouo uouttuo3 KIƏA aq ue yey saroads y ahapay sua420u Dpoj]psq JO'Noe|g wag — suaqəotu DpD217) 12esu] (OS eld) A (1Ə3IPAN) TEM YOW asey 103824 SI}1GOUs! DUB] — YOY-aseD JOIN] siJqouat plətuolu g 1əsu] (OF 21d) AI Moy siapunes yoy saapunes -ƏSL ,Slapuneg snppsuoja sn311əy1O 99e) Siapuneg < pyPSuoja vanjapy pasu] (Or 21d) AI (aapggos-suonuog) NOW opuosS-uəH "psiog POW WOH query — ud.tpona samay -1e07) INLA FT udajponz v4aznoz loosuj (Oç Id) HI Apang (upaouoGq) `uoq eddiupap MyM poom — eddiupap spyjaq (rou f) Sad ]oesu] (OL Nejd) I Aquenng (ue^ouo(q) `uoq ootxpdapgr WYA jeuodui] — oxjpdapy sptJəq (DIAYL) Stag esu] (6 eld) 1 'sjoosut əy} 01 səde13 ap paurajoud spitq oui ing ‘sysad əde13 jonuoo o1 qeu&JN uerpu] ai pəənponut Kanos uonesreuroy au Tei MIT IDUIS ULMaT Suonuaut Kojo) ‘saura ode13 0} poidepe yey) saidads aaneu y Mow aut, Sapiouabjpujq Qour-Ae(]9UlA AUN DISDE 1oosu] (8 ald) I (seduy) (jour — noos əpulapnspp 5 L[2Q SH420uI0/) -&e(] sniuv0 DISIADB E 1oosu[ (8 Ild) I (4auqny}) p31/1s141 “psiog é Saplouanjpyd Wour-&e] s, uva NUMAT DISLADB F 1l3əsul (8 le|d)1 qap qogs'] Sng ureuijeg 11u042d snəpq] snatq] s, uo4oq 1iuo42d snobq] pooplsnip (661 eld) XX “qeio-Sury quia SDDI3 qui» "ure sess (081 E JOU SI ING puo 3Y} u! QUIO ISƏLAVAY ay} st Satoads sy] JULIN uerueuise] — smund4pəopnəsq -Bury pay WAD snut24poopnosq poorest) — C64 p ld) MAX SHON UOWWO JUMI IHU JUMI uounuo»40)oJ« IYHUaIDS 059] dnos Teuney IPLI smuo4po4q ————————— RE 247 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 `SƏA1]E|Ə4 IJe MYSI S}! pue pop Keny Əy} 0} pa1e[o4 Áləso[ə st 1nq snuad ates ay} ut paquiosap Á[[eritur sem saroads Lunanuo]oo sty} ‘sordo əu Jo rpuniuexreq oy) Surquiosoz A][eroraedns go1ag Axenjsq DIApnbobpy ‘HEME 0] voyy tgnos Wo pəltodəi usaq SurAeu many “spreuins [e Jo panqunsip Ajaprm sow oi Á[qeqoad st sty. preumr) pow — stysyaiuopijayD “SulAy uei Joye Aejdsirp 10} posn aie YOM sur [e10]2ed axrp-3urA [nji0joo sit Woy DSS2uDa WU Iyus pue uouiuroo s? uloq sja3 pieumr) Apjrenng oy]. peun Aysonng pj8i4opidaT `əoupnuq Saye] jo uordo1 ay) ur 11200 saroads og `0961 ÁAj1eou [gun jounsrp se posrusooa1 Ajewo} JOU sem urearg (6S61 Noe[g OU} ‘sae M ynog MAN pue pue|suəənO ujoqinos Jo sz/DA4ISTID osun) May2ing snispdoyjupop uwag Umo A otn (pr^ pesnguoo A[snora21q wraig Yor|q snuspdoyjunoy snouge4 pnupy upijpnsny D2]1 DSSQUDA "uonoejoo umosn]A DUI 10j s12asut poj»aj[oo OYM MBYSIOY WeI]]IA\ jsruzreprxeg Ape (A099) umesn]A oy) Jaye poureu pue gog Ur &059]A Aq pequosaqq pejureq uRlensny MMinysday DsSƏuD J pow tun (ALI) pƏuru1ə1S IYAM 752/02 xAuazdajayD (uocə7) 2DISDIJDA]ISHD é Dəpluor) uosqoug à stusopad panupasqd (1ojsrouung) pjoor4na `səroəds sig jo uoneajsn] SI ay], é səsi duo (pms) sry] pouey UMorg 231v] Siupiun[24p (aeprruosnie]T ) ‘Á 01 e]qeun are pue ssur« poonpa A124 IAU W -UNO ƏApu so[eura] aui Ə|IuA sSura ||nJ aAeu satoads sip Jo sejeur L pipAyey urejunojA| D/p]n3124 pzadi4op (aepiuosngo L) (GIMS) DIDIINSONPYUIBLAL pipAiey pamon vip qiddujd3 Š DpiIpa DI2Ip2D) (aepipuow) asnoq (snouqe) snorsmut posurd-Mo[[9 A SHBADUUILAISDE) yard pue[sddic) prumo nuny preumnp-Aamg popis-Auids wealg ueirjensny Kpuenng [pxuup y uei[ejsny Apang Ape T-paued ponods-aniq 1snoo7] pexpuq-[e2 x uoureuut-) au L jsnoo p244 "PHA uEngsepaq jsnoo'] peuiou-Je[4 Aysnqd sgue po[Ajs-peoag pzədiio y peneN ƏL Joddoyssei5 panods ow Aun] au 1oddoysstur) əən-umo uaaiH 19]|euS jsnoo’] pagum -AOJ|ƏA uei[ensny “yun WNAOUOJOI SAINT Ust "uw 2? uossə'] NUINY D1814] ysig » gory DSSAUD A pjaiuopidoT ust "punrp) sA4isnp s pdosiu Ust "Iqe noi sraumakq pasu] K029]A IMDUS42N. SAUDA joesu[ (Agar) 1521109 xi421d2]91|) yoasu] (qoea]) si]paisnp snjouido4T ]oesu] (uosuou) siursapad sdosayy joesu[ Cag pny) npipaos ojpuuosd() joesu[ (C A13S) snjAISuo] suupjy joasu[ (unono) njnjnauo4 pzadiuop yoasuy Caas) njnjn8onpuuldtd] [vupisiddnd ] n421do42uptjq 1oasu] OEA) Dpi[pa n42]do.42upuq 1oesu] (qed) poisnul ppodipy jossu (pq eet) IT (93d) I (ç eld) I (p 11d) I (861 Wid) XX (861 ld) XX (¿61 ƏlË|d) XX (OFT Ald) ATX (6€1 Weld) AIX (6£1 Weld) AIX (OE1 Weld) HIX (671 ld) IX (OTI Weld) IX (611 ld) IIX (01T 981d) IX SJON UOWWOI JUO.LIn;) Ə2JgUuəl5SyuəLIn> McCoy Issue uowwo OQIN »gnuoms OQIN dnoas [zung]. IPCI smuojdpoiq The Victorian Naturalist 248 Part Two NENNEN ; ; ) q SPEPlse X X X KNNY,K,ÍKÉII IOII;£,HH ,⁄IK:IaII%II€I€II£/IRIIvKIIIIIIIIII|=<É|əII L TT AN "a:sgdsruag ujequow 24140 gun | urjanjg Woy jounsip saroəds g aq 0} H Japrsuod jou pip ATiuəptAa ay *sziuo4po4q au Jo uongailqnd ayy ə1oləq [jam Xo23 Aq paquosaq “S]ayILUW ut uaas Apouei SIU asaya qutod ayı 01 paut|əəp aary suonejndod ginooeueg *s133£ urəummos ur usu poop yURLOdUN A[ouranxe ug aou() "o8? s1EaÁ uoi] 0ç-0r Buia saanejar [ISSOJ Jo asoyi yew yey} yaa pue ‘syeys , ujopotu, JO aay aui jo peaisur “sls [[I8 uaaas JO amea aAnrurd e sey yeys siu L "usiu e sja21 pa124oo [ese Nay) moge 23210] 0] 3utuojoud 'smou iysyAep Suunp oAnoeur Ajjensn aie ssuosaqqom paseynoures A[usn] eu. “SÁLI JO peau pouore[ pue suti [E30]2ad ayi jo uoneioosse aso[ aui SutdojaAap yng sx1eus JO SIs [IIB [eroi | eu Furua *soug1eadde ur s&e1 pue syeys uaaMjaq empiu ase sxreus[oau y "01 ag ayeredas Aysadosd 01 pasinbar si yom 1oqung ing uL] Jaye daap Jayed e pue UOJ aem mojjeys pawaned Apuep e ‘oueu sup Japun Suro sarsads omy 2q 01 1eadde aaay T `poo] iad pue uonduinsuoo uguunu 10J YO pausu st [ə1Ə338JAN eng [e20| eu] ‘PLO aui jNoysnos) seun; pue sjaiayoew aui Jo 1ueodum A[peroyauruos 1sour ayy ey Áq are 42qui02$ snuoa au ut satpəds oon IYL "saseutep posez] ut porejosr yoea *saroeds jo xə|duuo3 g aq 01 SurAoJd st oruospua upi[ensny sig `satpəds peaidsapia ə|Buts e aq 01 1]8nogi 22u() `sia|pn Jayem-daap Aq siəaqumu 196315 UI U3N] SI oT "Sur xut parejas A[osoo eg Aq sayet ysy ut padejdas uəəq sey Sur] YOY aui *sj2o1 arousur Jo juejtqequr uouroo 1aqgiou y ‘saye ysi Aprea ur Apre[n3ai paseadde yey) Avg dilliud HOd JO S223 3301 jo 1ugpyuqguur uouruoo e st saldads sip pesg Y00317 aui 21] `aauapaoa1d pey 1t pue ui&uouÁs p Sem MULU pULJEIZ MƏN 2t 1801 padas Ájjeuy sem 1t uou S0861 Aue oup [run saroads siy 10} Ei[E3isn y ur paureja1 A[optA SEM spr4D[[02 0][210] Əutpu IJ, `sausu ÁJAJOS JOU 21244 s]s219]UI 250A SIAM 10] uoututoəun jou se yep awn at 1e Id e 'KoƏ9]4 Aq sads onuepy uiajseaunou B 0} saidde yorym JULU e UAF se saroads si ‘s008 T-prur oq Aq JouNSIp se pasiugoo21 uaəq Furey adsaq "Keg dilltud uod ur uouruioo sr saun 18 grym ‘saroads uia1sa^ ay} paquosap ODIN WYL ÁJAJI st 11 nq *sia18 UP1JOJOLA ut 11220 UOWJES ugi[ensny WNSIA ay) pue DUNAI sidi44p. uoues upi[ensny waseq au yoq Wqey ur AO)earjq vun] uron[g waynes vjnoogumg yeys [[i8uaAaS asoupeoig Suo3aqqoA papueg xieusjosuy yoda ue220 TL81 MRUIAISED IN (OD snuuny p unjp sajIs4ay] (¿081 uord) snmunipadaa2 SMYIUAIOION (£881 SIA9QD SoU sngojor22a4() 9061 URRY siparsnb purjonbs (TFS uospieuorq) saprooaad snuaj021j2H LES] Souuatoua[EA. pue IMAN ut MAND jarayen ang qsyxoe]g apar Sur] 3509 po2 yooy papag apeg uioojoauv] BunoAuemo> uotu[es uenensny wasa SNOISD]DAISND Aaquioog (¿¿SI "uospaeuorg) SHIDA4OULADUI sisdoppy CL81 193urzunpy smul4231 snaajduar) snipgapg sistydopnasg (LOSI 1əptəuu3S 3 42019) SHUIODIUA ngo] (It&I `suKuər) SIAL pəp Si HAWUODA '[ D23D]ng sida SJON UuOUIUIO2 JUIN IYYUOS JUNY &uun[ 2u] vinooeimeg ximus po[[ra-usss yeys de usy-|esuy yangum pay popueg jalayoryy waynes Usuperg pra A Suppoy uelensny pod yooy uri erisny po») x20y po[ras-[jeuis PIJN 2510H sidury uouijes uouruoa AOD ITV Cu snuukyg snuu y (ang) unip sansaauu p (anp) snoipup [snyounidazy] SHUDPUON Cur) snipqabq SNUYLOSSOLD mE puipnbs vunjy Japurjos sapio242d saispgag ayooy e] aq snaoydoypuinaud AaQguierg KODON siplonas sisdoppn ISEO SPASU F snaajduac) “UND sipqapbg sistydopnasg "uns sptan]]0Ə p||ə1o'] "ur Shanon Snant apa aA “AnD snaopyinal sidiaaye qst4 Usi usta Usi usta (FF ald) A (rr Eld) A (Ep Weld) A (£r eid) A (pe awd) AT (ee eld) Al (Sc Meld) ll (c ld) ni (LT oreja) 1 (oc awd) m (61 ald) I ($1 Seld) I (21 91 aed) i 3Unuənps LODIA dnoas jeuneg IPEN smuojpoiq 249 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 McCoy Issue — TMÀ Əəe “Ə b b,— 9<À -Áv ]> -ə .R—ə—əə— nm?yə]sràÚs— 8.QƏs ..-°. - ..h — . . . . . . . . . . _ `sə1əudsiuuəu yoq JO suoraa əte1ədurə1 OJUT jjam sayora pue satoads sady, aui Jo pamquystp Apopra sow Əu st siq] “UL [121 aq Jo aqoj 1addn peresuo[a Apeaus p 3uragu `sugəəo uado spom ag FO sy1eus IAYOUNSIP are seus IYSO |, "SXIEUS JSOU 40 iai juesund ayy o) jse:juo2 ur ‘save! sir ut paa) axi]-juatuo ^ed OY] moy sweru uotutuo2 sy satava yeys AUN au [ "dx 011 pue tug' p Suryoeas ‘ysy Auog 15981v] s, vi|exisny st pos Aerm atp urajss arg Suruiec]-Aeun]N at o1 peutjuoo ospy ‘APIAI 12910) atp JO ymos A[eamieu 1920 jou saop jnq tuəlsKs IAY suipre]-Aexm] aui jo usu pooj 1ejndod p sr yalaq uap]or) au [ ‘SIVA UPLIOI3IA Woy paməddesip Apena sey jj uoneindod oq jo AZIS pews aj Jo asneooq erpensny ur parous A[oaue] st ing Pew digo pue ysy ət oJ onuepy eu ut A[ragau pausi si saraads sty]. MO] SUB jo yeys Surjeo ueur, pata) aui st Sup PHOMA au ur AYMA YARYS MYM 1626) aq se 0] paurajoy ASH sursue rejndod. Ajawanxe ur st 1 edat 718202 SIEM Unos vg eu suo ustpyoe]g se uwoux A[uoururo aou sr saraads sm p `slspoa WAY NOs s ei orisny JO s19]e [215803 pue s&eq ur Surat] SASIOYPAS OAN JO Ja][euus OY] sr stp ‘S15E09 WA]SAMYINOS PUL totos Jegu s erjexisny o) paurjuoo SI yoya *uostupess APRs] ona aui uegi painquisip Kpop alou sr samedis sup *erensny urumos jo saysy anbrun au) jo 2u() “sTaquinu ut šutur[əəp SI 'jjnsair B sg “pur &iausij ayey Venora aup jo juauoduioa 1o[gu v sr Jys [ooqos aui *sueaoo 1sotu Jo saroads ojgadumi y "aouesmu p aq 01 se Avg dilltud Hoq ut uouiuroo os aq 01 409A Aq pres sem Xeus ASIN A317) ay] "SIS]E UELIOJOTA WOL UISGE yng |E MON “paag Aot qorg uo *usty[paus JO yoreas uj sautja1oqs JBISBOD APURS ASINID PY} SIOUTLUTMS [nj1o vod aue s&e1 asoy p. “osd Surpunow 10] yoq ur pasn aq 0} Apex] st 11 qsnoie “Yysipwes fo wyi woy ) agmuoms juan) uounuo2 oA) Iyus LODIA dnoj3 jeuney opeaoq sniuo4po4q. The Victorian Naturalist 252 — S —xQUOU———-—-—————————ÀÀÀL wa TT T asss 2 an8uo] (meys xo OA) puezr] ponsuo; (ppog) ES -en[g uoumuo; saproouros onbyty -en|g WaYyLION sb8I8 snpo[o4) piezr] $ `saroədsqns g pa1aprsuoo 3014 (uiojs19]9') 8014-]I9H (ssa) y & sieaK Kugut 10} pue *xo[duroo pə.np DLIONT ay] JO qww y — SStJC) Bul|WO1£) shaqoflupa D10117 UƏPJON pue UMIO DND DOplOUDM 8014 a. (Avar)) pip jnuup axeus pasury (AVID) njpjnuub Apueg Apurg D]|iui34 IYAM pue Xoe[g D[221u142 4 axeus ‘soy Ajqetunsaud (ayuno) SI pue uon»o[oo umosn]A ay} olut passadoeR 1242u Apuoredde pipumoppund (&059]N) Se^ yorga uauiroads aAr| ənbiun e woy paquosap sem SI |. aureu uowwo? ON DJsli2] PUOPOYY URLIOIDIA MO PuopoyYy pauzt] ipiowunp 1]]t42unp saispu&poutuurT pue stippnsut p ‘7 uaaMjag a1erpouuajut aq 01 seədde ez 21n314 aly sonsu Jpowump sajspu&pouuir 3q 01 steadde z 2un31,4 `BHOIƏIA ur 11220 powinp 8014 (&e1r)) srpsaop Yor JO 221tp *sar»odsqns aay o1ur popiArp uaaq sey saroeds sip xuogopqqod soispuApoutu] -pueg uouruo;) saispuApouurT 3014 (19un7)) (yun) SISU2IHDHUISD] 3014 SISUAIUDLUSD [ 3014 ys panods sa jspuApouuirT -qsie]A ponods saispupoutar] S014 (weys xa “aly Ay) (MEYS) SMUDA Jotun 298] SHLIDA. SHUDAD A piezrT 25e snanpsoAp&H paezrT (jaoumq X oxeus — uouqig *[uroun(q) axeus-euun 4 KODON "uauiads ayiuaant e uo paseg sem uonduisəp siy, UmOJg uoto.) $1/1X2) DÍÐUOPRƏSd Ppapooy-om I nipjpnonorg putan ayeus ^0D9IN PEMD 10 ayeug IMO supuənu əyeug UMOIg, pyoudysopidsp UMOIg Wasa AV plouopnasd paiuoaj-pjetus piuətuəlq ayeus (A052) AODIN ayeus 221914 sniopidojo421u axpeus umoig niopido]oaonu 10 uedre | pueju] snupanáxQ) po[pos-|[eurs puau əyeug (mwng 2 uosqig ayeug 'JuətunG]) sU/Uxəl axeus “Yosiy sotpouedns UMOJG uoto) nípuopnasd — uwoig UOWWOD DniuauiaT ayeus Kv1r) DJD32I4DA ABI, ayeus dwe mopds 011240 ayeus ILMI niD3214D4 DILO ayeus (49ppoN b APUS) D21124D]1uD MEUS DƏ31124D1 Jappy uteəq siydoyjupoy Jappy uyieaq siydoyjupap axeus (1otpunr)) saprouo402 "punc saprouo402 oxeus paddij-odtuA, ni|pps&a«g axeus paddy-ary Ay snjpuda2ojdog] ayeus (&059]A) AOD um]jəsp/ ayeus diqA op wnyaspy ping exeus diuA pir snjpydavojdoH ayeus (s13]9q) "uas sana axeus 1981] — S"JDJHOS SIYQaION ayeus 1981]. snyoydasojdoyy ayeug "axeus peəuiəddop pue[«07 e SI payensny]! uaturoads ou |, Buor ut m20 əyeug praysaddoy sayUNyH squadns "une sngaadns yoryAr JO om ‘saroads samy) olut 1[ds uaaq mou aary speəuiəddop pur] ao] sdpjaasnp ayeug pvou-1addo snjpydavojdo H ayrus SHON UOUIUIO2 JUIN TL Weld) HIA. (ES ald) IA (cç Eld) IA (1$ Eld) IA (cr ald) A (cr Id) A (It ald) A TE eld) AI (eT Meld) M (£c Eld) HI (£c Meld) I (£1 awd) U (c1 ald) nr (11 Id) H (Q1 id) uu (c Əe|d)1 (@ ld) I NUAS JUMI uounuoa 40)2]N Ə3uuuənpsXo2ə3I dnoiš[wung4q IPEN smuosposg 253 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Q 191 A] q 10} 1xƏ1 piezr] ?u10) s3uo[oq Mq *z9| a:e[q u! pəle.nsn[Ir Ajpenjoe SI saioads syy, — ssa[827] s, uoung pagzr] sso[327] 1004 Ayeog uoururo?) Puupor) pues 10 ‘s, p[nor) (ELOLA WO popiooai uəəq jou sey uƏIuA saroods e *»xeus UMOIg BUY 10 eB) SIJDAISHD SH[22pn28, € Sem uauiroeds s Jary ops “ayeug umorg uowwop B 4987 ui st uaurnoads s, KODI "sa4dno sup2apnasq pouieu ay yoy saroads mau e 19312 0 968] ut 123ua[nog| Aq pasn SBA " AN'S'N mnog 110] Woy dyeus p JO C98] YJAY SI/DA4ISTD ayeus s1yapnasg jo uondiiosəp ati ipi 1991230] ‘uoNduasap s,K0))]A — uMoJg uourtuop yus s, ureusuruunz) 03227) aque osasty pamen, paezv] nguo] ony el peuoiorg piezr] May 10 "ELIOJOLA Ul sads OA) sey gorqa *xajduioo Yigg "qd ayi JO ed uUoseIG popieag uoseiq 3AL ayeus puq piezr] &dao[s qmT ISLOLIO | paxoou-3uo'] ASIOLO] pexoou-uous UOSEJ(] Jaye purysddin (ALI) SIMOL.ING SOUT any DIDUAOUI DUJA (opadaovT) snpod -opidə] sndogádq (Apin) upjnos shup.D A (mung 9 uolgig ‘Juoumg) SIINXƏ1 pípuopnəsg (Kei) Hupuguruunə serg s, uoung vui[a(] S, 19zv14 sndosÁq eee al JOWUOP $,pjnoyH s&uoapnasd uaoug DIUA23:] p1eZr] paspii-Auids (KEIO) snjp4OutiDut SMULISIAY (QuasulA, ‘IS ap (og) una SIARDSIDOOMA2DUF) (peur pue Aong)) najnjo43tu pnbij 1 (19145) 0220 PAQEN 031927 Bolte] Pon. paezi T pansuo} -anig *peuoiorg JO uIotjnogs DIDq4DQ DLOSOq pezig popaieog au Smpn snunjoqrydup (Av1r)) suaasaisiu sdojydajoyduiny (&var)) susosns SNANDSOPAY IDA] SpUt A) D22D1/02 sayoq (MEYS) $7//0213u0] pulpojay.) (&pary) n14pnboput nanpáui KODIN nion 14nansa] SHYIDUBISAY q Joxons-poo[g aug ƏPuS-ULIOAN ueresny usppe[gg per] yorg-ajsurys 10 [iei-duimg passny opan Agoura] 10 "Qn 9s1010 L JaAry posoou-3uoT ƏSIO1IO L ABN pagzt] Jaye purjsddin (Kei) luong S1017 (&e10)) 1422044 DUA (doov) sndopida] sndoS,q (&v1r)) 1pjnor) 401140]. (Anig) si]parsnp sj2apnasqd (Ava) nupuSuruuny) DIUABT (Kei) Snoop snjAjonpojdiqq (&1og]) nsniy snn] At q (‘wed pue AonO) Snənjo.Bru snpojaay (dney) nipq.ipq DAOQUdO)IDUMIDAT) (MEYS) VIDN DAoudo]puupar) (Av1r)) suaasausiu sdojtud« (A10) susosns SNAMDSOPAYIDA [ (uurT) D22D1402 sisipydgy (MEYS) s7]J0213u0] Dutpojau? (^n) bupnbopj sauct]2u (&059]N) numo JBA (ABI) LiansaT SNYIDUBISAY q paeziy paeziy puezi pezr] əypus pezig pwezi paezr] paez puezr] pezig ayeus piezryq opun 9SIO1O L 3SI0110 |, puezr] (191 Wd) WAX (€S1 ld) IAX (ZS ld) IAX (ISI 81d) IAX (Trl Wd) AX (IFI Ned) AX (TEI Md) AIX (TEL Meld) ATX (TEL Nid) AIX (ITI Meld) IIX (TII 21d) HX (COL Wd) IX (T01 Meld) IX (LOT ld) IX (£6 ‘T6 »eld) X (£8 ‘T8 Weld) XI (18 Id) XI SHON uOUlUI02 JU2.LIn) McCoy Issue dyWUars JULM uoururoa OIN dyyueats doy] dnoj8 jpune ]. IPLI szumo4po4d The Victorian Naturalist 254 Part Two “BLOA JO suro[quio [PUN] əy} JO auo st 1| 'snjejs patəBuppuə juasaid sit o] pay o^eu siuəauuarinbai Suit 3tJ19əds sy `spup|u8rH epuap at ur sin990 1nq °palp2o[ ISIE] SEA 3I 219A JOATY Ssegq ay} ut UMOUY Apuana jou sr satoads ou] OLGI ut uoxiqg Aq pojoojos sem adÁjo12o| v 1nq 'uəuutəəds ədÁ e ojeusisop 10u PIP 3H `/ 981 ut ODIN Aq paqiiosaq “snotaaid aas *s)uətutuo2 123130093 sopn[out qoruA “ye, ay) uey) AWOWUP 0] p310Aəp IOU sr JOULIO] au ing *[/ Nejd ur osot JO Luew ojeor]dnp [ç a1e[q 10j SVA 'saroods au Jo qey pue] peordA; oy] moys 10u prp (T€ Id) 2un31J ISI at] se sətoəds sty} o) sjunooov OM] p310A9p ODIN (smpun sdoisan) soroods 1uo19]jtp B *s1o[res JO ,osou-opnog,, IYI se 11 01 SuLuayos Aq 1uouiuoo Sursnjuoo Jouu auo saxpui 1x3 AODIW AL “ysl JO soxngjur 3uiAvolloj Ajqeqoad ‘Aeg dij[rq 1104 apisul punoj St put 48809 URLIOJDIA AY] uo Apuonbouj spuens soroads sry, "43990190 01 Anf woy ‘Aeg dilliud Og Surpnjour ‘ssayeM UBOJA WOI UMOUY DIE *uorpuoo Jood ur uoyjo 'siə|#8pnS ‘oo1-yoed onorejuy au) ur uotuutuop "&LIO]OTA, UL saraeds oou sey qorqa *xopduroo ztonb snedig ou Jo wed si səioads sty p ‘L961 92urs uinosnur ay) pouoeo1 ZULY Sp40921 Ou VOJA UYUM saroods pauoqeauj p pa1opisuoo MON *DLIOJƏIA UYIM saroads pauzen e paaopisuoo MON TIL AMV] 40] 1x91 ou 0) s3uo[oq 1nq *9] oje[q ut pojyensni[r penae si soroods sig. tunssoq s,1o]Paqpea] leas [e35 ma ueensny urydjoq uotrulo [eas predoo 14ə1pəqppə] snəp1l]əqoutu (r) sn4oft4op snjjisnd snjpudaoo]124y. snaafi4op snypisnd snjpuda20124y siydjap snuiydjaq X4uo1də] DBANAPAL] (uossiapuy oy S1oquuo') wnupdudy wnurdiudy JUS INEM JUAS s, ou uosea(] ssop1e] anuo] -on|g Wasa, piezr] 889827] padins pez woy snadiunjna (opadaoe) NYM D14987 IPY njJoomauid pypaut) sydaasoundur J (siə)əq) sipiidiooo pnbi]1 g lonost4 andun puəq uam D1D]01415 Di spady poieaipur ON [£9 S-1n 4 10 182g “Bas uEI[E.]sn y yeas-iny 10 rag -eag uei[esny ulydjoq pəpis-wolx yeas piedoaT-vas PIEZU] pi[nuiH s, AonQ) pagzv] vi[nutrg s, aA, uogeq ssoj1e-q P2YPANS-UY A paezrT anuo, -enjg IplidiooO 10 popueg-peoig puu|əq əsjeq sayla eiseady pour] (0D0N) 149]Dəqppə'] snapi]aqoutuar) (uord) pasaul? DIADIONT uod DƏ.49u12 DLID]JOR T "UITED) 29 &onQ) avipunjpaz 3DAON snundjo(g "Aure ap xAuodə] SNYIUAYAOUALY "qig 7? “und Mong Dinar 'da»r] ianya omnu S1Ə1]Əd VIDƏUI] sid &420updtu g sia}aq si]DIId1220 SNPOJIAD (1945514) Apduit puijapopnasg (Kur) pyjayaind pispady [eure] puue Jette] puue peuwe piezrT paezt1 pezig prezi pyezv] pezig SON UOUIUIOO JUdLIND junuətsJuə,anp —— A _ — — — — — — — _ C C O uourur3 AOD IT (16 Id) X (LL ld) HIA (1€ Id) Al TT Nd) HI c Meld) nin (161 Wld) XX (161 ld) XX (181 Weld) XIX (121 81d) MAX (C91 Meld) TAX (T91 eld) WAX 3gnuoams AODIW dnoa3 jeuney apeaaq smuo4po4q N Vol. 118 (6) 2001 McCoy Issue The Bryozoa of McCoy's Prodromus Philip Bock Abstract Of the 200 plates published in MeCoy's Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, 61 were devoted to bryozoans, documenting, 309 species from the Port Phillip region. This major contribution to the knowledge of marine life of the colony was clearly the result of close co-operation between Sir Frederick MeCoy and Dr Paul MacGillivray, Although much of this fauna has been revised by later workers, and much more revision is still needed, the account in the Prodromus remains the most sig- nificant single contribution to the taxonomy of Australian bryozoans. (The Vietorian Naturalist 118 (6), 2001, 256-265.) The Polyzoa of the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria Numerically, the majority of species fig- ured in the twenty issues of the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria (MacGillivray 1879-1890), belong to the Phylum Polyzoa, now generally known as the Bryozoa, or Ectoprocta. These descriptions were undertaken by Dr Paul H. MacGillivray, who lived in Bendigo until his death in 1895. MacGillivray com- menced his work on Australian bryozoans with a brief paper in the Transactions of the Philosophical Institute (MacGillivray 1860a), which was read at a meeting on 3 August, 1859. Clearly, MacGillivray and McCoy were near-contemporaries. Many species described in early papers were col- lected at Queenscliff, and some were described from material collected by sever- al other people, including Baron Ferdinand von Mueller. Nine years later. a further paper describ- ing 48 new species was published (MacGillivray 1869). The descriptions and comments in this paper show greater expe- rience and care than the earlier papers, but the descriptions were not accompanied by illustrations, At this stage. MacGillivray announced his intention to provide figures for these species, together with others from Victoria *in Professor M*Coy's “Memoirs of the Museum" `, As the first Decade of the Prodromus was not published until 1878, and the first bryozoan account did not appear until Decade 3, in 1879, it is clear that an extended period of planning and preparation went into the series. A total of 309 species or varieties of bry- ozoans was figured and described in the 18 | School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Clayton, Victoria 3168. 256 decades. Twenty-six of these species were previously undescribed (Table |, species indicated as ‘n. sp."). The majority of species defined from the local fauna had been introduced by MacGillivray earlier, in issues of the Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria published shortly before the publi- cation of the relevant issue of the Prodromus. The sequence of descriptions and illustra- tion shows considerable change over time. The plates in Decade 3 are not aesthetically attractive, and each figure is tiny, but there is a large amount of detail. The figures are usu- ally quite accurate and useful in identifica- tion. Plates 35 to 38 in Decade 4 are rather less satisfactory, although the same artist prepared the plates. These plates are of encrusting forms, and | believe that a factor contributing to the lack of detail is the diffi- culty of discerning skeletal structure when it is covered by cuticle. At least a few of the specimens in the collection of Museum Victoria have been calcined, a procedure which involved using a blowpipe to burn the organic material. These specimens have now completely disintegrated, and are useless for observation. However, the material used for the illustrations is generally intact, although some specimens in slides constructed from wood have suffered from ‘shell disease’, or ‘Bind’s disease’, which can be attributed to reactions between volatiles from the wood and the skeletal material. In Decade 5, the individual figures are larger, and the rendering, while simpler, is much clearer, A new artist, J. Ripper, pre- pared the plates in Decades 5 to 13. Commencing in Decade 10, some plates indicate that Dr MacGillivray worked together with J. Ripper in the draughting, The Victorian Naturalist with lithography by Ripper. The plates in Decades 14 to 20 were draughted by MacGillivray, and lithographed by Ripper. The quality and accuracy of the figures are generally very fine, although some exam- ples are misleading in detail. The program for documenting the fauna of Victoria was planned beyond the issue of the first twenty Decades, as printed plates for further issues are in the collec- tion of Museum Victoria. These plates include figures of additional bryozoan species, largely of the Order Cyclostomata. Since about 1980, detailed study of bry- ozoan material using scanning electron microscopy (SEM) has provided informa- tion on skeletal details of bryozoans far greater than was previously achieved with drawings or photographs (Bock 1982). It is now clear that many local species which had been identified using the names of European species are quite distinct, and in several cases are actually complexes of several species. In a small number of cases it has also been possible to determine that the species described from Port Phillip Part Two include some synonyms. Nevertheless, the work documented in the Prodromus remains a remarkably accurate monograph of the local fauna. References Bock, P.E. (1982). Bryozoans (Phylum Bryozoa). /n "Marine Invertebrates of Southern Australia,’ Part 1, pp. 319-394, Eds S.A, Shepherd and 1.M. Thomas. (South Australian Government: Adelaide.) MacGillivray, P.H. (1860a). On some new Australian Polyzoa. Transactions of the Philosophical Society of Victoria 4, 97-98. MacGillivray, P.H. (1860b). Notes on the Cheilostomatous Polyzoa of Victoria and other parts of Australia. Transactions of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria 4. 159-168. MacGillivray, P.H. (1869). Descriptions of some new genera and species of Australian Polyzoa; to which is added a list of species lound in Victoria. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 9, 126-148. MacGillivray, P.H. (1879-1890). Polyzoa. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Decade IH, pp. 15-35, Decade IV, pp. 21-40, Decade V, pp. 27-52, Decade VI, pp. 27-46, Decade VIL pp. 23-31, Decade VIII, pp. 29-31, Decade IX, pp. 29-34, Decade X, pp. 13- 31, Decade XI, pp. 27-52. Decade XII. pp. 63-73, Decade XIII, pp. 99-111, Decade XIV, pp. 137-150, Decade XV, pp. 173-188, Decade XVI, pp. 209-220, Decade XVII, pp. 241-253, Decade XVIII, pp. 271- 29], Decade XIX, pp, 307-323, Decade XX, pp. 345- 357 and Indexes. Ed. F. MeCoy. (Government Printer: Melbourne, ) From the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume |, Decade V. Plate 46. Lithograph by J. Ripper and A. Bartholomew under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by Troedel & Co. Spiralaria florea (fig. 1); Diachoris magellanica (fig. 2); Diachoris spinigera (fig. 3) Vol. 118 (6) 2001 257 McCoy Issue ]ooquiguue A, (6L8T AEAN) sda2unp p32auIo1d]D7) "ds'u sdaoup pi]pado'g 9 ‘S14 “Se Id jooqureuie A. (6,81 ‘ARIAT OR) Dsaəunulqhns poouraidáp "ds'u Ds42ululqus pippadorg ç BUT “SE "Id (6981 ALINJO) windnsipu pisopnuy wnidnsaput pi[p4dorg p Sly ‘SE ld IOOQUIELLLIBAA *jjrosuaanQ) (GL8T “ABAA1||IDOƏEJAJ) puputdpip D]JƏ.DU3S7 "ds'u nupudoip pijpadog € “Bly “SE ‘Id fooqureuue AA “JH|3suəənO (oz9[ 'umopny) 111222 putodo.t) V 111222 Di]DAda'T C SJ SE ld Hi|əsuəənO (6981 "AEJAT[IUDOP]AD) DIDUIJ412 DISOMUOY J Djpul2412 pypadaT | 314 ‘SE Jd uolu8ug “YOO 1utoq 'JJilosuəənO (168 T “ABIATLQ IBY) UMIDNI umadouo;) 1x10420] p40dipAquiopy 9*6 "314 ‘OZ ‘Id Massod ptodiupaquiopy t SIA “97 ld Aney nog *jutog Jaddeuyag (1881 ‘syoury) pmd ppgapnunutap]oA Djpaui] DAOd UBIQUuiAapY € "814 ‘OT ld pueyL.iog (6981 “APIA DLN) juspoow vjjasodojdig uspooc paodiupaquiapy ZBI OZ Id purpiog (698 AEDn) 4pdsip DaodoA4mu I 4Abdsip paodiupaquiayy I Bld ‘97 ‘Id UAO]SLUEI[TLAN (rsg sng) 81u40214492 sisdoldadvy y S101021A422 DA4OCluDAQUOJA. 8 ‘S14 ‘ST "Id (LOLI 'snaeuurT) Dso]d BAIA, psojid paodimiaquiopy L 14 SZ ld Hi[əsuəənO pipuoquin p4odrupAquioy 9'Ç ‘BLY “ST "Id Ji osuəənO ¿ (9181 *xnoanoure) siupppnupui nodo r SLID] [LUPE podiupAquiay p SL SZ ld UAVO]SLLIPII|I AA *]jr]osusanQ) (zg *xnounotue T) pulyjuvan vady D1D1]12 viodiup.iquiapy £ “Sly “ST ‘Id Jayasuaandy (rsg sng) pulojsouals PAOdOAIIA, piwsofiad paodiumaquiopy c Sup ez Id (LoLp'snaeuur]) — pəəpup.uquoutu pAodiupaquiapy noapunaquiaut paodiupAquiopy | 814 “ST ‘Id (698 | "AtaAt][rDO8]AD) pipautdonu q0]]a2unosotp() nipauttalut b][321421D/) "814 ON (ze8] sng) DINUIOD p]Ia3nntu-o7) Djnu4o2 pja2142107) ‘Sly ON (RSQ `uostuou] APAM) pipunuas nppaodian]) DIDUIUI28 DJI221U21D;) LV Sud “FT ld (gs81 5isng) pyano opoaodrap]?) DILIND D][22142]D7) 91 814 "pz ld ([68] ‘uouny) D[Jamos pj]a20421d DIDULIDA D]]321U21D7) S1 Sur pc ‘Id (Rog | 'uoswoy L M) puif]bisua 011271035 DUI[JDISAAD pyjaaiuajoy t1 "S04 “tT ‘Id puepuoq 698] “LIAIN Iplofouupy piIa21u21p7) ipaofpuupij ppaoruam) £L Bl vC "Id 8581 "uosuioq p IAKA HYSng DANAN TWSnq Di[aomiam) TI S14 FZ Id (ZSQ1 sng) nipaofiad pjI231mud07) pyosopiad p][22tu2]D7) TI ‘Bla vc ld TERI sng Supaə]ə p]]ə01u91DD supsaja p]ao1ualp;) OL St pz "Id xoueuqos. ‘jyiposuaand TSR1 mg nsoutiof ]]22142]D;) DSOULLOL D]]22142107) 6 91 ‘PZ ld il9suaanO (zsg1 sng) D2140] D]]9911n3S01/14O n2140] 0]]221421D ) 8 S14 PC Id Jpiposuaan?y (9181 jo1euue T) psopmoisaa nj[a204214d DJD]D p][a31u21D7) L ld kÇ ld Mod wasa m *]Ii]osuaan() (zss1 sng) D14D40142 DUNJANAGLAIDAD DIADAQLA) D][221U21D7) 9314 ‘PT Id (6981 “ABrATT IQ 2B) Dh puraqa Dia pJ)ə91u91DD S SIH "FC ld 110g wasay `LJtl9suəənO (zsg1 sng) DIDISDIJ PJJAIUVISOD DIDISDY D]]221U2107) t Sl pT Id (cS8] sng) DSO2I-IU2A D][221IR2SOUIAC) DSO2I4IU2A D]I821U2107) € SH “pT "Id (zsg1 sng) nuojsolapjd pj[a21]H28 nuio1soi8p]d p[Ja21u2]p;) T ‘Sl “pT ld “OLA (zs81 sng) D220]IDB.DUIL D]]201ROSOUIAQ) D22D]IIADS.DUI D]]J221U21D.) | St ‘pT ld Aye207 aJ0]ny DWE JUIN — SXIEUIOS pəs JWEN eld T ne .......CnT..[. - -ə — o. —V ‘spray dilltuq Hoq ‘Hdd. 5saivads mau "dsu `əmieiəli[ 1uənbasqns ut pap1o21 uaaq jou JAVY JaquINU e uənoulg *uonngujsrp JPM P JAVY 0] uwouy MOU 910 satəads 150] "sro po4q ayy ui Anua qoeo woy pəlonb st Aqua uone»07 əu L uerg yer sr uumjo3 ay] pue 'aureu jua.ind g Ajroeds o1 ojenbopeur PpS SI UOLIA Jo sso18oud *sose Jo Joquinu azüe[ € u] *saloeds ay) Jo jsour 10} saureu po1daooe juaxmo UNA D40214 fo 430]007 ays Jo snuo4po4q OY UL poquosap subozoÁiq aq JO Suns] “LT AQEL E ———————————————————————————— The Victorian Naturalist 258 Part Two puepuog 7jjrpsusan() puepuog 7jjrpsusan() puepog `HilosuəənO puepuog Josuon POE od Jitl9suəənO puepaog `Jjtl9suəənO puejuog *]rrosuson() pue[uoq *jrosuooanQ) '] Bury osuan ‘| Bury ‘osuan Aprosuoang) JJrosuaang) i 9suəən() *uaO]Surer A Jy]osuoong) *uAVOJ)SLLIPI||I AN [OOQUIBULLIE AA “UANOJSLLIPI||I AN UAVO]SLLIPI||I AA JJI 9Suəən() *uMo]surei AN i|9suəən() *uAVOISLUPI[|I AA. UAVO1SLLIPII|I AN Jji[psuoong) `uAVOISLLIPI[II AA Jnosusono) UMOISLUBI LAY t əsuəənO Jooquretiae AA Tjrosusan() [OOQUIBULLIR AA *UANO]SUTETTTE AA UAVO]ISULIPI[[I M ppoqueune AA *]]r9suaan() *uwo]surmn As UAO]SUIPT[TEAN 1[osuoon() UAO]SUIPTILAN Hod UINSIM "UMO]SUIEI[ILAA HSMN |OOQUIPULLIP AA ‘Aey 104 Jtlə9suəənO Jpsus Aeg suosqoH J3Suəən() *uMO]SUIEIT AN Appasuaandy Hog Wasa A UMOJSUIEI]ILAN Ameo (zsg1 "xsng) C881 ASNA (9181 'Xnomowe]) (0981 `&eJAI1IIDƏPIA) (ZS81 ysg) 1981 ysg C881 “ASME CS8] “ASN cS81 "png (C681 png) (c681 sng) (C681 sng) 6L81 "AE1AT[[IDOU]A 6981 “AIAN RIA CS81 “ASME (6981 “ABATED eA) (Leg “Ausiqig.P) (6981 'AmdiAlIl DSP) (6L81 “ARIAT ORIN) (6981 ABAID) (6981 “Avaati foe A) (6L81 “APAAtI OR) (0981 ABADEN) (£L81 uonnH) (6981 “ARIAL [LR IN) (6981 ‘APIAITID 9B) (6981 "Ae1AT[[IDOR]AD (6981 "Ae1Al[[ID98]AD) (0981 “ARIAT EQ OR\\) (6981 UNION) (S881 'S191EM) (0981 ‘ARIAL [EE OR YA) (0981 “ABATED Oe IAI) (pSNQI sng) (978| “uInopny) (6981 “Aviary [ED aRI\\) (6L81 "Ae1A1]]to9e]A) Jon y Xadis umozoudpid njnu4o2 pido]oui] pinging pidojoui( pAoniuids piupag poluppjaspul DUDAJ n24o][ ptup]b.i dç snusofiasid pəspqap ) supsaja Daspq4n) DSIAIPUL DASPGADD SY/MUISSIP pripjnang sijpdoosido sapro4A4n7] nipjnouuop VAISNJOUSHIUL]] SIHU2] DISIA) DSOJOS DISIA) DAOCOA42D DISLL) TIDI IG PASTE PUDISPADMPA DISIN J Y0.Ə/ o40do]upiy] DAIA DUTLIUISOZIYIS DULOISOZIH[OS Dtut Odo), ç pulospsBau n4odo]o2otq.n g DAMA DUIJIHUSOZHIOS DIDADIXA SAPIOADYIST siusonun pisndoutonay 1143112 pjoipparodoaonpy nAaft]piclod puts putuəppip pul4odoj]p. si]pa4D] DjJosoutpicg pjppnoipupo puraodo]]p uopo]rou2o Dut]lurspD wmnnbuidoad tuna1səlqouƏ Au pyouny put4odoj[p.) supsaja pul tododdity DUIOJSOUO]S DAOdOAIYY 1]4DIUBUOAq DAOGOZIAOU) DIDA DAOdOZIAOU) 120182] d Dui DUI]IHISOZIHJ2S AUEN Jua. In) syreWayy xojduis piudpic DINUAOD nidojout(z njpoids pidojou(] paasiuids sI40(2DIT pəlup]]ə5put si4042301(] pasoyf DLID[DALGS siuoflosid paspqAp? SUDBƏ]Ə pəspqapo DSsIAIDUI DOSDQ.D.) sipnulssip pasoq.p?) sijpdoo: ida DOsDqAD ) DIDIHOUUOD DASH] -J SInuƏ] DISA DSOJAS DISI D40dOA42D DISIA?) DIDIJI21Q MSAD DuDIspADMpoa DISIA) ppionjjad pilpadə'] xodaf pypiday sapioku0q pypaday MUOISOZIYOS pippadorg burospaatui pp. də pada DiJD4d2'T DIDADIXA pijpadarg so4220u0ui DiJDAda'] 1142112 pipado'] n4oftgyidbd vpada puapolp pijpada] Spaan] pijpado] njpinor]pubo pip. də'] vopoplaya prypiday wnyofil ompado DD Di ]DAO'T nipuny pippado] snjpuui pipnadar] psni4ad Dilb.idə'] supsaya pi]p4da'] pipsofiad paodiubaqui]y nmiudo4g pippado] DIDIIIA vypada] 10u0]so[dpur iba] deu "deu `ds'u "ds'u "ds'u pasp IUWEN e co or 09 — r fr nor r — (4 en = i 0-00 — C4 e mb vns 00 Os — C cen, = ui 0E cen 8 9 SD m 64 c0 zr wi so bf) bD Sb Sh eo Ss + = D bl) b I 1 I 1 I I “BIA ‘St ld Sia “St ld ‘BIA “St ld "i4 ‘St Id ‘Bld “St ld ‘BIA “St ld "814 *6£ ‘Id "S14 '6€ ld "814 ‘6E Id "814 6E ld 14 *£€ "Id 8t 914 “LE ld n Bly “LE ld "814 “OE "Id "S14 “SE ld Weld 259 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Keg suosqoH *jri]osuaan() (9181 *xnounoureT) pue[uoq *jiJosusen() Hod ulojs2A pue[urog *uaojsurernrA *rnrosusen() Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd puejuog *yiposueonQ) pue[uog *riosueen() Tooquieuume A *1rr[»susenQ) “Arg suosqoH puepuog ‘esoo JiijəsuəənO pue|lioq *jrjosuoeen() ABAMQ'D 'Hiləsuəən( pue[uog *jriosueen() jJit[osueanQ) JiloəsuəənO Jiij9suəənO An[osusen() JitjosuəənO Jit|9suəənO JiijosuəənO '] 8ury “Hdd pue[uog *niosuoeen() Jnsueen() “wog suos AA “TJi|əsuəənO "Uog Suos[rA ‘osuan puejuogq *jrposueen() _ L981 sng 6981 ÅEN (9181 youve) (T881 “ABIATI[IQ IBA) (1881 "Ae1AjrooejA) 0881 1eneduoqourx 918] `xnomourg (6981 "&e1arprooe] o) 0061 4euued (g¢L] 'snaeuurT) (6481 'euojso[de]A) (6981 'Ae1at[[tDoe]) (8S4 | 'snoeuurT) (TEST ^ysng) (C681 ^isng) (8981 "uosuroq] aj AA ) . C68] 3sng (6981 "AeJAT[[IDOE]AD) (QSg] `uosurou] AMALA) 661 ‘sBunsey (TS81 sng) (9731 'umopny) 188] ABAO (9181 “yoreweT) (9181 *poreure T) (ce81 sng) (6981 ueneduauoary) nDipjuap pjnang Dipjpmono ppang Disnqo4 pjn8ng SuDIpD.4 Dauosajy sipp4isnp Dauo4ptupr IUOS]. DuOAD V ppig]p puoapp. D25148 DuO2py. DjUpun pi[D.l24d DIDOUR.A D]]240doulB2]S Duilt2u pjmang pjpjnuup pjn5nqimpə DIDUIG.In] DJJƏ1.tp]]ə21g DIDIJI2 D]J2tiD]aoig SIPUDAS purdoontuao?) vani puidoonua4o?) Iysng pulus DID]I22141 DUT 81U40214422 DUILUS. SNYIDAD UOALIDUOJAI ppunjod vug pdaqououi sisdomsng HLIDADS vusnyfig syispifiad paisnyig DIDGADG DI2-DB.IDJAT D]JaU21 DI]]2N SLISOAIRUD] DIAD]I27) Dsopd plap]]əD nipiuap onang pjnjnono pjnSng DISnqo4 pjnang Supippa pauoup] SIJU4ISRD pəuotupr pupaupnu pauoup] 1uOs]IA bodog SI4D]ROIAD "IGA Dpiq]O bodong pastas DAOdOMIIG pjppun pi]p4laq si4qppiuspui pjjasodoupsaly puau onang piojnuup pLipdiys DIDUIG.N] plin]]ə21g DJD1]12 biID]]ə21g sipup4s p1.D]Jə21g Dgn] pi.p]]ə21g nysng padiuajy D10]I22141 vadiuapy 81U40214422 Dada sniuip4o pədiuəpy puip1s&ao padina nippidsna vipa pynwayap paisnyig "wu sipapafaad paisnyig DINS- DiD JANGNI Djpjn30 DIJJƏN SILIDAS D1.ID]]JƏD $1480.41HU29] DIAD]I2) DINSALY ptApj[a O — q + n D DO -—O t= — — c4 cn *r in s oo — cq en sr in D — ci — ca rn = n £ ‘SI ‘8L Id — c n — ca t= oc ` = puejuod *jiosueen() OSS] ÁBAN StD4ISWD DI4D]I2.) "AU SIJUAISRD "ICA DSOJWISI/ DI4D]I2 1utog 1eddeugos posun (698 [ ALIAD) DiD]h2l1u2p D4ptj2s2]D.) npnonuuap p4puosapp;?) jutoq Jaddeuyag *jiosuoen() (QER[ `spipAp3 aup) njpajns srsdojjauoapp DIDUOINU D.ADYIST pue[uogq *giosueen() (088 [ “ABLATED ORI) nipAponb poauiojoquig "deu pipappnb 040428] JilosuəənO (9181 ^yorum) sapiouatu2t] bjjauoapp Dpə]b1n]d v4puos- > HiləsuəənO (9181 “yorewue7) S1J12048 PULLOG SOD. VAY IST z An[osusenQ) (6981 “ALIAD ) Apdsip paodounum Apdsip napuosq < luroq taddeuyss (6981 “lsneduaysiry) (¿) sttua0/1ua4 DLIDINULID pnbi]qo papyosg EN JiiləsuəənO (69891 AEA) psopmgpaa puoapy nsompa2 nodo O App»susen() (Sç8I 'uostutoU] Aá A ) SIL1021Q DI]J2:]B.) SILLIODIQ DIJJƏAJpD "814 “OF ‘Id = Ay[e207] 10gny JWEN JILIN syria pas) omen Held — Ir ee The Victorian Naturalist 260 Part Two Hdd Hdd (Suojaen) x5 Suuds ‘Hdd (Suojaan) 32 Surids Hdd pue[uog JHi|əsuəən( Jil3suəənO uoysug ‘Hdd Jyyjosusand) puepuog “Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd ‘1 Bury "pueniog “Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd |OOquIPULLIPAA *puepaoq ‘Hdd Hdd Hdd Ji 3suəən() Hdd Jii|9suəənO |OOqUIPULLIP M Jjtl9suəənO ‘Hdd Hdd Hdd 4 Hdd Keg suosqoy] C681 sng (0881 "utoispjon) (0881 "UOS[IAV) (0881 "UOS[IAA) (T881 “ARIAT ORIN) (S881 "Ae1At[IDOU]AD) (T881 “AbAATTED Ie) (0881 `sWourH) (6981 "AeAt[[TD9R]AD) (6981 "AuAt[[1OOB]A) (6981 '&e1utgpiDoe]N) 1881 ‘AVAIN (S881 "Ae1Ar]r9e]N) (0£61 "Jo|sseg a nueg) €881 APIA [IN ORI (£881 ALINIO) (8L81 "Spour]) (6981 ALININ) (£881 ALINIP) (psgt sng) (p881 ARIAT EQ oR) (P881 ÁBAN) (£81 sqourH) (8481 `sqoutH) (0981 ‘ARIAT DPL) (6981 “Aviat ary) (£881 ALIAN) (698 | “ARIAT Hoe!) (C681 sng) (zSgt sng) P881 ÁBAN P881 `AP4ATI|[IDƏPIA (0881 'euoiso[de]A)) (1881 ABIAN) (ZS81 sng) (6981 ABIN) (SSL "snoguurT) Äe Joyny wnjouso wunipidip? unsosapuod unipidjpy piniporop sisdo]]321u31D D pjjisnd ppjasodiany) paafimdpd pj[oIDU18ADUIISSDA)) punpao40d paod&uipg wunpjoasp po] pood p41oajdowuoapy DSSDAD D4J22]dOt 24A DSSDAO DA4128]douoAJy DIDO[DJ DUISIT]AD J pupu p40diJ0324r) DIDIuap pLIDSOYD]D]AT 1S4ƏJDA DIJ24DBADJAI DDI314 DIAD]I2 ) lun]paos UNAJIIPOT 0ID]Jassa] p40daJa4oztj2g njnjnup48 pj]o40do]aM DODIJuDARD pyjasodalay unaoriaotd unpor DIDUIADO pyjasodajay lunsousof uoozopudta p wngiunu uoozopxudi T wngiunu uoozoppgdta 1 tunaafipuow uoozo]pudta | pssif pyjasodajay si4p]norap DAOdOJOPIY pupja240d pjo40doloy DINUAOD D]IJ321IRU-407) DIDuoquin D]JOO01]DOS posnf nj]JooiuamD sninotdgn D][21uam) pjjouopnd paodojA3u0418g IuOS]IA D]]aonnosotp14() DAOUduiD DIIJ321]HOSOUJAC) DIp2utt2]U1. ;D]J2OLNHOSOUIAC) DIIDINOIAD pjnang umppuao uinipid]p?) iunso4apuod wunipid]p? ninip2ujap sisdojja21ua1p;) pyisnd sisdojaotuao;) pjpjpnupuig paisnjfig p4afipidpd pasnyfigy pupj[a24od paodAyjog wunpjaaey v4122]3] pjyod podia Di4p[nuoqpo DAOGIAAq DSSDAO DAOGILAA,] wnpunudsad wunamsopqugduip naunaapf uingsopqupdui uumaoaiound wunajsopqugdui DUDU D4odtJ023247] pIDjuap p4odijoa24r) Sapioa492 DtDI]Joonqn [ DDISIA DIAD]]2 ) DjpA42s D4Od9]2M D1pJJassaj pa0də)əg DipjnubAd paodajay popnupanp D40do1oy paatuaoyd paodajay DIDUIADO DA4Od212M psoutiof n4odoroM DIPUOYUIN woj paafrnniour p4odojay pun uuo p4ofipiuout D1odajay pAafipuoul ulio] Daaftpuout DAOdaIay pssif paodaiay suoman piodajay pupjj2o40d paodajay ‘dds piodajay fo p|n2..