Ex Libris Gulielmi Kenneth
M&crorie: D. D. Episcopi C an-
•onici Eliensis qui migravit
ab I uce XVI2 Kal.Och nr\cmv
anr\o'LXXV2

suoe

I

ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY ;

OR,

LIVES OF EMINENT MEN,

CONNECTED WITH THE

HISTORY OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND;

FROM THE

COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION
TO THE REVOLUTION ;

SELECTED AND ILLUSTRATED WITH

NOTES,

BY

CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH, D.D.

LATE MASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,
AND RECTOR OF BUXTED, WITH UCKFIELD, SUSSEX.

WITH MANY ADDITIONAL HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:
FKANCIS & JOHN EIVINGTON,

ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD, AND WATERLOO PLACE.

1853.

LONDON I

GILBERT AND R1VINGTON, PB1.M I.K-,
ST. JOHN'S SQUARE.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

PAGE

I. THOMAS BILNEY Fox. I

II. SIR THOMAS MORE; now first published, from a Manuscript in

the Lambeth Library, the Author unknown 43

III. WILLIAM TINDALL Fox. 187

IV. CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX Fox. 219

V. JOHN ROGERS Fox. 303

VI. BISHOP HOOPER Fox. 355

VII. DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR Fox. 405

VIII. BISHOP LATIMER Fox. 445

ERRATA.

Page 52, bottom line, omit " and given below in this collection."
. — 368, line 23, for cum aliquis dominationibus, read cum reliquis.

These, constrained to wield the sword

Of disputation, shrunk not, though assailed

With hostile din, and combating in sight

Of angry umpires, partial and unjust ;

And did, thereafter, bathe their hands in fire,

So to declare the conscience satisfied :

Nor for their bodies would accept release,

But blessing God and praising him bequeathed,

With their last breath from out the smouldering flame,

The faith which they by diligence had earned,

And through illuminating grace received,

For their dear countrymen and all mankind.

O high example, constancy divine !

W. WORDSWORTH.

THOMAS BILNEY.

VOL. II.

Tn E prayers I make will then be sweet indeed

If Thou the spirit give by which I pray :

My unassisted heart is barren clay,
Which of its native self can nothing feed :
Of good and pious works Thou art the seed,

Which quickens only where Thou sayest it may:

Unless Thou shew to us thine own true way
No man can find it : Father ! rl*hou must lead.

Do Thou, then, breathe those thoughts into my mind
By which such virtue may in me be bred,
That in thy holy footsteps I may tread :

The fetters of my tongue do Thou unbind,
That I may have the power to sing of Thee,
And sound thy praises everlastingly !

W. WORDSWORTH.

THOMAS BILNEY.

THOMAS BILNEY was brought up in the universitie of Cambridge,
profiting in all kind of liberall sciences, even unto the profession
of both lawes. But having gotten a better schoolemaster, even
the holy Spirit of Christ, enduing his heart by privie inspiration
with the knowledge of better and more wholesome things, he
came at the last unto this point, that forsaking the knowledge of
mans lawes, he converted his studie to those things, which tend
more unto godlinesse than gainfulnesse.

As he himselfe was greatly inflamed with the love of true reli-
gion, even so againe was in his heart an incredible desire to allure
many unto the same, desiring nothing more than that he might
stir up and encourage any to the love of Christ, and sincere reli-
gion. Neither were his labours vaine, for he converted many of his
fellowes unto the knowledge of the gospel ; amongst which num-
ber was Thomas Arthur, and master Hugh Latimer ; which
Latimer at that time was crosse-keeper at Cambridge, bringing
it forth upon procession daies. At the last, Bilney forsaking the
universitie went into many places, teaching and preaching, being
associate with Arthur, which accompanied him from the uni-
versitie.

The authoritie of Thomas Wolsey, cardinall of Yorke, at that
time was great in England, but his pompe and pride much
greater, which did evidently declare unto all wise men the mani-
fest vanitie, not only of his life, but also of all the bishops and
clergie. Whereupon Bilney, with other good men *, marvelling

1 Other gr.od men.'] See what is said above (Supplem. Extracts, vol. i. p. 426,
n.) of the communications on this subject, between bishop Fisher and the car-
dinal : and it is observable that in the Latin copy, Fox notices here the

B 2

4 THOMAS BILNEY.

at the incredible insolencie of the clergie, which they could now
no longer suffer or abide, began to shake and reprove this exces-
ponipi'2 and also to plucke at the authoritie of the bishop of
ue.

Tln-n it was time for the cardinall to awake, and speedily to
looke about his husinesse. Neither lacked he in this point any
craft <>r sulitiltic <>t' a serpent; for he understood well enough
upon how .^I.-nder a foundation their ambitious dignitie was
ground* -d. n«-ith«-r \\as he ignorant that their proud kingdome
could not long continue against the manifest word of God, <

(animal's intentions of a reformation. " Nihil itaque cunctatus Cardinalis, cum
primum hcpc movcri audivit mense Decembri anno 1528, Londini frequen-
tissimo ecclesiasticorum collecto coetu, promisit fore lit abusus quicunque in
ecclesiam Romanam subrepsissent, sedulo repurgarentur. Interim Bilnseus,"
Scc.—Rerum in Ecclesia Commentarii, p. 124.

It may be further proper to remark, that in the Latin copy, we have no
such sweeping charge as is here brought against the " vanity," &c. of " all
the bishops and clergy." The words there seem to apply principally, if not
entirely, to the order of cardinals, and to the pope. They are as follows : —
" Ingens erat per idem tempus Thomae Vulsaei, cardinalis Eboracensis, in
Aiifjlia authoritas, sed fastus, pompa atque ambitio multo major, quac mani-
m vitic, vanitatem non modo ipsius, sed et universi ordinis, turn pontificis
omnium maxime, apud cordatos quosque declarabat."

* This excessive pompe.~\ Sir Thomas More, in his Apology, made after he
had given over the office of Lord Chancellor, appears to impute much of this
pomp to the example of Cardinal \Volsey; but affirms, that even at the time
\vlu-n he wrote (A.D. 1533), the evil was much abated. " Verylye for aught
that I can see, a greate part of the proud and pompous apparaile that many
'•s in yeares not long paste, were by the pryde and oversight of some
few [' in my lorde cardinal Wolsey*s days,' appears in the margin], forced
in a manner agaynst theyr own wylles to wean-, was before hys" (Tindal's)
"god. . so by this pretty printed book privily given them in theyr

care, much more, I trowe, than the one half spent, and in a manner well
worne <»utc. And I wote it is worne out with many, whyche entende here-
to buy no more such agayne. And for the residue of the countenance
I dare bee bnlde to warrant, that J can fynde of those that most maye spende,
i, were they sure that it shoulde in this matter do any good, would be
:.t to wythdrawe from all theyr other countenaunce the chiefe parte
of theyr moveables, and of theyr yearely lyvelode too, and out of hand
bestow the one, and wyth their own hand yearely bestowe the other, openlye
amonge the poorc. And I durst agayne be bolde to warrant, that if they so
dyd, even the self same folke that nowe grudge and call theym proude for
Mtenaunce, woulde then fynde as great a grudge, and ral thcvm
.:nes: and say that they spende upon nmighty beggers
the x 10 keepe good yeomen ; and that they thereby both

cnfeable, and also dishonour the realrae." — Works, p. h.

THOMAS BILNEY. 5

cially if the light of the gospel should once open the eyes of men.
For, otherwise he did not greatly feare the power and displeasure
of kings and princes : only this he feared, the voice of Christ in
his gospell, lest it should disclose and detect their hypocrisie and
deceits, and force them to come to an order of godly discipline :
wherefore he thought good, speedily in time to withstand these
beginnings. Whereupon he caused the said Bilney and Arthur
to be apprehended and cast into prison.

After this, the seven and twentieth day of November, in the
yeere of our Lord 1527, the said cardinall accompanied with a
great number of bishops, as the archbishop of Canterburie [Wil-
liam Warham], Cuthbert [Tonstall] of London, John [Fisher]
of Rochester, Nicholas [West] of Ely, John [Voysey] of Exeter,
John [Longland] of Lincolne, John [Clerke] of Bathe and
Welles, Henrie [Standish] of Saint Asaph, with many other both
divines and lawyers, came into the chapterhouse at Westminster,
where the said master Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur 3 were
brought before them ; and the said cardinall there enquired of
master Bilney, whether he had privately or publikely preached or
taught to the people the opinions of Luther or any other, con-
trarie to the determination of the church. Whereupon Bilney
answered, that wittinglie he had not preached or taught any of
Luther's opinions, or any other, contrarie to the catholike church.
Then the cardinall asked him, whether he had not once made an
oth before, that he should not preach, rehearse, or defend any
of Luther's opinions, but should impugne the same every where ?
He answered, that he had made such an oth, but not lawfully 4.
— Which interrogatories so ministred, and answeres made, the
cardinall caused him to sweare to answere plainly to the articles
and errors preached and set forth by him ; as well in the citie

3 With them was summoned ' ' George Joye, who was then a fellow of
Peter House in Cambridge."— "Fox does not appear to have known that
Joye was cited with Bilney and Arthur." Maitland's Essays on the Refor-
mation, p. 4.

4 But not lawfully. ~\ " The whole process is set down at length by Fox in
all points, according to TonstalPs Register, except one fault in the translation.
When the cardinal asked Bilney whether he had not taken an oath before,
not to preach or defend any of Luther's doctrines; he confessed he had done
it, but not judicially (judicialiter, in the Register). This Fox translates not
lawfully. In all other particulars there is an exact agreement between the
Register and his Acts."— Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 31.
Edit. 1715.

G THOMAS BILNEY.

and cliocesse of London, as in the diocesse of Norwich and other
plar«-> ; and that he should do it without any craft, qualifying or
Leaving out any part of the truth.

After he was thus sworne and examined, the said cardinall
proceeded to the examination of master Thomas Arthur there
r.niMiiu him to take the like oth that master Bilney
did. Which done, he asked of him whether he had not once told
sir Thomas More, knight, that in the sacrament of the altar was
not the \( rie bodie of Christ? Which interrogatorie he denied.
— Then the cardinall gave him time to deliberate till noone, and
to brin<r jn hjs answere in writing. — After noone the same day,
what time the examination of the foresaid Thomas Arthur

mlinall and bishops by their authoritie, ex officio,
did call in for \\itnesses before master JJilney, certaine men,
namely. .John linden, chiefe provinciall of the friers preachers
thorowont all Kn^land. (ielirey Julles and Richard JugWOrtJb,
professours of divinitie. of the same order; Also William
Jecket. Lcentleman. William Nelson, and Thomas Williams, which
were > \\orne. that all favour, hate, love, or reward set apart.
they should without concealing any falshood, or omitting any
truth, speake their minds upon the articles laid against him. or
•hed by him, as well within the diocesse of London, as the
sse of Norwich. And because he was otherwise occupied
about the affaires of the realme, the cardinall committed 5 the
MILT of the matter to the bishop of London, and to other
bishop^ then- present, or to three of them, to proceed against all
men. as well spiritiiall as temporall. as also against sched
writings, and bookes, set forth by Martine Luther, lately emi-
demned by 1' the t» nth8 ; and by all manner of probable

• The cardinall committed.'] Bilney interceded with Tonstall to procure, if
possible, a hearing of his case before the cardinal. " I desire you that you
will rrmembcr me to-iii»rn>w. that by your aid I may be brought before the
tribunal seat of my lord cardinal ; before whom I had rather stand than
before any of his deputies." — Fox, vol. i. p. 918.

• Condemned by Pope Leo the tenth.] This bull bears date, Roma, 17 Calend.
Julii, A. n. 1'ijo. It is printed intire in B/ovii Annales, ad ann. l.VJo, ft»l.
367—371, and in G ^formutiwis, vol. i. p. i:U— !»:•.

ndix. It contains the same forty-two (or as tin y are here and in other

ii-Miut d by car-

\ ilkins's CoH'-i/iVi. vol. iii. p. 690— CQ3), defended by Lathe*, in
\\iadisertio omnium Articulorum, and examined and n-usurt-d by hibhop 1
in an elaborate work entitled Assertions Lulherana: Confutatio, A.D. 1523.

THOMAS BILNEY. 7

meanes, to enquire and root out their errors and opinions ; and
all such as were found culpable, to compel them to abjuration,
according to the law; or if the matter so required, to deliver
them unto the secular power, and to give to it full authoritie to
determine upon them.

The seven and twentith of November, in the yeere aforesaid
(1527), the bishop of London, with the bishops of Ely and
Rochester, came unto the bishop of Norwiches house, whereas
likewise ex officio, they did sweare certaine witnesses against
master Thomas Arthur, in like sorte as they had done before
against master Thomas Bilney, and so proceeded to the exami-
nation of master Arthur ; which being ended upon certaine inter-
rogatories, the bishop of London warned him by vertue of his
oth, that he should not reveale his examinations, nor his answeres,
nor any part or parcell thereof.

The second day of December, the bishops assembled againe in
the same place, and sware more witnesses against master Bilney.
That done, they called for master Arthur, who did revoke and
condemne the articles against him ministered, and submitted
himselfe to the punishment and judgement of the church.

The third day of December, the bishop of London with the
other bishops assembling in the place aforesaid, after that Bilney
had denied utterly to returne to the church of Rome, the bishop
of London in discharge of his conscience (as he said) lest hee
should hide any thing that had come to his hands, did really
exhibite unto the notaries, in the presence of the said master
Bilney, certaine letters, to wit, five letters or epistles, with one
schedule in one of the epistles, containing his articles and an-
sweres folded therein, and another epistle folded in maner of a
booke, with six leaves ; which all and every one he commanded
to be written out and registered, and the originals to be delivered
to him againe.

This was done in the presence of master Bilney, desiring a
copie of them ; and he bound the notaries with an oth, for the
safe keeping of the copies, and true registring of the same.
Which articles and answeres, with one of the same epistles, with
certaine depositions deposed by the foresaid witnesses, here fol-
low, truely drawne out partly of his own hand writing, and partly
out of the register.

THOMAS BILNEY.

Interrogatories whereupon master Thomas Arthur, and master
Bilney were accused and examined.

" 1 Whether they did beleeve with their hearts, that the
assertions of Luther, which are impugned by the bishop of Ro-
chester 7, were justly and godly condemned ; and that Luther
with his adherents, was a wicked and a detestable heretike.

2 Whether they did beleeve that generall counsels and eccle-
siastical constitutions once received and not abrogate againe,
ought to be observed of all men, even for conscience sake, and
not only for feare.

3 Whether they did beleeve that the popes lawes were profit-
able and necessarie to the preferment of godlinesse, not repug-
nant to the holy Scriptures, neither by any means to be abrogate,
but to be reverenced of all men.

4 Whether they did beleeve that the catholike church may
erre in the faith or no : and whether they thinke that catholike
church to be a sensible church, which may be demonstrate and
pointed out as it were with a finger ; or that it is only a spirituall
church, intelligible, and knowne only to God.

5 Whether they thinke that the images of saints are chris-
tianly set in the churches ; and ought to be worshipped of all
true Christians.

6 Whether a man may beleeve without hurt to his faith or
note of heresie, the soules of Peter and Paul, and of our Ladie,
cither to be, or not to be in heaven; and that there is yet no
judgment Driven upon the soules departed.

7 Win-tiler a man may beleeve without spot of heresie, that
our Ladie remained not alwaies a virgin.

8 Whether link dai« s ;md lasting daies ordained and receiv. <1
by the church, may be broken by any private man, at his will
and I'lra-mv. without shine or obstinacie.

9 Whether we are bound to be obedient unto prelats, bishops
and kiiiL^. l.y Gods coimnandemcnt. as we are unto our parent-.

10 Whether tli re that the church doth well and godly
in praying to the saints.

'mpugned by the bishop of Rochester.'] This is the book, "Assertions Lu-
theran* Confutalio" of bishop Fisher mentioned in the preceding note. It
is an able and very important work. It came out in 1523, and was in so
great request that five editions were printed before the year 1525.

THOMAS BILNEY. 9

11 Whether they thinke that Christ only should be prayed
unto, and that it is no heresie, if any man affirme that saints
should not be prayed unto.

1 2 Whether they do thinke all true Christians to be by like
right priests, and all those to have received the keyes of binding
and loosing, at the hands of Christ, which have obtained the
Spirit of God ; and only such, whether they be lay men or
priests.

13 Whether they beleeve with their hearts that faith may be
without workes and charitie.

14 Whether they beleeve that it is more agreeable to the faith,
that the people should pray in their owne tongue, than in a
learned unknowne tongue ; and whether they commend the
prayer in a strange tongue or no.

15 Whether they would have the masses and gospels openly
to be read in churches in the vulgar tongue, rather than in the
Latine tongue.

16 Whether they commend that children should only be
taught the Lord's Prayer, and not the Salutation of the virgin,
or Creed.

17 Whether they do thinke the woodden beads which the
common people doth use, worthie to be denied, or not.

18 Whether they do thinke the whole Scripture ought to be
translated into English ; or that it should be more profitable for
the people, than as it is now read.

19 Whether they would have the organs and all maner of
songs to be put out of the church of God.

20 Whether they do think that it pertaineth to the bishops to
punish any man with bonds or imprisonment, or that they have
any temporall power and authoritie.

21 Whether they thinke that constitution to be godly, that
no man should preach in another mans diocesse, without letters
of commendation, and licence obtained of the bishop.

22 Whether they thinke the vowes of religious men, and
private religion, to be constitute or ordained by the Spirit of
God, neither by any meanes to be repugnant to a free and perfect
Christian life.

23 Whether they beleeve that we should pray for the dead ;
or beleeve that there is a purgatorie ; or that we are bound by
necessity of faith, to beleeve neither of them ; but that it is free
without sinne, either to beleeve it or not to beleeve it.

10 THOMAS BILN7EY.

24 Whether they beleeve that morall philosophie and naturall
do prevail*- any tiling for the better understanding of the Scrip-
tun s. and tor the exposition and defence of the truth.

Whether they thinke that the popes indulgences and par-
duns are rather to be rejected than received.

26 Whether it be contrarie to the doctrine of Christ and his
apostle-, that Christians should by any meanes contend in the law,
to secke any nianer of restitution.

27 Whether they beleeve all things pertaining to salvation and
damnation to come of necessitie, and nothing to be in our ownc
will

28 Whether they beleeve God to be the author of all evill, as
well of the fault, as of the punishment.

29 Whether they thinke masse only to be profitable to him
which saith it ; and whether every man may alter or leave out the
rite and order of the masse, without hurt of faith.

30 Whether they beleeve that there can be any moral virtues
without the grace of Christian living, or that the virtues which
Ari>totle hath set out, are rather fained.

31 Whether they think it heresie, to teach the people, that it
is free to give tithes unto priests, or to any other poore man.

! Whether they do thinke it more Christian-like to take
:i\\ay the images out of the churches ; or to permit them there, to
adorne them and honor them.

33 Whether they thinke it the part of a Christian man, that
•li'-rs should exhort men to pilgrimage, or to the worshipping
of reliques.

:; 1 Whether that thou Thomas Bilney, being cited upon heresie
to appeare 1,,-foiv my lord cardinall, and before the day of thy
appearance, not having made thy purgation upon those points
that thou wa>t cited, hast preached openly in divers churches of
th«- ritie and diocesse of London, without sufficient licence from
the bishop, or any other.v

CoiK-i-rniiiir the answeres unto these articles, (gentle Reader)
for so much as in the most part of them. IJilney with Arthur
il and .ejree (although not fullie and directly, but
i\ and manner of qualitym- he did not expn

d< nie tin-in, it >hall not he necdfull heen- n. n-eite them all.
only Mich wherein he seemed to dissent from them.

To ' and second art id \\vivd aflirmativcly.

To the third he said, " 1 b«-k-e\r that nt'tny of the popes la\

THOMAS BILNEY. 11

are profitable and necessarie, and do prevaile unto gocllinesse,
neither in any point are repugnant unto the Scriptures, nor by
any meanes are to be abrogate, but of all men to be observed and
reverenced. But touching all those lawes I cannot determine :
for, as for such as I have not read, I trust notwithstanding they
are good also : and as for those that I have read, I did never
reade them to the end and purpose to reprove them, but accord-
ing to my power, to learne and understand them. And as touch-
ing the multitude of lawes, Saint Augustine in his time did much
complaine, and Gerson also, who marvelled that we could by any
meanes live in safetie amongst so many snares of constitutions,
whenas our forefathers, being pure before their fall, could not
observe one only precept."

To the fourth article he said, u that the catholike church can
by no meanes erre in faith, for it is the whole congregation of
the elect, and so knowne only unto God, which knoweth who are
his : otherwise, no man should be ascertained of another mans
salvation, or of his owne, but only through faith and hope. For
it is written, (Eccles. 5.) No man Jcnoweth whether he be worthie
of hatred or love. — It is also sensible, and may be demonstrate
so far forth as it is sufficient to establish us in all things, that are
to be beleeved and done. For I may truly say of a generall
councell being congregate in the Holy Ghost; 'Behold heere
the catholike church,' denominating the whole by the most
worthie part."

To the fifth article, he answered affirmatively in these words,
Cum sint libri laicorum, adorare oportet, at non imaginem, sed
prototypon.

To the sixth article he answered, " that he did not beleeve that
they are in heaven, being so taught by the Scriptures, and holy
fathers of the church."

To the seventh article he said, " that it is not to be thought
contrarie."

To the eighth article, whether a man may not observe the feasts
and fasts of the church prescribed, he thought " that there is no
man, but he ought to observe them."

To the ninth article he said, " that we are like wise bound as
unto parents."

To the fourteenth article he answered thus : " The fourteenth
chapter of St. Paul in his first epistle to the Corinthians, mooveth
me to beleeve, that it is best, that the people should have the

12 THOMAS BILNEY.

Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles1 Creed in English, so that their
devotion might the more be furthered by the understanding
thcrmf. and also that thereby they might be the more prompt and
expert in the articles of their faith : of the which it is to be
(1, a great number are ignorant 8. Surely I have heard many
say, that they never heard speake of the resurrection of the bodie,
and being certified thereof, but they became much more apt and
n adie unto goodnesse, and more fearefull to do evill."

To the fifteenth article he said, "he would wish that the
gospels and epistles should be read in English. For I would
(>aith Paul, 1 Cor. 14.) rather have five words, &c. That the
church might be edified, &c. And Chrysostome exhort ctli his
hearers to looke upon bookes, that they might the better commit
unto incinorie those things which they had heard. And Saint
Hede did translate Saint John's Gospell into English.""

Touching the eighteenth article, for the translation of the
scripture into English, "concerning the whole, he did partly doubt.
Notwithstanding, he wished that the gospels and epistles of the
day might be read in English, that the people might be made the
more apt to heare sermons. — But heere some will say, there
might also be danger for errour. Whereunto he answered : But
good and vigilant pastors might easilie helpe that matter, by
adding the plaino interpretation of the fathers in the mai-p
in English, upon the darke and obscure places, which would put
all doubts. — O how great profit of soules should the vigilant
pastors get thereby, which contrariwise through their slothful-
bring great ruine and decay !"

To the five and twentieth article, as touching pardons9, lie

8 Are ignorant. ] See before, vol. i. Thorpe, p. 310, and n.

9 A* touching pardons.'] There was no point from which Luther derived
with greater success the eloquence with which he thundered against the

m, than that of the antichristian doctrine of pardons and indulgences,
and the disgraceful traffic in the sale of them, so prevalent in his days. But
that part of the history of the Reformation needs not to be enlarged upon in
this place. Only it may he proper, by a few domestic anecdotes and autho-
to show what progress the same pernicious doctrine and practice had
made in this country.

In the latter end .,1 i :>OO, being the year of jubilee, pope Alexander

VI. sent a commissary into this kingdom, to distribute, as he called it. the
heavenly grace, to all such as, prevented by any forcible impediment,
not be present at Rome to receive the benefit there. The articles contained
in this bull, with the sums of money required of each person in proportion

THOMAS BILNEY. 13

said, "that as they be used, and have too long been, it were
better that they, should be restrained, than that they should be

to his means, to intitle him to partake in the promised advantages, are given
by Weever in the discourse prefixed to his Funeral Monuments, p. 158 — 162,
edit. 1767. In Becon's Reliques of Rome, Works, vol. iii fol. 205—207, and
in Bp. Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 138 — 140, (Records,) may
be found an account of the chief indulgences granted by different popes to
those who shall say devoutly certain prayers therein specified. One of the
most common purposes for which they were made use of was the raising of
money and other supplies for the building of monasteries, abbeys, and
churches. Of this it would be easy to produce many examples. But we must
confine ourselves within narrow limits. In the year 1112, previously to the
erection of the abbey at Crowland, the abbot obtained of the archbishops and
bishops of England an indulgence for remitting the third part of all penances
injoined for sins committed, to every person who should help forward that
good work : and with this indulgence he sent the monks abroad into all
quarters to gather money, who returned after great success. On the day
appointed for laying the foundation there was a very numerous appearance
of nobles, prelates, and commons ; and after mass and anthems sung, the
abbot himself laid the first stone, and the nobles and others, according to
their degrees and quality, couched their stones respectively, and laid upon
them sums of money ; others gave their deeds of lands, advowsons of
churches, certain measures of wheat, or engaged to pay so many labourers,
masons, carpenters, &c. till the work was finished. The common people and
townships, for their parts, offered with a zealous devotion, some money,
others certain days of labour : some the building of whole pillars, others
a certain extent of the walls, windows, &c. all striving to outvie each other.
After this, the abbot in a solemn speech, commending their bounty, and
granting to them and theirs all spiritual benefits in the church, and a parti-
cipation in the merit of all the prayers, fastings, &c. gave his blessing to the
assembly, and dismissed them, well satisfied with their work, to their respec-
tive homes. See Staveley's History of Churches in England, p. 57.

But these pardons were not always converted to purposes so beneficial ;
since by them, as Wickliffe assures us, many men were deceived, and
"trusten to flee to heaven withouten pain, and therefore dreaden sin the
lesse." Lewis's History, p. 139. They were often made the incentive to
sanguinary wars, crusades, and idle pilgrimages. And in many ways, among
private individuals, they encouraged the grossest errors and immoralities.
" Yea it is well known that their pardons and other of theyr trompery hath
bene bought and sold in Lombard-strete, and in other places, as thou wylt
bye and sell an horse in Smith-field." Lamentations against the City of Lon-
don. Signat, c. 8. A.D. 1548. "In times past (says bishop Grindall) men
made preparations before death, but (God knoweth) farre out of square.
Some redemed for money great plentye of indulgencies from Rome, and he
that had the greatest plentie of them, to bee cast with him into his grave,
when he was buried (whiche I myself e have sene done] was counted the best
prepared for death." Sermon at the Funeral Solemnity of the Emperor Ferdi-

14 THOMAS BILNEY.

any longer used as they have been, to the injurie of Christ s
passion.

Touching the six and twentieth article, he said, " that it is
not against the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, to contend in
the law, so it be done with charitie, if St. Augustine, and the
reverend father Marcus Marulus10 did not erre, which granted
that libertie to the weake Christians; albeit that true Christians
nii«rht to L;-ive eare unto St. Pauls saying; Why do ye not rather
suffer injurie ? (1 Cor. 6.) And to Christ himselfe, which saith :
He that would contend with thee in the law, and take away thy
coate^ give him thy cloke also"

Touching the eight and twentieth, he aunswered, " that God is
tlic author of the punishment only, but not of the offence, as
Basilins Magnus teachetli in his sermon upon these words of the
prophet (Amos 3.): Non est malum in cimtate quod non fecit
'/tus. And Saint Augustine in another place (as I remember)
prayi-th ; That he be not led into that temptation, that he should
beleeve God to be the author of sinne and wickednesse"

//. - / v MUtt fh a briefe summarie or collection ofcertaine d< j
</</>osed by t/te severall witnesses aforenamed, upon certaine ii<

nand, preached in St. P ant's Cathedral, Oct. 3, 1564. Signat. D. c. But per-
haps no use was ever made of them which can be accounted more melancholy
than the following. Proclamation was occasionally made at the burning of
the martyrs, " that whosever did bring a faggot or a stake to the burning of
a hereticke should have forty daies of pardon. Whereby it came to pass, that
many ignorant people caused their children to beare billets and faggots to their
burning." Fox's Acts, p. 897. See also Fox, p. 1105, and p. 1120.

It is observable, that even a man of so much learning and understanding
as bishop Fisher, enumerates " indulgences and pardons " among the grounds
of hope that the Lady Margaret, mother of king Henry VII., whose con-
fessor he was, had been " borne up into the country above by the blessed
aungells." " For yf " (says he in her Funeral Sermon) " the herty prayer
of many persones, yf her owne contynuall prayer in her lyfe tyme, yf the
sacraments of the chirche orderly taken, yf indulgences and pardons graunled
by <livers popes, yf true repentaunce and teeres, yf fayth and devocyon in
f charyte to her neghbours, yf pyte upon the jmore, yf for-
Mttft of iqjoriM, Of yf good wi-rkes be available, as doubtless tin
grete lyklyhodc, and almoste certayn ronjertiire \ve may take by them, and
all these that so it is in dede." P. 35, 6. Baker's edit. 1/08.

*• Marcus Mantlus.] Ii. rise de religiose vicendi instilutione per

exempla.

THOMAS BILNEY. 15

rotatories ministered unto them, for the inquirie of Master Bil-
neyes doctrine and preaching.

" First it was deposed, that in his sermon in Christs church in
Ipswich, he should preach and say, our Saviour Christ is our
mediatour betweene us and the Father : what should we need
then to seeke any saint for remedie ? Wherefore, it is great
injurie to the blood of Christ, to make such petitions, and blas-
phemeth our Saviour.

That man is so unperfect of himselfe, that he can in no wise
merit by his owne deeds.

Also, that the comming of Christ was long prophesied before,
and desired by the prophets. But John Baptist being more than
a prophet, did not only prophecie, but with his finger shewed
him, saying: (John 1.) Ecce agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mundi.
Then if this were the very Lambe which John did demonstrate,
that taketh away the sins of the world, what injurie is it to our
Saviour Christ, that to be buried in Saint Francis cowle n should

11 To be buried in Saint Francis cowled] The friars succeeded in persuading
the people, *; that they could get a great thing of the pope, or of cardinals in
England, better cheap than other procurators could" (Wickliffe against
the Friars, p. 60, A.D. 1608) : and by these means they gradually usurped and
drew away from the secular clergy and the parochial churches, to themselves
and their own abbeys, the administering of the several sacraments, hearing of
confessions, and burials of the dead, especially of all the wealthy part of the
community ; together with such other religious offices, as might be converted
to purposes of gain. " Friars drawen to them confession, and burying of
riche men, by manie subtil means, and masse-pence, and trentals, but they
will not come to poore mens Dirige, ne receave them to be buried amongst
them." (Wickliffe against Friars, p. 28.) By having his grave within the
precincts of the abbey, they made the rich man believe, that he should par-
take of the merit of all the masses, prayers, fastings, and other good work s
which should continue, till the day of doom, to be performed in that holy
spot. But to be buried in a cowl or hood, and the rest of a friar's habit,
especially if accompanied and corroborated by a letter of fraternity, this was
a sure protection against all manner of harm. "They techen lords and
nameliche (especially) ladies, that if they dien in Francis's habile, they
shoulden never come to Hell, for virtue thereof." Wickliffe in Lewis's
History, p. 22. In Pierce the Ploughman's Creed, by John Longland, we
have an incomparable description of these arts of the friars. One of them is
supposed to be wheedling a man out of his money : and among other equally
strong arguments, having told the person of whom he is begging, that the
order are now building a magnificent abbey, for which he is employed to
gather the means, he promises,

" And mightest thou amenden us with moneye of thyn owen,
Thou shouldest knely before Christ in compas of gold

16 THOMAS BILNEY.

remit foure parts of penance ! What is then left to our Saviour
Christ, which taketh away the sins of the world? This I will
j u stifle to be a great blasphemie to the blood of Christ.

Also, that it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage ; and
that preachers in times past have been Antichrists, and now
it hath pleased God somewhat to shew forth their falshood and
errors.

Also, that the miracles done at Walsingham, at Ganterburie,
and tin -iv in Ipswich, were done by the divel, through the suf-
irraiin- of ( iod, to blind the poore people: and that the pope had
not the keyes that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his
living.

Moreover, it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously
suspected as an heretike, and twice pulled out of the pulpit in
tin- diocesse of Norwich.

In the wyde window westward wel neigh in the mydel;
And Saint Francis hymselfe shall folden thee in his cope,
And present thee to the Trinite, and praye for thy synnes.
Thy name shall noblich ben wryten and wrought for the nones,
And in remembrance of thee yrad (read) there for ever."

See Lewis's History of Wickliffe, p. 307.

" King John, being buried at Worcester, under the high altar, was
wrapped in a monk's cowl, which the superstition of those times accounted
sacred. And I find also, that some of the honourable family of the Hastings
were interred in habits of the friars minors, in their convent church at
( 'o\ entry." Stavely's Hist, of Churches in England, p. 265. In truth it is
certain that the practice was a very frequent one. King John died in the
year 1216. Thus early then the custom must have begun. It is referred to,
along with other superstitions of a like nature, in the following extract from
a sermon, which has been already cited, preached on occasion of the funeral
solemnity of the emperor Ferdinand, by Grindall, then bishop of London.
" In times past men made preparacions afore death, but (God knoweth) farrc
f square. Some redemed for money great plentye of indulgencies from
Rome, and he that had the greatest plentie of them, to be cast with him into
his grave when he was buried, (whiche I myself have sene done) was cot.

:•• pared for death. Others made provisions or foundacions to have
number of masses said for them after death, thereby to be the s<
redout of purgatorie. Other there were that thought it a more r< a-
sonable and speedye waye to quench the fire of purgatory afore they fel into
it ; and tli y procured a great number of masses and trentals to be

said for them afore death. Some of those that have bene learned, the more
was the pi' il in an observant or gray friars cowle, and afterward

bene buried in the same, and so thought themselves well prepared. Hut alas !
al these preparacions were preposterous." Funeral Sermon, signat. I). :$. b.
A.O. l.v.i. But the largest and best account, and exposure of this lament-
able folly, may be read in Erasmus's Colloquy, intitled Exequia Seraphicte.

THOMAS BILNEY. 17

Also it was deposed against him, that he should in the parish
church of Willesdon, exhort the people to put away their gods
of silver and gold, and leave their offerings unto them, for that
such things as they offered, have been knowne oftentimes afterward
to have been given to the stewes. Also that Jewes and Saracens
would have become Christian men l long ago, had it not been for
the idolatrie of Christian men in offering of candles, waxe, and
money to stockes and stones."

Over and besides these cavilling matters, articuled and deposed
against him, heere follow certaine other articles, whereupon he
was detected, gathered out of his sermon, which he preached in
the parish church of Saint Magnus, in Whitson weeke, in the
yeere of our Lord, 1527.

1 Would have become Christian men.'] See Becon's works, vol. iii. fol. 49
and 51. A.D. 1564. But arguments of this kind must not be carried too far.
The reason of Jews and Saracens will not always be right reason ; and a fit
pattern for Christians to conform themselves to. An argument very like the
above has been not unfrequently urged by Socinian writers against the doc-
trines of the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, the atonement, &c. If we would
make Christianity palatable (say they) to Jews and Mohammedans, we must
not press these high and unintelligible notions. See Leslie's Theological
Works, Horsley's Tracts, &c.

And yet, it is an historical fact, that Jews and Turks have often been scan-
dalized by, and often expressly avowed their detestation against, several of the
corruptions of Popery. Sir Edwin Sandys, speaking of his own experience in
Italy, and of the impediments to the conversion of the Jews, which he
noticed in that country, besides others, adds the following. " A scandal also
is their vowing, and praying to angels and saints ; which the Jews hold to be
a duty peculiar unto God only; and that it hath so been esteemed among
them in all ages. Yea, and they note, that the Christians pray more oft, and
more willingly to Christ's mother, than unto Christ himself, or unto God.
But the greatest scandal of all is their worshipping of images ; for which
both Jews and Turks call them the idolatrous Christians. And this is so
much the greater, and of more indignity, for that they generally conceive it
to be a thing which Christ himself expressly commanded, — that the decalogue
should be recited with omission of the second precept : as one of their
greatest Rabbins contested with me, being induced into that error by some

catechism of the Christians, which he had seen with that fault And for

their coming to the Christian sermons, they say, that as long as they shall see
the preacher direct his speech and prayer to that little wooden crucifix, which
stands on the pulpit by him ; to call it his Lord and Saviour, to kneel down
to it, to embrace and kiss it, to weep upon it (as is the fashion of Italy) ; —
this is preaching sufficient for them, and persuades them more with the very
sight of it to hate the Christian religion, than any reason that the world can
allege to love it. — And these be the scandals, which as 7 have heard them-
selves allege, they take on that side." Europce Speculum, p. 244—7.

VOL. ii. c

18 THOMAS BILXEY.

Certaine other Articles produded against Master Thomas Bilney.

" First he said, pray you only to God, and to no saints, re-
hearsing the Letanir ; and when he came to Sancta Maria, ora
pro nolis, he said, stay there 2.

" He said, that Christian men ought to worship God only, and
no saints.

" He said, that Christian people should set up no lights s before

3 Stay there.'] This is the petition in the Romish Litanies which follows
next after that to the Trinity. It is succeeded by many others addressed to
many different saints. Bilney does not mean that the invocation of the virgin
may be retained ; but that we should stop immediately after the petition to
the Trinity. " If there be but one mediator of God and men, the man Christ
Jesus, where is our blessed ladie ? Where is then saint Peter and other
saints r" Bilney in Fox's Acts, p. 913. Among the erroneous opinions com-
plained of to the prelates by the lower house of convocation, June 23, 153G,
as commonly preached, taught, and spoken, to the slander of this noble
realm, disquietness of the people, and damage of Christian souls, this was
one : " Item, it is preached against the Litany, and also said, that it was
never merry in England sithence the Litany was ordained, and Sancta Maria,
Sancta Catharina, Sec. sung and said." AVilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 805.

8 Should set up no lights.] The offering, finding, and setting up of wax
tapers before images was a good work, from which no one was excused. And
in this way, though the cost was easy to every separate individual, yet upon
the whole to some churches it became a source of very considerable profit.
In the Northumberland Houshold Book, p. 338, we find that the earl paid
yearly for " the upholdyng of a light of wax," before the blood of Hales, our
lady at Walsingham, saint Margaret in Lincolnshire, and our Lady of Don-
caster, the several sums of 10*., Gs. 3d., 10s. and 13s. 4rf., In what estima-
tion the people were taught to regard this act of devotion, may be collected
from the following story, which continued to be read in churches, even till
after the death of Bilney. On this account the extract is historically impor-
tant, and the insertion of it may therefore be excused. In many other
respects, it is painful to have to dwell thus long upon scenes so humiliating.
But the pi. 'he editor in these compilations will be much misunder-

stood, if it be not believed, that while he has also other salutary objects in
view, he is peculiarly solicitous by them to turn the reader's thoughts upon
himself, and upon that deceitfulness of sin, which will insinuate itself into
unst profession of religion. " Thou standest by Faith. Be not high-
minded, but fear."

;is a woman of evvll lyvyng, and she dyd never good dede in
her lyfe, but only founde a candell brennyng before our lady. So it happed
when she was deed, fendes came to her, and toke her soule. And when tlu y
were goynge, there came two aungels, and rebuked the fendes, why they were
so bolde for to take the soule, without dome. Than sayd the fendes, ther

THOMAS BILNEY. 19

the images of saints : for saints in heaven need no light, and the
images have no eyes to see.

" He said, as Ezechias destroyed the brasen serpent that Moses
made by the commandement of God, even so should kings and
princes now adaies destroy and burne the images of saints set up
in churches.

" These five hundred yeeres there hath been no good pope, nor

nedeth none" (no doom}; "she dyde never good dede. Than sayd the
aungels, take and brynge the soule before our lady. And so they dyde. But
whan it was founde that she dyde never good dede, she must nedes go to
helle. Than sayd our lady, She founde a candell brennynge afore me, and it
was ever her wyll whyle she lyved. And therfore I wyll be as kynde to her,
as she was to me. And bad an angel take a grete serge" (taper} " and lyght
it, and set it before her in helle. And our lady charged and commaunded
that there sholde no fende come there nye ; but let it stonde brennynge for
ever more, to comforte all that ben in hell. Than sayd the fendes, they had
lever" (rather) " leave the soule, than do so. Than badde our lady take the
soule, and bere it to the body agayne. So they dyd. And when she was
a-lyve, she bethought her oon her streyght dome there as she was at ; and
went and shrove her to a preest, and lyved longe after ; and she amended her
lyf, and was ever after a good woman, and an holy." Festival, fol. 91, im-
printed by Richard Faques. Compare same work, fol. 24.

There is enough in the above narration, without going any further, to shew
that the reformers had good reason to condemn the abuse of this, and other
such-like ceremonies, as they were taught and practised in those times. Let
us now see, what could be pleaded in their defence, in a work which had par-
ticular respect to the opinions of Bilney, by a most ingenious and powerful
advocate. " Christ also promised that saint Mary Magdalene shoulde be wor-
shipped thoroughe the world, and have here an honourable remembrance, for
that she bestowed that precyouse oyntement uppon hys holy hed. Which thing
whan I consider, it maketh me mervaile of the madnesse of these heretyques,
that barke against the olde auncient customes of Christes chyrch, mockinge
the settinge up of candels, and with folish facecies" (jestings— facetia:), "and
blasphemous mockery demaunde, Whether God and hys saintes lack lyght,
or Whether it be nyght with them, that they cannot se without candle ? They
might as well aske, what good dyd that oyntment to Cristes hed ? But the
heretiques grudge at the cost now, as theyr brother Judas dyd than ; and say
it were better spent in almes upon a pore folke : and thys saye many of them
which can neyther finde in theyr harte to spende upon the one nor the other.
And some spend some tyme upon the one for none other entente, but to the
end that they may the more boldlye rebuke and rayle against the other. But
let them all, by that ensample of the holy woman, and by these wordes of our
Saviour, lerne that God deliteth to se the fervent hete of the hartis devocion
boyle out by the body, and to do him service with all such goodes of fortune
as God hath given a man." Sir Thomas More's Dialogue concerning Heresies.
A.D. 1528. Works, p. 118.

c 2

20 THOMAS BILNEY.

in all the time past, we can find but fiftie? for they have neither
preached, nor lived wel, or conformablie to their dignitie : wher-
fore till now they have borne the keys of Simonie. Against
win mi, tfood people, we must preach and teach unto you. For
we cannot come to them, it is great pitie: they have sore
>landered the blood of Christ.

" The people have used foolishly of late, pilgrimages, which for
them had been better if they had been at home.

" Many have made certaine vowes, which be not possible for
them to fulfill, and those nothing meritorious.

" The preachers before this have been antichrists, and now it
hath pleased our Saviour Christ, to shew their false errours, and
to teach another way and manner of the holy gospell of Christ,
to the comfort of your soules.

" I trust that there shall and will come other besides me 4. which
shall shew and preach to you the same faith and maner of
living, that I do shew and preach to you, which is the verie true
gospell of our Saviour Christ, and the mind of the holy Fathers,
whereby you shall be brought from their errours, wherein you
have been long seduced : for before this, there have been many
that have slandered you, and the gospell of our Saviour Christ,
of whom spake our Saviour, Matth. 18. Qui scandalizaverit unum
de pusillis istis, qui in me credit" &c.

These and many other such like depositions were dep.-s< -d
lost him by the deponents and witnesses before sworn e. which
\\holly to recite, would he too long and tedious : wherefore :
shall MiHi.-e at thi> time, being the principall matters, and in
maner the effect of all the r

The fourth day of December, the bishop of London with the
ether bishops his assistants assembled ngaine in the chapter
house of Westminster; whither also master Bilney was brought.

4 Will come other besides me.'] Thus it was objected also against Thomas
Arthur, Bilney's friend and companion in these examinations, that he said,
" Good people, if I should suffer persecution for the preaching of the p

"), yet there are seven thousand more that would preach the gospel of

iis I do now. Therefore good people, good people, (which words he

rehearsed, as it were lamenting) thinke not that if these tyrants and

persecutors put a man to death, the prearhini? of the gospel therefore is to he

forsaken."— This article he confessed that lie spake in like words and sense,

saving that he made no mention of tyrants. Fox's Ac's, p. 911.

THOMAS B1LNEY. 21

and was exhorted and admonished to abjure and recant : who
answered, that he would stand to his conscience. — Then the
bishop of London with the other bishops, ex qfficio, did publish
the depositions of the witnesses, with his articles and answeres,
commanding that they should be read. That done, the bishop
exhorted him againe to deliberate with himselfe, whether he
would returne to the church, and renounce his opinions or no,
and bad him to depart into a void place, and there to deliberate
with himselfe. Which done, the bishop asked him againe if he
would returne. Who answered ; Fiat justitia, et judicium in
nomine Domini: and being divers times admonished to abjure,
he would make no other answere, but, Fiat justitia, &c. And,
Hcec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus et Icetemur in ea,
Psalm 118. Then the bishop, after deliberation, putting off his
cap, said ; In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Amen.
Exurgat Deus et dissipentur inimici ejus : and making a crosse
on his forehead and his brest, by the counsell of the other
bishops, he gave sentence against master Bilney, being there
present, in this maner.

"I, by the consent and counsell of my brethren heere present,
do pronounce thee, Thomas Bilney, who hast been accused of
divers articles, to be convict of heresie ; and for the rest of the
sentence, we take deliberation till to morrow."

The fifth day of December the bishops assembled there againe ;
before whom Bilney was brought, whom the bishop asked if he
would yet returne to the unitie of the church, and revoke his
heresies which he had preached. Whereupon Bilney answered,
" that he would not be a slander to the gospell, trusting that he
was not separat from the church ; and that, if the multitude of
witnesses might be credited, he might have thirtie men of honest
life on his part, against one to the contrarie brought in against
him :" which witnesses, the bishop said came too late ; for after
publication, they could not be received by the law. Then Bilney
alleaging the storie of Susanna and Daniel, the bishop of London
still exhorted him to returne to the unity of the church, and to
abjure his heresies, and permitted him to go into some secret
place there to consult with his friends, till one of the clocke
at the afternoone, of the same day.

At afternoone, the bishop of London againe asked him whether
he would returne to the church and acknowledge his heresies.

22 THOMAS BILNEY.

Bilney answered, that he trusted he was not separat from the
church, and required time and place to bring in witnesses : which
was refused. Then the bishop once againe required of him
whether he would turne to the catholicke church. Whereunto
hee answered, that if they could teach and proove sufficiently that
hee was convict, he would yeeld and submit himselfe, and desired
againe to have time and space to bring in againe his refi
witnesses; and other answers he would give none.

Then the bishop put master Bilney aside, and took counsel
within his fellowes ; and afterward calling in master Bilney, asked
him againe whether he would abjure: but he would make no
other aiiMvere than before. Then the bishop with the consent of
the rest, did decree and determine that it was not lawfull toheare
a petition which was against the law; and inquiring againe
whether he would abjure, hee answered plainely, no, and desired
to have time to consult with his friends in whom his trust v
and being once againe asked whether he would returne, and
instantly desired thereunto, or else the sentence must be read;
lie required the bishop to give him licence to deliberate with
himselfe untill the next morrow, whether he might abjure the
heresies wherewith hi; was defamed, or no. The bishop granted
him, that hee should have a little time to deliberate with master
Dancaster : but Bilney required space till the next morrow, to
consult with master Farmar and master Dancaster. But the
bishop would not grant him his request, for feare lest he should
app'-ale. Hut at the last, the bishop inclining unto him, granted
him two nights ivspit to deliberate: that is to say, till Saturday
at nine of the clocke afore noone, and then to give a plainc d<
ininate answere. what he would doe in the premisses.

The seventh day of December, in the yeere and place aforesaid,
the bishop of London, with the other hi>hops bein«r assembl-d.
Bilney also personallie appeared. Whom the bishop of London
asked, whether he would now returne to the unitie of the church,
and revoke the errors and heresies whereof he stood :icci,

. and convicted. Who answered, that now he wa> per-
swaded by master Daneaster and other his friends, he would
submit himselfe, trusting that they \\ould deal.- <_rentlie with him,
both in his abjuration, and penanre. Then he desired that he
mi^ht read his abjuration ; which the bishop -/rant ed. When he
had read the same secretly by him>eli;>. and \\.is returned, b.

THOMAS BILNEY. 23

demanded what he would doe in the premisses, he answered,
that he would abjure 5 and submit himselfe ; and there openly
read his abjuration, and subscribed it, and delivered it to the
bishop, which then did absolve him : and for his penance en-
joyned him, that he should abide in the prison, appointed by the
cardinall, till he were by him released : and moreover the next
clay he should goe before the procession, in the cathedrall church
of S. Paul, bare-headed, with a fagot on his shoulder, and should
stand before the preacher at Pauls Crosse, all the sermon time.

To the Reverend Father in Christ, Cuthbert, Bishop of London ,
Thomas Bilney wisheth health in Christ, with all submission due
unto such a prelate.

" In this behalfe (most reverend father in Christ) I thinke
myselfe most happie, that it is my chance to be called to exami-
nation before your reverence, for that you are of such wisdom

5 That he would abjure.~\ This abjuration is printed from bishop Tonstall's
Register, by Collier, in his Eccles. History, vol. ii. p. 25, as follows :

"In the name of God, Amen. I, Thomas Bilney, priest, before you, right
rev. father in God, confessing and knowledging the true catholick and apos-
tolick faith of holy church, intend by the grace of God, hereafter ever to per-
severe and abide in the true doctrine of holy church, and to detest and
abjure all manner of heresies and articles following, whereupon I am now
defamed, noted, vehemently suspected, and convicted ; that it is to say, that
men should pray only to God, and to no saints. Item, that Christian men
ought to worship God and no saints. Item, that Christian men ought to set
up no lights before images of saints. Item, that men do not well to go on
pilgrimages. Item, that man in no wise can merit by his own deeds. Item,
that miracles daily shewed, be wrought by the devil by the sufferance of God.
Item, that no pope has such power and authority as Peter had, except he be
of like purity of life and perfection as Peter was. And in these articles, and
in all other, I here expressly consent unto our mother the holy church of
Rome, and the apostolick doctrine of the same, and both in mouth and heart
make knowledge, that whosoever hereafter doth preach, teach, or affirm, any
of these articles, or any other heresies, contrary to the determination of the
holy church, is worthy to be excluded from the communion of the same. And
in case hereafter I do teach, preach, hold, or affirm any of these foresaid
heresies, or any other, contrary to the determination of holy church, which
by the grace of God I intend never to do, then I shall submit myself to the
correction of my ordinary, according to the holy canons : and for these my
trespasses and offences, I desire of you penance, which I promise by these
holy evangelists and contents of this book by me bodily touched, truly to do,
observe and fulfil. In witness whereof, to this my present abjuration, I have
subscribed my name with my hand, and set to the sign of the cross."

24 THOMAS BILNEY.

and learning, of such integritie of life (which all men doe con-
fesse to be in you) that even your selfe cannot chuse (if yee doe
not too lightly esteeme Gods gifts in you) as often as you shall
remember the great things which God hath done unto you, but
straightwaii's secretly in your heart, to his high praise, say : He
thut Is might'w hath done great things unto me, and holy is his name.
I i Joyce, that I have now happened upon such a judge, and
with all my heart give thanks unto God, which ruleth all things.
" And albeit (God is my witnesse) I know not my selfe guiltie
of any errour in my sermons, neither of any heresie or sedition,
which divers doe slander mee of, seeking rather their owne lucre
and advantage, than the health of soules; notwithstanding I doe
exceedingly rejoyce, that it is foreseene by Gods divine provi-
dence, that I should bee brought before the tribunall seat of
Tonstall, who knoweth as well as any other, that there will never
be wanting Jannes and Jambres, which will resist the truth ;
that there shall never bee lacking some Elymas ', which will goe
about to subvert the straight waies of the Lord ; and finallie,
that some Demetrius, Pithonisse, Balaams, Nicolaites, Cains,
and Ismaels, will be alwaies at hand, which will greedilie hunt
and seeke after that which pertaineth unto themselves, and not
that which pertaineth to Jesus Christ. How can it then bee,
that they can suffer Christ to be truelie and sincerelie preached i
For if the people begin once whollie in every place, to put their
confidence in Christ, which was for them crucified, then strai^ht-
s that which they have hitherto imbraced instead of Christ
shall utterly decay in the hearts of the faithfull. Then they shall
understand that Christ is not in this place, or in that place, but
tin- kingdome of God to bee in themselves. Then shall they
plainely see that the father is not to be worshipped, neither in
the mount of Samaria, neither at Hierusalem, Imt in all pla
in spirit and truth. Which thing if it come once to passe, the
beasts of the field will thinke all their gain and lucre lost. In
whom the saying of K/ediiel (Ezech. 34.) is fulfilled; My slieepe
are dispersed because they had no shepheard, and a/ d of

the leasts of the field, and straied abroad. My flocke hath • /
and waii" mountaine, and upon r/v/y/ high hill, a*

dispersed il <,,-,,, mut <dl t/ir earth, and there is no man u-/<ic/t hath
sought to gather them together : no, there was no man which once

• Some Elymat.'] Actt, chap. 13. Pythonissa. Acts 16. Nicolaitae.
Apoc. 2.

THOMAS BILNEY. 25

sought after them. But if any man would seeke to reduce those
which were gone astray into the fold of Christ, that is, the unitie
of faith ; by and by, there rise up certaine against him, which
are named pastors, but indeed are wolves, which seeke no other
thing of their flocke, but the milke, wooll, and fell, leaving both
their owne soules, and the soules of their flocke unto the divell.

" These men, I say, rise up like unto Demetrius, crying out,
This hereticke disswadeth and seduceth much people every where,
saying, That they are not gods, which are made with hands, (Acts
19.) These are they, these I say (most reverend father) are
they, which under the pretence of persecuting heretikes, follow
their owne licentious life : enemies unto the crosse of Christ,
which can suffer and beare any thing rather, than the sincere
preaching of Christ crucified for our sinnes. These are they
unto whom Christ threatneth eternall damnation, where he saith,
Woe ~bee unto you scribes, pharisees, and hypocrites, which shut up
the king dome of heaven before men, and you yourselves enter not in,
neither suffer those which would enter to come in. These are they
which have come in another way, to the charge of soules, as it
appeareth. For if any man (saith Christ) come in ly me, he shall
le saved, and shall come in and goe out, and find pasture, (John
10.) These men doe not find pasture (for they never teach) and
draw others after them, that they should enter by Christ, which
alone is the doore, whereby wee must come unto the Father : but
set before the people another way 7, perswading them to come

7 Set before the people another way.~] This is illustrated by a passage from
another letter of Bilney to bishop Tonstal. " But here, whether Christ have
been a long time heard, I know not, for that I have not heard all the preachers
of England ; and if I had heard them, yet til it was within this yeere or two,
I could not sufficiently judge of them. But this I dare be bold to affirme,
that as many as I have heard of late preach, (I speake even of the most
famous) they have preached such repentance, that if I had heard such
preachers of repentance in times past, I should utterlie have been in despaire.
And to speak of one of those famous men (not uttering his name) : after he
had sharpely inveighed against vice, wherein he pleased every godly man,
forsomuch as it could not bee sufficientlie cried out upon, hee concluded ;
Behold, (said he) thou hast lien rotten in thine owne lusts, by the space of these
sixty yeeres, even as a beast in his owne dung, and wilt thou presume in one
yeere to go forward toward heaven, and that in thine age, as much as thou
wentest backwards from heaven towards hell in sixty yeeres ? Is not this think
you a goodly argument ? Is this the preaching of repentance in the name of
Jesus ? Or rather, to tread downe Christ with Anti-Christ's doctrine ? For
what other thing did he speak in effect, than that Christ died in vaine for

2G THOMAS BILNEY.

unto God through good works, oftentimes speaking nothing at
all of Christ, thereby seeking rather their own gaine and lucre,
than the salvation of soules : in this point being worse than they
which upon Christ being the foundation, doe build wood, hay,
and straw. These men confesse that they know Christ, but by
their deeds they deny him.

" These are those physitions, upon whom that woman which
was tw<-l\e y ceres vexed with the bloudie flixe, had consumc'd all
that shee had, and felt no helpe, but was still worse and worse,
untill such time as at the last shee came unto Christ, and after
had once touched the hem of his vesture, through faith, shee
was so healed, that by and by she felt the same in her bodie. — O
i nightie power of the Highest ! which I also miserable sinner have
often tasted and felt. Which before that I could come unto
Christ, had even likewise spent all that I had upon those ignorant
physitions, that is to say, unlearned hearers of confession, so that
there was but small force of strength left in me, (which of nature
was but weake) small store of mony, and very little wit or under-
standing : for they appointed mee fastings, watching, buying of
pardons, and masses: in all which things (as I now understand)
they sought rather their owne gaine, than the salvation of my
sicke and languishing soule.

" But at the last I heard speake of Jesus, even then when the
new Testament was first set forth8 by Erasmus. Which when I
understood to be eloquently done by him, being allured rather for
the Latine. than for the word of God, (for at that time, I knew
not what it meant) I bought it, even by the providence of (iod,
as I doe now wel understand and perceive : and at the first
r< ailing, as I well remember, I chanced upon this sentence of
Saint Paul (O most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soule !)
in his first epistle to Timothy and first chapter; //
saying aid //•<;/ M/V of all men to be imlraced, that Christ Jesus
came i/>f<> flu' world to save sinners, of whom I am t/« <•'

!f. This one sentence, through (Jods instruction and

inuard working, which 1 did not then pi-rceive. did so exhilarate

art, heiiio- l.d'nre wounded with the guilt of my shines, and

He will not be thy Jesus or Saviour: tlmu must make satisfaction for

I els,- ill,, 11 shn '| Acts, j>. 918.

irgt set forth.] In LSIfl thr (ireek Text of tin- N« \v '1 estament " was
first set forth" by Krasmus, but Bilney here alludes evidently to Erasmus'
Para; .ich wu8 first printed in i:>j 1.

THOMAS BILNEY. 27

being almost in despaire, that immediately I felt a marvellous
comfort and quietnesse, insomuch, that my brused bones leapt for
joy, (Psalm 50.)

" After this, the scripture began to be more pleasant unto me
than the honie or the honie comb : wherein I learned that all my
travels, all my fasting and watching, all the redemption of masses
and pardons, being done without truth in Christ, which onelie
saveth his people from their sinnes : these, I say, I learned to be
nothing else but even (as S. Augustine saith) a hastie and swift
running out of the right way ; or else much like to the vesture
made of fig leaves, wherwithall Adam and Eve went about in
vaine, to cover them ; and could never before obtaine quietnesse
and rest, untill they beleeved in the promise of God, that Christ
the seed of the woman, should tread upon the serpents head.
Neither could I be relieved or eased of the sharpe stings and bitings
of my sinnes, before that I was taught of God that lesson, which
Christ speaketh of in the third chapter of John ; Even as Hoses
exalted the serpent in the desert, so shall the Son of man be exalted ;
that all which beleeve on him should not perish, but have life ever-

" As soone as (according to the measure of grace given unto
me of God) I began to tast and savour of this heavenly lesson,
which no man can teach but onely God, which revealed the same
unto Peter ; I desired the Lord to increase my faith. And at
last, I desired nothing more, than that I being so comforted by
him, might be strengthened by his holy Spirit and grace from
above, that I might teach the wicked his waies, which are
mercie and truth, and that the wicked might be converted unto
him by me, which sometime was also wicked. Which thing,
whilest that with all my power I did endevour, before my lord
cardinall and your fatherhood Christ was blasphemed in me, (and
this is my onelie comfort in these my afflictions) whom with my
whole power I do teach and set forth, being made for us by God
his father, our wisdome, righteousnesse, sanctification and redemp-
tion, and finally, our satisfaction. Who was made sinne for us,
(that is to say, a sacrifice for sinne) that we through him should be
made the righteousnesse of God. Who became accursed for us, to
redeeme us from the curse of the law : Who also came not to call
the righteous, but sinners to repentance ; the righteous (I say)
which falslie judge and thinke themselves so to be ; (for all
men have sinned and lacke the glory of God ; wherby he freely

28 THOMAS BILXEY.

forgiveth sins unto al beleevers, through the redemption which is in
Christ Jesus) because that all mankind was grievouslie wounded
in him which fell amongst theeves betweene Jerusalem and
Jericho.

" And therefore with al my whole power, I teach that al men
should first acknowledge their sinnes and condemne them, and
afterward hunger and thirst for that righteousnesse, whereof St.
Paul speaketh ; (Rom. 3.) The righteousnesse o/ God by faith in
Jesus Christ, is upon all them which beleeve in him, for there is no
difference, all have sinned, and lacke the glory of God, and are
///.</ 1 tied freely through his grace, by the redemption which is 'm
Jesus Christ. The which, whosoever doth hunger or thirst for,
without doubt, they shall at the length so be satisfied, that they
shall not hunger and thirst for ever.

•• Hut forsomuch as this hunger and thirst was wont to bee
quenched with the fulnesse of mans righteousnesse, which is
wrought through the faith of our owne elect and chosen works,
as pilgrimages, buying of pardons, offering of candles, elect and
chosen fasts, and oftentimes superstitious, and finallie all kind of
voluntarie devotions (as they call them 9) against the which (Jnds
word speaketh plainelie in the fourth of Deuteronomy and in the
twelfth, saying, Thou shalt not doe that which seemeth good
thy selfe, but that which I command thee for to doe, that doe t/ajtr,
neither adding to, neither diminishing any thing from it : therefore
I say, oftentimes have I spoken of those workes, not condemning
them (as God I take to my witnesse) but reprooving their al
making the lawfull use of them manifest, even unto children;
exhorting all men not so to cleave unto them, that they be ing
>ati-tied therewith, should loath or wax wearie of Christ, as many
doe. In whom I bid your fatherhood most prosperouslie well to
I a re.

"And this is the whole summe. If you will appoint me to dilate
more at large the things here touched, I will not refuse to doe it,
so that yon will grant me time: for to doe it out of hand. 1 am
not able for the weaknesse of my body; being readie alwaies if I
have erred in any thing, to bee better instructed. "

After his abjuration made, about the yeere of our Lord 1 ."

' Voluntarie devotions (as they call them).~\ " Voluntary works besides, over
and al><>ve (Joel's commandments, which they call works of supererogation,"
&c. < 'liurch of Knglund.

THOMAS BILNEY. 29

the said Bilney took such repentance and sorrow, that he was
neere the point of utter despaire ; as by the words of M. Latimer,
is crediblie testified ; whose words for my better discharge, I
thought heere to annexe, written in his seventh sermon preached
before K. Edward, which be these :

" I knew a man my selfe, Bilney, little Bilney, that blessed
martyr of God, who what time he had borne his fagot, and was
come againe to Cambridge, had such conflicts within himselfe
(beholding this image of death) that his friends were afraid to
let him be alone. They were faine to be with him day and night,
and comfort him as they could, but no comforts would serve.
And as for the comfortable places of scripture, to bring them
unto him, it was as though a man should run him thorow the heart
with a sword. — Yet afterward for all this, he was revived and
tooke his death patientlie, and died well against the tyrannicall
see of Rome."

Againe, the said M. Latimer speaking of Bilney in another of
his sermons preached in Lincolnshire, hath these words following ;
" That same M. Bilney, which was burnt here in England for
Gods words sake, was induced and perswaded by his friends to
beare a fagot at the time when the Cardinall was aloft, and bare
the swinge. Now when the same Bilney came to Cambridge
again, a whole yeere after, he was in such an anguish and agonie,
that nothing did him good, neither eating nor drinking, nor any
other communication of Gods word : for he thought that all the
whole scriptures were against him, and sounded to his condem-
nation. So that I many a time communed with him (for I was
familiarlie acquainted with him) but al things whatsoever any
man could alleage to his comfort, seemed unto him to make
against him. Yet for all that, afterward he came againe ; God
indued him with such strength and perfectnes of faith, that he
not only confessed his faith in the gospell of our saviour Jesus
Christ, but also suffered his bodie to be burned for that same
gospels sake, which we now preach in England."

Furthermore, in the first sermon of the said M. Latimer before
the dutches of Suffolke 10, hee yet speaking more of Bilney, infer-

10 Dutches of Suffolke.'] Katharine, daughter and heir of William, lord
"Willoughby of Eresby, and fourth and last wife of Charles Brandon, duke
of Suffolk. She remarried Richard Bertie, and their issue became dukes of
Ancaster, earls of Lindsey, and earls of Abingdon. See " Five Generations
of a Loyal House," by the lady Georgina Bertie. The duchess of Suffolk
lived at Grimesthorpe in Lincolnshire.

30 THOMAS BILNEY.

reth as folio we th ; " Here I have (saith he) occasion to tell you a
storie which happened at Cambridge. M. Bilney, or rather St.
Bilney. that suffered death for Gods words sake, the same Bilney
the instrument whereby God called me to knowledge. For
I may thanke him next to God, for that knowledge that I have in
the word of God. For I was an obstinate papist as any was
in England : insomuch that when I should be made bacheler of
divinitie, my whole oration went against Philip Melancthon and
against his opinions. Bilney heard me at that time, and per-
r< ived that I was zealous without knowledge, and came to me
afterward in my studie, and desired me for Gods sake to heare
his confession. I did so : and (to say the truth) by his confes-
sion I learned more " than afore in many yeeres. So from that
time forward I began to smell the word of God, and forsake the
schoole-doctors and such fooleries." And much more hee hath
of the same matter, which yee may see hereafter in the life of
master Latimer.

By this it appeareth how vehementlie this good man was
pierced with sorrow and remorse for his abjuration, the space
almost of two yeeres, that is, from the yeere 1 529, to the yeere
1531. It followed then that he by Gods grace l and good coun-

11 / learned more.] See Index, under Confessions, private.

In his Conferences with Ridley, Latimer gives us the following good-
humoured account of this affair. " Sir, I begin now to smell what you
meane. By travelling thus with mee, you use me as Bilney did once, when
he converted me. Pretending as though hee would be taught of me, he
sought waies and meanes to teach me; — and so do you. I thank you there-
fore most heartilie."

1 He by Gods grace."] There is another passage, which, beyond doubt,
relates to Bilney. I give it therefore here : not, however, merely on that account,
but also for its intrinsic importance and value; inasmuch as it records a very
tig and instructive case in moral and pastoral theology.

" What is this same sinne agaynst the Holy Ghost? an horrible sinne that
never shal be forgiven, neyther in this worlde, nor in the worlde to come.
What is this sinne ? For all impenitencie, and (some saye) impugning of the
truth.

•One came to me once, that dispayred, because of sinne agaynst the Holy
Ghost. He was sore troubled in his conscience, that he should be damned,
and that it was not possible for him to be saved. I sayd to him ; AVhat. man,
((juotli \i comfort yourself in these worries of the apostle, Christtts est pro-
jutintio pro peccatis nostris. And agayne; My Father hath for thy.s pur

M into the worlde, that be \vhirhe beleveth in me may not perish, but
may have the life everlastyng. Also, in what houre soever the sinner shall
mourne for sinne, he shall be saved. I had scriptures enough for me, as I
thought : but say what I coulde say, he could more agaynst himselfe, that I

THOMAS BILNEY. 31

sell, came at length to some quiet of conscience, being fullie re-
solved to give over his life for the confession of that truth, which
before hee had renounced. And thus being fully determined in
his mind, and setting his time, hee tooke his leave in Trinitie
Hall at ten of the clocke at night, of certaine of his friends, and

could saye at that time to do him good withal ... I was fayne to take
another day, and did so. Let me goe to my booke (quoth I), and goe you to
your prayers, for ye are not altogether without fayth. I got me to my
studye : I read many doctours, but none could content me ; no expositour
could please me, nor satisfie my minde in the matter. And it was with me as
it is with a scholer of Cambridge, who beyng demaunded of his tutour howe
he understoode his lesson, and what it meant ; I know (quoth he) what it
meaneth, but I cannot tell it; I cannot expresse it. So I understoode it well
enough, but I could not well declare it. Neverthelesse I will bungle at it as
well as I can.

" Now, to tell you, by the way, what sinne it was that he had committed : he
had fallen from the trueth knowne. And afterward he fell to mocking and
scorning of it. And this sinne it was that he thought to be unforgiveable.
I sayd unto him, that it was a vehement manner of speaking in scripture :
yet (quoth I) this is not spoken universally; nor it is not ment that God doth
never forgive it ; but it is commonly called irremissible, unforgiveable ;
because that God doth seldome forgive it. But yet there is no sinne so great,
but God may forgive it, and doth forgive it to the repentant heart, though in
wordes it sound that it shall never be forgiven. As Privilegium paucorum non
destruit regulam unwersalem; the priviledge of a fewe persons doth not destroy
an universal rule. For the scripture sayth, Omnes moriemur, we shall dye
every one of us : yet some shall be rapt and taken away, as S. Paule sayth.
An irremissible sinne, an unexcusable sinne, yet to hym that will truely
repent, it is forgiveable ; in Christ it may be remitted. If there be no more
but one man forgiven ye may be that same one man. Where iniquity hath
abounded there shall grace abound. Thus, by little and little, this man came
to a settled conscience agayne, and tooke comfort in Christes mercy. There-
fore despayre not, though it be sayd it shall never be forgiven. Despaire
not : but this one thing I say, Beware of this sin that ye fall not into it. For
I have knowne no more but this man, this one man, that hath fallen from
the truth, and hath afterward repented, and come to grace agayne. I have
knowne many since: God hath opened myne eyes to see a little: I have
knowne many (I say) that knew more than I, and some whom I have hon-
ored, that have afterwardes fallen from the truth ; but never one of them,
this man except, that have returned to grace, and to the truthe agayne. . . .

"And thus I gather of this irremissible sinne agaynst the Holie Ghost,
that the scripture sayth, It is never forgiven, because it is seldom forgiven.
For indeede I think that there is no sinne, whiche God doth so seldome, nor
so hardly forgive, as this sinne of falling away from the truth, after that a
man once knoweth it. And indeede this tooke best place with the man that
I have told you of, and best quitted his conscience." — Last Ssrmon before
K. Edward, fol. 113,4.

32 THOMAS BILXEY.

said that he would goe to Jerusalem : alluding belike to the
words and example of Christ in the gospell going up to Jerusa-
lem, what time hee was appointed to suffer his passion. And so
Bilney meaning to give over his life for the testimonie of Christs
gospel, told his friends that he would goe up to Jerusalem, and
so would see them no more ; and immediatly departed to North-
folke, and there preached first privilie in housholds to confirme
the brethren and sisters, and also to confirme the anchresse2
whom ho had converted to Christ. Then preached he openly in
the fields, confessing his fact, and preaching publikely that doc-
trine, (which he before had abjured,) to be the very truth, and
willed all men to beware by him, and never to trust to their
fleshly friends in causes of religion. And so setting forward in
his journey toward the celestiall Jerusalem, he departed from
thence to the anchresse in Norwich, and there gave her a New
Testament of Tindals translation, and the Obedience 3 of a Chris-
tian man ; whereupon he was apprehended and carried to prison
there to remaine, till the blind bishop 4 Nixe sent up for a writ to
burne him.

In the meane season, the friers and religious men, with the
residue of their doctors, civil and canon, resorted to him, busilie
labouring to perswade him not to die in those opinions, saying,
he should be damned bodie and soule, if hee so continued. Among
whom, first were sent to him of the bishop, doctour Call, minister,
(as they call him) or provinciall of the Gray friers, and doctor
Stokes, an Augustine frier, who lay with him in prison in dispu-
tation, till the writ came that he should be burned. Dm-tmir
( 'all. by the word of God, through the meanesof Milncy's doctrine.

a The anchresse.] " And being there " (at Norwich) " secretly kept by a
certayne space, he had in the whyle resorte unto an ancresse, and there 1
secretly to sow his cockle, and brought unto her divers of Tindalles bookes."
Sir Thomas More's ll'orks, p. 349. "In Speed's ground plan of Richmond,
dated 1610, is a place marked as the * Anchriche,' or abode of an an-
choress. This was an institution of ancient date and long continuance here,
though the situation was much too public for retirement at all, and too un-
ronlined for the retirement of a female." It was, in fact, in the centre of the
town. See Whittaker's Hist, of Richmondshire, vol. i. p. 100.

3 The Obedience.] A valuable treatise by Tindal. See his H 'orks, p. 97—
183. fol.

4 The blind bishop] " Kpiscopus Norvicensis, Kicardus Nixus, coccus, n

jiie oculo captus; nee interim anitno minus quarn corpore lusciosus."

I r,,py. p. 124.

THOMAS BILNEY. S3

and good life, whereof hee had good experience, was somewhat
reclaimed to the gospels side. Doctor -Stokes remained obdurate,
and doth yet to this day ; whose heart also the Lord, if it bee his
will, reforme, and open the eies of his old age, that he may for-
sake the former blindnes of his youth ! Another great doer
against him was one Frier Bird, with one eie, provinciall of the
white friers. This Bird 5 was a suffragane in Coventrie, and after,
bishop of Chester, and was he that brought apples to Boner, men-
tioned 6 in the storie of Hawkes. Another was a blacke frier,
called Hodgekins, who after, being under the archbishop of Can-
turburie, married ; and afterward in Queen Maries time, put away
his wife. These foure orders of Friers were sent (as is said) to
bait Bilney ; who notwithstanding, as he had planted himselfe
upon the firme rocke of Gods word, was at a point and so conti-
nued unto the end.

5 This Bird.] John Bird, bishop of Bangor in 1539; translated to Chester
in 1541 ; deprived by queen Mary in 1553; died in 1556. He was the last
prior of the Carmelites in England.

6 Brought apples to Boner, mentioned.'] " The next daie came thither an old
bishop, who had a pearle in his eye, and hee brought with him to my lord a
dish of apples, and a bottle of wine : for he had lost his living, because he
had a wife." Fox's Acts, p. 1442. Bird was deprived in the beginning of
the reign of queen Mary, being a married ecclesiastic ; upon which he con-
formed to the old religion. — Whether Fox means that there was any further
mystery in these apples which he brought along with him, I am not able to
say with confidence. But perhaps they might be a-kin to a very choice stock,
mentioned in one of his sermons by old Latimer. " There was a patron in
England that had a benefice fallen into his hand ; and a good brother of mine
came unto him and brought him thirty apples in a dish, and gave them to his
man to carry them to his master. It is like he gave one to his man for his
labour, to make up the game; and so there was thirty-one. This man
commeth to his mayster, and presented him with the dish of apples, saying,
Syr, such a man hath sent you a dish of fruite, and desireth you to be good
unto him for such a benefice. Tush ! tush ! (quoth he) this is no apple matter.
I will none of his apples. I have as good as these, or as he hath any, in mine
owne orchard. The man came to the priest agayne, and told him what his
maister said. Then quoth the priest, Desire him yet to prove one of them for
my sake, he shall finde them much better than they looke for. He cut one
of them ; and found ten pieces of gold in it. Mary, quoth he, this is a good
apple. The priest standing not farre off, hearing what the gentleman sayd,
cryed out and answered, They are all one apples, I warrant you Syr; they
grew all on one tree, and have all one taste. Well he is a good fellow : let
him have it, quoth the patron, &c. — Get you a graft of thys tree, and I war-
rant you it shall stande you in better stede than all S. Paules learning."
Latimer's fifth Sermon before King Edward, fol. 65. Edit. 1584.

VOL. II. D

34 THOMAS BILNEY.

But here now commeth in sir Thomas More 7 trumping in our
way, with his painted card 8, and would needs take up this Thomas
Bilney from us, and make him a convert after his sect. Thus
these coated cardes, though they could not by plaine scriptures
convince him being alive, yet now after his death by false play
they will make him theirs whether he will or no. This sir Thomas
More in his railing preface before his booke against Tindal, doth
challenge Bilney to his catholike church, and saith, that not
onely at the fire, but many daies before both in words and writing,
he revoked, abhorred, and detested his heresies before holden.

Be it granted that Bilney at his death, did hold with the
masse, with confession, and with the authoritie of the Romish
church, being an humble spirited man, and yet no further brought9 :
yet all this notwithstanding proveth not that he recanted. For
so much as he never held nor taught any thing before against the
premisses, therefore he could not recant that which he never did
hold.

The whole summe of his preaching and doctrine proceeded
chiefely against idolatrie, invocation of saints, vaine worship of
images, false trust to mens merits, and such other grosse points
of religion, as seemed prejudiciall and derogatorie to the blood of
our Saviour Jesus Christ. As touching the masse, and sacrament
of the altar, as he never varied from himselfe, so he never differed
therein from the most grossest catholikes. And as concerning
his opinion of the church of Rome, how blind it was at that time.
may sufficiently appeare by his own answeres in time of his abju-
ration, written with his owne hand in Latine, which I have to
shew, as followeth1: "Credo plerasque leges pontificias utiU-s
esse, necessarias et ad pietatem quoque plurimum promovenus.

7 Commeth in sir Thomas More.'] See preface to the Confutation ofTyndales
Answer -e. Works, p. 349, 50. Also, p. 587.

8 With his painted card.] See Life of bishop Latimer, p. 452, and the
notes there. This evidently alludes to Latimer's Card Sermon.

9 No further brought.] This was in the natural course of things; that the
emancipation from long established errors, both in the cases of individuals,
and in the general mind of the community, should be progressive and gradual.
It was not till several years after the date here alluded to, that even Cranmcr
himself was " brought " to forsake the mass, &c.

1 As followeth.] These are the same as are given above in English, p. 11.
Answer to 3d Art. But, whether there is so much blindness, and gross
ignorance, in these particular citations, as Fox pretends, may, perhaps, be
justly doubted.

THOMAS BILNEY. 35

nee sacris scripturis repugnantes, imo ab omnibus plurimum obser-
vandas, &c. De omnibus non possum pronunciare, utpote quas
non legi ; et quas legi nunquam in hoc legi, ut reprehenderem, sed
ut discerem intelligere, ac pro virili facere, et docere. De multipli-
citate legum questus est suo tempore S. Augustinus, et item
Gersonus, qui miratur quomodo nos, post lapsum, inter tot laqueos
Constitutionum tuti esse possimus, quum primi parentes adhuc
puri, et ante lapsum, unicum prseceptum non observarint."

Moreover, concerning the authoritie of the keyes, thus he
writeth, answering to his twelfth article ; " Soli sacerdotes ordi-
nati rite per pontifices habent claves, quarum virtute ligant et
solvunt (clave non errante), quod et facere eos non dubito, quam-
libet sint peccatores. Nam Sacramentorum efficaciam non
minuit2, nedum tollit, ministrorum indignitas, quamdiu ab Ecclesia
tolerantur," &c.

By these words of Bilney written by him in Latine, although
it may be thought how ignorant and grosse he was after the rude-
nesse of those daies, yet by the same notwithstanding it may
appeare, how falsely he is noted and slandered to have recanted
the articles, which he did never hold or mahitaine otherwise in all
his life. And therefore (as I said) though it be granted that
Bilney was assoiled, was confessed, and houseled3 before his
burning, yet all this argueth not that he recanted.

Now for testimonie and witnesse of this matter, to be produced,
for so much as master More alleageth none to prove that Bilney
at his death did recant ; I will assaye what testimonies I have on
the contrarie side, to avouch and prove that Bilney did not
recant.

And for so much as Bilney was a Cambridge man, and the first
framer of that universitie in the knowledge of Christ, and was

2 Non minuit.'] See Art. XXVI. of the Church of England. " Of the unwor-
thiness of the ministers, which hinders not the effect of the sacrament." See
also above, Life of Wickliffe, vol. i. p. 214, note.

3 Houseled.'] Had the eucharist administered to him as to a person in danger.

" So it be doen in due manere,
A man to houselin and to shrive."

Chaucer's Plowman's Tale.
" A priest, a priest, Sir Aldingar,

While I am a man alive ;
A priest, a priest, Sir Aldingar,
Me for to housle and shrive."

Old Ballad of Sir Aldingar y in Percy's Reliques.
D 2

36 THOMAS BILNEY.

burned at Norwich, being not very far distant from Cambridge ;
there is no doubt, but among so many friends as he had in that
universitie, some went thither to heare, and see him. Of whom
one was Thomas Allen, fellow then of Pembroke Hall, who
returning the same time from Bilneyes burning, declared to doctor
Turner, deane of Wels, being yet alive, (a man whose authoritie
neither is to be neglected, nor credit to be distrusted) that the
said Bilney tooke his death most patiently, and suffered most
constantly, without any recantation, for the doctrine which he
before had professed.

In the citie of Norwich, Necton and many other be now
departed, which were then present at the burning of Bilney:
neverthelesse some be yet alive, whose witnesses, if need were, I
could fetch with a little labour, and will (God willing) as time
shall require. In the meane time, at the writing hereof, heere
was one Thomas Russell, a right honest occupier, and a citizen of
Norwich, who likewise being there present on horsebacke at the
execution of this godly man, beholding all things that were done,
did neither heare him recant any word, nor yet heard of his re-
cantation.

I could also adde hereunto the testimonie of another, being
brother to the archbishop of Canturburie, named master Baker 4,
a man yet alive, who being the same time present at the exami-
nation of Bilney, both heard him, and saw him, when as a certain**
frier called him heretike. Whereunto Bilney replying againe,
made answere, If I be an heretike (saith he) then are you an
antichrist, who of late have buried a certaine gentlewoman with
you in St. Francis cowle 5, assuring her to have salvation thereby.
Which fact, although the frier the same time did deny, yet this
cannot be denied, but Bilney spake these words : whereby he may
easily be judged to be far from the mind of any recantation :
according as by the said gentleman it is also testified, that after
that, he never heard of any recantation that Bilney either meant
or made.

If I should recite al, which heere might be brought, I might
sooner lacke roome in my booke to containe them, than names
enow to fill up a grand jurie. — But what need I to spend
time ;il)«»ut \\itwsse. when one master Larimer may stand for a

4 Master Bakcr.~\ John Baker, half-brother to archbishop Parker, to whom
he was treasurer.

• St. Francis cowle.'] See above, p. 15, and Index, art. St. Francis' cowl.

THOMAS BILNEY. 37

thousand, one martyr to beare witnes to another. And though
my friend Cope 6, pressing me with the authoritie of M. More,
saith, that he will beleeve him before me : yet I trust, he will not
refuse to credit this so ancient a senior, father Latimer, being
both in Bilneyes time, and also by Bilney converted, and familiarly
with him acquainted ; who being the same time at Cambridge, I
suppose would inquire as much, and could know more of this
matter, than master More.

Touching the testimoniall of which Latimer, I have noted
before, how he in three sundrie places of his sermons, hath testi-
fied of good Bilney, of that blessed Bilney, of Saint Bilney ', how he
died patiently against the tyrannicall see of Rome, &c. And in
another sermon also, how the said Bilney suffered his bodie to be
burned for the gospell sake, &c. Item, in another place, how the
said Bilney suffered death for Gods word sake.

I may be thought perhaps of some to have stayed too long
about the discourse of this matter. But the cause that moved,
and halfe constrained me thereunto, was sir Thomas More, some-
time lord chancellour of England, and now a great arch pillar of
ah1 our English papists, a man otherwise of a pregnant wit, full of
pleasant conceits, also for his learning above the common sort of
his estate, esteemed industrious no lesse in his studies than well
exercised in his pen. Who if he had kept himself in his owne
shop, and applied the facultie, (being a lay man,) whereunto he
was called, and had not overreached himselfe to prove masteries
in such matters, wherein he had little skil, lesse experience, and
which pertained not to his profession, he had deserved, not only
much more commendation, but also longer life.

But for so much as he, not contented with his owne vocation,
hath with Oza a reached out his unmeet hand to meddle with
Gods arke-matters, wherein he had little cunning ; and while he
thinketh to helpe religion, destroyeth religion, and is an utter
enemie to Christ, and to his spirituall doctrine, and his poore
afflicted church : to the intent therefore, that he being taken for
a special ringleader, and a chief stay in the popes church, might
the better be knowne what he is, and that the ignorant and
simple may see what little credit is to be given unto him, as well

6 My friend CopeJ] Dialogisex contra summi pontificis, monasticce vita, sanc-
torum, sacrarum imaginum oppugnatores et pseudomartyres. A.D. 1566. Antwerp.
The work, however, though published under Cope's name, was not written by
him, but by Nicholas Harpsfield. Tanner's Bibliotheca, Wood's Athence, &c.

» 2 Sam. vi. 6.

38 THOMAS BILNEY.

in his other false facing — out of matters, as namely in this
present historie of Bilneyes recantation : I have diligently searched
out and procured the true certificat of master Bilneyes burning,
with all the circumstances, and points thereto belonging, testified
not by somesayes and hearesayes (as master More useth) but
truely witnessed, and faithfully recorded by one r, who as in place
and degree he surmounteth the estate of master More (though
lie were lord chancellour) so being also both a spiritual person,
and there present the same time, comming for the same purpose
the day before, to see his burning, was a present beholder of
things there done, avToirr^g re KOL juaprve of his martyrdome,
whose credit I am sure will counterpease with the credit of master
More. The order of which martyrdome was this, as followed).

Thomas Bilney, after his examination and condemnation before
doctour Pelles, doctour of law and chancellour, first was degraded
by suffragan Underwood, according to the custome of their popish
manner, by the assistance of all the friers and doctours of the
same suite. Which done, hee was immediately committed to the
lay power, and to the two sheriffes of the citie, of whom Thomas
Necton was one. This Thomas Necton was Bilneyes special!
good friend, and sorie to accept him to such execution as followed.
But such was the tyrannic of that time, and dread of the chan-
cellour and friers, that he could no otherwise doe, but n
must receive him. Who notwithstanding, as he could not !>•
in his conscience himselfe to be present at his death ; so, for the
time that he was in his custodie, he caused him to be more
friendly looked unto, and more wholesomely kept, concerning his
diet, than he was before.

After this, the Friday following at night, which was before
the day of his execution, being Saint Magnus day and Satin
tin- said Hilney had divers of his friends resorting unto him in
tin- (iuildhall. where hee was kept. Amongst whom one of the
said friends findiinr him eating of an alebrew" with such a
rh'-i-ivfull heart and quiet mind as hee did, said, that he was ^lad
to see him at that time, so shortly before his heavie and painfull
departure, so heartily to refresh himselfe. Whereunto he an-
swered. " Oh," said he, " I follow the example of the husband-
men of the countrie, who having a ruinous house to dwell in, yet
is long as they may. to hold it up ; and so do I now
with this ruinous house of my bodie, and with Gods creatures, in

7 Recorded by one.'] " Dr. Parker, archbishop of Canturburie." Fox.

8 An alebrew.} An ale-posset.

THOMAS BILNEY. 39

thankes to him, refresh the same as yee see." Then sitting with
his said friends in godlie talke, to their edification, some put him
in mind, that though the fire which hee should suffer the next
day, should be of great heat unto his body, yet the comfort of
Gods Spirit should coole it to his everlasting refreshing. At this
word the said Thomas Bilney putting his hand toward the flame
of the candle burning before them (as also he did divers times
besides) and feeling the heat thereof, " 0 " (said he) " I feel by
experience, and have knowne it long by philosophic, that fire by
Gods ordinance is naturally hot ; but yet I am persuaded by
Gods holy word, and by the experience of some spoken of in the
same, that in the flame they felt no heate, and in the fire they
felt no consumption : and I constantly beleeve, that howsoever
the stubble of this my bodie shall be wasted by it, yet my soule
and spirit shall be purged thereby ; a paine for the time, whereon
notwithstanding folio weth joy unspeakable." And heere he much
entreated of this place of Scripture, (Esay 43.) Feare not, for I
have redeemed thee, and called tliee by thy name, thou art mine owne.
When thou goest thorow the water, I will be with thee, and the
strong flouds shall not overflow thee. When thou walJeest in the fire,
it shall not lurne thee, and the flame shall not kindle upon thee, for
I am the Lord thy God, the holy one of Israel. Which he did
most comfortablie entreate of, as well in respect of himselfe, as
applying it to the particular use of his friends there present, of
whom some tooke such sweet fruit therein, that they caused the
whole said sentence to be faire written in tables, and some in
their bookes. The comfort whereof (in divers of them) was never
taken from them to their dying day.

The Saturday next following, when the officers of execution
(as the maner is) with their gleaves and halberds were readie to
receive him, and to leade him to the place of execution without
the citie gate, called Bishop^s gate, in a low valley, commonly
called the Lollards pit, under Saint Leonards hill, environed
about with great hilles (which place was chosen for the peoples
quiet sitting to see the execution) at the comming forth of the
said Thomas Bilney out of the prison doore, one of his friends
came to him, and with few words, as he durst, spake to him
and prayed him in Gods behalfe, to be constant and to take his
death as patiently as he could. Whereunto the said Bilney
answered, with a quiet and milde countenance, " Ye see when
the mariner is entred his ship to saile on the troublous sea, how
he for a while is tossed in the billowes of the same, but yet in

40 THOMAS BILNEY.

hope that he shall once come to the quiet haven, he beareth in
better comfort the perils which he feeleth : so am I now toward
this sayling, and whatsoever stormes I shall feele, yet shortly
after shall my ship be in the haven ; as I doubt not thereof by
the grace of God, desiring you to helpe me with your prayers to
the same effect."

And so he going forth in the streets, giving much almes 9 by
the way, by the hands of one of his friends, and accompanied
with one doctour Warner, doctour of divinitie and parson of
Winterton, whom he did chuse as his old acquaintance, to be
with him for his ghostly comfort ; came at the last, to the place
of execution, and descended downe from the hill to the same,
apparelled in a lay mans gowne with his sleeves hanging downe.
and his armes out, his haire being pitiously mangled1 at his
degradation (a little single bodie in person, but alwaies of a
good upright countenance) and drew neere to the stake prepared,
and somewhat tarrying the preparation of the fire, hee desired

9 Giving much almes.'] " When the time and day appointed came that hee
should suffer, the shiriffes of the city with their officers and a great number of
the poore simple barbers, with rustic bills and pollaxes, went to the Northgate,
and there tooke out the said George Marsh, who came with them most
humbly and meekely, with a locke upon his feete. And as he came upon the
way towards the place of execution, some folks proffered him money, and
looked that he should have gone with a little purse in his hand (as the manner
of felons was accustomed in that citie in times past, at their going to execu-
tion, to the ende to gather money to give unto a priest to say trentals or masses
for them after their death, whereby they might, as they thought, be saved :)
but Marsh said he would not as then be troubled with medling with money,
but willed some good man to take the money, if the people were disposed to
give any, and to give it unto the prisoners, or poore people. So hee went all the
way unto his death, with his book in his hand, looking upon the same ; and
many of the people said, This man goeth not unto his death as a theife, or as
one that deserveth to die." Fox's Acts, p. 1423. Martyrdome of George Marsh.

1 His haire being pitiously mangled.] Previously to excommunication and
burning, the ecclesiastics, whether secular or religious, underwent the cere-
monial of degradation from their ecclesiastical orders, the particulars of which
varied according to the order and degree in the church to which the person
had attained. This marring of the hair, of which we shall meet with several
other instances in the progress of our history, is sufficiently illustrated by a
passage in the ceremonial of the degradation of William Sawtre, A.D. i
" Also we have caused thy crowne, and ecclesiastical tonsure in our presence
to be rased away, and utterlie to bee abolished, like unto the forme of a secu-
lar lay man : and heere doe put upon the head of thee the aforesaid William,
the cap of a lay secular person." Fox's Acts, p. 476. State Trialst vol. i.
p. 173. 8vo. 181G.

THOMAS BILNEY. 41

that hee might speake some words to the people, and there
standing, thus he said :

" Good people, I am come hither to die, and borne I was to
live under that condition, naturally to die againe ; and that ye
might testifie that I depart out of this present life as a true
Christian man in a right beleefe towards almightie God, I will
rehearse unto you in a fast faith, the articles of my Creed ;" and
then began to rehearse them in order as they be in the common
Creed, with oft elevating his eyes and hands to almightie God ;
and at the article of Christs incarnation, having a little medita-
tion in himselfe, and comming to the word crucified, he humblie
bowed himselfe and made great reverence ; and then proceeded
in the articles, and comming to these words, / leleeve the caiholike
church, there he paused and spake these words, " Good people I
must heere confesse to have offended the church, in preaching 2
once against the prohibition of the same, at a poore cure belong-
ing to Trinity-Hall in Cambridge, where I was fellow, earnestly
entreated thereunto by the curate and other good people of the
parish, shewing that they had no sermon there of long time
before : and so in my conscience moved, I did make a poore
collation unto them, and thereby ran into the disobedience of
certaine authoritie in the church by whom I was prohibited :
howbeit I trust at the generall day, charitie that moved me to
this act, shall beare me out at the judgment seat of God :" and
so he proceeded on, without any manner of words of recantation,
or charging any man for procuring him to his death.

This once done, he put off his gowne, and went to the stake,
and kneeling upon a little ledge comming out of the stake,
whereon he should afterward stand to be better seene, he made
his private prayer with such earnest elevation of his eies and
hands to heaven, and in so good quiet behaviour, that he seemed
not much to consider the terrour of his death, and ended at the
last, his private prayers with the 143. psalme, beginning, Heare
my prayer 0 Lord, consider my desire : and the next verse he
repeated in deepe meditation thrice: And enter not into judgement
with thy servant, for in tliy sight shall no man living be justified :
and so finishing that psalme he ended his privat prayers.

After that, he turned himselfe to the officers, asking them if
they were readie, and they answered, Yea. Whereupon he put

2 'In preachingj] It may be proper to notice, in passing, how different this
submission (to lawful authority) is to the doctrine and practice of many of the
early followers of Wickliffe.— Compare Art. XXIII. of the Church of England.

42 THOMAS BILNEY.

off his jacket and doublet, and stood in his hose and shirt, and
went unto the stake, standing upon that ledge, and the chaine
cast about him ; and standing thereon, the said doctour
Warner came to him to bid him farewell, which spake but few
words for weeping.

Upon whom the said Thomas Bilney did most gently smile,
and inclined his bodie to speake to him a few words of thanks,
and the last were these, " O master doctor, Pasce gregem tuum,
Pasce gregem tuum, ut, cum venerit Dominus, inveniat te sic fa<
if ni. That is, Feed your flocke, feed your flocke, that when the
Lord commeth, he may find you so doing : and farewell good master
doctor, and pray for me :" and so he departed without any
a us were, sobbing and weeping.

And while he thus stood upon the ledge at the stake, certaine
friers, doctors and priors of their houses being there present (as
they were uncharitablie and maliciously present at his examina-
tion and degradation,) came to him and said ; " O master Bilney
the people be perswaded that we be the causers of your death.
and that we have procured the same, and thereupon it is like
that they will withdraw their charitable almes from us all, except
you declare your charitie towards us, and discharge us of the
matter." Whereupon the said Thomas Bilney spake with a loud
voice to the people, and said ; "I pray you good people be never
the worse to these men for my sake, as though they should be
the authors of my death ; it was not they :" and so he ended.

Then the officers put reed, and fagots about his bodie, and
fire on the reed, which made a very great flame, which >j»arkled
and deformed the visour of his face, he holding up his hands
and knocking upon his brest, crying sometimes Jesus, sometimes
Credo. Which flame was blowne away from him by the violence
of the wind, which was that day and two or three daies before
notable great, in which it was said that the fields were marvel-
lously planned by the losse of corne : and so for a little pause, he
1 without flame, the flame departing and rocoursing thrice
he wood tooke strength to be the sharper to consume him :
and then he gave up the ghost and his bodie being withered bowvd
downeward upon the Hiaine. Then one of the officers with his
halherd Mimte out the Maple in the stake behind him. and stifl
hi- bodie to fall into the bottom of the fire, laying wood on it.
and so he was consumed.

\ e (good Readers) the true historie, and martyrdome
of this good man.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

What was philosophy in this extraordinary man, would be frenzy in one
who does not resemble him, as well in the cheerfulness of his temper, as in
the sanctity of his life and manners.

ADDISON.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE following Life of Sir Thomas More is now for the first time
submitted to the public. It was transcribed, by permission of
his Grace the archbishop of Canterbury, from a volume of manu-
scripts (No. 179) in the Lambeth Library.

It was the Editor's original intention to have contented himself
with a republication of the Life of Sir Thomas, composed by his
son-in-law, William Eoper, a valuable and authentic piece of
biography, and now not frequently to be met with. But, finding
in the archiepiscopal library two lives of Sir Thomas More,
neither of which had hitherto been printed, it became his duty, at
least to peruse those histories, for the sake of extracting from
them (under the favourable permission, so generously conceded)
such parts as might seem subservient to his present design. One
of these volumes, he was gratified to find, was of very considerable
antiquity, being written during the reign of Q. Mary, about the
same time with the account by Eoper, and probably in some part
of the year 1556 ; for the author speaks of the collection of Sir
Thomas's English Works, as then preparing for publication ;
which in the title-page bears date A. D. 1557. In many parts
this writer 1 treads closely in the footsteps of William Eoper ;

1 This writer^] From the words cited, this appears to be the same Life as
that which is quoted by the Cambridge antiquary, Mr. Thomas Baker (from
a copy in the library of Emanuel College in that University), in Burnet's
History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 400. Appendix.

In the course of my notes I have not hesitated to speak of it as the work
of Nicholas Harpsfield ; and on the following evidence. Harpsfield is men-
tioned as one of the biographers of Sir Thomas More, in the preface to the
Life now printed. The writer (whose name we are in quest of), near the end
of his volume, promises a special work on the Divorce between Henry VIII.

46 ADVERTISEMENT.

insomuch that if Roper's (as seems probable) was the earlier pro-
duction, he must have had a copy of that work lying before him :
but he has also communicated several additional particulars.

The other life (No. 179), which was written towards the end
of the reign of Q. Elizabeth (A.D. 1599), by a zealous papist, the
Editor found possessed the advantage of combining in one narra-
tive almost every thing of any value, that is to be found in the
two lives of Roper and Harpsfield, (already described) and often
in the very same words ; with the addition also of further mate-
rials collected from Stapleton and other sources.

On these accounts he presumes that his Readers will not regret
the change which has been made in favour of this subsequent
performance.

The author's name does not appear. At the end of the preface
he subscribes Ro : Ba : That preface, which is long and not
interesting, the Editor has taken the liberty to omit. The rest,
with one exception, mentioned in the notes, is given entire a.

The preface is preceded by the following commendatory epistle,
written by a friend of the author.

TO MY DEARE AND THRICE DEAR FRIEND R. II.