ə do Djnu.ioo D]]ƏƏ1ualD pipuoqun nj21ua]D 7) pasnf DJJ821U21D.) SAIMILAIN bj]ooiuan pj]ouopnd p]|Jə91uəlpp 1UOS]IM DJJ2OTUOID) p.oudium pjjooniagn?) DIPALI vjpaotuoIp?) DIADIHOIAD D]nBng "deu 'dsu © — C 0n i — 0 eñ *f i O [— 00 0S — — C4 en +c t l < C131 ^56 ld L l [314 ^801 ‘Id "814 “LOI ld "314 101 ‘Id 7014 ‘LOL ‘Id 814 *901 "Id "814 *901 “Id "814 *901 "ld "814 901 ‘Id "S14 '901 "ld "814 901 ‘Id "814 901 ‘Id "814 "901 ‘Id ‘314 901 ‘Id 314 '901 ‘Id 814 “SOL "ld “Bly “SOI "ld "814 ‘SOT "ld '814 “86 ‘Id 5814 *26 ‘Id -t 814726 ld -p LJ ‘Lo ‘Id "814 “96 ‘Id '814 ‘96 ‘Id "81 S6 ld “BLY ‘S6 ld `P6 ‘Id £ “Bly ‘06 ‘Id TSI ‘06 "ld 1 38106 Id ç ‘B14 68 ld t RIA 68 ‘Id £ S14 '68 ‘Id C814 '68 ld | BLY “68 la tS “YL ld 3UIEN JULINO syiewy pos(] IUWEN 9)]E|d — — B KK s T 261 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 McCoy Issue Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd purquog “Hdd Hdd pue[iod “Hdd Hdd pue[od “Hdd jooqueuue M “Hdd (1881 "SoutH) (£881 ‘ALAW ) (gg `snəguur]) (1681 sng) 988T ARIA LON Erol ‘sBunsey S88T ARIAT ORIN 9181 `xnomoutr 9181 ‘Xnomowey] CS81 sng ppaupr] D2ou101d]D7) n422112und p]I2ADULIDAD. puinaup polaj pnp} palay DAQD]S D242q07) nui2iJau pa.2qp? sinual popup) saplouyopip Dpup?) DUIOJOQ2ID D2-2QD7) sipna piBtispuip pin3upta] o]]240doziu2g DID] nj]a40dozijog n422i12und pjo40doziu[2s puin8up polay niDipjp balay DAqp[8 D24aqp;?) HULMADp D242QD7) sinual popup) saplouyopap DpUD;) SIPUDAS ALIGN) SIpn4 Dasaqny oO NI Uap D40d2][2. 29] aT "14 '8€1 ld "HJ “BEL ‘Id "814 ‘BEL ‘Id “Bld “LEI "Id "314 “LET Id LJ ‘LEL ld LA ‘LET ld "84 ‘YEL Id "814 ‘YEL ld "814 ‘OEI ld ‘StA ‘9E ld "814 '8c] ld t T l L 3, c l r £ c I g Hdd (S881 ALIAD) SI4ISOAIJDA428 DIIDAOG2]]2) SLUSOM [PLAS D4OG2]]2) C Sua QZI ld Edd (9881 “APIA psoiads piD40d23]]27) deu nsoi2ads naoda][a ) [ ‘Sly ZI "ld (SC8] ^*xnounoure T) punjiupop pi42dpu2 psouids paodiubaquiaJy 8 Sr ‘LTL ld puenuog *j1josuaanQ) (T881 ‘ALIN pN) pulds1q]p badoy unuidsigp twnasajqiydiu y L 914 ACI "ld puepuog (STS 'xnoinoutup7) pungupop prdpbu?) nini paodiunaquia]y 9 "314 '/ZT ld Hdd (6981 Kearon) DIPALIS DAPIUIADBIAL) D]DAA28 DA4OIUDAQUUO]A € SDI '/Zl ld Hdd (I88] ^$outdH) DIDWULADUI DADIUIADB24r) njpuiaad paodiupaquiapy t SIT “LT ld Hdd (1881 `swourH) DIPUADUL DAPIULIDEALD) DIDULIDUL p40diupaquiapy € SL ‘LTI ld pue[uoq ‘Hdd (0881 ‘Syouty) D[nq.102 Dj[aymqa07) pingo) DaodiupAquiapy Z 914 '/zI ld pue[uog ‘Hdd (1881 SUH) ojad pyonunuopoA pynadd pAodiupaquiopy [814 ACI ld Hdd ROR] `uosutoU[ = sMyoUAY/oYIIULO pr4p]|220dn428 SAYQUAYAOYPNUMO DIAp]J220dn428$ 6 3914 ‘QTI ‘Id pue[uog ‘Hdd padnaos pLipyaz0dn.sgg 8 S14 ‘971 ‘Id Hdd s1u40214422 MLIDYJAIOdNAIG L-9 “BLA “OTT "ld Hdd pjaaigo piuD]a20dn.2S S-p “BLA YTI "Id pue[uog ‘Hdd TSR] "sng puoso pip]]aoodn.aog DULOJSO[2A2 DIID]J22OdIA2S € '314 “OTI ‘Id ]JooquieuneA *puepog “Hdd SRR] PÁLIA EDILI DIDA412 DIUuOJS2]dDJA DID4412 DIUOJS2] dDJAI [814 OZI ld Hdd (698 ] AeIE) DISNQOA V.AIULO FY DISNGOA DA42U4OH. — 8-9 “BIA ^8TI "Id Hog 33M4 ^pue[itog ‘Hdd (6981 "&e1arprooe]A) D29DI]OÍ DA2UA4OH Da2pIJO[ D42U40H S-I LJ "RTI ld Hdd (£081 ON) pliopjaiod piopy wuniipyaipd umnasojqujduip 6 814 ^L11I ld Hdd (1881 “syoutH) nAofroippa o40dojupig] ppo viunag 8-9 314 ‘LIL ld puepaog “Hdd (zss1 sng) HOMO, DHIDAT ipio40 DiD2g S'y BIA ‘LIL ld Hdd (0681 'uuptuliO) əpnuaəpoəsip niunag DIUIS02 plupag £ SI LITT ld Hdd C881 ALIAJN suaquinaap piuvag suaqunzap plupag Ti SL 111 ld Hdd (£881 “ALJAN LDL) piodisuo) n4odoor]o naodisuo] p40d021]24,) 6 314 ‘O11 "ld Jooqureune A, *puepod “Hdd (T881 ^SxoutH) anya oppaippajadoa4onpy anima pjp[ouo4on]y — 8-6 “BLA 911 "ld Hdd (T881 `sq39uiH) 8242] D]J24DMOSS] S1420] D]J2UOAOR]AT € '814 '91] ‘Id puepuog “Hdd (188 T “syoutH) sidsimonu Dj]au2oxq sidsnora] pjjouo4onjy — c BIA '91I "Id Hdd OF8] uojuqor siliqpanu piupag Siliqua piupag |814 ‘OTT ‘Id (Q181 unouog) siuliofisdd piuopijy D p|ppəpp piuopipu?) £814 '801 "Id Aye2071 10giny OWEN JUALIN — SIEUIOM pas] JWEN EU The Victorian Naturalist 262 Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd puepaoq Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd "UlO1d SUOS|IAN *[ooquieuLie y ‘pued “Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Hdd Part Two (8881 "Av1Ar]rOoe]A) (r881 sng) 9881 ‘ALINJO t881 'SNoutH CS81 sng (L881 “ (L881 (6981 ` (L881 ` (6981 IDN) (978] 'umopny) (9181 ^xo1eure T) (p98] “URULION) L881 AEII (L881 ‘ALIA (S881 ‘AVAIN ) (E881 ARIAT RY) (E881 “ALIAL ) (L881 ‘ABIN NON) AY683071 J0gny xajduis Di.iD40d2]]27) siuuofi d DIBpraqaopag xə]duns DIADUIUIOAD J DIDULOUN DIADUIUILOAD 4 D]D2]I2D DIADUTULT2AD J SIJI2DA8 DISBUIISDH DIDULOUD n40do0]12204d xsiyy paodoujAya] pə]plp)d pulsodayjay njpna42qni vjJouot22x3 plunutuəuəq pISOUUIMUISC) íDIDA2U10]8 PISOULLYISE pə]p1p]d puiodo][o7) pynipds pui40d2]]127) D1D1502 Dut.AOdo][2;7) lajnopa.s p4odo[jootq4n puipd pio2018n]d SISHOIUADS DI22018D]d DJSHUOA D]JƏ291u9]D DINUAN PPAIYNISOYIAC D][2u98 D]]2304914 DISNUAA p3oIsod [ puioIsojd&a2 puo]joupudojs SAaPlOUYODAD DUAOOD'T 1p sapojjauofjng p|ppəpp D[JO9SO]SDIU) JWEN JUMI ADU xajduis p1odayjay suuoftaktd DIBPIAGIIDAT Xə]duns DLADUIUISBAAD T DIDUIIUN OLIDUTUIOAD 4 D]D2]H2D DIADUNUIIAD 4 DSOUIDA DAOGCIIO128D A Dsoonnaf D4odipio128D sijaq naodipiot2sp A SULIDAS DAOdI]ROIOSD J pjowuoup p4odo[r20g xis n4odouj oT suai naodiuaspT Djppn24agni vaodiu2807 npunuiouog naodoj]a) pany piodayjay DƏ.IHA DA0daj[27) DIDA42U(0]8 D40d2]]27) pajojojd paodoj]a7) pyninds “rea 122018502 D40doj[a7) D104 D40da]]a7) dsu DIDIso2 vaodayjay puiospaaur n40doj[a7) puipd pa4odoIsoi sisuaiuADs DAo0doIspi(] 40]021Q D40doJspi(] nipiidpo paodospiq DIDISI42 D4OdO]SDIC] ppsofaadua D]]321421D7) DAt[ond pjjoorua1D DIshuoa p][22rua1D D)u2]120.48 p]]ə31uə]DD pjnun Dj[321u21D.) DJ]2ui28 D]J221u21D.) DINIDLYS DAO jaw DuioIso1d&2 pjJa4odozijos saptout[3p4p pjjo4odozitjos Mappla p]Jo40dozipos nipnuisqns pjjoa0dozujos pjopapp ojjo40dozitas © *f wv) «4 00 OS — — r c6 TAO e 040 ~ "uc SyrBUlay pas wey “BI “Stl ld “BIA “Stl ld "814 ‘Ltl ‘Id ‘BIA LET ‘Id "7 ¿bl ld "SU “Lt Id Siq ‘Ltl ld "814 'orl ld "814 “Obl ld "814 9p] ‘Id "814 ‘Opl ‘Id "3914 “OPI ld ‘BI “OFT ld ‘BIA SEI ld ‘Bla “SEI ld ‘Bld “SEI ld "814 “BEL Id “BLY “SEI Id "814 “El ld 263 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 McCoy Issue Ú —__EEEEEEEEEEEEEEETEET SUES a Hdd P78] ‘xnomourey] DjDA422D DIUuIDUV siu4021Q DIUuIDUV. I SP “S81 "Id Hdd 9881 “ARIAT OBI biy pidojoui(g pun pidojauuc, 8 BIA 8/I ld Hdd TSI sng suagut p]]Jə21uəo]D D Suaaul4 D]]991u91DD L S13 ‘8L1 ld Hdd (£981 'Sxoutrgp) pjpjnoipuaddo vi]|2N njppoipuaddp puuo4p 4 9 311 ‘SLI ld Hdd (T881 ‘syourp) 1UOS]IM UNOZOPqPYYy 1uOSpIM unozopqrvyy SF 914 “SLI ld Hdd (Lpgt ‘Austqio,P) pna8iquip plapdnaog nipjouo papdnaog — €'c “BIA SLT ld Hdd (FPRI “yonod) D2IS pajay DJ224 DAY [814 SLI ld Hdd (988 [ 'AE1AT[[UDOR]AD) ppmaunf DIBYSPUL y pinjnaiunf oadiuajy 9 "S14 'LLI ‘Id Hdd (1881 'SxoutH) njp4oqo4 nadiuapy iunjxoqo4 unozopadspAy — Cu “BIA ALI ld Hdd (9881 ÆDE) p)p31ds padiuayy wnjoaids uimozopadsb.iD £ SJ ALI Td Hdd (9881 Keo) pjpjn31] pədiuəjy iunjp]nsipwunozopadsp4 — | “BIA “LLI ld pue[.og ‘jooqueuLe M ‘Hdd (L88 | "AexAt[TTOOE]AL) pin]inq pyjaiodsiq pjnjjnq n4odouoworT p SL 9.1 Id Hdd poifiuspui D40dou2t[JVT € 814 9/1 ‘Id Hdd L88T `ACIAIIIIDDOƏDJA] paptuBAd podi[noso] 4 panuisitd p4odi]n250] 4 C 814 9/1 ld L88 T `AB1ATIILOSEIA] DIDuIu28 DAOdOJDIUO]S pjpunuas n40dojnuolg 1 814 7941 Id Hdd (T881 ‘SWM ) DJDU4D1Q pjnaodt p 01011218 DAO LADY IST Zt 621 ‘Id psoydoady) Yes nsnjout p]1240d0421JA LL S14 “SLI "Id DIpuos42d "es nsnjoui pj]240d0421JA OI 214 “SLI ld pyouosaad TEA D1D1]13 p]]ə.0do.t1J4 6 314 ‘SLI "ld DIDAS “TEA D1D1]12 D]JO40d0421JA Q S14 “SLI ‘Id Hdd ¿P1129 suapunas pJlə10do451p/ L 813 ‘SLI Id Hdd (£881 “‘Avrarypipoey\) pjoundiuaa bulaodo]]pO pjoundiuas p][240d0421JA] 9 BIA “SLI ld DJp]hnƏ1]Dupa v]pjnorpuba (0991 AEN) pypjnaijpups pui4odoj]o;) “IRA DluƏppip pjjo4odod21fAr Ç 314 “SLI "Id (098 [ *&e1At][IDOP]A]) pjpunj purdodo][p?) DID] IgA Dwuigppip p]j240doA21JA F S14 “SLI ld purds1guoy IA DiuƏppip p]]o40do-21]A € SI SSLI ‘Id (S881 EDN) ppunchun puisodoyjy 7 pjoundiun] ‘Yea puiappip pjjaiodoagyy Z SUP ‘SLI ‘Id Hdd (£88 | LINDEN) SLISOMUSDU pj[a4odiqn | SIISOALUSDU DULOPDADSS2 | [814 “SLI ld “dds n40daj[2;?) jo sued snouniuo : ‘Id Hdd (8881 "Ae1AH[IOOE]A) sLpsoatusou D14040d2][27) ds‘u si4J8041UDUL DA40d2]]27) pO ‘Id Hdd (918] Soup) DJD]S143 DI4DAOdO]]2) ds‘u pjp.i1 vlodayjay ir Id puepiod (peg sng) nf pidpsodayjay posnf p.iodə])ə rab ‘Id Hdd SI4ISO.I1Q]D DAOGÓ2[I2 ) pG "ld puepoq n4ofijo4d piap4odo]]a7) ds‘u D4afijo4d viodayjay LM ‘Id JjilpsuəənO pipauiajul pr4p4odo]]27) pipauasajul p40da[[2;) Ë ‘Id pued pino piupaodəl]əD ds'u Djpijof paodəlləD z: ‘Id puepuoq DSOƏn.LIƏA DIID40d2][2;) `ds'u Ds02I.4124 b.0də]]9O ts ‘Id purpog *JooquieulreA “Hdd pjpuidsiq vi4p40d2]]27) pjpouidsiq naodaj[a) e» ‘Id Hdd (1881 snd) syiDuuinjo2 pr4p4odo][o7) dsu spiDpro psodayjay vp ‘Id Hdd (8881 ALININ) njpoids piapaoda[[27) dsu njpoids n4oda][2;) tt rs) Hdd dsu nuiappip p.0d3]27) a ‘Id Aye20q AJ0gny DWBA JUALIN — Sy.reuiag] pas owen EU E ——————————————a The Victorian Naturalist 264 Part Two IooqurguueA *puepuog “Hdd si41$0413u0] D40d02uXtfy. 1-11 Sid ‘961 "Id Hdd psouidsiq paodoauAyy OI-L “B14 ‘961 ld L881 ‘ÁLAINN pisnSup DAOdOAIYY DISNSUY “ICA D22D1402 DAOGOADIPY 9 ‘S14 °961 ‘Id D32D0L102 vaodoaaiy — C-p "814 ‘961 `d oluaros (0881 ‘SJUH) nsioasal DAOdOAIDY ] ustoasal na0doatoj J € '813 ‘961 ‘Id & (9181 *xnonoureT) siapjpynupui podoby] siappnupui DA0d0.tDtj J Z S14 ‘961 ‘Id pipsu (6981 LIA oN) piputiv DA4OdOAIDU [ DIDULID DAOdOAOUW | I 314 ‘961 ‘Id Hdd (9181 *xnoinoure T) njpnum]g put4az]3 DUIOJOQ2ID DIAD]ROTAA2 4 9:314 '€61 ‘Id Hdd S881 “AIAN ORY SHORTEN. PINRO IMOSTIM Diubag S 314 “S61 ld puejuod ‘Hdd 9891 ‘ALILO Dl42[u02 piupag piafuo32 piuvag F S14 ‘S61 "Id Hdd (1881 ‘syourpy) pipauiajul piupag Dipaua1ut piupag € 314 ‘S61 ‘Id eui (£881 ‘syoutH) pAqp]8 p|n5nqilnpO p4qpjB DiapdauS T'I “B14 “S61 ld Hdd (1881 ‘syoutp) StƏ12ə]dhup wni220042121] sual2ajduimp n4122|3 +1 313 480 Id Aeg suosqoH ‘Hdd (6981 'AeiAtr][1528]A) supisip poyjoddiy] supisip voyioddiH €1-01] "S14 ‘LSI ld Avg suosqoH “Hdd 1781 "xnomoureT DID2L4DAIp voyroddiy DIDJLVAIP voyjoddiy] 6-8 314 “L81 ld Hdd (L881 "Aeaarrooe]AD) $042201[]up2p visndouyonip 5042201[JUD2D DUILL L 814 ‘LBI ld Jooquieuue A “Hdd (L81 ‘uonny) siu4021un pisndouyovip $04220u0ut DUYLAGILD 9 314 181 ld Hdd (£881 "Ae1atptiDoe]N) SHISOXITOSDIIUIEHGIAT) S14150412$ DUI]4QLAT) S Bly “Lgl "Id Hdd DJDIpp4 DUI]IAQUHA) — g-€ “BIA QI ld |ooquieuue M ‘Hdd C881 “ABIAI[IH IY SUDISIp DIJa4odiupaquiayy sunjsip pjJaoaodiup4quioy —- c7] 313 181 ld pulpy njjJao40doziu2S — 6-L 813 981 "Id Hdd (978| 'umopny) Ipuvidafjuou ojjoaadoajapy saprouyond pyjasodoziya¢ 9 314 ‘981 "Id Hdd (6981 “ARIAT IQ Ie) DS0]014DA D2ə1/101d.(]DD ping pjoaodoziu2s € ‘S14 ‘ORI "Id Hdd pjonuisup] pjjo40dozujos p Sly ‘981 ld Hdd putiiayojnd n]Jə.uodozn/3ç € 814 ‘OST ld Jiil9suəənO (1881 'SxoutH) $14D]R21Q.0 puo]]ount/dəlç 14218004 D]Ja40dozijog € 814 “ORI "ld Hdd (L881 SABIAN) n]DA4]S04 D40diJ221g DID-/]$04 D][2-40dozit2S 1814 ‘981 "Id Hdd (6L8| 'uteispjon)) HSpoom pnpuiy sippalsno pipu y € SUT '681 "Id Hdd LER] 'Ssnerx DIDI42SIQ DIlJIDUULV DIDULADUI DIIIDUV. fF 514 SQI ld ‘Wod SUOSIMA ‘Hdd 088] ‘spoom uosrua [ Ds0nj40] DIYIDUY psonj4o] Dit/IDtu F € 814 '681 "Id Hdd 9181 oup DINJOAUOD puf1Ducp sip]paids pugmuip C Sri ssl Id Aye207] 1J0giny AWE JUALIN — Sx.IEUIaN pas owen Nd 265 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 McCoy Issue McCoy’s Contribution to Graptolithology Noel Schleiger' Introduction This study is confined to Frederick McCoy’s publications on the description and occurrence in Victoria of graptolites, as inferred from his various reports in the Prodromus of Palaeontology of Victoria 1874-1881. The aim is to relate MeCoy's descriptions and concepts to the present- day situation, especially with regard to the advances in graptolite taxonomy over the last 100 years. In 1854 McCoy was appointed Professor of Natural Science in the University of Melbourne. In 1856 he was appointed Palaeontologist to the Geological Survey of Victoria, and later became Director of the National Museum of Victoria. Therefore, he held these three positions concurrently. Geologists working on the Survey collected specimens which were subsequently housed in the National Museum. MeCoy supplied the age deter- minations most necessary for compiling the Geological Quarter Sheets, and described those fossils for taxonomic determination. MeCoy provided this ser- vice efficiently until shortly before his death in 1899 (Darragh et al. 1976). McCoy had previously worked with Adam Sedgwick on the graptolites in Scotland, Wales and Ireland, and was aware of collections from Sweden, Bohemia and Canada. McCoy’s work in the Prodromus Brough Smyth was appointed Secretary for Mines in Victoria in 1860. He institut- ed several important geological publica- tions, such as the Reports of Mining Surveyors and Registrars which recorded significant data on the Victorian Goldfields. He also supported Frederick McCoy's Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria, which was issued in seven parts between 1874 and 1882. The idea was to produce Memoirs of the National Museum, and Prodromus was the | Astley Street, Montmorency, Victoria 3094. 266 start. Darragh er al. (1976) rate this work as one of the finest Australian palaeonto- logical publications. Of the eleven taxo- nomic fossil groups, graptolites ranked second in the number of species described by McCoy in the various decades of the Prodromus (1874-1881). In Decade I in his discussion of the grap- tolites he regards these fossils as very important in the dating of the Lower Silurian (now Ordovician), especially the gold deposits of Victoria. Table 1 shows the graptolites in Decades L II and V, making 19 species in all which he described in the Prodromus. Early discovery of graptolites in Victoria Darragh er al. (1976) report that the first Silurian graptolites came from Keilor in May 1856, found by Selwyn and Aplin, whilst the first from the Ordovician were found by Thureau at Bendigo in 1857. J.H. Panton, Warden of the Bendigo Goldfield, gave McCoy graptolite specimens from Bird Reef, Bendigo in 1858. From these collections McCoy realised that graptolites were world-wide in their distribution and not just in the northern hemisphere in the Ordovician period. He was most impressed when he found that the very same grapto- lite species at Bendigo also occurred in the old goldmines at Gogofau in Wales (McCoy 1874), Evolution of graptolite taxonomy Uniserial forms It is interesting to read McCoy’s report of the first Lower Ordovician graptolites from Bendigo. It makes one appreciate how the taxonomy and terminology has changed and developed from these first descriptions. In the Prodromus (McCoy 1874), the generic name Graptolites was applied to all those species having ‘one row of cells’ (known today as ‘thecae’; Fig. 1) on each branch or stem (today referred to as the "stipe"). If the polypidium — the whole body of the fossil (today known as the ‘rhabdo- The Victorian Naturalist Part Two Table 1. Graptolites described by McCoy in the various decades of the Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria. Decade Plate Figure Genus or Sub-genus Species Age Today No. No. No. I I 1-4. Phyllograptus folium var. typus — Bendigonian 5 Diplograpsus mucronatus Llandeilo 6 Diplograpsus pristis Llandeilo 7 Diplograpsus rectangularis Llandeilo 8 Diplograpsus (Climacograpsus) bicornis Llandeilo 9-14 Graptolites (Didvmograpsus) fruticosus (Hall) — Bendigonian lI l Graptolites (Didvmograpsus) — quadribrachiatus Bendigonian (Hall) 23.5 Graptolites (Didymograpsus) — bryonoides Lower to Middle Ordovician 4 Graptolites (Didymograpsus) — octobrachiatus Castlemainian 6 Graptolites (Didymograpsus) — logani (Hall) var. Castlemainian australis (McCoy) Il XX l Graptolites (Didymograpsus) extensus (Hall) Lower Ordovician 3-5 Graptolites (Didymograpsus) caduceus (Salter) — Castlemainian (Lower Ordovician) 6 Diplograpsus palmeus (Barrande) Upper Ordovieian 2 Cladograpsus ramosus (Hall) Upper Ordovician 7 Cladograpsus furcatus (Hall) Upper Ordovician 9 Graptolites (Didymograpsus) gracilis Upper Ordovician 10 Reriolites australis Wenlock (Silurian) V Ú 1-4 Graptolites (Didvmograpsus) — thureaui (McCoy) Bendigonian 5 Graptolites (Didymograpsus) (Lower Ordovician) Castlemainian (Lower Ordovician) headi (Hall) some’) — had two simple stems (stipes) unit- ed by a slender non-celluliferous base (today, the ‘sicula’) the subgenus Didymograpsus (twin graptolites) was applied. At this stage of the evolution of the taxon- omy, all multi-branched forms were desig- nated Graptolites (Didvymograpsus) presum- ably because fragmentary stipes could not be distinguished from part of Didymograpsus, or the distal fragment of a many branched form. The species name could be applied to a multi-branched form when the complete specimen was available. In today’s taxono- my that species name has often been retained, and this is the best clue to link the terminology of McCoy with that of today. Three examples of the multi-branched forms are shown in Fig. 2. A feature of the evolution of the Didymograpsus subgenus throughout the Lower Ordovician period was to drop the number of stipe dichotomies (stipe orders) from six down to two. Thus, in Fig. 2, Loganograptus, with four dichotomies, reduces to three in Dichograptus and to two in Tetragraptus. Biserial Forms The name Diplograpsus was applied in the 19" century to those graptolites with ‘two rows of cells or denticles'. Before coming to Victoria, McCoy had recorded biserial forms in Britain and Ireland (McCoy 1846; Sedgwick and McCoy 1855), based on Professor Hall's work in Canada, viz: Diplograpsus foliaceus Virgula (not always present) Sicula Theca Slipe containing common canal Widening stipe and thecae Fig. 1. Graptolite Didymograpsus extensus (Hall), today known as Expansograptus balticus, a lower Ordovician uniserial form. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 267 McCoy Issue MAS ai Fig. 2. Three multi-branched graptolites described by McCoy from the Bendigo Goldfields (modern taxonomy in brackets): a. Graptolites (Didvmograpsus) quadribrachiatus (Hall) (Tetagraptus quadribrachiatus ): b, Graptolites (Didymograpsus) octobrachiatus (Hall) (Diehograptus octobrachiatus); c, Graptolites (Didymograpsus) logani var. aus- tralis (Loganograptus logani). (Murchison), D. folium (Hisunger), D. mucronatus (Hall), D. pristis (Hisinger sp.) var. B (Hall), D. ramosus (Hall), D. rec- tangularis (McCoy), and D. ? sextans (Hall). McCoy realised that the distinction between Didymograpsus and Diplograpsus forms was important. However, at this stage it was not realised that the sequence of graptolite forms through the Ordovician succession went from uniserial to biserial and then back to the uniserial condition in the Upper Ordovician succession. Thus in the bottom third of the Lower Silurian (Llandoverian), biserial forms became extinct and only uniserial forms, usually Monograptidae, existed until the extinction of the graptolites in the Emsian division of the Lower Devonian (Thomas 1960; Cas and VandenBerg 1988; VandenBerg 1988). The problems with the subgeneric classifi- cation of graptolites into Didymograpsus were that Didymograpsus did not distinguish between the number of stipes in the rhabdo- some; also Didymograpsus did not differen- tiate forms which were uniserial in the Lower Ordovician and Upper Ordovician through Silurian to Lower Devonian (Emsian) sequences. Concepts inferred from McCoy's reports on graptolite taxa Taxonomy of the graptolites Features of McCoy’s fossil reports were to designate the Class, Order and Family of the fossil under study, together with a brief resume of the taxonomy at that time. 268 This was followed by a detailed descrip- tion with salient measurements, then by discussion and localities of occurrence. The well-known Bendigonian zone fossil of today, Pendeograptus fruticosus, was described by McCoy (1874) as Graptolites (Didymograpsus) fruticosus (Hall). This was the first Victorian graptolite McCoy was to see when he arrived in Victoria (McCoy 1874). McCoy immedi- ately recognised it as a new species. At that time he named it in his manuscript Graptolites (Didymograpsus) pantoni after J.A. Panton, then warden of the Bendigo goldfield. McCoy corresponded with Prof. Hall of Canada, who subsequently had dis- covered the same species there. Hall had sent McCoy a proof of his illustration of Graptolites (Didvmograpsus) fruticosus before publication, so McCoy adopted Hall’s name. Of this taxon, McCoy remarked, the extraordinary symmetrical grace of the regular form in which this most beautiful species is developed, renders it very easy of recognition. Even fragments are clearly marked by the great size of the broad trian- gular denticles. A feature of the gerontic forms of this graptolite is the broadening curving of the distal end of the stipes, with corresponding increase of thecal size (Fig. 3). Were graptolites hydrozoans? McCoy thought that the thin horny rhab- dosome with either uniserial or biserial thecae and polyp cells, each having an internal transverse diaphragm at the base, were features agreeing with the Hydrozoan Sertulariadae. However, the graptolites were not rooted like Sertularia and there is no trace of ovarian vesicles. Corymorpha, another hydrozoan, on the other hand, agrees with the graptolites in having a free rhabdosome. In Ireland, McCoy's friend, Patterson of Belfast, noted that a broken stem of the hydroid zoophyte of Tubularia, when immersed in water, *kept coiling itself up then uncoiling, twisting and knotting itself," which conveyed the notion that the stem is not only flexible, but truly and entirely under the control of the zoophyte (McCoy 1846). The Victorian Naturalist Part Two 19 20 —— 22 w — w 21 23 Ds Fig. 3. Uniserial graptolites designated by McCoy mostly as the subgenus Didvmograpsus (see Table 3). Scale Bars all represent | cm. 1-4, PAyllograptus typus showing variation in form. 5, Tetragraptus quadribrachiatus. 6, Tetragraptus serra. 7, Goniograptus thureaui var. clonograp- toides. 8, Dichograptus octobrachiatius. 9, Pendeograptus fruticosus 4 Br. form. 10, Tetragraptus approximatus included as a zone fossil for Be-1 with P. fruticosus (4 Br.). 11, 12, 13, Pendeograptus fruticosus 3 Br. form, juvenile (11), young (12), old/mature specimens (13). 14, Tetragraptus headi. 15. Goniograptus thureaui var. inequalis? 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, Isograptus caduceus varieties: 16 var. lunatus (Ca-1), 17 var. victoriae (Ca-2), 18 var. maximus (Ca-3), 19 var. maximo-divergens (Ca-4), 22 var. divergens (Ca-3 - Ya-1). 20, Loganograptus logani. 21, Expansograptus extensus. 23, Nemagraptus gracilis (Gi-1). Vol. 118 (6) 2001 269 McCoy Issue The modern concept of graptolites Debate has continued on the position of graptolites in the animal kingdom since MeCoy’s time, Ruedemann (1947) consid- ered that graptolites were still allied close- ly to the Hydroidea, a view expressed first by Hall (1865) which no doubt influenced McCoy’s views of graptolites at the time he described the Victorian graptolite fauna. Kozlowski (1948) argued that on structur- al considerations graptolites were neither Coelenterates nor Bryozoans (Polyzoans). Their histology and method of budding indicates that they are most likely to be Pterobranchiata, Kozlowski (1948) has dis- covered a colonial form related to the living Cephalodiscus, the earliest Pterobranchiate, Palmer and Rickards (1991) regard grap- tolites as colonial animals, like corals and most bryozoans. which they resemble. The individuals of the colony (zooids) were connected with living tissue, but the grap- tolite colony is usually much more geo- metric in its arrangement. Further, the skeletons of corals and bryozoans are largely calcareous, whilst those of grapto- lites are of tough, horny material called collagen. Collagen is a fibrous protein, generally preserved as black carbon, and is common today in the bones, skin and heart tissue of vertebrates. As graptolites are extinct, the Graptoloidea ranging from Lower Ordovician to Lower Devonian, and the Dendroidea ranging from Middle Cambrian (550 Ma) to Upper Carboniferous (300 Ma). comparison with living creatures Is very difficult. Today, the majority of grap- tolite workers regard them as hemichor- dates. Living hemichordates, such às Cephalodiscus and Rhabdopleura, have an external layer of soft, living tissue (known as extra-thecal tissue) connecting all the zooids. It is believed the Hemichordates linked the Invertebrates with the Vertebrates. Observations by McCoy on some grap- tolite species Lower Ordovician Uniserial Graptolites Phyllograptus folium (Hisinger) var, typus (Hall) MeCoy was aware of the variation in size and form of this species. From studies of 270 the Bohemian and Swedish species (Didymograpsus (Phyllograptus) ovatus (Barrande)) he predicted that they may only be varieties of D. (P) folium of Hisinger. The Australian type in length and width was three or four times the size of the European varieties, The most distinc- tive character was the extraordinary width and thickness of the midrib or axis, which was about a quarter inch thick in the Bendigo examples. The thicker ‘midrib’ may be the result of two adjacent leaf-like stipes at right angles bemg flattened in one plane, or from one of the stipes being bro- ken through, At least the thecae per inch or cm seemed to be constant in all species studied. MeCoy remarked that this species varies from ovate to most commonly broad and semi-elliptical at the basal half, then narrowing with straighter sides towards the upper or distal end which was obtusely rounded. Other forms were the nearly reg- ular ellipse, whilst still rarer forms had parallel sides and nearly equally rounded ends. Hall (1865) applied the genus Phyllograptus to Didymograpsus (Phyllograptus) folium (Misinger) from the Canadian Hudson River Formation. Hall referred an identical series of Phyllograptids which McCoy had described from Bendigo as P. typus. MeCoy thus adopted the name P. typus for his large variety which was found at Lancefield, Newham, on the east bank of the Loddon, Jackson’s Creek, Bullengarook and elsewhere, Graptolites (Didymograpsus) caduceus (Salter) McCoy described a variety of sizes of this scandent didymograptid, such as a small form and the large. broad, widely diverging forms. He believed the large forms were a distinet variety from the narrow subparallel forms, but there was a general gradation or series in size on the sample of specimens available, The common occurrence was in Castlemaine and district. Thomas (1960) regards this species as synonymous with /sograptus caduceus (Salter) c.f. 7. gibherulus and Didymo- graptus gibberulus with a list of 18 vari- ants distinguished by later workers, espe- cially Harris, T.S. Hall and Keble and Benson. So McCoy was correct in his 'Fhe Victorian Naturalist observation that there were varieties in morphology and size. Today, the recognition of the four Castlemainian sub-zones of the Victorian Lower Ordovician depend on the presence of various subspecies of /sograptus victori- ae, as shown by Cas and VandenBerg (1988), and by VandenBerg and Cooper (1992), Graptolites (Didymograpsus) quadri- brachiatus (Hall) Ruedemann (1947) describes Tetra- graptus quadribrachiatus (Hall) as consist- ing of first order stipes of 2,6 mm with two thecae on each side, Four second order stipes spread out obliquely; straight, slen- der and rigid, increasing very gradually from 0.6 mm wide, to a maximum width > length of 2.4 * 42 mm. Eight to nine the- cae per cm inclined at about 35-40" and about four times longer than wide. Overlap is one half to one third of their length, then outer wall slightly curved, Apertural thecal margins are straight or slightly concave, and normal to the stipe axis. The modern taxonomy is Tetragraptus (Salter 1863) quadribrachiatus (Hall). This graptolite has proved to be long-ranging, from the Bendigonian to the Darriwilian in Victoria. Graptolites (Didymograpsus) logani (Hall) The rhabdosome is made up of two first order branches about 2 mm long dividing into four short second order branches about 1.4 mm long. Two repeated dichotomies in equal short intervals produced 16 fourth order stipes. However, it is possible to find one or other of third order dichotomies sup- pressed, or a fifth order dichotomy to give anything from 13 to 25 stipes. Stipes of the last order can be up to 18 em long. Thecae are 8-10 per cm and three times longer than wide with an overlap of one half inclined at 30°. A large central disc may be present in the larger specimens. Today VandenBerg and Cooper (1992) refer to this species as Loganograptus logani logani (Hall). The species described by McCoy was referred to as Loganograptus logani australis (McCoy). VandenBerg and Cooper regard MceCoy's description as synonymous with Loganograptus logani logani (Hall) and the variation from L. /. australis dubious. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two Graptolites (Didymograpsus) octobrachia- tus Hall The rhabdosome is made up of stipes of three orders. The first order are about 2 mm long, dichotomously branching to four second order stipes 1.5 mm long. The eight branches can be up to 10 em long and up to 3.6 mm wide. Thecae are 8-10 per em and about four times longer than wide. Overlap is 2/3 with a 20° incli- nation, curving to an outer margin of 50- 55" to the stipe axis. Apertural margins are at 105-110? angle with the stipe axis. A secondary disc may be present in mature rhabdosomes. The present day taxonomy is Dichograptus octobrachia- tus (Hall). Graptolites (Didymograpsus) thureaui (McCoy) This was a new genus to Hall when in 1861 McCoy sent him a proof of his plate of graptolites from the Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria (Ruedemann 1947). Goniograptus was later found in Quebee rocks by Ami (1889) and from the Deep Kill by Ruedemann (1902). Thomas (1960) indicates that the species now has two variants, Goniograptus thureaui (MeCoy) var. elonograptoides Harris and Thomas, and Goniograptus thureaui (McCoy) var. inequalis Harris and Thomas, which is synonymous with G, thureaui var. thureaui, both of which are Bendigonian Sub-zone |, but the latter extending into the Be-2 Sub-zone. VandenBerg and Cooper (1992) show the range of G. thureaui thureaui as spanning the Bendigonian zone from Be-1 to Be-4, but restrict G. fhureaui, var. clonograp- toides to Be-1 only. Graptolites (Didymograpsus) headi (Hall) Ruedemann (1947) This is a four-stiped rhabdosome, stipes in pairs joined by a short funicle at the base and united in a broad, thickened, quadrangular, nearly square dise with a slight extension along the stipes. Thecae are ten per em; length four times the width. Distinguished from the similar Tetragraptus quadribrachiatus by the size of the stipes, 7. headi (Hall) is confined to the Castlemainian sub-zone 4 and tends to be rare in occurrence. 271 McCoy Issue Upper Ordovician Biserial Graptolites Diplograpsus mucronatus This species is easily recognized by the little mucronate film that terminates each denticle and which extends upwards, downwards and horizontally (Fig. 4). Hall describes this species also from the Hudson River Formation not far from the British Caradoc Shale. MeCoy described it from Jackson's Creek, Parish of Bulla. Thomas (1960) lists this species and syn- onym under Lasiograptus (Hallograptus) mucronatus Hall as an Eastonian graptolite in Victoria (Caradoc in Britain). VandenBerg and Cooper (1992) list two taxa, Hallograptus hirtus var. mucronatus (Hall) and Hallograptus bimucronatus which ranges from Eastonian sub-zones 2 to 3. They regard that it is doubtful that D. mucronatus occurs in Australia. Diplograpsus pristis (Hismger). Occurring with D. mucronatus, McCoy described D. pristis (Hisinger) with broad triangular thecae and slightly mucronate tips. The thecae were less oblique to the axis but more strongly and broadly toothed than in D. mucronatus. Thomas (1960) more recently listed this species as Diplograpsus (Orthograptus) pristis Hisinger. This has turned out to be an Eastonian or Caradoc form in the Upper Ordovician succession, VandenBerg and Cooper (1992) do not list it anywhere in their evaluation of the Eastonian graptolite occurrences. Diplograpsus rectangularis McCoy Similar to D. pristis is Climacograptus rectangularis, but it has short square the- cae, set normal to the axis of the rhabdo- some. The denticles of the thecae approach those of C. bicornis, but the base is a point and not bicornate as in that species. VandenBerg and Cooper (1992) have reas- signed this form to Pseudoclimacograptus ridellensis (Harris) from Thomas's (1960) determination of Climacograptus ridellen- sis (Harris). McCoy reported that this form was in association with D, mucronatus and D. pristis, in what is presently known as the Eastonian zone. Diplograpsus (Climacograptus) bicornis (Hall) The fourth Diplograpsus described by McCoy in Plate 1 of the Prodromus was 272 the distinctive D. (Climacograptus) bicor- nis (Hall), with the thecae ‘squarely notched out of the side margins’ with a characteristic bicornate base. Cas and VandenBerg (1988) show this as Climacograptus bicornis bicornis and as being basal Gisbornian in the Upper Ordovician. They also show another sub- species, C. bicornis tridentatus in the Upper Gisbornian. So with the advance of the science since McCoy’s description, this graptolite has proved to be very useful in the stratigraphical mapping of the lowest division (Gisbornian) of the Upper Ordovician in Victoria. Later workers have distinguished the following variants of this species: C. bicornis inequispinosus Thomas; C. bicornis longispinus T.S. Hall: C. bicornis peltifer Lapworth (syn. C. bicornis bicornis); and C. bicornis triden- tatus Lapworth. Thus C. bicornis ranges throughout the Gisbornian zone with the variants indicating particular sub-zones. Diplograpsus palmeus (Barr). By comparing the specimens from the parish of Bulla with those from Bohemia in the National Museum, McCoy believed this pear-shaped rhabdosome with cordi- form outline which had a smooth dilatation at the distal end was an ovarian vesicle. What McCoy described later proved to be typical of the genus Petalograptus and this species is listed by Thomas (1960) as Petalograptus palmeus Hall. Cladograpsus ramosus (Hall). McCoy (1875) felt that the name Cladograpsus rather than Dicranograptus should apply to his specimens from the Parish of Bulla. However, in later docu- mentation such as Thomas (1960) this graptolite is catalogued as Dicranograptus ramosus Hall with the yariants longicaulis Elles and Wood, semi-spinifer T.S. Hall and var. spinifer Lapworth (syn. semi- spinifer) figured in Plates VII and IX of the Prodromus. Cas and VandenBerg (1988) figure Dicranograptus ramosus semi-spinifer. Thus Dicranograptus as the genus took precedence over Cladograpsus. VandenBerg and Cooper (1992) regard Dicranograptus ramosus ramosus Hall as equivalent to Dicranograptus ramosus spinifer Elles and Wood. Its range in the Gisbornian zone is Gi-1 to Gi-2. The Victorian Naturalist Part Two = n ^ o ree aya arka wt a AECL RTS. > 42 18 ‘2 17 2 16 u i Fig. 4. Biserial graptolites designated by McCoy mostly as the subgenus Diplograpsus (see Table 3). Scale Bars represent | cm, except where indicated otherwise. 