Of all mortall, most beloved, and most worthie to be beloved of Nee.

THE Collector of these papers communicated to me this first
copie with especiall charge to recommend them to my best, chief
and choysest friend. The fairest flowre of my garland is a red
rose : therefore to thee sweet Rose, by hest is this homage nunv
than dewe. Fair is the carnation for his vermilion blush ; delight-
some is the pansie for his interchangeable colours. The da
the primrose, the hyacinth, the pyana, for varietie of hue want

and Queen Catherine. But Nicholas Harpsfield is known also to have com-
posed a tract on that argument. (Tanner's Bibliotheca, p. 381.) And there-
fore the presumption is very strongly confirmed, that Harpsfield and the
author of this Life were the same person. The Harleian MS. C253 has, at
the end of the preface, the initials of his name, N. II. L. 1). There is another
copy among the Sloanian MSS., No. 1705, but it is imperfect at the begin-
ning, and has besides great omissions.

2 /* given entire.'] There are two manuscript copies of this work in the
British Museum, viz. Harleian 1302 (fol. 131) and Sloanian 828. The
former copy has not the preface.

ADVERTISEMENT. 47

not theire prayse. The corsmary, sweet margeram, balme,
lavender, though not so beautifull, yet sweet and odoriferous
is their scent. The fume of hilicampana is very pleasing. The
forme and fashion of the rose royall, french-marygold, cariophi-
lone, munckes-hoode, and columbine is very admirable : yet many
a shrub excels all these in vertue. But the aromaticall red rose,
for composition and forme gives place to none ; for scent and
beautie to be compared with the best ; but for medicinable vertue
and operation, none so much in request as the red rose, distilled,
preserved, conserved, pulverised, for eyes, for head, for stomache,
for heart ; of all hearbes and flowers the prime and soveraigne.
Wherefore in this respect also this little booke, being a sweet
posie of select and fragrant flowers, an epitome of celestiall
vertues, springing in the paradise of delights, the Life of Sir
Thomas More ; the walks whereof are paved with camimile of
humilitie ; the borders are set with patience, enamiled with
pinckes and violetes of rich povertie ; the knots are all of thyme,
intermingled with germander ever the same ; and here and there
hysope of mortification ; the rowes and hedges musk roses and
rosemary of sweet conversation ; the vacant plots are spangled
with flowres, the golden marygold of obedience, hearts-ease of a
settled conscience, flowers of Jerusalem of his desire to be in
heaven ; white lilies, puritie of his intentions ; red roses, the
glorie of his death.

So, most faire and comfortable of all flowres, I nothinge doubt
the acceptance of this Jewell. Symbolizing natures are easily
combined. A saincts life is a welcome theame to a sainctlike man.
Make happie thy good beginnings; knit up the end like the rest;
so shalt thou everlastingly live in blisse. And for the obtayninge
thereof I will not faile to pray. Farewell. Marche the 25. 1599.

Thine, os, cor et manus,

B. R.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

BOOK FIRST.

1. THOMAS MORE was borne in London1, the principall citie of
this noble realme of England, of a verie worshipful familie. His
fathers name was John More, a man pleasant and wittie in his
conceits. Verie cunning and expert he was in the lawes of the
realme. For his worthiness and well-deserving parts he was
advanced to be one of the judges of the Kings Bench, and to the
worshipful degree of knighthoode.

His mothers name is unknowne2. Brothers he had none.
Sisters two : Joane married to Richard Stafferton, an ancient
gentleman in his countrie ; and Elizabeth wife to John Rastall of
equal calling.

His mother, the first night after her marriage, sawe in her
sleepe the number of children she should have, written as it were
in her marriage ring ; and the formes, shapes, and countenances
of them all. One was very dim and obscure, and could skarcelie
be discerned ; for of one she suffered by an untimelie byrth an
aborsement. Another she saw full bright and beautiful, and
fairer than all the rest ; whereby no doubt was this lampe of
England prefigured.

One tyme as his nourse (and this is much to be noted) ridd
over a water, having this young babe in her armes, she was by
reason of the stumbling of her horse, in daunger of drowning.

1 Borne in London.~\ A.D. 1480. See Life of Sir Thomas More, by his
Great Grandson, Thomas More, Esq. p. 6. edit. 1726.

2 Name is unknowne.'] She was a daughter of Handcombe, of Holy-
well, in Bedfordshire.

VOL. II. E

50 SIR THOMAS MORE.

And that she might the better save herselfe and her child, on a
sudden (she) did cast the child from her over the hedge. She
after coming to the place with great feare, found the child without
bruse or hurt, smiling and laughing on her. This, no question,
was no obscure presage * of his future holiness.

2. The childe encreasing in age, his father, for his great care and
wisdome, provided him a maister, one Nicholas Holt, a learned
and discreet man, in St. Anthonies schoole4, in London. There
he learned the principles of the Latyn tongue 5 ; where in short
tyme he farr exceeded all his equals. His father, seeing his
towardness, provided that for his better education, he should IK-
brought up * in the house of the wise and learned prelate Cardinal

8 No obscure presaged] This is tolerably modest, and yet neither Roper nor
Harpsfield tell us any thing of this story. But Fanaticism is not wont to
stop at these low flights.

It may be worth the reader's remarking, that by means of the successive
lives which have been written of Sir Thomas More, we possess a curious
specimen of the aversion which Popery has from reforming itself : or rather
of its propensity to accumulate falsehoods and forgeries, even amid surround-
ing reformation and refinement. Sir Thomas More is deservedly a favourite
character with Romish biographers. Yet in Roper and Harpsfield, his ear-
liest historians, there is scarcely any thing supernatural. Stapleton, who
wrote (A.D. 1588), about thirty years afterwards, and at a distance from the
scene of action, being in exile at Douay, has detailed several miraculous
stories; but Mr. More, Sir Thomas's great-grandson, whose Life of his
ancestor came out in the year 1627, goes much further. We shall content
ourselves with citing one very short specimen.

u It was also credibly reported, that two of John Hay wood's sons, Jasper
and Ellis, having one of the teeth of Sir Thomas More betweene them, and
either of them being desirous to have it to himselfe, it suddenly, to the
admiration of both, parted in two." — More's Life of Sir Thomas More, p. 304.
See also p. 276, on the money miraculously supplied for the purchase of his
winding-sheet, &c. In an edition of this Life, A.D. 1 828, very strong evidence
has been adduced to prove that it was written not by a great-grandson,
Thomas, but by a younger brother of the same family, of the Christian name
of Cresacre, &c. Ellis Haywood wrote a work in Italian, which he entitled
"// 3/oro," in honour of Sir Thomas. May not we easily believe that, but
for the iniquity of the times, in another generation Sir Thomas More would
have been canonized, and worshipped ?

4 St. Anthonies schoole.'] Which was at that time the most eminent of any
in Ix>ndon. — Knight's Life of Colet, p 8.

5 The Latyn tongue.~\ Greek was yet no part of the institution in Grammar
schools There is no provision for the teaching that language even in the
statutes of Wolsey's new establishment at Ipswich, so late as in the year 1528.
See Strypc's Kecks. Mem. vol. ii. p. 94. Records.

• Brought up.] See before, Life of Wolsey, vol. i. p. 487, n. (•)

SIR THOMAS MORE. 51

Morton, archbishop of Canterburie ; who being a man of deep
judgment sone espied his pregnant and quicke wit. On a Christ-
mas tyme, Thomas being verie young, upon a sudden amongst
the players 7, without any fore-thinking on the matter, he would
play a part with them ; and with a verie good grace and liking.
For he did it so fitly and so pleasantly, that all the auditours had
more pleasure and admiration at him, than all the rest. But
especiallie the cardinal, who afterwardes would often tell the
nobles sitting at table with him, where young Thomas waited on
him, " Whosoever liveth to trie it, shall see this childe prove a
notable and rare man." So the bishop, having conceaved such
expectation, was verie careful to have him aunswerable unto it ;
that this goodly bud might grow to a faire flowre, and in tyme
burgion 8 forth his expected fruit.

So he caused this youth to be sent to Oxforde ; where for the
short tyme of his abode (being not there fullie two yeares) he won-
derfullie profited in the knowledge of Latyn and Greeke tongues,
and noe little in the knowledge of phylosophie. His maister in the
Greek was Thomas Linacre of great fame and experience. In
the tyme of his abode there his father so used the matter, to the
end he should onelie follow his learning and studie, that he allowed
him but onelie necessaries ; no not a pennie he would give him to
spend in waste or pastimes. So shortened of money, the fit and
forceable instrument to effect everie evell, he was rid of manye
occasions that hinder good proceedings. This frugalitie of his
father he afterwards often remembered and commended.

3. The father minding that the sonne should tread after his
steppes, called young Thomas from the universitie, and caused him
to settle his minde whollie upon the studie of the lawes of this
realme. Which studie he commenced first at New Inne, one of
the inns of chauncerie. After, he was admitted to Lyncolnes inne,
where he made such encrease of his cunning, that in little tyme
he attaigned to that degree, which his elders in manie yeares

7 Amongst the players^ We are not to wonder at plays being acted at
Christmas time, even by the household of the archbishop of Canterbury. It
is well known what is the case with respect to this practice in the statutes of
the colleges of both universities.

8 Burgion ] To spring, to bud; French, bovrgeonner.

" And tools to prune the trees, before the pride
Of hasting prime did make them burgein round."

Spenser's Faery Queen.
E 2

52 SIR THOMAS MORE.

studie could not atchieve, to be an utter barrister. — Now is the
common-lavve of this realme so intricate, various and obscure, as
it would requier a whole and entire man, all his life tyme or most
part thereof, to come to anye excellencie therein. After this, by
the whole bench of Lyncolnes inne it was thought meet to make
him reader in FurnivaPs inn, wherein he spent three yeares and
more to great profit of divers. But though his profit herein was
both substantial and speedie, yet continuallie he allotted himselfe
tyme to followe his studies commenced in Oxforde.

He red openly 9 in St. Laurence churche in London, St. Aus-
tins bookeZte CivitateDei, and that performed so profoundly and
exactlie, that all that heard him gave him singular commendations.
His lesson was much frequented, and honored with the presence
of the chiefe and best learned in the citie. Master Grocine, a
man of great learning would often come to hear him. This
Grocine read at the same tyme the bookes of Dionysius Areopa-
gita, but with a lesse auditorie than master More had. More in
his reading proved himselfe a divine, a philosopher, an historian :
for he must be furnished with these arts, that will read and ox-
pound these bookes of St. Austines as he did.

He was scene in geometrie, arithmitique, musick, and spake
French well : the knowledge whereof, though he were in France
some tyme, according to a laudable custome of our countrie,
especiallie in the better sort, to send their children thither to

9 He red openly. ] " About this time it was almost come to a custom for
men of distinguished parts and learning in that University " (Oxford) "to set
up voluntary lectures, by way of exposition or comment on some celebrated
writer; to which the students would repair more or less, according to the
opinion they had of the men, and their performances. Amongst others, we
are certain Mr. Thomas More did read upon St. Austin's book, De Civitate
Dei, while a very young man, to a great auditory ; the seniors and grave
divines not being ashamed to learn divinity from so young a layman."
Knight's Life of Dean Colet, p. 30. We have already seen mention made of
the Lecture read in St. Paul's Church, London, by William Grocine, upon
the Books of Dionysius Areopagita, De Hierarchia Eccltsiastica. See vol. i.
Supplementary Extracts. Indeed, says Dr. Knight, "it is plain that the
Public Lecturers, both in the Universities, and the Cathedral Church, took
the liberty of reading upon any book rather than the Holy Scriptures, till Dr.
Colet reformed that practice, and both in Oxford, and in St. Paul's, brought
in the more useful way of reading and expounding St. Paul's Epistles, or
some other parts of Scripture." Knight's Life of Colet, p. 67. See also Life
Cecil, Lord Burghley, edited by Arthur Collins, p. 6, and given below
in this Collection.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 53

learne the language and guise of that countrie, yet the most he got
was by his own Industrie here in England. In poetrie he had a
good grace. In his verse, whether it were English or Latyn, he
shewed as much pietie and devotion, as witte and art. His
epigrams were so well liked of amongst learned men, that Beatus
Rhenanus * and Leodegarius a Quercu 2 preferred him before all
the poets of that time. His felicitie in prose was much greater,
yea even at this tyme, thoughe he were young, and much occupied
and distracted with other studies.

4. You have hearde of his learning, and of what expectation
his beginnings were. If haplie virtue paced not equallie with
these studies and rare knowledge, it might happe all these good
parts to be drowned. For knowledge without virtue is as a ring
in a swines nose ; or as a good dish of meat of a sluts cooking.
Of such knowledge St. Paule telleth us the effect, scientia inflat,
knowledge doth puffe up, that is, makes us proud, disdainful, and
ministereth occasions of many synnes. But Ms age and virtue
equallie encreased.

In his youth or tender years he used to weare a cilice or hair-
shirt, and lay many nights on the ground, often on a borde ; or
else he used a blocke under his head. His sleepe was very short,
seldom or never above foure or five houres. He had great delight
to heare Gods word preached ; and for that, exceedingly loved
doctor Collet, deane of Paules, who was a very spirituall and
devoute man in his speache and sermons. He made and trans-
lated many spirituall works in this age ; as the Life of John
Picus, earle of Mirandula ; his Epistles, and the Twelve Rules of
a good life of the same earles. He made a very devoute booke
intituled De quatuor novissimis 3, wherein he describeth vice and
virtue even to the quick : but this work was never finished.

1 Beatus Rhenanus.'] So well known by this Latin appellation that
his vernacular name is not known : his father was Antony Bilde, of
Rheinach.

2 Leodegarius a Quercu."] i. e. Leger Duchesne, the apologist for the mas-
sacre of St. Bartholomew.

3 De quatuor MWtMtmtf.] Founded on the text " In omnibus operibus tuis
memorare novissima tua." Ecclus. vii. 40. There were two very popular
works on the same subject in Latin, which probably gave to Sir Thomas
the idea of his English book — 1. The " Cordiale de quatuor novissimis,'' attri-
buted by Fabricius to Henricus de Hassia, of which many editions were
printed (see Panzer, vol. v. p. 165), and of which an English version by
Antony Widvije, Earl Rivers, was printed by Caxton in 1479. Lord Rivers

54 SIR THOMAS MORE.

It seemed probable by some apparent conjectures that he had
a mind to be a priest, or to have accepted the habit of some reli-
gion. For he continued, after his reading above-said, some foure
yeares or more very orderly in great devotion and prayer in the
Charter House in London amongst the monks, but without any
manner of vow or profession. Some perhaps will say, seeing the
contemplative life farre exceeds the active, according to that of our
Saviours saying, Maria optimam partem elegit, qua non auferetur
ab ed, Marie hath chosen the best parte, which shall not be taken
away from her ; why did not he followe that inclination or inspi-
ration to be religious ? Perhaps the tymes fitted not in England
to have cloysterers aunswerable to their rules, for that at that
tyme they were much debased from their former sanctitie, which
soone after appeared by their waste, and havocke made of those
places : or else God peculiarlie chose this man in another kinde
of life, therein to serve him more for the glorie of his holy name,
the churches benefit, and his own soules good. And as God
appointed that worthy man John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, to
be the champion of the clergie, so he reserved Thomas More in
the degree of the laitie, to be the proto-martyr of England that
suffered for the defence of the union of the catholicke church.

5. About this tyme he was chosen a burgesse of the parliament,
in the latter dayes of king Henry the seventh. He was then at
the age of six or seven and twentie 4. At this parliament there
was concluded a marriage betweene James the fourth, king of
Scots, and Ladie Margaret, eldest daughter to our said king ;
and because great charges would thereby growe to the king, he
demaunded of the parliament about three fifteens. Now con-
sidering it was an ancient custom at all tymes, for such and the
like causes more than ordinarie, to presse the Commons; but
especiallie seeing this contract seemed to importe verie much the
good and quiet of this realme, it was thought there would be noe

translated it from the French, which exists amongst the MSS. of the Old
Royal Library in the British Museum. (19 C. III.) — 2. " Sermones quntuor
novisgimorvm perutiles et necessarii ;" this also has been often printt-d. In ths
old Catalogue of the Printed Books in the Museum both works are errone-
ously attributed to Thomas Aquinas.

4 Sir or seven and twentie.] At the time of the death of Henry VII. More
waa about eight and twenty years old. But in the year 1503, when the mar-
riage took place between the Princess Margaret and James the Scotish king,
his age could not be more than two and twenty.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 55

resistance made to their demaund. Howbeit Thomas More
misliked the matter ; and of that his so doinge gave openlie such
and so good arguments, that they of the Lower House were all
of his minde, and thereby the bill was quite overthrowne. Forth-
with Mr. Tyler 5, one of the privie chamber, that was there pre-
sent, resorted to the king declaring that a beardlesse boy, called
More, had done more harme than all the rest, for by his meanes
all the purpose is dasht.

The remembrance of this displeasure sunk deeplie into the
kings heart, and bred great indignation against master More,
readie upon anie occasion to burst out against him. But yet the
king forbare, least he might seeme to infringe the ancient libertie
of that place, which would have bin odiously taken, or haply
because master More had then little to lose. Yet was there a
causelesse quarrel devised against his father, whereby he was
committed to the Towre ; from whence he could not get dis-
charged, without paying a fine of a hundred pounds. Neither
yet was the sonne forgotten, but privie ways were sought to
entrap him, whereby the king upon some better colour might
fasten his displeasure upon him. This well knew master More,
and ever after lived in feare of the kings indignation ; and sup-
posing his abode here in England would be to his further daunger,
resolved to live beyond the seas. But the kings death not long
after ensuing, prevented that design ement.

6. All this while Thomas More was unmarried, and seemed to
have liked well to have led a single life. But in conclusion he fell
to marrying, and tooke to wife the daughter of one Mr. Colt 6, a
gentleman of Essex, who had three daughters very virtuous and
well-liking. And albeit his mind served him most to settle his
affection on the second sister, for that he thought her fairest and
best favoured, yet when he considered it would be a grief to the
eldest to see her youngest sister preferred before her, he then, of
a certaine pitie, framed his fancy toward the eldest. Yet he
discontinued not his studies in the lawe, but still applied the
same untill he was called to the benche ; and he red there twice
in Lincolnes inne, which is as often as ordinarilie any judge
doth.

After his marriage he placed himselfe in Bucklersburie, where

5 Mr. Tyler.'] Sir William Tiler. See Carlisle's Inquiry, &c , p. 21.

6 One Mr. Co//.] Seep. 111.

56 SIR THOMAS MORE.

he had by his wife three daughters and one sonne, whose name
was called John More, after his grandfather's name. The
daughters were thus disposed of: Margaret after married to Mr.
William Roper ; Cicilie married to Mr. Giles Heron ; Elizabeth
was wife to William Daunsey : which children he brought up in
virtue, and knowledge both of the Greeke and Latyn tongue. He
would often say to his children, u virtue and learning must be
their meate, play but as it were the sauce." Of his care in this
point we shall hereafter, as occasion serveth, speak more at
large.

7. Whilst he would plead anie man's cause, this was his
custome : to give such faithful and good counsaile that the client
might soone perceive he sought not his owne private commoditie.
— First he would persuade them to make up the matter, and
agree amongst themselves. If so be they would not, then he
shewed them which way with least charge and trouble they might
wage law. And never he tooke cause in hand, that he did not
seriouslie and advisedlie examine the justice and equitie thereof.
And if he found it to halt therein, he would tell his client he
would not meddle 7 in that matter, for all the good in the
world.

7 He would not meddle.] " We talked of the practice of the law. Sir Wil-
liam Forbes said, he thought an honest Lawyer should never undertake a
cause which he was satisfied was not a just one." " Sir, (said Mr. Johnson,)
a Lawyer has no business with the justice or injustice of the cause which he
undertakes, unless his client asks his opinion, and then he is bound to give it
honestly. The justice or injustice of the cause is to be decided by the judge.
Consider, Sir, what is the purpose of courts of justice? It is that every man
may have his cause fairly tried, by men appointed to try causes. A Lawyer
is not to tell what he knows to be a lie. He is not to produce what he knows
to be. a false deed ; but he is not to usurp the province of the jury and of
judge, and determine what shall be the effect of the evidence ; what shall be
the result of legal argument. As it rarely happens that a man is fit to plead
his own cause, lawyers are a class of the community, who, by study and
experience, have acquired the art, and power of arranging evidence, and of
applying to the points at issue what the law has settled. A Lawyer is to do
for his client all that his client might fairly do for himself, if he could. If by
a superiority of attention, of knowledge, of skill, and a better method of com-
munication, he has the advantage of his adversary, it is an advantage to which
he is entitled. There must always be some advantage, on one side or other ;
and it is better advantage should be had by talents than by chance. If Lav,
were to undertake no causes till they were sure they were just, a man might
be precluded altogether from a trial of his claim, though, were it judicially

SIR THOMAS MORE. 57

Now, for his good skill and sinceritie, the citie wherein he
first breathed gave him his first office. For he was made under-
sheriffe of London, when he was not above twenty-eight yeares of
age ; which office as it is very worshipful, so it is not verie com-
bersome. In this place he dispatched more matters than ever
did any before. No man ever used himselfe more sincere and
upright than he, and lesse exacting; for often he forgave his
owne fee. Yet by this office, and learned counsaile, (for there
was not any matter of weight or importance in any of the
prince's courts, that he was not retained for counsaile on the one
partie or the other) without grudge of conscience, or injurie to
anie man, he gained above four hundred pounds yearlie.

The citie dearlie loved him, and for his wit, learning and expe-
rience had him in great esteem ; in so much that the English
merchants, and the strangers of the Stilyarde 8, sent him twice as
ambassador beyond the seas, althoughe he neither desyred nor
liked to be imployed in such offices : for he was wont to say, " he
liked not to be banished from his owne countrie. and shut up in a
towne, where perhaps neyther the land nor the ayre be very good
and wholsome." But especially he misliked these ambassages, as
subject to contentions and altercations, which of his owne nature
he did much abhorre, but especially in a strange countrie with
great princes; and where he suffered no little damages. For
though he were worshipfully provided for, for the defraying of his
charges, yet he suffered by his absence far greater losses. And
therefore he would merrilie say, " that there was great difference
betwixt a lay-man and a priest to be sent in ambassage ; for a
priest need not to be disquieted for wife, children and familie :
for the first two they lacke, the other they may take all with
them. And though I am not an evil husband, father, or maister,
yet I cannot so fashion my houshold that my absence shall as
well instruct, please, and provide for them as my presence." Yet
he many tymes was sent in most honorable embassages 9 by the
king his maister. Twice he was joined in commission with car-
examined, it might be found a very just claim." Boswell's Tour to the
Hebrides, p. 14. See also below, Life of Sir Matt. Hale, or Index, Barristers.

8 Strangers of the Stilyarde.~\ The merchants of the Hanseatic League, who
resided in the Stilyard in London, and enjoyed great privileges.

9 Honorable embassages.'] In April 1519 he was joined in commission with
Thomas Ruthall, bishop of Durham, Cuthhert Tunstal, and Richard Pace,
to treat with the commissioners of Charles V. See also the note at the next
page.

58 SIR THOMAS MORE.

dinal Wolsey10; when he went into Flanders to Charles the
fifth l, and an other tyme 2 in France. He was ambassador when
the famous peace betweene Charles the emperor Ferdinando king
of the Komaines, and Francis the first of France, anno 15293,
wa> made. Yet these paincs he most misliked : but being once
put upon him, he fore-stood nothing for the happie expedition of
the same. And so he demeaned him selfe for the merchants,
that at his returne he purchased to him selfe great credit and
estimation, both with them and the king; who at his home-
cominge offered him for recompence an annual pension duryng his
life, which though it were both honorable and commodious, yet
he refused it, lest the citizens might conceive some sinister sus-
pition, that when any controversie should happen concerning
their privileges, betweene the king and them, (as often it hap-
]>< iicth), that he would not have been himselfe upright, being as
it were feed and hired with the pension.

8. Moreover this king Henry was in hand with cardinal
Wolsey to procure him unto his service. The cardinal did not
slacke the matter, but dealt with him incontinently, and in very
earnest manner, to serve the king ; saying it was meet and con-
venient, and it could not be but for his advancement to do so.
Yet he was very loath to change his estate, and so wrought the
cardinal by his faire speeche, that by him the king was satisfied
for that tyme. But his estimation and fame every day so
increased, that after a while the king would by no manner of
entreatie be induced to forbeare his service. And this was upon
this occasion.

There chanced a great ship of burden of the popes t<> arrive
at Southampton, the which ship upon some title the king
claimed as a forfeiture. The popes ambassador then resident
in the realme, upon suit got a graunte of the king, to retain
lii> niaistcr some learned in the lawes and custumes of the realme ;
and that the matter might be opcnlie heard and di- bated in his
owne presence. Amongst <*ill the lawyers choice was made of
Mr. More, as one esteemed not partial, and verie skilful in ti
affaires. He in the presence of the lordes of the council, in the
Starr Chamber, where the matter was heard, so leaniedlie and

10 With cardinal H o/Lwy.] See Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, vol. i. p. 488.
1 He went into Flanders to Charles the fifth.] In 1521. See vol. i. p. 488.
» And an another tyme.'] In 1527. See vol. i. p. 488.

8 Anno 1529.] He was joined in commission with (luthhcrt Tunstal,
bishop of London, Dr. William Knight, and John Hackett.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 59

substantiate argued in the defence of his cause, that he wonne
to the pope his ship, and to him selfe great renoune and prayse
in the mouthe of everie one.

Upon this the king entertained him for him selfe, and gave
him this notable and worthie lesson, " that in all his doings and
affaires touching the king, he should first respect God, then the
king his maister." This lesson he willinglie heard, and most
effectuallie performed. At this first entrance into the kings
service, he was made master of the requests, and within a month
after knight, and one of the kings privie council. And in a
short tyme, after the death of Mr. William Weston, under-
treasurer of the exchequer. And upon the death of Sir Richard
Wingfield he was chauncellor of the dutchie 4 : and after the
death of the lord cardinal 5, highe chauncellour of England,
the first lay-man that ever possessed that place in king Henry
the eighths tyme.

9. It may seem strange, that Mr. More should be thus
advanced, for he alwaies shewed himselfe to have more respect to
weal publique, than to the kings gaine or pleasure. But it
followeth, that either the king was at this tyme a marvelous
good prince, or that he had not that experience of his upright
and plaine dealing ; and this can I hardly believe. For he
could not but know, how in his fathers tyme, in a parlia-
ment, whereof we spake before, he had demened himselfe in
hindering the bill of three fifteenths that it passed not. But
especialle, that which I shall now declare unto you, he could not
but remember.

In the fourteenth yeare of his majestie's reigne, a parliament
was summoned, where the commons chused Mr. More for theire
speaker, and presented him in the parliament house ; where he
disabled himselfe6, as a man unmeet for that office. Among
other things he brought forth a storie of the noble Hannibal,
"to whome at a certaine tyme, Phormio made a solemne decla-

4 Was chauncellor of the dutchie.'] Of Lancaster.

5 After the death of the lord cardinal.'] More correctly, "after the dis-
grace of the Lord Cardinal," for it was in Michaelmas term, 1529. Wolsey
died 29th Nov. 1530.

6 Disabled himselfe.'] " The Commons chose for their Speaker Sir Thomas
More. He according to the usage, disabled himselfe, both in wit, learning,
and discretion, to speak before the King." Stowe's Annals, p. 519. edit.
1615.

60 SIR THOMAS MORE.

ration concerning chivalrie and the feates of warre, which was
liked by many. But Hannibal, being demanded what he thought
thereof, answered, 1 1 never heard a more proud arrogant foole,
that durst take upon him to instruct the flower and maister of
chivalre in his owne profession."* So (quoth Sir Thomas), I may
well looke for the same rebuke at the king's hands, if I should
arrogate so much as to speake before him of the weeldirig and
governinge publique affaires ; seeing that he is so wise, learned,
and expert in matters of his estate. Wherefore my humble
petition is, that the commons may freely chuse some other for
their speaker." But the cardinall answered, " that the king had
sufficient proofe of his every way sufficientie, and that the com-
mons could not chuse a meeter man." In the end, when the
king would not consent to the election of any other, he spake to
his Grace in form following.

" Sith I perceive, my renowned soveraigne, that it standeth
not with your highness"* pleasure to reforme this election, but
have by the mouth of the most reverend father in God, the
legate, your high chauncellor, given your most royall consent,
and have of your benignitie determined farre above that I may
beare, to enable and repute me meete ; rather than you would
seeme to impute unto your commons any note of indiscretion for
their unfit choice ; I am therefore, and shall be alwaies readie
obedientlie to conforme myself to the accomplishment of your
soveraigne command ; in most humble manner beseeching your
most noble majestic, that I may, with your grace's favour, before
I enter further thereunto, make my humble intercession unto
your highness for two lowlie petitions ; the one privatelie con-
cerning myselfe, the other for the whole assemblie of the com-
mons house. For myselfe, gratious soveraigne, that if it mis-
happen me, in any thing hereafter on the behalfe of your commons
in your highness' presence to be declared to mistake my message,
and for lacke for good utterance, and mis-rehearsal to pervert
and impaire their prudent instructions, it may then like your
noble majestic, of your aboundant grace, with the eye of your
accustomed pittie to pardon my BimpleneaB, ^ivin^ me leave to
repair* auaine to the commons house, and there to confer \\ith
them, and to take tlieire substantial advice, what things, and in
what wise I am to utter; to the intent their prudent de\ice> and
affaires be not by my simpleness and follie hindered and impaired :
which tiling if it should mis-happe (as it were well liekelie. if'ymir

SIR THOMAS MORE. 61

gratious benignitie releved not my oversight,) it would be, during
my life, a perpetual grudge and heaviness to my heart. The
helpe and remedie, in manner afore remembered, is, most gratious
soveraigne, my first lowlie suit and humble petition to your noble
grace.

" My other humble request, most excellent prince, is this.
That, for as much as there be of your commons, here by your
highness1 commandment assembled, a great number which are,
after accustomed manner, appointed to treat and devise of the
common affaires amongst themselves apart : and albeit, most
deare and liege lord, that according to your prudent devise, by
your honorable writs every where declared, there hath been as
due diligence used, in sending up to your highness1 court of
parliament, the most discrete persons, out of everie quarter, that
men could esteeme fit ; whereby it is not to be doubted, but that
there be here present a verie substantial assemblie of right wise
and politique persons, yet, most victorious prince, sith amongst
so manie wise men, neither is everie man wise alike, nor amonge
so manie all alike well witted, is everie man alike well spoken ;
and it often happeneth, that likewise as much follie is uttered
with painted and polished speeches, so many men, boysterous and
rude in language, yet give right good and substantial counsaile :
sith also, in matters of great importance, the minde is often so
occupied in the matter, that a man rather studieth what, than
how to say, by reason whereof the wisest man and best spoken in
a whole countrie fortuneth sometimes, while his mind is fervent
in the matter, somewhat to speake in such wise as he would after
wish to have been uttered otherwise, yet his meaning no worse
when he spoke it, than when he would so gladlie change it :
Therefore, most gratious soveraigne, considering that in your
highness" court of parliament, there is nothing uttered but mat-
ters of weight and importance, concerning the realme and royal
estate, it could not faile but to let and put to sylence from giving
their advice and counsaile manie of the discreet commoners, to
the great hinderance of publique affaires, except everie man there
were utterly discharged of all doubt and feare, how anie thing
that should happen them to speake, should happen of your high-
ness to be taken : and in this point, though your well known
and approved benignitie putteth everie man in right good hope,
yet such is the weight of the matter, such the reverend dreade,
that the timerous hearts of your natural subjects conceive towards

62 SIR THOMAS MORE.

your highness1 majesty, most renowned soveraigne, that they can-
not in this pointe find themselves satisfied, except your gracious
bountie herein declared, may put away the scruple of their time-
rous mindes.

" May it therefore like your aboundant grace, our most be-
nigne king, to give to all your commons here assembled, your
most gratious licence and pardon, freely without all doubt of
your dreadful displeasure, everie man to discharge his conscience,
and boldly in any thing incident amongst us to declare his advice ;
and whatsoever happen any man to say, that it may like your
noble majestie, of your inestimable goodness, to take all in good
parte, interpreting every man's words, how uncomely soever they
be couched, to proceed yet of good zeale towards the profit of
your realme, and the honour of your royal person ; the pros-
perous estate and preservation whereof, most excellent sove-
raigne, is the thing which we all, your most humble loving sub-
jects, according to our bounden dutie, of natural alleageance,
most highlie desyre and pray for. Dixi."

At this parliament cardinal Wolsey found himselfe much
agrieved with the burgesses thereof, that there was nothing said
or done therein but that it was immediately blowne abrode in
every alehouse. It fortuned at that parliament a great subsidie
to be demaunded, which the cardinal, fearing would not passe
the commons house, determined for the furtherance thereof to be
there personally himselfe : before whose coming they themselves
much debated, whether it weere better to receive him with a few
of his lords, or with all his traine. Most were of opinion the
first were the best. At last Mr. More said in this manner,
" Maisters, for as much as my lord cardinal lately, you wote well,
laid to our charge the lightness of our tongues, for things uttered
out of this house, it shall not be amisse, in my minde, to receive
him with all his pompc7, with all his maces, his pillars, his poll-
. his crosses, his hatt, and the great scale too ; to the intent.
that if he finde the like fault hereafter with us, we may be the
bolder, from ourselves, to lay the blame upon them whom he
brin^eth with him."1 \Vhereunto the whole house atjiv.-iiiu-. he-
was received accordingly. Where, after he had, in a solemn
oration, by many reasons proved, how necessarie it was the d< •-
mamid to be graunted ; and further shewing that les>e would

7 With all hispompe.] See Cavendish's Life of WoUey, vol. i. p. 491—94.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 63

not serve to maintaine the princes purpose, he, seeing the com-
panie sit still silent, and aunswering nothing, contrarie to his
expectation, shewed themselves not verie forward to incline to
his request, said unto them, " Maisters, you have many wise and
learned men among you : and sith I am from the king's own
person sent hither unto you, for the preservation of yourselves
and all the realme, I thinke it mete you give me some reason-
able answere." Where everie man holding his peace, then began
he to speake to one Mr. Marnee ; who making no answere, he
severallie asked the same question of divers others, accounted
the wisest amongst them ; to whom then none of them all woulde
yeeld so much as one word, being before agreed as the custom
was, by theire speaker to make answere, " Maisters," quoth the
cardinal, "unlesse it be the manner of your house, as of likelihoode
it is, by the mouthe of the speaker, whom you have chosen for
trustie and wise, as indeed he is, in suche causes to utter your
mindes, here is, without doubt, a marvelous obdurate silence ;"
and thereupon required aunswere of Mr. Speaker. Who first
reverently, upon his knees, "excused the silence of the house,
abashed with the presence of so noble a personage, able to amaze
the wisest and best learned in the realme ; and after many pro-
bable arguments, that for them to make aunswere was neither
expedient, nor agreeable to the auncient libertie of the house ; in
conclusion, for himselfe he shewed, that althoughe they had all
with theire voices trusted him, yet except every one of them
would put into his head all their several witts, he alone was un-
meet, in so weightie a matter, to make his grace aunswere."
Whereupon the cardinal displeased, sodenlie arose and departed.
This the cardinal forgot not ; for the next daie sending for
him, in his gallerie of White-Hall, at Westminster, he uttered
unto him what he conceived. " Would to God," quoth the car-
dinal, " you had been at Rome, Master More, when I made you
Speaker." " Your grace not offended, so would I, my lord "
(quoth he) : "for then should I have seene those holie places, that
I have often and much desired." And after some walkes in
silence, to winde such matters out of the cardinal's head, he
began to talke of the gallerie, and saide, " I like this gallerie of
yours, my lord, much better than that of Hampton Court." So,
wisely he brake off the cardinal's unpleasante talke ; so that the
cardinal, as it seemed, wist not what to say to him, but flung
from him without anie more speaking ; and for revengement of

64 SIR THOMAS MORE.

his displeasure, counselled the king to send him ambassador into
Spaine, that there he might either die, or not retorne againe in
haste. But that jorney tooke not effect, through his owne en-
treat ie, and sweet demeanoure to the king.

The truth is, the cardinal never loved him ; yea rather feared
him, least in tyme the fame of his wit, learning, and virtue should
blemish and dimme the glorie of his owne prayses. For the
cardinal, thoughe he were adorned with manie good qualities, yet
he was of an exceeding ambitious humor, and aspiring nature ;
and so in love with his well-doing, that he fell into a certaine
phrensie of over-weening of him selfe.

All these things considered, that the cardinal never trulie
loved him, nor the king could conceave anie great hope that he
would be corrupted to speake against good and equitie, I say it
was not a little strange to see Mr. More thus advanced. But
the providence of Almightie God so appointed that so great a
light should not be put under a bushel, but reared on the hills of
worldlie felicitie, to shine unto them who wilfully have extin-
guished their owne lampes and eyes, and yet possesse the same
rooms, but with far different conditions.

10. Thomas More, being in the king^s service, never was there
any one man that the king used more familiarly. The king, upon
holy dayes, when he had done his devotions, did often send for
him unto his traverse, and there sometyme of matters of astro-
nomic, geometric, divinitie, sometymes in matters of state, sit
and confer with him. And other whiles he would in the ni^ht
have him up to his leads, there to discourse with him the div
ties, courses, motions, and operations of the stars and planets.
Both the king and the queene tooke great comforte and pleasure
in his merrie and pleasant conceited witt. They would verie
often call for him, in the tyme of their supper, to be merries and
recreate themselves withal. Whome when Sir Thomas p« -iv« -iv< •<!
liis talke so much to delight, that he could skarce in a moneth
get leave to goe home to his wife and children *, or to be absent
two dayes togeather from the court, but that he was sent for
againe, he much mislyked this restraints of his lilu-rtye. and be-
ganne thereupon somewhat to dissemble his natuiv. and liy little

8 To his wife and children.'] " Thus he represents to his friend Peter <
the manner of his treating them : Nempe rcvcrso domum, cum uxore fabu-
landum est, garriendum cum libcris." Roper's Life, p. 33. Jortin's Life of
Erasmus, vol. iii. p. 310. Appendix.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 65

and little to disuse himselfe from his accustomed myrth, so that
he was not from thenceforth so ordinarilie sent for.

Yet the king took such pleasure in his companie, that he would
oftentymes on a suddaine come to his house at Chelsey, to talke
and be merrie with him. Whither on a tyme unlocked for, while
Sir Thomas was chancellour of the duchie he came to dynner to
him ; and after dinner in a faire garden walked with him by the
space of an howre, holding his arme about his neck ; of all which
favours he made no other account, than a deepe wise man should
doe, and as the nature and disposition of the king, which he well
perceived, did require. Wherefore even at this tyme, when
flattering fortune seemed most to smile upon him, and all things
seemed as faire as faire might be, or he could wish, he well con-
sydered the brittle estate of men that be in the highest favour of
princes. Wherefore, when after the king^s departure, his sonne
in law, Mr. William Roper, verie glad to have seene this, came
to him saying, " Sir, how happie are you, whome the king hath
so familiarly entertained, as I never sawe him to doe the like to
any, except to the lord cardinall, with whome I saw his grace
once walke arme in arme ! " Sir Thomas aunswered in this sorte :
a I thanke God, sonne William, I find his grace my very good
lord and maister ; and I doe believe he doth as singularlie favoure
me as he doth any subject within this realme. Howbeit sonne
Roper, as I shall tell thee, I have noe cause to be proude of it ;
for if my head would wynne him a castle in France, it should not
faile to flie from my shoulders, as fast now as it seemeth to
sticke."

Thus Sir Thomas spent twenty yeares or more in the king's
service, with as great countenance and well liking of his grace as
ever did any ; yet in the end he was but evil recompenced, as
hereafter it shall appeare.

BOOK THE SECOND.

1. As we have spoken of his offices, and carriage in publique
affaires, and for his countrie, so now it is meet to recount his
secret and domestical life with his wife, children, frendes, and
others.

VOL. ir. F

66 ,SIR THOMAS MORE.

First, in Sir Thomas is principallie to be considered, as the
roote and heade of all his doings, that alwayes he had a special
care and regard to God- ward, and to keepe his conscience syncere
and upright.

It was his custome to rise every daie verie earlie ; and on his
knees, after he had commended himself to God, he said his
Mattins, the Seven Psalmes9, the Li tan ie with the Suffrages, often
tile iJirifje, and the Graduall Psalmes, and certain*.- other devout
prayers, both in Latyn and Kuglishe, of his owne making.
Besides, he selected certaine psalmes out of the psalter, and made
himselfe a prettie little volume 10 ; and to reade all, or most part*-
thereof, everie morning, he seldome omitted* After all this,
every day, feast and ferie, he heard masse with reverence and
devotion; and before the end, for to receive the benediction of
the priest, he would in noe case departe, though the king had
sent for him, once, twice, and thrice. He was wont to say he
would come to the king presentlie, " after I have done my dutie
and devoire both to his and my maister, the King of kin

He was very desirous to be solitary, and sequester himselfe from
worldly companie, the better to recollect himselfe to God. And

9 The Seven Psalmes.'] These psalms, otherwise called the seven penitential
psalms, are inserted in all Primers, and were often commented upon by
ancient devotional writers. Dante translated them into Italian verse. They
are the 6th, 31st, 37th, 50th, 101st, 129th, and 141st. The suffrages are the
Svffragia Sanctorum, or short prayers to the saints. The Dirige also consti-
tutes a part of the Primer. It is now corrupted into " Dirge." Of the fifteen
Gradual Psalms, or, as they are called in our Bibles, " Songs of Degrees,"
being Psalms 120—134, see Durandi Rationale, lib. v. cap. 2. numb. 39.

10 Pretlie little volume.~\ The custom of using the Psalter in an abri
form is of great antiquity : the Psalterium abbreviatum attributed t
Jerome occurs in very many of the old service books and books of devotion.
Kvcn to a few verses great value was attached. In a " prettie little volume,"
a " Psalterium" put forth by Casper Hochseder at Nuremberg in 1497, (cer-
tainly one of the smallest books printed in the fifteenth century, for it is only
2£ inches in height by 1$ inch in width), is this strange story told of St.
Bernard of Clairvaux, " Legitur in vita sancti Bernhardi abbatis ('l;trev;illis,
quod demon semel sibi apparuit, dicens se scire octo versus in p.salterio, quos
qui quotidie diccret, tantum ineriti acquireret ac si totum psalterium Davitirum
decantasset; et cum beatus Bernhardus instaret ut sibi eosdem versus osten-
ilrret. ill<- vem facere recusaret : tune beatus Bernhardus. • Scio.' iuquit, 'quid
faciam : nam quotidie legam totum psalterium, deinceps sirque pr.rdictos
versus non omittam.' Quod cum audisset demon, ne tantum honum I
posset sibi. hos versus ostendit." 'ITie verses are (in the Vul^n'-

Pa. xii. 4. lllumina oculos meos. xxx. 6. In manus tuas. zxxviii. 5. Locutus

SIR THOMAS MORE. 67

therefore to satisfie the better this his good purpose, he builded
at Chelsey, a good distance from his mansion-house, a place which
was called the New building, wherein was a chapel, a librarie, and
a gallerie ; in which, as his use was upon other daies to occupie
him in prayer and studie, so on the Fridaies there usuallie he
continued from morne till night, and oftentimes all night, spending
his tyme in devoute prayers and spiritual exercises. He used
often to punish his body with discipline n, especiallie every Fridaie,
great saincts eves, and at the fower tymes of ember weeke, with
whipps made of knotted cords. He used to weare a cilice, yea
often when he sate as high chancellour in judgment seat. But
because he would not be noted of singularitie, he conformed him-
selfe outwardlie to other men of the same state and vocation.
This no person did know but l his daughter Margaret, whome he
best trusted ; causing her sometymes, as need required, to wash his
shirt of haire. Once it chanced as he sate at supper in the summer
tyme, single in his doublet and hose, wearing upon the same shirt
of haire, a plaine linen shirt, without ruff or collar, that his sonne
Johns wife spied the same, and beganne to smile at it. His
daughter Margaret, marking the matter, presentlie told her father

sum. Ixxxv. 17. Fac mecum signum. cxv. 16. Dirupisti vincula meet. cxli.
5. Periit fuga a me. cxli. 6. Clamavi ad te.

11 To punish his body with discipline.'] "Then shalt thou understand, that
bodily pain (penance) stont in discipline, or teaching by word or writing, or
by ensample. Also in wearing of heer or stamin, or of habergeons on her
naked flesh for Christes sake ; and that such maner penaunces ne make not
thine heart bitter or angrie, ne annoyed of thy selfe ; for better is to cast away
thine heer, than to cast away the sweetnesse of Jesus Christ. — Then is disci-
pline also, in knocking of thy breast, in scourging with roddes, in kneeling, in
tribulation, suffring patiently wrongs that been doen to thee ; and also in
patient suffring of sicknesse, or lesing of worldly goodes, or cattel, or wife,
child, or other frendes." Chaucer's Parson's Tale, p. 197. edit. 1687.

1 Did know but.'] Thus we saw in the Life of Wolsey that " in afternoons
he would sit in contemplation with one of the most ancient fathers of the
Charter House in their cells, who converted him, and caused him to
despise the vain glory of the world : and gave him shirts of hair to wear, the
which he ware divers times after." And again ; with regard to the secrecy
practised in this discipline ; — " in which bag was no other thing inclosed, but
three shirts of hair, the which he delivered unto his chaplen and ghostly
father secretly." And again ; after his death, it was found " he had upon
him, next his body, a shirt of hair, (besides his other shirt, which was of
very fine holland,) which was not known to any of his servants, being conti-
nually about him in his chamber, saving to his ghostly father."

F 2

68 SIR THOMAS MORE.

of it. He, being sorrie that it was scene, straight amended it,
but spake not a word thereof.

In his parish church at Chelsey he build ed a faire chapel, and
endowed it with many rich ornaments ; and to the church where
he dwelt he gave copes, chalices, images, &c. And he would
often say, " let good folkes give apace, for there will be found too
many that will take away as fast." So much he loved the beautie
and glorie of the house of God, that if he had scene a faire and
comelie man of personage, he would say, " it is pittie yonder man
is not a priest, he would become an aultar well." The like he
would say of jewels and precious stones ; and in his Aunswere to
the Supplication of Beggars he exhortes gentlemen and ladies to
give to the church their rings, bracelets, borders, and the like ;
" for by keeping them," quoth he, " they but minister matter for
vanitie, and so for punishment ;• in giving them, procure merit
and spiritual benediction."

And, the more to doe honour to God^s service, he used, yea
when he was lord chancellour, to sit and sing in the quire with a
surplice on his backe. And once it happened, that the duke of
Norfolk3, coming to Chelsey to dyne with him. found him in that
manner. After service going home with him, anne in arme, he
said after this fashion, " Gods bodie, Gods bodie, lord chancellour,
a parish clarke ! a parish clarke3 ! you dishonour the king and his
office." "Nay," quoth Sir Thomas smiling upon the duke.
"your grace may not thinke, that the king, your muster and
myne, will be offended with men for serving of God, his maister ;
or by this my present behaviour account his office dishonoured."
Sir Thomas spake both devoutly, and like a wise man.

2 Duke of Norfolk.'] The victor of Flodden field.

* A parish clarke.~\ " So we rede of Kynge Roberta of Fraunce, that was
a connyng man, and so devout toward Goddes Sarvice, that he wolde be in
eche feaste in some Monastery for Divine Servyce. And not only he wolde
synge with the monkes, but also he wolde do on a cope, and stande and synge
as a Chantoure in myddes of the Quier. Whereof it hapned on a tyme whan
he beseged a Castel that was rebel agenst him, and the feast of Saynt Anyan
fell to be the same tyme at Orleaunce ; he lefte his hoste at sege, and went
thyder, and toke a cope, and songe in the middes of the Quier, as he was
\vonte to do. And when he came to Agnus Dei, and had begonne it thrice
with nn hy^li voyce, knelyng downe at each tyme on hys knees, the walles of
the Castell, that was besieged, fell downe soddcnly to the grounde : and so
tin- Castel was destroyed, and his enemys overcomen.— And thus ye may se,
that there is no better armure of defence agenst all enemyes, than d«
syngyng of our Lordes service." Mirror of our Lady, fol. 13. A.D. 1530.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 69

And this was one virtuous and godly custome of his, that when
he had committed to him any matter or office of importance, he
would goe to the church, and would be confessed, heare masse,
and be houseled ; and commend the matter to God, whose glorie
he principallie intended in all things he tooke upon him. He
would often goe on pilgrimage to holie places, but allway on
foote 4. In his processions in the Rogation week, he would be
present. And once when the procession was to goe (according to
the custome) to the confines of the parish, for his state and dig-
nitie he was requested to ease himselfe with a horse. He
answered, " God forbid he should follow his maister 5 on horse-
back, when lie went on foote." And this was much worth the
noting : such reverence he bore to holy and sanctified places, that
there he would neither talke nor confer of any temporal matter,
thoughe the matter were of weight and speedie, and his leisure at
other tymes but very short.