1, 2, 3, 4, Lasiograptus (Hallograptus) mucronatus; young (1), juvenile (2), mature specimen (3), enlargement of distal part of rhabdosome to show mucronate tips of thecae (4). 5, 6, Diplograpsus (Orthograptus) pristis; mature specimen (5), enlargement to show distal thecal characteristics (6). 7, 8, Climacograptus rectangularis, now Pseudoclimacograptus riddellensis Harris; mature specimen (7), distal enlargement to show rectan- gular thecae (8). 9, 10, Climacograptus bicornis bicornis; enlargement to show thecae (9), mature specimen (10). Note bicornate property of proximal end. 11, 12, Petalograptus palmeus; mature specimen (11), distal enlargement to show free thecae (12). 13, 14 Dicranograptus ramosus var. spinifer; enlargement to show change from biserial to uniserial thecae (15). 16, 17, Dicranograptus furcatus; enlargement to show uniserial stipe and thecae (17). 18 Stomatograptus australis, enlarged to show thecal details. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 273 3421 Nq 10]89Ipui p-e lOjeatput |-2g sauoz-qng p-9g 01 [-28 ENOJA [E3ju37) ut uoneuuo, pjaysuudg SIUAO2IQ SMOG snidp4302DUI].) YUM 2u0Z-qng 1-19 ]ngqnop s| 'Suoz ueruoqsir) ur awy Sauoz-qng 7-15 0) 1-19 (weung 124401) (&r2^opug[) ueuo[ra (r€) pul ‘a "T (gx) wa T (CRD) 4 4° | (1-89) 7 1 UO p-€0 0} [-EO Sauoz-qns ¿-uƏ 01 ç-eT 3u07 c-&7 01 iuD30] 1UDBO] "T sauoz-qns 7-e(] 01 [-ag Suiguei-duo'T saroads Surdue1-3uo7] 'sauoz-qng ¢-eq 0) c-ag sətəəds duidug1-3uo'] 'sauoz-qng b-BD 01 |-ED ° £-uO 01 1-49 "p-?8 01 |-98 S]ISSOJ 2107 'sauoz-qng p-agq o1 1-24 SIJI2043. NRJdDABDUION YMA JOjearput [-10) (1-15)1 əuoz-qnS ueuioqsirp) 01 (p-Eq]) p auoz-qng uer] rue 2u07 URIUO SEY Sauoz-qns ueluo|seq c-eg - z-ed (p-aq) p 2uoz-qns ueruodipuag BLIOJINA ut Juey wy McCoy Issue auoz upiurputə|)spƏ odd) 2u07 ugluodipuat] 19407 Əuoz ugiuogipuag J9«07T ueLaAopuey’y 93e] £HO]OIA Ul UBIƏIAODIO xadd[) ayy Jo aseq ay) SYLIN 2uog ueiuloqsir) URIDIAOPIO Jaddy 'əuoz ugruloqsir) SƏJEAA ur ArsAopuryy Jamo] [-EA sajeorput sua242AIp “A `J ‘QUOT ueluteuia[jse;) eu auoz-qnsg 0} pasn sjueuea |[v ELIOJƏIA ut weoma 0} ueruoarpuagr "uerpperjaoue'T ujug ut ueioopeuio1 p Jadd() woy uerdiuary 12407] £-e 01 1-28 undo] "] SƏu0z uem ueq o) ugnodipuagi (eq) ueymueq *(& A ) upriuaəde A (gO) uerureurs[ise?) *(q5) ugiuolwauO (ag) ueiuosipusg weg ut ugidruəry 82102 UPIUIeUla[]Se) ay} JO do) o) ueruogipuag au jo aseq wory saduey ouoz ueruogrpuaq au) jo souoz-qns əy} əuyap sunog 1gp ?? IGE “IGT UOISSA99NS UBIOIAOPIO, daddy) ay) ut auoz-qng 153m0] “uRIWIOgsID ulejug ui uRIDOpRIeD ule]ug ut UBIDOpRIeD uweug Ul UEISOpRle> (ag €) snsooinaj Snidpasvapuad qw p 29007 sajeorpu] Kuydea2nvajs ur anjeA. (IEH) Ippəu snidpadp4ja | (sewioy] pue seH) sapioidp4douo]o 1mp24nuj sn]dp4801407) (Kogo) mpa4nir mpaang snjdp48otuoc) (&o99]A) si]paisnp snjdpa8o1puoTs (Le EH) 51/12043 snidp4souaN. (yptomdey) smut Jq = Iy q = (IIEH) smipoan] snjdpadoupA2i(] poom pue sə||q 42/1utdy snisoum4 ‘q = (|[2H) srisoua snsouba snjdpadoup4oiCq [PH snougpd snidp480[DI2d SLUR] suoz4241p 20140J914 `] NU294241p-OWUIXDU 2DLOJOIA T 'nutxpul 9D40]214 `] '90140]21A ADMONA "T 'snjounj 201401214 sn]dpA30s] snsua|xa snjdpasosupdxg (€H) 14080] 1080] snidp4doundo] (HEH) vripionaqoro snidp4douotc] pooA pue saja Putas yf = (HEH) saprouodag snidpABp4ro [ (HEH) supnjoraqiaponb snjdpaspajo [ (HEH) snsoonma/ snidp4d02puaq (EH) 81U4021Q 81U4021Q SNIÄDAZOIÐUI (sure) sisuljJappia snidpasoopuitj20pnasq susud (snjdpasoupi)) snsdpasojdic] snjpuo42nuuq snidp430]]DH sny snjdpadop (HEH T) ndi snidbado][tugq UOI E2IJISSE|-) u13po0]A] [IEH Ippau (snsdb4Bouupic]) san]ordpar) (0o01) inpaanyi (Snsdp43owApiq) s21]01dp4r) (099W) sU/p.1snp sanjonay [IEH S102043 (snsdpuñoumrpic]) Sailjoidpay (IEH) smmwoanj (zyuiaH) snsdpssopny,) (MEH) snsown (zytutar)) vnsdpaBopp],) (apueueg) snawjpd snsdpbado[dic] (191128) snaonppo (snsdpssowdpiq)) son]odpAr) (eH) snsuajxa (snsdpasoudpiqy) san]oidp4r) (&059]A) si[D4ISnD TEA 1up30] (snsdpABSowuApic]) sanjoidosy, [EH snipnon4q0120 (snsdoasoupiq) sott]odp4r) (HEH) soprouotaq (snsdp48owpic]) sajodo) (IEH) supnob4quiponb (snsdpasowdtpic]) sojordoar) (IEH) srisoo1m4/ (snsdpasoudpiq) sauoidpar) [EH srog (snsdpa8020wu1[7)) snsdp480]dicq (&039]A) si4p[n8ub]324 ynsdp48o]dic] sisiad snsdpasojdic] snipuoA2nu snsdp430]diC] (fe) sna JA (SIH) nio snidp430]pugd uomeayrsse[?) SÅPAN 61 81 Ll 9I ll 01 E —MMMMM———————————————————————————— "ON eaaa a ————————————————M————————————————————————————————————————— `sər9əds ayjojdesd 6[ 5, A0OƏ3J JO Áwouoxe} ə41jozde13 ur səZueyo jo Awwung *z AQEL The Victorian Naturalist 274 Cladograpsus furcatus Hall This species, described by McCoy (1875) as rare in the parish of Bulla, is document- ed by Thomas (1960) as Dicranograptus furcatus Hall. Later workers have shown this form to range from Gisbornian to mid- Eastonian. VandenBerg and Cooper (1992) state that numerous Australian records have listed this species, but there are no descrip- tions, which makes its presence uncertain. Dicranograptus furcatus minimus Lapworth is equal to Dicranograptus kirki, so the presence of D. furcatus in Australasia is doubtful. Graptolites (Didvmograpsus) gracilis Hall MeCoy remarked on the smallness and inconspicuous nature of the thecae, which looked like root hairs instead of stipes, and that only the common canal running along the back of the thecae could be seen. However, there was a slight roughness indi- cating the presence of thecae as in New York specimens. He likened the specimens to Rastrites, except that the thecae were not tubular. McCoy was doubtful about this specimen being assigned to Didymo- grapsus, remarking that the unusual growth form could warrant another subgenus for its classification. MeCoy's suspicion was well founded as Thomas (1960) gives Nemagraptus gra- cilis as a separate genus and species, Cas and VandenBerg (1988) demonstrate that this graptolite is the zone fossil for the base of the Gisbornian (Gi-1) and with Climacograptus bicornis confirms the stratigraphical mapping of this zone. This species marks the base of the Upper Ordovician succession in Victoria, and is Part Two also the zone fossil for the base of the Gisbornian Zone Gi-1. Silurian Biserial Graptolites Retiolites australis (McCoy) McCoy reports that this specimen was found in a mudstone of Wenlock age in the United Kingdom. The Victorian occurrence is to the north-west of Keilor. Retiolites occurs at the base of the Upper Silurian in Bohemia. Retiolites geinitzianus (Barrande) was reported by VandenBerg (1988) to be associated with this species. It is listed by him in the Springfield Formation and indi- cates a Late Llandovery age. R. australis is very much smaller with nearly double the number of thecae per cm. Today R. aus- tralis is regarded as Late Llandovery in age. Thomas (1960) indicates that Retiolites australis (McCoy) is a synonym of Stomato-graptus australis (McCoy). Stratigraphic value in Victoria Table 2 shows how the taxonomy of the 19 graptolite species, which McCoy described in the Prodromous. has evolved to the present day. It also shows the value of these species in Victorian stratigraphy. Four of these species are rare and seem to have been lost in the evolving literature, viz Dieranograptus furcatus, Tetragraptus headi, Climacograptus rectangularis (C. riddellensis harris) and Petalograptus palmeus. Of the remainder, long-ranging species are four in number - Tetragraptus quadribrachiatus, T. bryonoides, Dicho- graptus octobrachiatus and Expanso- graptus extensus. This leaves eleven species which are restricted to subzones or are actual zone fossils (Table 3). Table 3. Stratigraphic value of graptolites in McCoy’s Prodromus. Species Pendeograptus fruticosus (4 Br.) and Tetragraptus approximatus Pendeograptus fruticosus (4 Br. alone) Pendeograptus fruticosus (3 and 4 Br.) Pendeograptus fruticosus (3 Br. alone ) Phyllograptus typus Isograptus victoriae var, lunatus Isograptus victoriae var. victoriae Isograptus victoriae var. maximus Isograptus victoriae var. maximo-divergens Climacograptus bicornis with Nemagraptus gracilis Diplograpsus (Orthograptus) pristis and Lasiograptus (Hallograptus) mucronatus Stomatograptus australis and Petalograptus palmeus Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Sub-zone/Zone Be | Be 2 Be 3 Be 4 Be 4 Cal Ca 2 Ca3 Ca 4 Gi | Eastonian Zone Early Silurian (Keilorian) 275 McCoy Issue Thus McCoy brought to the attention of graptolithologists eleven of the 19 species which needed further investigation for pos- sible significance in Ordovician and Early Silurian stratigraphical mapping, not only in Victoria but world-wide. Conclusion The Australian Ordovician has now been divided into Upper and Lower divisions. The boundary between the two is at the base of the Nemagraptus gracilis zone of Cas and VandenBerg (1988). Previously Harris and Thomas (1938) had proposed a three-part division with the Middle Ordovician (formerly the Darriwilian) between the Yapeenian Zone and the Gisbornian Zone. However, Cas and VandenBerg argue that this Middle Ordovician differs in concept from any other region. Furthermore, it represents only a relatively short time interval (VandenBerg and Cooper 1992). The pre- sent subdivision of the Ordovician in Victoria is consistent with the 1986 resolu- tion, where the Cambrian-Ordovician boundary is below the Dictvonema flabelli- forme band at Lancefield and the Ordovician-Silurian boundary is with the first appearance of Parakidograptus acuminatus at Darraweit Guim. Such mapping detail has been the out- come of later workers capitalizing on McCoy’s first descriptions of the 19 grap- tolite species discussed in this paper. As a result of this work, Victorian Ordovician graptolite sequences have been shown to be as complete as any in the world. Acknowledgements Thanks to Dorothy Mahler for help in the organ- isation and typing of the manuscript; to Dr Doug McCann for supplying the relevant documents for the study and to the referee for helpful sug- gestions in improving the manuscript. References Ami, H.M. (1889). On a species of Goriograptus from the Levis formation, Levis, Quebec. Canadan Records of Science 3, 422-428, Cas, R.A.F. and VandenBerg, A.H.M. (1988). Chapter 3: Ordovician. /n ‘Geology of Victoria’, pp. 63-102. Eds J.G. Douglas and J.A. Ferguson. (Geological Society of Australia, Inc: Victoria.) Darragh, T.A., Knight, J.L. and Tattam, C.M.M. (1976). History of Geology in Victoria. /n “Geology of Victoria’, pp. 1-9. Eds J.G. Douglas and J.A. Ferguson. Geological Society of Australia Special Publication No. 5. (Geological Society of Australia, Inc: Victoria.) Hall, J. (1865). *Graptolites of the Quebec Group. Figures and Descriptions of Canadian organie remains’. (Canada Geological Survey.) Kozlowski, R. (1948). Les graptolithes et quelques nouveaux groupes d'animaux du Tremadoc de la Pologne. Palaeontologica Polonica 3, 1-235. McCoy, F. (1846). “A Synopsis of Silurian Fossils of Ireland", (Dublin University Press; Dublin.) McCoy, F. (1874-1881). Prodromus Palaeontology of Victoria. Decades I-VII. Palmer, D. and Rickards, B. (Eds) (1991). Graptolites — Writing in the Rocks. (The Boydell Press.) Ruedemann, R. (1902). Growth and development of Goniograptus thureaui McCoy. New York State Museum Bulletin 52, 516-605. Ruedemann, R. (1947). *Graptolites of North America: Memoir 19°. (Geological Society of America.) Sedgwick, A. and McCoy, F. (1855). ‘The British Palaeozoic Rocks and Fossils’, Vol. 1. Thomas, D.E. (1960). The zonal distribution of Australian graptolites, Journal and Proceedings of the Rayal Society of New South Wales 94, 1-58. VandenBerg, A.H.M. (1988). Chapter 4: Silurian. /n *Geology of Victoria', pp. 103-146. Eds J.G. Douglas and J.A. Ferguson. (Geological Society of Australia, Inc: Victoria.) VandenBerg, A.H.M. and Cooper, R.A. (1992), The Ordovician graptolite sequence of Australasia. Alcheringa 16, 33-85. of the “THE LATE PROFESSOR SIR F. M'Cov, F.R.S., &c. - An appreciative memoir of the late professor appears in the Geological Magazine for June, 1899. After giving the general details of his life, an outline of which has already been published in these pages, a list is given of his smaller contributions to natural science. These number sixty-nine, extending from 1838 to 1876, with a final communication in 1881. They cover a vast range of subjects, and the greater number were published in the Annals of Natural History Magazine." 276 From The Victorian Naturalist Vol. XVI, No. 5 (p. 92) September 7, 1899 The Victorian Naturalist Part Two McCoy's Mammals John Seebeck! and Robert M. Warneke? Introduction Although Frederick McCoy was princi- pally a geologist and palaeontologist (Pescott 1954; Darrragh 1992), he was a true generalist, interested in and knowl- edgeable about a wide range of both inver- tebrate and vertebrate fauna, modern and fossil. As Professor of Natural Science at The University of Melbourne and Director of the embryonic National Museum of Victoria (now Museum Victoria) he recog- nised the necessity for such Institutions to be able to demonstrate the diversity of life- forms to the community and was therefore at great pains to develop both teaching and exhibition collections. For whatever rea- sons — lack of time, lack of collecting opportunities or perhaps because the field had been so well covered by his contempo- rary and friend John Gould (whose singu- lar publication The Mammals of Australia (Gould 1845-1863) was completed during McCoy’s time as Professor) - McCoy did not specifically pursue the study of the contemporary mammals of Victoria. In an essay on the natural history of Victoria, written to accompany the catalogue of the 1861 Victorian Exhibition, McCoy observed that ‘the Recent mammalia ... are so fully known from the admirable works [of Gould] that I shall not allude at all to them ...” (McCoy 1861: 170). However, when the opportunity arose for him to investigate something new, he did so with appropriate professional skill, and he investigated and described a number of mammal species, both contemporary and fossil. In this contribution we will examine these in their several categories. Flora and Fauna Statewide Programs, Department of Natural Resources and Environment, 250 Victoria Parade, East Melbourne, Victoria 3002. “1511 Mt Hicks Road, Yolla, Tasmania 7325. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Descriptions of new, contemporary mammals McCoy described and named two modern terrestrial mammal species, Halmaturus wilcoxi in 1866 (McCoy 1866). and Gymnobelideus leadbeateri in 1867 (MeCoy 1867a). Halmaturus wilcoxi was described from two specimens collected by J.F. Wilcox at Richmond River, New South Wales. Iredale and Troughton (1934) placed the species in Thylogale stigmatica, subspecies wilcoxi Red-legged Pademelon. Dixon (1970) confirmed this nomenclature and noted that the type specimens, a female and a male, are held by Museum Victoria. According to Strahan (1995) the subspecies still stands. Gymnobelideus leadbeateri Leadbeater's Possum was described from two specimens collected from the Bass River, and named after the skilled taxidermist at the National Museum, John Leadbeater. The original description, in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History, was illustrated with an uncoloured lithograph of a mounted speci- men, fore- and hind-feet and teeth. The drawing was relatively crude and simplis- tic, but clearly recognisable (Fig. 1). The description, accompanied by a redrawn, coloured plate showing the animal, fore- and hind-feet and the skull and teeth, was re-published as Plate 91, in Decade X of the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria (MeCoy 1878-1885). The genus and species still stand and Leadbeater's Possum is now one of Victoria's two State faunal emblems (the other being the Helmeted Honeyeater). A third species of modern mammal was described in 1867, Physalus grayi, a “new species of the genus Physalus, or "Finner", from a specimen that washed up on the coast at Jan Juc in August 1866 (McCoy 1867b). Although this ‘species’ was subsequently synonymised within Balaenoptera physalus Fin Whale by Iredale and Troughton (1934), their deter- 277 McCoy Issue % Naunal size Ls aa f Hasire [ith Fig. 1. First illustration of Leadbeater’s Possum Gymnobelideus leadbeateri McCoy. Lithograph by J. Basire. Published in Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Series 3, 1867, 20, Plate 5, 287-88. 278 The Victorian Naturalist mination was in error. and Brazenor (1950) and later Wakefield (1967) recognised that the specimen was in fact Balaenoptera musculus, the Blue Whale. The full skele- ton was articulated and displayed at The University of Melbourne until 1899, when it was apparently dismantled and disposed of rather than being reconstructed at the new Museum. A photograph of the skele- ton, incorrectly captioned Black Right- Whale (Southern Right Whale, Eubalaena australis) is opposite p. 66 in Pescott (1954). All that remains are the right tym- panic bulla and four baleen plates (Dixon and Frigo 1994). Comments on, and descriptions of, con- temporary mammals MeCoy was concerned with ensuring that the National Museum established its role as one of the essential cultural institutions of the increasingly sophisticated society that Melbourne was becoming. One way to demonstrate its value was by publishing scholarly and readily accessible accounts of the natural history of the colony, as had been already done for the geology and palaeontology. The publication of the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria (MeCoy 1878-1885) was to be the precur- sor to a more detailed and comprehensive documentation of the natural history of Victoria. The Prodromus included descrip- tions and figures of three contemporary mammal species apart from Gymnobe- lideus — all are marine mammals, and one of them was featured twice. The species were the Sea Leopard (Leopard Seal), Stenorhynchus (= Hydrurga) leptonyx Plate 21, Decade III; Yellow-sided (= Common) Dolphin. Delphinus novae zealandiae (— delphis) Plate 22, Decade III: and Australian Sea-bear or Fur-seal (Australian Fur-seal), Ewotaria cinerea (= Arctocephalus pusillus) Plate 31, Decade IV and Plate 71, Decade VIII. Leopard Seals are not infrequent visitors to the Victorian coastline. The specimen illustrated was drawn from life by Ludwig Becker, the artist who died on the Burke and Wills expedition, and it became one of several specimens in the Museum collec- tion. Interestingly, Gould himself figured this species, one of only two marine mam- mals that he included in The Mammals of Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two Australia (the other being the Australian Sea Lion, Neophoca cinerea). Despite their vernacular name, Common Dolphins are not now at all common in Port Phillip Bay. The most abundant dolphin in the bay is the Bottlenose Dolphin Tursiops truncatus — McCoy (1878-1885: 10) noted that sailors called the dolphin the * Bottle-nose". The Australian Fur-seal rookery at Seal Rocks was visited by McCoy, where he collected an adult male and female, and a young one. The account accompanying Plate 71 provides a very detailed picture of the colony that today remains a major stronghold for the species. In his 1861 essay, McCoy offered com- ment about the mainland existence of the Spot-tailed Quoll Dasyurus maculatus, which had hitherto been understood to be restricted to Tasmania. Several specimens had reached the Museum from the forests close to Melbourne. He also announced his recognition that the Dingo was indigenous, an issue that had been in debate at the time (McCoy 1861). In addition, he discussed the mammal fossil record in Victoria — but more of that later. Five years later, Victoria hosted the Intercolonial Exhibition, and McCoy wrote another essay, titled On the Recent Zoology and Palaeontology of Victoria. By way of introduction, he explained that he would only refer ‘to those species of ani- mals affording economically useful materi- als, or of some special present interest in relation to unsettled scientific questions’ (McCoy 1867b: 309); thus his comments did not set out to include observations on all the mammals known for the State. Indeed, he began by stating that "very few of the Victorian quadrupeds are economi- cally useful’, and most of the notes were concerned with the value of the skin (as leather or fur) or the animal as food. It was an important part of colonial life to make use of the available natural resources, and McCoy may well have seen it as part of his educational role to give such advice as he could to the man in the street — and, hope- fully, to the man in the bush as well, Marine mammals such as stranded large whales could and did provide oil and whalebone, both of which were extracted and sold. Despite this somewhat narrow considera- tion of the State's mammal fauna, McCoy 279 McCoy Issue Table 1. Mammals listed in MeCoy's essay for the Intercolonial Exhibition, 1866-67. Species, as reported in McCoy names Dasyurus viverrinus Native Cat Perameles obesnla Bandicoot Perameles fasciata Bandicoot Phascolomys Wombat Phalangista vulpina Opossum Phalangista Viverrina — Ring-tail Opossum var Vietoriae Hypsiprymnus Lagorchestes Macropus fuliginosus Macropus major Kangaroo Rat Hare-Kangaroo Sooty Kangaroo Old Man, Boomer Kangaroo Macropus ocydromus Halmaturus bennetti Osphranter rufus Halmaturus Brachyurus Halmaturus uallabatus Molossus australis Red Kangaroo Wallabi Native Dog or Dingo Eared Seal Sea Leopard Finner Arctocephalus lobatus* Stenorhynchus leptonyx Physalus Grayi McCoy's vernacular Present scientific name Dasyurus viverrinus Isoodon obesulus Perameles gunnii Vombatus ursinus Trichosurus vulpecula Pseudocheirus peregrinus Potorous tridaclylus Lagorchestes leporides Eastern Hare-wallaby Macropus fuliginosus Macropus giganteus Macropus fuliginosus Macropus rufogriseus Macropus rufus Thylogale billarclierii Arctocephalus pusillus Hydrurga leptonyx Balaenoptera musculus Blue Whale Present vernacular Eastern Quoll Southern Brown Bandicoot Eastern Barred Bandicoot Common Wombat Common Brushtail Possum Common Ringtail Possum Long-nosed Potoroo Western Grey Kangaroo Eastern Grey Kangaroo Western Grey Kangaroo Red-necked Wallaby Red Kangaroo Tasmanian Pademelon Wallabia bicolor Black Wallaby Tadarida australis White-striped Freetail Bat Canis lupus dingo Dingo Australian Fur-seal Leopard Seal * In the later Prodromus of Zoology (1878-1885), McCoy referred to this species as Euotaria cinerea, a combination apparently derived from J.E.Gray's 1866a, 1866b and 1871 reviews of fur seal and sea lion taxonomy. However, as Gray (1866b, 1871) erected Euotaria as a sub-genus of Arctocephalus including [South] American species, and Gypsophoca for Australian species, MeCoy seems to have erred. did list some of the species found in Victoria. It is a pity that he did not choose to provide a list of all the mammals known, as he did for the birds. Table 1 lists the species reported. Of interest are com- ments about the biogeography of the large kangaroos. McCoy believed that there were four species present and commented on the differences in appearance and distri- bution. Two species that he reported are now recognised to be conspecifie — Macropus fuliginosus and M. ocydromus but the taxonomy of the grey kangaroos was not sorted out until the 1970s (Kirsch and Poole 1972). McCoy was not just a narrowly focussed academic. He was very much alert to the ecological consequences of fencing pastoral land, which had result- ed in a large increase in numbers of kanga- roos, often necessitating the Killing of ‘hundreds ... on the squatters runs merely to save the grass for the sheep" (McCoy 1867b: 309). The increase in kangaroo numbers was also attributed to the exten- sive poisoning of Dingoes. Somewhat sur- 280 prisingly, MeCoy made errors of identifi- cation of the wallabies found in Victoria and Bass Strait, believing that the Black Wallaby (now Wallabia bicolor) was pre- sent on Bass Strait islands as well as in southern Victoria, and attributing the name of the Quokka Setonyx brachyurus of Western Australia to the Tasmanian Pademelon Thylogale billardierii which, in his time, was still present in coastal eastern Victoria. MeCoy's confusion was possibly a reflection of the very limited reference material available to him in Australia and his unavoidable reliance on taxonomic reviews published in Europe, where most of the significant collections of birds and mammals were held. Many years were to pass before adequate geographically repre- sentative reference material was ayailable in Australia for such comparative zoology. Furs from possums and ‘native cats’ (Dasyurus viverrinus, Eastern Quoll and possibly also Spot-tailed Quoll) were also seen as desirable products, and McCoy urged the promotion of them into the The Victorian Naturalist Part Two Table 2. Fossil mammals named by McCoy, with their present-day taxonomic standing. Date: Date Authority Uncertain — was to replace annextans, Mahoney 1964 Archer and Dawson 1982 Wilkinson 1978 Archer et al. 1984 Archer er al. 1984 and therefore possibly D. australis of description. Species, as named Date Modern status of nomenclature by McCoy Dasyurus affinis 1865 Dasyurus maculatus Thylacoleo oweni 1876 Thvlacoleo carnifex Phascolomys pliocenus 1866 Vombatus ursinus Diprotodon annextans — 1861 Uncertain — possibly D. australis Diprotodon longiceps 1865 Bettongia cuniculoides 1868 Uncertain — but most probably B. gaimardi, given the locality (Loddon River) Hypsiprymnus trisulcatus 1865 Arctocephalus williamsi 1866 Cetotolites baileyi 1879 Nomen nucum* Cetotolites leggei 1879 Nomen nudum Cetotolites pricei 1879 Nomen dubium** Cetotolites nelsoni 1879 Nomen dubium Cetotolites nelsoni 1879 Ditto var rugosa Parasqualodon wilkinsoni 1866 Potorous tridactylus Neoplioca cinerea Possibly conspecifie with This paper; Archer ef al. 1984 considered that the ‘distinction of this taxon is unclear’ Mahoney 1964 Fordyce and Flannery 1983 Fordyce 1984 Fordyce 1984 Fordyce 1984 Fordyce 1984 Fordyce 1984 Fordyce 1984 Prosqualodon davidis Ziphius (Dolichodon) 1882. Nomen dubium geelongensis Physetodon baileyi 1879 Genus and species still stand, but Fordyce 1984 Fordyce 1984 possibly nomen dubium * Nomen nudum: A name that fails to conform to certain Articles in the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature ( 1985). It is not an available name and therefore the same name may be made available later, from which time the authority would date, ** Nomen dubium: A name of unknown or doubtful application. European fur trade. 'So abundant and easi- ly obtained are these skins ..." (MeCoy 1867b: 309). Would that it were still so! The fur from the Fur Seal was reckoned to be ‘of good quality when properly dressed’ (McCoy 1867b: 309). However, these seals had been heavily exploited for many decades prior to McCoy's comments, and while there remained a sporadic and low- level trade in seal skins, the industry had effectively finished many years prior, so that despite the quality of the skins, there was not much profit to be made from the species by McCoy's time. Descriptions of mammal fossils McCoy's palaeontogical expertise was at the forefront in most of his mammalian investigations. Between 1861 and 1882 he described 16 taxa of fossil mammals (Archer et al. 1984; McCoy 1874-1882; Table 2). Nine of these descriptions appeared in the Prodromus of Palaeont- ology, 1874-1882. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 He described Diprotodon annextans in 1861 and D. longiceps in 1865 (Archer et al. 1984 considered that this was a replace- ment name for D. annextans). He exam- ined a collection of fossil bones found by A.R.C. Selwyn in a cave at Gisborne dur- ing the early 1860s, commenting on the species present in his 1861 essay. In a note that was present on some printings of a Geological Survey of Victoria map (GSV Quarter Sheet 7 NW, 1865), McCoy (1865) listed the following species of mammals as being present (we have repro- duced the names as given): Canis Dingo; new Genus of Carnivorous animal; Diabolus (Sarcophilus) Ursinus; Dasyurus viverrinus; Dasyurus affinis; Phalangista vulpina; Phalangista New Species; Perameles obesula; Hypsiprymnus trisul- catus, Macropus nearly allied to M. uala- batus. He thus described two new species of marsupial — Dasyurus affinis, a “new species nearly as large as D. maculatus but differing in proportions’, and //ypsi- 281 MeCoy Issue prymnus trisulcatus, a new species a little smaller than the living # minor and hav- ing only 3 sulci [grooves] on the large pre- molar in the lower jaw. Mahoney (1964) reviewed the identities of the two new species and concluded that Dasyurus affinis was in fact D. maculatus, measurements and morphology of the syn- types falling within the normal range of that species. Gill (1953b) figured the syn- types, which appear to be typical D. macu- latus. Hypsiprymnus trisulcatus was, simi- larly, relegated to a junior synonym of Potorous tridactylus by Mahoney. who pointed out that variation in the number of sulei was apparent within that species and thus was not a discriminating character. Mahoney considered that the fauna described in MeCoy's note was representa- tive of the modern fauna of the area. That is true, with the exception of Sarcophilus. Several records of that species in cave deposits in Victoria have been reported (Mahoney 1912; Gill 1953a, c) and it is likely that it was present on the mainland until fairly recently (in geological terms). Mahoney (1964) was unable to identify McCoy`s ‘new Species of Carnivorous ani- mal’, noting that one possibility was Hydromys chrysogaster Water Rat. McCoy himself (1861) mentioned that Hydromys was present in the ‘Mount Macedon cav- ers’ (= Gisborne) deposits, but made no further reference to the species. Hydromys seems unlikely. Mahoney quotes Selwyn’s description, which likens the skull to that of *a domestic cat. but not more than half the size’: perhaps a kitten? The conundrum will remain unless the specimen is found. McCoy was enthusiastic about fossil marine mammals and described nine species — one otariid seal, the remainder cetaceans, Fordyce (1984, 1991) has assessed these species and concluded that most are invalid. Further review may reveal that those names still standing are indeed synonyms. It is a somewhat sad reflection of McCoy's diligent and knowledgeable descriptive zoology. then, that only one species of mammal, modern or fossil, has truly stood the test of time and review. It is. however, a pleasing legacy that that species should be Leadbeater’s Possum, Victoria’s only endemic mammal and one of its State Faunal Emblems. 282 Acknowledgements We wish to thank Tom Darragh, Museum Victoria, for helpful discussions about Frederick McCoy and for the provision of copies of difti- cult-to-obtain references, and Carol Harris, Arthur Rylah Institute Librarian, for facilitating copies of other essential references. The State Library of Victoria provided a copy of McCoy's illustration of Leadbeater's Possum, which forms Fig. 1. References Archer, M, and Dawson, L. (1982), Revision of marsu- pial lions of the genus Thylacoleo Gervais (Thylacoleonidae, Marsupialia) and thylacoleonid evolution in the late Cainozoic. Im ‘Carnivorous Marsupials’, pp. 477-94 . Ed, M. Archer. (Royal Zoological Society o[ New South Wales: Sydney.) Archer, M., Clayton, G. and Hand. S. (1984). A check- list of Australian fossil mammals. /r ` Vertebrate Zoogeography & Evolution in Australasia (Animals in space and time)’, pp. 1027-87. Eds M. Archer and G. Clayton, (Hesperian Press: Carlisle.) Brazenor, C.W. (1950). “The Mammals of Victoria and the Dental Characteristics of Monotremes and Australian Marsupials’. National Museum of Victoria. Handbook No. 1. (Brown, Prior. Anderson: Melbourne). Darragh, T.A (1992). Frederick McCoy. The Fossil Collector Bulletin 36, 15-22. Dixon, J.M. (1970). Catalogue of mammal types (Class Mammalia) im the National Museum of Victoria. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 3. 105-14. Dixon, J.M. and Frigo, L. (1994). The Cetacean Collection of the Museum of Victoria, An Annotated Catalogue. (Australian Deer Research Foundation, Croydon, Victoria.) Fordyce, (R) E. (1984). Evolution and Zoogeography of Cetaceans in Australia. /m *Vertebrate Zoogeography & Evolution in Australasia (Animals in space and time)’, pp. 929-48. Eds M. Archer and G. Clayton. (Hesperian Press: Carlisle.) Fordyce, R.E., (1991). The Australasian marine verte- brate record and its climatic and geographic implica- tions. /n `Vertebrate Palaeontology of Australasia’, pp. 1165-90. Eds P. Vickers-Rich, J.M. Monaghan, R.F. Baird and T.H. Rich. (Pioneer Design Studio and Monash University: Melbourne.) Fordyce, R.E. and Flannery, T.F. (1983). Fossil phocid seals from the later Tertiary of Victoria. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 95, 99-100. Gill, E.D, (1953a). Geological evidence in western Victoria relative to the antiquity of the Australian aborigines. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 18, 25-92, Gill, E.D. (1953b). Catalogue of Quaternary Types and figured specimens in the National Museum, Melbourne. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 18, 157-68, Gill. E.D. (1953¢). Distribution of the Tasmanian Devil, the Tasmanian Wolf. and the Dingo in S.E. Australia in Quaternary time. The Vietorian Naturalist 70, 86-90, Gould. J, (1845-63), The Mammals of Australia. (Published by the author: London.) Gray, J.E. (1866a). Observations on the *Prodrome of a Monograph of the Pinnipedes’ by T. Gill. Annals and Mayuzine of Natural History Series 3 (17), 444-46. Gray. J.B. (1866b). Notes on the skulls of sea-bears and sea-hons (Otaridae) in the British Museum. Arnals and Magazine of Natural History Series 3 (18), 228-37. The Victorian Naturalist Gray, J.E. (1871). “Supplement to the Catalogue of Seals and Whales in the British Museum’. (British Museum, London.) Iredale, T. and Troughton, E. Le G. (1934). “A Checklist of the Mammals Recorded from Australia’. Memoir VI, The Australian Museum, Sydney. International Trust for Zoological Nomenclature (1985). ‘International Code of Zoological Nomenclature’. (International Trust for Zoological Nomenclature: London.) Kirsch, J.A.W. and Poole, W.E. (1972). Taxonomy and distribution of the grey kangaroos, Macropus gigan- teus Shaw and Macropus fuliginosus (Desmarest), and their subspecies (Marsupralia: Macropodidae). Australian Journal of Zoology 20, 315-39. Mahoney, D.J. (1912). On the bones of the Tasmanian Devil and other animals, associated with human remains near Warrnambool: with a note on the dune sand. The Victorian Naturalist 29, 43-46. Mahoney, J.A. (1964). The taxonomic status of Dasvurns affinis McCoy [1865] (Dasyuridae) and Hypsiprymmus trisulcatus MeCoy [1865] (Macropodidae), two marsupials from a Holocene McCoy, F. (1861). On the Ancient and Recent Natural History of Victoria. “Catalogue of the Victorian Exhibition 1861; with Prefatory Essays Indicating the Progress, Resources, and Physical Characteristics of the Colony’, pp. 159-74. (Government Printer: Melbourne.) McCoy, F. (1865). Note, Quarter sheet 7 NW, (Mount Aitken). Geological Survey of Victoria. Part Two McCoy, F. (1866), On a new species of Halmaturus from East Australia. Annals and Magazine of Natural History Series 3 (18), 322-23, McCoy, F. (1867a). On a new genus of Phalanger. Annals and Magazine of Natural History Series 3 (20), 287-88. McCoy, F. (1867b). On the Recent Zoology and Palaeontology of Victoria. /n *Intercolonial Exhibition Essays, 1866-67. No.7", pp. 309-30. (Government Printer: Melbourne.) McCoy, F. (1874-1882). Geological Survey of Victoria, Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Vietoria; or Figures and Descriptions of Victorian Organic Remains. (Government Printer: Melbourne.) McCoy, F. (1878-1885). Natural History of Victoria. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria: or, Figures and Descriptions of the Living Species of All Classes of the Victorian Indigenous Animals. 2 vols (Decades 1-20). (Government Printer: Melbourne, ) Pescott, R.T.M. (1954), *Collections of a Century: the history of the fitst hundred years of the Nalional Museum of Victoria’. (National Museum of Victoria: Melbourne.) Strahan, R. (ed.) (1995). “The Mammals of Australia’. (Reed Books/Australian Museum: Sydney.) Wakefield. N.A. (1967). Whales and Dolphins Recorded for Victoria. The Victorian Naturalist 84, 273-81, Wilkinson, H.E. (1978). Synonymy of the fossil wom- bat Vombatus pliocenus (MeCoy) with the living wombat Vombatus hirsutus (Perry). Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 39, 93-100. Comments on the Ostracod Genus Bairdia M‘Coy, 1844 Mark Thomas Warne' Concerning the initial description of the crustacean/ostracod genus Bairdia M‘Coy. 1844 from the Carboniferous of Ireland, Malz (1988) commented that “McCoy was not aware of the importance of his discoy- ery then, for as often happens great discov- eries are evaluated much later." Malz (1988) also mused that it was not until a hfespan later that the full importance of M'Coy's description of Bairdia became apparent (with the erection of the family Bairdiidae Sars 1888). Interestingly, the original lateral view diagram in M‘Coy, 1844 of Bairdia curtus (type species for genus) illustrates this species in an upside down fashion with respect to its probable original orientation in life (Fig. 1A). Fossil specimens attributed to Bairdia range back in geological time to the School of Ecology and Environment. Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Clayton, Victoria 3168, Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Ordovician, with species of this genus becoming common in open shallow marine palaeoenvironments from the mid Palaeozoic (Fig. IB). For many years the Bairdia generic concept was applied to younger post-Palaeozoic fossil and living ostracods with similar morphology — and some taxonomists still utilise this generic name for modern species. However, Cainozoic specimens of Bairdia s.l. have been split into a number of different genera by Maddocks (1966). In particular, the genera Neonesidea Maddocks, 1966 and Paranesidea Maddocks, 1966 (Fig. 1C) most closely resemble Bairdia - so much so that it may be argued that using the carapace as morphological grounds for dis- tinguishing the former two from the latter are still questionable. This is largely a con- sequence of one of the most salient fea- tures of Bairdia s.l. ostracods — their sub- trapezoid shaped carapace — which has 283 McCoy Issue remained a very dominant and conserva- tive morphological feature throughout the evolutionary history of the Bairdiidae. Bairdia s.l. group ostracods have been abundant and ubiquitous faunal elements of shallow marine realms throughout most of the Phanerozic with a few species becom- ing adapted to deep ocean environments from about the mid Cretaceous. They account for a significant component of modern day ostracod biodiversity. Indeed, so common are Bairdia s.l. ostracods in fossil and modern marine faunas that they can be considered as one of the most wide- spread and long ranging of all advanced life forms to have inhabited the earth. References Maddocks, R.F. (1966). Revision of Recent Bairdiidae (Ostracoda). United States National Museum Bulletin 295, 1-126. Malz, H. (1988). The Bairdia Dynasty: Review, Activities, Aspects. /n ‘Evolutionary Biology of Ostracoda: Its Fundamentals and Applications; Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Ostracoda, Shizuoka', pp. 75-82. Eds T. Hanai, N. Ikeya and K. Ishizaki. (Elsevier: Amsterdam.) M‘Coy, F. (1844). *A synopsis of the characters of the Carboniferous limestone fossils of Ireland’. (Dublin University Press: Dublin.) Sars, G.O. (1888). Nye Bidrag til Kundskaben om Middlehavets Invertebratfauna. 4. Ostracoda Mediterranea: Archiv for Mathematik og Naturvidenskab Oslo 12, 173-324. Fig. 1. A. Enlargement (*2.5) of illustrations of Bairdia curtus M‘Coy, 1844 (Plate 23, fig. 6) and Bairdia gracilis M‘Coy, 1844 (Plate 23, fig. 7). M'Coy recorded the length of B. curtus as being equal to ‘one line’. M'Coy recorded the length of B. gracilis as being equal to “half a line’. B. Bairdia sp. Carapace from Lower Devonian Buchan Caves Limestone outcropping near Lilly Pilly Cave, Buchan, eastern Victoria. Length of specimen is 0.60 mm. C. Paranesidea sp. Right valve from latest Upper Miocene Black Rock Sandstone intersected in Nepean 1 borehole at 178.3 metres depth (Nepean Peninsula, southern Victoria). Length of specimen is 0.65 mm. 284 The Victorian Naturalist Part Two A ‘Bite’ From the Past Leigh Ahern’ During spring of 1999 I was fortunate to have the opportunity of assisting Mr A. J. (John) Coventry, the Officer-in-Charge of Herpetology at the Museum of Victoria, in carrying out re-labelling and other curator- ial work on parts of the State herpetologi- cal collection, then housed at Abbotsford, near Melbourne. The task frequently involved checking to ensure that specimen naming was in accord (as far as practica- ble) with current taxonomy and that former references to the specimen (often as differ- ent taxa) in literature or historic museum registers were recorded on the museunr's modern computerised database. The work provided me with the opportu- nity to glimpse many preserved herpetolog- ical specimens dating back over the last 150 years or so. I was especially impressed by the number of fine snake specimens, many large and difficult to handle when alive, and often highly venomous, yet col- lected from some extremely remote parts of Australia. It was indeed a thrill to examine specimens still displaying the hand-written field labels of eminent naturalists of the past, including Gerard Krefft, Donald Thomson, Peter Rawlinson, and many oth- ers, and to view their additional contribu- tions in the form of register entries and unpublished museum reports and notes. An added benefit of working with John was the opportunity to marvel at the depth of knowledge gained during a career very purposefully dedicated to expanding and improving this State's herpetological col- lection. Under John's guidance, I often spent the lunch-hour perusing many of the Museum's literary gems on herpetology and wider natural history subjects. It was he who directed me to one of its most interesting holdings, the Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria by Professor Frederick McCoy, published in suecessive parts between 1878 and 1890. On one occasion | came upon an unchar- acteristically damaged spirit-specimen—a snake labelled as Diemenia superciliosa ' PO Box 416, Yarra Glen, Victoria 3775. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 (now known as the Western Brown Snake Pseudonaja nuchalis)—which had been donated by a “Mr Strickland’, The unfortu- nate reptile appeared to have been all but chopped through in some four or five sepa- rate places along the body. The jar label referred to this specimen as having been ‘figured’ in Professor McCoy's Prodromus. Curious to understand what interest Professor McCoy might have had in such a poor specimen, I looked up the relevant Plate (23) in Volume I of the Prodromus (Fig. 1). The specimen had in fact only been used as one of a series of seven snakes from which morphological measurements had been tabulated for the species, and an 'aver- age specimen’ depicted, Reading on. however, | discovered that Mr Strickland's specimen had a chilling relevance to the remarks made by Professor McCoy regarding contemporary treatments for the bite of this highly dangerous species. He wrote: ‘In the experiments made by Dr Halford on snake-poisoning, tabulated in the Medical Society s Journal for March 1875, all the cases of people bit- ten by the Brown Snake and treated by the injection of ammonia recovered; but in one of the last cases mentioned in the public journals (Bendigo Advertiser, 27 October 1877). a snake of this species, 3 feet 6 inch- es long (the fifth in the above table of mea- surements), bit Mrs. Eleanor Ingleby, resid- ing at Sebastian, in the hand, and she died from the effects within fifty minutes. The acting coroner, Mr. Strickland, who held the inquest, sent the specimen to the Museum, where it is now deposited. so that the species is determined with certainty." This incident, while illustrating what may have been a frequent tragedy in early colo- nial days, also highlights a seldom recog- nised feature of Victoria's natural history collections —namely, the stories associated with the collection itself. A surprising amount of fascinating historic detail was revealed to me even in the simple process of reviewing and rearranging the existing her- petological collection. Sadly, with every passing day, more of this rich historic detail 285 McCoy Issue recedes forever into dusty oblivion created by modern times and changing administra- tive priorities, Thankfully, Professor MeCoy's Prodromus remains one means by which we can still experience at least a little of the former magic and adventure of Victoria's early inquiries into natural history. J A NO As. A NNN LAA — Fig. 1. The Common Brown Snake Diemenia superciliosa (fig. 1); Small-scaled Brown Snake Diemenia microlepiodota (McCoy) (figs. 2 & 3); The Shield-fronted Brown Snake Diemenia aspidorhyncha (McCoy). Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume I, Decade III, Plate 23. Lithograph by A. Bartholomew and F. Schonfeld under the direction of Professor McCoy. 286 'The Victorian Naturalist Tum Part Two Frederick McCoy — the Challenge of Interpretation of Thylacoleonid Fossil Material Bernard Mace! Abstract To 19% century biologists, Australia was a ‘living museum’ of marsupial species, and it became apparent that many of the extant genera were represented by fossils in the Tertiary geological strata of the northern hemisphere. Large marsupial carnivores were surprisingly absent from the extant fauna, except in Tasmania, and it was the palaeontologists, initially overseas experts exemplified by Professor (Sir) Richard Owen, who discovered that the Late Pleistocene was well served with marsu- pial carnivores. The most spectacular of all, and among the last to be verified, was Thylacoleo carnifex (Owen), the Marsupial Lion, The characterisation of this unique animal as a carnivore, rather than herbivore, omnivore or scavenger, was the subject of prolonged argument among experts of the time. Frederick MeCoy was one of an emerging group of local scientists to enter the debate, and made an outstanding contribution. (The Victorian Naruralist 118 (6), 2001, 287-293.) The apparent absence of large marsupial carnivores on mainland Australia has pre- sented a puzzle to modern-day zoologists, but to 19" century palaeontologists the pic- ture of extinct fauna was very different. Following the earliest days of biological discovery when the observations of Darwin, Banks and Baudin were building the foundations of scientific knowledge of the unique biology of this country, the lay- ers of biological history and evolution were likewise beginning to be revealed by eminent palaeontologists of the time. Professor Richard Owen, Georges Cuvier, T.H. Huxley, Lydekker, Gervais and Clift were prominent overseas experts who analysed fossil material sent to Europe from Australia. Subsequently. an emerging body of Australian scientists, including Gerard Krefft, Professor Frederick McCoy, Professor J.W. Gregory, Henry Brown and Charles De Vis, contributed their interpre- tations to the growing body of overseas expertise, as the exploratory and geologi- cal expeditions yielded fossil records of an extraordinary prehistory (Rich ef al. 1985) It became apparent that the extinct mar- supial fauna was characterised not only by a remarkable profusion and diversity of species, but also by the expected balance of carnivores and herbivores, at least well into the late Pleistocene. In this geological- ly recent period, the large physical propor- tions of representatives of extant genera observed in the fossil record contrasted 59 Morang Road, Hawthorn, Victoria 3122. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 markedly with the dimensions of present day fauna, and the term ‘megafauna’ was applied to marsupials of the past era, as it was to the extinct giant eutherian mam- mals of the northern hemisphere and the Americas. The size range of marsupial car- nivora spanned diminutive dasyurids, through intermediate sarcophylids and thy- lacinids, and at the top of the food chain, with the capability of preying on even the largest macropodids and diprotodontids, was the remarkable creature Thylacoleo carnifex (Owen), the Marsupial (or Pouched) Lion. However, the process of interpretation leading to this conclusion was by no means uncontroversial. The earliest knowledge of the existence of a lion-sized marsupial predator in Australia's prehistory was due to the ana- lytical skills of Professor Richard Owen, who was presented with fossil teeth of an unusual nature by Major Thomas Mitchell in the 1830s. The fossil material was col- lected from the Wellington Valley area of New South Wales, having been gathered during the famous explorer's expeditions. Initially, Owen was unable to offer a solu- tion to their identity. “I could not, at that date, determine the affinities of the Australian mammal yielding such a tooth’ (Owen 1877: 107). It was to take another 30 years for some clarity about the nature and ‘affinities’ of the enigmatic creature to emerge. Subsequent fossil material from a tribu- tary of the Condamine River, Queensland, and another find in 1846 from Lake 287 MeCoy Issue Fig. 1. Thylacoleonid teeth and bone fragments sent to Owen in 1837 (from Owen 1877, fig. 1, plate VI). Colungulac, Western Victoria, enabled Owen to begin to define the species and its habits (Fig. 1). Following a lengthy analysis of the ‘sin- gular’ but sull tantalisingly incomplete fos- sil material he had at his disposal, Professor Owen summarises ... and the chief conclusion as to the affinities of the animal to which they belonged, had been indicated by the term Thylacoleo, i.c. Marsupial or Pouched Lion, which conclu- sion was based on the characters and com- parisons of those fossil remains detailed in the foregoing pages. The coneurrence in them of so many cranial characters found only in the Marsupialia, will be deemed, I apprehend, demonstrative of the marsupial nature of Thylacoleo; and, amongst existing Marsupialia. the Sarco- philus or Dasyurus ursinus - at present the largest existing species of its genus — seems to me to have the nearest affinities to Thvlacoleo, although the interval be still very great between them (Owen 1877: 120- 121). After examining additional fossil material, Owen became convinced that Thylacoleo was a carnivorous representative of the diprotodontids (Owen 1877: 131). By virtue of its extraordinary dental and cra- 288 nial characteristics, he determined that this was a powerful, highly specialised carni- vore. In existing carnivorous mammals, the feroc- ity of the species is in the ratio of *carnas- siality’ of the sectorial molar, i.e. of the pre- dominance of the ‘blade’ over the “tubercle’ ... From the size and form of the carnassials of Thylacoleo, especially of the upper one, we may infer that it was one of the fellest and most destructive of predatory beasts (Owen 1877: 119). Some 30 years later, Frederick McCoy received complementary thylacoleonid fos- sil material from the Lake Colungulac source in Western Victoria. Thus he became engaged in the process of interpre- tation of characteristics of this intriguing animal, and later contributed to the debate that had been raging amongst palaeontolo- gists of the time, following the controver- sial published views of Professor Owen. The problem of interpretation was heightened by the distinctive nature of the fossil teeth. Unusually large and well pointed incisors were complemented by extraordinary long shearing premolars resembling an efficient guillotine-like mechanism. Associated with these were two pairs of lesser incisors, small conical canines and, posterior to the large premo- lars, almost vestigial molars. This striking- ly unusual dentition belonged to an animal with a heavily boned skull structure similar in size and musculature to a large pan- therid such as the African Lion, to which Owen soon compared it (Owen 1877). Nothing was then known of the body struc- ture of the animal, but by the time Owen had satisfied himself that he was dealing with a carnivore, some phalanges (toe and claw fragments) had been discovered and again they supported the flesh-eating hypothesis. Owen noticed similarities in the dentition of Plagiaulax sp. (Owen 1877), a small car- nivorous marsupial from known British Mesozoic fauna, to that of Thylacoleo, and it was this observation that led him strongly toward the marsupial carnivore diagnosis. Plagiaulax was determined to be a small, early mammal adapted to preying on small reptiles. It too exhibited stabbing incisors and shearing premolars (Fig, 2), indicating a high degree of ‘carnassiality’ (Owen 1877). The Victorian Naturalist Fig. 2. Thylacoleonid teeth and mandible frag- ments which Owen compared to P/agiaulax shown (Fig. 10) on this plate (from Owen 1877, plate [X). Owen presented his findings to the Royal Society of London, 15 June, 1865, and subsequently analysed and answered "Objections to The Author's Determination of The Nature and Habits of The Species’ (Owen 1877: 133). . several eminent and experienced investi- gators of fossil remains have endeavoured to determine to which of the groups ... the Thylacoleo was most closely or immediate- ly allied. Some have been led to the belief of its having been a Kangaroo, some have deemed it a Potoroo or Rat-Kangaroo, oth- ers would rank it with the arboreal Phalangers or Koalas; but all concur in repudiating its carnivorous character, hay- ing rejected the distinct section of Diproto- dont Marsupials, of which Thylacoleo and Plagiaulax are exemplars, and have sought, with more or less ingenuity, to invalidate the conclusions which I have been led to deduce from the parts of the fossilized remains of those paucidentate Marsupials which at that date, had been submitted to my examination. McCoy is not mentioned in this discus- sion, although it is clear from McCoy's (1862) Prodromus and other papers deal- ing with Thylacoleo, that he had no prob- Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two lems with Owen's carnivorous interpreta- tion of thylacoleonid fossil material. One would think that Owen would have appre- ciated unequivocal support from a highly ranked colleague when it is considered that counter-arguments and conjecture regard- ing thylacoleonid affiliations and habits continued well into the 1900s. The follow- ing excerpt from McCoy’s Prodromus indicates his clarity on the issue of car- nivority, although his decision to describe the fossil material in his possession as a new thylacoleonid species was later deemed to be erroneous. There is no fossil animal yet described [that] has excited so much interest and given rise to so much animated controver- sies as that named the ‘Marsupial Lion’ by Professor Owen, from the general resem- blances, on a greater scale, which the teeth of this marsupial animal show to those of the lion, and indicating, in his opinion, a similar predacious habit in each. The tone of McCoy’s expression gives an indication of his interest and enthusiasm for unravelling the mystery and debate sur- rounding the remains of Thylacoleo. Further. MeCoy clearly sides with Owen in dismissing the opposing views of his detractors. Dr. Falconer, Mr Flower and others, have advocated, with singular zeal, the opposite view, that the creature was a harmless veg- etable feeder ... overlooking the fact that these latter have a series of grinders of the ordinary type of vegetable feeders, behind the compressed premolar, while all the teeth are of the carnivorous type in the Marsupial Lion (MeCoy 1876: 8). McCoy received vital thylacoleonid fos- sil material from Mr Richard Adeney in 1876, found at Lake Colungulac (80 miles west of Melbourne) on his own property. It was suspected that the fossil material delivered to MeCoy (Fig. 3) was part of the same skeleton that Adeney had found in 1846 when he provided incisor and pre- molar teeth along with fragments of the skull of a specimen which he had forward- ed to Owen. A few months ago Mr Adeney brought to me the specimen figured in the upper part of our plate from the same spot, and so entirely completing the anterior part of the skull and teeth absent in the skull he found 289 McCoy Issue Fig. 3. Thylacoleonid fossil material supplied to McCoy by Richard Adeney, showing most of the teeth i situ (from McCoy 1876, plate XXI). nearly 30 years ago and sent to Professor Owen, that he supposed it might have belonged to the same individual (McCoy 1876: 9). McCoy was emphatic about the impor- tance of this material. “Our present speci- men is therefore the only one as yet made known exhibiting all the teeth in front of the carnassial in the upper jaw in situ (McCoy 1876: 9). He concluded that there was sufficient difference between this and another NSW specimen (from Wellington Caves) exam- ined by Owen, to distinguish the Victorian fossil material as a new species, Thylacoleo oweni. In his Prodromus, Decade Ill, McCoy put forward the following basis for that argument. |. The longer convex margin of the third incisor was posterior in 7. carnifex but reversed in 7. owen. 2. The position of the premaxillo-maxil- lary suture (seam or junction) in relation to 290 the roots of the canine tooth and third incisor was significantly different (Fig. 4) (comparing NSW to Victorian source material). 3. The depth of the mandibular ramus (principal bone section) in the region sup- porting the shearing premolar (P3) and first molar (M1) was greater toward the front in the Victorian specimen, and toward the rear in the NSW specimen. 4. The palate was narrower and longer in the Victorian specimen. 5. The first and second incisors and the canines were larger in the Victorian speci- men. McCoy’s exhaustive analysis thus led him to believe he was justified in naming a new species, Thylacoleo oweni (McCoy 1876: 7-11), but it was not long before Owen (1877) rejected the first two points on the basis of: |. His own initial interpretation of the ori- entation of the third incisor was based on detached teeth. This was later corrected after receipt of more complete fossil mate- rial. 2. Uncertainty over identity of the third incisor and canine (for similar reasons to above) was also cleared up after examina- tion of further material. Later, more detailed analysis (Archer and Dawson 1982; Finch 1982) confirmed that all of the points of distinction raised by McCoy were within the range of variabili- ty found in the now extensive Thylacoleo fossil collection from the Wellington Caves area of NSW This showed conclu- sively that there was no longer any justifi- cation for maintaining that different species existed in Victoria and NSW However, on-going research by modern- day palaeontologists has confirmed the family Thylacoleonidae is represented by at least nine extinct species, incorporated in three genera (Gillespie 1999). The old- est and smallest is Priscileo, known from specimens representing two species from late Oligocene and early Miocene deposits. The *mid-sized' Wakaleo is known from fossil material of late Oligocene to late Miocene sources, representing four species (Gillespie 1999). Three species of Thylacoleo have thus far been identified. T. hilli, the smallest and oldest, is known from late Pliocene origins, and was known The Victorian Naturalist Fig. 4. `Reduced side view showing direction and character of the premaxillo-maxillary suture dividing the socket of the canine’ (from MeCoy 1876, fig. 2, p. 10). to have coexisted with the larger Thylacoleo crassidentatus. The most recent, and by far the largest representa- tive, was Thylacoleo carnifex, known from early to late Pleistocene (Archer and Dawson 1982; Gillespie 1999). The most recent fossil material appears to be that originating from a cave near Montague, north-west Tasmania, which is dated at approximately 10,000 years bp (Finch and Freedman 1982; Murray and Goede 1977). Along with the apparent progressive increase in size of thylacoleonids from the late Oligocene to the late Pleistocene, there is also a progressive increase in the degree of specialisation of their dental characteris- tics. This reached a peak in Thylacoleo carnifex with its huge shearing premolars (up to 5 cm long), that moved Owen to describe it as ‘the fellest of beasts.” (Owen 1877). Detailed studies of the structure and development of wear patterns on the teeth of Thylacoleo carnifex (Wells et al. 1982), confirmed once and for all, that “All evi- dence pointed to a flesh-eating marsupial of diprotodontid ancestry,’ not a plant eater. In this study, they compared the stri- ations produced by the passage of food across the tooth enamel of known carni- Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two vores and herbivores, with reference to similar markings on the teeth of Thylacoleo (Wells et al. 1982). This enabled them to clearly define the piercing function of the first incisors, as well as the shearing function of the carnassials (pre- molars). An extraordinary adaptation, peculiar to Thylacoleo amongst mam- malian carnivores, is the apparently unfused ramus (mandible), providing for a "flexible symphysis’ (Wells er al. 1982). This allows for limited rotation of the lower premolars about the longitudinal axis, optimising the interface angles of the upper and lower shearing surfaces during jaw closure. It also implies the possibility of separation of the lower incisors into an open `V` during delivery of the powerful piercing bite, perhaps providing a more secure hold on prey than had been previ- ously postulated. The analysis of more recent finds of post- cranial material, particularly a near com- plete skeleton found at Moree, NSW in 1966, has enabled palaeontologists to determine the general appearance and to speculate on the habits and lifestyle of this most unusual predator. Recent empirical research based on skeletal dimensions, par- ticularly circumference of femur and humerus of the Moree specimen (Wroe ef al. 1999), clearly indicates that Thylacoleo carnifex lived up to the pronouncements and expectations of Owen, in that it rivalled the African Lion in size, weight and strength. The method was considered reliable in predicting weights of living and extinct fauna, enabling the research team to conclude that this formidable carnivore, sometimes topping 160 kilograms in weight, was most likely a big game spe- cialist with the capability of killing even the diprotodontids (Wroe et al. 1999), The complete profile of this top carnivore is still emerging from continued study of fossil materíal from more diverse sites. The spinal column has been described as robust but flexible, with a strong neck, supporting a large head (Finch 1971). We now have a picture of a heavily built quadruped with relatively long limbs, exceptional musculature, a long flexible tail and perhaps a lithe, cat-like overall appearance. Aboriginals of the *dream- time" who had the dubious privilege of 291 McCoy Issue encountering this snarling beast would have perceived large, forward-set eyes pro- viding good binocular vision, huge ice- pick incisors and extraordinary blade-like carnassials in an animal that possibly had agility commensurate with its pantherid size and approximate conformation (Fig. 5). Haunting impressions of the legendary ‘drop bear’ are brought to mind. The five-toed front paw structure incor- porated a very heavy first digit with large hooded claw, which was opposable toward the wrist (Wells and Nichol 1977). There are indications that the claws are partly retractile, and if so this takes an already apparent evolutionary parallel with the big cats to another challenging level. These adaptations would have served just as well in grasping prey as in climbing trees, so both applications have been considered to be within the range of accomplishments of this Pleistocene hunter, The hind foot has been described as possum-like with an opposable first digit, which again suggests arboreal capabilities (Wells 1985). Recently it has been suggested that the size and weight of Thylacoleo carnifex counts against an arboreal inference (Wroe ef al. 1999). However, some consideration must be given to the recent discovery of excel- lent tree climbing skills of adult male Lowland Gorillas Gorilla gorilla gorilla, that can weigh upwards of 200 kg. This unexpected behavior has recently been filmed in Congo rainforests (BBC Wildlife, 2001), and highlights the impor- tance of grasping adaptations that would seem to have advantaged Thylacoleo in Fig. 5. Thylacoleo carnifex depicted in this inter- pretation by scientific illustrator Peter Schouten as arboreal and distinctly cat-like. From Finch (1983). Reproduced with permission. 292 any arboreal aspirations. Finally, with the combination of digitigrade stance on the front paws, and possibly plantigrade hind feet, it has been suggested that Thylacoleo could have had a good turn of speed, at least in short bursts, in pursuit of its prey (Finch 1982). Thylacoleo fossils have now been identi- fied in nearly every major late Pleistocene fauna site in Australia (Wells 1985), but usually in small numbers compared to her- bivorous representatives of the marsupial megafauna. This is in keeping with a top carnivore’s predator/prey population dynamics, The major exception is Victoria Cave, Naracoorte SA (Wells 1985; Wells and Nichol 1977) where numerous near complete skeletons have been identified in one precise location. Some conclusions regarding predation have been drawn from associations between thylacoleonid fossil remains and possible prey species found at the same locations. Sthenurine kangaroo bones have been found with grooves corresponding to the distinctive dentition of Thylacoleo (Horton and Wright 1981). Similar occur- rences from other fossil sites dating back to the 1800s (DeVis 1883) supports this conclusion. A diprotodon femur exhibiting compelling evidence of two biting attacks (indicative of Thylacoleo), from two direc- tions, with subsequent evidence of healing (Scott and Lord 1924). represents the only current evidence of Thylacoleo preying on live megafauna (Fig. 6). Evidence contin- Fig. 6. Thylacoleo carnifex depicted preying on Procoptodon by scientific illustrator Peter Schouten. From Finch (1983). Reproduced with permission. The Victorian Naturalist ues to grow in support of the logic and deductive processes of Owen and McCoy more than a century ago. The picture has finally come together of a widespread, powerful and highly suc- cessful predator, possibly with related species occupying a range of ecological niches provided by the incredible diversity of the associated megafauna, as in the realm of the felids of the northern hemi- sphere. Evocative as this image is of a Pleistocene marsupial paradise, it was shattered by the mass extinctions corre- sponding to the end of that Epoch, and, for reasons yet to be determined, the apparent- ly adaptable family of thylacoleonids went into oblivion along with the lost marsupial giants. This brief review of the part played by Frederick McCoy in unravelling the phylo- genetic associations and feeding prefer- ences of Thylacoleo carnifex (Owen) has led us to an appreciation of his clarity in supporting Owen’s original determination of a carnivore of diprotodontian 'affilia- tions.” Many of his contemporaries who staunchly advocated alternative theories have progressively been proven wrong by the application of modern scientific meth- ods. However, those early counter-argu- ments occupied present day palaeontolo- gists well into the 20^ century before they could be unequivocally put to rest. McCoy's apparent haste in proclaiming Thylacoleo oweni as a distinct species may have signalled his anticipation that rela- tives of Owen's Marsupial Lion could have had a place in the diverse fauna of the Pleistocene. Acknowledgements Special thanks to Dr Stephen Wroe of the Institute of Wildlife Research, School of Biological Sciences, University of Sydney, for very constructive comments in refereeing this manuscript. Thanks also to Doug McCann for encouraging me to blow the dust off the quill. References Archer, M, and Dawson, L. (1982). Revision of Marsupial Lions of the Genus TAvlacoleo, In *Carnivorous Marsupials’, vol. 2, pp. 477-494, (Royal Zoological Society of N.S.W. Sydney.) Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two BBC Wildlife, (2001). “Congo: A Natural History of Central Africa". (BBC: London). De Vis, C.W. (1883). On tooth-marked bones of extinct marsupials, Proceedings of the Linnean Society of NSW 8, 187-190. Finch, M.E. (1971), Thylacoleo, marsupial lion or mar- supial sloth? Australian Natural History Magazine 17 (1), 7-11, Finch, M.E. (1982). The Discovery and Interpretation of Thylacoleo carnifex. In “Carnivorous Marsupials’, vol. 2, pp. 537-341. (Royal Zoological Society of N.S.W. Sydney.) Finch. M.E, (1983), The Marsupial Lion, Thylacoleo carnifex. In ‘Prehistoric Animals of Australia’, pp. 52-53. (The Australian Museum: Sydney.) Finch, M.E. and Freedman, L. (1982). An Odontometric Study of the Species of Thylacoleo (Thylacoleonidae, Marsupialia). Jn *Carnivorous Marsupials’, vol. 2, pp. 553-561. (Royal Zoological Society of N.S.W. Sydney.) Gillespie, A. (1999), Diversity and Evolutionary Relationships of Marsupial Lions. 7» `The Evolutionary History and Diversity of Australian Mammals", pp. 21-22, Australian Mammalogy 21, 1- 45 Horton, D.R. and Wright, R.V.S. (1981), Cuts in Lancefield Bones; Carnivorous Thylacoleo, not humans, the cause. Archeologia Oceania 16, 73-80. McCoy, F. (1876). Thylacoleo carnifex (Owen). Prodromus af the Palaeantology of Victoria. or Figures and Descriptions of Victorian Organic Remains, Decade III, pp, 3-12. Geological Survey of Victoria, (Skinner: Melbourne.) Murray, P. and Goede, A. (1977), Pleistocene verte- brate remains from a cave near Montague, N.W. Tasmania, from Rec. Queen Victoria Museum 60, l- 29. Owen, R. (1877). “Researches on the Fossil Remains of the Extinct Mammals of Australia; with a Notice of Extinct Marsupials of England’. Vol 1 and 2 (J-Erxleben: London). Rich, P.V., van Tets, G.F- and Knight. F. (1985). /n *Kadimakara, Extinct Vertebrates of Australia," pp. 17-34. (Pioneer Design Studio: Lilydale.) Scott, H.H. and Lord, C. (1924). Studies in Tasmanian mammals, living and extinet. Notes on à mutilated femur of Nototherium. Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania for the vear 1923, 56- ST. Wells, R.T. (1985). Thvlacoleo carnifex, a marsupial lion. In *Kadimakara, Extinct Vertebrates of Australia’, pp. 225-228. (Pioneer Design Studio: Lilydale.) Wells, R.T. and Nichol, B. (1977), On the manus and pes of T/rylacoleo carnifex (Owen) (Marsupialia). Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia 101, 139-146. Wells, R.T., Horton, D.R. and Rogers, P. (1982). Thylacoleo carnifex Owen (Thylacoleonidae): Marsupial Carnivore’? /n “Carnivorous Marsupials’, vol. 2, pp. 573-585. (Royal Zoological Society of N.S.W.: Sydney.) Wroe, S., Myers, T.J.. Wells, R,T., and Gillespie. A. (1999), Estimating the weight of the Pleistocene Marsupial Lion (Thylacolea carnifex: Thylacoleonidae); implications for the ecomorpholo- gy of a marsupial super-predator and hypotheses of impoverishment of Australian marsupial carnivore faunas, Australian Journal of Zoology 47, 489-498, 293 MeCoy Issue M*Coy and the Australian Ichthyosaur Ichthyosaurus australis (M*Coy, 1867) A.J. Hell' Abstract The first Australian ichthyosaur fossils were described by Frederick M*Coy in 1867 from a series of fossil specimens collected by James Sutherland in the Flinders River region, northern Queensland. An initial case of fossils collected was primarily used by M*Coy to provide the first incontrovertible proof of the existence of the Cretaceous System in Australia. Subsequent follow-up work was under- taken and further specimens were collected, including fossil vertebrae that were named by M‘Coy, Ichthyosaurus australis (M*Coy 1867), Despite describing the species as “the most interesting fossil animal yet found in Australia’ his descriptions were brief and limited and have been criticized by a number of later workers. (The Victorian Naturalisi 118 (6), 2001, 294-297.) Frederick M*Coy's description of the first ichthyosaur fossils in Australia (M'Coy 1867a) (Fig. 1) are generally con- sidered to be an important contribution to Australian vertebrate palaeontology. The three boxes of fossil material M*Coy described were collected by James Sutherland during the period from early January 1865 through to November 1866 (Sutherland to M‘Coy 1865 & 1866). The fossils were all collected from the Flinders River region at Lat. 21° 13'S and Long. 143° 25°E (M^Coy 1865), north Queensland and as described by Sutherland were, collected between Walker & O'Connell Creeks left bank of the river, (See Landsborough Map) in the dry channels & water courses but principally on the slopes of the undulations or ridges & outer summits lying detached in the loose earth (letter from Sutherland to M*Coy, 7 October 1865). Despite M'Coy being held in high regard for his contributions to Irish, British and Australian palaeontology, his published works on the Australian ichthyosaur does little to enhance his reputation. Based on his brief and limited descrip- tions and lack of illustrations, it is apparent that this was a hasty attempt to record and document a new species and its implica- tions for the recognition of the Cretaceous System in Australia. Many workers (Etheridge 1888, Longman 1922 and Wade 1984a: b; 1990) involved with researching the Australian ichthyosaur are critical of M'Coy's published works. McGowan (1972) suggested that Etheridge's (1888) ' School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus, Claylon, Victoria 3168. Email hell(@ideakm.edu.au. 294 work on ichthyosaurs, in which he gives a very detailed description of his material and erects a new species, was "probably out of the sense of frustration and despair at trying to compare this material with M'Coy's' (McGowan 1972). For the con- temporary worker it is not easy to decipher and relate M'Coy's descriptions to the specimens that he described. It is especial- ly difficult to identify from the collection the original type fossil vertebrae (M*Coy 1867a, Sutherland to M'Coy 1866). Furthermore. the present author examined and separated what are assumed to be the original fossil vertebrae, and found many inconsistencies with M'Coy's measure- ments. However, with much patience, it was found that some of the specimens match M'Coy's descriptions, but overall his work is notably vague and *meagre' (Etheridge 1888). The ichthyosaur species described by M'^Coy was considered by him to be the *most interesting fossil animal yet found in Australia” (M`Coy 1868b), suggesting that his descriptions were only preliminary and given simply to acknowledge existence of the species in the country. If we were to compare this work with much of his other works, one may assume that M*Coy intend- ed to undertake further detailed and illus- trative contributions on the ichthyosaur fos- sils. Unfortunately however, probably based on many contingencies, further pub- lished works were not undertaken, and therefore what remains is a significant but sketchy description. The first case of Sutherland’s fossil spec- imens described by M:Coy (1865), as far as the author is aware, did not contain The Victorian Naturalist Fig. I. Platypterygius australis. Interpretation of a Australian Cretaceous ichthyosaur ‘after the Telemon specimen and others. Length over all 5.6m' (Wade 1984a). ichthyosaur fossils and essentially com- prised molluscs, ammonites and fish verte- brae, These specimens, however, occurring in ‘an olive calcareo-argillaceous marl’ (M'Coy 1866), played an important role in Australian geology, allowing M'Coy to indisputably confirm for the first time in Australia the Cretaceous formation (M'Coy 1865; 1866). Shortly after this recognition, Sutherland carried out further collection work in the same area. During this tíme Sutherland made a discovery of fossil vertebrae which he believed to be ‘saurian’. Among the specimens collected by Sutherland, the vertebrae sections were considered of significance, about which he wrote to M*Coy on the 7 October 1865, The collection now on its way will | think determine the age of the formation. It's a certainty; it consists — chiefly of molluscs, fishes and reptiles. The most remarkable are Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two to me vertebral joints from 3 to 4 inches diameter, probably Saurian, M'Coy first published on his material in England, and possibly pressured by the nature and timing of 'sailing ship mail runs’ (Wade 1984b) he presented an initial brief and hasty description of the species. However, as Sutherland indicated to M'Coy (Sutherland to M*Coy 1865) the initial collection of ichthyosaur vertebrae including other fossils were likely to be delivered by the end of December, 1865. This would have given him adequate time for a detailed description, but of course it is possible they arrived much later. M'Coy's first publication on the species entitled: “On the Occurrence of Ichthyosaurs and Plesiosaurs in Australia’ was published in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History (M'Coy 1867a). which he later presented in the Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, entitled: “On the Discovery of Enaliosauria and other Cretaceous fossils in Australia! (M*Coy 18682). Due to the nature of communication and travel time, further information on more ichthyosaur specimens (Sutherland to M‘Coy 1866) collected by Sutherland, did not reach M'Coy prior to his first publication. M'Coy received a third and final collec- tion of ichthyosaur specimens from the same area, sent by Sutherland in November 1866. This collection was the most signifi- cant, and comprised more discernable skele- tal material including two skull sections (Fig. 2), sections of vertebrae, rib bones, paddle fragments and a section of the jaw with exposed teeth (Fig. 3). Both M*Coy and Sutherland's recordings and descrip- tions, were limited in part, making it diffi- cult to contrast and compare information to the actual type material. The entire collec- tion, with original sample numbers 48 and 60. can be viewed in the Museum of Victoria. Wade (1984a) stated that M*Coy's description was such that, °... it is imposible to discover that it contained two skulls’, After examinng the type mate- rial, the author believes that M‘Coy thought the two specimens (MV P12990 and P12989) belonged to the one skull. However, it remains an open question as to whether the two skull sections are from the same individual. 295 MeCov Issue Fig. 2. /chthyosaurus australis (M*Coy 1867). Two sections of the skull displaying the charac- teristic large eye with well preserved sclerotic plates, MV P12990 and P12989, M'Coy's final publications on the Australian ichthyosaur were based on the skull, forelimb and other vertebrae sec- tions. He published these findings in the Intercolonial Exhibition of Australasia, Official Record (M'Coy, 1867b) later reprinted in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History (M'Coy 1867c). Descriptions of these additional specimens were also published in the Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, entitled: *On the Fossil Eye and Teeth of the Ichthyosaurus australis, (M'Coy), from the Cretaceous formations of the source of the Flinders River ..." (M:Coy 1868b). The more notable aspects of M'Coy's descriptions in the later publications were his interpretation of the form and function- al morphological characteristics of the species. “Some bones now exhibited prove this species to have been one of the largest of its genus, one individual being from analogy, (25) feet in length’ (M'Coy 1868b). Furthermore, referring to the pad- dle fragments, “it has (8) eight rows of phalangeal bones, and as one edge is imperfect, it may have had more; it is thus one of the most powerful swimmers of the genus’ (M*Coy 1868b). The first published illustrations of M'Coy's type specimens were figured by Chapman (1914) who illustrated one each of the skull (MV P12990) and forefin frag- ments, Anderson (1934) and McGowan (1972) later figured M'Coy's material. It is conceivable that M*Coy may have intend- ed at a later date to produce a more com- prehensive work including illustrations of the type specimens. However, there is no evidence to support this. M'Coy's work on the Australian ichthyosaur has been criticized by a num- 296 Fig. 3. /chihyosaurus australis (M*Coy 1867). Section of jaw with exposed teeth, MV P22653. ber of past and contemporary workers. Although M*Coy’s overall contribution to taxonomic palaeontology is extensive and praiseworthy, his work on the Australian ichthyosaur appears to be brief and limited. It is possible that M*Coy saw his descrip- tions only as preliminary and that he intended, if time and finances permitted, to carry out a more considered and accurate examination of the fossils in question. Acknowledgements Doug McCann, Neil Archbold, Elizabeth Weldon, Roger Pierson and Dermott Henry are thanked for providing assistance and advice throughout, References Anderson, C. (1934). Ichthyosaurs. The Australian Museum Magazine, 5, 273-276. Chapman, F. (1914), "Australasian Fossils: A students" manual of palaeontology’. (George Robertson and Company Pty. Ltd.) Etheridge Jnr., R, (1888), On additional evidence of the genus /ehthyosaurus in the Mesozoic rocks (` Rolling Downs Formation’) of North-eastern Australia. Proceedings of the Linnean Society of NSW 2nd Series, 3, 405-409. Longman, H.A. (1922). An ichthyosaur skull from Queensland. Memoirs of the Queensland Museum, 7. 246-256. M'Coy, F. (1865). Note on the Cretaceous deposits in Australia. Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Series 3, 16, 333-334, M'Coy, F. (1866). On the discovery of Cretaceous fos- sils in Australia. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, 7. 49-51. M'Coy, F. (18672). On the occurrence of ichthyosaurs and plesiosaurus in Australia. Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Series 3 , 19, 355-356. M'Coy, F. (1867b), On the recent zoology and palaeontology of Victoria. Jn, Intercolonial Exhibition of Australasia, Melbourne, 1866-67. Official Record, containing introduction, catalogues, reports and awards of the Jurors, and essays and sta- listics on the social and economie resources of the Australasian Colonies’, pp 309-330. (Blundell & Co: Melbourne.) M'Coy, F. (1867ç). On the recent zoology and palacon- tology of Victoria, Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Series 3, 20, 175-202. M'Coy, F. (18682). On the discovery of Enaliosauria and other Cretaceous fossils in Australia. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, 8, 41-42. The Victorian Naturalist M'Cay, F. (1868b). On the fossil eye and teeth of the Ichthyosaurus australis, (M‘Coy), from the Cretaceous formations of the sources of the Flinders River; and on the palate of the diprotodon. from the Tertiary limestone of Limeburner's Point near Geelong, Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, 11, 77-78. r McGowan, C. (1972), The systematics of Cretaceous ichthyosaurs with particular reference to the material from North America. Contributions to Geology, University af Wyoming, 11, 9-29. j Sutherland to M*Coy. (7 October 1865). (Letter of cor- respondence). Museum of Victoria. Part Two Sutherland to M‘Coy. (5 November 1866). (Letter of correspondence). Museum of Victoria. Wade, M. (1984a). Platypterygius australis, an Australian Cretaceous Ichthyosaur. Lethaia, 17. 99-113, Wade, M. (1984b), Platyptervgius australis; a Cretaceous marine reptile. /7 'Kadimakara: Extinct vertebrates of Australia, pp. 137-142. Ed. P.V. Rich., G.F. van Tets and F. Knight. (Princeton University Press. ) Wade, M. (1990). A review of the Australian Cretaceous longipinnate ichthyosaur platypterygius, (Ichthyosauria, Ichthyopterygia). Memoirs of the Queensland Museum, 28 (1), 115-137. Animal Acclimatisation: McCoy and the Menagerie That Became Melbourne's Zoo Linden Gillbank' Abstract Frederick MeCoy's mid-nineteenth century zoological interests included animal acclimatisation, He helped shape the menagerie in Mueller’s Botanic Gardens and later in the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria’s Royal Park depot, where it grew into Melbourne’s zoo. He was particularly interested in three animals shipped from India — the Cashmere goat, Arrindy silkworm and Indian Minah. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (6), 2001, 297-304.) Introduction Frederick McCoy is known as a universi- ty professor and museum director, but his involvement in another institution Melbourne's zoo — is less well-known. He helped shape its presumptive menagerie — a transient collection of animals awaiting permanent homes elsewhere. These ani- mals were not primarily for display. They were brought into the young colony of Victoria by a society dedicated to the introduction of useful and ornamental ani- mals and plants, in the hope of enriching the purses and psyches of immigrant colonists — birds that would sing sweetly or consume fruit-attacking insects, fish for Victoria's rivers, and game and grazing animals for bush and paddocks. McCoy's mid-nineteenth century accli- matisation interests and activities, as revealed in zoological and acclimatisation society records, provide glimpses of the origins of Melbourne's zoo and of the global acclimatisation movement. They contrast starkly with current environmental and ecological ideas. ! Depariment of History and Philosophy of Science, The University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria 3052. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Acclimatisation As Victoria's gold production declined during the 1850s, new rural industries were sought. What could graze or grow in the colony? And there was nostalgia. So far from the sights and sounds of European ‘home’, immigrant Victorians wanted to hear the skylark and nightingale, and see and shoot deer, pheasants and partridges. ‘New’ useful and attractive animals were eagerly sought for pleasure and production. The Acclimatisation Society of Victoria was established in 1861 to fulfill these economic and nostalgic desires. At its Royal Park depot sea-weary animals recovered prior to their distribution across the colony. A lifelong member, McCoy served on the Acclimatisation Society's Council from 1861 until 1872, the year that Zoological was added to the Society's title. The Council acknowledged its great indebtedness to McCoy ‘who in spite of the multifarious calls upon his time and attentions has always rendered to this Society services of a valuable and scientif- ic character’ (ASV 1864: 12), and that the vice-presidency was ‘unanimously con- ferred upon Professor McCoy, who has been a warm friend to acclimatisation 297 McCoy Issue from the very first in this country’ (ASV 1866; 5). Agreeing to give the Society s first annu- al address in November 1862, McCoy pre- sented his ideas on acclimatisation (ASV 1862: 36-9). It did not, he said, necessarily mean the possibly difficult alteration of a ereature's tolerance to different climatic or geographie conditions, but rather the bringing together in any one country the various useful or ornamental animals of other countries having the same or nearly the same climate and general conditions of surface. On a map of the world he pointed to places, separated by climatic or geographie barriers, which were inhabited by similar animals — the ‘representative species! cre- ated there — and displayed museum speci- mens of them, The acclimatiser could "bring with the absolute certainty of suc- cess all the representative species of any group into each of the localities". This, he said, was “the first great principle involved in successful aeclimatising'. He presented a gastronomical glimpse of biological diversity: Of the quadrupeds useful for food, hy far the largest number and most important to the acelimatiser, belong to the great group of ruminating animals which chew the cud, and have a cloven foot, So many ruminants oceurred within Australian latitudes on other continents, The fifty in India included ‘upwards of twenty species of deer, six antelopes, and various species of sheep, goat, ox, &e’, and South America provided ‘three species of llama and alpaca, eight species of deer, and a goat’. But it was an "extraordinary fact’ that while Nature has so abundantly furnished forth the natural larder of every other similar- ly situated country on the face of the earth with a great variety, and a profusion of indi- viduals of ruminants good for food, vor one single creature of the kind inhabits Australia! Furthermore If Australia had been colonised by any of the lazy nations of the earth, this nakedness of the land would have been indeed an oppressive misfortune, but Englishmen love a good piece of voluntary hard work, and you will all, T am sure, rejoice with me that this great piece of nature s work has been left to us to do. Ihe young society had grand intentions and much to do. 298 Melbourne's Menagerie — alpacas but not lions Before the birth of Victoria's acclimati- sation society there were various attempts to introduce animals new to Victoria, including those of Edward Wilson (co- owner and retired editor of the Melbourne Argus) in Victoria’s Philosophical Institute and in England (Gillbank 1996a). And there was an impecunious zoological soci- ety which was unable to keep its growing menagerie. Soon after its formation in October 1857. the Zoological Society of Victoria was promised money and granted land in Richmond Paddock north of the Yarra. When a later government refused to hon- our its predecessor’s substantial pecuniary promise, the Society was unable to convert its land into zoological gardens, leaving its assorted animals high and dry across the 'arra in the Botanic Gardens. After much worrying, discussing and not paying the labourers who dug and fenced its swampy site, the debt-ridden Zoological Society handed over control of its land and animals to the government, which then agreed to provide Funding; and government and Zoological Society representatives were appointed to a management committee (Gillbank 1996b). McCoy was one of four government appointees to the Zoological Gardens Management Committee which, from July 1858 to August 1861, held monthly meet- ings in Dr l'erdinand Mueller's office in the Botanic Gardens, and later in Melbourne's Mechanics Institute. Mueller, the government botanist and director of the Botanie Gardens, was the Zoological Committee’s honorary secretary, whose minutes of meetings record MeCoy’s attendance at seven meetings and his com- ments on lions, glow worms and a rumi- nant ~ the Cashmere goat. At the Zoological Committee's first meeting in July 1858 MeCoy expressed his great desire of seeing in future the botanic and the zoological Gardens combined, in as much as he regarded the higher and already planted grounds of the botanic Gardens more suit- able to the health of the generality of the Quadrupeds. 'The Victorian Naturalist After the October meeting `s resolution to combine the two grounds, Melbourne’s Botanic Gardens gained land as well as animals and Mueller signed his annual reports as director of the botanic and zoo- logical gardens. In 1858 McCoy was also a member of the Exploration Committee of Victoria’s Philosophical Institute (Royal Society from 1860) which wanted camels for the grand transcontinental exploration expedition it was organising (Bonyhady 1991). He chaired the Zoological Committee’s August meeting which agreed that camels should be acquired and heard George Landells’ offer to import them. In December 1858 the Zoological Committee discussed the claim of the enterprising entrepreneur of Cremorne Gardens Amusement Park in Richmond, George Coppin, that he had two lions for the Zoological Society and was awaiting payment. On MeCoy's suggestion the Committee decided to investigate his claim. Later they decided against accepting the lions. While it was difficult to find money for such impressive animals as lions, govern- ment money was available for the intro- duction of useful ones — £500 in 1860. McCoy chaired the Zoological Commit- tee's June meeting which welcomed Landells’ arrival with 24 camels. On 20 August 1860, while Melbournians flocked to Royal Park to farewell these very useful animals with Burke and Wills, and the rest of the over-encumbered expedition, the Zoological Committee heard from another animal trader, Charles Ledger, offering to import alpacas. They decided to seek gov- ernment money for Chinese sheep and Cashmere goats, but not alpacas. McCoy successfully proposed that £200 should be sought for the introduction of Cashmere goats, which because of their wonderful wool were also called shawl goats. In October Mueller reported payment of £200 to Messrs Grice, Sumner & Co (the Melbourne merchant firm of the Committee’s honorary treasurer, T.J. Sumner) for their importation. Alpacas also produce fine wool. In 1859 the Zoological Committee received a mixed llama-alpaca flock which Edward Wilson sent from England (Gillbank 1996b). Unfortunately, unlike the NSW Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two flock which Ledger spent a very difficult decade collecting in Peru and smuggling across the great South American Cordillera (Gramiccia 1988), the Committee’s flock contained very little alpaca. In October 1860 Ledger brought two male alpacas to breed better wool into the Zoological Committee's flock, and joined the Committee's deputation seeking govern- ment money for alpaca importation. McCoy chaired the November meeting which heard that the Chief Secretary had promised to bring the matter *under the favorable notice of the Cabinet and to place the requisite sum on the estimates’. The subsequent granting of the huge sum of £2000 was a hopeful beginning to the sorry saga of Ledger’s blighted attempt to bring alpacas to Victoria, as revealed in Zoological Committee minutes and by Gramiccia (1988). By the end of 1860 Melbourne’s Botanic Gardens supported an interesting menagerie. In his annual report Mueller (1861:10) recorded the following exotic and indigenous animals: Llamas, Angora goats, fat-tail sheep. elk, fallow deer, Sumatra deer, Ceylon deer. four species of monkeys, kangaroos, wal- labys, two species of kangaroo-rats, English squirrels, two species of flying squirrels, two species of Australian opossum, Indian serewiail, native bears, Indian and Australian porcupines, wombats, water- moles, emus, white and black swans, Chinese geese, Muscovy ducks, spoonbill ducks, Cape Barren geese, one Indian peli- can, native companion, one Indian heron, curlews, laughing-jackass, magpies, three species of nalive owls, three species of native hawks, Australian eagles, Murray pheasants, silver pheasants, British pheas- ants, Manilla and two species of Feejee doves, ring-doves, bronze-winged pigeons, Indian mocking birds, Indian and British partridges, hedge-sparrows, linnets, canary birds, skylarks, goldfinches, siskins, black- birds, thrushes, Java sparrows, Australian and Californian quail, one iguana. And perhaps there were glow worms. For several years Edward Wilson was very busy in England orchestrating the transmis- sion to Melbourne of an amazing variety of creatures, and in 1860 sent glow worms. At the Zoological Committee's November 299 MeCoy Issue meeting McCoy suggested that some be liberated in the Botanic Gardens and some hatched at the National Museum of Victoria in the University grounds, where he later found a missing but apparently acclimatised one in full glow (ASV 1862). As an increasing diversity of animals reached Melbourne’s Botanic Gardens another site and another society were in the minds of their managers. As Landells’ camels left their Royal Park stables on the ill-fated expedition, Royal Park was con- sidered as an alternative site for zoological gardens (Gillbank 1996b). But Edward Wilson, the font of much acclimatisation wisdom and activity, was still in England. On his return a new society devoted solely to acclimatisation could be established. At a special meeting on 27 February 1861 the Zoological Committee reconstituted itself the committee of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria, which two days earlier had been formed at a public meeting presided over by the governor, Sir Henry Barkly. From February to August 1861 acclimati- sation activities and animals were trans- ferred to the new committee. After attend- ing the Zoological Committee's May meet- ing which resolved to ask the Chief Secretary for the large sums recently grant- ed for acclimatisation — £2000 for the intro- duction of alpaca, £500 for salmon and £500 for other useful animals - McCoy attended the Acclimatisation Society's committee meeting which, not surprisingly, decided that this money should be made available to them. Minutes of the Zoological Committee's last meeting in August 1861 record the transfer from the Botanic Gardens to Royal Park of Angora goats, Chinese sheep and llama-alpacas, and consideration of ‘the cession of the Royal Park to the Acclimatisation Society’. The Acclimatisation Society of Victoria (ASV) and a goat, a silkworm and a bird from India At a public meeting in August 1861 Edward Wilson was appointed president and Mueller vice president of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria (ASV). MeCoy was a committee member of the ASV Council and Governor Barkly agreed to be patron, The ASV attracted thousands 300 of pounds of government money and hun- dreds of members. Consuls were made honorary members. ASV Council meetings were held in the Society’s city office or sometimes in the Camel House at Royal Park before inspecting the menagerie. The minutes of its weekly meetings reveal how busy the ASV Council was — organising the importation of a great diver- sity of useful animals, their transient accommodation at Royal Park, and their transfer to land, water and sky elsewhere in Victoria. The ASV's primary object was not a fascinating zoological display at Royal Park, but rather the distribution of creatures across the colony. At its Royal Park depot newly-arrived animals recoy- ered from long and often debilitating sea voyages, and, if possible, reproduced. Breeding was important because success- ful acclimatisation required enough indi- viduals to sustain viable populations in their new homes. If Royal Park was not suitable, breeding grounds elsewhere were sought. Death was not wasted. Animal corpses became stuffed specimens in the National Museum of Victoria. Lucky McCoy! In the early 1860s McCoy attended about half the ASV Council meetings, during which he shaped resolutions and participat- ed in subcommittees. His successful reso- lutions in 1862 included That £500 be placed at the disposal of the President in Europe ... for the purchase of birds and quadrupeds likely to thrive and do well when turned out in the colony [20 May]; That a paragraph ... be inserted in all letters lo foreign correspondents, viz ... that the Council are very desirous of obtaining chiefly animals and birds of an economical- ly useful character, and those native birds already domesticated in your locality whether for ornament, song or use, and examples of the game of your country are most particularly desired [17 June]; That no imported animals of useful or orna- mental kinds be sent out of the colony in the way of exchange unless where such import- ed specimens have been procured by the Society as authorised agents for other gov- ernments or persons [30 December], In [862 McCoy was appointed to sub- committees The Victorian Naturalist to enquire and report as to the most suitable locality tor a breeding camel park, prepara- tory to an application to the Government for a grant of land for that purpose [3 June]: to visit the [Royal] Park and report to the Council upon the present arrangements in force there and to make any suggestions to the Council they may deem advisable [26 August]: to visit the Park and report what animals can be got rid of as useless and how far the present expenditure can be reduced [2 October]: to report to the Council on those animals for the introduction of which it is most desir- able at present to expend the funds of the Society [9 December], McCoy's resolutions and sub-committees indicate the thrust of the ASV, Council minutes also reveal McCoy's acclimatisa- tion interest in three creatures shipped from India — the Cashmere goat, a silk- worm and a bird. While waiting for Sumner's company to acquire Cashmere goats, the ASV received several from Ledger. At an ASV Council meeting in December 1861 McCoy heard Ledger's promise to send several Cashmere goats he had offered the Zoological Committee (and his request for the balance of the government's £2000 for alpaca importation), and in February 1862 that three goats had arrived. Later. when Ledger's alpaca activities attracted sting- ing suspicion, McCoy prepared explanato- ry resolutions and joined deputations aimed at extricating the ASV from their dealings with Ledger without losing the whole £2000. ASV Council minutes reveal the involve- ment of a Caleutia company — Messrs Gillanders, Arbuthnot & Co (which began seeking Cashmere goats for the Zoological Committee in 1861) — and that, after hear- ing in March 1862 Sumner's company's question about advertising in Calcutta newspapers, McCoy re-initiated action. On 3 June he successfully moved That Mr. Sumner be requested to purchase through his firm in India pure Cashmere shawl goats to the extent of the £200 now in his hands and that application be made to the Government for a run on a Gipps Land mountain with a sufficiently low tempera- ture to favor the best development of the Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two fleece of Llamas, Alpacas and Cashmere goats. While the Calcutta company remained willing to procure Cashmere goats for the ASV. the Victorian government claimed that it had no suitable unoccupied land for them and suggested Angus MeMillan in Gippsland. In October 1862 McCoy attend- ed ASV Council meetings which decided that the goats should be sent to Gippsland and heard from the Calcutta company that C.B. Chalmers was collecting Cashmere goats for introduction into Australia. In his ASV annual address in November McCoy was pleased to report that in a few months we expect a large number of the pure Cashmere-shawl goat, from Thibet, which have been already purchased for the Society, with the intention of form- ing a great herd on some of the highest mountains of Gipps Land, which retain snow sufficiently long to produce the tem- perature necessary for preservation of the finest qualities of the wool and hair’ (ASV 1862: 50). ASV Council minutes and annual report in 1863 chart Cashmere goat movements. Chalmers brought half the flock to Melbourne, leaving the other half swelter- ing in Calcutta until the next mail steamer left. At Royal Park on 21 April the ASV Council thanked Dr Chalmers profusely for his ‘invaluable services in procuring the Cashmere goats for the Society’ and inspected them, McCoy attended the next meeting which decided to ask William Degraves if the goats could stay on his sta- tion at Omeo. On 5 May McCoy reported a goat death and heard that Degraves would accept the goats provided ‘the Society paid all expenses and gave him a fair proportion of the increase’. His offer was declined. W.G. McCullough of Maryborough had earlier offered to take the goats, and Sumner suggested that, provided he paid all expenses, he should be allowed to take them, thus freeing the Society's funds for other purposes. On 12 May McCoy heard that the second lot of Cashmere goats (21 goats and two kids) had been shipped from Calcutta; and on 16 June that 17 goats and four kids had reached Melbourne. They were extremely weak and ill. The ASV annual report recorded the purchase of 49 valuable-fleeced Cashmere goats which 301 McCoy Issue Chalmers had collected (and, like Ledger, smuggled out) and transported thousands of miles in nine exhausting months to Calcutta. Many, including the whole sec- ond consignment, died, leaving only 25 at Royal Park late in 1863 (ASV 1863). ASV Council minutes record goat illness and recovery, births and deaths. McCoy examined them. In July 1863 he attributed several deaths to ‘excessive debility caused by skin disease’ and recommended treat- ment “as for the scab” (which was ravaging Victorian sheep flocks), On hearing that MeCullough would take the goats provided he receive half of any increase, the ASV Council decided on 17 November 1863 to send them to him. At the next meeting MeCoy heard that they had reached Maryborough safely. MeCullough kept the ASV informed of flock increases, At a Council meeting in May 1864 McCoy heard of four recent births, and in December that the flock had grown to 30. They were reputedly thriving at Maryborough (ASV 1864), But all was not well. In May 1865 McCullough wrote offering his portion of the flock at cost price. However the ASV Council ‘did not feel disposed at present to expend any further money on Cashmere goats’. In July MeCullough returned the goats to Melbourne. They were in very poor condition and several were Angora- Cashmere crosses. In his accompanying letter McCullough regretted some acciden- tal cross-breeding. In December 1865, 27 Cashmere goats were recorded as Royal Park residents (ASV 1866). Another desired textile was silk, and in the 1860s there were great hopes for seri- culture in Victoria, McCoy was interested in an Indian silkworm, In his ASV annual address he explained that Arrindy silk- worms produced cocoons of strong, coarse silk from leaves of the castor oil plant, which were less sensitive to hot winds than those of the mulberry tree which fed anoth- er silkworm, Fortunately the castor oil plant grew “here most luxuriantly as a per- fect weed’ (ASV 1862: 44). On receipt of Arrindy silkworm eggs that had become dehydrated and died during the long voyage from Calcutta, McCoy prepared ‘a memorandum of instructions’ for forwarding to India, and expected “by 302 trying the eggs. the larvae, and the pupae, to succeed in establishing the species before the next anniversary" (ASV 1862: 44). This was not to be. On 16 June 1863 McCoy reported receiving a case of dead castor oil plants with dead silkworms, and at the next meeting he handed another memo on their care and transport to be sent to Caleutta. The ASV Council mentioned these failures in its second annual report (ASV 1863), and another in its fourth annual report, which noted that McCoy had ‘always been most anxious to secure the introduction of this silkworm’ and had again prepared instructions for despatch to India (ASV 1866: 7). McCoy’s persistent efforts were unsuc- cessful, but at the annual meeting in 1871 the ASV Council thanked him for his "great interest always shown in developing sericulture’ (ASV 1871: 7). In its next annual report the ASV Council admitted the difficulty of advancing sericulture in Victoria, but remained hopeful that when white mulberry trees (widely distributed by Mueller) matured sericulture could support a viable industry (ZASV 1872). Meanwhile there was the ‘vexed question of the sparrow and minah’ (ZASV 1872: 8), which had been introduced to destroy insect pests. Sparrows arrived before the birth of the ASV, Mueller (1861) recorded some in the Botanic Gardens, and ASV Council minutes and annual reports record the 1863 arrival of English, Chinese, Java and Indian sparrows, and their liberation in the Botanic Gardens, Royal Park and elsewhere, Indian minahs (now known as Common Mynas), or mino birds as they were some- times called, were welcomed as valuable insectivorous birds. Along with a couple of sparrows and the second lot of Cashmere goats, seven mino birds arrived from Calcutta in June 1863. They were not the first. The previous November Landells' shipment reached Melbourne. At the ASV Council meeting on 9 December 1862 McCoy heard discussion of the purchase of Landells" mino birds for the substantial sum of 20/- per head, and their despatch to the Botanic Gardens, the University and elsewhere. Mueller received 28 and McCoy six. Unable to attend the next meeting, McCoy wrote that ‘the Minos liberated at the University had distinguished them- The Victorian Naturalist selves as indefatigable grub and grasshop- per destroyers’. They flourished in the Botanic Gardens’ crowded aviary, and the following spring 50 were liberated in the Gardens (ASV 1863), where they were soon nesting in the hollows of old trees. By 1864 the ASV had an aviary at Royal Park. At ASV Council meetings in January and February 1864, McCoy heard that, after a short stay in the aviary, 20 mino birds were liberated in Royal Park by no lesser person than the president. Later the Council reported that insect-destroying birds, including sparrows and ‘a most active and interesting bird, the Indian mino, may now be considered thoroughly established, and are rapidly extending by natural means through the Colony’ (ASV 1864: 33). Indigenous and introduced birds and ani- mals could then gain legislative protection under Victoria's game act, and the ASV was careful to have precious introduced ones, like sparrows and minahs, listed under that act. However not all Victorians were adequately impressed with their pest- destroying capacities. Complaints against their fruit-eating propensities were voiced at the ASV's annual meeting in 1868 (Balmford 1981). The meeting's report in Melbourne's Argus of 13 March 1868 noted that Professor McCoy maintained that the spar- rows fed their young entirely on grubs; that the damage done to the fruit was mainly the work of native birds: and that any little fruit or grain which the sparrows might eat was insignificant compared with the service they performed in taking away the grubs. ASV Council meetings during 1870-71, rarely attended by McCoy, considered the removal of sparrows and minahs from the protection of the game act, so that the pub- lic could legally destroy them. The ASV annual meeting in March 1871 included some discussion of sparrows, which was reported in the Argus and The Australasian (ASV 1871). The following week ‘The Naturalist’ column in The Australasian of 25 March was ‘Our Acclimatised Sparrows and Minahs’. After discussing the great insect-devouring capacity of sparrows, McCoy, alias Microzoon (Whitley 1969), claimed that minahs were Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two of incalculable value for checking the increase of insects which are either too large or cannot be reached by the sparrows, such as the immense variety of locusts and grasshoppers, which so swarm in some years as to destroy every green thing where they come. The insects which spend the early stages in the earth, eating the roots of the grass, &c., as the larvae of many bee- tles, moths, field crickets, &c. do, are destroyed in great numbers in this stage by them, and in the Royal Park and University grounds the minahs may be seen walking over the grass in regular lines digging them out all day like rooks, and when the perfect winged creatures appear, they are chased and killed by the same bird with incessant energy. ASV opinion was less wholeheartedly supportive. Council Minutes for 19 May 1871 noted that while Sparrows and Minahs are extremely valu- able and do great good by destroying nox- ious insects which otherwise would do much more injury to the fruit and grain than the birds, yet still in deferenee to the opin- ions of other public bodies the Council will not oppose [their] removal ... from the Game Act. The ASV's annual report for 1871 noted their removal, and that "Melbourne, from its size and importance, ought to number among its attractions a good zoological collection’ (ZASV 1872: 6). The Zoological and Acclimatisation Society of Victoria -lions and a zoo In 1872 the Society became the Zoological and Acclimatisation Society, and in absentia Professor McCoy was re- elected a vice-president (ZASV 1872) — for the last time. McCoy’s acclimatisation decade was ending. Sadly the ASV had not provided faunal foundations for a silk or cashmere-wool industry, and the insect- devouring capacity of sparrows and minahs had not satisfied fruitgrowers. With its name change the Society shifted its focus from acclimatisation to zoological display, and its menagerie at Royal Park changed dramatically. Now there were lions but no alpacas or Cashmere goats. The ‘most notable additions’ in 1872 were ‘a fine pair of African lions, a leopard, a 303 McCoy Issue black bear from California, and some Indian monkeys’ (ZASV 1873: 7). Not one was a useful ruminant! The Zoological and Acclimatisation Society was now develop- ing the sort of zoo preferred by a public who wanted to see more interesting animals than useful ones awaiting homes elsewhere. Acknowledgement Doug MeCann provided Microzoon’s 1871 arti- cle and evidence that McCoy was the author. References Un-referenced quotations are from Minute Books of the Zoological Gardens Management Committee and the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria which are held in the Public Record Office, Victoria [VPRS 2223], ASV (1862). ‘The First Annual Report of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria, with the addresses delivered at the Annual Meeting of the Society held November 24th, 1862, at the Mechanics Institute, Melbourne, by His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly, K.C.B. and Professor McCoy’. (Wilson & Mackinnon: Melbourne.) ASV (1863). “The Second Annual Report of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria, with the address delivered at the Annual Meeting of the Society, held November II1th. 1863, at the Society's Office, Melbourne, by His Excellency Sir C. H. Darling K.C.B’. (Wilson & Mackinnon: Melbourne.) ASV (1864). “The Third Annual Report of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria, as adopted at the Annual Meeting of the Society, held November 11th, 1864, at the Society's Office, Melbourne". (Wilson & Mackinnon: Melbourne.) ASV (1866). "The Fourth Annual Report of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria, as adopted at the Annual Meeting of the Society, held December 20th, 1865, at the Society's Office, Melbourne". (Wilson & Mackinnon: Melbourne.) ASV (1871). ‘Report of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria, as adopted at the Annual Meeting of the Society, held March 10th, 1871, at the Mechanics’ Institute’. (Stillwell & Knight: Melbourne.) Also published in The Argus Supplement, 11 March, p. 1, and The Australasian, 18 March, p. 326. Balmford, R. (1981), Early Introductions of Birds to Victoria. The Victorian Naturalist 98, 96-105, Bonyhady. T. (1991), ‘Burke and Wills. From Melbourne to Myth'. (David Ell Press: Sydney.) Gillbank, L. (19962). A Paradox of Purposes: Acclimatisation Origins of the Melbourne Zoo. /n "New Worlds, New Animals. From Menagerie to Zoological Park in the Nineteenth Century’, Eds R.J. Hoage and W.A. Deiss. pp. 73-85 (The Smithsonian Institution/The Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore and London.) Gillbank, L. (1996b). A Tale of Two Animals — Alpaca and Camel: Zoological Shaping of Melbourne's Botanic Gardens. Victorian Historical Journal 67. 83-102. Gramiccia, G. (1988), “The Life of Charles Ledger (1818-1905). Alpacas and Quinine’. (Macmillan Press: London.) Mueller, F. (1861). Annual Report of the Government Botanist and Director of the Botanic and Zoologie Garden, Jn “Victoria — Parliamentary papers — votes and proceedings of the Legislative Assembly 1860-1". 3, (No. 19) (Government Printer: Melbourne.) Whitley, G.P. (1969). Who was "Microzoon"? Australian Zoologist 15, 121-123, ZASV (1872). ‘Proceedings of the Zoological and Acclimatisation Society of Victoria and Report of the Annual Meeting of the Society [ASV], held Ist March 1872*. (F.A. Masterman: Melbourne.) ZASV (1873). ‘Proceedings of the Zoological and Acclimatisation Society of Victoria and Report of the Annual Meeting of the Society, held 24th February 1873. (F.A. Masterman: Melbourne.) "Sir Frederick McCoy was buried in the Brighton Cemetery, Melbourne, on May 16. 1899. As an indication of the regard in which this famous scientist is still held among natural history authorities in Victoria, the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria has undertaken, as part of its nor- mal functions, the maintenance and care of his grave. "The name of Sir Frederick McCoy has been commemorated in scientific circles in the McCoy Society for Field Investigation and Research, which came into existence in August 1935, a society which set out to study in a detailed manner the ecology of definite Australian environments, particular- ly those of the islands along the southern coastline. Extract from page 87, Collections of a Century: The History of the First Hundred Years of the National Museum of Victoria, by R. I.M. Pescott (National Museum of Victoria: 1954), McCoy’s grave, Recently photographed by Doug McCann. 304 The Victorian Naturalist Part Two The Fate of the Cranbourne Meteorites Sara Maroske' An unknown number of years ago, a meteorite crashed to earth at what is now called Cranbourne, an eastern suburb of Melbourne. The extra-terrestrial origin of this meteorite’s fragments was recognized in 1860, at which time they also became scientific curiosities considered worthy of institutional acquisition, Two men in par- ticular vied for the right to collect them. Frederick McCoy wanted the best frag- ments for the recently formed National Museum of Victoria in Melbourne (here- after Melbourne Museum), and Ferdinand Mueller (later Baron von Mueller), Government Botanist of Victoria and Director of the Melbourne Botanic Garden, thought they should go to the British Museum in London, The ensuing argument between these men involved a local and international cast of players, and their dif- fering views of science, patriotism, and even the value of friendship itself. Iron outcrops were known to European settlers at Cranbourne since the 1850s, but they were assumed to be of terrestrial ori- gin. In 1860, however, Edmund FitzGibbon, the Town Clerk of Melbourne, visited the area to assess its suitability as a destination for a railway line (Walcott 1915). FitzGibbon was also something of a naturalist and he took the opportunity to examine the iron deposits. From their `gen- eral resemblance to aerolites known to have fallen in other parts of the world’, he deduced that they were the remnants of a meteorite (Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria 1860). On 4 June 1860, he exhibited two specimens at a meeting of the Royal Society of Victoria, the premier local gathering of scientists, where they stirred up great interest in the members, including McCoy and Mueller. In February 1861, a scientific expedition went to Cranbourne led by Georg Neumayer, Director of the Flagstaff Observatory and instigator of a magnetic ' Department of History and Philosophy of Science, University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria 3052. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 survey of Victoria. The expedition identi- fied a number of meteorite fragments embedded in the ground, including two large ones. The smaller of these large frag- ments weighed about 1.5 tonnes, and was bought from the owner of the land on which it was found by another expedition member, Augustus Abel (a German miner- alogist who had settled in Ballarat). It became known as the Abel Meteorite. The larger fragment, which weighed 3.5 tonnes, was acquired by a neighbouring landowner, James Bruce (a British immi- grant). It became known as the Bruce Meteorite. At the time of its discovery, this meteorite was thought to be the largest in the world (Walcott 1915; McMullen 1998; Lucas et al. 1994). Neither Abel nor Bruce wanted to keep the meteorites for themselves. Abel was a mineral dealer who recognized his mete- orite's value to collectors. He intended to exhibit it locally in Melbourne, then at the London International Exhibition of 1862, and offer it for sale at £300. Bruce was also happy to move his meteorite out of Australia, and decided to present it to the British Museum in London where he had *spent many a pleasant day' in the past, ‘and gained some information.’ (Bruce 1862a). He apparently refused all requests to sell his meteorite, arguing that, because it was only of interest to scientists, it would be wrong to treat it as a piece of merchandise (Lucas et al. 1994). The British Museum was actively involved in collecting meteorites in the 1860s, and was delighted at the prospect of acquiring the Bruce specimen by donation. It was also not averse to purchasing the Abel specimen. The Museum set about obtaining both meteorites with the assis- tance of Mueller. It is not absolutely clear how Mueller came to be the Museum's Melbourne agent, but he was in friendly communication with the Museum's Keeper of Mineralogy, Nevil Maskelyne (later Story-Maskelyne), as well as with Bruce and Abel, from the time that knowledge of 305 MeCoy Issue the meteorites was first made public. Mueller was also on record for thinking that the specimens belonged in the British Museum, where they would be ‘higher appreciated than elsewhere.” (Lucas et al. 1994; Mueller 1862a unpubl.) The burgeoning city of Melbourne had established a natural history museum in 1854, with McCoy as Director from 1856. McCoy was aware of the interest by the British Museum in the Cranbourne mete- orites and, while respecting the imperial institution's prestige, and also being in friendly communication with some of its stalf, he believed that the meteorites were better placed in Melbourne. He tried to get Abel to reduce the price of his meteorite to an amount that the Melbourne Museum could afford, but was unsuccessful. He also tried to persuade Bruce to donate his mete- orite to the Melbourne Museum where he argued that jt would be ‘of much greater interest’ than at the British Museum “from local associations’ (McCoy 1862a unpubl.). Bruce, Mueller and McCoy all spoke of ‘interest’ in the meteorites when discussing their disposal. They agreed that this ‘inter- est’ was scientific but disagreed about where it was likely to be best developed. McCoy argued that Melbourne scientists were not only well-capable of analysing the meteorites, but likely to do so with enthusiasm because of the local rarity of such objects. Mueller argued that at the British Museum they would be accessible to more scientists than in Melbourne, and therefore subject to the most capable and numerous analyses. Bruce was persuaded by both men and ended up offering MeCoy half his specimen, provided the British Museum would agree to the cost of its division, and the Melbourne Museum to the cost of its transport (Lucas er al, 1994). While waiting for McCoy's response to this offer, Bruce was contacted by Mueller, who asked to be given possession of the Bruce Meteorite on behalf of the British Museum, Bruce wrote to McCoy saying that he intended to accede to Mueller's request. because he assumed that ‘as both Dr Mueller & yourself were members of the Royal Society [you] had mutually agreed as to the steps that each was taking in the matter.” (Bruce 1862b unpubl.). In this, Bruce was mistaken. Mueller and 306 McCoy were certainly well-known to each other, and had co-operated in the exchange of natural history specimens, and in local scientific matters, without rancour, in the past (Home er al. 1998), but this time they had opposing views. Thus, Mueller appears to have contacted Bruce without knowing about his offer to split the meteorite. When McCoy learned of Bruce's deci- sion, he rallied the support of a number of local scientists and pressured Mueller to accept a division of the meteorite. Mueller felt himself torn between a desire to keep his undertaking with the British Museum to acquire the whole meteorite for its col- lections, and to maintain civil relations with the other members of the small com- munity of Melbourne scientists. He believed that he was being asked to com- promise his pure scientific principles by petty colonial interests, but he gave way nonetheless. In his letter of submission, he told MeCoy that ‘we are doing a deplorable act in cutting such a rare cabi- net piece, especially as it then no longer will anywhere predominate over any other Meteors’ (Mueller 1862b unpubl.). On the eve of a successful (if not mutual- ly satisfactory) resolution to the negotia- tions, another suggestion apparently occurred to McCoy, which he communi- cated to Mueller, “As for our rival claims on the meteorite,” he declared, ‘I would suggest the good old test of single combat and walking on red-hot plough shares to see with whom the right lies — unless indeed the British Museum would [solve] it by sending us Abel’s own.’ (McCoy 1862b unpubl.). McCoy seemed to be say- ing that he would accept a swap of the Abel for the Bruce Meteorite. This would not give the Melbourne Museum the larger meteorite, but it would give it a complete one. It would also let Mueller satisfy his obligations to the British Museum, and Mueller lost no time writing to London for agreement to the proposal. Newspaper reports in Melbourne of the dispute between the two museums roused community interest in the fate of the mete- orites. In July 1862, John O’Shanassy, the Chief Secretary (and head of the Victorian Legislative Assembly), set up a committee of inquiry to determine what, if any, action the Government should take in the matter. The Victorian Naturalist The Committee was chaired by George Evans (a member of parliament) and con- sisted of McCoy, A.R.C. Selwyn (Director of the Geological Survey of Victoria) and R. Brough Smyth (Secretary of Mines), Mueller could hardly have been pleased with this development. All but the commit- tee chairman were on record as supporting the view that the Bruce meteorite should not leave the colony (Lucas et al. 1994), In September 1862, letters from London agreeing to the swap of meteorites were read at a meeting of the Royal Society of Victoria. Maskelyne added that the British Museum was also prepared to send the Melbourne Museum some fossil casts and duplicate specimens. He was presumably unaware that the Melbournians would take offence at his view that the swap was only assigning to the imperial and colonial museums “their proper relative functions of mutual interest and support.’ The Royal Society of Victoria scientists did not appreciate being seen as inferiors. After some discussion, they gave notice of a motion that the Melbourne Museum should keep both meteorites. and send only casts and specimens to London (Transactions und Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 1865). MeCoy sought to garner further support For his museum's claim through the Committee of Inquiry. In 1863, after the chairman returned from a long absence from the colony, a series of committee meetings was held, and a draft report delivered to the Chief Secretary. It con- cluded that the Melbourne Museum had a ‘right’ to half the Bruce Meteorite, and the British Museum a ‘right’ to the other half. If, however, the British Museum had already bought the Abel Meteorite in order to swap it for the Bruce Meteorite, then the Committee recommended that the British Museum Trustees should be reimbursed the purchase price of the Abel Meteorite, and allowed to retain it for their collections *on condition of their relinquishing all claims to the larger meteorite.” (Evans e/ al. 1863 unpubl) Mueller did not appear before any of the Committees meetings. He waited to be called, only to discover, when it was too late for him to do anything about it, that the Committee expected him to apply to Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two present evidence. In his absence, the Committee was free to impugn his actions and to assign their own motives to them. Its report to the Government expressed ‘strong disapprobation’ of “those gentle- men who have in any way been instrumen- tal in urging Mr Bruce to accede to the removal of the Meteorite’ (a thinly veiled reference to Mueller). It also observed that Bruce had sought to be guided by the advice of “Scientific men’, and that it regretted that the advice he had received “was not dictated by more patriotic moves.’ (Evans er al. 1863 unpubl.) In September 1863, Mueller and McCoy mel at Mueller's house at the Botanic Garden and argued about the meteorites. McCoy apparently left ‘in such emotion’ as to prevent Mueller ‘from apologising for the offence I have unconsciously given you," Mueller tried to salvage his friend- ship with MeCoy by offering to give up representing the interests of the British Museum (Mueller 1863a unpubl.). Mueller also wrote to the chairman of the now- defunct Committee of Inquiry and to Maskelyne at the British Museum in the same vein. As a publie servant in the colony of Victoria, he explained that if his government chiefs disapproved of an exchange of meteorites then he would have to act in accordance with their wishes (Mueller 1863b, c unpubl.) In the nineteenth century, the idea that unique natural history objects properly belong in their country of origin was novel. The primacy of imperial institutions was assumed by many colonists as well as by these institutions themselves. In making a claim for the Bruce Meteorite, the Melbourne Museum was acting out of the ordinary. Maskelyne was so irate when he learned of Mueller's treatment in Victoria that he was only just restrained, by Mueller (for the sake of the honour of the scientists of Victoria), from laying the matter before the Royal Society of London. He regarded McCoy as guilty of a ‘disgraceful breach of faith’, while Mueller had ‘maintained an attitude such as a German — or an English - gentleman must always wish to main- tain, an attitude of honour and truthfulness’ (Maskelyne 1864 unpubl). What was the Government of Victoria to do? James McCulloch (O'Shanassy's suc- 307 MeCoy Issue cessor as Chief Secretary of Victoria in 1863) was faced with a difficult decision. He was aware that local patriots wanted the meteorites to stay in the colony, but his government was not sufficiently indepen- dent of imperial influence to disregard it entirely. McCulloch read the Committee of Inquiry’s report and invited Mueller to a discussion of the other side of the argu- ment. Mueller suggested that McCoy had failed to ‘show cause why the pledge made by himself should not be redeemed’ (i.e. a swap of the Abel for the Bruce Meteorite) (Mueller 1864 unpubl.). McCulloch agreed, and determined that the Bruce meteorite could ‘be only treated as the property of the British museum’ (McCulloch 1864 unpubl.). This decision was duly transmitted to the British Museum trustees (Lucas ef al, 1994). Meanwhile, McCoy was actually in pos- session of both meteorites. The Bruce Meteorite had been stored at the Melbourne Museum pending a decision as Lo its disposal. and the Abel Meteorite arrived there in late 1863. It had been addressed in London to the “Melbourne Museum care of the Governor of Victoria’, but had been delivered directly to McCoy, who did not admit to having it until pressed by the Governor. The Bruce Meteorite was removed from the Melbourne Museum in January 1865 for shipment to London. To the last, McCoy tried to stop its removal, writing letters to various government officials, but to no avail. The Bruce Meteorite was installed in the British Museum in November, minus only a thin slice which was sent back to the Melbourne Museum (Lucas et al. 1994). The definitions of science, patriotism and friendship were all tested in the argument surrounding the disposal of the Cranbourne meteorites. The Melbourne and London museum directors both thought that possess- ing the meteorites was necessary for their proper analysis, but in the end neither insti- tution published much about them (Lucas e/ al. 1994). The definition of patriotism was also transformed by the dispute in such a way as to admit of loyalty to colonial as well as imperial institutions. In this regard, McCoy was one of the first of many scien- tists who have fought for Australian owner- ship of significant local specimens. As to 308 McCoy’s friendship with Mueller, while it was damaged by their disagreement about the meteorites, civility, at least, between the two men was soon restored, and they contin- ued to have a productive working relation- ship for the rest of their lives. References Bruce, J. (1862a). Letter to the Editor. Argus 5 December. Bruce, J. (1862b). Unpublished letter t0 F, McCoy, 9 February 1862, Cranbourne, Natural History Museum, London. Evans et al. (1863) Unpublished [draft] Report of the Board Appointed to consider the contemplated removal from the Colony of the Cranbourne Meteorite’, Cranbourne Meteorite file, Museum of Victoria, Melbourne. Home, R. W., Lucas, A.M., Maroske, S., Sinkora, D.M. and Voigt, J.H. (1998), “Regardfully yours; selected correspondence of Ferdinand von Mueller’. 1. (Peter Lang: Bern.) Lucas, A.M., Lucas, P.J., Darragh, T.A. and Maroske, S. (1994). Colonial pride and metropolitan expecta- tions: the British Museum and Melbourne's mete- orites. British Journal of the History of Science. 27, 65-87. Maskelyne, N. (1864). Unpublished letter to F. Mueller, 8 January 1864, RB MSS M76, Library, Royal Botanic Gardens, Melbourne. McCoy, F. (18622). Unpublished letter to J. Bruce, 3 January 1862, no. 61/183, outward letter book 2, Museum of Victoria, Melbourne. McCoy, F. (1862b). Unpublished letter to F. Mueller, 17 February 1862, Cranbourne, Natural History Museum, London. McCulloch, J. (1864), Unpublished letter to C. Darling, 20 June 1864, dispatch 73, CO309/67, p. 278, Public Record Office, London. McMullen, G-L. (1998). A German mineralogist in gold-rush Australia: August Theodor Abel (1802- 1882). Historical Records of Australian Science. 12 (2). 183-204. Mueller, F, (18622). Unpublished letter to N Maskelyne, 25 January 1862, Cranbourne, Natural History Museum, London. Mueller, F. (1862b). Unpublished letter to F. MeCoy, 14 February 1862, Cranbourne, Natural History Museum, London. Mueller, F. (1863a). Unpublished letter to F. MeCoy, 11 September 1863, MSA675, Mitchell Library, Sydney. Mueller, F. (1863b), Unpublished letter to G. S. Evans, 11 September 1863, bundle 10, no, 12, unit 11, VPRS special files, VA 466, Public Record Office, Victoria, Mueller, F. (1863c). Unpublished letter to N. Maskelyne, 25 September 1863, Cranbourne, Natural History Museum, London, Mueller. F. (1864). Unpublished letter to N. Maskelyne, š January 1864, RB MSS M76, Library, Royal Botanic Gardens, Melbourne). Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria. 1860, 5. vil-x, Transactions and Proceedings of the Roval Society of Victoria, 1865. 6. xxi-xxv. Walcott, R.H. (1915). Descriptions of the Victorian meteorites, with notes on obsidianites. Memoirs of the National Museym, Melbourne. 6. 5-64, The Victorian Naturalist Part Two Frederick McCoy and the Naturalist Tradition Doug MeCann' Abstract From August 1869 until May 1871, an anonymous naturalist under the pseudonym *Microzoon' pub- lished a superb series of articles in a weekly Melbourne newspaper, The Australasian. The author was undoubtedly Frederick McCoy. The Microzoon articles provide a valuable early record of aspects of the natural history of Victoria, in particular the bird life, but also covering a selection of other topics including snakes, insects, fish, molluscs, geology, palaeontology and stratigraphy. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (6), 2001, 309-313.) Introduction Frederick McCoy was one of Australia's first professional scientists. His career began in Ireland in the late 1830s — a time when natural history had gained immense public popularity and amateurs carried out a great deal of early geological, botanical and zoological work. These amateur natu- ralists comprised people from all walks of life but were usually from the middle and upper classes including a dedicated elite of so-called ‘gentleman naturalists’, As the industrial revolution progressed, a new sci- entific and technological community emerged and established science as a pro- fession in its own right. By the 1850s, this newer, younger and more numerous body of professionals were challenging and replacing the older gentlemen naturalists. Many of the older elite still held senior positions in the universities. and in amateur and professional societies, but a genera- tional change was taking place. This succes- sion was accompanied by a change in philo- sophical outlook or “world-view” as well. McCoy is an interesting individual for historical study because his career spans what could be called a ‘paradigm shift’ from amateur science to professional sci- ence, from Natural Theology to *Naturalism’ and Darwinism, and from an organic world-view to a more empiricist, mechanistic and materialistic world-view. In many ways McCoy remained true to his earlier formative influences. Henry Woodward observed, on McCoy’s death in 1899, that McCoy really belonged ‘to the first half of the present century, but who has survived almost to its close’ (Woodward. 1899: 283). Woodward's School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus. Clayton, Victoria 3168. Email mecannfaideakin.edu.au Vol. 118 (6) 2001 observation is germane. True to the earlier naturalist tradition, McCoy remained an amateur in spirit even though he became a professional at a very young age. The beginning of McCoy’s career in the late 1830s represents a peak time for great collectors and great collections. When McCoy arrived in the Colony of Victoria in 1854 and subsequently established him- self as Director of the National Museum of Victoria he finally had a chance to make his mark as a great collector in his own right. He spent the rest of his long career developing what became one of the great colonial museums, As a museum director and systematic taxonomist he relied upon a network of professional and amateur col- lectors and always remained supportive and sympathetic towards the amateur natu- ralist. When the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria was established in 1880, McCoy became the first President. Even though he did not attend regular meetings (see Houghton, this issue), McCoy was keen to encourage people of all persuasions to par- ticipate in the collection of natural objects and organisms, especially new and exotic ones, and in the study and documentation of the natural environment, Microzoon In the late 1860s a natural history column appeared in a weekly Melbourne newspa- per, The Australasian, under the banner "The Naturalist’. The author was anonymous and published under the pseudonym *Microzoon'. It appears that it was never officially made public just who the unknown writer was, but almost a century later the naturalist D.J. Dickison speculated in the Australian Bird Watcher that it was proba- bly Frederick McCoy. Dickison wrote: 309 McCoy Issue The name and the author of the articles which ran through The Australasian for several years, and dealt with all branches of the natural history of Victoria, has never been disclosed. However, there is strong evidence to suggest that the writer was Professor Frederick MeCoy, who was the Director of the National Museum at that time, as there is a reference in one of the old letterbooks at the museum of a proposal made by McCoy to the Editor of The Australasian, that he be given permission to contribute articles, at intervals, on the sub- jects of interest in the National Museum. It was also apparent that the articles had been written by a naturalist of some ability and who had a good general knowledge of the fauna of Victoria (Dickison, 1960: 77-78). Dickison's claim may have gone largely unnoticed had it not been for the interest shown in the Microzoon column by the eminent naturalist Gilbert Whitley, former- ly an ichthyologist at the Australian Museum. For years Whitley had wondered who Microzoon was: he had suspected that it might have been the accomplished natu- ralist Gerard Krefft who had lived and worked in Victoria and later became Director of the Australian Museum in Sydney. or some other competent natural history writer. After extensive inquiries Whitley became convinced that it was Frederick McCoy who was the anonymous author. In an article entitled "Who was "Microzoon"?