2. There was nothing in the world that more pleased and com-
forted him, than when he had done some good deed to other men ;
of whom some he relieved with his money, some by his authoritie,
some by his good worde, some with his good counsail. Never
was there anie man that sought relief and help at his hands,
that went not from him cheerful. For he was, as a man may
say, the publique patrone of the poore, and thought he had pro-
cured himself a great benefit or treasure, as often as he could
by his counsail or other wise, pleasure and ease the mind of
anie man in anie difficult matter, either ghostlie or bodilie ; or
if he could pacifie any that were at variance and debate. He
would before he was chancellour goe by obscure places and lanes,
and give his almes verie liberallie, not by the pennie or half-pennie,
but sometymes five, ten, twenty, thirty, forty shillings, according
to everie ones necessitie. He often invited his poore neighbours

4 But allway on foote.~] " Quod in Anglia (says Stapleton) vix plebei
faeiunt." Tres Thomce, p. 88. The pilgrims to Becket's shrine, so cele-
brated by Chaucer, were all on horseback.

5 Follow his maister J] This refers to the Crucifix, or else to the elements of
the Eucharist, both of which (at dhTerent periods) were wont to be carried in
the front of these processions. Stapleton, I see, adopts the former interpre-
tation. Tres Thomce, p. 87- " Non tantum proponunt panem eucharisticum
divino cultu adorandum, sed etiam ilium in equo gradario, quocunque ipsi
iter faeiunt, ut olim ignem Persicum aut Isidis sacra, circumferunt." Juelli
Apolog. Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 394. This "equus gradarius" was
only for occasions of special pomp and solemnity. See Harding against
Jewell, and Jewell's Defence.

70 SIR THOMAS MORE.

to his table, and would be merrie and pleasant with them. But
those that were riche and of wealthe seldom were invited. In
Chelsey he hired a house for lame, poore and old men, and kept
them at bed and at borde, at his owne cost and charges.

3. Sir Thomas was of a mild, gentle and patient nature. lie
never hated any. For he would say, " Either he whom I hate is
good or bad. — If he be good, then am I naught to hate him. If
he be ill, either he will amend, and so be saved ; or else persevere
ill, and so everlastinglie perish. If he shall be saved, why should
I hate him whom eternallie I must love, like, and delight in ? If
he shall be damned, his torments and paines shall be so great and
intolerable, that rather we have cause to pitie and have compas-
sion for his miserie, than to add affliction to affliction, in hating
and envying him." Mr. William Roper, for sixteen yeares space
he lived in his house, never sawe him so much as once in anie
fume or choler.

On a tyme, when he was lord chancellour of England, the
water bailiffe of London, sometyme his servant, having heard,
where he was at dynner, certaine merchants falsely to slander and
raile against his old maister, waxed so discontented therewith,
that he came hastilie to Sir Thomas, and told him what he had
heard. " And were I, Sir,"" quoth he, " in that authoritie and
place that your lordshippe is, surelie such men should not be suf-
fered, so villanouslie and falslie, to misreporte me : wherefore I
would wish that they were called to their answere, and aeeord-
inglie punished for theire iU tongues." Sir Thomas smiling upon
him said, " Why. Mr. Water-baylie, will you have me punish
those, by whome I receive more benefit, than by you all that he
my friendes? Let them, in Gods name, speake as lewdlie of me
as they list, and shoote never so manie arrowes at me; so none
liit me, what am I the worse for that? But if they .should hit
me, then it would not a little trouble me. I have more cause, I
a »i ire you, Mr. Water-baylie. to pitie. than to be angrio \\ith
them: and 1 pray you, do you the like."1

He would never sinister-lie or suspiciouslie take anie tiling ^ i it
ten, done, or spoken against him. perverting and \vrin^in^ it to
the worst, but make alwaies the best of every matter: and \\hen
the fft'uin could not be defended, he would defend tli
except it were too apparent evil.

If it happened anie learned man to resort to him from Ox-
ford»'. Cambridge, or else\\here. as divers did. >om<- for de>iiv of
hi> acquaintance. BOOM for the famous reporte of his wisdom and

SIR THOMAS MORE. Yl

learning, some for his counsaile in law matters, and to fall into
argument and dispute with him ; he would gladlie accept of such
discourses, and therein he would shew such skill that few were
found comparable unto him. And at length, if he perceived they
could not holde further disputation without some inconvenience,
lest he should discourage or make them blush, he would, as one
that sought not his owne glorie, seeme to be conquered : and to
animate them in theire studies, he would seeme more desirous to
learn of them than to teache.

A little before 6 he was chancellour, it happened by negligence
of one of his neighbours carts, all his barnes, and corne, and
parte of his dwelling-house to be burnt ; whereof when he under-
stood it, he was not a whit moved ; and being at the courte when
it happened, he presentlie wrote a comfortable letter to his wife,
willing her, her children, and all her familie to repaire to the
church, and give Grod thanks, who might have taken awaye all
the resydue ; and willed diligent searche and inquirie to be made,
what damage his poore neighbours had taken thereby, which he
said should be recompenced to the uttermost. The copie of
this letter, because it is both sweet and devout, I will put it
downe, as I finde it in his owne workes, word for word.

" Maistres Alyce7, in my most hearty wise I recommend me
to you.

" And whereas I am infourmed by my son Heron, of the losse
of our barnes, and our neighbours also, with all the corne that
was therein : albeit, saving Gods pleasure, it is grete pitie of so
much good corne lost, yet sith it hath liked him to sende us
such a chaunce, we must, and are botmden, not only to be con-
tent, but also to be glad of his visitation. He sent us all that

6 A little before.'] " Sir Thomas More was made Lorde Chauncellour of
England in Michaelmas terme, in the yere of our Lord 1529, and in the 21st
yere of King Henry VIII. And in the latter ende of the harvest then next
before, Sir T. More, then Chauncellour of the Duchy of Lancaster, being re-
tourned from Cameray in Flanders, where he had been embassadour from the
Kinge, rode immediatly to the King at Woodstock. And while he was there
with the King, part of his owne dwelling house at Chelsey, and all his barnes
there full of corne, sodenlie fell on fier, and were burnt, and all the corne
therein, by the negligence of one of his neighbours cartes that carried the
corne ; and by occasion thereof were divers of his next neighbours barnes
burnt also." Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1418. A.D. 1557.

7 Maistres AlyceJ] His second wife, the widow of Middleton.

72 SIR THOMAS MORE.

we have lost ; and sith he hath by such a chaunce taken it away
againe, his pleasure be fulfilled ! Let us never grudge thereat,
but take it in good worth, and hartely thank him, as well for
adversitie, as prosperitie. And peradventure we have more
cause to thank him for our losse, than for our winning. For
his wisdome better seeth what is good for us than we do
ourselves.

" Therefore, I praye you, be of good chere ; and take all the
houshold with you to church, and there thank God both for that
he hath given us, and for*that he hath taken from us. and for
that he hath left us. which if it please him, he can encrease when
he will. And if it please hym to leave us yet lesse, at his pleasure
be it ! I praye you to make some good ensearche what my
poore neighbours have loste, and bidde them to take no thought
therefore : for and I should not leave myself a spoone, there shall
no poore neighbour of mine bear no losse by any chaunce hap-
pened in my house. I pray you be with my children and your
houshold merry in God : and devise somewhat with your friendes,
what waye were best to take for provision to be made for corne
for our household, and for seede this year coming, if ye think it
goode that we keepe the ground still in our handes. A ml whether
ye thinke it good that we shall do so or not, yet I think it wnv
not best sodenlye thus to leave it all up, and to put awaye our
folk of our farme, till we have somewhat advised us thereon.
Ilowbeit if ye have more nowe than ye shall neede, and which
can get them other maisters, ye may then discharge us of them.
But I would not that any man were sodenly sent away he \
never whither.

uAt my coining hither, I perceived none other, but thai I
.should tarry still with the king's grace. JJut now I shall. I
think, because of this chance, get leave this next week to come
home, and see you: and then shall we further de\ iher.

upon all thin^es. what order shall he hest to take. And thus
as liartely tare you well, with all your children, as ye can wishr.
At Woodstoke, the thirde daye of Septeinhre. by the hand of
your loving husbande

" THOMAS MOKI-.

Towards his father he gave many proofes of his natural affection
and lowlie inindc. Whensoever he passed through \Vestiuiii>t»T
Hall to his place in the chanccric by the court of the

SIR THOMAS MORE. 73

Bench, if his father who sat there as judge, had been set downe
ere he came, he would goe to him, and reverently kneeling downe
in sight of all aske him blessing. This virtuous custome 8 he
alwayes solemnlie observed ; though then men after theire
marriages thought themselves not bound to these duties of
younger folkes. If they had at readings at Lincolnes inn or
elsewhere chanced to have met togeather, he would offer in argu-
ments and other observaunces the preheminence to his father,
though for his office the father would not accept of it. These
respects of an obedient child he kept whilst his father lived ;
and after he never forgat, both by hartie prayers, and manie
tender remembrances of his virtue. In his death-bed he often
came to visite him, and gave him most comfortable words,
and procured all helpes both for bodie and soule, that in such
cases be requisite. After his departure out of this world, with
sighes and teares taikinge him about the necke he kissed and
imbraced him, and commending his soule into the hands of his
Creator caused many good prayers to be said for his soules
ease.

And for all this gentle and meeke disposition of nature, yet
his adversaries the Lutherans laid to his great charge, that
towards Luther, Pomerane9, Tindall, Frith, Barnes, and such
other filth, he was very uncurteous and uncivill, that would in
writing against theire blasphemous hereses, presume without
great reverence forsooth to rehearse their worshipfull names.
But thus he aunswered himselfe. " If," quoth he 10, " anie of the

8 This virtuous customeJ] " Non detrectavit publice in palatio Westmonas-
terii, loco judiciorum publico, a Patre flexis genibus, juxta optimum gentis
nostra morem, benedictionem petere. Solent enim apud nos liberi quotidie mane
ac vesperi benedictionem flexo poplite ab utroque parents petere. Qui mos si
apud alias quasdam gentes obtineret, haberent parentes filios magis morigeros,
haberet respublica subditos magis obsequentes, haberet ecclesia fideles magis
obedientes. Tametsi vero etiam apud nos viri jam facti, et vel conjugati, vel
ad aliquam nobiles, hoc obsequii genus parentibus suis amplius non praestent,
tamen Thomas Morus pro insita sibi a teneris annis pietate et humilitate,
etiam sceptra Anglicani regni gerens, et primus post regem, senem patrem
hoc honore prosequi non recusavit." Stapletoni Tres Thoma> p. 12. edit.
1588.

9 Pomerane^] i. e. John Bugenhagen, who was a native of Pomerania.

10 ttjf," quoth he.'] See Sir Thomas More's Works, p. 865. The extract is
not made with scrupulous exactness. And it is hardly necessary to remark,
that the same is true of the pretended citations, given a little below, from
Martin Luther.

74 SIR THOMAS MORE.

new learned use theire wordes at theire owne pleasure, as evill
and as villanous as they list against myself, I am contented to
forbeare the requiting thereof, and give them no worse wordes
againe, than if they had spoken me faire. But using themsi
against saincts, church, sacraments, priest, prince, people, and all
that have been and are catholiques, so ungraciously and ungodlie
as they do, faire words I will not give them. If they speake me
foule they shall the better please me, for I delight not to have
the pleasant oile of heretikes cast on my head : and the worse that
folks speake or write of me, for hatred of the catholike faith, for
my part they doe me the greater pleasure. But rayling as they
doe against all holies, I purpose not to beare that so patienttie,
as to forbeare to let them heare some parte of their langu.
though not with that grace that they doe it. For to match them
herein, I neither can though I would, neither would I if I could ;
thinking it much worth rebuke, therein to strive for inaistrie.
For in railing standeth all theire revel ; with railing is their
roast meat basted, all their pots seasoned, all theire pye meate
spiced, and all their manchet made of it." He added further.
" If these gospellers,1" saith he, " will not cease to be heretiks,
let them at least be reasonable heretikes, and honest men ; let
them write if not reason, yet after a reasonable manner, and 1
rayling. Then hardlie let these evangelicall brethren find fault
with me, if I use them not in words as faire and as milde as
the matter may beare ; but assure them, if they write as they
doe, I will handle them no otherwise than I have done V

1 Than I have done.~\ It may well be doubted whether this apology can be
regarded as satisfactory. It is certain that George Joye, George Constantino,

even Vox himself, as we have occasionally seen), expressed themselves
in very coarse and intemperate language. But will this justify a man in the
circumstances of Sir Thomas More, writing against Luther and others, in
such a manner as is described in the following extract from bishop Atterlmry ?
" Sir Thomas More took up the quarrel : a man (as they tell us) much a
Christian, much a gentleman, and naturally of great mildness and random1:
who yet forgot himself so far in this answer to Luther, that he has there
thrown out the greatest heap of nasty language, that perhaps ever was put
together. The book throughout is nothing but downright ribaldry, without
a grain of reasoning to support it; and gave the author no other repir
but that of having the best knack, of any man in Kurope, at railing bad
names in good Latin .... If the reader has a rnind to see railing in perfec-
tion, let him open any page of this book, and he will have a glut «
Atterbury's J-'jiislolary Correspondence, Visitation Charges, &c., vol. iii. p.
A.D. 1784. ["Yet

SIR THOMAS MORE. 75

Luther theire great patriarche of Germanie, drunken with the

" Yet he shewed mercy to one for his wit, as I have read in an old MS.
For, examining a Protestant, whose name was Silver, he told him, after his
jesting way, that ' Silver must be tried in the fire.5 ' Ay,' said Silver, ' but
quick-Silver will not abide it.' With which ready answer being delighted, he
dismissed him." Strype's Eccles. Mem., vol. i. p. 205.

" There is one standing excuse for a favourite writer which may pass cur-
rent for every thing that is offensive, whatever be its kind or degree — that is,
the manners of the age. Only take that with you — take it, perhaps, from
some writer who repeats the phrase like a parrot, without knowing any thing
about the age or its manners or language — take it only on trust as a phrase
to which you do not, perhaps, yourself affix a very clear idea, and it is sufficient
to cover any sin against propriety and decorum, and almost religion. With
this salvo you may be expected to read with edification such things as if spoken
or written in the present day would be considered absolutely ungodly and
profane.

" If, however, we wish to form a true judgment, this point must be looked
into and settled. It is quite clear that some words and phrases which were in
common use three hundred years ago, and which had then no character of
coarseness, would be considered intolerably gross in the present day ; but
this, really, has nothing to do with the matter now under consideration. No
more has any notion that may have been set on foot respecting the free, blunt,
plain speech of our forefathers. It is not with coarse words or plain speech
as such that we are concerned ; though, at the same time, the use of coarse
language in particular circumstances and to particular persons must be taken
into account. I suppose, for instance, that there never was a period in the
history of the united Church of England and Ireland when it would have
been thought quite common-place and Christian for the Bishop of Ossory
deliberately, and in print, to address the Bishop of London as a ' beastlye
belly-god and dampnable donge-hille.'

" But one of the most material, and in an historical point of view most
injurious, effects of this sort of misrepresentation is, that it comes to be taken
for granted that the fierce and virulent scurrility of some of the puritan libels,
which cannot be entirely concealed or defended, even by the most thorough-
going partizans, was not characteristic of the writers, but of the times.
Bishop Burnet is even kind enough to make a sort of an excuse for Sir
Thomas More, by saying, ' he wrote according to the way of the age with
much bitterness' (Hist, of Ref . vol. i. p. 31); and so the bishop's readers
may naturally infer that, whatever may be meant by ' much bitterness,' and
whatever degree of it may be found in Sir Thomas More's works, it belonged
not to the man, but was * the way of the age ' — that it was the way of peo-
ple in those days ; very wrong, no doubt, but at the same time as good for
one as for another ; the puritans abused the papists, and the papists abused
the puritans, tit for tat. As if Sir Thomas More and John Bale were as like
as two peas.

" Now, as far as I have yet been able to learn, this is really a false view of
things. It is true enough that each party abused the other, and that many

76 SIR THOMAS MORE.

dreggs of heresie, belched forth a filthie booke, farst * full of lies
and blasphemies, intituled De Captivitate Balylonica. This booke
in part was aunswered by King Henry VIIL, in a work of his
written for the Defence of the Seven Sacraments. With this
booke was Luther mightilie stung and offended ; and having not
to aunswere, fell to rayling and scoffing; and through all his
aunswere to the king useth almost no other figure, but saucie
malepeart; and plaieth the verie varlet; and in plainc words
giveth the king the lie, which to the majestic of a king, no man
may utter by the lawes of nations ; and useth so foule and un-
seemlie words, that a very ribbalde would blush to use the lik<>.
And this he saith : " Forasmuch as the pope, emperor, bysshopps.
priests, laitie, and all that be good, condemne my doctrine ; it
shall be as lawful for me, to accurse and condemne tin in. Yea
to checke and to rate them, I will spit out of my mouth all the
dirt, mucke, japes that I can upon theire owne heads, crownes
and scepters." With such like, or worse shameful stutt' is the
booke embalmed, that it smels worse than anie tripe wives tub.
And in another place he calleth the king " knave" and telleth
him uthat he is possessed with a legion of divells." JJut Sir
Thomas More so dressed him with his owne scolding and jesting
rhetorike, that he burst the verie hart of Luther. Respon<l< .</////»>
secundum stultitiam mam, ne videatur sibi sapiens, " Aunswere a
foole to his follie, lest he take him selfe for a wise man." So
did Sir Thomas aunswere Luther. But because it seemed not
agreeable to his gravitie, suppressing his owne name, he set forth
the booke in the name of William Rosse 8, a mad companion that

keen, severe, false, and malicious things were put forth by the Romish party ;
but for senseless cavilling, scurrilous railing and ribaldry, for the most offensive
personalities, for the reckless imputation of the worst motives and most odious
vices ; in short, for all that was calculated to render an opponent hateful in
the eyes of those who were no judges of the matter in dispute, some of the
puritan party went far beyond their adversaries." — Dr. Mait land's Essays on
the Reformation, p. 46 — 48.

2 Farst.] Stuffed; from the French, farcir.

" He's not yet thorough warm, farce him with praises."

Troilus and Cressida.

* In the name of William Rosse.] Under the following title, " Krudin
viri (iuiliclmi Knssei opus elegans, docturn, fcstiviun. pium. quo piilcherrime
retegit, ac refellit insanas Lutheri calumnias; quibus invicti>simum Angliae
(iallueque regem Henricum ejus nominis octavum. Fidri (Irfcnson in, hand
literis minus quam regno clarum, scurra turpissimus insectatur: excusum denuo

SIR THOMAS MORE. 77

then wandered in Italie, and for the manner of his behaviour was
well known of most men.

Againe, the heretikes did saie, " he was a very chollericke and
passionated man. And once he shewed it, for the escape of one
Constantine an heretike, who was set in stocks, at his command-
ment, in his owne house, so that for the space of three dayes, for
meere anger, he would neither eate nor drinke." But it was
most false. Onelie he called for the porter *, and wished him to
repaire and amend the stocks, least the fellow that ranne away,
might haplie runne in againe ; and so made but a sport of it,
saying, " I will not blame him for this his fact ; for I was never
so hard to please, that I would be angrie with a man that would
rise and walk, when he cannot easilie sit." His serenitie of
minde 5 was alwayes alike. Neither welth, riches, offices, nor
disgrace, nor want could disturb him.

4. What wrecke and mine hath honour and riches brought to
manie a good man dailie experience teacheth. And he that hath
so ruled his shipp, in passing through these gulphes, without touch
of either rocke or shallow, fecit mirabilia in vita sua, " he hath
wrought wonders in his life ;" quis est hie, et laudabimus eum ?
" who is he, and we will praise him ?"

Sir Thomas More spent most of his life in worldlye honours
and high offices, where much wealth might be had. Yet inventus
est sine macula, nee post aurum abiit, "he was found without spot,
not coveting after gold." The office of chancellourship, being
the greatest office of this realme of England, and in dignitie next
to the king, he was very unwilling to take it upon him ; and he

diligentissime, digestumque in capita, adjunctis indicibus opera viri doctissimi
Joannis Carcellii. Londini, 1 523." 4to.

4 He called for the porter.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 902.

5 His serenitie of minde.~\ " It happened one day (says Mr. Aubrey, in his
Manuscript Lives) that a mad Tom of Bedlam came up to Sir Thomas More,
as he was contemplating, according to his custom, on the leads of the gate-
house of his palace at Chelsea, and had a mind to have thrown him from the
battlements, crying out, ' Leap, Tom, leap ! ' The chancellor was in his
gown, and besides, antient and unable to struggle with such a strong fellow.
My Lord had a little dog with him ; * Now,' said he, ' let us first throw the
dog downe, and see what sport that will be.' So the dog was thrown over.
' Is not this fine sport ? ' said his Lordship. « Let us fetch him up and try it
again.' As the madman was going down, my Lord fastened the door, and
called for help." — Seward's Anecdotes, vol. iv. p. 111.

78 SIR THOMAS MORE.

had utterly refused it, had it not been unmeet and unseemlie,
obstinatelie to gainsay and contradict the kings pleasure ; who of
entire affection and love made choice of him, as thinking him
the meetest man of all others for that place. Cardinal Wolsey,
when he sawe he must needes forgoe his office, which he pos-
sessed immediatelie before sir Thomas, though he never bore him
true hartie love, yet thought him the fittest, for his wit, learning,
and other qualities to succeede him in his roome. This he cer-
tainely, yea feelingly knewe, by the experience he had of him.
Sir Thomas thought it not his dewtie to withdrawe his service.'
from his prince and countrie. So between the^dukes of Norfolk*'
and Suffolke 6 he was brought through Westminster Hall to his
place in the chancerie ; where the duke of Norfolke, in open
audience of all there assembled, shewed "that he was from the
king himself strictly charged, by special commission, openlie to
make declaration, how much all England was beholden to sir
Thomas More, for his good service ; and how wort-hie he was to
have the highest roome in the realme : and how dearlie his grace
loved and trusted him : so for this election all have cause to
rejoyce, and give God thankes." \Vherunto Sir Thomas,
amongst other his grave and wise saings, giving the duke humble
thankes for his faire speeches, aunswered, "That although"1
(quoth he) " I have good cause to take comforte of his highness''
singular favor towards me, in that he hath alwayes, above my
desertes, esteemed of all my endeavoures, yet I must, for my own
part, syncerelie confesse I have done noe more than my bound i-n
dutie required ; and have manie times, for lacke of wisdome,
learning and diligence, not so fullie performed my other mean, r
offices, but that many hundred in the land might be found better
able to performe them than my selfe. But being now cnhaiinced
to this high roome, which requires all the learning of the la-
customes, and privileges of this land; so profound and polltique
a head as to weild matters of great importance, which this
mightie and rich realme hath to manage, I tivnildc to think
myne owne insufficiencie ; and withall, considering how \\ix- and

6 The dukes of Norfolke and Suffolke.] It will be remembered that these
two noblemen were great enemies of Wolsey (see vol. i. p. 5«-2_i. but it has
ever since been a custom for a lord chancellor, newly appointed, to be accom-
panied to his court, on his first taking his seat as chancellor, by all of high
rank whom he can muster to attend him.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 79

honorable a prelate hath latelie taken a sore fall in this loftie
seate " (and here he sits him downe), " I have little cause to
rejoyce, fearing a like or worse mishap. Wherefore, as I am
charged, in the king^s behalf before you all to minister justice
indifferentlie to all people, without corruption or affection, so I
likewise charge you all, on the fidelitie you owe to God and the
king, that if you shall see me at any time in any matter to digresse
from anie parte of dutie in this honourable office, not to faile to
disclose it to the kings highness ; otherwise his grace might have
good reason to lay my faults on your necks, seeing this is the
onelie way to remedie what may be amisse." — These were some
speeches of his at his first entrance to that office ; wherein so
excellentlie he quitted himselfe that he wonne great fame and
commendation.

It happened once one of his sonnes in law said merrilie unto
him, " When cardinal Wolsey was lord chancellour manie got
well by him. Not only those that were neare about him, but his
yeomen, door-keepers and porters had their gaine. And sith I
have married one of your daughters, and give attendance still on
you, in good reason, methinks, I might look for something."
" And soe thou maist sonne," quoth he ; " for I may manie
wayes pleasure you, or your friend : either by my good worde, or
letter ; or if you have a cause depending before me ; at youre
request, I may heare that before another ; or if your, or your
friends cause be not the best, I may move the parties to fall to
some reasonable composition by arbitrement. Howbeit one thing
I assure thee on my faith and honestie, I will never goe against
equitie and conscience ; no, if my father stood on the one side
and the divell on the other, if his cause were good, the divell
should have his right." And this afterwards appeared to be true
in his sonne Herons case. For he having a matter in the chan-
cerie, and presuming too much of his fathers favour, would by
no means be persuaded to agree to anie indifferent order ; then
he made a flat decree against him.

Being in this high office, he used commonlie every affcer-noone,
at his owne house at Chelsey, to sit in his halle, to the intent
that all that had anie suit to him, might boldlie come to his
presence. He kept noe door shut. Bothe to riche and poore he
was readie to give audience. His manner was, before he would
award any sub-pwna, to reade over every bill of complaint him-
selfe : and if he found matter sufficient, he would set his hand

80 SIR THOMAS MORE.

unto it; if not, he would presently cancel it. He dispatched
moe causes in shorter space than were wont to be in manic
yeares, before or since. For once he sat when there was noe
man or matter to be heard. This he caused to be enrolled in
the publique acts of that court. It is strange to them that
know there have been causes there depending some dozen \-.
And there be so many things there heard, that it will be a rare
thing to heare the like againe.

Once he made a decree against one Pernell, at the suite of
Mr. Vaughan. This said Pernell complained grevously to the
kin"-, that his chancellour was a great briber and extortioner ;
and that he receaved by Vaughans wife, for giving sentence with
her husband, a faire gilded cup, for a bribe. By the kings ap-
pointment, after he had given up his chancellourship, he was
called before the council to answere that matter ; where by the
lord of Wilshire 7, who misliked him for his religion, it was forci-
bly urged against him, as a heynous cryme. Sir Thomas thus
replied, " For as much as the cup was brought me for a new
years gift, long after the decree was made, at the gentlewomans
importunate pressing it upon me, I confesse, I refused not to
receive it." The lord his enemie, in a rejoicing manner, not
expecting the rest of his speech, " My lords/' quoth he, " I told
you you should finde a foule matter of it : for I was enformed
certainelie of the truth of it.'1 Whereupon sir Thomas desired
their lordshipps, that as they had curteouslie heard him tell the
one parte of his tale, so they would of their honours indifferentlie
heare the rest. So he declared unto them, "that albeit." quoth
he, " I did indeed, with much a-doe, receive the cup, yet imme-
diately I caused my butler to fill it with wine, and I dranke to
the bearer, Mrs. Vaughan; and when she had pledged in< . I
gave her the cup againe, as freelie as she gave it me, to deliver
to her husband for his new-yeares gift ; and at my instant request,
against her will, she was forced to receive it. This her selfe shall
depose, and others now here present can witnesse it."

And at another tyme, upon a new yeares dnye. there came to
him one Mistress Crocker, a riche widowe, for whom he had
made a decree against the carle of A rnndel ". and she presented
him with a pa ire of gloves and forty pounds in an^ells in them,
of whom thankfully he receaved the gloves, and refusing the

"> The lord of Wilshire.'] Sir Thomas Boleyn.
8 Earle of Arundel.] William Fit/ Alan. K .<..

SIR THOMAS MORE. 81

money said unto her, " Mistris, since it were against good man-
ners to for-sake a gentlewomans new years gift, I am contented
to take your gloves, but as for the money I utterlie refuse it."
So he forced her to take her gold againe.

A gentleman, one Mr. Gresham, having a cause depending
before him in the chancerie, sent, for a new years gift, a faire
golden cup, the fashion whereof liking him well, he caused one of
his owne presentlie to be brought him. His ovvne was better in
value, but in his mynde not of so good a fashion ; this he gave
the messenger to deliver to his maister in recompence of his, and
under other condition he would in no wise receive his maisters
cup. Such was his innocencie and clearness, evidentlie proved
to be voide of all corruption and partial affection.

You have heard how Sir Thomas, before he came to the king's
service, had a very worshipful living. After, he was of the kings
council, under-treasurer, chauncellour of the duchie, and after
high chancellour of England. Moreover, how he was in manie
honorable ambassages, alwayes in great favour with the king, and
in his expences he was never prodigal nor wasteful : yet for all
this 9, after the resignation of his office of chancellourship, he had
not, for the maintenance of him selfe, his wife, children and
nephewes, of all the lands and fees he had in England, besides
the kings gift, not yearlie the full summe 10 of fiftie poundes ;
whereof some he had by his later wife, who was a widow when he
married her ; some was left him by his father ; some he pur-
chased ; and some fees he had of some temporal men his frendes.
As for the lands he purchased, they were not above the value of
twenty marks by the yeere. And after his debts paide, except
his chaine of gold, he had not in gold and silver left him the
value of one hundred pounds. Compare it with the wealth of some
men that have these latter yeares possessed his offices, and there
will appeare two-pence halfpennie a-yeare difference.

9 Yet for all this.~\ See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 867.

10 The full summe.'] " After the resignation of his office of the Lord Chaun-
cellor, he was not able, for the maintenaunce of himself, and such as neces-
sarilie belonged unto him, sufficiently to finde meate, drinke, fewell, apparell,
and such other necessarie thinges ; but was inforced and compelled for lacke
of other fewell, every nighte before he wente to bed, to cause a greate burden
of feme to be brought into his owne chamber, and with the blaze thereof to
warme himself, his wife, and his children, and so without any other fire to
goe to theyre beds."— Life by Harpsfield. Lambeth MSS. No. 827.

VOL. II. G

82 SIR THOMAS MORE.

At that time he called all his children unto him, and asked
their advice, how they might, now in this decay of his abilitie,
by the surrender of his offices so much impaired, that he could
not as he was wont, and gladlie would, beare out the whole charge
of them all himselfe, from hence-forth be able to live and continue
together, as he would wish they should. When he sawe them
silent, and not readie in that case to utter theire opinions, " I
will then" (said he) " show you my poore minde.

" I have bin brought up at Oxforde, at the inns of chancerie,
at Lincolns inn, and also in the king^s court, and so forth from
the lowest to the highest ; and yet I have not in yearlie revenues
at this present left me little above one hundred pounds, either by
inheritance, gift, or fee ; so that we must hereafter, if we like to live
together, be content to become contributaries. But by my counsel,
it shall be best for us not to falle to the lowest fare at first. So
we will not descende to Oxforde fare, nor to the fare of New inn,
but we will beginne with Lincolns inn diet, where manie right
worshipful of good years doo live full well. Which, if we the first
yeare find not ourselves able to maintaine, then will we the next
yeare stepp one foote lower to New inn fare, with which manie
an honest man is contented. If that also exceed our abilitie, then
we will the next yeare after fall to Oxforde fare11, where manie

11 Fall to Oxforde fare. ,] The fare of the Universities at that time was
indeed sufficiently scanty and hard (unless it underwent a great deterioration
in the course of the next seventeen years), as we may fully learn from a
description of the state of the sister university, given at St. Paul's Cross in
the year 1550, by Thomas Lever, soon after made master of St. John's
College.

"There be divers ther" (at Cambridge) " whych rise dayly betwixe foure
and fy ve of the clocke in the mornynge, and from fyve untill syxe of the
clock use commen prayer, wyth an exhortation of Gods worde, in a commen
chapell ; and from syxe unto ten of the clock use ever eyther pry vate study
or common lectures. At ten of the clocke they go to dinner ; whereas they
be contente with a penye piece of biefe amongest four, havyng a few potage
made of the broth of the same beefe, wyth salte and otemele, and nothynge
dies. After this slender dinner they be eyther teachinge or learninge untyli
five of the clocke in the eveninge, when as they have a supper not much
better then their dynner. Immediatelye after the which they goo eyther to
reasoninge in problemes, or unto summe other studyc, untyli it he nine or
tenne of the clocke ; and then being without fyre, are feyne to walke or run
up and downe haulfe an houre, to get a heate on their fete, when they go to
bed.

"These be menne not werye of their paynes, but verye sorye to leve theyr

SIR THOMAS MORE. 83

grave and ancient fathers be continuallie conversaunte ; which if
our power stretch not to maintaine, then may we, like poore
schollers of Oxforde, goe a begging with our bags and wallets,
and sing salve regina 12 at rich mens doores, where for pitie some
goode folkes will give us their mercifull charitie ; and so keep
companie and be merrie togeather."

And that he might the more quietlie settle himself to the ser-
vice of God, he made a conveiance for the disposition of all his
lands, reserving to himselfe an estate onelie for terme of life ; and,
after his discease, reserving some part thereof to his wife ; some
to his sonnes wife a, for a jointure, in consideration she was an
inheritrix of a faire living in Yorkshire; and some to master
William Roper and his wife, in recompence of their marriage
money, with divers remainders over and above. Which con-
veyance and assurance was perfectly finished, long before that
matter, whereupon he was attainted, was made an offence, and
yet afterwards by statute clearlie avoided ; and so were all his
lands, that he had assured to his wife and children, contrarie to
all order of law, taken away from them, and confiscate unto the
kings hands, saving that portion which he had appointed to master
William Roper ; which although he had in the former conveiance
reserved for terme of life, as the rest, nevertheless upon further

studye ; and sure they be not able some of them to continue for lacke of ne-
cessary exhibicion and relief." Signat. D 5. edit. 1550.

12 And sing salve regina.~] The good Catholic beggars asked their alms in
honour and worship of our Lady. And even in the character of a mendicant
Sir Thomas would, in singing the hymn Salve Regina, have continued to give
testimony of his orthodoxy. It was objected to Joane John, early in the
reign of Henry VIII., that "she despised the pope, his pardons, and
pilgrimages ; and that when any poore body asked his almes of her in the
worship of the Ladie of Walsingham, shee would straight answere in contempt
of the pilgrimage, The Ladie of Walsingham helpe thee." — Fox's Acts, p. 735.
On the other hand the Protestant beggars, and those who hoped to prevail
with the Protestants, preferred their suit in the name of "the Lord." "These
folkes," (says a zealous Romanist, in the time of Q. Mary) " woulde never
saye ' oure Lorde,' which they said was a papistical terme, but ' the Lorde,'
whiche declared them to be favourers of Gods word as they thought. And
this terme was so universallye used, that the poore beggars hadde gotte it by
the ende, by reason that begging thus * For the Lordes sake have pitie upon
the poore/ they thoughte the sooner to spede; and you shall heare it of manye
of their mouthes as yet." — Christopherson's Exhortation against Rebellion.
Signat. S. 2. A.D. 1554.

1 His sonnes wife. ~] Anne Chrisacre, or Cresacre. Seep. 111.

G 2

84 SIR THOMAS MORE.

consideration, two days after, upon a further conveiance he gave
the same immediatelie in possession to master Roper. And so,
because the statute had undone that (only) which Sir Thomas
was possessed of, the later conveiance was out of the compasse
of the statute. So his livelihoods, after his attainture, were very
meane to support the state of a knight, and counsellor to the
King.

Yet for all this, Tindall, and his other evangelical brothers sai,
and lie apace, " that they wist well, that Sir Thomas More, after
he gave over his chauncellourship, he was no lesse worth in
money, plate, and other moveables than twenty thousand markes."
Which report 2 Sir Thomas hearing, " I confess" (quoth he) " if I
had heaped up so much goods togeather, as these brethren do
reporte, I could not have gotten them by right, and goode con-
science.11 And indeed after, he was founde to be a verie poore
man, when his house was ransacked and searcht, presentlie upon
his committing to the Towere, where those that had that office
appointed did give evident testimonie of his poore estate. And
this his povertie was well knowne before to the bishops, and other
his especiall frends. The bishops of Durham3, Bath4, and AVin-
chester 8 sent him twentie pounds, to buy him a gowne, and a letter
withall, desiring him to accompanie them to the coronation of
qneen Anne ; which he receaved, and at the next meeting said
merrilie unto them in this sort. " My lords11 (quoth he) " in the
letters your honours latelie sent me, you required two things of
me, the one whereof, sith I was so well content to graunte you, I
thought I might be so bold as to deny the other ; and this I did
concerning the first, because I tooke you for no beggers, and
myself I know to be no rich man, so I was the bolder upon that
&c. &C.11 The rest of his speech to the bishops at this tynic. I
reserve for an after chapter, because he rather seemed to have
prophesied, than to have spoken of any probabilitie of worldly
appearance.

The hereticks laid to his charge ° that he had receaved great
sommes of money of the clergie, for writinge bookes against their
new learning. This was a shameful and an open slander. The

Which report.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 902.

Durham.] Cuthbert Tunstall.

Bath.] John Clerk.

Winchester.'] Stephen Gardiner.

Laid to his charge.] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 867.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 85

truth is, the bishops and clergie of England, seeing the great
travaile and pains he tooke in writing for the defence of the ca-
tholicke faith, and the suppressing of heresies, the reformation
whereof principallie appertained to their pastoral cures, they think-
ing themselves by his travaile in that behalfe, more than half
discharged, and considering, for all his princes favours and high
offices, he was no rich man, nor in yearlie revenues advanced as
his worthines deserved ; therefore at a convocation, amongst
themselves, they agreed to gather up a somme of five thousand
pounds towards some recompense of his pains, to the payment
whereof everie one of the clergie, after the rate of their abilities,
were liberalle contributors. Where Tunstall, bishopp of Durham,
Clarke, bishopp of Bathe, Vesey, bishopp of Excester, repaired to
him, declaring " how thankfully, for his travailes in Gods cause
they reckoned themselves bound to consider him : and albeit they
could not according to his deserts, so worthilie, as gladlie they
would, requite him for it, but must refer that to the goodness of
God ; yet for a small part of a recompense, in respect of his estate,
unequall to his worthines, in the name of the whole clergie they
presented him with that small somme, which they desired him to
take in good part." To them Sir Thomas answered, "that like
as (quoth he) it is no small comforte to me, that so wise and
learned men so well accept of my simple doings, for which I never
intended to receave but at the handes of God onelie, to whome
alone are theis thankes cheeflie to be attributed : so I give your
honours humble thanks for your bountifull and frendlie consider-
ations ;" and for all theire importunate pressinge of him they
could by no means fist him with one penny thereof. Then they
besought him "to be contented that they might bestowe it upon
his wife and children." "Not so" (quoth he) "my lords, I had
rather see it all in the Thames, than I or myne should have the
worth of one pennie thereof. Though your offer indeed be verie
frendlie and honourable, yet I set so much by my pleasure, and
so little by my profit, that I would not, in good faith, for all this
money and much more lose the rest of so many nights sleep as I
have spent in these matters." — But we will put downe his owne
words, as we find them in his Apology ; where he saith most
eloquentlie, for his manner, in this sort — " If any of the brethren
thinke (as some of them say) that I have more advantage of theise
matters, then I make showe for, and that I set not so little by
money as to refuse it when it is offered me, I will not dispute with

86 SIR THOMAS MORE.

them about the matter, but let them believe as they list. Yet
this I will be bound to say, for myselfe, although they should call
me Pharasie for my boast, and Pelagian for my labour ; how bad
soever they reckon me, I acknowledge that I am not yet fullie so
vertuous, but that of my own disposition, without any speciall
help of grace thereunto, I am over proud, and over sloathfull also,
to be hyred for money to take half'e the pains in writing, that I
have taken in theise matters, since I first begane : and this let
tlic-iii knowe, of all that I now posess, I had not a grey grote given
me since I wrote my Dialogues, which was my first worke I made
concerning matters of controversies. But yet they are not sat i —
fied with this, but say there is somewhat in the winde, that I am
so partiall to the clergie. As for partiality to the clergie, I mer-
vaile whereon they gather it : Myself, perdy, am a temporall man ;
and with twice wedding am come to that passe, that I can never
be priest ; therefore cause of partial favour to the priests persons
I have none. Marie, for their vocation I do, as everie good
Christian man and woman are bound of deutie, give honour and
reverence to the sacred order of priesthood. For by priest
are made Christian men in baptism ; by them we receave the
other blessed sacraments ; of them we receave the interpretation
of the lawes of God, whose angels they be in these respt <

Little cause they had to call him partiall : for those that were
naught in the clergie, and fell into his hands for anie manner of
crime, found so little favour of him that there was no man living,
to whome they were more loath to come7, than to Sir Thomas
More. So neither hope of lucre, nor suspect of partialitie could
justlie be laide to his charge.

As Sir Thomas came to his chancellourshipp against his will. s<>
he tooke no great pleasure to be entangled in that busie office.
Therefore he desired, and made great suite to be disdiarg d of
it, that he might bestow the residew of his life in «••!»< »tlic and
spirituall studies and exercises; and when God had gratiouslie
and mercifullie granted him this his boone, he was the ul.:
man thereof in the worlde. Indeed he had a great foroi^ht of
evill hanging over the realme, and that made him the more
d< >irous to live a private life. He pretended infirmitie of 1
to the kinge ; and truth is. it was no naked and hare j.ivt
for that in verie deed lie was troubled with a di-« ;i-e in his
stomach, which continued with him manie months, lie eoii-
7 More loath to come.] Works c.f Sir Thomas More, p. 868.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 87

suited thereon with his physitians, who made him this answer,
" that long diseases were verie dangerous," adding further " that
his disease could not be holpen, but by little and little, in con-
tinuance of time, with rest, good diet, and physicke." And this
Sir Thomas considering, that either he must forgoe his office,
or forslowe some part of requisite and wonted diligence ; (for he
perceaved he should be quickly unable to dispatch and weild
the manifold and weighty affairs of that place), so if he continued
he was like to be bereaved of both life and office ; to preserve the
one, he determined to foregoo the other. Yet for all, the Pro-
testants, to make him the more odious, make report both at
home and abroad, that More was thrust out of his chancellour-
shipp, as an unmeet man, yea and against his will. Bed mentita
est iniquitas sibi (Psalm 26) : for it was most false.

The duke of Norfolke, high treasurer of England, did openlie
by the king's speciall commandment declare, that Sir Thomas
More, with much adoo, and after his earnest suite and supplica-
tion, was hardlie suffered to dismiss the said office. " For the
kinge" (quoth the duke) "preferring Sir Thomas to that
roome, tendered the good of the commonwealth, in chusing
Sir Thomas More as the meetest man in all his realme for that
place. So his grace dismissing him, upon his earnest suite, in
respect of his infirmities of his body, and his now decaying yeares,
hath showed more tender and compassionate affection and espe-
ciall favour to Sir Thomas." The verie same thinge that the
duke declared, the same also the lord Audley 8, who immediatelie
succeeded him in his roome, in the kinge's ownne presence, and
by his commandment, did notifie in his oration made in the
parliament next following. And the verie same also Sir Thomas
himself declared in his epitaph, which he had provided to be put
upon his sepulchre. Wherefore the truth is, for all the hereticks
babbling, that as he entered into the office with the kinges high
favour, with the great good will of the nobilitie, rejoycing of the
people, and the expected profit of the commonweale ; so it is
true also, that he was most favourablie and honourablie dismissed,
and upon his great suite. At his dismission the kinge said unto
him, (as he himself in a certaine epistle of his doth testifie) " Sir
Thomas, if there be anie thinge that shall concern your honour,

8 Lord Audley.'] Sir Thomas Audley, K.G., afterwards (in 1538) created
Lord Audley of Walden. He was in no way connected with the family of
Touchet, Lord Audley.

88 SIR THOMAS MORE.

(for that verie worde it pleased the kinge to use) or pertaine to
your profit, you shall alwaies find us your good and gratious
lorde, readie to pleasure you in anie thinge, and so make you
account of us."

Of this surrender he was mervelous glad, as though he had
receaved a speciall benefitt ; so departing to his house 9 by the
way he entered into the church, and gave God thankes for this
favour, thinking as well worldlie adversitie as prosperitie to be
God's blessings. And with his estate thus decayed, he so
managed his minde and suited his port, as became a wise and
holie man to doo. For as no prosperitie or worldlie worshipp did
make him looke aloft, and solemnlie set by himself, with contempt
or disdain of others ; so could no mishap, troubles, and adver-
sities (whereof he had his portion in full measure) dismay him,
or any way infringe and break his constancie, and well settled
mind.

Of this change of fortune he made him game in this sort. It
was a custome during his high office, for one of his gentlemen to
wait on my ladie his wife, to know (as sone as service was
done) her pleasure, when she would goo home. He himself
came to my ladie^s, his wife's pew, and making a low curtesie said,
" Madam, my lord is gone ; please th it now your ladyship to
goo home !" She knowing him to be her husband said, " I am
glad Sir Thomas, you are so merrilie disposed." " Truelie madamc"
(quoth he) "my lord is gone, and is not here." She not knowing
what he meant, he told her of the surrender of his office. The
woman brooked it as a woman ; he as himself, alwaies the saim-.
merrie, wise, and constant.

5. Sir Thomas had a deep foresight and judgment of the tynu-
that followed ; but rather he spake by the way of prophesw of
that which we since have full heavilie felt, and he then seeim-d
certainlie to know ; and thereof tooke such compassion, tin
wished his ownne death and destruction might remedie the
imminent danger of future calamities.

It fortuned once, as he walked along the Thames side at
Chelsea, with his sonne in law master lloper, talking of common

9 Departing to his house.'] " He gave over that office the 16th day of May in
the yere of our Lord God 1532. And after in that somer he wrote an epitaph
in Latin, and caused it to be written upon his torabe of stone, which himself,
while he was Lord Chancellour, had caused to be made in his parish church
of Chelsey."— Works, p. 1419.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 89

matters, upon the suddine he began thus to say, " I would God,
sonne Eoper, so that three things were well established in Chris-
tendome, that I were put in a sacke, and here presentlie cast
into Thames." " What great things Sir, be these," quoth
master Roper, " that should move you so to wish ?" " Will you
know, sonne Roper, what they be?" " Yea Marie, with a good
will, if it would please you," said master Roper, " to tell me."
" In good faith sonne, these they be," saith he. " The first is,
that where the most part of Christian princes be now at mortal
warre, they were all at one universalle peace. The second, that
where the church of Christ is at this present sore afflicted with
manie errours and heresies, it were well settled in a perfect
uniformitie of religion. The third, that where the kinges matter
of divorce is now in question, that it were, to the glorie of God
and quietness of all parties, brought to a good conclusion." — This
he spake when he was chauncellour, and when this matter was
little thought to be of such importance as to trouble the whole
Christian orbe, and to be the cause and wreck of manie thousands
perishing, as afterwards it proved.

At another time, before this matter of marriage was brought
in question, master Roper fell in talk with sir Thomas of the
good estate of the realme ; and of a certaine joy commended
unto him the happiness thereof, that had so catholick a prince,
so grave a nobilitie, so loyall and obedient subjects, all agreeing
in one faith, and labouring for one end. " The truth is," (quoth
sir Thomas) " as the face of all things now seemeth, all is well."
So he highly commended all degrees and estates of this realme,
in a fare better sorte than his sonne had done before. " Yet
sonne Roper," (quoth he) " I beseech our Lorde that some of us,
as high as we seem to sitt upon the mountaines, treadinge here-
ticks under our feet like ants, live not the day to be at league
and composition with them, and to let them have their churches
quietlie to themselves, so they will be content to let us have
cur's, in the same manner." And when master Roper told him
manie considerations, why there was no cause so to say or sus-
pect ; " Well, well" (quoth he) " I pray God, sonne, some of us
live not to see that day," but giving no reason of this doubt,
there staid. To whome answered master Roper, for which he
was afterwards sorie, for his so ill placed speech, " Sir, it is
desperatelie spoken." Sir Thomas perceiving him by his words
to be in some passion, said merrilie againe, " Sonne Roper, be

90 SIR THOMAS MORE.

content man, be content, it shall not be so for all my sayinge ;"
(for his sayinge was no cause of the event, which afterwards hap-
pened.)

At that time when Cranmer had determined the matter
touching the marriage of queen Anne, even accordinge to the
kinges pleasure ; who had sequestered himself from the church
of Rome, under the pretence that he could have no justice at the
popes hands, sir Thomas said to Master Roper, " Sonne Roper,
God give grace that theise matters be not in a while confirmed
with othes, and urged with further severitie." At which tvme
master Roper, seeing no likelihoode of any such matter, was
somewhat offended with him for so sayinge.

It was much like to this that he answered the bishops, when
they sent him the twentie pounds I told you of before, at the
tyme wherein they requested him to accompanie them to the
coronation of queen Anne. " My lordes" (quoth he to them)
" two thinges you required : in graunting to accept the one, I
may be the bolder to deny the other. For the first, considering
my estate, and your wealth, I thought it not amiss so to doe ;
the other putteth me in remembrance of an emperour that had
ordained a lawe, that whosoever committed a certain crime,
except it were a virgin, should suffer the paines of death, such
was the reverence he bare to virginitie. Now so it happened.
that the first committor of the offence was indeede a virginne ;
whereof the emperour hearing, was in no small perplexitie, being
greatlie desirous to have the law put in execution, and by exam-
ple of justice to terrific others. Whereupon when his counsell
sate long, solemnlie debating the matter, sodenlie there arose
one amongst them, and said, ' Why make you so much adoe,
my lordes, about so smalle a matter ? Let her first be deflowered,
then after may she be devoured.' So though your lordships
have in this matter of matrimonie hytherto kept yourselves pur<>
virgins, yet take good heed, my good lordes, that you keep y«»ur
virginitie still: for some there be that by procuring your lord-
ships to be present at the coronation, next to preach for the,
setting forth of it, finallie to write in the defence of it. an
rous to deflour you, and when they have defloured you. they will
not fail soon after to devour you. Now my lords it lieth not in
my power, but that they may devour me; but by (mils Imli.-
ii-ran- I \\ill provide tliev shall never detlour ni<-." Sir Thomas
foresaw as a wise man, what after the l.\>hopps hidmvd with

SIR THOMAS MORE. 91

greate griefe both of minde and bodie, which they little thought
would ever come to passe.