^ in the Australian Zoologist in 1969 he briefly related that he thought that *Dickison's theory was right’ and pub- lished a list of all the Microzoon articles he could find in The Australasian. There was a total of fifty articles in all and they ran from August 1869 to May 1871. There is no doubt that the author of the Microzoon column was indeed Frederick McCoy as Dickison and Whitley have sur- mised (Branagan 1998). Whitley is accu- rate when he states that: From internal evidence in the articles them- selves, he was obviously a member of the Acclimatisation Society in Melbourne, on the staff of or closely connected to the National Museum, and not a young man (Whitley 1969: 121). As Dickison observed it is obvious that Microzoon was an exceptionally compe- tent and well-informed naturalist. He 310 makes numerous references to the collec- tions in the National Museum and had inti- mate knowledge of their content and orga- nization. He also makes a number of allu- sions to the University of Melbourne where McCoy was professor of Natural Science, and to the suburb of Brighton and Brighton beach where his later home was located. In one Microzoon article (21 August 1869) the writer mentions that he was in London some twenty years previ- ously, as was McCoy. In most of the arti- cles the text is almost identical in style, tone and content to McCoy's writings in his official publication such as his Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria and his Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria (McCoy 1874-1982;1878-90). No other naturalist in the Colony of Victoria but McCoy would have had the detailed palaeontological, geological and zoological knowledge displayed in the Microzoon articles. The column was one of the first natural history columns in Australia. It is a valu- able early record of some aspects of the natural history of the Colony of Victoria. The articles were ‘refreshingly Australian, a pioneer ornithology of Victoria, and included here and there some rare or novel species of bird or reptile" (Whitley 1969: 121). The content of the Microzoon arti- cles is at times quite specialized and tech- nical, mentioning such things as the appearance, dimensions, habits, location, behaviour and ecology of various natural history organisms and objects. They are also written in a relaxed and entertaining style, and are interesting and sometimes humorous. A wide range of topics are cov- ered but there is a concentration on à detailed and systematic survey of the birds of Victoria; in fact, birds are the subject of half of the articles, making the column a valuable historical resource on Victorian ornithology. Similarly, there is a series of five articles on snakes. A random selection of other topics is covered, including fish. insects, molluscs, turtles, the Tasmanian devil, pearls and diamonds. Of particular interest is a series of articles entitled “Why is Australia odd?" in which the author explains how local work in Victoria by ‘the Melbourne palaeontolo- gists’ (meaning McCoy and his staff) dis- The Victorian Naturalist proved the popularly held notion that Australia was qualitatively different. both geologically and biologically, from the northern hemisphere, and instead con- firmed that geological processes were uni- versal and that the geological column was global. Further, the writer contended that these discoveries were fatal to the theory of ‘progressive development’ and the idea that evolution occurred at varying rates in differ- ent regions around the globe. According to the author those who hold such views are ‘the suicidal betrayers of their own igno- rance'. Instead. he suggests, the evidence does not contradict the more traditional notion of successive progressive ‘creations’. Another series of four Microzoon articles has the heading “Geological walks and talks at large’ and is a succinct and edify- ing introduction to field geology, including how to determine the of angle of ‘dip and the ‘line of strike” of rock strata, instruc- tions for collecting rocks in the field, and how to construct a makeshift clinometer. The author emphases the importance of fossils, stating that: The greatest characteristic of modern geolo- gy is the entire abandonment of the lithologi- cal character or nature of the stone as a means of identifying the various geological formations, and the firm reliance on palaeon- tology, or the study of fossils, alone as a sure guide (Microzoon, 25 February 1871). The author then figuratively takes the read- er for a walk from the Post Office in Elizabeth Street starting ‘upon one of the most famous of all geological formations - the Silurian’ the beds of which are ‘sharply contorted and dipping in various direc- tions? and walking north to Royal Park where ‘in the bed of Mooney Ponds (sic) creek, and in the little cliffs on each side of it. you can learn as good a lesson on the subject as if you were in Wales’ (Microzoon, 13 May 1871). The Silurian rocks held a special interest for McCoy because he had been involved in a famous debate between Adam Sedgwick and Roderick Murchison as to their structure, composition and extent (see McCann, this Issue). In the Microzoon articles there are sever- al references to the Acclimatisation Society. The author is passionate in his defence of the principle of introducing Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two exotic species of plants and animals and stern in his remarks against those who crit- icize the practice. He deplores the ‘igno- rant popular clamour’ of those who now claim that introduced species like the spar- row are causing more harm than good: These birds, especially the sparrow, have multiplied greatly, and now the same outery has arisen here as has arisen from the more ignorant of the farmers and gardeners in various parts of Europe, and in the various States of America, against useful small birds, namely, that they have been occa- sionally seen to eat fruit and grain in their season (Microzoon. 25 March 1871). He argues that the sparrows consume “enormous quantities” of harmful pest species of insects and insect larvae all year round and that the benefits greatly outweigh any relatively minor problems such as the consumption of some small part of ripened crops. As for the Indian minahs (now known as Common Mynas) the author points out that ‘they are of incalculable value for checking the increase of insects’ and that the value of their services are ‘well known in India, and the French in New Caledonia are so eaten up by these insects, that they have asked the Acclimatisation Society of Melbourne to aid them in intro- ducing their only help — the minah’. One of the pleasures of perusing the col- umn is reading the various anecdotes and poetic descriptions of the natural history of the colony. The writer employs phrases like ‘this most beautiful species’ (referring to Jardine’s Harrier, now commonly known as the Spotted Harrier) or “this is an amusingly pugnacious little species’ (refer- ring to the Little Whip Snake). Often he is philosophical: “there is rarely any waste in nature’, or historical: ‘Even so far back as the time of Aristotle the European bird of this kind (1.e., the goatsucker) is referred to in his History of Animals...", or humorous: t... hey are ‘varra interesting’ as a wise man I knew once used to say of anything he could not comprehend’. Glimpses of the interactions between the colonists and wildlife can be gleaned from the column; for example, the tiger snake is reported to be ‘very common along the margins of the Yarra, especially in the Governor’s grounds at Toorak, and very common in all the swampy ground near Sandridge, St. 311 MeCoy Issue Kilda, and other places around the city.’ (Microzoon, 1 January 1870). The column is also valuable because it allows compar- isons to be made between the environment and fauna of the period, particularly in the Melbourne area, and subsequent changes — for instance, the disappearance of both reedbeds and Reed Warblers from the banks of the Yarra near Princes Bridge (Microzoon, 11 February 1871), and the loss of the heathlands in the Brighton area along with their honeyeaters (Microzoon, 7 May 1870). Occasionally the writer, when emphasiz- ing some particular aspect of the local nat- ural history, mentions prominent citizens of the Colony, for example, when dis- cussing the Grey Faicon, he notes: A specimen of this excessively rare species flew into Captain Clarke’s kitchen, at Merri Creek, afler a chicken, which it carried off. It was shot, and is now in the National Museum (Microzoon, 25 September 1869). Likewise, when discussing the Australian Goshawk: This fine species is rather scarce about Melbourne, but one in the National Museum was shot at Flemington by Mr. Brough Smythe, and a few others have occurred in other spots in the colony, and it is known from Tasmania to Moreton Bay (Microzoon, 6 November 1869). Some other local identities mentioned include Professor Halford (and his experi- ments on curing snake bite by the injection of ammonia), naturalist Gerard Krefft, and editor of the Argus and founder of the Acclimatisation Society, Edward Wilson. The author even refers to himself (in the third person — as ‘Professor M’Coy’). The writer’s humour is evident in his dis- cussion on the Murray Turtle Chelymys macquaria. Apparently the colonists did not view this turtle as a particularly attrac- tive object for food consumption: ... The present species is the commonest Cheloniax in the Murray River, and is occa- sionally sent down as a curiosity to the fish- markets, with the so-called Murray cod and other fish, but it has not come into use at all for the table, notwithstanding the sugges- tions of the Acclimatisation Society, Mr Kinglake is often doubted by readers of his famous assertion that the present Emperor of the French turned green on a 312 certain occasion from emotion, but 1 have seen the name of this creature produce exactly the same effect on a great literary luminary formerly residing in Melbourne, to whom I mentioned it in confidence at a dinner of the Acclimatisation Society, after he had incautiously swallowed a good plateful of what was called "turtle soup" on that occasion, but which 1 know was made of the vile anatomy of this Chelymys, deceitfully disguised by a skilful cook (Microzoon, 30 April 1870). Another example of his sometimes tongue-in-cheek style is evident in his dis- cussion of the Cicadae: ... This insect is a Cicada, nearly alike in structure, general appearance and habits, to the famous Cicadae of the old classic writ- ers of Greece and Rome, who seem to have had as queer a taste in music as the modern Chinese, who, like the ancient Greeks, are said to keep these insects in cages for their song... As only the males can sing, the ancient poets attributed their loud jollity to the happiness arising from the knowledge that their wives were mute — but this is now known to be mere slander. That Tithonus, the consort of Aurora, was changed in his old age into a Cicada, although devoutly held by the ancients, is also now generally disbelieved by modern entomologists, who classify the Cicada amongst the true Hexapod insects in the modern order Homoptera (Microzoon, 29 January 1870). A further example of his humour is in his discussion of the kookaburra where he refers to an account of a difficult journey by two early travellers from Western Australia, where the bird is not endemic. to the settlements of Southern Australia. The traveller's ended their narrative expressing their sense of comfort and enjoyment with which the evening passed, after due refreshment, ‘listening to the laughing jackass’, The author of Microzoon noted: The German editor of a well-known geo- graphical journal, translating this account, gives the epithet with inverted commas, and the remark in a foot-note that ‘some political allusion is probably intended here, as we believe the quadruped has not been introduced into Australia.” (Microzoon, 9 April 1870). The Microzoon series ends abruptly on 27 May 1871. The writer obviously intend- The Victorian Naturalist ed to continue the series because at the end of the final article he promises to discuss the significance of asymmetrical folding of rocks such as is found in some synclines `... a fact of great importance as we shall see...`. It is not clear why the Microzoon series suddenly ended at this time; McCoy was still at the peak of his career. He went on to produce his greatest Australian publi- cations, his Prodromus of the Palaeontology of Victoria (1874-82) and his Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria (1878-1890). However, this was about the time that McCoy became embroiled in problems following the appointment of a Museum Board of Trustees. Whatever the reason he let the series lapse. we owe a debt to McCoy for the popular writing which he did do. and for providing us with a window into the natural history of the Colony at that particular time. Conclusion In 1880, a decade after the publication of the Microzoon articles, the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria was inaugurat- ed and has continued ever since as a vehi- cle for studying and documenting the local natural history for amateurs and profes- sionals alike. Considering his great pio- neering contribution it was entirely appro- priate that McCoy was chosen as the first President. His position was more of an honorary one than an active one; neverthe- less he provided an important link between the professional work carried out at the National Museum and the more amateur work of the fledgling club. In a more general sense McCoy repre- sented a link between the older naturalist tradition and a newer, more impersonal, professional science. In addition, because of his considerable early experience in Ireland and England, he provided a link between a purely European view of nature and an indigenous Australian view. McCoy was moulded in the European Part Two institutions and practice but on arrival in Victoria he was confronted with a new environment, He was a major player in the attempt to Europeanise the new Colony especially through his work with the Acclimatisation Society. Nevertheless he played an important role in documenting and distinguishing characteristie similari- ties and differences in the natural environ- ment between Europe and Victoria. He aided in dispelling some naive European views about the geology, palaeontology and biology of the Australian continent and helped place it in a global context. By building up large collections of the local natural history in the National Museum, and encouraging amateurs to study and collect it, he laid the foundations for fur- ther progress in understanding the indige- nous natural history. It was left to others to carry that program forward from an Australian perspective, but it was McCoy who provided a bridge and a necessary first step. Acknowledgements Thanks to Professor Neil Archbold for his sup- port and encouragement and discussions on the subject matter, Judith Hughes for transcription, word processing and editorial work, Barry Cowley and Jane Schwind for library research and Anthea Fleming for discussions on relevant topics. References Branagan, D.F, (1998). Geologists and the Australian National Parks System, /n, “Celebrating the Parks: Proceedings of the First Australian Symposium on Parks History’, pp. 205-222. (Rethink Consulting: Carlton South, Victoria.) Diekison, DJ. (1960), The Naming of the Pilot-Bird, Australian Bird Watcher 1, 78. McCoy, F. (1874-1882). Prodromus of the Palaeontalogy of Victoria, (George Robertson: Melbourne and Triibner and Co; London.) McCoy, F, (1878-1890), Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria. (George Robertson: Melbourne and Frübner & Co: London.) Whitley, G.P. (1969). Who Was "Microzoon" Australian Zoologist 15, 121-123. Woodward. H. (1899). Obituary: Professor Sir Frederick McCoy, Geological Magazine, New Series, Decade 4, 6. 283-287. For assistance with the preparation of this issue, thanks to Karen Dobson (label print- ing), Dorothy Mahler (administrative assistance) and Michael McBain (web page). Vol. 118 (6) 2001 ta m ta McCoy Issue Frederick McCoy and the FNCV Sheila Houghton! Frederick MeCoy was the first President of the Field Naturalists Club of Victoria, but. unlike Ferdinand von Mueller, he was not initially involved. His name does not appear in the list of members elected at the inaugural meeting in May 1880, but it heads the list following the record of the second meeting, and everyone has moved down one in the numbered sequence (FNCV Minutes 1880: 15 May 1880). The official members’ register has him as num- ber one, and it is clear from this that the position was an honorary one; McCoy did not pay a subscription (FNCV Members’ Register 1880). In April 1883, at the meet- ing prior to the AGM, when à new President was to be elected, McCoy was elected an Honorary member, which main- tained his connection with the Club, with- out any financial embarrassment. The invi- tation to McCoy to become the first President was a natural one. Not only did the fledgling Club require status, but às Professor of Natural Science at the University of Melbourne, McCoy was the obvious choice, and he was evidently ready enough to give his patronage to this new venture, Because patronage it was: in the three years of his Presidency he did not attend a single committee or ordinary monthly meeting, and played no part in the administration of the Club. His function, as he saw it, was to attend the Annual Conversazione, and deliver the Presidential address. The Annual Conversazione was a big event in the life of the Club in the early years. It was held in the Royal Society's Hall, with a wide range of exhibits, and lectures were given, in addition to the address reviewing the year's work. (In 1896, for instance, when it was held in the Athenaeum Hall, it extended over two days.) In 1881 the Southern Science Record commented that *it must have been a pleasing sight to the members, and espe- ! |2 Scenic Court, Gisborne, Victoria 3437. 314 cially to Professor McCoy, to see so large an audience assembled’ (Anon 1881). The material for his addresses each year was supplied by the honorary secretary but something of McCoy's personality and attitude to the Club can be detected in them. His opening remarks in 1881 con- centrate entirely on the *glorious company’ of honorary and corresponding members, each of whom he names, praising them for their ‘enlightened zeal’, “extensive obser- vations’, activeness, or for possessing the finest collection in their particular branch of natural science. Turning to the activities of the Club he notes the papers given, mostly on botany and entomology, con- cluding that the evening meetings “showed most pleasantly the advantage of men of scientific tastes and acquirements uniting together to describe the many new bear- ings of fresh observations’. Geology had not received its ‘fair share of attention and he proceeded to give a description of all the significant geological areas around Melbourne, comparing them to formations in England and Wales. There is a hint of astonishment in his resume of Club excur- sions. “Who could have imagined that new fresh-water Polyzoa would be found in the lakes in the Botanic Gardens?’ he asks. But he was glad to know that the excur- sions were conducted along the lines of those of the British Association, and that the ‘social English recognition of the high part which the stomach plays’ bringing all into “friendly union’ at the end of the day had not been neglected. His final remarks reflect the utilitarian approach to natural science, prevalent at the time, in that special atten- tion should be given to injurious plants and insects, and he suggested that the Agricultural Association might assist the Club in these investigations (McCoy 1881). In 1882 McCoy was unable to attend the Annual Conversazione, because he was suffering from bronchitis, which afflicted him increasingly in his later years. Rev. J.J. Halley read the speech in his absence. The Victorian Naturalist The FNCV had every appearance of becoming an established institution, but the majority of its most active members were still amateurs, and there is a hint of condescension in McCoy’s opening remarks that they were meeting again ‘to celebrate our usual annual “commence- ment", as the University men say..." The 140 ordinary members included * nearly all the best known Victorian lovers of Nature” and he acknowledged the value of *out-of- door exercise ... its great healthy attraction and its peculiar usefulness’. He noted again that amongst the Honorary members were *the most distinguished Naturalists in every department of Natural Science in this and the other Australian colonies." There was no doubt that there was a place for the Club, since nothing could be more really useful to Science than genuine field observations, accurately recorded, and he suggested that the ‘interchange of observa- tions and experiences of the collectors’ (which had been the motivation lor the establishment of the Club in the first place) should be ‘recorded in a kind of common- place book’, which would make a 'delight- ful volume which would be eagerly read both here and at home’. In due course the Club produced The Victorian Naturalist. He praised the Club's plans to offer prizes to State school children for collections, with accompanying papers, at the next Annual Conversazione, and compared this to the practice of Professor Henslow (‘my old friend") in his parish in Suffolk, England. who had observed the influence for good of such occupations on character and habits of later life. on the children of both sexes, MeCoy's address concluded with practical instruction on how speci- mens should be recorded, especially if the name was not known (a numbering sys- tem), and suggestions of areas of study (McCoy 1882). By 1883, in his third address, McCoy was obviously fully convinced of the use- fulness of the Club, and approved of the direction it was taking. He regretted that it had not been possible to give prizes to State school children, owing to lack of funds, but expressed the hope that the gov- ernment might make a small grant for this purpose. Excursions were now being run under the leadership of a competent per- Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two son, which gave 'definite character to the work of each excursion" and less time was wasted in ‘desultory wanderings’! McCoy, of course, had no direct experience of Club excursions. He praised the practice of cooperation between the amateur making local observations and someone with expert knowledge of the subject, as typi- fied by Dudley Best's work on Colonel T.B. Hutton's collection of beetles from the Dandenong area. The study of ants was ‘essentially one for a field naturalists” club’, and he considered A.J. Campbell’s admirable paper on Victorian birds" eggs `a perfect model of the sort of continued, careful observation and record of facts which would render this Club famous’. If the FNCV had not quite arrived, it was well on its way. Scientific acknowledge- ment had been given to the ‘acute observ- er’. J.F. Bailey, who had followed up MeCoy's observations on fossil ear-bones of whales from the Waurn Ponds Miocene tertiary quarries by discovering similar remains near Cheltenham, recognised a new species which MeCoy had named Cetotolithes baileyi in his honour (but unfortunately had been unable to illustrate or describe it because the Mines Department had ceased publication of the Palaeontalogical Decades). Henry Watts had collected and mounted many Anoplura (sucking lice) of Victorian birds, which were now in the National Museum. MeCoy's attitude here was very much, "keep up the good work’, and he put for- ward suggestions for further study: fungi, to be sketched and coloured in the field, being a ‘subject ... of great interest as not to be ascertained in the closet’; spiders; the teeth on the tongue of each species of the Gastropoda (suggested the previous year, but not followed up); insect larvae: living Polyzoa, Victoria being particularly rich in ‘these beautiful little objects’; Hydroida: mosquitoes (those in Tasmania had been well described); and ants and gadflies. He concluded with a comment characteristic of his time, that all these subjects would provide valuable information which would be welcomed ‘at home’ (McCoy 1883). McCoy’s term of office came to an end in 1883, and Dr F.S. Dobson, M.L.A. was elected in June. He chaired the next com- mittee meeting, and a subsequent special 315 McCoy Issue meeting, at which he moved a motion to repeal Rule 8, which said that the President should retire annually, and not be eligible for re-election after the second year. This motion was carried by ‘a large majority’ (FNCV Minutes 1880: 11 June 1883). Dobson's expressed purpose was to clear the way for McCoy to reassume the presi- dency (Dobson 1883). He then resigned, but this political manoeuvre did not work. It would seem that McCoy was not approached after the June meeting, because in September Dobson wrote to the committee asking that some action be taken on his letter of 6 July resigning his position. The committee decided that Dobson, J.F. Bailey and T.A.F. Leith should wait upon McCoy (FNCV Minutes 1880: | October 1883). A month later Bailey and Leith had not interviewed Dobson about the matter (FNCV Minutes 1880: 5 November 1883). Was it that they felt the situation was too delicate, or did the committee not really want McCoy back again? In December the secretary was directed to write to McCoy requesting him to name a place and time to discuss the matter (FNCV Minutes 1883: 3 December 1883). McCoy replied, explaining that while University duties had prevented him from making an appointment, he was refer- ring to previous communications express- ing objections to his reassuming the Presidency, which he found unanswerable, so while thanking the committee For think- ing of him, he felt bound respectfully to decline (McCoy 1884a). There are several oddities about this. McCoy said that he thought the objections came from Dr Lucas. The ‘previous communications? may refer back to 1881, when Lucas had proposed the alteration to Rule 8. limiting the tenure of the president to two years. The other part of the motion related to the Vice-Presidents, ruling that one of them should retire each year in rotation and not be eligible for re-election. This affected Lucas himself, but he had already retired from his position at the end of the first year in May. Lucas*s motion was carried (FNCV Minutes 1880: 8 August 1881). McCoy would have been informed of this amendment, perhaps in the normal course of things, or because he would be directly affected at the end of the Club year in 316 1882, but the alteration was then presum- ably forgotten, or ignored, and McCoy was re-elected for a third term. It is likely that Lucas voiced his objection, but if so, there is no record of it. After the annual election in 1883 he was no longer a committee member, and although he was present at the special meeting when Rule 8 was repealed, he was not reported as taking part in the discussion. Whether Thomas Lucas was motivated by personal reasons, or a desire to have things done in what he considered a right and proper manner, is unknown. He had had experience of field naturalists’ clubs in England, where office-bearers may have been regularly replaced. or he may have felt that the Club would benefit by having a change to someone who would play a more direct part in its administration and activities, There may have been a philo- sophical antagonism between the two men, though there is very little evidence to sup- port this. McCoy was staunchly opposed to Darwin's theory of evolution, while Lucas had grown up in an atmosphere of enquiry. with a father who was a Methodist minister and also a geologist. who gave a public lecture on `Geology and Genesis’ in which he attempted to reconcile the biblical account of the creation with history as read by the geologists (Lucas 1937). Lucas's published articles do not make clear what his views were. Perhaps he kept an open mind on the subject, but both he and McCoy were geologists, which could have provided matter for argument, especially in the climate of the times, They were certainly opposed in their approach to natural science. McCoy had made his name by the prodigious amount of work he did in classifying the great col- lection of British fossils in the Woodwardian Museum, in Cambridge, which ‘astonished’ his collaborator, Adam Sedgwick, who wrote of ‘this excellent naturalist’, ‘incomparable and most philo- sophical palaeontologist’, the subsequent publication of the description of the collec- tion, and an enormous number of articles in learned journals. McCoy was essentially `a naturalist who worked indoors' (Fendley 1974). C.A. Topp. a member of the Club and a later President, who had been one of McCoy's students, said of MeCoy that "the The Victorian Naturalist only flowers exhibited in his lectures were the flowers of rhetoric' (Lucas 1937). while students in the 1880s complained that there were no geology excursions (Fendley 1974). Lucas, in addition to his geological interests, was an enthusiastic entomologist and ornithologist, who liked nothing better than to get out in the bush. His writings, couched in a flowery, exu- berant style, reveal a sensuous as well as a scientific approach to nature. McCoy was impetuous and quarrelsome (Blainey 1957). Lucas would also appear to have been intemperate (a not unusual effect of tuberculosis). A curious incident occurred at the Club's monthly meeting in January 1881. F.J. Williams had been elected at the first meeting of the Club, and was one of the ‘original members’, In August 1880 he had written to the Club offering his services in procuring and preparing specimens of birds and animals (Williams 1880), and he enclosed a testi- monial from McCoy who said that Williams had done this for the National Museum of Victoria, and that he was a *most trustworthy and respectable man as well as a good bushman’ (McCoy 1878). At the Club meeting Dudley Best read Williams" paper on the Marsupials of Australia. The record of the meeting said, rather dismissively, that "although the writer added nothing new to what is already known of these animals, he had evidently carefully studied the subject (FNCV Minutes 1880: 10 January 1881). Williams was in the audience, and was highly offended at the reception given to his paper. He wrote a letter to the com- mittee protesting that the chairman (Lucas) had made *some very disparaging personal remarks', about him and his orthography. but added that it was no more than was to be expected from a per- son who ‘from the very first of this Club’ had spoken *most disrespectfully of Professor McCoy’. Williams then made some very disparaging remarks about Lucas, whom he considered to be “some- what proficient in dealing with sick and fancy Dogs’ (Williams 1881)! Obviously several people's ‘sensibilities’ were touched on this occasion, but it does indi- cate that Lucas had some antipathy towards McCoy. Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two With McCoy declining the presidency, the committee asked Dobson if he would see out his term, which he did, and he gave the annual address in 1884. He wrote to McCoy to ask for advice on the direction which the Club's energies should take in the coming year (Dobson 1884). McCoy suggested a study of insects which were injurious to plants, both native and intro- duced, and in particular whether any of them were attacking imported plants in place of their native food. A study of galls would be equally useful, little having been done in this country (MeCoy 1884c). The committee again approached McCoy to become President in 1884, after Mueller had refused the position, but again McCoy declined (McCoy 1884b). Members of the Club found the National Museum a great resource, In March 1883 a visit was included in the programme, McCoy having ‘expressed his willingness to personally receive such a visit’ (FNCV Minutes 1880: 5 March 1883). Two years later, however, they were not so happy about the institution, and a deputation con- sisting of T.A.F. Leith, Dudley Best, Henry Watts and F.G.A. Barnard handed to the Trustees of the National Museum a statement of "the most pressing reforms needed’ (FNCV Minutes 1883: 2 March 1885). This was passed on to McCoy as Director, to which he duly replied. Lack of money and lack of space were the reasons for inadequate staff and the smallness of the library (though most of the works of reference were available in the Public Library). McCoy pointed out that the Sydney Museum had a staff of seventeen at a cost of £2,833 , while there were only eight staff in Melbourne at a cost of £1,230. £50 to £60 a year was available for the purchase of periodicals and books, compared to £500 in Sydney. He was ‘astounded’ at the criticism that all the specimens were not displayed and that Victorian entomology and oology were unrepresented. The finest collection of Victorian Entomology in the world was held in the museum, he said, adding that ‘prominent members of the Field Naturalists Club’ had been classifying their specimens from it for years. The collection of Oology was ‘as perfect as I have been able to make it’. As to the suggestion that 317 MeCoy Issue ‘the nomenclature and classification should be brought up to the most recent determination" MeCoy responded indig- nantly that no museum in the world could maintain this standard, but he felt sure that the National Museum came as near to this “point of perfection’ as any other great museum, and that it was his ‘delight’ to continually update the classification. In view of the amount of work involved, and the lack of assistants, this criticism does seem somewhat unjust. The collection of conchology (specifically mentioned in the submission) was the finest in the world, and the ornithological collection approached this. As to the final request that the Prodromus of Zoology appear more frequently, that was out of his hands, and the responsibility of the Government Printer, who had only one lithographic press-man (McCay 1885), In 1886 Mueller, who had declined the presidency of the Club five times, suggested to the committee that they make McCoy and himself patrons of the Club, thus repre- senting "the two great branches of animated natural history’ (Mueller 1886). McCoy declined, or failed to reply, perhaps offend- ed by the eriticisms of the National Museum in the previous year (Taylor 1996). In 1889 they elected him to serve alongside Mueller, and McCoy wrote thanking them for ‘the high compliment" (McCoy 1889). Any ruffled feelings over the museum were in the past, and Thomas Lucas had moved to Queensland for his health. Whatever the relations between McCoy and the FNCV may have been from time to time, the Club did not fail to congratulate him when the occasion demanded. In 1883 they congratulated him on being awarded a Diploma of Honour at the Amsterdam Exhibition (FNCV Minutes 1880: 10 September 1883), and again in 1891 when he was knighted. There was some reflected glory for the Club on the latter occasion, Baldwin Spencer pointing out that there were only six or seven “biological knights’ and the FNCV had two of them in their patrons (Anon 1891). In 1946 the Club. together with the Royal Society of Victoria and the McCoy Society, renovated the memorial to MeCoy in the Brighton ceme- tery, and on | June there was a ceremonial planting of native shrubs (FNCV 1946), 38 McCoy's last function in connection with the Club was his attendance at the 1896 conversazione, when he proposed a vote of thanks to his fellow patron, Mueller. for his inaugural speech (Anon 1896). He referred to the great help which field observers could be to the scientific special- ist, a theme which he had pursued from the days of his Presidency. References Anon (1881). Proceedings of the Field Naturalists” Club of Victoria. Southern Science Record V, 101. Anon (1891). Report of Ordinary monthly meeting 9 February 1891, The Victorian Naturalist 8, 1, Anon (1896), Report of 12th Annual Conversazione 28 May 1896. The Victorian Naturalist 13, 34, Blainey, G. (1957), A Centenary History of the University of Melbourne. (M,U.P.). Dobson, F.S. (1883), Dobson to Best, 6 July 1883. FNCY Archives 011-001. Dobson, F.S. (1884). Dobson to MeCoy. 18 March I884, In The Victorian Naturalist 1, 39-40. Fendley, G.C. (1974). MeCoy, Sir Frederick (1817- 1899). Australian Dictionary of Biography 5, 1851- 1890. FNCV (1946). Notice of Shrub Planting at McCoy Memorial, | June 1946. FNCV Archives 044-018 FNCV Members’ Register (1880). FNCV Archives 005: Members" Register 1880-1890, FNCV Minutes (1880), FNCV Archives 006: Minute Book May 1880 - November 1883. FNCV Minutes (1883). FNCV Archives 007: Minute Book December 1883 - April 1887. Lucas, A.M.S. (1937). A.M.S. Lucas. Scientist: His Own Story. (Angus and Robertson, Sydney.) McCoy, F. (1878). Testimonial for F.J. Williams, 24 July 1878. FNCV Archives 003-023, McCoy, F. (1881). Presidents Address, Southern Science Record 1, 102-107. McCoy, F. (1882). Presidents Address. Southern Science Record 2, 103-108, McCoy, F. (1883). President's Address. Southern Science Record 3, 139-144. McCoy, F. (1884a), MeCoy to Best, 11 January 1884. FNCV Archives 01 1-002, MeCoy, F. (18845), MeCoy to Barnard, 20 April 1884. FNCV Archives 016-005. MeCoy, F. (1884c). MeCoy to Dobson, 28 April 1884. In The Victorian Naturalist 1, 40-41. McCoy, F, (1885). Report on suggestions of the Field Naturalists’ Club of Victoria re the National Museum, 23 February 1885. FNCV Archives 002- 004. McCoy, F. (1889). McCoy to Barnard, 22 August 1889, FNCV Archives 014-032. Mueller, F. (1886). Mueller to Barnard, 9 April 1886. FNCV Archives 002-049. laylor, A. (1996), Baron von Mueller in the Field Naturalists’ Tradition. The Victorian Naturalist 113, 135. Williams, F.J. (1880), Williams to FNCV committee, 9 August 1880. FNCV Archives 003-023, Williams. F.J. (1881). Williams to FNCV committee, January 1881. FNCY Archives 003-042, The Victorian Naturalist Part Two Frederick McCoy’s Mount Macedon Property Doug McCann’ Abstract In the later part of his life Frederick McCoy selected and developed a bush block on the slopes of Mount Macedon. The conditions for purchase required him to plant and foster the growth of various northern hemisphere trees and shrubs. He duly cleared part of the block, planted trees, shrubs and grass, put up fencing, constructed a small reservoir and laid pipes. In 1876, having fulfilled govern- ment requirements, he purchased the property and retained ownership until 1890. (The Victorian Naturalist 118 (6), 2001, 319-321.) Introduction When Frederick McCoy first arrived in Melbourne in 1854 his living quarters in the grounds of the new University of Melbourne were not yet finished but upon completion he took up permanent resi- dence. He lived on campus for a number of years then moved to his house *Maritima" at Brighton (Brighton Beach) where he resided until his death on 13 May 1899. It is little known, and has not been previous- ly noted in the biographical hterature on McCoy, that he also owned a large bush block on the slopes of Mount Macedon. Documents from the Department of Lands and Survey show that McCoy in 1874 selected land on the eastern slope of Mount Macedon which previously had been State Forest. The location was just north of what is now the township of Mount Macedon. The property covered two lots with a total area of “sixteen acres five roods and thirty nine perches more or less being allotments three and four of Section five in the parish of Macedon County of Bourke'. Since the area was more than ten acres, a special licence was required for occupancy, which was granted on the condition that he improve the site and ‘plant upon each and every acre of land hereunder at least ten ( 10) useful tim- ber trees of the following kinds viz. Cedrus Deodora (sic), pines of all kinds and Wellingtonia Gigantea (sic) and shall foster the growth of such trees in accor- dance with any code of instructions that may be promulgated by the Board of Land and Works’. The reason that he had applied for a larger acreage. McCoy revealed, was ‘to enable me to irrigate the School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Rusden Campus. Clayton, Victoria 3168. Email mecann@éedeakin.edu.au Vol. 118 (6) 2001 plantations by bringing the water in pipes from the creek above the bridge". McCoy conscientiously went ahead with the obligatory ‘improvements’ such as clearing trees and scrub, planting new trees and fencing the property. In 1876 he sub- mitted a schedule of improvements and associated costs, along with a request that the land be put up for sale by auction. The request was granted and McCoy purchased the land. Among the improvements he claimed to have carried out included plant- ing ‘160 well-established 8 years old Pinus insignis’. Another improvement mentioned under the subheading ‘Fencing’, included the erection of ten chains of three-rail fences and forty chains of picket fences. Under the subheading “Clearing etc’, McCoy indicated that he: Paid Alfred Turner for tools, posts and rails and pickets, and labouring wages, and superintending their work of felling and grubbing trees, cutting up and burning fall- en timber, cutting ferns and scrub, plough- ing, harrowing and sowing with grass seed, carting off stones, putting up fencing ete. Included on his list of improyements and expenses were: Two and a half years travelling, personal and miscellaneous expenses incurred in supervising and directing the various works on ground, laying out paths, marking foun- dations, taking levels for bringing down water supply etc ete. The Reservoir One of the most interesting items listed in the documents quoted above is the refer- ence to provision of a water supply. McCoy supervised the construction of a small reservoir in a well-elevated position just above and towards the eastern side of 319 McCoy Issue the property to store and divert water from the Turitable Creek so that there would be a reliable irrigation source for his newly established northern hemisphere plants. The Turitable Creek is a small stream with a steep gradient that has its origin further up the mountain and winds downhill to form the western boundary of the block. This moderate capacity, but neatly built, reservoir still exists, along with some of the original earthenware pipes, although everything is now largely silted up. The reservoir itself is skilfully constructed from local stone with perfect formwork to create walls and spillway. The stone used (proba- bly dacite) was capably crafted and pre- cisely assembled to provide a functional dam and a dependable water supply that McCoy and his exotic plants would have found welcome, especially during the harsh Australian summer. Projecting from the lower part of the dam wall is an earthenware pipe with a valve which, when closed, allows the reservoir to fill and divert water to the western side of the dam to an underground pipeline outlet with a second valve to regulate flow. The pipes are approximately ten inches in diameter and the buried pipeline runs downhill to the lower parts of MeCoy’s original block. Water was piped down from the reservoir to supply water for the recently planted trees and shrubs, many of which are still extant. The trees One tree that was almost certainly plant- ed by McCoy is a California Redwood Sequoiadendron gigantea. One can only speculate, but the Sequoia was probably acquired through the agency of Ferdinand von Mueller. Other trees of a similar vin- tage, and therefore probably also planted by McCoy, include English Oak, White Oak, Negrohead Beech Norhofagus moorei and Rhododendron. There is also another slightly younger group of trees that have been estimated, by a later owner of the block, Reg Hume, to be in excess of 100 years old, and may also have been McCoy's handiwork, but these are less cer- lain. These inelude trees such as English Maple, English Beech, Sweet Chestnut, Horizontal Elm and Variegated Holly. There are many other trees and shrubs 320 which are much younger and were planted after MeCoy's time. As well as the exotic trees and shrubs there is also a great deal of native vegeta- tion, particularly towards the back of the property adjoining the Turitable Creek. The natives include Messmate Eucalyptus obliqua, Manna Gum E. viminalis, acacias such as Silver Wattle Acacia dealbata. Blackwood A. melanoxylon, Prickly Moses A. verticillata, a distinctive heavy under- storey of Hazel Pomaderris Pomaderris aspera and various other shrubs, ferns and fungi. Altogether there is a pleasing blend of northern hemisphere trees and native vegetation. McCoy, in his earlier years in the Colony of Victoria, was an enthusiastic advocate for the introduction of european (especially English) plants and animals, He was a former president of the Acclimatisation Society (see Gillbank tis issue). He would have been proud of his achievement in taming and ‘beautifying’ the wilds of Mount Macedon (although many of his introduced species are now invading native forest). Concluding remarks As McCoy indicated in the documents cited above, he commuted from Melbourne to his Macedon bush block, at least during the first couple of years when he was insti- tuting his improvements. So far nothing has been found to suggest that McCoy and his family ever lived there or constructed a dwelling, temporary or otherwise. He retained Ownership of the land until 1890. For many privileged nineteenth century Victorians like McCoy the idea of owning a mountain property where one could escape the city and enjoy the coolness and shade of a fern gully beside a gently flow- ing creek was an attractive proposition. Possibly, at this stage of his life, he used the property purely for recreational purpos- es but it is also probable that, being the uncompromising and irrepressible natural- ist that he was, he treated it as his own pri- vate field study area as well as a recre- ational venture. The current name of the property is *Cooinda' but again there is nothing to indicate whether it was McCoy or a later owner who gave it this title. Several emi- nent Victorians since McCoy have owned The Victorian Naturalist the property. including Sir Edward and Lady Eliza Mitchell, who purchased it in 1902. and Reg and Margaret Hume, who purchased it in 1964. Reg Hume built a new home, planted many new trees and shrubs, and arranged for tree surgery to save some of the older trees that had been affected by fire or disease. Some of the older trees were lost in the Ash Wednesday fires in 1983 and Reg Hume applied him- self with great devotion and energy to restore and save those that he could. Several subdivisions of the block have Part Two taken place but there is still a large section of the original that remains intact. The property was, and remains in part, a memorial to Frederick MeCoy's love of northern hemisphere trees. Acknowledgements Thanks to Reg Hume for providing primary documents, Neil and Francis Courtney for pro- viding an account from which this paper was written, Adam Warden for permission to visit Cooinda, Bernie Mace, David Ashton and Anthea Fleming for helpful comments. The History of the McCoy Society David H. Ashton! Introduction In 1935 Raymond Priestley, the Vice Chancellor of Melbourne University, sug- gested that a Society for the Study of Field Investigation and Research be set up and on 9 July of that year the first meeting was duly held in the Zoology School. The name was changed later to the McCoy Society in honour of the first professor of Natural Science at Melbourne University in 1854. McCoy’s specialty was geology and his interests were broad. such that he made demands for and obtained a museum for the University and a Botanic Garden. The inaugural meeting was held in the Zoology School on 10 August with Professor Wood Jones of the Anatomy Department as president. Notable members of the Melbourne University Departments of Botany, Zoology and Geology were pre- sent, as well as many other interested peo- ple outside the University, such as medics and school teachers. Professor Wood Jones was the driving force and soon garnered sufficient funds to purchase camping equipment including the great marquee, tents, trestle tables, cooking gear and ‘thunder boxes’. At that time, membership was limited to 50 and many famous names headed the list, such as Professor Oscar Tiegs, Dr Reuben Patton, Miss Maisie Fawcett, Dr Gwyneth Buchanan, and Department of Botany, University of Melbourne, Parkville. Victoria 3052, Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Associate Professor Fred Singleton. Professor Wood Jones was of the opinion that islands made the best venues for study since they were easily definable, somewhat inaccessible and intrinsically interesting in terms of their formation, their biota, species dispersal and general ecology. Work needed to be clearly focussed, and being multi-disciplinary, was stimulating and useful to the advancement of Australian Science. Whenever land-based projects were undertaken however, they became open-ended and too big to com- plete. The activity of the Society can be divided roughly into four general phases: A. Island expeditions 1930s; B. War-time excursions 1940s; C. Land-based projects 1950s; D. Return to island expeditions 1960s, 1990s. Without doubt the recruitment of under- graduates and postgraduates contributed to the momentum of and interest in the Society. It had a dynamic population with senior staff of university departments maintaining the continuity. In the early years field work was some- thing of a novelty and the strength of the Society lay in the interaction of a number of disciplines. In later years field work in many departments became more common and the incentive to work collectively 321 McCoy Issue diminished as other competing commit- ments developed. After 1970 general inter- est faded away and moreover, the National Australia Bank continued to complain about the Society’s ‘moribund account’. Therefore in 1992, as the last president and committee member, I resolved to complete the McCoy Society's contributions by a study of Pelican Island in Western Port, along much the same lines as the initial study on Lady Julia Percy Island. Following several years’ work the results were published, the McCoy account was closed down and the residue of funds donated to the library of the Royal Society of Victoria. The following account is compiled from my own recollections and photographs as well as those of various members of the Society. Much material was also gleaned from letters and minutes and photographs stored in the Archives of the University of Melbourne. A. Island expeditions — the pre-war years, 1935-1939 Camping expeditions to islands off the south east Australian coast were mounted every long vacation over these years. I. Lady Julia Percy Island, 1935-1936 This was an intrepid expedition lasting two months in summer 1935-36, It set off from Port Fairy after a rousing civic recep- tion by the mayor of Port Fairy and the Secretary of the Progress Association. After a rough 19 km boat trip stores were landed from a dinghy and hauled up 30 m cliffs to the camp site on the exposed, flat- topped, basalt terrain. The island was surveyed and geology, botany, zoology studied, together with some pioneering work on soil bacteriology (Fig. 1). Vegetation was relatively simple and consisted mainly of grassland, bracken fern- land, and near the shoreline, succulent herb- field. Of interest were the large colonies of fairy penguins, mutton birds and Australian fur seals. Rabbits, introduced in 1868, were present in plague proportions. The work was published in the 1938 Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria. The island was visited by a group of nat- uralists in 1965 and again two years later after a very severe drought (Pescott 1965, 1968). The plant communities were gener- ally similar to those three decades earlier although severe damage was caused by the drought. Rabbit numbers had been reduced in 1965, presumably by myxomatosis, but by 1967 they had increased enormously and were now starving. Grasses were deci- mated and succulents severely grazed. Over the period of 27 years the number of vascular plant species had increased from 32 to 84 and the contribution of alien species increased from 12 to 45%. The SSS aaa asa - A Lis Fig. 1. Members of the McCoy Society on the first expedition to Lady Julia Perey Island, 1935-36. Centre, Irene Dewhurst; extreme right, Associate Professor Fred Singleton. Other names not known. 322 'The Victorian Naturalist diversity of birds recorded was generally similar and eight of the major species were common to both studies. As pointed out by Dr Sophie C. Ducker, a tapestry by the wife of one of the mem- bers of the original expedition, Eugenie La Gerche, depicting a map of the plant com- munities of Lady Julia Percy Island, at pre- sent hangs in the office of the Dean of Science at Melbourne University. 2. Sir Joseph Banks Islands off Port Lincoln, 1936-37 This was a major and expensive expedi- tion which lasted two months and coincid- ed with South Australia’s Centenary cele- brations. It concentrated on two Islands of the group, Reevsby and Kirkby Islands, both of which were of low relief and con- sisted of calcarenite over a granitic base. In this relatively dry environment vegetation consisted of coastal grasses and scrub (e.g. Atriplex paludosa, Olearia axillaris), with an almost total lack of trees. The botany of the islands was described and detailed studies made on marine communities as well as birds, reptiles, seals and penguins. The combined work, again under the lead- ership of Professor Wood Jones, was pub- lished in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria in 1939. 3. King Island, Bass Strait, 1937-38 This expedition involved many well- known zoologists (Professor Buchanan, Charles Birch, George Wade, Jim Guest) as well as botanists and geologists. Studies were made in wet sclerophyll forest where the East Gippsland Olive Berry Elaeocarpus reticulatus occurs. The Tasmanian Celery- top Pine Phyllocladus aspleniifolia was pre- sent before numerous destructive fires. Marine algae were collected and reptiles, insects, frogs and birds were studied in the reed swamps and marshes. The onset of World War 2 prevented any of this work from being published. 4. Sunday Island, Corner Inlet, 1938-39 This island provided an opportunity to assess the concepts of plant succession in a coastal sand dune environment. It was led by the new, young Professor of Botany, J.S. Turner, in the severe drought and fire- prone summer of 1938-39. The camp was based on a deserted house of the early pas- Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two toralists. After the war, a follow-up expe- dition took place in February 1947 with botanists, zoologists and geographers. The input of Dr Eric Bird in the late 50s pro- vided a great impetus for the completion of this work on the role of geomorphology and soil formation in the succession of plant communities from grassland of the fore- dunes to sclerophyll woodlands of Eucalyptus viminalis and Banksia serrata in the hinterland. It was finally published by Turner, Carr and Bird in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria in 1962. B. The War Years, the 1940s I. Walpeup Research Station, 1943 A group travelled by train to Walpeup and obtained enough petrol coupons to undertake trips to the Pine-Belar and Mallee communities nearby as well as the Pink Lakes and the sand hill country to the south. Vegetation, bird life and entomolo- gy were studied but not written up. 2. Cathedral Range, Buxton, 1947 A camp was set up beside the Little River which allowed access to wet forest (E. viminalis) in the valley and dry stringybark forest (E. macrorhyncha) on the sandstone range, Of interest was the patch of dwarted Snow Gum E. niphophila on the Sugarloaf at 610 m. The area was diverse, the roads atrocious and the camp rendered exciting by the visitation one night of local yahoos intent on cutting tent ropes. Needless to say they were repelled with some vigour by one of the members (Neville Walters), brandishing his ghurka knife. This trip was my introduction to the Society as a student about to start third year science. 3. The Black Range, Grampians 1948-49 This camping expedition involved many University botanists, zoologists and geolo- gists — staff, postgraduates and undergrad- uates. The camp was set up at Cherrypool — a corruption of the Aboriginal "Cherapol" meaning big water (Fig. 2). One seasoned field geologist, Peter Crohn, was heard to say ‘the first one in for a swim gets all the leeches'. Mercifully in that long hot sum- mer there were none. Vegetation was relat- ed to soils and geomorpholgy and ranged from stringybark (E. obliqua), sclerophyll woodlands (E. baxteri), cypress pine (Callitris rhomboidea) on the sandstone 323 McCoy Issue range to grassy woodlands of Yellow Gum E. leucoxylon and Red Gum E. camaldu- lensis on the adjacent plains. A follow-up trip took place in 1949 but difficulties with bogged vehicles took the edge off the enthusiasm. The project became too big and open-ended and finally lapsed. C. Land-based expeditions of the 1950s (apart from Phillip Island) These varied from the Western District to Wilson's Promontory. I. The Rhyll Salt Marshes, Phillip Island, 1950 This was a short excursion to study the communities of the salt marsh and man- groves under the leadership of Kingsley Rowan. It involved studies of point quadrat quantitative ecology by the brilliant Dr David Goodall. 2. Lake Purrumbeete, Camperdown, 1951-54 Maisie Fawcett encouraged a study of the limnology of this lake where quinnet salmon had shown very impressive growth rates. The first camping expedition was based at the Fisherman’s Reserve in summer 195] during which the prevalence of tiger snakes caused a great deal of excitement. The shoreline and tall submerged aquatic vegeta- tion was mapped, bird populations assessed, and the geology of the maar and surrounding tuff deposits investigated as well as the 324 chemistry of the lake. Subsequent trips in 1952 and 1954 were based on Manifold's property and a small shed was built to store equipment. A boat was used to sample the lake environment and algal plankton such as Microcystis. The work clearly demonstrated the existence of a thermocline in summer and its absence in winter. Data was gathered on oxygen levels using methylene blue titra- tions. However, once again the project became too large and open-ended and other research work competed for time that could be devoted to it. The study lapsed and this pioneering work was taken up by other research workers in later years. 3. Excursion to Chinaman's Island, Warneet, 1957 This was a day excursion to reconnoitre the heathy manna gum woodland and the surrounding mangroves, some of which were anchored in the lateritic rock of the shore platform. 4. Waterloo Bay, Wilson's Promontory, 1958 The was a fairly large expedition, most arriving by boat from Port Welshpool — the small group who trekked in later by land with the perishable supplies lost the track and spent a memorable night in the bush. The work was mainly reconnaissance involving botanists, zoologists and geologists. The Victorian Naturalist 3. Mt Hunter Peninsula, Wilson's Promontory, 1959-63 This was undertaken with some enthusi- asm and provided a venue to study vegeta- tion which had escaped the disastrous fires of 1951. The camp was set up near Lawson's Creek after the group was forced by low tide to carry gear some hundreds of metres, being harried all the while by hordes of voracious march flies. The geol- ogy and geomorphology was studied, including the old tin mine site, granitic fea- tures, hillwash deposits and sand dunes. The area was surveyed and plant commu- nities mapped as heath, wet and dry sclero- phyll forest (E. obliqua), sclerophyll woodland (Banksia serrata). coastal scrub, swamp and fern gully, the latter being dominated by columns of climbing fern (Gleichenia microphylla) along Lawson's Creek. Of considerable interest was the series of beach ridges and dunes at Entrance Point, which showed both the build-up and truncation of dunes as well as soil podzolization consistent with a succes- sional interpretation. Nutrient-rich dune slacks were dominated by mesophytic fen vegetation of Sium latifolia, Urtica incisa, Typha latifolia and Phragmites australis which contrasted with the sclerophyllous and sedge-dominated, acid brown swamps on granite to the south. Mt Hunter vegeta- tion demonstrated a dramatic effect of aspect and exposure with the occurrence of heath on the north face, tall E. oblique for- est on the south, and fern-rich (Gleichenia dicarpa) heath reminiscent of Tasmania on the eastern and southern spurs. Australina pusilla var. muelleri occurred in the fern gully on Mount Hunter, whereas in other areas of the Promontory it is replaced by A. pusilla var. pusilla, as in wet forests of Tasmania. The heath and sclerophyll woodlands showed abundant evidence of invasion by coast tea-tree, similar to other areas on the Promontory. In March 1962 the whole area was razed by a wildfire burning north from Mount Margaret. The camping site was revisited the next year and the vegetation regenera- tion assessed (Fig. 3). The fine layers of powdered charcoal pervaded all clothing, equipment and skin. The density of Coast Tea Tree L. laevigatum regeneration was calculated to be of the order of 12 million Vol. 118 (6) 2001 Part Two Fig. 3. Heath plateau (burnt out grassy aspect), Mt Hunter, heath to west, tall dry selerophyll forest to east. seedlings per hectare, vying in size and density with the capsules of the fire moss, Funaria hvgrometrica. This area was mon- itored over the ensuing 12 years and results included in a manuscript on sand dune ecology on Wilson's Promontory at pre- sent under review, The general project however, became large and difficult to sus- tain and unfortunately was not written up for publication. D. Return to island ecological research 1960s, 1990s These involved camping expeditions to the Bass Strait islands and repeated day excursions to Western Port. I. Hogan Island, 1968 This expedition was undertaken from Port Welshpool for two weeks in January 1968. Most work was done on Hogan Island (Fig. 4) but short trips were made to nearby islands - Long, East, Round and Twin Islands. Vegetation communities were mapped on granite and calcarenite. A small peaty soak provided material for pollen analysis down to a depth of 70 cm. Vegetation was predominantly tussock grassland (Pou poiformis, Stipa teretifo- lia), low shrubland (Marrubium vulgare), succulent herbfield (Disphyma australe) and remnant paperbark (Melaleuca ericifo- lia). There was abundant evidence of human interference through burning and grazing activity, rare shrubby areas occur- ring only in protected rocky niches, The results of pollen analysis by Geoff Hope suggested that the increase in weedy species (Rumex, Marrubium and probably Flypochoeris) was commensurate with pas- 325 McCoy Issue Te Fig. 4. East coast at Hogan Island, 1968. toral activities post-1835. Various aspects of the research were published in 1974 in the Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania, because being Tasmanian territory it was deemed unsuit- able at that time for the Vietorian Proceedings. 2. Curtis Island, 1971 This expedition was initiated by Dr Jack Massey of the Geography Department, Melbourne University. Landing was effect- ed on the rugged coast with considerable difficulty and skill. The island, rising to 350 m, was more varied than Hogan Island and probably received more rainfall. Soils were skeletal and vegetation consisted of tussock grassland, areas of Melaleuca armillaris scrub and succulent coastal herbfield. This scrub was the western limit of this species from the east coast of Australia. Other species (/xiolaena supina and Albizzia lophantha) provided links with islands off the Western Australian coast. This research was also published in the Tasmanian Proceedings in 1974, and included work of an ancillary trip by Dr Jamie Kirkpatrick on Rodondo Island. 3. Pelican Island, Western Port, 1992-98 This intriguing but very small island had been frequently observed from the Corinella-French Island punt and assumed to be salt marsh and paper bark, It was decided in the late 80s that it might make a good venue for a last expedition of the McCoy Society. The initial trip by fishing boat in 1992 involved a large contingent from the Melbourne University Botany School, who surveyed the vegetation, soils and geomorphology of the island. Rocky salt marsh on the basaltic shore platform 326 was backed by tussock grass (Poa poiformis and Stipa teretifolia) which sur- rounded open, somewhat decadent scrub of Blackwood Acacia melanoxylon, Lavatera arborea and Clematis microphylla. Weedy grasses were common in many parts. The island, up to 2 m above sea level. was composed of basalt boulders and cobbles built up from core stones derived from basalt hexagon columns of the shore plat- form. An area of peaty soil in between hummocks had been mined for fertiliser in the 1920s and overlayed silts which were probably old salt marshes formed when the sea level was higher and the island was being built up. The blackwood scrub flow- ered prolifically but set seed was very rare — due probably to the effects of salt aerosols, Blackwood bushes were severely attacked by wood-boring larvae and regen- eration took place entirely by root suckers. Genetic analysis suggested that the popula- tion consisted of two groups — probably a founder-effect of chance distribution from the mainland when sea levels fell. After six years of research, this work was published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, 1999. Conclusions For over 53 years the McCoy Society provided an important venue for the pool- ing of ideas and cooperative field research between diverse disciplines. The value of such interactions cannot be over-empha- sised in the present-day climate of speciali- sation and economic rationalism where work tends to be done in isolation and with limited budgets. Although the Society has been formally disbanded, the door is still open for its re-emergence should a group of keen people so desire. Bibliography Lady Julia Perey Island, 1935 Expedition. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 49, 329-427. Reports of the McCoy Society for Field Investigation and Research (1937), Reports of the McCoy Society for Field Investigation and Research (1938). Reports of the McCoy Society for Field Investigation and Research (1937-38). Sir Joseph Banks Islands Part One. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 50, 301-413. Reports of the McCoy Society for Field Investigation and Research (1939). Sir Joseph Banks Islands Part Two. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 51, 142-186. The Victorian Naturalist Abbott, LJ. (1974). Natural History of Curtis Island, 5. Birds, with notes on Animal Trapping. Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 107, 171-174. Ashton, D.H. (1999). Ecological Studies on Pelican Island, Western Port, Victoria. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 111, 229-252. Kirkpatrick, J.B., Massey, J, S. and Parsons, R.F. (1974). Natural History of Curtis Island. 2. Soils and Vegetation. Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 107, 131-144, Massey, J.S. (1974). Natural History of Curtis Island, Bass Strait. | Introduction. Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 107, 129-130 , New, T.R. (1974). Natural History of Curtis Island 3, Entomology. Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 107, 145-152. Pescott, T. (1965). A visit to Lady Julia Percy Island. The Victorian Naturalist 81, 290-302. Part Two Pescott, T. (1968), Lady Julia Percy Island Revisited. The Victorian Naturalist 85, 125-128, Rawlinson, P.A. (1974). Natural History of Curtis Island, 4. The Reptiles of Curtis and Rodondo Islands. Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 107,.153-170. Scarlett, N.H., Hope, G.S, and Calder, D.M. (1974). Natural History of the Hogan Group, 3, Floristies and Plant Communities. The Papers und Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 107, 83-98, Thomson, G.K. (1974). Natural History of the Hogan Group, 4 Bryophyte Flora, The Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 107, 99-103. Turner, J.S, Carr, S.G.M. and Bird, E.C.F. (1962). The Dune Succession at Corner Inlet, Victoria. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 75, 17-33. The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. Reg No A0033611X Established 1880 In which is incorporated the Microscopical Society of Victoria OBJECTIVES: To stimulate interest in natural history and to preserve and protect Australian flora and fauna. Membership is open to any person interested in natural history and includes beginners as well as experienced naturalists. Registered Office: FNCV, | Gardenia Street, Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Postal Address: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia Phone/Fax (03) 9877 9860; International Phone/Fax 61 3 9877 9860, Patron John Landy, MBE, The Governor of Victoria Key Office-Bearers President: Ms WENDY CLARK, 97 Pakenham Street, Blackburn 3130. 9877 9266 Vice Presidents: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, | Astley Street, Montmorency 3094, 9435 8408 and DR ALAN YEN, 52-54 Brushy Park Road, Wonga Park, 3115. 9722 1665 Hon. Secretary: MRS ANNE MORTON, 10 Rupicola Court, Rowville 3178. 9790 0656 Hon. Treasurer: Ms BARBARA BURNS, 16 Montclair Court, Templestowe 3106. 9846 2608 Subscription-Secretary: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. 9877 9860 Editor, The Vic. Nat.: MRS MERILYN GREY, 8 Martin Road, Glen Iris 3146. 9889 6223 Assist. Editors, The Vic. Nat.: MR ALISTAIR EVANS, 28 Chandler Road, Glen Waverley 3150. 8505 4339 and MRS ANNE MORTON, as above. Librarian: MRS SHEILA HOUGHTON, FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn 3130. AH 5428 4097 Excursion Co-ordinator: MR DENNIS MELTZER, 8 Harcourt Avenue, Caufield 3162. 9523 1853 Book Brokerage: MR Ray WHITE, 9 Longtown Court, Craigieburn 3064, AH 9308 3770 Newsletter Editors: DR NOEL SCHLEIGER, as above and MR KEITH MARSHALL, 8/423 Tooronga Road, Hawthorn East 3123. 9882 3044 Conservation Coordinator: MR JIM WALKER, 167 Balaclava Road, Caulfield 3162. 9527 5601 Group Secretaries Botany: MS KAREN DOBSON, 58 Rathmullen Road, Boronia 3155. BH 9877 9860 Geology: MR Ros HAMSON, 5 Foster Street, McKinnon 3204. 9557 5215 Fauna Survey: MS SOPHIE SMALL, 107 Bondi Road, Bonbeach 3196. AH 9772 2848 Marine Research: MR MICHAEL LYONS, 18 High Street, Nunawading 3131. AH 9877 3987 Microscopical: MR RAY POWER, 36 Schotters Road, Mernda 3754. 9717 3511 Vol. 118 (6) 2001 327 Captions for Colour Plates Plate 1. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume II, Decade XX. Plate 198. Lithograph by A. Bartholomew and Dr J.J. Wild under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by Government Printing Office. Australian Admiral Butterfly Pyrameis itea (figs. 1-4); The Blue-spotted Painted- Lady Butterfly Pyrameis Kershawi (McCoy) (figs. 5-8). Plate 2. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume II, Decade XVI. Plate 160. Lithograph by Dr J.J. Wild under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by Government Printing Office. The Yarra Spiny Cray-fish Astacopsis serratus (Shaw sp.), var. yarraensis (McCoy). Plate 3. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume I, Decade VI. Plate 53. Lithograph by A. Bartholomew under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by G. Troedel & Co. The Green and Golden Bell-frog Ranoidea aurea. Plate 4. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume I, Decade 1. Plate 8. Lithograph by A. Bartholomew under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by H.G. DeGruchy & Co. Lewin's Day-moth Agarista Lewini (figs. 1-4); The Loranthus Day-moth Agarista casuarine (figs. 5-8); The Vine Day-moth Agarista glycine (figs. 9-13). Plate 5. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume 1, Decade VIII. Plate 82. Lithograph by Dr J.J. Wild under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by Government Printing Office. The Murray Tortoise Chelymys Macquaria (side view). Plate 6. (top) Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume I, Decade VIII. Plate 83. Lithograph by Dr J.J. Wild under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by Government Printing Office. The Murray Tortoise Chelymys Macquaria (ventral and dorsal view). Plate 6. (bottom) Helmeted Honeyeater. Prilotis cassidix (Lichenostomus melanops cassidix). From John Gould's Birds of Australia Supplement (1867). Photographed at Museum Victoria by Anne Morton. Plate 7. Prodromus of the Zoology of Victoria, Volume II, Decade XVI. Plate 151. Lithograph by Dr Wild under the direction of Professor McCoy, printed by Government Printing Office. Gould's Monitor Lizard Monitor Gouldi. YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION RATES — The Field Naturalists Club of Victoria Inc. First Member Metropolitan $44 Concessional (pensioner/student/unemployed) $33 Country (more than 50 km from GPO) $33 Junior (under 18) $16 Overseas AUS65 Additional Members Adult $16 Junior $6 Institutional Australian Institutions $55 Overseas Institutions AUS65 Schools/Clubs $35 Send to: FNCV, Locked Bag 3, PO Blackburn, Victoria 3130, Australia. Printed by Brown Prior Anderson, 5 Evans Street, Burwood, Victoria 3125. eet wis W mas Ga GDE OKA Plate 4 Plate 6 PYILOTIS CAS Helmeted Hone mi as Pree nli Sn iwa, ye s ty esp the abuts <£ We yes Hearst droing. varda e Ma di vie. sad seh Wed: been iine i rhen pridem. Ow Wearing the Meri, wa Tat the bid wak t s s anere, awa he ina voi of Se Zool 5 ont cante swith the Aera udon y the later wene Mau and was ka e Vir guy Ny Cw rdi wericumin) um ys — Eu set See Toredad, in oll Wat the fe we perth af the throw Wing Wack or Wat iin e eeit D qa ay Teall 1 have to conn "qe V om Ee ahve Wead of the genns I im oat Wanga of Eudslypti, won tht. Sowers o ‘af colouring- eg is a description and admrasr aw e et esed at the meeting of + dier FG of featbrre ow the forehead up sels s eres, siden of the fa eate S primaries and latera vil agit, alee —: yellowiheonhite Will | feathers Tl of be mate i chesi 1 Tanger sonde ee, wen V fd ie Mack of 1 um poen M ‘sex, Vike the youn i rather eso than the nat — LI ASS Plate 7