There was a booke entituled the Supplication of Beggars 10, the
author whereof Symon Fishe (who afterwards recanted his er-
rours, and died a good man) under pretence and colour of pfietie
forsooth, of helping and releeving the poor, fatherless, and other
impotent persons, would have all monasteries and houses of reli-
gion pulled downe and turned into the kinges hands. And craf-
tilie goo they about to cast out all the clergie, bearing men in
hand that then-after the gospell should be preached, and money
made of church mens goods, the number of beggers and baudes
would decrease ; of idle folks or theives we should have few or
none, the realme would growe exceeding rich, and in short space
everie man receive exceeding great benefits, both corporall and
spirituall. But sir Thomas well foresaw what would then ensue,
and so spake as though then he most certainlie sawe with his
eyes all the garboyles and troubles, all the treasons and villanies,
all the sinnes and enormities, that then would folio we. " Expect,
saith he, an ocean of evills, when this mans drift shall take effect.
Then shall Luther's gospell come in, and with it all evill : cum
eo omne malum. Then shall heresies be preached ; then shall
the sacraments be set at nought ; then shall fasting and prayers
be neglected ; then shall Gods holy saints be blasphemed ; then
shall God withdraw his grace, and let us run blindfold into our
ownne ruin ; then shall virtue be had in derision, and vice be
greatlie magnified ; then shall youth leave labour ; then shall
folke wax idle, and fall to unthriftiness ; then shall hoares and
theeves, beggers and bauds increase without number ; then shall
each man beare him bold of other, and seditiously flock togea-
ther ; then shall lawes be laughed to skorne ; then shall the
servaunte contemne his maister, and subject not obey, but con-
strained. What then but robberie, adulterie, perjuries, and all
iniquitie ! "

And how trulie he spake, daylie experience, to the greefe of
all good men, doth certainlie, yea feelingly give testimonie to the
worlde.

And to confirm that he had some insight in matters to come,
mark this which now doth follow. On a tyme when his daughter
Margaret resorted to him in the Tower, after he had a while

10 Of Eeggars.~\ Given in Fox's Acts, vol. ii. p. 280 — 4. edit. 1641. See
also the note to the Life of Tindall, pp. 201, 202.

92 SIR THOMAS MORE.

questioned with her of his wife and his children, and the state
of his house, at last he asked how queen Anne did. " In faith
father," (quoth she) " never better." " Alas ! Meg," (quoth he)
"it pitieth me to thinke what miserie, poor soul, she shall come
unto, and that very shortlie ! " And before one yeare was ended,
she dyed a violent death ; for she was beheaded for heynous
offences (as is to be seen in parliament acts).

And at another tyme, when it was told him how queen Anne
delighted the kinge mervellous much with her dancing, " Well
may it fare with her" (quoth he) ; "these sports will end in
sorrow. Our heads for this dancing must pay for it ; let hers
stand fast l, I charge her."

Once as he was coming from the court, he found all his chil-
dren and nephews at their prayers. " This is well done" (quoth
he). " Use this exercise, as much as you may. Tyme will
come, my children, and you shall see it, that men will make no
more account of prayer, than they do of their old shoes ;" which
long agoo we have seen fulfilled in this our countrie, by the
means of that foule heresie that now infects the worlde with her
poisoned doctrine of securitie of salvation.

At another time he said in this manner to his children. " It
is now no maisterie, my children, to go to heaven, for everie
bodie giveth you good counsele ; and everie bodie good example.
You see virtue rewarded, and vice punished ; so that you are
carried up to heaven even by the chins. But if you shall live,
the tyme will come, when no man will give you good counsel.
no man will give you good example ; when you shall see vertue
punished, and vice rewarded; if you will then stand fast, and
sticke firmly to God, upon pain of my life, though you be but
half good, God will allow you for whole good. This tyme, my
good children, will come, therefore be provided for it."

6. We will now speak somewhat of his learning and writings*,

1 Let hers stand fast] Queen Anne Boleyn was beheaded the nineteenth
of May, 1536; and the very next day the king was married to Lady Jane
Seymour.

2 Of his learning and writings.'] Of these bishop Burnet gives the following
not very flattering opinion : —

More was no divine at all. And it is plain to any that reads his writings
that he knew nothing of antiquity, beyond the quotations he found in the
Canon-law, and in the Master of the Sentences ; only he had read some of St.
Austin's treatises. For, upon all points of controversy, he quotes only what
he found in these collections. Nor was he at all conversant with the criti-

SIR THOMAS MORE. 93

whereby he hath consecrated his worthie name to immortall
fame, till the worlds end. Somewhat we have spoken of this
matter before ; how in his youth in Oxforde he followed and
profitted in the studies of philosophy, lawe, and divinitie. For
an oration, he had few his fellowes ; and for his verse he was
little inferior. — It happened in the fourteenth yeare of king
Henry the eighth, that Charles the fifth, the emperour, came
into England, and was most magnificent! ie receeved by the cittee
of London 3. At which tyme sir Thomas More made a mer-
veilous eloquent oration in the presence of the emperour and
king, in their praises and commendations, and of the great love
and amity the one bare to the other, and how singular comfort
and utilitie both the realms receaved thereby.

Whensoever the kinges highness would make his progression
to Oxforde and Cambridge, where by those universities he was
congratulated with most exquisite orations, his grace would alvvaies
assign Sir Thomas as one prompt and readie extempore to make
answer : which to his great praise he would presentlie doe. — Yea
in poetry he was excellent good. His epigrams were pleasant,
wittie, not byting, nor contumelious ; whereof some he translated
out of Greeke, some he devised in Latin, some in English : for
this he was liked of Beatus Ehenanus4 in Epistola ad Billebaldum* ,
where thus he saith ; " Thomas More's verses run sweet and
pleasant, not harsh nor strained, no lameness nor obscuritie
therein. More is eloquent, wittie, pure, plaine ; and all is so
tempered in so sweet a measure, that no musicke can be found
more pleasurable. I think the Muses have consulted to bestow
upon him all their elegances, beauties, graces, all their wittie and

cal learning upon the Scriptures. But his peculiar excellency in writing was,
that he had a natural easy expression, and presented all the opinions of
popery with their fair side to the reader, disguising or concealing the black
side of them with great art : and was no less dextrous in exposing all the ill
consequences that could follow on the doctrine of the Reformers : and he had
upon all occasions great store of pleasant tales, which he applied wittily to
his purpose. And in this consists the great strength of his writings ; which
were designed, rather for the rabble, than for learned men. But, for justice,
contempt of money, humility, and a true generosity of mind, he was an ex-
ample to the age in which he lived," — Burnet's Reformation, vol. i.

3 Cittee of London.'] 1523.

4 Beatus Rhenanus.~\ See p. 53.

5 Billebaldum.~] i. e. Wilbolt, or, in Latin, Eilibaldus Pirckheimer, of Nu-
remberg, one of the most learned men of his age. His daughters are the Bi-
libaldicce of Erasmus.

94 SIR THOMAS MORE.

pleasant conceits." This was also the opinion of Leodegarius a
Quercu 6, a famous poet of France ; and others held him in the
same account ; yet never tooke he liking of them himself, as lie
writeth to Erasmus. Mea epigrammata nunquam placiienmt
animo meo, id quod ipse miJd Erasme conscius es. " My epigrams
never pleased my minde, as thou thyself, Erasmus, well knowest."
His learning and skill in the Greek tongue was verie great : and
what a learned man he was in our common lawes, his great offices
bear witness : what in civill pollicies and government, what in
historic and divinitie, he left testimonie to the world by his bookes
and monuments. He wrote the Life of Picus Earle of Mirandula,
and translated into English his twelve rules of a good life ; and
this in his younger age; at which tyme he wrote manie devout
and sweet epigrams. A little after he wrote a Treatise De Qua-
tuor novissimis \ but left it unfinished. He wrote the Life of
King Richard the third, both in Latin and English. He left them
both unperfect, neither durst any to take upon them to finish the
same, being by reason of the incomparable excellencie of the
worke discouraged from that enterprise. He wrote also a booke
of the historic of Henry the seventh : either the booke is
smothered amongst his kinne, or lost by the injurie of this tyme.
I doubt not but that it was like to the rest.

But the booke that carrieth the prize above all his other workes
for eloquence, invention, and matter, is his Utopia; which he
wrote about the thirty third yeare of his age. In it he paint eth
the patterne and platforme of a most perfect common weale,
making it to be one of the new found lands. The invention was
so wittiely contrived, that they thought there had been such a
countrie indeed ; and of their fervent zeale wished that some
divines might be sent thither to instruct them in the faith of
Christ. This booke for the excellencie of it, is translated into
the French, Flemish, and Italian tongues, with a good grace;
but into English absurdly and lamely. After this ho made another
book, but in another kinde, against Luther. Of this we spake
before '. The matter was grave and substantial ; the manner fit
for the author of such filth as Luther in his book to the
shewed himself.

6 Leodegarius a Quercu.] Le'ger Duchesne. See p. 53.

7 De quatuor novis8imis.~] See note at p. 53.
" /f'e spake before ] See p. 7G.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 95

He wrote also a treatise against the Epistle of John Pomerane 9,
a great piller of Protestancie. He wrote also an Exposition in
Latin upon the Passion of our Lorde.

His bookes of controversie in English be these : The first is
his Dialogues, commonly called, Quoth he and Quoth I. He wrote
also a book against the Supplication of Beggers. Then wrote he
against Tyndall, and Friar Barnes' nine books. After this, in
the deffence of the blessed Sacrament, he wrote against John
Frith. After this his Apologie. And then anone after another
book intituled the Debellation of Salem and Bisance. After all
this, being prisoner in the Tower he wrote three bookes of Com-
fort in Tribulation, a booke not inferior to any of the rest.
There is nothing in it but religion and piety ; it is full of ghostlie
and heavenlie counsaile. It is a work rather of an angel than of
a man ; for he was destitute of all bookes and human helps when
he wrote it ; he was close prisoner, and had neither inke nor pen
for the most part, but onlie a cole. Although his penn was blunt
and dull, and but a blacke cole, yet he had another cole that
inflamed his heart, such as toucht and purified the lips of Esay a ;
and by the help of this sacred cole, that counsaile, which he gave
to others in his bookes he practised himself in patient suffering
the losse of his landes, goods, and life too, for the defence of
justice. He wrote at this tyme a Treatise to receave the blessed
sacrament : A Treatise of the Passion : manie godlie and devout
prayers and instructions : and these most of them with a cole.
And in effect theise be the works he made either in Latin or
English, which (considering his continuall business and employ-
ments in the great affairs of the common wealth, his house and
family) were verie manie. It is great question whether is more
to be mervailed, how in the worlde, having so manie occasions of
lets and troubles, he could write so much, or how afterwards,
being destitute of bookes and other helps, he could write so cun-
ninglie and exactlie of everie matter he handled.

Sir Thomas for his witt and learninge, even when he lived,
throughout all christendome was almost miraculouslie accounted
of: as appeareth by the writings of sundrie learned men. Collet
was wont to say, " England had but one witt,11 meaning that he
had no peer : he spake it of master More. Others compare him
to Augustine ; some to Chrisostome ; and accounted he was of

9 John Pomerane^] i. e. John Bugenhagen. See note at p. 73.
a Isa. vi. 6.

96 SIR THOMAS MORE.

all of fame, for the mirrhour of the worlde. At that tyme John
Colet, John Grocine, and Thomas Linacre were in place of his
tutors. William Lillie, William Mountjoy, William Latimer his
fellowe scholars : all excellent and learned men. His friends,
Thomas Lupsett, the Greek reader in Oxforde ; Thomas Eliot,
not obscure of his writings ; John Croke, king Henry the eighth
his schole maister. Reginall Poole, afterwards cardinall, was his
especiall friend ; and so was Edward Lea, archbishop of Yorke,
who wrote learnedlie against Erasmus. John Fisher, bishoppe of
Eochester ; and Cuthbert Tunstall, bishopp of London, after of
Durham, godfather to the Queens Majestie, that now is (1600).
His externall friends were these : Budeus !, a learned Frenchman ;
Martin Dorpius ; Beroaldus 2 ; Buslidianus 3 ; Peter Giles * of
Antwerpe ; Johanes Cochleus of Saxonie, Luther's scourge ;
Francis Gran veld : Conradus Gocloneus of Westphale ; Ludo-
vicus Vives of Spaine. But amongst all his friends none so deare
and entire unto him as was the worshipfull merchant Anthonie
Bonvice 5 of the cittie of Luke in Italic ; to whom Sir Thomas, a
little before his arraignment, wrote an epistell in Latin, with a
cole 6, for lacke of a penn. Sir Thomas was wont to call him the
apple of his eye. His epistell translated into English is in this
manner r.

1 Budeus.~] Guillaume Bude, the author of the famous treatise, De Asse.

2 Beroaldus.'] Filippo Beroaldo the younger, librarian of the Vatican.

8 Buslidianus. 1 Jerome Busleiden of Luxembourg, a learned man who
had been ambassador to Julius II., Francis I., and Henry VIII. He died in
1517. His brother, Francis, archbishop of Besancon, had been tutor to Phi-
lippe le Beau, father of Charles V.

4 Peter Giles.'] The editor of Political's Letters, better known by his Latin
name of Petrus yEgidius. He must not be confounded with his French
namesake and contemporary, Pierre Gilles, Gyllius, the naturalist.

6 Anthonie Bonvice.] Antonio Buonvisio, of a noble family of Lucca. ( )f
one of this name, viz , Jeronymo Buonvisio of Lucca, an agent of pope Ju-
lius II. in England, a very unfavourable account is given by Hollinslud. He
was probably a brother of Antonio, although it is possible that either the
author of this Life, or Hollinshed, may have mistaken the Christian name,
and that only one person is meant.

6 With a cole.] " Yet still, by stealth he would get little pieces of paper, in
which he would write diverse letters with a cole ; of which my father left me
one, which was to his wife ; which I account as a precious Jewell : afterwards
drawn over by my grandfather's sonne with inke." — Life of Sir Thomas
More, by his Great Grandson, Thomas More, Esq., p. 24O. edit. 1726.

7 In this manner.] This letter, being somewhat long, unimportant, and
very badly translated, is omitted. It may be found in the original Latin, in

SIR THOMAS MORE. 97

Sir Thomas was so well known to the learned abroad, that his
opinion was thought sufficient to decide anie controversie. It
happened once that a verie excellent learned man a stranger, satt
at the table at a great man's house in this realm with Sir Thomas
More, whom this stranger had never before seen. There was
great reasoning between the stranger and some others of deep
points of learninge. At length Sir Thomas set in foot, and
demeaned himself so cunninglie, that the stranger, who was a
religious man, was astonished to hear so profound reasons at a
layman's hands. Whereupon he enquired of those that satt next
him, what his name was ; which when he understood he said as
queen Saba said to Solomon. " Verus est sermo quern audim in
terra mea super sapientia hujus : non credebam narrantibus mihi,
donee veni et mdi:" (3. Regum 10.) " True is the fame I have
heard of this man's wisdom in my countrie. I did not beleeve
them that told it : but now I am come myself, and I find it to be
true, yea and more I find than was reported."

One thinge encreased much the fame of his exquisite learninge :
for his manner was, when he had occasion to be present where
anie universitie was either in England, France, or Flanders ; to
goe to the scholes and hear the publick readings and disputations.
And there he would often reason and dispute, so that he won the
hearts of the learned, wheresoever he came. Againe one thing
more gott him so many friends ; for he was not curious in making
choice of his friends, with such as desired it, and he liked ; but
entered once into friendship none more diligent to nourish and
maintain it than he. In his friends affairs very diligent and care-
full. In his owne negligent, in so much that in his apparell and
expences he appointed John a Wood, a verie simple servant of
his to be his tutor and overseer. In conversation with his friends
he was not verie scrupulous or ceremonious, though he never
omitted what civilitie and curtisie did require. He was sweet and
pleasant in conversation, so that all tooke singular delight and
content in his companie, for he had a speciall gift in merrie and
pleasant talke, yet alwaies without gall or bitterness ; never hurt,
nor slander in his sport nor jestings. " Pectus ejus omni nive

Sir Thomas's Works, p. 1454. The reader who may wish to know more of
the letters of Sir Thomas, will find a copious collection of the Latin portion
of them, in Jortin's Life of Erasmus, Appendix, No. LXIII. p. 308—400.
8vo. 1810. For the English, &c., see Works, fol. 1557. p. 1419—58.
VOL. II. H

98 SIR THOMAS MORE.

candidius" as Erasmus speaketh of him. He was so pure and
spotless, as no swan so white as his minde.

7. Sir Thomas, so wise a man and yet so sociable, so grave and
yet so pleasant, it is hard to say whether he was a better senatour
than a sweet friend : but this he solemnlie observed both in
earnest and in jest, to show no change of countenance in anie
thinge that he happened to speake.

Presentlie after Sir Thomas was called to be one of the privie
counsell, Cardinall Wolsey, who was president of the counsel!.
propounded to the lords and nobles present at the counsell table,
that it was verie expedient to have a lord constable (an office
seldome seen in England) 8. After he had urged the matter with
many reasons, every man^s opinion was demanded : who all seemed
to like very well of the matter, and not one to gainsay the car-
dinall, till Sir Thomas More at last, as being the meanest in that
honourable assemblie of great prelates, dukes, and cheefe earles
of the realm, had showed his mind that he thought it an unmeet
proposition. And there he made such probable reasons for his so
saying, that the whole counsell began to forethinke them of their
forwardness, and desired a new sitting before they would give
their resolutions.

The cardinall stomaching the matter, as thinkinge himself
injured by Sir Thomas, for he made full account to have had this
office himself, spake in this bitter manner unto him. " Are YOU
not ashamed master More, so much to esteeme of your wisdome,
as to thinke us all fooles and set here to keep geese ; and you
onlie wise, and set to govern England. Now by my troth thou
showest thyself a verie proud man, and a more foolish counsellor."
Sir Thomas not abashed with this public check, answered him
according to his disposition in this merrie, yet wittie sorte. " Our
Lord be blessed (quoth he) that my sovereign leage hath but one
fool in so ample a senate ;" and not a worde more. — The canli-
nalFs drift was all dasht.

At another tyme Sir Thomas sitting as judge, some little pet tie
fellowes were brought before him for picking and cutting <>f
purses. Cut-purse art was not then so frequent, nor yet so
heynous as now '. They that were undamaged made means for

8 Seldome seen in England.] It had been held, shortly before, by Edward
Stafford, duke of Buckingham, who was beheaded in 15-Jl.

9 So heynovs as now."] See Thomas Dekker's various works, and others,
which, at the end of Elizabeth's reign and beginning of the reign of .'

SIR THOMAS MORE. 99

their losses, and one of the justices, a grave and an old man, all
to rated the poor men, affirming that they were in great fault that
had no better care of their money ; for their negligence and care-
lessness made theeves, by giving them so fair occasion that they
could hardly but doo as they did. Sir Thomas seeing the impor-
tunity of the old man, sought occasion to depart for that present,
referring the hearinge of these matters till the next morninge.
In the meane time he caused the thief to be sent for to his
chamber, and there, after he had thoroughly chidden him, said
unto him ; " I have good hope that thou wilt do better hereafter ;
and see it prove so. For this time I will stand your friend, but
you must shew me a tricke of your cunninge. You heard yester-
day how the old gentleman chid them that lost their purses ; if
thou canst take his purse from him, and let me know when it is
done, I will warrant thee for this tyme thou shalt take noe
harme."

The poore knave promised his diligence, and being the next
day the first man that was called to his answer, made a request
to the bench, " that it would please them to give him leave to
speake, for he doubted not but to satisfie them at the full. But
the matter he was to utter was secret ; therefore he desired he
might tell it to some one first in secret." That was graunted
him, and when it was asked him whom he would have : " Sir if it
might be you," said the thief, pointing to the old angrie gentle-
man, " to you I would tell it." Then he and the old man went
apart. The old man's purse was made fast to his girdle, which
the thief spying gave it the looseing. After he had told a frivo-
lous tale to him, he returned and gave notice of the purse to Sir
Thomas. Sir Thomas taking occasion by giving an almes to a
prisoner, whose discharge was staid for lacke of money to defray
the keeper's fees, requests the gentlemen on the bench to help the
poor man. He himself gave first. When it came to the old
justice, he put his hand to his pouch, and found it to be taken
away ; as angrie as ashamed, affirming verie seriouslie that he
had his purse when he came to the hall, and he merveiled what
was become of him. "It is well," said Sir Thomas, " you will
now leave to chide my neighbours, who had as little care but not
so good hap as you, for you shall have your purse againe." So
he told who had it.

the First, enter so fully into the art of thieving, and shew the wretched state
of morals at that time.

H 2

100 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Sir Thomas being beyond the seas in ambassage, happened to
dine amongst manie strangers of divers countries ; and amongst
other discourses of table talk, a question was moved of the diver-
sitie of the languages, each man praising his owne for the best.
They concluded English to be worst of all. " Nay soft," said Sir
Thomas, " suum cuique pulchrum : but yet by your leave, I must
needs speake a word in defence of my language ; and by good
reason I will shew it nothing inferior to anie of your's. And first
for antiquity ; we Englishmen come of the old Britaines ; the
Britons of Brutus, he of Eneas Silvius, and he of the Gods. 0
Char a Deum soboles. So for antiquity I may compare with the
proudest. Again you know, that omne quod difficilius eo pulcl /
Every thing the harder it is, the fairer it seems. Now let anie
man here speak anie sentence in his owne language, and you shall
hear me dialect and pronounce it as well as himself.1'' And so
they did. And without difficulty or difference he performed his
promise. " Now I will speak but three words, and I durst
jeopard a wager, that none here shall pronounce it after me.
Thwarts thwacJcit him with a thwitle V And no man there could
pronounce it.

There was a fellowe had lost his purse and tenn pounds in it ;
and hoping to have it againe caused a solemn bill to be set up in
Paules*. " Whosoever hath found a purse," &c. Sir Thomas
by chance sent for all the bills there. Amongst the rest happen-
ing on this, he smiling tooke his pen, and wrote underneath
THOMAS MORE, and so sent it backe againe. The fellowe seeing
his name, was full glad ; for knowing him to be a good man he
hoped to have his purse againe ; so with great joy he repair*
Sir Thomas; who caused him to be brought before him, de-
manded his name, his age, his abode ; asked what money was in
his purse, when and where he lost it. He wrote all this ; then said
to him, " My friend, I am sorrie for your losse ; but I have not

1 Thwitle.'] Thwittle, or whittle, is still in use for a Sheffield knife so called.
To thwack, or whack, can require no explanation.

a In PaulesJ] The old cathedral of St. Paul's was a place of general resort.
It was not only a public walk, but also, its precincts being privileged from
arrest, greatly frequented by idle and disorderly persons: notices of all kinds
were here affixed.

•% A man must not make choyce of three things, in three places; of a
in Westminster, a servant in Paul's, or a horse in Smithfield, least he chuse
a queane, a knave, or a jade." — Choice of Change.

See also the various passages in Shakspeare.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 101

your purse, nor I know not where it is." " Why then (said the
fellowe) if it may please you, did you write your name ?" " Marie
(quoth he) to this end, that I might knowe thee against another
time ; for if you cannot keep your owne purse, you shall not keep
mine.1'' So he gave him fortie shillings towards his losse, bid him
be more warie hereafter, and dismissed him.

There was another fellowe had made a verie foolish book in
prose, and presented Sir Thomas More with it, hoping for a
reward for his labour. Sir Thomas read it, and greatlie misliked
the book. At the next meeting of the fellowe, he asked him if
he could turn it into meeter. " Yea," said the fellowe ; and he
did quicklie. When he brought it againe, " What," said Sir
Thomas, "is it the same booke ?" " Yea," said the fellowe,
"word for word; but that it is now in verse, before in prose."
" Then it is a faire piece," said he : " before it had neither rime
nor reason ; now it hath at the least, some rime, no reason."

Sir Thomas being at Brussels in ambassage 3 from his king to
the emperour Charles the fifth, a bragging fellow vaunted him-
selfe the wisest and most learned in a countrie ; and had placed
papers in everie post, that he would dispute with anie, come
who would, in anie question of what law soever, civil, common,
municipale, yea in anie point of other learning. Sir Thomas,
seeing the exceeding vanitie of the man, thought he needed
modestie, and gave him this gentle gleeke ; he caused this
question to be written, " Utrum avaria * capta in withernamia

3 Ambassage.'] In 1521.

4 Utrum avaria.'] " If the distress be carried out of the county, or con-
cealed, then the sheriff may return that the goods, or beasts, are eloianed,
elongata, carried to a distance, to places to him unknown : and thereupon the
party replevying shall have a writ of capias in withernam, in vetito (or, more
properly, repetito) namio ; a term which signifies a second or reciprocal dis-
tress, in lieu of the first which was eloigned. It is therefore a command to
the sheriff to take other goods, of the distreinor, in lieu of the distress for-
merly taken, and eloigned, or withheld from the owner. So that here is now
distress against distress ; one being taken to answer the other, by way of re-
prisal (in the old northern languages the word withernam is used as equivalent
to reprisals}, and as a punishment for the illegal behaviour of the original
distreinor. For which reason goods taken in withernam cannot be replevied,
till the original distress is forthcoming." — " The substance of this rule com-
posed the terms of that famous question, with which Sir Thomas More (when
a student on his travels) is said to have puzzled a pragmatical professor in the
university of Bruges, in Flanders ; who gave a universal challenge to dispute
with any person in any science : in omni scibili, et de quolibet ente. Upon

102 SIR THOMAS MORE.

sint irreplegibilm? " Whether chattell taken withername may be
replevied," writing underneath that there was one in the com-
panie of the English ambassadour that would maintaine dispute
with him in that question. This glorioso, when he sawe this
question, knew not so much as the meaning of the terms, so was
hissed at, and made a fable6 to all that court.

Sir Thomas being asked why he choosed little woemen for his
wives, made answer, " Wote you not, that woemen be necessarie
evills ? then do I followe the philosopher's rule, who willeth us
of two evills to choose the least. So do I of my wives, and yet
had I enough of the least."

Sir Thomas his last wife loved little dogs to play withall. It
happened that she was presented with one, which had been stoln
from a poor beggar woman. The poor beggar challenged her
dog, having spied it in the arms of one of the serving men, that
gave attendance upon my ladie. The dog was denied her ; so
there was great hold and keepe about it. At length Sir Thomas
had notice of it ; so caused both his wife and the beggar to come
before him in his hall ; and said, " Wife, stand you here, at the
upper end of the hall, because you are a gentlewoman : and
goodwife, stand there beneath, for you shall have no wrong."
He placed himself in the middest, and held the dog in his hands.
saying to them, " Are you content, that I shall decide this con-
troversie that is between you concerning this dogg?" " Yea,"

which Mr. More sent him this question, * utrum averia caruca, capta in vetilo
namio, sint irrepleyibilia,' ' whether beasts of the plough taken in wither-
nam, are incapable of being replevied.' " Blackstone's Commentaries, b. iii.
ch. 9-

* Made a fable.'] When Williams, afterwards abp. of York, was made Lord
Keeper, by King James L, "one of the bar" (we are told) "thought to put
a trick upon his freshmanship ; and trolled out a motion crammed like a
Granada with obsolete words, coins of far-fetched antiquity, which had been
long disused, worse than Sir Thomas More's Averia De Wethernam among
the Masters of Paris. In these misty and recondite phrases, he thought t >
leave the new Judge feeling after him in the dark ; and to make him blush,
that he could not answer to such mystical terms as he had conjured up. But
he dealt with a wit that never was entangled in a bramble* bush. For with a
serious face he answered him in a cluster of most crabbed notions, picked up
out of metaphysics and logic, as Cat egoremalical and Syncategorematical, and
a deal of such drumming stuff: that the motioner being foiled at his own
weapon, and well laughed at in the court, went home with this new lesson,
That he that tempts a Wise man in jest, shall make himself a Fool in tan
Bishop Hacket's Life of \\ iliiams, p. 75.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 103

(quoth they). " Then," said he, " each of you call the dogg by
his name, and to whom the dogg cometh, she shall have it."
The dogg came to the poor woman ; so he caused the dogg to
be given her, and gave her besides a French crown, and desired
her that she would bestowe the dogg upon his ladie. The poor
woman was well apaide with his fair speeches, and his almes,
and so delivered the dogg to my ladie.

The hereticks, finding fault with him that he was too long in
his bookes, seeing their manner of writing was verie shorte, Sir
Thomas answered, " as brief as they are, they be so much too
long, even by so much as they are. For who can make a shorter
voiage than he that lacks both his legges ? for they have neither
good matter, nor fit words. So these my good brethren may be
as short as sweet, that is, never a whit." — Againe the hereticks,
being galled by his writings, found fault with him that he would
reprehend them, seeing it was not in him to amend them. " Well
spoken, and to good purpose," said Sir Thomas, " so the fellow
should never be hanged, except the judge would be bound to
make restitution." " You must prove, master More," (quoth
the hereticks) " your assertions with the express word of God,
not with your dreams and fancies." " It is well," said Sir
Thomas, " that my verie dreams so trouble you. I doubt not
but when you shall see my day labours, you will better advise
yourselves; and feare to provoke the expert and learned in
divinitie, when the verie dreams of aliens in that faculty have so
much astonished you."

Sir Thomas likened the manner of his adversaries repeating
his arguments, alwaies leaving out the chiefest force thereof, to
the play of little children, that make them in sport little houses
of chipps, and will throvve them downe with a great facilitie ; for
this is solemn with all hereticks 6, to misrehearse the catholics

6 With all hereticks^] This general reflection is exceedingly remote from
truth. — What names, of those who had written when this author was alive,
are more eminent in the popish controversy, on the side of reformation, than
those of Cranmer, Jewel, and Bilson ? Yet Cranmer, in his grand work, his
Answer to Stephen Gardiner, lays before his reader every word of that pre-
late's animadversions, as well as the whole of the original book against which
those animadversions were directed. In like manner, Jewel, in his defence of
the Apology, produces first the Apology itself; next Harding's pretended
confutation of it ; and last of all his own defence against that confutation.
He follows a like practice in his other great work, the " Reply." Bishop
Bilson in the True Difference between Christian Subjection and Unchristian

104 SIR THOMAS MORE.

arguments, and to leave out the verie pith of their reasoning.
" And herein," saith master More, " they do with me, as an ill
champion doth to his adversarie, who having a day of challenge
appointed to wrastle, and fearing his might and cunninge, seekcth
to undermynd by craft. So he gets him by one sleight or other
into his hand, before the time of tryall, and dieteth him with
such thin cheer, that the man is half hunger-starved ; and so
when the day is come he is so feeble and faint, that poor sillie
soule, he can scant stand on his leggs : then you wot well, it is no
hard matter to give him a fall. But it is well with me that my
feeding is so homelie, for I can battle and grow fat with anger
and ill usage. So they can do me no great harm if they let me
but live."

The heretick Tindall in his Bible, translated Presbyter priest,
into elder ; and Ecclesia church, into congregation. " This word
congregation," saith Sir Thomas, " as Tindall useth it, no more
signifieth the congregation of Christen people, than a fair flocke
of unchristen geese. And this worde elder no more signifieth a
priest, than an elder sticke" Tindall with Sir Thomas his sub-
stantiall reasoning was so amazed, that he was in a labyrinth,
and manie times so brought to a bay, that he was like to a hare
that had twenty brace of greyhounds after her, he so windeth
and turneth himself in and out, this way and that way ; so that
with his subtill shiftinge he endeavoureth to blinde the eies of
the simple ; but he maketh the more watchful and learneder sort
as blind as a catt ; so he can be no more seen where he walketh,
than if he had danced all naked in a net ; and thus he plaieth the
blind Hob about the house. But at last, after much adoo, Tindall
mendeth his translation of the word presbyter, which before he
had translated elder: he afterwards translated it into senior;
and therein he laboured so learnedlie, that Sir Thomas declared
to him, that in his later translation he was much more helped

Rebellion, " repells " a considerable portion of his antagonist's performances,
as he tells us "word by word." What also does Fulke with regard to the
Rhemish Testament ; and to Gregory Martin's attack upon the English trans-
lations of the Scriptures? Again, let any one refer to Nowell against Dor-
man, Dering against Harding, and a great many more protestant writers, and
he will immediately find not only that this imputation is not true; but that
the authors had taken the very hest means to protect themselves (if it were
possible) from such a charge, by inserting in their own books every syllable
of those treatises which were the subjects of their animadversions.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 105

with four faire vertues, malice, ignorance, errour, and follie.
"And whereas" (saith Sir Thomas) "you promised to mend the
errour; by translating elder into senior, you have as well per-
formed it, as he that were blinde of one eye, to amend his sight,
would put out the other."

After manie disputes with these wrangling and unlearned mates,
he puts Tindall, Barnes and the rest to dispute with the limping
and halting Good Wife of the boothe at Pudle Wharfe, and
makes her not to limp and halt so much as the lame and weake
reasons of frier Barnes do. But what they lacke in good reason-
ing, they have it in rayling ; for in scoffing they are peerless ;
and especiallie frier Barnes, who fareth as if he were from a frier
waxen a fidler, and would at a tavern go gett him a pennie for a
fitt of mirth. With these and such like merriments he seasoned
the tediousness of his writings. These evangelical brethren found
great fault with Sir Thomas, that he was so merrie and pleasant
in his writings. " I would have hardlie beleeved" (quoth he)
"that ever they would have thought me pleasant to them ; for I
thinke they have found little in my writings to have pleasured
them. But seeing I please them so well, I will be as pleasurable
as I may : for it is better to be merrie than waywarde."

Sir Thomas kept his accustomed mirth as a testimonie of a
clear conscience in his greatest afflictions. Being brought to the
Tower, the porter at his entrance demanded, as the manner is, to
have his uppermost garment, be it cloke or gowne. Sir Thomas
delivered him his hat : " Here hold my friend," (quoth he) " here
is my hoode : for this is my uppermost ; for it covereth my
topp."

^ Being prisoner in the Tower, the lieutenant 7, who was his
good friend and old acquaintance, desired him, that he would
accept in good part such cheer as he was able to make him.
" Yea," quoth Sir Thomas, " here is good cheer, master lieute-
nant, God be thanked ! And if any here like it not, turn him out
of doors for a churl."

After he was close prisoner, and had his books taken from him,
and had neither inke nor paper allowed him, he caused all the
windowes of his chamber to be fast shut. Being asked why he
did so, " Is it not meet" (quoth he) " to shut up my shop windows
when all my ware is gone 2"

7 Lieutenant.'} Sir William Kingstone probably. See Cavendish's Life of
Wolsey, vol. i. p. 653.

106 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Sir Thomas More being condemned, Sir Thomas Pope was
sent to him from the kinge, to bid him prepare himself to die, for
by such an hour he should loose his head. When master Pope
perceived that Sir Thomas More was nothing dismayed nor
altered for this message, he thought that master More did not
beleeve it. Wherefore he sought in earnest manner to persuade
him that it was true, and saide to him, " Sir, you are but a dead
man. It is impossible for you to live till the afternoon." Master
More said not a worde, called for an urinall, and looking on his
water said, " Master Pope, for any thing that I can perceave,
this patient is not so sicke but that he may doo well, if it be not
the kinges pleasure he should die. If it were not for that, there
is great possibilitie of his good health. Therefore let it suffice
that it is the kinges pleasure that I must die/1

At another time, there came a man of some reckoning, and
was merveilous earnest and importunate with Sir Thomas, to
have him change his rninde, and that he should not be so obsti-
nate and self-liked, as to persevere still in one minde. Sir Thomas
either wearie of his tedious speeches, or desirous to be merrie, or
to learne the man to speake more intelligible, for in all his dis-
course he never mentioned wherein he should change his minde,
nor spake one worde, either of the marriage, or of the kinges
supremacie, or of any particular matter that concerned Sir
Thomas, but onlie desired and urged that he would be b<
advised and change his opinion : " Sir," (quoth Sir Thomas to
him) "I will tell you the verie truth. I have considered and
preponderated all my affairs and doings, both publick and j>ri\
and now I see it very expedient for me to change my opinion :
and so I meane to doe. Wherefore I meane— " and there he
staid. The courtier interrupting him, neither asking him, nor
expecting the rest of his speeches, showes himself merveiloua "-lad.
congratulates him in his good chaunge, and desires him to continue
it. And away he hyed to the king, to whom he told tin-
successe he had gott by conference with Sir Thomas. The
was verie glad to heare it, and commands him presentlic to
retourne againe, and saith, "Commend me to Sir Thomas, and
tell him" ((juoth the king), " how gratefully 1 take it. in that he
will not seem to strive with us anie more. And moreover
him to understand from me, that for further >atistaet inn <»f the
worlde, it is our pleasure that he sett it down in writing, that all
may see his loyalty and love to us, his kinge and lorde." The

SIR THOMAS MORE. 107

over hastie reporter of this blessed newes, repaires with speed to
Sir Thomas, and declares to him the kinges will and pleasure.
Whereat Sir Thomas being abashed : " Now God forbid" (quoth
Sir Thomas) " that anie worde passed betwixt you and me here
in secret, should be told the king." " It is well enough" (quoth
the courtier) "for I know it will verie much please his majestie,
to heare so good tidings." " What tidings be these ?" (quoth Sir
Thomas) " You told me," (quoth he) " you had changed your
opinion." "Now our Lorde help us" (quoth Sir Thomas) "my
opinion, my opinion, I have changed — but in what, I perceive you
did not understand me, which had been verie requisite to have
been done, before you had informed his majestie. For now he
may be highlie offended, as thinking himself abused by one of us."
"Why" (quoth he) "have you not chaunged your opinion con-
cerning the supremacie and the divorce ?" " We talked of no
such matters" (quoth Sir Thomas) : " but you were still urging
me to change my opinion ; and I told you I had ; and being
about to explicate my meaninge, you were over hastie, for you
interrupted me, and so in haste you departed ; and in my mind a
little sooner than good manners would. This then I would have
said unto you. I have changed my opinion, — concerning the
cutting of my beard ! For you see it is now all growne out of
fashion since my coming into prison : and you know it is the
manner of those that have been of the kings counsell, or be judges
of the realm, to have their beards cut shorte and netted. And
once I thought to have gone to my death, netted, as I was wont
to wear it. But now I have changed my opinion ; for my beard
shall fare as my head, though the one be dearer to me than the
other."

As he lived, so he died ; allways posessing his soule in peace
and tranquillitie. Mens secura,juge conmmum, " a quiet mind is a
continuall banquett."

Going to the scaffold to loose his head, the ascending of the
stairs not being verie easie, " Help me up with one of your hands,"
said he to one of the officers, " for as for my coming downe, let
me shift as I may : for by then I am sure I shall take no great
harme." His head being laid on the block, the executioner asked
him pardon, as the custom is. " I forgive thee with all my heart"
(quoth he). " Marie, my neck is so shorte, I feare me thou
shalt have little honestie by thy workmanship. See therefore
that thou acquite thyself well ;" and there withall he gave him an

108 SIR THOMAS MORE.

angell for his paines. These his sweet and pleasant speeches 8
purchased good will of all that knew him ; and therefore in his
epitaph he speakes this of himself, " Neque nobilibus eram invisus,
nee injucundus populo : Neither was I misliked of the nobles, nor
unpleasant to the commons." I must say, to theeves, mur-
therers, and especiallie to hereticks, he was no great friend, there-
fore he in the same place saith, " Furibus, homicidis, hereticisque
molestusfui. To theeves, murtherers, and hereticks I was allwaies
grievous and offensive." And to be troublesome to hereticks he
counted it a praise ; and therefore in an epistle to Erasmus he
saith in this manner. " Quod in epitaphio profiteor, me her>
esse molestum, hoc ambitiose fed. In that I confess me to have
been displeasing to hereticks, this I say I wrote ambitiouslie : for
there is not any sorte of men that I worse like than they : for I
see by daiely experience, so much evill by them, that it greeveth
me to the heart to think of it." — Yet all the while he was chaun-
cellour there was not one man put to death for heresie.

8. Now let us a little consider his demeanour towards his wife,

8 His sweet and pleasant speeches^] We may borrow here a short extract
from Lloyd's State Worthies.

" His apophthegms were grounded on experience and judgment. He
would say, —

" ' He was not always merry that laughed.

" ' The world is undone by looking at things at a distance.

" ' To aim at honour here, is to set up a coat of arms over a prison-gate.

" ' If I would employ my goods well, I may be contented to lose them ; if
ill, I should be glad.

" ' He that is covetous when he is old, is as a thief that steals when he is
going to the gallows.

" ' The greatest punishment in the world were to have our wishes.

" ' Pusillanimity is a great temptation.

" * Affliction undoes many; pleasures more.

" ' We go to hell with more pain than we might go to heaven.

" ' Who would not send his alms to heaven ? Who would not send his
estate whither he is to be banished ? '

" When any detracted from others at his table, he said, ' Let any man
think as he pleases, I like this room well.'

" ' It is easier to prevent than redress.' " P. 49, 50.

"To one who told him of his detractors, he said, "Would you have me
punish those by whom I reap more benefits, than by all you my friends r '

" When my lord Cromwell came to him in his retirement, he advised him
to tell the king ' what he ought to do, not what he can do ; so shall you shew
yourself a true and faithful servant, and a right worthy counsellor. For if a
lion knew his own strength, hard were it for any man to rule him.' " P. 53.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 109

children, and familie, which was so well ordered, that rather it
might seem a religious monasterie of regulars, than a mansion
house of a lay-man. And some perhaps will thinke it rather a
wittie invention what it should be, than a historic what in truth
it was. For everie bodie there had his time and taske so sett,
either in reading spirituall books, prayers' or other vertuous exer-
cises, that you would thinke it Mary and Martha's house, fitt to
give entertainment to their Creator. There was no strife, no
debate, no wanton or unseemlie talke. Idleness the bane of
youth was quite excluded. To labour and to be vertuous was
their onlie care. His servants he would in no case suffer to be
idle ; for he would say " large food and rest bring diseases both
to bodie and minde." Therefore some he appointed to trimme
and weed his garden, allotting to each a plott, that by striving
each to keep his portion best, they might delight to be working.
Some he appointed to teach musicke, both song and instrument.
Others to write ; others to painte. Some he would have to mend
and sowe apparell. Of cards and dice no use at all. Besides
this, he observed that his men should lodge in one part of his
house, and woomen in an other : nor would he suffer any fami-
liarity amongst them ; hardlie to speake ; more seldome to con-
verse together, but upon especiall occasion. When he was at
home, his custome was, besides private prayers which he never
omitted, daylie in the morning with his children to say the seven
psalms and the letanies with the suffrages 9 ; and at night, before
he went to bed, he would call all his household to goo with him
to the chappell, or to his hall, and there on his knees to say the
psalm Miserere mei, Deus miser eatur nostri, $c. the anthem Halve
Regina, and the psalme De profundis. This he did even when
he was lorde chancellour. He had also the care that on everie
feaste and Sunday all should hear masse. At the solemnities of
Easter, Christmas, Whit Sunday, All Saints, and the like, he
would have all to arise at night, and go to the church, there to
be present at mattins, and after at even song.

He would never strike any of his servants, nor give them any
words of contumelie or reproach. If he had anie occasion to
chide them, it was in such mild sort, that his verie chiding made
him more to be loved. They would be glad to have given occa-
sion in some light matter, (yet feared to give occasion) that they

9 Suffrages ] See note at p. 66.

110 SIR THOMAS MORE.

might enjoy his sweet and loving chiding. Often he would, but
especiallie upon Good Friday, cause the passion of our Saviour
to be red before all his familie. And he would here and there
explicate the text by manner of exhortation. Allwaies at his
table he had red first a chapter out of the bible : then some
comentarie, or some spirituall book. Not a word was spoken all
that tyme. Either one of his daughters, his sonne John, or
Margaret Gige, till they were married, by turns did reade. The
reading was ended when the sign was given with, " Tu autem
Domine miserere nobis" according to the ecclesiasticall manner.

He conversed with his children in most loving manner. He
would talk with them of the joyes of heaven, and the pains of
hell ; of the lives of the holy martyrs, of their patience, and love
of God ; and tell them what a happy and blessed thing it was,
for the love of God, to suffer the losse of goods, imprisonment,
losse of lands, and life also. And he would further say unto
them, that upon his faith, if he might perceave, that his wife
and children would encourage him to die for a good cause, it
should so much comfort him, that for verie joy thereof it would
make him merrilie to runne to death. And to have them the
better prepared against troubles, he would show what was pos-
sible, though not like to fall unto him. If his wife, or anie of
his children were sike or diseased, he would say unto them, " \Ve
may not look, at our pleasures to go to heaven in feather-1
and with full bellies ; it is not the way ; for our Saviour himself
went thither with great paine and tribulation ; and the crosse
was the path wherein he walked, leaving us example to follm\v
his stepps. The servant is not to look to be in better case than
his master. Be of good comfort, and be patient ; for this sick-
ness is sent you of God to purchase you heaven." He would
tell them the means to attain to this vertue, or to that; and to
flie or shunn this vice, or some other; and as speculativ.lv.
so practicallie taught them to embrace vertue, and speriallie
humilitie.

His sonne John's wife often had requested her father in law.
Sir Thomas, to buy her a billimeut 10, sett with pearls. He had
often put her off, with many prettie sleights; l>ut at last, tor her
importunity, he provided her one. Instead of pearles. he caused
white peaze to be sett; so at his next coming home, his daughter

n Billiment.~\ Any ornament for females. Qu. from habiliment.

SIR THOMAS MORE. Ill

demanded her Jewell. " Aye marrie, daughter, I have not for-
gotten thee." So out of his studie he sent for a box, and
solemnlie delivered it to her. When she with great joy lookt for
her billiment, she found, far from her expectation, a billiment of
peaze ; and so she allmost wept for verie greefe. But her father
gave her so good a lesson, that never after she had^any great
desire to weare anie new toy.

They having so vertuous and good education, could not chuse
but prove most toward children. He provided good maisters
for them. Dr. Clement, a famous phisitian, was one. William
Gunnell (whose memorie is yet fresh in Cambridge, for his
learning and his workes of pietie), Richard Hart, and others
taught them humanitie, Greek, Latin, logique, philosophic, the
mathematiques ; and withall they red unto them some easie things
in divinitie ; and how much they profitted herein, we will parti-
cularlie sett downe : — but first we will speak of his wives.

Sir Thomas was twice married, as before I said : first to Joan
Colte u, a young maid, and a gentleman's daughter of Essex.
She was very vertuous, and pliable to all his will and pleasure.
By her he had three daughters, Margaret, Elizabeth, Cicilie ;
and one onlie sonne whose name was John. His wife, when he
first married her, she was after her countrie fashion rude and
untaught : but he soon framed her to his disposition and appetite.
He caused her to be instructed in learning, and all kind of mu-
sicke ; and shee so well liked him, that no doubt if she had lived,
he should have had a sweet and contented life with her.

His three daughters were thus married. Margaret to maister
William Roper ; who had by him two sonnes, Thomas and An-
thony, and three daughters Elizabeth, Marie, and Margaret.
His second daughter had to husband, John Dansey 1 ; and she had
five sonnes and two daughters. Cicilie was given in marriage to
Giles Heron ; and they had two sonnes and a daughter. John
More, his onlie sonne, married mistress Anne Chrisacre, a gentle-
man's daughter of worshipp in Yorkshire. She was the onlie
heir of her father, and by her came a fair living. Master John
More had by her six sonnes ; Thomas, Austin, Edward, Bartho-
lomew, another Thomas, Francis, and one onlie daughter called
Anne. Thomas the eldest sonne of John, and god-son to Sir
Thomas the grand-father, married the daughter of master Scroope,

11 Joan Colte. ~\ See p. 55.

1 John Dansey. ~\ See State Papers, i. 366 (or William ? see p. 56).

112 SIR THOMAS MORE.

and are now both living. (Anno Domini 1599.) He hath three
comelie gentlemen to his sonnes, and five daughters now alive.
He hath had thirteen children, of whom I could relate particular
matter much worthie the noting ; but seeing they are yet living,
and they desire rather to be known by their vertues, than by
others'1 pemis, I shall cease from that labour. Eleven of this off-
spring were born before Sir Thomas his death and imprisonment.

Now that Sir Thomas had so manie children, and so great a
family, he knew the care in ruling and governing them was
great ; and to ease himself of that burden determined to marrie
againe ; so for that end principallie he married a widdowe 2, whose
skill in such matters he thought would much ease him. This
wooman most lovinglie he used. Though she was aged, blunt,
rude, and barren, yet he of his wisdome, or rather pietie, so
cherished, and made much of her, as if she had been his first
young wife, adorned with happy issue of her bodie. She was
also sparefull, and somewhat given to niggardliness. Yet such
as she was, he by his dexterity so fashioned her, that he had a
quiet and pleasant life with her, and brought her to that order
that she learned to play and sing : and ever, at his returne home,
he tooke an account of the task he had enjoyned her touching
these exercises ; but with such showe of love, that she desired
to please him the better. The greatest fault she had, was she
would now and then show herself to be her mother's daughter,
kitt after kinde : it is but their natures to be a little talkative.

Once after shrift 3 she bad Sir Thomas be merrie : " for I
have " (quoth she) " for all this whole day left my shrewdness ;
for I have been at confession : but to-morrow Fll begynne afresh."

" Married a widdowe.~\ Mrs. Alice Middleton.

3 After shrift.'] His latter wife was a widow, of whom Erasmus writeth
that he was wont to say, that she was, " nee bella, nee puella " Who as she
was a good housewife, so she was not void of the fault that often folloucth
that virtue, somewhat shrewd to her servants. Upon a time Sir Thomas found
fault with her continual chiding, saying, "If that nothing else would reclaim
her, yet the consideration of the time" (for it was Lent) " should restrain h«-r."
" Tush, tush, my Lord," (said she) " look here is one step to heaven-ward,"
shewing him a Friar's girdle. " I fear me" (quoth Sir Thomas More) " this
one step will not bring you up a step higher."

"One day when she came from shrift she said merrily unto him.
merry, Sir Thomas, for this day was I well shriven, I thank (iod; and pur-
pose now therefore, to leave off my old shrewdness.' ' Yea,' (quoth he)
' and to begin afresh.' " Camden's Remains, p. 275. edit. 1G57.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 113

And though it was spoken in merriment, yet was it full often
true ; as himself acknowledgeth in his Books of Comforte, though
as his manner was, under a disguised woman of Hungary he
reported it. That she had a tongue you shall see by this. For
when she saw Sir Thomas had no list to grow upwarde in the
worlde, nor labour for office of authority ; and besides that, for-
sook a right worshippfull place when it was offered him, she fell
in hand with him, and all to be-rated him. " What will you
doe" (quoth she) "that you list not to put yourself forth as
other folkes doe? Will you sit still by the fire, and make goslings
in the ashes with a sticke, as children doe ? Would God I were a
man, and look then what I would doe?" " Why wife" (quoth
Sir Thomas) "what would you doe?" " What? marrie, goe for-
ward with the best of them all" (quoth she). "For as my
mother was wonte to say, (God have mercie on her soule !) it is
ever better to rule, than to be ruled. Wherefore I would not
by God I warrant you, be so foolish to be ruled, where I might
rule." " By my troth wife " (quoth he) " in this I dare say you
say true ; for I never found you willing to be ruled so long as I
have knowne you 4."

Againe, when he was prisoner in the Tower, and had conti-
nued there a good while, she at last obtained licence to see him.
Who at her first coming, like a simple, ignorant wooman, after
her homely manner, thus bluntly saluted him : " What a good
yeare5, master More, I mervaile what you mean. You have
been hitherto taken for a wise man ; and will you now so much
play the foole, as to lie here in this close and filthie prison ; and
to be shut up alone with mice and ratts, when you might be
abroad at your libertie, with the favour and good will of the king,
and all his counsell, if you would but doe as all the bishopps, and
the best learned in the realme have done ? And seeing you have
at Chelsea a faire house, your librarie, your books, your gallerie,
your gardin, your orchard, and all other your necessaries, so
handsome and fitt about you, where you might, in the companie
of me your wife, your children, and houshold be merrie ; I muse
what, a Gods name, you mean, to be here still." After he had

4 As I have knowne you.~] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1 224.

5 A good yeare,] " Quick. — Sir, the maid loves you, and all shall be well ;
we must give folks leave to prate : What the good jer." Merry Wives of
Windsor, Act I. Scene 4. " Conrade. — What the goujere, my lord : why are
you thus out of measure sad ?" Much Ado about Nothing, Act I. Scene 3.

VOL. II. I

114 SIR THOMAS MORE.

heard her awhile quietlie, with a cheerful countenance, he said
to her. " I pray thee good mistress Alice " (for that was her
name) "tell me one thing." " Whats that?" (quoth she). " Is
not this house " (quoth he) " as near heaven as my owne V She
not likinge such talke answered, " Tillie vallie, tillie vallie."
"But how say you, good wife, is it not so" (quoth he)?
" Deus bone, Deus bone, will this geare never be lefte " (quoth
shee) ? " Well, then, my good Alice, if it be so " (quoth he),
" it is well. Moreover I see no great cause, why I should so
much joy, either of my gay house, or of any thinge belonging
thereunto, when if I should be buried but seven yeares under the
ground, I should not fail to find some therein, that would not
sticke to bid me get out a doors, and tell me the house were none
of mine. What cause then have I to like such a house that
would so soon forget his maister ? "

At another tyme she came againe to visit him ; and amongst
many matters that she was sorrie for, for his sake, one she much
lamented in her mind; which was, that he should have his
chamber door made fast upon him everie night. " By my troth "
(quoth shee), " if the door should be shut upon me, I thinke it
would stop my breath." At that Sir Thomas smiled, but durst
not laugh out for fear of displeasing her (as he saith himself) ;
and thus he answered : " Gentle wife, I wott well you use to
shutt your chamber within, both doores and windowes, and not
to have them opened all the long night : and what difference is
there between them, for the stopping one's breath, whether the
chamber door be shut within or without6?"

When Sir Thomas divers times had beheld his wife, what paines
she took 7 with straight binding up of her hair, to make her a fa ire
large forehead ; and with lacinge in of her bodie to make her
middle small, and all for a little foolish praise ; he said to her,
M Madam, if God give you not hell, he shall doo you great wmno •;
for of right it is your's ; you buy it so deare, and take such paines
for it." Therefore you see Sir Thomas had some cause, as well
as his father, who was wont merrilie to say, "that the choice of
taking a wife is like as if a blinde man should put his haixlr into
a bagge full of snakes, and eeles togeather ; seven snakes for one
ele:" And if he had heard any man say, his wife was a >ln

6 Within or without.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1247.

7 Paines she took.] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1205.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 115

he would say, " you defame her, and so do all those that sale the
like of their wives : for there is but one shrewe in the worlde, and
that one is mine ; and so weeneth everie man that is married."
But Sir Thomas so much bettered the state of her minde, that I
doubt not she is a saved soule : and now enjoyetheach the other's
companie in blisse. — Thus much of his wives.

Wee will beginne with his eldest daughter, mistress Margaret
Roper, who prickt nearest her father, as well in witt, learning and
vertue, as also in merrie and pleasant talke, and in feature of
bodie. She was to her servants meek and gentle ; to her brothers
and sisters most lovinge and amiable ; to her friends stedfast and
comfortable ; and would give verie sound counsaile, — which is a
rare thinge in a woman.

Some men, of good callinge and experience, in their perplexities
and difficult causes would consult with her, and found, as they
afterward reported, as grave and profitable counsaile at her hands,
as they doubted to find the like else- where, for age and sex more
likely than shee. To her children she was a double mother, as
not onlie to bring them forth into the worlde, but also brought
them to heaven warde, by instructing them in vertue and learn-
ing. It happened her husband, upon a displeasure taken against
him by the kinge was sent to the Tower ; whereupon certaine
commissioners were sent to search his house. So upon a sodeine
coming to her, they found her, not puling and whining (as com-
monlie they doo in such cases), but cheerfullie teaching her little
children. They delivered to her their message ; wherewith she was
nothinge apalled, but in her talke to them she showed such con-
stancie, gravitie and wisdome, that they were in great admiration
at her demeanour, and afterwards they would say that they could
never speake so much good of her as she deserved.

To her husband she was such a wife as I suppose it were hard
to match her. For she was so debonaire and gentle a wife, that
Master Roper thought himself a happie man, that ever he hap-
pened upon such a treasure ; and he had her in such estimation,
that he would often say " that she was more worthie, for her ex-
cellent qualities, to have been a princes wife." And he againe
was of his part, so sober to her, so sweet, so modest, and so loving
a husband, that if he had not been her husband, it might have
seemed to have been her owne germaine brother, as Erasmus was
wont to say of a happie couple. But above all she was to her
father a most naturall loving childe. And albeit her behavioure

i 2

116 SIR THOMAS MORE.

and reverence towards him all her life time was much to be com-
mended, yet never so notablie as after her father's trouble and
imprisonment ; and then not so much for her paines and travaile,
which she took to procure him some ease and relief, as for her
wise and godlie talke, and for her comfortable letters she often
sent him, and for some other reasons ; so that it well appeared,
she was the chiefest and onlie comfort almost he had in this
worlde.

It happened once, long before his troubles, his daughter was
verie sicke. The Phisitians, and all other, despaired of her health.
The disease was then unknown, and dangerous 8. The onlie re-

8 Unknoum, and dangerous.] "This distemper began at first in 1483, in
Henry Vllth's army upon his landing at Milford haven, and spread itself in
London from the 21st of September to the end of October. It returned here
five times, and always in summer; first in 1485; then in 1506: afterward in
1517, when it was so violent that it killed in the space of three hours. It
appeared the fourth time in 1520, and again in 1528, which seems to be the
time when this lady had it, and proved mortal in the space of six hours. . . .
The only cure was to carry on the sweat, which was necessary for a long
time : sleep to be avoided by all means." — Dr. Freind's History of Phisick,
vol. ii. p. 335.

In addition to the above note, borrowed from Lewis's edition of Roper's
Life of Sir Thomas More, p. 46, I shall produce, from a contemporary writer,
a description of the moral phenomena which displayed themselves, upon the
return of this dreadful malady in the reign of Edward VI. The account
deserves to be classed with those of a like kind given by Thucydides, in his
description of the Plague at Athens : by Hodges and other writers, in their
narratives of the great plague in 1665, &c. &c. The extract is taken from
the famous Shorte Treatise of Politike Power, by D. J. P. B. R. W. initials,
as it has been supposed, intended to denote Dr. John Ponet, bishop (of)
Rochester (and) Winchester.

" Whan the Great Sweat was in England, in the tyme of King Edwarde, a
little signification of a greater scourge foloweing ; and many that were mery
at dyner, were buried in the evenyng; some that went at night to slepe
lustie, were founde in bedde dead in the morning ; some that went not farre
from their owne house, never returned : than as long as the ferventnesse of
the plage lasted, ther was cryeng, ' Peccavi, peccavi, peccavi ; I have sinned,
I have sinned, I have sinned : Mercie, good Lorde, mercie, mercie, mercie.'
The ministers of Gods worde were sought for in everi corner : they could not
rest ; they might not slepe. ' Ye must come to my lorde. Ye must come
to my lady. My maister prayeth you to come straight unto him. My maistres
must needs speke with you. Come, if ye love God. And if ye love their
salvacion, tarye not.' ' For Goddes sake, master minister ' (saye the sicke
folkes), ' tell us what we shall doo, to avoide Godds wrothe. Take these
bagges. Paye so muche to suche a man, for I deceaved him. Geve him so
muche, for I gat it of him by usurie. I made a craftie bargain with suche a

SIR THOMAS MORE. 117

medie they could then find out by experience was to be kept from
sleeping. It was in the time of the great sweat. All means were
sought to keep her awake, but it would not be, so there was no
hope of her recoverie, Her father, who most entirely loved her,
sought remedie at Gods hands : so went to the chappell in his
New building, and there upon his knees with tears most devoutlie
besought the Divine Majestic, that it would like his goodness,
unto whom nothing was impossible, if it were his blessed will, at
his mediation to vouchsafe gratiouslie to hear his humble petition
for his daughter. It came then presentlie into his minde that a
glister would be the alone remedie to help her sleeping, which
waking she would not have suffered ; and therewith she was
thoroughly waked. The phisitians misliked this counsaile, yet it
pleased God, for her fathers fervent prayer, as we may verilie
thinke, to restore her to perfect health. Yet Gods markes (an
evident token 9 of present death) plainely appeared upon her ;
whereby it is plain that this help was more than naturel. Her
father loved her so dearlie that if it had pleased God then to have
taken her to his mercie, he had determined never after to have
meddled with worldlie matters. But now in his imprisonment her
daughterlie affection did double itself. In one letter to her, he
writeth, that to declare what pleasure and comfort he tooke of
her wise and elegant letters, a pecke of coles will not suffice to

one ; restore him so muche, and desire him to forgeve me. I have taken
bribes of suche a one, I pray you geve him so muche more again. I have
spoken evil of suche a man, God forgeve it me. I have bene a hooremonger,
a bavvde, God perdone me. Dyvide this bagge among the poore. Carrie
this to the hospital. Pray for me for Goddes sake. Good Lord forgeve me,
I have dissembled with thee. I pretended to love thy word with my lippes,
but I thought it not with my hart. But now I see thou knowest the secretest
secretes, and wilt not leave evil unpunished. Have mercie on me, and forgeve
me Good Lord, I beseche thee from the botome of my harte.' — This was the
dissimulacion of the people for three or foure daies, whiles the execucion was.
But after whan the rage was somewhat swaged, than return they to their
vomite, worse than ever they were. Than, that they had before caused to be
restored, and geven in almose, they seke to recover by more evil-favoured
chevisaunses. But God is not blynde, nother is his hande shortened."
Signat. M. edit. 1556. Compare Donne's Sermons. Sermon xxi. See also
the note to the Life of Colet, in vol. i. p. 444.

9 Gods markes, an evident token.'] " We used to say, that those that have
God's tokens upon them, are past hopes of life : here you may plainly see
God's tokens upon these men, they are reserved to everlasting damnation." —
Ussher in Parr's Life of Abp. Ussher, p. 69.

118 SIR THOMAS MORE.

make him penns ; merrilie insinuating what lack he had of fitter
tooles.

Erasmus wrote many epistles to her, and dedicated his Com-
mentaries on certaine hymnes of Prudentius to this gentlewoman,
and calleth her the flower of all learned matrones of England.
Nor was she meanlie learned. She compounded in Greek and
Latin both verse and prose, and that most eloquentlie. Her witt
was sharpe and quicke ; and to give you a taste thereof, know
this : Saint Ciprians workes had been in those days oftentimes
printed; yet there remained amongst other faults one notable
uncorrected, and thereof no perfect sense could be made, to the
laming, and blemishing of a most notable sentence and testimonie
of so ancient and sacred a writer. The words were these. " Absit
enim ab ecclesia Romano, vigorem suum tarn pro/ana facilitate
demittere, et nisi vos severitatis eversa fidei majestate dissolve™."
Which place when mistress Margaret red, presentlie without anie
help of other example or instruction, " These words nisi vos must
be" (saith shee) " nervos" So the sentence by mending of that
worde nisi vos into nervos, is made plain and perspicuous. This
correction of hers is noted of John Costerius in his commentaries
uppon Vincentius Lirinensis, and by Pamelius in his Annotations
on Saint Ciprianis epistle thirty first.

Quintilian, to shew the excellencie of his cunninge in witt,
made an oration in the behalf of a poor man, whose bees standing
in a rich man's garden, were killed with poison sprinkled upon tin-
flowers. She made another oration, answering his, in the defence
of the rich man, wherein she quitted herself so well, that it is
nothing inferior to that of Quintilian, though her part was the
harder to defend.

Reignold Poole, after cardinall, and John [Voysey] byshopp of
Exeter, so liked her epistles, that they could hardly be persuaded
that such learning could be found in that sex, as there they found.
Sir Thomas answered the byshopps, that he could assure them
that they were her owne doings, without any helpe. The next
day Sir Thomas sent to her from court to write another epistle of
a theame that one of the byshopps sent her. The next day -In-
n-turned her letter, and thereby contented so much the byslmpps.
that they gave her great praise and commendations ; and one of
them sent her a portigue10 in token of his good liking. Yet for

10 A portigue.'] A Portugal piece : " numraura aureum Portugalensem." —
Stapletoni Tres Thomas, p. 242.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 119

all this, she was of that modestie, and rare humilitie, that she
misliked to hear herself praised for anie qualitie. She thought so
lowlie of her own witt and learning, that she was ashamed to have
anie man to see her workes. This mind of hers greatlie pleased
her father.

Seeing we have said so much of the wife, it will not be amiss
to enterlace somewhat of the husbande ; who when he married
her was a zealous Protestant ; and withall liked so well of him-
self, and his divine learning, that he took the bridle in the teeth,
and ran forthe like a head-strong horse, and could not be pulled
back againe by anie means. Neither was he contented to whisper
it in hugger muggar, but thirsted verie sore to divulge his doctrine
to the worlde, and thought himselfe able to defend it against
any ; so he much longed to be pulpitted. His zeal was so great in
Luther's new religion, he could have been contented, so that he
might have satisfied his madd affection, to have forgone a good
portion of his lands, which by inheritance were fair and ample ;
for his father was the king's attorney-generall, and had procured
for him the protonotaries office of the king's bench, which hitherto
hath continued in his name. At this time some of this new sect
had taken such an itch of preaching, that they could hardly charm
their tongues : yet for feare, making with their lipps a shew of the
catholick faith, they contained themselves whilest their heresie lay
festering in the bottom of their hearts, only upon hope as they after-
wards confessed, that the time would serve them better to preach
openlie. His fall into heresie, as he afterwards would often say,
did first growe of a scruple of his owne conscience, for lacke of
grace and better understanding. For he daylie did use immo-
derate fastinge and manie prayers ; which if discretion and
counsaile had prescribed, it had been well ; but using them of
his owne head, without order and good consideration, thinking
God never to be pleased therewith, he did wearie himself usque ad
tcedium, even unto lothsomeness thereof. Then did he under-
stand of certaine books of frier Luthers ; and as Eve, of a
curious mind to knowe good and bad, so he, for the strangeness
and pleasantness of the doctrine, had a desire to read some of
the bookes. He happened of one entituled De Libertate Chris-
tiana, and on another De Captivitate Babylonica, two venemous
and pestilent bookes. He was so infected with the poison of
them, that he believed everie thing that Luther said to be most
true : and thus through his owne pride, ignorance, and corrupt

120 SIR THOMAS MORE.

affection, Luther's false allegations, sophisticall reasonings, and
doubtfull arguinge, he was pitifullie deceived ; and was fullie of
that opinion that onlie faith dothjustifie, and that good workes do
nothing profitt ; and that if a man would once believe that Christ
died for him, it was enough ; then that all the ceremonies, rites,
and sacraments used in the church of God were vaine and super-
stitious. And so farr he waded in these heresies, that he wished
he might be suffered publicklie to preach ; thinking, as we have
said, that he should be better able to edifie the people, then the
best doctor that comes to Powles Crosse. And thus for his
open talk, and companing with divers merchaunts of the still-
yarde, and others, suspected of heresie, he was convented before
cardinall Wolsey. The merchaunts abjured at Powles Crosse ;
yet maister Roper, for some respect the cardinall bore to Sir
Thomas, his father-in-lawe, was after a friendlie warning, quietlie
discharged for that tyme.

Albeit maister Roper married Sir Thomas his eldest daughter,
yet of all men in the worlde, at that time he least loved hym ;
yea in his heart abhorred him. And no mervaile, for Luther's
easie, shorte, and licentious doctrine, had cast him to so sweet a
sleep, that he gave over his fastinge, his prayers, and loathed
both good bookes and good folkes, and gott himself forsooth a
Lutheran bible, wherein upon the holidays, instead of his prayers,
he spent his whole time, thinking it sufficient to gett a little
knowledge, to be able amongst the ignorant persons to babble
and talke, as though he had been a great doctor. Thus he con-
tinued some yeares, and could not be recovered by anie means.
Upon a time Sir Thomas talking with his daughter Margaret,
said unto her in this sorte, " Megg, I have borne a long time
with thy husband. I have reasoned and argued with him, and
still given him my poor fatherlie counsaile ; but I perceave none
of all this can call hym home againe. And therefore Megg, I
will no longer dispute with him; nor yet will I give him over,
but I will another way to worke, and gett me to God, and pray
for him. And presentlie upon this, through the great mercie of
God and the devoute prayer of his father-in-lawe. he j»< -m -av. •<!
his owne ignorance, malice, and follie, and returned againe to tin-
catholic faith. And so firmly he was rooted and fixed in it, that
he continued verie resolute and constant unto his life's md, and
left it as an inheritance to his house and children ; and was after-
wards a singular helper and patrone to all afflicted catholicks,

SIR THOMAS MORE. 121

and especiallie to such as were in prison, or otherwise troubled
for the defence of the catholick faith. His ordinarie alms, as
yet to be seen in his book of accounts, amounted yearlie to one
thousand pounds ; his extraordinaries were as much, and some-
times more ; sometimes two, three, and four thousand pounds a
yeare.

He was, for relieving by his almes a learned man, maister
Beckenshawe, sent to the Tower, in the reign of king Henery the
eighth. His charitie and alms were so great to poor and needie
persons, that it were a hard matter to find another of his degree,
who might in that respect be compared to him : for he was
" oculus cceco^pes claudo, et pater pauperum, an eie to the blinde,
a foote to the lame, and a father of the poore." (Job, c. 29.) —
This is a goodlie faire president for other of this tyme, being of
less witt, vertue, and learning, to teach them to reforme them-
selves to the catholick faith, and learne them to retourne from
whence they went, and to redeem their sins by almes.

This blessed couple had a daughter whose name was Mary :
full learned she was in the liberal sciences. First she was
married to master Clark, afterwards shee was married to master
Basset, one of the privie chamber in queen Mary's time ; and
shee herself was one of the maides of honour. This gentle-
woman very handsomelie translated the Ecclesiasticall Historie
of Eusebius out of Greek into Latin, (and after into English, yet
extant, to the shame of the hereticall of Meredith Hanmer)
which for that Christopherson bishopp of Lincolne his translation
was then famous and extant, her*s came not to print. The
English may hereafter. She translated the historic of Socrates,
Theodoretus, Sozomenus and Evagrius. These of her modestie
they x caused to be suppressed. She also translated a treatise of
her grandfather Sir Thomas, made upon the Passion; and so
elegantlie, and so eloquentlie hath penned it, that a man would
thinke it were originallie written in the English tongue by Sir
Thomas himself.

Now it remaineth to say something of the rest. Master John
More, Sir Thomas his eldest sonne, was well learned, and verie
vertuous. Erasmus dedicated unto him, as to one deserving well
of good letters, Aristotle in Greek, corrected by him. Symon
Grineus dedicated his commentaries on Plato and Proclus in the

1 They.~\ Qu<Bre She ?

122 SIR THOMAS MORE.

same language. Margaret Gige, though not one of his naturall
children, yet brought up with his other children even from her
youth, was furnished with the knowledge of both the Greek and
Latin tongues, and had good skill in phisicke, as by this you may
see.

It happened that Sir Thomas, some yeares before his death,
had an ague, and had passed two or three fitts. After, he had a
fitt out of course, so strange and merveilous, that a man would
thinke it impossible ; for he felt himself at one time bothe hote
and cold, throughoute all his bodie ; and not in one part hote,
and in another colde, for that is not strange ; but he felt sensiblie
and painfullie at one time in one place, both contrarie qualities.
He asked the phisitians how it might be possible. They answered
it could not be. Then this little maide (for then shee was verie
younge, yet had read Galen) told Sir Thomas, that there was
such a kind of fever ; and forthwith she shewed a book of Galen
De differ 'entiis/ebrium, where he avoucheth as much. This gentle-
woman, after married doctor John Clement, famous for his
singular skill in Greek, and in phisicke.

This schole of Sir Thomas More was liked and praysed of
great and learned both at home and abroade. Erasmus for the
renowne of it, dedicateth to this schole his commentaries upon
certaine workes. And Ludovicus Vives highly praysed it, and
with great reason surelie. If we do consider their great iix-r
in learning, it was rather an universitie than a private schole ; if
their profitt in vertue, a monasterie, rather than a courtiers
house. And he being such as we have said, his wife, children
and familie could be no other than they were, singularlie learned,
and merveilouslie vertuous.

BOOK THE THIRD.

1. HITHERTO we have described Sir Thomas how wise, how elo-
quent, how learned, how honourable a judge and iiia^i>trat( li«-
was : how loving a husband, how careful a father, ho\\
friend, how zealous against licreticks, and in life how saintly and
holy he was. But the chiefest thing, and the most memoraM<

SIR THOMAS MORE. 123

and worthie to be written in letters of gold is this ; that Sir
Thomas More, for the defence of justice and veritie, most gladlie
and willingly offered himself to death. The narration of whose
glorious martyrdome, being a thing of great comfort and edifica-
tion, it were not meet sleightly or briefly to shut it upp. There-
fore we will ripp upp the verie beginninge of this tragedie.

Then first we must speake of cardinall Wolsey, whose doings
I do not willinglie speake of, yet being incident unto our matter,
we are forced somewhat to rehearse them. Who though he had
some good parts and gifts in him, yet he was of so aspiring and
ambitious a nature, fraught with the fruits of pride, disdaine and
revenge, that well had it been with him if never he had been
borne a man ; for by these detestable vices he threw himself
headlong into utter ruine and shame ; corrupted his prince with
enormous vices ; caused the death of manie good men ; opened
the gate to fowle and hideous schisme and heresie ; with which
sinne our poor countrie hath been most lamentably overwhelmed.
All this, though not intended by him, yet originallie sprange of
his wicked and cursed ambitions. For this cardinall first moved 2
question and doubt concerning the divorce between ladie Kathe-
rine of Spaine, and Henery the eighth king of England. This
Katherine was before married to prince Arthur, elder brother to
Henery aforesaid. Arthur, being of a weak and feeble constitu-
tion, died presentlie after this marriage ; whereupon their wise
and prudent fathers, Henery the seventh of England, and Fer-
dinando of Spaine, for the good and quiet of both realms, con-
cluded upon a second contract betwene prince Henery and
Katherine. So they made suite to Alexander, then pope of
Rome, for a dispensation : and the impediment being taken
away, which was thought then by the whole worlde to be neither
against the positive lawe of God or of nature, but only against
the lawe of the church, it was granted by pope Julius the second.
So these two young princes continued quietlie in marriage,
without anie scruple, twentie yeares togeather. — This cardinall I
say, was the first actor and incensour of this divorce ; and it
was upon this occasion, as the ladie Katherine laid afterwards to
his chardge openlie.

He aspired to be invested with the papall dignity : and made
much laboure to that end ; and had manie likelihoods to atchieve

2 Cardinall first moved.'] But see note to vol. i. p. 551.

124 SIR THOMAS MORE.

unto it, both by means of the eraperour Charles, and by some
cardinals of Rome, wrought by his indirect meanes for that pur-
pose ; so once or twice when the sea was voide, he mightilie
expected to have been pope. But at last perceaving himself frus-
trated and illuded of that expectation, and that chiefly (which
galled him not a little) by the emperour Charles, who commended
to the cardinalls, cardinal Adrian, sometimes his scholemaster,
who for his learninge, vertue and worthiness, and by the empe-
rours letters, was elected : so he came from Spaine, where he
had the chief government under the emperour, and entered the
citie of Rome bare footed and bare legged. Wolsey seeing ano-
ther preferred before him, and himself without hope, waxed
wroth, and offended with all, so that he studied by all ways
revengement of his grief against the emperour 3. Wherefore he,
not ignorant of the king's inconstant and mutable disposition,
soon inclined to withdraw his devotion 4 from his owne vertuous
and lawfull wife Katherine, aunt to the emperour, whom now
mortally he maligned, determined to make the king's light nature
an instrument to bring about his ungodlie designment. And for
the better complotting thereof, he would not at the first imme-
diately deale with the king, but sent for Langland bishopp of Lin-
coln, then ghostlie father to the king, and told him, what scruple
and doubt he had, concerning the kings marriage : sayinge, " I
feare it is not as it should be : for verie manie learned men hold
it unlawful for him to marrie his brother's wife. And forasmuch
as the chardge of the king's soule lies on your hands, I thinke it
but your dutie, to inform his majestic of the perill and danger he
stands in." So he never left urging him, till he had won him to
give his consent that he would admonish the king to have it de-
bated and discussed amongst the learned ; the better to sati^hV
and quiet the consciences of his faithfull and loving subj
The king at the first hearing of this, was much amazed, and
seemed to be greeved. " What my Lord," (quoth he) " let us
take heed what we doo ! Consulta et definita to call againe into
question." Uppon this Langland told the cardinal!, that he
would meddle no more in the matter. " What my lord" (quoth
the cardinall) " shall the breathe of a man make you start one

3 Against the emperour.'] See vol. i p. 509.

4 To withdraw his devotion.] It does not appear, that there is sufficient
foundation for these severe imputations against the cardinal. See his Life by
Cavendish, in the preceding volume, p. 560.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 125

jott from your dutie I Be he kinge, be he keasar 5, you doe what
becomes a priest, a bishopp. Speake to the kinge againe.
' Urge, obsecra, opportune, importune 6 : Move the matter once
more, and I shall be present. Let it not be known that I am
thus much acquainted with it ; and then will I ridd you of much
labour/ For Wolsey thought, if once the divorce were sett on
foote, to bring it to passe even as he would. So he devised to
allure the king to cast his fancie on Lady Elianor, duches of
Alonson 7, sister to the French king. At this tyme there was
great warre between the king of France and the emperour. If
so he could bring to passe this marriage, two wayes he thought
it would grieve the emperour : first by the dishonour and shame
done to his aunt, queen Katherine, causing her to be rejected,
as having lived in incest twentie yeares togeather. Again he
thought he should mightily back the French king against him,
by linking and uniting togeather the strength of England and
France. And for this purpose, he persuaded with the king to
be sent ambassadour into France, onlie to entreate and conclude
for the perfecting of the aforesaide marriage. Never went anie
forth of this realm with more pomp and glorie 8, then now this
cardinall did : he meaning thereby to make to hymself the kings
favours, (which alreadie he thoroughly possessed, and ruled as he
would,) more firme and sure. Yet never was there anie that
had less honoure, and worse lucke than he gott by this ambas-
sage. For it was the providence, and just judgement of God,
that that which he intended to the harme of others, should be
the occasion of his owne over thro we. For the king (the cardi-
nall nothing less expecting), had fallen in love with Ann Bullen,
and upon her his heart was so thoroughlie and entirely fixed,
that he had contrarie to his speeches to the cardinall, resolutely
determined to marry her. Wherefore there was a messenger
dispatched, with letters to the cardinall, willing and commanding
him, that of other matters he should breake with the French
kinge, but in no cause he should speake a worde of the marriage.

5 Be he keasarJ] See note to vol. i. p. 473.

fi Urge, obsecra, opportune, importuned] ii. Tim. iv. 2. " — opportune, im-
portune, argue, obsecra/' Vulg. version.

7 Duches of AlonsonJ] Not Eleanor but Margaret of Valois, duchess of
Alencon, afterwards queen of Navarre. See note to Cavendish's Life of
Wolsey, in vol. i. p. 604.

8 Pomp and glorie. .] See vol. i. p. 519.

126 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Yet the cardinal! moved it, as being the chief thing to bring his
malicious drift to effect. Which ladie Anne understanding,
afterwards never ceased to urge and press the king against him,
till he was utterlie overthrowne. The king also was otherwise
incensed against him, as hereafter we will declare.

2. Now when this matter was once broched, the king (some
thinke at the first upon some scruple, others were of opinion, he
was never of so tender a conscience, but for some other respects)
opened the matter with the first to Sir Thomas More, whose
counsaile he required therein, shewing him certaine places of
scripture that might seem somewhat to serve for his appetite.
Which when he had perused, as one not professing the studie of
divinitie, he excused himself to be unmeet anie way to meddle
with such matters. The king not satisfied with this answer, so
sore pressed upon him, that in fine he condescended to his graced
motion. And forasmuch as the cause was of such importance as
needed great deliberation and advice, he besought his majestic of
sufficient respite advisedlie to ponder and consider thereon. With
that the king was well contented. "Aye marie," (quoth the
king) " thou saiest well : consult with Tunstall and Clerk
(bishopps of Durham and Bath), and maister doctor Nicholas
the Italian frier 9, and with other of my counsell ; for I have com-
mended the matter to the wisest of them all." So Sir Thomas
departing conferred these places of scripture, with the exposition
of divers of the old doctors, and at his next coming to the court,
talking to the king of the aforesaide matter, saide in this sorte.
" Might it please your grace to give me leave to speake. My
opinion is, that neither my lord of Durham, nor my lord of
Bathe, though I know them both to be vertuous, wise, and learned
men ; nor myself, witli the rest of your counsell, being all your
graced owne servants, for your manyfold benefitts bestowed upon
us most bounden unto you, be not in my judgement meet coun-
sellors herein, as being subject to be suspected either for favour
or feare to utter their mindes. But if your grace mind to under-
stand the truth, such counsellors may be devised, that neither for
respect of their owne worldlie commoditie, nor for feare of your
prineelie authority, will be inclined to deceave you, or can justlv
be thought partiall. And such they be, as their vi-rie nani< -
to be reverenced; to witt Saint Austine, Saint Ambrose. Saint

9 Italien friar.'] Sota de' Ghinucci ?

SIR THOMAS MORE. 127

Jherome, Saint Chrisostome, Saint Basill, and divers others, old
holy doctours, both of the Greek and Latin churche." And
there-withall he delivered to his Majestie certaine places, that he
had gathered out of these fathers for the deciding of the present
question. This was not much agreeable to the kings humour,
yet thenn he seemed to like them : for Sir Thomas in his commu-
nication with the king most discretelie behaved himself, and so
wiselie tempered his speech, that at that time the king took all in
good part ; and oftentimes had conference with him againe about
the same matter.

3. After this, amongst the counsell it was debated at Hampton
court, and at York place, whether the king in this case needed
to have scruple at all, and if he had, what way were best to be
taken to deliver him of it. The most part were of opinion, that
there was good cause of scruple : for the dischardge whereof,
meet they thought, that suit should be made to the sea of Rome.
This greatlie misliked not the king, for there he hoped by money
and other indirect meanes to obtaine his purpose ; wherein, as
afterwards appeared, he was sore deceaved.

Presentlie1 upon this, Sir Thomas More with bishopp Tunstall2,
were sent beyond the seas for certaine affairs of the kings. Then
was suite made to Rome ; and for further triall of the matter, a
commission was procured in which cardinall Campagius and car-
dinall Wolsey were joined commissioners ; who for the determi-
nation hereof sat at the Blackfriers in London ; where a bill was
exhibited for the anulling of the saide marriage, alledging that
it was unlawfull. But for the proofe of the marriage, there was
brought forth a dispensation ; for then it was holden of all to be
onlie against the positive lawes of the church. So there was
brought forth a dispensation, and great disputation was holden to
prove the said bull by lawe to be insufficient as being surreptitium ;
for concealing some particularities, that in the first demand of it
had much increased the difficultie in the graunte.

For it was saide, that in the bull of dispensation graunting
license to king Henry to marrie ladie Katherine, it was not parti-
cularlie specified, whether Arthur, king Heneries brother, did
carnallie know Katherine or no. So then appeared, they saide, an
imperfection. But to prevent this cavill, the two kings of Spaine
and England procured another brief from the pope, in the which^

1 Presentlie.'] In 1529.

2 With bishopp Tunstall.'] And with William Knight and John Racket.

128 SIR THOMAS MORE.

for more abundant cautele, it was distinctly sett downe, that
notwithstanding anie carnall copulation, if anie such were betwixt
the said Arthur and Katherine, the marriage should be good and
available. Search was made for this brief, and it was found in
the treasurie of Spaine ; and so with speed it was sent to the
commissioners into England ; and judgement should accordingly
have been given by the pope (not by the legate) he reserving tin's
to himself. But the king, upon intelligence thereon, appealed as
his last refuge to the next Generall Councell. After which appel-
lation, the legates sat no more. But before the matter passed
thus farr, Sir Thomas concluded a most honourable peace between
his highness the French king and the emperour, returned into
England, and repaired to the king ; where the king broke this
matter againe unto him, and showed him that his marriage was
not onelie against the positive lawes of the church, and the written
word of God both in Leviticus and Deuteronomy, but allso in
such sorte against the lawe of nature, that by no wise it could by
the church be dispensed withall : and incontinentlie laid open the
bible before hym, and there red such wordes, as moved him and
other learned persons so to thinke. But when he asked Sir
Thomas More what he thought upon those wordes, and perceav-
ing his mind not correspondent to his ; he willed him to confer
with master Fox his almoner, and to read a book with him,
which was then in making in defence of the unlawfulness of the
marriage.

4. It happened that the king was marvellously displeased with
the cardinal! Wolsey for the long delay he made in the matter, as
thinking that either he had changed his mind, or mislikcd the
whole matter ; or at least to be nothing so forward and conform-
able to his mind, as he looked for at his hands, and as at oth« -r
times he had found him. So his highness displaced him of his
office of chancellorship ; and within a while after, albeit he
taken and receaved as a legate from the ninth year of the kinirs
reign, as well by the whole realme as by the king himself; an<l as
it was thought the office was procured for the cardinall not without
the king^s special! help and mediation ; yet besides inanie other
great and heynous offences, was laid to his change l»y the kin^s
learned counsel!, the practise, and exercise of that office, without
the kind's speriall license in writing, as a most greevous offence.
and so that he was fallen into a premunire, by vertue of a statute
made in the time of Richard the second : and the whole cl«

SIR THOMAS MORE. 129

of England, for acknowledging the same legatine authority was
thought worthie to be punished in like manner3. So the province
of Canterburie, to recover the kings favour and grace was fined
to pay an hundred thousand pounds. The like contribution for
the rate, the province of Yorke was fain to defray. I say for this
matter, and for the hatred that the ladie Anne Bullen bore to
the cardinal!, for moving the aforesaid marriage with the French
King's sister ; and also by means of doctor Stokesly, bishopp of
London, whom the cardinall not long before in the Star Chamber
openlie put to rebuke, and after sent to the Fleet, the cardinall
was out of the kings favour ; and colourable devices were daily
sought and urged to bring him to publicke triall. Articles were
drawn against him, presented to the king, and followed by mighty
men. So Wolsey in his diocese of Yorke, whereunto (spoiled of
his other livings) he betooke himself, was arrested of high treason
by the earl of Northumberland, and other of the kings privie
chamber ; and sent for up to London, there to make his answer
to such accusations as should be laid against him. But the many
sorrowes and greefes receaved of these troubles, with fear of
worse event, did so deeplie sinke into his harte, that it cut off
part of his jorney, and his life with all, not without some suspi-
cion of poisoning himself4. So in his way to London at Leicester
he died in the abbey. Others denie this poysoning : but this was
the end of him, who was the first and principall instrument of this
divorce. Malum consilium consultori pessimum : he was the first
that smarted for this matter.

In this place Sir Thomas More was elected5 : who was thought

3 In like manner.] See the Life of Cromwell, in this volume.

4 Suspicion of poisoning himself.'] It is observable, that no mention of this
circumstance of poisoning is made by Harpsfield, from whom the substance
of this account is taken. He says merely, " that the many sorrowes and
griefs that he had conceaved of these his troubles, with further feare of other
grievous event, had so deepely suncke into his harte, that it cut off a great
parte of his journey, and life withall. And this ende fell upon him, that was
the first and principall of this unhappie divorce." Lambeth MSS. No. 827.
fol. 15. Compare above, vol. i. Life of Wolsey, p. 631.

5 More was elected.'] In 1529, see note at p. 71, Erasmus, in an epistle to
Giovanni Vergara, says that the chancellorship had been offered to archbishop
Warham before More. 'f Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis vocatus, imo revocatus
est ad Cancellarii munus, quo non aliud in Anglia majus, sed is excusavit
setatem, jam imparem tanto negotio. Itaque provincia delegata est Thomae
Moro, magno omnium applausu, nee minore bonorum omnium laetitia sub-
vectus, quam dejectus Cardinalis." Operum torn. iii. ed. 1703.

VOL. II. K

130 SIR THOMAS MORE.

the rather to have had this office given him, that he might be
induced thereby the sooner to condescend to the king^s request ;
who eftsoons repeated, that no dispensation (the effect being
directlie against the lawe of God) could make it good. So he
willed him againe to confer with byshopp Stokesley, " who in that
point," said the king, " can fullie satisfie you.11 Yet for all this
conference he could by no means be persuaded to change his
minde. Notwithstanding, the byshopp shewed himself to the
king's highness verie favourable in his relation, and said he found
Sir Thomas, in his graces cause, verie desirous to find some matter
wherewith he might serve his turn to his contentation. Yet this
man was but too forvvarde in the behalfe of the king, for all his
gentle reporte : but this he did in respect of the love he bare to
Sir Thomas, in delivering this qualified answer to the kinge.

5. The kinge being more desirous to winn Sir Thomas to
assent, then one half of his realme, presentlie after his entering
into this office, he moved him againe and againe to consider of
this his great matter. Sir Thomas falling downe upon his knees,
humblie besought his highness to stand his gratious lord, as here-
tofore he had found him ; saing that there was nothing in the
worlde, that had been so grievous unto his hart, as to remember
that he was not able, as willinglie he would, yea with the losse of
his limbs, to finde anie thinge in this matter, whereby he might
with safetie of conscience serve his graces contentation. '• For
well I bear in minde," (quoth Sir Thomas) "those most godlie
wordes, that your highnes spake to me, at my first entering into
your noble service ; that first I should attend and looke to God
and his honour ; and then to yourself. And so hitherto, in good
faith, I have done; or ells might your grace account me a most
ongratioua and unworthy servant." To this the king answered,
" Jf you cannot herein, with the safetie of your conscience s
us, we will be content to accept of your service otherwise ; and
use the advise in this matter of my other learned counsell, wln»se
consciences I well wott can agree hereunto. And yet 1 thinke.
you will not condemn them of a large conscience, you taking them
for good and vertuous men. Well, Sir Thomas, I shall continue
my favour towards you, and never hereafter more trouble you re
conscience with this matter."

After all this, the king being fullie determined to proceed in
the marriage with queen Anne, called a parliament f«»r that pur-
pose ; where, for the furtherance of thu marriage, Sir Thomas

SIR THOMAS MORE. 131

was commanded by the kinge to goo into the Lower House, there
to shew unto them what the universities, as well for the parts
beyond the seas, as of Oxforde and Cambridge, had done in that
behalfe ; and their publicke seales testyfying theire dislike of the
former marriage. All this at the kings request he opened unto
them ; neither adding nor detracting of that which he was com-
manded to utter ; and not showing of what minde he was himself
therein. — And so much Sir Thomas condescended unto, for the
satisfying of the kings mind as he could : first he red that which
served for the deciding of the matter ; then he diligentlie con-
ferred with whom he was appointed ; and after these speeches
above rehearsed of the king, he gladlie red all the books that were
made for the marriage of queen Anne : and of the other part, he
would neither read, nor suffer any booke to lie by him, whether
they were made in England or beyond the seas ; nor would wil-
linglie talk with anie that favoured queen Katherines part, more
than was of necessitie or dutie ; nor would give ear to the popes
proceedings in the matter. For having once settled his owne
mind in quiet, he shewed himself so conformable as any reasonable
man in such a case could thinke meet and convenient : insomuch
that those that favoured most of the kings proceedings, would
alwaies say and averre, that there was no obstinacie or lacke of
good will, that Sir Thomas did not change his mind according to
the kings desire. — By chance he found a booke in his studie
amongst other papers, that the byshopp of Bath 6 made, in that
time when the legates satt, for the defence of the first marriage ;
he caused it presentlie to be burnt, and would neither write, nor
hear any to dispute of this matter in his presence.

6. All the time that Sir Thomas was chauncellour, this matter
of the divorce lay in doubt. Now after two yeares and a half (for
so long he continued in that office ; for the twentie sixth of
October he was admitted to it, in the yeare 1529 ; and on the
fifteenth day of May in the yeare 1532 he was dismissed), seeing
still the king was resolutelie bent to proceed in this new marriage,
yea though it were with the dislike of the apostolicall sea, so
doubting lest further things would be demanded of him, by reason
of his office, than might stand with his conscience, he made suite
to the duke of Norfolk, his singular good friend, to be a meane to
the king that he might with his graces favour be discharged of

6 The byshopp of Bath.'] John Clerk.
K 2

132 SIR THOMAS MORE.

his chauncellourship, pretending other colourable, yet true and
probable reasons why he demanded it ; and at the length having
this gratiouslie granted him, he purposed not to meddle further
with princes' affaires, nor with anie other worldlie matter ; but
especiallie and chieflie not with this cumbersome question of the
marriage. So he determined to spend the residue of his life in
meditating of heaven and heavenlie things ; and that he might the
more quietlie settle himself thereunto, placed all his gentlemen
and yeomen with byshopps and noblemen his friends. His barge
and watermen he gave to the lord Audley of Walden, who suc-
ceeded him in his office. He put from his table Pattison his foole,
whom he sent home to his father. He disposed of all his lands,
in manner as before is saide ; most part of his moveables, espe-
ciallie his plate and Jewells, reserving only his chaine of gold for
hymself ; and his wife's golden beads, as he himself merrilie saith,
he sold, and gave away, and made thereof well nighe to the value
of two hundred pounds : part of this he distributed to the poor,
part to his children ; so tooke himself to his house at Chelsea, and
lived a very private and solitarie life, tending to no other thinge,
as being now ridd of all worldlie combers, than to prayers, studi<\
and writing against hereticks, who then begann to trouble the
world.

Presentlie after the resignment of his office, Thomas Cranmer
archbishopp of Canterbourie having commission sent him to define
and determine of the king's marriage, pronounced in open con-
sistory at St. Albans sentence definitive 7 against the marriage of
queen Katherine, and declared the same to be of no force and
validity. And withall by act of parliament, the king, pretending
that he could find no justice at the sea of Rome, disannulled the
authority of the pope in this realme. Then Sir Thomas was much
laid unto to hold with the king ; but being perseverant in his
former constancie, every day some quarrelling matter or other \\as
pickt against him. First they begann to examine his life ; how
in his office he had behaved himself; wherein he was found to be
most just and innocent, so nothing could be fastened against him.
Though some things were objected by Pernell, and di\er> nthi-rs.
yet when matters came to be examined, all made for Sir Thomas
his inte^ritiV and cleerness from all corruption and bribery. It
was reported he was a busie bodie ; that In- \va^ about the making

7 Sentence definitice.] May 23, 1533. See State Trials, vol. i. p. 360.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 133

and devising, and meant to publish in print, an answer to certaine
articles, put forth by the authority of the king and the counsell ;
wherein he was most guiltless ; and so upon his oath purged him-
self by his letter, sent to Sir Thomas Cromwell, one of the kings
privie counsell.

7. Amongst other quarrels, this was the most grevous and
dangerous that was sought agaynst him, by reason of a nunn
dwelling in Canterbury, for her vertue and holiness not a little
esteemed amongst the people ; unto whom, for that cause, manie
religious persons, doctors of divinitie, and divers others of good
worship and credit used to resort. She affirmed, that she had
revelations from God to give the king warning of his wicked life,
and of the abuse of the sword and authority committed to his
charge by God. And she, understanding my lord of Rochester
John Fisher, her ordinarie, to be a man of virtuous living, and
learned, repaired to him, and disclosed all her revelations, desiring
his advice and counsaile therein. Which the byshopp perceiving
right well might stand with the lawes of Gods holie church, willed
her to repaire to the king herself ; and to lett him understand
the whole circumstances. Whereupon she went to the king, and
told him all the revelations ; and so retourned home againe.
Shortly after she made a voyage to the nuns of Sion 8, by means
of master Reignolds 9, a father of that house ; where talking of
such secrets as had been revealed unto her, she happened to touch
the king's supremacie, and his marriage with Anne Bullen, which
shortlie after followed. This father brought her to Sir Thomas
More, who notwithstanding he might at that time without any
danger of any lawe, freelie and safelie have talked with her ; in all
the communication between them he demeaned himself * so dis-
cretely, that even in the judgement of his enemies, he was sure

3 To the nuns of Sion.'] At Isleworth.

9 Reignolds.'] Richard Reynolds, who was afterwards executed.

1 He demeaned himself.'] Sir Thomas, in a long letter to secretary Cromwell,
gave a full account of the interview which he had with this nun, and of all
that he knew, or had ever heard respecting her. This letter is not printed
with the others in the collection of his Works, though it is contained in the
manuscript from which that edition was published. His judgment there
being unfavourable to the nun, who in the reign of queen Mary was set up
as a prophetess, a sainf, and a martyr, it is very likely that the letter was
omitted by design. It is preserved, however, in Bishop Burnet's History of
the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 257—263. Records. Edit. 1715.

134 SIR THOMAS MORE.

from all blame and sinistre suspition. Yet notwithstanding at
the next Parliament following, there was put into the Lower
House a bill to attaint the said Anne 2, and divers other persons
of high treason ; and the bishopp of Rochester, and Sir Thomas
More, with some others of misprision of treason3. This the Kin^
supposed would of all likelihood cause him to relent and conde-
scend to his request ; but therein he was much deceaved.

Sir Thomas was a suitor to be personallie receaved in his owne
defence, to make answer to the bill. But the king not liking
that, assigned the bishopp of Canterburie 4, the lord chauncellour 5,
the duke of Norfolk, and master Cromwell, at a day and place
appointed to call Sir Thomas before them. At which time
master William Roper, thinking that then he should have good
opportunitie, earnestlie advised him to be discharged out of the
parliament bill. At his coming before them according to their
appointment, they entertained him verie friendlie, willing him to
sit downe with them ; which in no wise he would. Then begann
the lord chauncellour to declare unto him, what benefitts and
honours the king had bestowed upon him, and how he could ask
nothing at his hands, but it was graunted. He hoped by this
declaration of his kindness and affection towards him, to provoke
Sir Thomas to recompense his grace with the like againe, and to
give consent unto those things that have bene enacted by the
authority of the parliament. To this Sir Thomas More mildly
made answer saying, u No man there is my lord, that would With
better will doo the thing that might be acceptable to the kings
highness than I, who must needs confesse his manifolde goodnrs
and bountie most benignlie bestowed upon me. Howbeit. I v» -rilv
hoped I should never have heard of this matter, which now you
have propounded unto me, considering I have from tyme to
tyme, from the beginning, most plainly and truly delivered my
mind unto his grace; which his highness, like a most gratious
prince, ever seemed to take in good gree, promising never t<>
molest me more therein; since which time I could never finde
any thing that might cause me to change my minde ; which it' \

2 The said Anne.] Anne Bullen, A.D. 1336. See State Trials, vol. i. p.
409— .'• i.

3 Misprision of treason.'] See State Trials, vol. i. p. 385 — 408.
1 liishn/ij) of Canterburie ] Cranmer.

4 Lord chauncellour. ~] Sir Thomas Audley, afterwards Lord Audlcv of
Walclen.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 135

could, no man would be more glad of than I." Many more
things were uttered of like sort of both sides ; but in the end,
when they sawe, by no means of persuasion they could bring him
from his former resolution, then they begann to deal with him in
a more rougher sort, telling him that the kings highness had
given them in speciall commandement, that if by no gentleness
they could winn him, then in his name to charge him with his
great ingratitude. " For never was there," said the chauncellour,
" servant to his soveraigne so villanous, nor subject to his prince
so trayterous, as he ; for he had by his subteltie and sleight
conveiance, most unnaturallie caused his majestic to his great
dishonour, to put a sword in his enemie the pope his hands, to
fight against himself, by inducing him to make a book 6 for the
maintenance of the popes authority, and the seven sacraments.1'
With that they laid forth all the terrours they could imagine.
" My lord " (quoth Sir Thomas) " terrours and freights be argu-
ments for children and fooles, and not for men. But to answer
that wherewith you chieflie burden me : — I beleeve the kings
highnes of his honour will never lay it to my chardge, for there
is none that can in that point say more for my excuse than him-
self; who right well knoweth, that I was never procuror nor
counsellor thereunto ; but after the book was finished, by his
graces commandment, I was onlie a sorter out and placer of
principal! matters in the same contained. Wherein when I
found the popes authority highly advanced, and with many good
reasons mightily defended, I said unto his grace, ' I must put
your grace in mind of one thing, and that is this : the pope,
as your grace knoweth, is a great prince, as you are. It may
hereafter so fall out, that your grace and he may varie upon
some points ; whereupon may grow breach of amitie, and warre
between you both. I thinke it therefore best, in my simple judge-
ment, that this place be mended, and his authority more slenderly
touched.1 c Nay,1 (quoth his grace,) ' that shall not be. We
and all Christians are so much bound to the sea of Rome, that
we cannot do it too much honour.1 Then did I put him in
minde of a statute of premunire, made in the time of Richard the
Second, by which a part of the popes pastorall cure here in
England was pared away. To that his highness answered,
' Whatsoever impediment be to the contrarie, we will sett forth,

To make a book.'] See p. 76.

136 SIR THOMAS MORE.

for our parts, his authority to the utmost as it deserved : for
from that sea we first received our faith, and after our imperial!
crown and scepter,1 which till his grace with his owne mouth
told me, I never heard of before ; so that I trust that when his
grace shall call to remembrance my doing in this present behalf,
his grace will never speake more of it, but cleere me throughlie
herein."

And thus displeasantlie for that time they departed, never
moving to him the matter of the nunn, or the bill which was to
be put up against him.

8. Going to his house from the commissioners, he was verie
merrie and pleasant by the way ; whereat master Roper was in
good hopes he had got himself discharged out of the parliament
bill. So walking in his garden master Roper came to him, and
verie desirous to know how he had spedd, said to him, " Sir, I
hope all is well, because you are so merrie." "It is so indeed,
sonne Roper" (quoth Sir Thomas): "I thank God for it."
" Are you then out of the bill " (quoth master Roper) ? " By
my troth sonne, I never remembered it " (said Sir Thomas More).
" Never remembered it " (quoth master Roper) ? " Seeing it is a
thing that toucheth you so neare, and us all, I am verie sorrie
to hear it ; for I verilie thought when I saw you so merrie, that
all had been well." Then said Sir Thomas, " Will you know,
sonne Roper, why I was so merrie ? " " That would I gladly "
(quoth he). " In faith I rejoiced," said Sir Thomas, "that I
have given the devill a foul fall : because I have gone so farr
with these lords, that without great shame I cannot goe back
againe." At which words master Roper was verie sadd ; but at
his request he wrote a letter to master Cromwell, and another to
the king concerning this matter of the nunne, which I will here
set downe.

To Master Thomas Cromwell, one of his Majesties Privie Councill,
Sir Thomas More, knight.

" Right worshipful! ! after heartie commendations. So it is
that I am informed, that there is a bill putt up againste me into
the Higher House before the lords, concerning my communica-
tion with the nunne of Canterburie, and my writing unto her;
whereof I not a little mervaile, the truth of the matter being
such as God and I know, and as I have plainely declared unto

SIR THOMAS MORE. 137

you, by my former letters ; wherein I found you then so good,
that I am now bold, upon the same goodness, to desire you to
shew me the favoure, that I might by your meanes have a copie
of my bill, which seene, if I find anie untrue surmise therein, I
may make my humble suite unto the king's good grace, to declare
the truth either to his grace, or by his graces commandment to
anie whom he shall please : for I am so clear herein, that I
nothing mistrust his grace's favoure towards me, nor the judge-
ment of anie honest man. Never shall there anie losse in this
matter greve me, being myself so innocent, as God and I knowe,
by the grace of Almightie God ; who both bodily and ghostlie
preserve you !

" At Chelsey ann. 1533, March. By the hand of heartilie all
your owne,

" THOMAS MORE, Knight."

A Letter of Sir Thomas More to the King.

" It may like your highness to call to your gratious remem-
brance, at such tyme as of your great and weighty roome of
chauncellourshipp (unto the which, farr above my merites, your
highness of your incomparable goodness, exalted me), you were
so good and gratious unto me, as, at my humble suite, to dis-
burden me, giving me licence, with your gratious favoure, to be-
stow the resideu of my life to come, about the provision of my
soule, in the service of God ; it pleased your highnes further,
that for the service I had done, that in anie suite I should have
hereafter to your grace, that either should concerne mine honour
or appertaine to my profit (for these verie words it liked your
highnes to use to me), I should find your highnes my good and
gratious lord. So it is now, gratious soveraigne, that worldlie
honoure is the thing whereof I have resigned both the posession,
and the desire, in the surrender of your honourable office ; and
as for worldlie profitt, I trust experience proveth, and daylie
more and more shall prove, that I was never verie greedie thereof.
But now is my most humble suite to your excellent highnes, to
beseech it somewhat to tender my poor honestie : howbeit, prin-
cipallie, that of your accustomed goodness, no sinister informa-
tion can otherwise move your noble grace to have anie mistrust
of my troth and devotion towards your majestie, than I have or
shall give just cause, which I hope there is none. For in this

138 SIR THOMAS MORE.

matter of the nunne of Canterburie, I have unto your trustie
counsellour master Thomas Cromwell, by my writing as plainely
declared the truth as possiblie I can ; which my declaration is
made known as I understande to your noble grace. Of all my
dealings with the nunne, whether any other man may peradven-
ture put any doubt or move any scruple of any other meaning
than I had, that can I neither tell, nor lieth in my hand to lett :
but unto myself it is not possible anie part of my demeanour to
seem evill ; the clereness of my conscience testifying, that in that
matter, my mynde, intent, and proceeding, was lawefull and
good. Wherefore most gratious soveraign, I neither will, nor
yet can it well become me with your highness to reason or argue
the matter ; but in most humble manner prostrate at your graces
feet, I beseech your majestie, with your owne highe prudence
and accustomed goodness, consider and weigh the matter. And
if that in your so doing, your owne vertuous mynde shall give
you, that notwithstanding your manifold goodness, that your
highnes hath used towards me, I have most unnaturallie and
ungratefullie digressed from my bounden dutie of allegiance
towards your majestie ; then desire I no further favoure at your
graced hands, than the losse of all I may. Let me loose goods,
lands, libertie, and finallie my life. — Howbeit, if in the consi-
dering my cause, your high wisdome, and gratious goodness shall
perceave, that I have not otherwise demeaned myself, than may
well stand with my bounden dutie and faithfullness towards your
royall majestie ; then in most humble manner I beseech your
noble grace, that the knowledge of your true gratious persuasion
in that behalf, may releeve the torment of my present heaviness
conceaved of the dread and feare (by that I heare of a greevous
bill, put upp by your learned counsell unto your high court of
parliament against me), lest your grace might by some sin
information be moved to thinke the contrarie. Which if ymir
highness doe not (as I trust in God, and your great goodi
the matter by your wisdome well examined, you will not) then in
most humble manner I beseech your highness further, sith your
highnes hath here before of your mere abundant goodn«'--. h« ;i]>» d
on me both worship]) and honourc ; and sith now I have left oil'
all such things, and nothing seeke or desire, but the life to conn-.
ami to pray for your grace the while, that it may like your high-
nes of your accustomed beni<_rnitie somewhat to tender my poor
honestie, and never to suffer any man, by meane of such a bill,

SIR THOMAS MORE. 139

to take occasion against the truth to slander me ; although this
by the perill of their owne soules would doe them more hurt
then me : for I sett my hart to depend upon the comfort of the
truthe, and the hope of heaven, and not upon the failable opinion
of some changeable persons. — And thus most dread and deare
soveraign lord, I beseech the blessed Trinity to preserve your
noble grace, botl\ bodie and soule, and all that are your well
willers, and amend the contrarie ; among whom, if ever I be, or
ever have bene one, then I pray God that he may with my open
shame and destruction declare it ! "

Notwithstanding this letter, and the report made by the chaun-
cellour in the favour of Sir Thomas, the king wras so highlie
offended, that he plainlie told the lords of his counsell, that he
was fullie determined that the foresaid parliament bill should un-
doubtedly proceed against Sir Thomas. To whome they returned
this answer ; " We know for certaine, that the lords of the Upper
House are resolutely bent to heare him make answer in his owne
defence ; so if he be not put out of the bill, it will without fail
be an overthrowe to great matters." Yet needs would the king
have his owne will, and said that at the passing thereof he would
be personally present himself.

Then the lord Audley, seeing him so vehemently sett there-
upon, on his knees most humbly besought his grace to forbeare
this same ; considering that if he should there in his owne pre-
sence, receave any overthrowe, it would not only encourage his
subjects ever after to contemn him, and indare them to attempt
the like or greater matters ; but also throughout all Christen-
dome redound to his dishonour for ever. They added that they
nothing mistrusted but in time to find some other matter against
him, more fit to serve his turn than this ; for in this case of the
nunne all the lords there affirmed he was of all men accounted so
innocent and clere, that he deserved rather praise then reproach.
Whereupon, at length through their earnest persuasions, he was
content to condescend to their petition.

The next day after this, master Cromwell, meeting with mas-
ter William Roper in the parliament house, willed him to tell his
father that he was out of the parliament bill. Whereof when
Sir Thomas was informed, " Well" (quoth he), "quod defertur,
non aufertur, delay is no payment." And indeed so afterwards
he behaved himself, as though he had knowne what afterwards

140 ' SIR THOMAS MORE.

happened. And the better to encourage his wife and children
patiently to accept these expected troubles, and that they might
not be dismaied at the suddenness thereof, he caused a pursui-
vant, unknowne to any of his house, suddenlie at dinner time to
knocke at his doores, willing him in the king's name the next
day to make his appearance before the lords of his councill. This
craft he used once or twice ; and so cunninglie he applied it, that
when it happened indeed, it no more troubled them, than when
it was fained. " Spicula prcevisa minus Icedunt, foreseene harms,
less hurt."

After this, the duke of Norfolke and Sir Thomas chanced to
fall into familiar talke togeather. The duke said unto him, " by
the masse, sir Thomas, it is perilous striving with princes ; and
therefore I would wish you somewhat to encline to the king's
pleasure: for Indignatio principis mors est" (Prov. 6. 16.)
" Well my lord," (quoth Sir Thomas,) " my account is cast : but
is this all ? Then is there no more difference between your grace
and me, but that I shah* dye to day, and you tomorrow ; but what
kinde of death, it skilleth not. My lord I say I feare not to dye,
because I serve a good Maister."

9. Within a month or thereabout, after the making of the
statute for the oath of the supremacie, there was a great appear-
ance of the clergie to have the oath tendered, before certaine
commissioners appointed for that end. No layman was then to
appear, but onlie Sir Thomas, who on Palme Sunday, being at
London to heare the sermon at Pawles Crosse, at master Cle-
ments house, was summoned to appear before the lords at Lam-
beth. Presentlie he returned home ; went to the church ; was
confessed ; spent most part of the night in prayer ; earlie in the
morning was housled7: and for other matters had little care.
When he departed from his house, he kissed his wife and chil-
dren, and bade them farewell ; and desired them to pray for him,
saying " he would doe the like for them." He would not suffer 8
any of them to folio we him out of the gate; pulled the wicket
after himself, and shutt them, and all carnall affection from him ;

7 Housled.'] See p. 35, of this volume.

8 He would not suffer."] " And whereas he evermore used before, at his
departure from his wife and children, whom he tenderly loved, to have them
bringe him to his boate, and there to kisse them all, and bidde them farewell,
then would he suffer none of them forthe of the gate to followe him." — Life
by HarpsEeld. Lambeth MSS. No. 827.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

so tooke him to his boate for Lambeth ; where sitting with a
heavie hart, verie sadd for a while, at last suddenlie he told
master Roper, who accompanied him with fower servants, " I
thanke our Lorde the field is wonne." After that he seemed to
be verie merrie. What he meant by that, master Roper then
wist not ; but it was evident it was no other cause, but that his
love to God wrought so effectuallie in him, that he conquered all
affection of wife and children. When he came to Lambeth,
what there happened none can better tell than himself; which is
this that followeth, all-most worde for worde in a letter he sent 9
to his daughter Margaret.

" When I was before the Lords at Lambeth, I was the first
that was called in, either priest or layman, albeit divers were
come before me. After the cause of my sending declared unto
me, whereof I somewhat mervailed, considering they sent for no
temporall man besides myself, I desired a sight of the oath, which
they shewed me under the great seal. Then I desired a sight of
the act of the succession, which was also delivered me in print :
which I red secret by myself, and the oath considered with the
act. I shewed unto them, ' that my purpose was not to put anie
fault, either in the act, or in anie man that made it ; or in the
oath, or anie man that sweareth to it ; nor to condemn the con-
science of anie other man ; but as for myself, (my conscience so
moving me in the matter) though I would not denie to sweare to
the succession, yet to the other oath I could not sweare, without
the jeoparding of my soule to perpetuall damnation. And that if
they doubted, whether I refused the oath of supremacie onelie for
the grudge of my conscience, or for anie other fantasie, I was
readie herein to satisfie them upon my oath : which if they trusted
not, what should they be better to tender me anie oath ? and if
they trusted, that I would herein sweare true, then trusted I of
their goodness they would not move me to sweare the oath they
offered me, seeing that to sweare to it was against my conscience.''
Unto this my lord chauncellour said 4 that they were verie sorrie
to hear me say thus ; and see me thus to refuse the oath.1 And
they all affirmed, that on their faith and honours, I was the first
man that ever refused it. And this would cause the kings high-
ness conceave great indignation against me. And therewith they
shewed me the roll of the names of the lordes and the commons
that had alreadie sworne and subscribed to it in the parliament
9 A letter he sent.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1428.

U2 SIR THOMAS MORE.

house. When they sawe that I refused to doe the like, I was in
conclusion commanded to goe downe to the garden : but I tarried
in the old burned chamber, that looketh downe to the garden, and
would not goe down, because of the heat in that time. I sawe
doctour Latimer, with divers other doctours and chaplains of my
lord of Canterburie wayting there. I sawe Latimer verie merrie,
for he laughed and tooke one or twaine about the necke so hand-
somely, that if they had been women I would have weened he had
waxed wanton. After that came maister doctor Wilson forth
from the lords, and was by two gentlemen brought by me ; and
was gentleman-like sent to the Tower. What time my lord of
Rochester was called in before them, that cannot I tell ; but I
heard he was called ; but where he remained that night, and so
to the tyme that hither to the Tower he came, I never heard. I
heard also maister doctour the Vicar of Croydon *, and all the
remnant of the priests of London that were sent for, were sworne.
They had such favoure at the councells hands, that they were not
suffered to dance long attendance to theire great travaile and cost,
as suitors are wont to doe, but were sped apace to theire comforts ;
so farr forth that maister Vickar of Croydon, for gladness, or for
dryness, or ells that it might be sene quod ille notus erat pontifici,
went to my lord's butterie barr, and called for drinke, and dranko
valde familiariter.

" When they had played their pageant, and were all gone, then
was I called in againe : where it was declared unto me, what a
number had sworne, even since I went aside, even gladlie, without
anie sticking at the matter : wherein I laide no blame in any man.
but for my owne part I answered as before. They laide obstinarie
to my charge, because in that I refused to sweare, I would not
declare anie speciall cause 2 of the oath that greeved my con-
science, nor open the cause of my so doing. And thereupon I
said unto them, ' that I feared lest the kings highnes would, as

1 Vicar of Croydon.~\ Rowland Phillipps, whom Wood calls "a famous and
notable preacher, and a forward man in the convocation of the clergy, an.
1523, in acting and speaking much against the payment of a subsidy to the
king." — Athen. Oxon. vol. ii. p. Gl.

2 Speciall caused] See Cranmer's Letters to Cromwell, in Cranmer's Works,
vol. i. p. 101. Jenkyn's edition. See also Sir Thomas More's Works,
p. 1440. " But, Margaret, for what causes I refuse the othe, that thyng (as
I have often tolde you) I will never shew you, neither you nor no body elles,
except the kings highness should like to commaunde me."

SIR THOMAS MORE. 143

they had saide, take displeasure enough towards me, for that I
onlie refused the oathe ; and that if I should open and disclose
the cause, why I refused to be sworne, I should therewith but
further exasperate his highnes ; which I no wise would doe, but
rather would abide all that might hap, than give his grace anie
occasion of further displeasure, than the bare refusing of the oath,
that pure necessity constrayneth me unto.1 They reputed this
for stubbornness and obstinacie, that I would neither sweare the
oath, nor yet declare the causes why I refused it. Bather than I
would be accounted obstinate, I granted them thus much ; that
I would, (upon the kings gratious licence, or rather command-
ment, to be my sufficient warrant, that my declaration should not
offende his highnes, nor put me in danger of anie statute,) be
content in writing to declare the causes ; and over that, to give
an oath, that if I might find those causes in such wise answered
as I might in my owne conscience be satisfied, I would afterwards
sweare the principall oath. To this I was answered, that though
the king would give me licence under his letters patent, yet would
it not serve against the statute. Whereunto I saide that if I
had them, I would stand to the trust of his honour, at my perill
for the remnaunt. ' And my lords ' (quoth I), ' seeing to declare
the causes is so dangerous, then to leave them undeclared is no
obstinacie.' The bishopp of Canterburie, taking hold of that
which I saide, that I condemned not the consciences of them that
swore, said unto me, ; that it well appeared that I tooke it not
for a certaine and sure thinge, that I might not lawefullie sweare
it, but rather as a thinge uncertain and doubtfull. But then
you know ' (saith he) ' for a certainty, and a thinge without
doubt, that you be bound to obey your soveraign lord and king ;
and therefore are you bound to leave off the doubt of your unsure
conscience in refusing the oath, and take a sure way in obeying
your prince and sweare it.1 Now albeit that in mine owne minde
I thought the matter not well concluded, yet this argument upon
the suddaine seemed to me so subtle, especiallie being urged by
the authority of so noble a prelate, that I could not answeare
thereunto, but onlie, ' that I thought that for mine owne part I
might not so doe, because that in my conscience I was fullie per-
suaded, that this was one of the causes in which I was bound that
I should not obey my prince ; sith whatsoever other folk thought
of the matter, whose consciences and learning I would not con-
demn and judge, yet in my conscience, the case seemed to be

144 SIR THOMAS MORE.

plain, and the oath unlawefull. Wherein, I said, I had not
informed my conscience, neither suddenlie nor sleightlie, but by
long leisure and diligent search. And of truth, if that reason
may conclude, then have we a readie way to avoide all perplexities.
For in whatsoever matter the doctours stand in great doubt, the
king's commandment, given upon whether side he list, solveth all
doubts.' Then said my lord of Westminster unto me, 'that
howsoever the matter seemed to mine owne mind, I had good
cause to feare that my minde was eronious, when I see that the
great councell of the realme determined the contrarie ; and there-
fore I ought to change my conscience V To that I answered,
'that if there were no more but myself on my side, and the
whole parliament on the other side, I would be sore afraid to
followe mine owne opinion against so manie : but on the other
side, if it be so, that in some things for which I refuse the oath,
I have as I thinke as great a councell and a greater too, I am not
then bound to chaunge my conscience and to conforme it to the
councell of one realme against a general councell of all Christeii-
dome.' Upon this master Cromwell, my verie good friend, said,
and swore a great oath, ' that he had lever that his owne onlie
sonne had lost his head, then that thus I should have refused the
oath ; for the king's highnes will conceave a great suspicion
against me, and thinke that the matter of the nunne of Cantur-
burie was all contrived by my drift.' To which I saide, 'the
contrarie was true, and that it was well knowne ; but whatsoever
should mishappen, I see it lieth not in my power to remedie it,
without the perill of my soule.'

" Then my lord chauncellour repeated to master secretarie.
because he was to go to the king's grace, to enforme his Inclines
of my proceedings, and in repeating thereof, his lordship said.-.
'Master secretarie, remember that he is content to swear
the succession.' Whereunto I saide, ' As for that point I would
be content, so I might see my oath in that point so framed a>
illicit stand also with my conscience.' Then saide my lord
againe, 'Aye marrie master secretarie, mark that too; that he
will not sweare that neither, but under some certaine manner."
'Verily no, my lord" (<|iioth I), 'but T will sec it made in such
Rise, a* 1 -hall sec. that I neither he forcswornc. nor BWi
my conscience; and so to sweare to the succe»i<m I

* Change my conscience.'] See Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 417 — Oil.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 145

no great perill : for I thinke it reason, that I looke well to my
oath, and be of councell in framing thereof; for I intend not to
sweare to a piece, and set my hand to the whole oath. Howbeit
(as God help me) I never withdrew anie man from it, or advised
anie to refuse it ; but leave everie man to his owne conscience :
and methinks in good faith, it were great reason that everie man
should leave me to mine.1 "

So when they could get no other answere of him, he was com-
mitted to the custodie of the abbott of Westminster *, being then
Munday the fifteenth of April A. D. 1534. Regni Hen. VIII. 28.

10. Sir Thomas remained in durance with the lord abbott of
Westminster 4 by the space of fower days, during which time the
king consulted with his councell, what order were best to be taken
with him ; and albeit they were in the beginning 5 resolved to dis-
charge him upon some lawefull oath, one or other, but they would
not have it knowne, whether it were the oath of supremacie or no.
This had passed, had not queen Anne, with her importunate cla-
mours, so sore exasperated the king against him, that contrarie
to his former resolution, he caused the oath of the supremacie to
be ministered unto him. Whereunto though his answere was
verie discreet and moderate, he was nevertheless committed to
the Tower on friday the seventeenth of April.

Sir Richard Cromwell 6 had the conveiance of him thitherward.
Sir Richard advised him to send home his chaine of gold that he
wore about his necke to his wife, or to some child or friend of his.
" Nay Sir" (quoth he) " that I will not ; for if I were taken in
the field with mine enemies, as I am a knight, I would they should
fare somewhat the better for me. At his landing, master lieu-
tenant of the Tower was readie at the Tower gate to receive him ;
who conveyed him to his lodging, where he was allowed to have
one of his owne servants to waite upon him, his name was John
a Wood ; he could neither write nor read ; he was sworne if he

4 Abbott of Westminster.] William Boston, or Benson, who had been pre-
viously abbot of Burton-upon-Trent.

5 They were in the beginning.'] Cranmer interposed in the behalf of Sir
Thomas More and Bishop Fisher, by a humane, temperate, and politic letter,
addressed to secretary Cromwell. See Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 28.

fi Sir Richard Cromivell.] So also says Roper, p. 82, Lewis's edit. But
Harpsfield attributes this to Sir Richard Southwell; which I apprehend is
the true reading. In the Life by his great grandson More, the name is
Winkefield, p. 225. edit. 1726.

VOL. II. L

146 SIR THOMAS MORE.

should see or hear any thing spoken or written against the king,
the councell, or the state of the realrae, he should incontinentlie
reveal it to the lieutenant.

Not long after his coming into the Tower, he wrote certaine
letters to his daughter Margaret, whereof this is one 7.

A Letter of Sir Thomas More to his Daughter Margaret Roper.

" My owne good daughter, our Lord be thanked I am in good
health of bodie, and good quiet of minde ; and of worldlie things
I no more desire than I have. I beseech him make you all merrie
in the hope of heaven. And such things as I somewhat longed to
speak unto you, concerning the world to come, our Lord put them
in your mind, as I trust he doth, and the better by his holie
Spirit, who bless you, and preserve you ah" !

" Written with a cole by your tender loveing father, who in his
poore praiers forgetteth none of you all, nor your babes, nor your
nurses, nor your good husbands, nor your good husbands shrewd
wives, nor your father's shrewd wife neither, nor our other friends.
And thus fare you heartily well, for lacke of paper.

" THOMAS MORE, knight."

" Postscript. Our Lord keep me continuallie faithfull and
plaine, to the contrarie whereof I beseech him hartely never to
suffer me to live. For as for long liffe (as I have often told thee
Megg) I neither look for, nor long for, but am well content, if
God call me hence, to go tomorrow. And I thanke our Lord I
know no person living that I would had one phillipp for my sake,
of which mind I am more glade then all the world besides. Re-
commend me to your shrewd Will, and other friends ; and to
John Harries my friend ; and yourself knoweth to whom else :
and to my shrewd wife above all. And God preserve you all, and
make and keep you his servants all ! farewell.11

Within a while, after Sir Thomas had been in prison a month's
space, or thereabouts, his daughter Margaret longing to see him.
wittiely invented this craft. She wrote a letter and sent it to JUT
father, wherein she seemed to labour to persuade him to take the
oath. She nothing doubted but that the letter would be inter-

7 This is one.] Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1430.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 147

cepted ; but this she did to winne thereby credit with master
Cromwell, so to get libertie to have free access to her father ;
which by this sleight she obtained. Others say it was seriouslie
written ; and so her father tooke it, and thereon did write to her
againe 8 accordingly.

1 1 . Mistress Margaret Roper having leave to goo to her father,
often resorted unto him. His custoine was before he would talke
with her, usuallie to say the Seven psalmes, and the Litanies : he
begann and she answered on her knees. At her first coming, it
seemed she laboured to persuade with him, that he should not
refuse to take the oath, seeing that both wise and learned had
subscribed thereunto. To whome Sir Thomas answered, " What
mistress Eve, hath the serpent sett you a worke to tempt your
father ? What daughter, doe you love me so well, that by
swearing against my conscience you would send me quicke to the
Devill ? I have answered you often, that if I might in this matter
content the king^s highnes, and not offend God, there is no man
that would more gladly take this oath than I. But since I cannot,
I must give God thanks for this tribulation, and desire of him to
give me patience and strength to endure for his holy name what-
soever in this matter may happen unto me. For Megg, the worst
and uttermost that possiblie may befall me, long 'ere this is not
unconsidered. And albeit I knowe my owne frailtie full well,
and the naturall faintness of my hart, yet if I had not trusted
that God will give me grace to endure all things, thou mayest be
sure I had not come hither ." "Father" (quoth she), " I will not
dispute with you in this matter ; for it little beseemeth me : for
both your learning and conscience is such, that I can neither add
to the one, nor may presume to informe the other. Yet I can
assure you this much, your conscience in this point is accounted
by men of great skill, and reckoning, for a mere scruple. For
both wise and learned, and all the nobles and peers of the realme
stick not at this matter ; onlie yourself and bishopp Fisher 9

3 Did write to her againe. ~\ Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1431.

9 Onlie yourself and bishopp Fisher J] "As touching the bishop of Rochester
and Thomas Moore, whom the kynges majestic caused to be beheaded, if
I should say they were not learned, I should repugne the veritie ; butt in
very dede their learnyng was much more grounded on the Thomisticall,
Aristoticall, and Scholasticall philosophy, then in the gospel of Christ, as
hereafter you shall perceyve. For when the kynges hignes was fully per-
swaded to understand the popes usurped power not by these my rehersed
authorities, butt by more profes then a whole Byble would conteyne, and by

L 2

148 SIR THOMAS MORE.

stand out ; and I am persuaded good father, that they that
love you best, will not give you counsaile to leane to one man

the consent of the greatest learned mens opinions of all the universities of
Christendome, as there be dyvers alyve in Paris, Pavia, Padua, Bolo^nia, and
elswhere can testifie, whose counsell his majestic examined or ever he would
attempt the annulling and extyrping thereof: his hignes then, I say, called his
generall parliament, without which he determined no greate matters. And
the parliament, to lett you wete, is divided into two counsayles ; the one of
the nobilitie and prelates, and the other of the comons of the realme ; that is
to say two of the wysest men of every citie, of every greate borough, and of
every provynce of his dominions. Now among those counsels the popish
matter was proponed, and there was pro et contra held and kept more than a
whole yere longe. For in the parliament the law permitteth all men without
daunger to speake as well agaynst as with the kynge : so that the old super-
sticion havyng more authoritie in the obstacle hertes, than the present veritie,
wold not geve place to the kynges purpose, untyll by open preachyng
throughout the realme, the blynde people began so manifest to se, that many
of them, who before most earnestly favoured the pope, became then his
greatest enemyes : whereof there followed a statute made by the same par-
liament, that no man under payne of death should call the pope other then
the byshop of Rome, nor in any wyse mayntayne his quarrell. And thus
ceased the pope's revenue of Peter pence, of jubileis, of indulgencies, and par-
dons of dispensacions, and such other baggage as before tyme avayled the popes
purpose better than an hundred thousand ducates a yere out of England. —
You must now nevertheles understand that though this acte passed so in
parliament, yett all the parties of the same consented not unto it : for the
judgment in the parliament house is gyven by divydyng all the persons, all
that say * yea ' on the one syde of the house, and all that say ' nay ' on the
other syde, and the most nombre do alwayes attayne the sentence. And so to
the purpose. The bishop of Rochester and Moore amonge the rest held
agaynst the regalyne parte, accordyng to their conscience (as I suppose) : for
when they saw the contrary to have place, then hanged they downe the head
and murmured agaynst the kynge, provokyng his displeasure otherwise then
it became true subjectes to do. And his majestic thinkyng nevertheles by
reason and fayre meanes wyth tyme to perswade them, supported their
ranee more than nine monthes. But when their predestinate mischief would
not suffer his benignitie to overcome their hardened hertes, and that the
kynge att lengthe perceyved their invincible obstinacie, to have a begynnyng
of operacion j — for the cardinal's hatt was allready upon the way com:
toward the same bishop of Rochester, not onely as a worthy rewanle of his
merite, butt also for a bwkler under the which the popi- thought TO handle
his cruell sworde; his highncs, I say, fearyng the example of his p;
Kynge John, or ever they hud arryvi <1, .shaved the bishops crowne by the
shoulders, to see aftrrwsird where the pope would bestow his cardinalls
and served Moore of the same sauce, after he had kept them both four monthes
in prison, and used all the meanes possible to dissuade tliL-m from their
errour." — William Thomas's Defence of K. Henry 1'IIL n'o/X.«. p. 44 — 7.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

against all other." " I suppose" (quoth Sir Thomas) " that
manie both spirituall and temporall thinke my conscience scru-
pulous, and yet I doo not thinke that every man so thinketh that
so speaketh. And though they did, it should not much move
me ; no though my lord of Rochester would also sweare. For
albeit, Megg, I have him in that reverent estimation, that I
reckon no man in this realme for wisdome, learning, and vertue
meet to be compared to him ; verilie daughter, I never intended
to pinne my soule to another man's sleeve, not even the best man
that I know this day living ; for they may for favoure, feare, or
other respect goe awrie. For like as if my owne conscience
served me, I would not lett to sweare though others refused ; so
now though others refuse it not, my conscience giving me against
it, I dare not doe it. And if I were not so perfectlie resolved in
this, I should have cause to feare to leave so manie learned and
wise as I doe ; but I have not lightlie nor slenderlie, as you
know, studied for this matter." " But father" (quoth she)
" they say you may well feare lest you be deceaved in this point,
for they may see as much or more in the matter than yourself,
and have as great a care not to forsweare as others have. So
you ought to conform your conscience to theirs, especiallie you
taking them for such men as they be : and sith (say they) there
is a law by the parliament made commanding so to doe, you are
bound to change your conscience." " Marrie daughter, (quoth
he) for the part you play, you play it not amiss : but Margaret,
first for that la we of the land, though everie man being borne and
inhabiting therein, is bound to keep it in everie case upon some
temporall paine, and in many cases also upon paine of Gods dis-
pleasure, yet there is no man bound to sweare that everie lawe is
well made, nor bound in conscience to perform what he thinketh
is unjustlie enacted. Now if such a lawe be made, though some
be content to allow it, yet he that thinketh it unlawefull may not
sweare it. Well, daughter Margaret, for what cause I refuse the
oath, I will never shew it to anie man, except the king's highnes
will command me : but surelie I refuse it for more causes then
one ; and such they be as yet never they could be satisfied ; and
I am sure some of the best learned have affirmed so much, though
since I heare, they have sworne to the contrarie : and I know
that then they spake as they thought, and laboured then to knowe
the truth, as much as could be possible ; but how since they be
chaunged I knowe not. I misjudge noe man." " That might

150 SIR THOMAS MORE.

be father" (quoth she) : "for since they might see more in the
matter then before."" " Well" (quoth he), " I will not dispute
that; but this I wote well, I never heard the cause of their
chaunge to be anie new thinge, that they had not before well
weighed. So to me all things seem as before they did ; if to
them otherwise, I am the glader for their sakes. But this know ;
let them thinke, and all others in England as they will, yet have
I more on my side then them all, that thinke as I thinke. 1
meane of men of former ages, and now in other parts of Christen-
dome ; and daughter, of this I am assured, that the doctours and
fathers of God's church, whose bookes are now extant, were of
the same minde that now I am. Yet I shewe thee not all that I
have for myself in the discharge of my conscience. And for con-
clusion, I take not upon me to define or dispute of this matter ;
neither have I written or spoken of things passed in the parlia-
ment ; nor judged anie man's conscience for holding contrarie to
me ; but for mine owne self, I tell thee Megg, for thy comfort,
that my conscience in this matter is such, as may well stand with
my owne salvation ; and hereof I am as sure, as God is in heaven :
and if happilie it fortune me to loose my heade for this, I may
have wronge, but no harme."

With that speeche mistress Roper sat musing, and seemed verie
sadd. " What " (quoth he), " where are you ? What mother
Eve, are you musing with the serpent in your brest, uppon some
new persuasion, once more to offer the apple to father A dame 2"
With that quoth she, " Father, I can no further goe. I am come,
as Chaucer10 said of Oressed to Dulcarnon, 'to my witts eixls f
and I see not what can be saide more, unless I should give a
woman's reason, ' You need not refuse to sweare ; I have sworne
myself1/ as master H. Patterson said to me of you, when I met
him t'other day." At this Sir Thomas laughed. u Hut father"
(quoth she), " I feare me this will bring greater troubles to you ;
for you know what master secretarie sent word, that tin- parlia-
ment was not yet done."" " Well" (quoth he) "Megg, I have
not left these events unthought on; and if they should make a
lawe to doe me harme, by the grace of God, they >hall <l<»e me no
hurt: and this is a riddle. A man may l<»e his head, as 1 have

10 Chaucer."] Troilus and Cressida.

1 / have SWOT ne my self."] She took the oath, with this condition am,
"so far as it was agreeahle with the law of (»od." — Compare Str\
siast. Memorials, vol. i. p. 195. Patterson was Sir Thomas's f"<»l. S

SIR THOMAS MORE. 151

often told thee, and yet be never a whit the worse. But I hope
God will not permit them to do anie thing otherwise to me, then
I deserve. But (saith he) there is nothing impossible to happen.
I made my account before I fell to build this castle : and in
devising thereon, I spent manie a restless night, with a heavie
hart, while my wife slept, and thought I had slept too." " But
father" (quoth she), " it is another matter to thinke on a thing
that may be, and to see a thing that is, or infalliblie shall be.
For then peradventure, you would thinke otherwise then now
you doe ; and then peradventure, it will be too late to chaunge.
Therefore it were good, if ever you should chaunge, that now you
would chaunge." " Well fare thee daughter, that thou saiest it
will be perchance too late. Too late may it be, that ever I should
so chaunge ! For I wote well, that the chaunge which growes
by feare onelie, cannot be good for my soule ; and therefore I
pray that chaunge may never be. And if so it were, that I wist
well now that I should faint, and for feare sweare, yet would I
wish to take harm by refusing first, for so should I have greater
cause by the grace of God to rise againe. And albeit my lewd-
ness, I wote well, hath been such, that I know myself well worthie
that God should let me slipp, yet can I not but trust in his mer-
cifull goodness, that as his grace has strengthened me hytherto,
and made me content to be readie to lose goods, lands, and life,
rather than offend him by swearing against my conscience, I
cannot mistrust the goodnes of God, but that he will tourne the
heart of the king, (in whose hands it is) to be gratious unto me :
or ells, if it be his pleasure, that for my other sinnes I should
suffer trouble in this cause ; or that I do not deserve his holie
grace, I hope he will give me strength to beare it patientlie, and
peradventure gladlie ; and that it may be in liewe of the paine
that I should otherwise suffer in purgatorie, or over that, for
increase of some rewarde in heaven. Megg, Megg, I serve so
good a Lord, I will never mistrust ; and this I know well, without
my owne fault, he will never let me be lost ; and therefore I
commit me wholie to him. So my good daughter, trouble not
thy minde with anie thing that shall happen to me in this worlde :
for nothing can happen but what God will ; and I assure my selfe
the worst in the sight of the worlde will be my best. And so my
good child, be merrie, and rejoice in our Lord, and commend me
to all our friends and kinsfolks, and tell them from me, that I
account this my imprisonment, as one of the greatest benefits,

152 SIR THOMAS MORE.

that ever I receaved at the king^s hands." And thus they
departed for that tyme. At their departure he gave her a letter
to all his friends. The copie is this.

" To all my loving Friends.

" Forasmuch as, being in prison, I cannot tell what need I
may have, or what necessity I may hap to stand in, I heartilie
beseech you all, that if my well beloved daughter Margaret Roper
(which onelie of all my friends hath, by the king's gratious
favoure, license to come to me) doe anie thing desire of anie of
you, of such things as I hap to need, that it may like you to
regard and tender it, no less then if I moved it to you, and
required it of your person myselfe. I beseech you all to pray
for me, and I shall pray for you. Your faithfull lover, and poore
beedsman,

" THOMAS MORE, knight, prisoner."

12. After this, Sir Thomas was not so restrained, but that his
daughter, wife, and some other friends with licence, might repaire
unto him. But a little before the enacting of the forethreatend
lawe, he was sodenlie shut up, the rather to incline him to the
king^s pleasure ; or that they intended to deale with him most
sharply. So there besides the old disease of his breast, he was
greeved in his raynes, by reason of the gravell and the stone,
with the crampe, and diuers other maladies ; all which he did
moderate and temperate, with patience, spirituall consolation,
and comfort to heaven- ward. And for all his griefs, and pains,
and hard usages he never showed anie token of sorrow or lament-
ing, but alwaies a sweet and quiet minde fixedlie seated in the
uprightness of his cause, and kept his old merrie talke whenso-
ever occasion served. Presentlie after the making of the saide
statute, wherein the king was recognised as supreme head of tin-
church of England under God; and that whatsoever should speak e
againste his saide supremacie, should be taken as a traitor, and
suffer as in case of high treason ; then master Cromwell, secre-
tarie, the king's solicitor2, and divers others resorted unto him ;
and faine would wring somewhat out of his owne mouth, that
would make against him.

What particular speech passed between them I will relat< out

2 King's solicitor.'] Sir Richard Rich, afterwards Lord Rich and Chancellor.

SIR THOMAS MORE. ] 53

of his letter written to his daughter Margaret. Anno 1535. May
the third.

" Our Lord bless you.

" My dearlie beloved daughter, I doubt not but by reason of
the kings councellors resorting hither in this tyme, in which the
fathers of the Charter House, and some others be judged to
death for treason, may hap to put you in some feare, especiallie
for that it is not unlikely, but that you have heard, that I also
was brought before them ; I thought necessarie to advertise you,
to the end that you should not conceave more hope than the
matter giveth, or more griefe than the present occasion minis-
tereth. Therefore shall you understand, that on Fridaie last,
the thirtieth of April, in the afternoon, master lieutenant
shewed me that master secretarie would speake with me. Where-
upon I went out with him into the gallery ; where his master-
shipp sat with master attourney 3 and master solicitour, with
divers others, I was offered to sitt downe with them, but in no
wise would.

" Master secretarie told me ' that he nothing doubted but that
I had seen the new statutes made the last sitting of the parlia-
ment F I answered, ' Yea verilie ; howbeit for as much as I
being heere, and not minding to meddle with these matters any
more, I thought it little nede for me to bestowe much tyme
upon them.' He asked me, ' whether I had red the first statute
of the king's being heade of the churche.' I answered ' Yea.'
Then his mastershipp declared unto me, c that sith it was now by
act of parliament ordained, that his highnes and his heirs, is, and
was, and perpetuallie should be supreame head in earth of the
church of England immediatelie under Christ ; the king's pleasure
was, that those here of his councell assembled should demaund
my opinion therein.' Whereunto I answered, ' that in good faith
I had well trusted that his highnes would never have commanded
anie such question to be asked of me : considering that I ever
from the beginning well and truelie declared my minde to his
majestie, and also unto your mastership, both by mouth and
writing ; and now I have discharged my minde from all such
matters, meaning not hereafter to dispute kings' or popes' titles.
I am the king's faithful subject, and will be ; and day lie pray for

3 Master attourney, .] Maring.

154 SIR THOMAS MORE.

him, and all his realme ; and otherwise than this I intend not
to meddle.1 Whereunto master secretarie answered, 4 that he
thought that this manner of answere would not satisfie the king^s
highness ; for that his grace expected a more full answere, and
that to the purpose.1 And he added, 4 that the king was a prince
not of rigour, but of mercie and pitie ; and though he had found
obstinacie in anie of his subjects at some time, yet if they sub-
mitted themselves, his grace would shewe mercie. And for you
master More, I knowe so much, that his grace would be glad to
see you take such conformable waies, that you might be abroad
againe, with as great credit and worship as ever you were.'
Whereunto I answered, ' I would not meddle in the worlde againe,
to have all the worlde given me,1 as in effect I answered before.

" Then was I commanded to goe forth awhile ; and presently
called in againe. Then said master secretarie unto me, l Though
you are a prisoner condemned to perpetuall imprisonment, yet
thereby I was not discharged of my alleageance to his high;
Whereupon he demanded 'whether I thought his Inclines might
not exact a direct answere from me, of such things as might be
demanded, as of anie other.1 I answered, that I thought his
highnes might. ' Then,1 said he, ' that like as his hiirhnes would
be gratious to them that he found conformable, so his grace fullie
determined to followe the course of the lawe, towards such as
shall show themselves wilfull and obstinate ; and your demeanour
in this matter, master More, hath made manie so stiffe therein as
they be.1 Whereunto I answered, ' that I gave no man occa-
sion neither by worde nor writing to hold on the one side, or the
other. And for conclusion, I would goo no further, whatsoever
paine should me befall. For I am the kings true faithful! sul
and bedesman. I doo noe bodie anie harme ; I say no hanm- ;
I think noe harme. I wish everie bodic well ; I pray for them ;
and if this be not enough to keej> me alive, in good faith. I d
not to live. I am at the kin^s pleasure. I would to God my
death would doe him good.1 ' \\Y11 master More,1 quoth ma>i« r
secretarie, 'report shall be made to his highnes; and his oratious
pleasure knowne you shall heare further/ So he hade me fare-
well. And so to my chamber by master lieutenant 1 was brought
againe.11

Not IOIILI; after this, there came againe certaine other of the
privie councell, and bcgann afresh to pres>e him to some plain*'

SIR THOMAS MORE. 155

and determinate answere, touching his opinion of the lawefullness
or unlawefullness of the foresaide statute ; and the matter is
penned by himself. His words shal shewe his minde, as he sett
it downe in a letter to his daughter mistress Roper. Anno
1535.

" Our Lord bless you, and all your's.

" Forasmuch (dearelie beloved daughter) as it is likely you
have hearde that the councell was here with me, I thinke it
necessarie to send you worde, how the matter standeth. And to
be short, I see little difference betwixt this time and the last ;
for as farr as I can see, the whole purpose is either to drive me
to say preciselie the one waie, or the other. Here sat my lord
of Canterburie, my lord chauncellour, my lord of Suffolk, my lord
of Wilshire, and master secretarie. At my coming master
secretarie made rehearsal in what wise he had reported to the
king's majestie concerning my last days answere, at my being
before him. Then he added, the kings highnes was nothing
content by my answere, but thought I had been by my demeanour
occasion of much grudge and harme in this realme ; and that I
had an obstinate and evill will towards him ; and that it was my
dewtie to make a plaine and determinate answere, whether I
thought the statute lawefull or no. And that his majestie had
sent them in his name to commande me upon my alleageance
to give direct answere yea or noe ; and that I should say his
highnes is supreame head of the church of England, or else utter
plainlie my malignity. Whereunto I answered, ' that I had no
malignity, and therefore none could utter ; and as for the matter
I will give no other answere, than I had before made ; and verie
sorrie I am that his highnes should have any such opinion of me.
For I am verie sure that I have no such corrupt affection ; but
have faithfullie observed his vertuous lesson; viz. first to looJce to
God, and then to his highnes.'' Then said my lord chauncellour
' that the king might by his lawes compell me to make a plaine
answeare.1 ' I will not dispute the king's authority in this case ;
but, I said, that under correction it seemed to me somewhat
harde. For if it were so, that my conscience gave me against
the statute ; (wherein how my conscience giveth me I make no
declaration,) then I nothing doing, nor nothing sayinge againste
the statute, it were a hard thing to compell me to say precisely

156 SIR THOMAS MORE.

with it against my conscience to the losse of my soule, or pre-
ciselie against it to the destruction of my bodie.'

" To this master secretarie said, ' that I had, when I was
chauncellour, examined hereticks, theeves, and other malefactors,
and that I used (at least the bishopps doe), to examine hereticks
whether the pope be head of the church ; and used to compell
them to make a precise answere thereunto. And why should
not the king compell his subjects to make a precise answere to
his own la we, as he did concerning the pope?1 I answered, 'I
intend not to defend my part ; yet there is a great difference
between these two cases ; because at that time, as well here as
ellswhere, the pope's authority was recognised for an undoubted
truth ; yet this matter, though here in England it was agreed
upon, yet in other places of the worlde the contrarie was taken
for truth.' Master secretarie answered ' that they were as well
burned for the denying of that, as now beheaded for denying of
this ; and therefore as good reason to compell them to answere
directlie, as well to the one, as to the other.1 I answered, ' the
lawe of one particular place, or a locall lawe, cannot prejudice the
lawe of the whole corps of Christendome. So the reasonableness
or unreasonableness in binding a man to make a precise ansv
standeth not in respect of difference between heading and hanging,
but by reason of the difference in chardge of soule ; so the dif-
ference standeth between heaven and hell.' ' Well master More'
(quoth one of them), ' you will be content to be sworne, to make
true answere to such things as shall be asked of you, on the
king's behalfe, concerning his owne royall person?' I answered,
4 1 never purposed to take anie oath more while I lived.' Then
they said, ' I was verie obstinate, if I refused that which everie
man in the Starr Chamber and ellswhere doth.' I said, 'it \\a*
true, taking it as the lawe doth understand it, to answere to
such matters as they know or guess why they are there present.
And I said, I had not so little foresight but that I might conjec-
ture, what should be part of my interrogatories, and as good it
was at the first to refuse them, as afterwards.' Whereunto my
lord chauncellour answered, ' that though I could guess tnidiV.
yet I should see them: and so they were shewed me. and they
were but twaine. The first whether I had seen the statute? the
second, whether I believed it to be a lawefull statute or no? So I
refused the oath, and would make no other an>w.-re l>ut this:

SIR THOMAS MORE. 157

' If this that I have (confessed) will not suffice, I have no meane
to help me, but to comfort myself with the hope of a joyfull day
to come, wherein it shall plainelie appear, that I am the king's
true and loving subject : and so God's holie will be done, come
life, come death P 'Nay' (quoth they), 'if you are so resolute
that you had as leave be out of the world as in it, as you make
shew, why do you not then speake plainlie against the statute ? so
it well appeareth that you are not so well content to die, as you
beare the worlde in hand.' ' The truth is, I have not been a
man of so holie life, as I might be bold to offer myself to death,
lest God for my presumption, might suffer me to fall ; and there-
fore I put not myself forward, but draw backwarde ; howbeit if
God shall please to call me to it, then trust I in his mercie, he
will give me grace and strength to goe through.' Then said
master secretarie, ' he was verie sorrie for me : and said he liked
me worse then the last day, for he thought I meant not well.'
Well, God and I knowe that I mean well, and truelie, and so I
pray God doe by me ! — Be you, and other my good friends of
good cheer, whatsoever shall befall me ; and take no thought for
me, but pray for me, I will not fail to pray for you, and all them.
Fare you well.

" Your tender loving father,

" THOMAS MORE, knight."
"MenseMaii, A.D. 1535."

13. Sir Thomas, in these his severall examinations, so wiselie
demeaned himself with meeting the craftie drifts of his adver-
saries, that they could not entrap him in anie thing ; and to the
malignity of the time, so that he incurred not the penaltie of any
statute just or unjust : for he had neither spoken nor done any
thing to his prejudice. And this he did doe, that he might
reserve the integritie of a good conscience ; nor yet farther exas-
perate the king's displeasure against him. So reverence to his
prince, and feare to God, managed his actions.

Not long after this, certaine religious men of the order of
Saint Bruno, with some other 4, were condemned of treason, for
denying the king's supremacie ; and in the moneth of May and
June were hanged and quartered. Sir Thomas looking out of

4 Order of Saint Bruno, with some other. ,] John Houghton, prior of the
Charterhouse, near London; Augustin Webster, prior of Axeholme; Robert
Laurence, prior of Bevoll ; Richard Reynolds, a monk of Sion, John Hall,
a secular priest, vicar of Isleworth, &c.

158 SIR THOMAS MORE.

the windowe, chanced to see some of these Carthusians goe
towarde their execution. Longing to accompanie them in their
journey, he said to his daughter then standing by him, " Loe
dost thou not see Megg, that these blessed fathers be now as
cheerfullie going to their death, as bridegrooms to their marriage.
Wherefore hereby (then said he) see, my owne good daughter,
what a difference there is between such as have in effect spent all
their days religiouslie, in a penetentiall and spirituall life, and
such as have lived in the worlde, like worldlie wretches, as thy
poore father hath done, and consumed all their time licentiouslie
in pleasure and ease : for God considering their former life pain-
fullie spent in his holie service, will no longer suffer them to
remain here in this vale of miserie and teares; but speedilie
taketh them hence to his fruition of his everlasting deitie.
Whereas thy silly father, Megg, that like a wretched caitiff hath
passed forth the whole course of his life sinfullie, as not wortliie
to come to that eternall blisse, is still left in the world, to be
further plunged in his miseries. But God's holie will be done ! "
So Sir Thomas being the self same for all these terrible exam-
ples, it was thought not the worst to change their manner of
proceeding with him, and an other while to trie, if by faire
meanes he would relent. So master secretarie came to him, not
long before his arraignment, from the king's highnes, and pre-
tended great friendshipp towards him ; and for his comfort, told
him that his majestie was his good and gratious lord, and that it
was not his pleasure from henceforth to trouble him with anie
matter that should be anie manner scruple to his conscience.
Sir Thomas easilie perceived the drift of the devill, and gave
master secretarie as faire speeches as he brought. And present lie
after his departure, to express the comfort he received of this
court holy-water, he wrote these verses following with a cole, for
inke had he none. Intituled,

A BALLAD.

LEWIS THE LOST LOVER.

" Fye ! flattering fortune, looke thou never so faire.

Or never so pleasant begine to smile,
As though thou wouldest my ruines all repaire,

During my life thou shalt not me beguile.
'I 'rust shall I God to enter in a while

His haven of heaven, sure and uniforme ;
Ever after thy calme, looke I for a stor:

SIR THOMAS MORE. 159

DAVY THE DICER.

" Long was I Lady Lucre, your serving man,

And now have I lost againe all that I got :
Wherefore when I thinke of you now and then,

And in my minde remember this and that,
You may not blame though I beshrew your catt ;

But in faith I bless you againe a thousand times
For lending me now some leisure to make these rhimes."

Sir Thomas spent his time in prayer and meditations: in
making and reading good books ; the rest in singing of psalms
and hymns ; and now and then in making of verses. " sRgun
animo quis est ? psallat. Who is of a quiet mind let him sing."
(James 5. 13.)

14. Sir Thomas, as we have showed, so behaving himself that
they could not with any outward honest appearance bring him
in danger of his life, one Rich, then newlie made the kings soli-
citour, afterwarde lord Rich 5, (it was not known whither it were of
sett purpose, or ells he did it of his owne heade, to advance his
estimation with the king,) wilfullie sought the destruction of this
man ; and laid openlie to his chardge that he had spoken trai-
terous words in the derogation of the kings supremacie. And it
was uppon this pretence, Mr. Rich, solicitour, Sir Richard South-
well, and master Palmer came togeather to Sir Thomas. Master
Rich pretended friendlie talke with him; the other two were
busie in trussing up his bookes, for, for that end they came
thither. Amongst some speeches between them two, the soli-
citour said thus. " Forasmuch as it is well knowne master
More, that you are a man both wise and learned, as well in the
lawes as otherwise, I pray you therefore let me be so bould as in
good will to put unto you this case. Admitt there were an act
of parliament, that all the realme should take me for king, would
not you (quoth he) take me for king ?" " Yes" (quoth Sir
Thomas), " that I would." " Put case farther" (quoth master
Rich,) " that there were an act of parliament, that all the realme
should take me for pope, would not you also take me for pope 2"
Sir Thomas answered ; " Well may the parliament, Master Rich,
medle with the state of temporall princes, but to your last case,
for answere, I put you this case. Suppose the parliament should

3 Lord Rich.] Seep. 152.

160 SIR THOMAS MORE.

make a lawe that God should not be God, would then you master
Rich, say that God were not God ?" " No Sir" (quoth he), "that
I would not ; sith no parliament can make anie such lawe." " No
more can the parliament" (said Sir Thomas, as master Rich
reported, and afterwards deposed, but how true God knowctli)
" make you king, and constitute you supreame head of the
church of God." Upon this bare reporte was Sir Thomas
indited of treason 6, upon the statute 7 whereby it was enacted
and made treason to denie the king to be supreame head of the
church.

So Sir Thomas, about a week or thereabouts after the death
of bishopp Fisher of blessed memorie, the first of Julie was
brought to Westminster Hall to be arraigned at the Kings
Bench before certaine commissioners appointed for that end.
After that his enditement 8 was red, which was long, and con-
tained manie heynous words, as that maliciously, traiterouslie,
against the crown and regall dignitie of his sacred majestic, $c. ,-
the lord chauncellour and the duke of Norfolk said unto him,
" Sir Thomas More, you see that you have heynouslie offended
the kings majestie : howbeit, we are in verie good hope,
such is his bountie and clemencie, that if you will revolt, and
reforme your wilfull and obstinate opinion, that you have so
wrongfullie maintained, you shall taste of his gratious pardon."
" My lords" (quoth Sir Thomas), "I do most humblie thanke

fi Of treason.'] See Howell's State Trials, vol. i. p. 385—96.

~ Upon the statute.'] "The late-mentioned statute" (26 Hen. VIII. cap. i.
for establishment of the king's supremcy), "having no penalty annexed, was
insufficient to affect the life of Sir Thomas More. For this reason another
act was passed in the same session, by which it was made high treason
(26 Henry VIII. cap. 13) for 'any person maliciously to wish, will, or desire
by words or writing, to deprive the king's most royal person, the queen, or
her heirs apparent, or any of them, of their dignity, title, and name,' &c.
And thus, upon \V. Rich's evidence, that Sir Thomas More should say, 'the
parliament could not make the king supreme head of the church,' he was
declared to be within the statute, and was pronounced guilty of high trea-
son." Preface to Life of Sir Thomas More by his Great Grandson, Thomas
More, Esq., 1726. 8vo. P. xvi.

But observe that this life has, in a subsequent edition, been shown, by the
Rev. Joseph Hunter, F.A.S., to bu the work of a younger brother of Thomas,
Mr. ('resarre More.

8 Enditement.] It is to be found at full length among the Arumlel '
in the British Museum, No. 152, fol. 308, whence it has been recently printed
in the Archaeologia of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. xxvii. p. 370.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 161

your honours, for your great good will towards me ; howbeit I
make this boon and petition unto Almightie God, before whose
dreadfull tribunall we shall all stande, that he will vouchsafe of
his goodness to nourish and maintaine this my honest and up-
right minde even to the last hour that ever I shall live. — Con-
cerning the matter that you chardge and challenge me withall,
the articles are so prolix and long, that I feare, what from my
long imprisonment, what for my lingring disease, and what for
my present weaknes and debilitie, that neither witt, nor my me-
morie, nor yet my voice, will serve to make so full effectuall and
sufficient an answere, as the weight and importance of these
matters doe crave."

When he had thus spoken, susteyning his weak and feeble bodie
with a staffe 9, which he had in his hand, commandment was given

9 With a staffe.] Cardinal Pole, in his third book Pro Ecclesiastics Unitntis
defensione, thus finely describes More's appearance at his trial : —

" Quin illud libenter scire velim, quibus oculis, quibus auribus hsec quse
jamdudum narro, de condemnatione et supplicio Mori, vel audire cum refer-
rentur, vel cum fierent aspicere potueris. Sed tu potius, Londinensis Civitas !
cujus in conspectu hsec gerebantur, cum e carcere eductum ad causam majes-
tatis dicendam videres eum, ad cujus tribunal aliquanto ante reos majestatis
sisti memineras : quern tu puerum, adolescentem, virum, ingravescente denique
setate per omnes honorum gradus summa cum laude et omnium gratulatione
propter rarissimas ejus virtutes processisse, et tandem ad amplissimum munus
conscendisse videras, et quia civis idem et alumnus tuus erat non sine tacito
quodam gaudii sensu videras, quod in eo laudem tuam ac decus agnosceres : cum
eundem e carcere sordidatum ac reum exeuntem, non tarn annorum numero
quam carceris pedore et molestia senem jam factum (tune enim primum
canum in conspectum tuum career exhibuit) toto corpore, viribus fractis,
debilitatum, cum scipione innitens, et sic etiam vix segrum corpus sustentans,
non tain ad causam dicendam, quam ad certam condemnationem, longissima
et maxime celebri via potius traheretur quam iret : quibus haec oculis aspi-
ciebas ? Quid cum eadem via jam condemnatum ut proditorum poenas lueret,
redeuntem videbas, cujus fides erga te nullo nee praemio nee supplicio osten-
tato potuerat expugnari, quibus oculis aspiciebas? Nempe lachrimantibus
scio. Non enim certe aliter fieri potuit, cum videam alienissimos etiam
homines, qui eum nunquam noverant, nunquam ab eo beneficium acceperant,
tantum dolorem ex ejus morte accepisse, ut cum quae de ea re scripta circum-
feruntur legerent lachrimas tenere non potuerint : sed ut si suum civem ac de
se optime meritum, crudelissime et iniquissime necatum audirent, ita Moro
homini extern o, neque alia re quam fama sibi noto illachrimaverint. Ac mihi
plane, tanto intervallo, haec de illius morte scribenti, qui non tarn multas
privatim amoris causas cum eo habui, sed virtutis potius et probitatis ergo,
quodque patrise utilissimum esse scirem, eum amavi et colui ; sic tamen (testis
est rnihi Deus) invito lachrimae oboriebantur, ut scriptionem maxime impe-

VOL. u. M

1 62 SIR THOMAS MORE.

to bring him a chair, wherein being sett he commenced his
ansvvere much after this fashion.

" First, as touching the article, wherein it is laid to my chardge,
that I doe utter and shew my malice against the king : and at his
late marriage have ever repined, and resisted the same to mv
power : I can say nothing but this ; that of malice I never spake
anie thing against it ; and whatsoever I have spoken in that mat-
ter, I have no otherwise spoken, but according to my minde and
opinion ; in the which, if 1 should for the discharge of my con-
science towards God, and my dewtie to my prince otherwise have
done than I have done, I might well account myself to be herein
both unfaithfull and disloyall. And for this my errour, if I may
call it an errour, or have been deceaved herein, I have not goiu-
free and untouched ; for all my goods, lands and chattells be con-
fiscated, and myself judged to perpetuall imprisonment, where I
have been now shutt up above fifteen moneths ; and all be to ( M ids
honoure ! — Moreover I answere ; whereas in this article is ron-
teyned that I have incurred the danger of the last act of parlia-
ment, made since I was last imprisoned, touching the kin^s
supremacie, and that I have, as a tray tor and rebell, gone about e
to robb and spoil the king of his title and due honour ; and againe
how that I am chaullenged, that I would not answere in..
secretarie, and other of the kings privie counsell ; nor would
utter my minde unto them uppon my alleageance, what I thought
of the statute, either in disliking or liking, but onlie this, l that
I was a dead man, and mortified towards the worlde, rcfusii
thinke of anie other matter, than of the passion of Christ, and my
passing out of this world ;' touching I say this accusation, I
answere that for this my taciturnity and silence, neither your
lawe nor anie other lawe in the worlde is able justlie to punish
me, except besides this, they can prove some worde fact
deede10." To this the king's attourney, master Alarin^. said.
'•Marie, this verie silence of your's is a verie sure token and
demonstration of a corrupt and perverse nature, nialignin.ir and
repining against the statute. Yea there is no true and faithfull
subject, that being required of his minde, upon his all

dirent, et ipsas ssepe literas delerent, ut vix ultra progredi possem." Fol.
xciii. This is part of the passage alluded to at p. 180.

10 Facte or deeds.'] Here, according to Lord Herbert, he added, " It is (md
only that is the judge of the secrets of our hearts." State Trials, vol. i.
p. 389.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 163

touching this statute, that is not deeplie bounde, without anie
dissimulation, to confess it to be lawefull and goode." " Truelie"
(quoth Sir Thomas), " if the rule of the civill lawe be allowed,
that 'qui tacet consentire videtur, he that holdeth his peace,
seemeth to consent," then this my silence importeth rather a
confirmation, than a condemnation of your statute ; and for that
you said, master Maring, that everie good subject is obliged to
answere and confesse as you said, you must understand that in
things touching conscience, everie true and faithfull subject is
bound more to have respect unto his conscience, and his soule,
than to anie other thinge in the worlde besides ; especiallie when
his answere may give occasion of contumelie, or reproach, or dis-
honour against his king. And for me, I assure you I have
forborne to disclose my minde to anie man living in the worlde,
in respect of the honour I bear to my prince, lest my plaine mean-
ing might be interpreted an occasion of others offending."

The second article did enforce all the foresaid accusations of
transgressing the statute touching the king's supremacie, for that
Sir Thomas, (as it was said) wrote divers letters to John Fisher,
bishopp of Rochester, willing him in no wise to condescend to the
said statute. " Would God, those letters" (quoth Sir Thomas)
" might be produced and openlie red ! But forasmuch as you say,
that my lord of Rochester had burned them, I will not sticke
truelie to utter the contents of them. In one of them there was
nothing in the worlde but certaine familiar talke, and recommen-
dations such as was seemlie and agreeable to our old acquaintance.
In the other was contained my answere that was made to the said
bishopp, demanding me what I had answered in my first exami-
nation upon this statute, whereunto I answered nothing ells, but
that I had settled and quieted my conscience, and so I would he
should doe his ; and other answere than this, upon the chardge
of my soule, made I none. And these be the tenours of my let-
ters, which little advantage you, whereby any thing might be fas-
tened upon me by lawe to condemn me to death."

After this, answered he to the third article, wherein was laid
to his chardge, " that at such time as he was examined in the
Tower, he should answere, that the statute was like a two edged
sword, the which if anie man would keep and observe it, he should
thereby lose his soule ; and in case he did not observe it, he should
thereby lose his corporall life. The verie same answer the bishopp

M 2

164 SIR THOMAS MORE.

of Bochester made ; whereby it doth evidentlie appear that it was
a purpose, and a sett matter between you, by mutual conference
and agreement."

To these Sir Thomas answered, " that he did not preciselie but
conditionallie answere, that in case the statute were like to be a
double edged sworde, he could not tell in the worlde, how a man
should demean and order himself, but that he should fall in one of
the daungers. Neither doe I know what answere the bishopp
made ; whose answere, if it were agreeable and correspondent to
mine, that had happened by reason of the correspondence and
congruitie of our witts, learning, and studie, not that anie such
thinge was purposelie concluded upon and accorded betwixt as.
Neither hath there at anie time, anie worde, or deed maliciously
scaped or proceeded from me against your statute ; albeit it may
be that my wordes might be wrongfullie and maliciouslie rep< >
to the kings majestic." And thus did Sir Thomas More easily
cast and shake off such and like criminations. Amongst other
things it was said, that he would upon the inditement have abiden
in lawe, but that thereby he should be driven to confess of him-
self the matter indeed, which was the deniall of the kings supre-
macie, which he protested was untrue. Wherefore he thereto
pleaded Not Guilty ; and so reserved to himself advantage to be
taken of the bodie of the matter, after verdict, to avoide the
inditement ; and moreover added that if onlie these odious terms
maliciouslie, traiterouslie, diabollicallw were put out of the indite-
ment, he sawe nothing therein justlie to chardge him.

Wherefore at the last cast and refuge, to prove that Sir Thomas
More was guiltie of that treason, master Rich was called to \
evidence to the jury, upon his oath, as he did. Againste whome
thus sworne, Sir Thomas More begann in this wise to say : " ff
I were a man, my lords, that did not regard an oath, I need not.
as it is well knowne, in this place, at this time, nor in this case
stand here as an accused person. If this oath of yours, master
Rich, be true, then pray I that I never see God in tin- i
which I would not say were it otherwise, to wimie tin- whole
worlde.11 Then recited he to the court, the whole discourse of
all their whole communication in the Tower, according to the
tnieth; and said " In good faith, master I\ich. I am sorrier for
your perjurie, than myne owne perill. And yon shall understand,
that neither I, neither anie man el>c to my knowledge, ever took

SIR THOMAS MORE. 165

you to be a man of such credit, as in a matter of importance, I,
or anie other would vouchsafe to communicate with you. And I
as you knowe, of no small while have been acquainted with you,
and your conversation ; who have knowne you from your youth
hitherto, for we long dwelt in one parish togeather; whereas
yourself can well tell, (I am sorrie you compell me so to say), you
were esteemed verie light of your tongue, a common lyar, a great
dicer, and of no commendable fame. And so in your house at
the Temple, where hath been your chief bringing up, were you
likewise accounted. And therefore may it seem likelie to your
honourable lordshipps, that I would, in so weightie a cause, so
unadvisedlie overshoot myself, as to trust master Rich, a man of
me alwaies reputed for one of little trust, as your lordshipps hath
heard, so farr to abuse my soveraign lord, or anie of his noble
counsellors, that I would unto him utter the secrets of my con-
science, touching the kings supremacie, the speciall point and
onlie marke at my handes so long sought for ; a thing which I
never did, nor never would, after a statute made, reveal to the
kings highnes himself, nor to anie of his honourable counsellors ;
as it is not unknowne to your honours, at sundrie severall times
sent from his graced owne person unto the Tower to me for no
other purpose ? Can this in your judgements, my lords, seem like
to be true ? And yet, if I had so done indeed, my lords, as master
Rich hath sworne, seeing that it was spoken but in familiar secret
talke, nothing affirming, and onelie in putting of cases, without
other displeasant circumstances, it cannot justlie be taken to be
spoken maliciouslie ; for where there is no malice, there can be
no malicious offence. And never thinke my lords that so manie
worthie bishopps, so manie honourable personages, and so manie
other worshipfull, vertuous wise and well learned men, as at the
making of that la we were in that parliament assembled, ever meant
to have anie man punished by death, in whom there could be
found no malice, taking malitia for malevolently for, if malitia is
generallie taken for sinne, no man is then that can excuse himself.
" Si dixerimus quoniam peccatum non habemus, ipsi nos seducimus,
et veritas in nobis non est" (1 Joan. 1.) And overlie this worde
maliciouslie is in this statute materiall ; as this term forciblie is
in the statute of forcible entry : by which statute, if a man enter
peaceablie, and put not his adversarie out forciblie, it is no
offence ; but if he put him out forciblie, then by that statute it is
an offence, and so shall he be punished by this term forciblie.

166 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Besides this, the manifold goodness of the king's highness himself,
that hath bene so manie waies my singular good and gratious
soveraign, even at my first coming into his noble service, with the
dignitie of his honourable privie counsell, vouchsafing to admit me
into offices of great credit and worshipp, most liberallie advanced
me, and finallie with the great weightie room of his graces high
chauncellourshipp (the like he never did to temporall man1
before), next to his royall person, the highest office of this noble
Realme ; so farre above my merits and qualities, thereto of his
incomparable benignitie, honoured and exalted me, by the space
of twentie years, and more, shewing his continuall favour towards
me ; and untill at my poore humble suite it pleased his maj<
(giving me licence with his highness1 favour, to bestowe the rest
of my life for the provision of my soule, in the service of God), of
his especiall goodness, therefore to dischardge and disburthen me ;
all this his highnes's goodness I say, so long, so bountifullie
extended towards me, in heaping honours upon honours, were in
my minde my lords, matter sufficient to convince this slanderous
surmise by this man so wrongfullie imagined against me/1

Master Rich seeing himself disproved, and his credit so fowllie
defaced, caused Sir Richard Southwell and master Palmer, who
at the time of their communication were in the chamber with
them, to be sworne what words passed betwixt them.

\\ hereupon master Palmer upon his deposition said, "that he
was so busie about trussing up of Sir Thomas his books in a
sacke, that he tooke no heed to their talke." Sir Richard South-
well likewise upon his deposition said, "that because he was
appointed onlie to looke to the conveiance of his bookes, he gave
no eare unto them."

After this were manie other reasons by Sir Thomas More in
his owne defence alledged, to the discredit of master Riche's fore-
said evidence, and proof of the clearness of his owne conscience.
All which notwithstanding, the jurie found him guiltie, in a \vrie,
short time. And incontinent upon their verdict, the lord chan-
cellour, for that matter chiefe commissioner, beginning to pr<>
in judgment against Sir Thomas, Sir Thomas interrupted him ;
M My lord" (quoth he), "when I was towards the la we. the
manner in such cases was, to aske tin- prisoner before judgment,
why judgment should not proceed against him." Whereupon

1 To iemporall nun.] See p. 59.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 167

the lord chancellour, staying his judgment, wherein he had
partlie proceeded, demanded of him what he was able to say for
the saving of his life. Who in this sort most humblie made
answere. " Seeing that I see you are determined to condemn
me, (God knoweth how justlie), I will now, in discharge of my
conscience, speake my mind plainlie and freelie touching my in-
ditement, and your statute therewithal!. — And forasmuch as this
statute is grounded upon an act of parliament directlie repugning
to the lawes of God, and his holie church, the supreame govern-
ment and authority of which, or of anie part thereof may no
temporall prince or king presume by la we or right to take upon
him, as rightfullie by the lawes of God belonging to the sea of
Rome, a spirituall preeminence by the mouth of our Saviour
himself, personallie present upon earth, onelie to Saint Peter and
his successors, bishopps of the same sea by speciall prerogative
graunted ; to him, it was said ' Pasce oves meas 2 ;' let Caesar
give to Caesar that is Caesar's ; to God that is God's : — it is
therefore a lawe, amongst Christian men, insufficient and of no
effect to chardge anie man therewithall."

This was spoken concerning the statute, and for proof, here-
after, like as amongst divers other reasons and authorities, he
declared3, " that this realme of England, being but one member*
and part of the church of God, might not make a parliament lawe
disagreeable to Christ's universal! catholicke Church ; no more
than the citie of Bristowe, being but one poore member, in respect
of the whole realme, may make a lawe against an act of parlia-
ment, to bind the whole realme under pain of death to obey it.
So further he shewed, that it was not onelie contrarie to the
lawes of God 5, but also contrarie to the lawes and statutes of our

3 "Pasce oves meas"] See Casaubon's dedication of his Exercitationes
contra Baronium. Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 58 — 60.

3 He declared.'] But see Twisden's Historical Vindication, p. 71—3,
118, &c.

4 But one member.'] See More's Letter to Cromwell. Strype's Eccles.
Mem., vol. i. p. 134. Records.

5 The lawes of God.] Yet time was when More did not entertain any such
lofty notions of the divine right of the papal authority in England. In his
Confutation of TindaVs Answer, part ii. p. 615, he thus expresses himself:
" I never dydde putte the pope for parte of the dyffinicion of the church ;
diffynyng the church to be the common knowen congregacyon of all christen
nacions under one head the pope.

"Thus did I never defyne the church, but purposely declyned therefrom,

] G8 SIR THOMAS MORE.

owne nation, yet in force and unrepealed, as most evidentlie it
doth appear in Charta Magna, Quod ecclesia Anglicana liber"
et habeat omnia jura sua Integra, lilertates suas illesas : Also he
showed that it was contrarie to the sacred oath, which the kings
highness himself, and everie other Christian prince alwaies receivi-d
with great solemnity at their coronations, inviolately to observe ;
alleaging moreover, that with no more right this realme of Knu-
lande refuseth obedience to the sea of Rome, than the child
refuseth obedience to his owne naturall father. For as Saint
Paul said to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 4.) i I have regenerated you,
my children in Christ ? so might Saint Gregory pope of Rome,
of whome by Saint Austin, his messenger, wee first received the
Christian faith, of us Englishmen truelie say, " You are my
children, because to you I have given salvation, a farre higher
and better inheritance, than anie carnall father can leave to his

for I would not intrike and entangle the matter with two questions at once.
For I wiste very well, that the church being proved this common knowen
catholyke congregacion of all chrysten nacions, abyding together in one
fayth, neither fallen off, nor cut off; there might peradventure be made a
seconds question after that, whether over all that catholyke church, the pope
must needs be head and chief-governor, or chief spiritual shepheard ; or elles,
that the unyon of faythe standyng among them all, every province might
have their own chief spiritual governor over itself, without anye recourse unto
the pope ; or any superioritie recognised to any other outward persone.

" And then if the pope were pope, or no, but, as I say (divers) provincial
patriarchs, archbishoppes, metropolitanes, or by what name soever the thing
were called, — what authority, and what power either he, or they should have
among the people; — these things well I wyst woulde rayse among manye
menne manye moe questions then one. For the avoydyng of all intricacion
whereof I purposely forbare to putte in the pope as parte of the diffynicyon
of the church, as a thing that needed not ; sith if he be the necessary headde,
he is included in the name of the whole bodye. And, whether he be or not,
if it be brought in question, were a matter to be treated and disputed besyde,
and by itself."

In another place, he names, in a letter to Cromwell (written about i
ruary, 1533 — 41) a time and occasion for the change in his sentiments, flat-
tering indeed to the controversial vanity of his royal master, but somewhat
unseasonably brought forward in the present altered state of affairs. " Troath
it is, that as I told you, when ye desired me to shew you what I thought in
the question of the primacy of the pope, I was myself sometime not of that
mind that the primacy of that see should be begun by the institution of God,
until I red in that matter those thinges that the king's highness had written
in liis most famous book against the heresies of Martine Luther." Works,
p. 1 427, or Strype's Eccles. Memorials, vol. i. p. 134.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 1G9

children; and by regeneration I have made you my spirituall
children in Christ."

Then was it by the lord chancellour answered, " that seeing
all the bishopps, universities, and best learned of the reahne had
to this act agreed, it was much merveiled, that he alone against
them all would so stifelie sticke thereat, and so vehementlie argue
there against." Which reason in effect the abbot of Westmin-
ster made against him, when he appeared before the commis-
sioners at Lambeth. To this Sir Thomas replied, saying, " that
this seaven yeares, seriouslie and earnestlie he had beset his studies
and cogitations upon this pointe, chieflie amongst others, of the
pope's authoritie ; neither as yet, said he, have I chaunced upon
anie ancient writer or doctour that so advaunceth it, as your sta-
tute doth of any secular or temporall Prince. If there were no
more but myself upon my side, and the whole parliament upon the
other, I would be sore afraid to leane to mine owne mind onelie
against so manie ; but if the number of bishopps and universities
be so materiall as your lordshipp seemeth to take it, then see I
little cause my lord, why that thing in my conscience should make
any chaunge ; for I nothing doubt but that, tho1 not in this realme,
yet in Christendome about, of these well learned bishopps and ver-
tuous men that are yet alive, they be not the fewer part that are
of my minde herein. But if I should speake of those that are
alreadie dead, of whome many are now holie saints in heaven, I
am very sure that it is the far greater part of them, that all the
while they lived, thought in this case, that way which I thinke
now, and therefore am I not bound my lorde to conforme my con-
science to the counsell of our realme against the generall counsells
of all Christendome ; for of the foresaid holy byshopps, I have for
everie byshopp of yours above an hundred, yea well might I add,
a thousand ; and for one counsell of parliament of your's (God
knoweth what manner of one), I have all the counsells made this
manie hundred yeares ; and for this one kingdom I have all other
Christian realms." Then answered the duke of Norfolk, " Wee
now plainlie perceave, that you are maliciouslie bent." " Nay,
nay" (quoth Sir Thomas), " verie and pure necessitie, for dis-
chardge of my conscience, enforceth me to speake so much ,
wherein I call and appeal to God, whose onelie sight pierceth the
verie depth of mans hart, for witness : howbeit it is not so much
for the supremacie that you seek my bloud, as because I would

170 SIR THOMAS MORE.

not condescend to the second marriage of the king, his first wife
yet living."

Now Sir Thomas More for the avoiding of his inditement, had
taken so manie exceptions as he thought meet, and manie more
reasons than are here alleaged ; the lord chancellour loath to have
the inditement wholie to depend upon him, there openlie asked
the advice of the lord Fitz- James8, then lord chief justice of the
kings bench, and joined with him in commission ; " whether this
inditement were sufficient or not." Who like a wise man an-
swered, " My lord, by Saint Julian " (that was ever his oath)
" I must needs confess, that if the act of parliament be lawefull,
then the inditement is good enough." Whereupon the lord
chauncellour said to the rest of the lords, " My lords, you heare
what my lord chief justice saith. What thinke you ?" No man
made answere in particular ; and so immediatelie he gave judg-
ment without anie further adoe, against Sir Thomas, in this
manner, " Wee command, that Sir Thomas More, sometime
knight, be carried back to the place from whence he came, and
from thence be drawn through the citie to the publicke place of
execution, there to be hanged till he be half dead, then to be cut
down, his bowells presentlie to be taken out and burned, his head
to be cut off, and his bodie to be quartered into fower parts ; and
the bodie and head to be sett up where the king shall appoint.
So the Lord have mercie upon you ! "

This sentence was chaunged into beheading onlie 7. For it is
an ancient custome of our countrie for men of high birth or office,
condemned to die though for treason, to have this graunted them
as a priviledge, to have but their heads cut off.

After this sentence was ended, the commissioners did further
courteouslie offer him if he had anie thing ells to alleage for his
defence, to graunt him favourable audience. Who answered,
" My lords, more I have not to say ; but that like as the bl«
apostle Saint Paul, as we reade in the Acts, was present, and
consented to the death of Saint Stephen, and kept the cloathes of

6 Lord Fitz- James.'] Sir John Fitzjames ; the title of Lord must allude to
his office : there never was any peer of that name.

7 Into beheading onlie.'] " Of which mercy of the king, word being brought
to Sir Thomas, he merrily said, 'God forbid the king should use any more
such mercy to any of my friends; and (iod bless fill my posterity from such
pardons.' " Lord Herbert, in State Trials, vol. i. p. 394.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 171

them that stoned him to death, and yet be they both twaine com-
peers and holie saints in heaven, and shall continue there friends
togeather for ever ; so I verilie trust, and shall therefore right
hartilie pray, though your lordships have now here on earthe been
my judges to my condemnation ; wee may yet hereafter in heaven,
all rnerrilie meet togeather to our everlasting salvation. And thus
I desire Almightie God to preserve and defend the king's majestie,
and to send him good counsell ! "

Thus much now concerning his arraignment. After the which,
he departed from the barre to the Tower againe, ledd by Sir Wil-
liam Kingstone, a tall, strong and comelie knight, constable of the
Tower, and his deare friende. Whom when he had brought from
Westminster to the Old Swanne, towards the Tower, with a heavie
heart, the tears running downe amaine the old knights cheeks, he
bade him farewell, scarce able to speake another worde. Sir Tho-
mas More seeing him so sorrie, comforted him with as good words
as he could possiblie devise, saying, " Good master Kingstone,
trouble not yourself. I beseech you be of good cheer ; for I will
pray for you, and for my good ladie your wife, that we may meet
in heaven togeather, where we shall be merrie for ever.'"

15. When Sir Thomas came from Westminster towards the
Tower, his daughter Margaret, desirous to see her father, whom
she thought she should never see againe in this worlde, and also
to have his last blessing, gave attendance about the Tower wharfe,
where she knew her father would passe : whome as soon as she
sawe, she reverentlie bowed herself upon her knees to take his
blessinge. After she hastened towards him, without considera-
tion or care of herself, pressing in amongst the thickest of the
throng and companie of the guard, who with halberts and bills
went round about him : she ran to her father, and there openlie
in the sight of them all imbraced him about the necke, and
kissed him most lovinglie. Who well liked her naturall and
deare daughterlie affection towards him ; gave her his fatherlie
blessing and manie godlie words of comfort ; besides telling her
that whatsoever he suffered, though he suffered as an innocent,
yet did he not suffer it without Gods holie will and pleasure.
" For thou knowest, Megg, my deare daughter, thou knowest
the verie bottom and secrets of my hart. So thou hast cause
rather to congratulate and rejoice with me, and for me, that God
hath thus gratiouslie advanced me to this high honour, and hath
made me worthie to spend my life, for the defence and upholding

172 SIR THOMAS MORE.

of virtue, justice, and religion, than to be dismaide or discomfited.
Therefore be of good comfort." O noble and worthie voice of
our Christian Socrates ! The old Socrates, that excellent philo-
sopher, was also unjustlie put to death ; who when his wife at
that time following, outrageouslie cried out, " Shall Socratc -
good a man, be put to death ?" " Peace my good wife" (quoth
he) "and content thyself: it is farr better for me to die a true
and good man, than to live as a wretch and a malefactour."

To come againe to mistress Roper. Being departed from her
father, she was not satisfied with the former sight of him ; like
one that had forgotten herself, being ravished with the entire
love of her deare father, having no respect to herself, nor to the
multitude of people that were about him, suddenlie she turned
backe againe, ranne to him as before, tooke him about the lurk.
and divers times most lovinglie kissed him ; and at last with a
full heavie hart was faine to depart from him : the beholding
whereof was to manie there present so lamentable, that it made
them for verie sorrowe and compassion to weep. Yet Sir
Thomas, as one quite mortified to the worlde, and all worldlie
affection, as though he were whollie fixed in the love of hen YOU.
albeit he was a most loving, tender, and natural father to all his
children, and above all other most dearelie loved this his daughter
Margaret ; yet the love of God, and the desire of heaven, had so
mightilie subdued and conquered even nature itself, that he
neither sighed nor wept, nor shewed any token of sorrowe or
griefe, no nor once, for all this, chaunged his countenance : such
was his temper and moderation of minde ; such his resolution
and carriage in this matter ; as if he had been discharged of all
human affection and incombrances of the same ; more like an
angell than a man 8. The like temper of his mind he showed at

8 Than a man.'] This translation has not done justice to the singular beauty
of the description in the original.

" His ita peractis, Thomas Moms reductus est in Turrim. Hie obiter accidit
spectaculum ipsa condemnatione miserabilius. Margareta filiarum Mori natu
maxima, mulier praeter eximiam formae venustatem cum summa dignitate
conjunctam, judicio, ingenio, moribus et eruditione Patris simillima, per
medium populi turbam, perque satellitum arma semet injecit, et ad Pan nh m
penetravit. Quum et mulier esset, et natura cum primis verecunda, tarnen et
metum et pudorern omnem excusserat impotens auimi dolor, cum audisset
Patrem in Curia morti addictum esse. Hoc accidit priusquam Morns arcis
portam ingrederetur. I hi in charissimi Parentis collum irruens arctissimo
complexu aliquamdiutenuiteum. Caeterum ne verbum quidem interim potuit

SIR THOMAS MORE. 173

his arraignment ; for neither in speech nor countenance he
showed anie sign of alteration nor passion.

Thus Sir Thomas was brought to the Tower againe ; where
he remained a se'night after his judgment ; from whence, the
day before he suffered, he sent by a maide his shirt of haire, his
discipline 9, and a letter written with a cole, expressing his divine
spirit, and not forgetting the parts of a loving father, to his
daughter Margaret ; the copie whereof followeth ; and because
it was the last that ever he wrote, I will sett it downe verbatim.

A Letter to Ms Daughter Margaret.

" Our Lord bless you good daughter, and your good husband,
and your little boy, and all yours, and all my children, and all my
God-children, and all our friends ! Recommend me, when you
may, to my good daughter Cicilie, whom I beseech our Lord to
comfort ; and I send her my blessing, and to all her children ;
and pray her to pray for me. I send her a handkerchief. And
God comforte my good sonne her husband ! " (to witt, master
Giles Heron).

" My good daughter Dansey hath the picture in parchment,
that you delivered me from my ladie Conyers ; her name is on
the back side ; shew her it ; and I heartilie pray her, that you
may send it againe in my name to my ladie, for a token from me

proloqui. 'Curse/ inquit tragicus, 'leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent.'
Movit stipatores, tametsi duros, hoc spectaculum. Horum itaque permissu
Morns his verbis consolatus est filiam. * Margareta, patienter feras, nee te
discrucies amplius. Sic est voluntas Dei. Jampridem nosti secreta cordis
mei.' Simulque dedit osculum, ex consuetudine gentis si quern dimittant. At
ilia cum digressa esset ad decem vel duodecim passus, denuo recurrit, et
amplexa Parentem rursus inhaesit collo illius, sed elinguis prae doloris magni-
tudine. Cui Pater nihil locutus est, tantum erumpebant lacrymae, vultu
tamen a constantia nihil dimoto. Nee aliud supremis verbis mandavit quam
ut Deum pro anima Patris deprecaretur. — Ad hoc pietatis certamen plurimis
e populari turba lacrymae excidere. Erant et inter satellites, ferum et immite
genus hominum, qui lacrymas tenere non potuerunt. Nee mirum, quum
pietatis affectus adeo valida res sit, ut immitissimas etiam feras moveat ....
Morum fortiter excepisse sententiam mortis, aut etiam carnificis securirn,
minus admirandum existimo quam pietatem erga suos potuisse vincere.
Nihil enim addubito quin hie doloris gladius crudelius vulneravit Mori prae-
cordia quam ilia carnificis securis quse collum amputarit." Erasmus under
the assumed name of Corvinus Nucerinus.

9 Discipline.'] i. e. His whip for scourging himself. See p. 67 and 1/6.

174 SIR THOMAS MORE.

to pray for me. I like speciall well Dorothie Collie." (This
Dorothie Collie was afterwards wife to John Harris, Sir Thomas
his secretarie. She oftentimes had access to Sir Thomas, and
brought him manie presents and tokens from her misi
mistress Margaret Roper). " I pray you be good to her. I would
witt whether this be she you wrote to me of. If not, yet I pray
you be good to the other, as you may, in her affliction. And to
my daughter Joan Allen too ; " (This was none of his daughters,
nor anie thing a-kinn to him ; but because she waited on hi.s
daughter Margaret Roper, and was brought up of a little one
in his house, in kindness he called her daughter). " Give her
I pray you some kind answer, for she sued hither to me this day.
to pray you to be good to her. I comber you good Mar
much ; but I would be sorrie it should be anie longer then to-
morrow ; for it is Saint Thomas's Eve, and the Utas ' of Saint
Peter," (to witt the sixth day of Julie ; for the seventh day is
the translation of Sir Thomas of Canterburie. Therefore most
fitlie God of his high providence had ordeined, that he that
suffered for the supremacie of the pope, should suffer on that
day wherein was combined two feasts of speciall defendants of
that veritie) : " and therefore tomorrow long I to go to God. It
were a meet day, and verie convenient for me. I never liked
your manners better towards me, than when you kissed me last."'
(He meaneth that time, when he came from judgment). " For
I love when daughterlie love, and deare char i tie hath no leisure
to look to worldlie curtesie. Fare well my deare child, and pray
for me, and I shall for you, and all your friends, that w<- may
merrilie meet in heaven. I thanke you for your cost. I
now to my good daughter Clement her Algorisme stone V
(This mistress Clement, was not his naturall daughter, but was
named before she was married, Margaret Gige. Her husband
was called John Clement, a famous doctour of phisicke). u And
I send her, and my God-sonne, and all hers, Gods blessing and
mine. I pray you at convenient time recommend me to my

1 Utas.~\ i. e. Octaves, from the French huit. See note, vol. i. p. 224.

2 Her Algorisme stone.'] " An arithmetical stone. Ab Arabibus nomen
Algorisimi accepimus, pro praxi arithmetica per figuras numerales. Wallis.'1
Roper's Life by Lewis, p. 185. It was sometimes written augrim.

rst by seconds, terces, and eke quarters
On augrim stones and on white cartes."

hydrate's Hist, of Thebes.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 175

good sonne John More. I liked well his naturall fashion." (This
he meant, because he reverentlie kneeled downe, and asked him
blessing, when he came from judgment.) " Our Lord bless him,
and his good wife my loving daughter ; to whom I pray him to
be, as he hath great cause to be, good : and that if the land of
mine come to his hande, he breake not my will concerning his
sister Dansey. Our Lord bless Thomas, and Austine, and all
that they have. Farewell." (This Thomas was John's eldest
sonne, and is yet alive.)

Anno 1535. 5to Julii, pridie nativitatis ejus.

16. Upon the next morrowe being Tuesday and the feast of
St. Peter's octaves 3, and the eve of St. Thomas of Canterburie,
in the yeare of our Lord God 1535, in the twenty seventh year
of the reign of king Henery the eighth, according as Sir Thomas
in his letters the day before had wished ; earlie in the morning
came to him Sir Thomas Pope, his verie good frende, on a mes-
sage from the king and his counsell, that he should prepare him-
self ; for before nine o'clocke the same morning he should loose
his head.

"Master Pope" (quoth he) "for your good tidings, I most
hartilie thanke you. I have bene alwaies much bounden to the
king's highnes, for the benefits and honours that he hath still
from time to time most bountifullie heaped upon me. Yet more
bound am I unto his grace for putting me into this place, where
I have had convenient time and place to have remembrance of
my end. And so help me God ! Most of all master Pope, I
am bound to his highnes, that it pleaseth him so shortlie to ridd
me out of the miseries of this wretched life : and therefore will I
not faile earnestlie to pray for his grace both here, and also in
an other worlde." " The king's pleasure is further " (quoth
master Pope) " that at your execution, you shall not use manie
wordes." " Master Pope," (quoth he) " you do well to give me
warning of his grace his pleasure ; for otherwise I had purposed
at that time somewhat to have spoken ; but of no matter where-
with his grace nor anie other should have had cause to be
offended. Nevertheless whatsoever I intended, I am readie obe-
diently to conform myself to his graces commandment. And I

3 St. Peter's octaves^ 6th July ; the eve of the translation of St. Thomas
of Canterbury.

176 SIR THOMAS MORE.

beseech you good master Pope, to be meanes to his highnes, that
my daughter Margaret may be at my buriall." " The king is
contented alreadie " (quoth master Pope), " that your wife, chil-
dren, and other friends shall have libertie to be present thereat."
"O how much beholding then" (quoth Sir Thomas) "am 1 to
his grace, that to my poor buriall vouchsafeth to have such gra-
tious consideration." Wherewithall master Pope taking his
leave with him, could not refraine from weeping ; which Sir
Thomas More perceiving comforted him in this wise. u Quiet
yourself good master Pope, and be not discomforted ; for I trust
that we shall once see each other in heaven full merrilie ; where
wee shall be sure to live and love togeather in joy and blisse
eternallie."

After whose departure Sir Thomas, as one that had 1
invited to some solemn banquet, was merveillous glad of this
day ; which he knew, (either by the spirit of prophesie, or spoke
it in the confidence he had in his familiaritie with God), he ap-
pointed to render his soule into the hands of his Creatour, fullie
and certainlie to receave of him the guerdon of his well doing.
The day before he had sent away his spirituall weapons. Know-
ing the tyme of his warfare presentlie to have an end, he left off
his mourning and disciplining of his bodie, which mightilie he did
from the time of his condemnation, till now, in this manner.
He wrapt himself in a linen sheet, like a bodie to be laid in a
grave : so walked he most part of the night, and seven lie pu-
nished his bodie with a whipp 4 ; but now in token of joy and
exultation of his minde, he changed himself into his best apparell.
Which master lieutenant espying, advised him to put it off, say-
ing that he that should have it was but a javell8. '• What mav-
ter lieutenant" (quoth he) "should I account him a javell, that
shall doe me this day so singular a benefitt, that all the friends 1
have in the world neither have, nor can doe me the like good '.
Nay I assure you Sir, if it were cloth of gold, I would thinke it
well bestowed upon him.'1 But at length through the importu-
nate persuasion of the lieutenant, he put off his camlet gown,
which master Bonvise', his deare friende, sent him after his im-
prisonment; and put on a gown of f'rie/c; and to make

1 With a whipp.] See above, p. 67, and note, p. 173.

6 A javell.'] A worthless fellow. Javelle. Fr. Xare's Glossary, Sec.

6 Bonvise.'] See note, p. 96.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 177

executioner amends, of that money which was left him, agreeably
to the example of blessed Saint Ciprian, he caused an angell of
gold to be delivered him.

17. Sir Thomas fasting, and clad in an old ill favoured friese
gown, which to him was his marriage garment, and so meanlie
apparelled the better to remember the povertie of his maister
Christ, was by the lieutenant brought from the Tower towards
the place of execution 7 ; where by the way a certain importunate
woman, with a loud voice called unto him at the Tower gate,
beseeching him to declare, that he had certaine evidences of
her's, that were delivered him, when he was in office ; saying,
that sithence he was apprended she could by no means come to
them againe ; and that he would be a meane, that she might
recover them, the loss whereof she said did much grieve her.
" Good woman" (quoth he), " content thyself, and have patience
awhile ; for the king is so good and gratious to me, that even
within this half hour he will disburthen me of all worldlie busi-
ness, and help thee himself.11 A little further a good woman
offered him wine to drinke. " Marrie good wife" (quothe he),
" I will not drinke now. My maister had easell 8 and gall, and
not wine given him to drinke."

A little further a third woman, and she was verie clamorous :
" Do you remember master More, that when you were chauncel-
lour, you were my hard friend, and did me great injurie in giving
wrong judgment against me 2" "Woman" (quoth he), "I am
now going to my death. I remember well the whole matter ; if
now I ware to give sentence againe, I assure thee, I would not
alter it. Thou hast no injurie, so content thee, and trouble
me not."

Afterwards as he passed, there came to him a citizen of Win-
chester ; who had been once with Sir Thomas before, and it was
upon this occasion. This poor man was grievouslie vexed with
verie vehement and grievous tentations of desperation, and could
never be ridd of it either by counsaile, or prayer of his owne or
of his friends. At last a good friend of his brought him to Sir

7 The place of execution.'] "About nine he was brought out of the Tower.
His beard was long, his face pale and thin ; and carrying a red crosse in his
hand, he often lift up his eyes to heaven. A woman meeting him with a cup of
wine, he refused it, saying, * Christ at his passion drank no wine, but gall and
vinegar.' " Lord Herbert in State Trials, vol. i. p. 395.

8 Had easell ] Eisell, vinegar. Nares's Glossary, &c.

VOL. II. N

178 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Thomas, then chauncellour ; who taking compassion of the poor
man^s miserie, gave him the best counsaile and advice he could ;
but it would not serve. Then fell he to his prayers for him. be-
seeching earnestlie Almightie God to rid the poor man of his
trouble of minde. He obtained it : for after that, the Hamp-
shire man was never troubled with it anie more, so long as he
would come to Sir Thomas More. But after he was imprisoned,
and could have no access unto him, his tentations began againe,
more vehement and troublesome than ever before ; so he spent
his daies with a heavie hart and without all hope of remedie.
But when he heard that Sir Thomas was condemned, he ]»
from Winchester, hoping at least to see him as he should jrne
to execution ; and so determined to speake with him, come what
would of it. And for that cause he placed himself in the way ;
and at his coming by, he thrust through the throng, and with
a loud voice said, " Master More, do you knowe me? I pray you
for our Lord"s sake help me. I am as ill troubled as ever I was."
Sir Thomas answered, " I remember thee full well. Go thy
waies in peace, and praie for me, and I will not faile to praie
for thee." And from that time after, so long as he lived, lie was
never troubled with that manner of tentation.

Thus he came to the scaffold, where taking the help of one of
the officers to ascend, he desired all the people thereabouts to
pray for him ; and being forbidden to make anie further sp<
he desired all there that were present, to beare witness thai he
should suffer in and for the faith of the catholic church. u For
I call heaven and earth to witness, I am the kings true and
faithful subject ; the servant of Almightie God; and determined
to die in the profession of his holie religion." So he kneeled
him downe on his knees, and with a loud voice said the fiftieth
psalm, Miserere mei Deus, to the end, with some other pra\
After which he turned to the executioner and with ehearfull
countenance spake to him sayinge, " What man. pull up t In-
spirits, and be not afraid to do thine office ;" who, as the manner
is, asked him forgiveness. Sir Thomas kissed him, and told him,
"no mortall man could give that he should receive at his hands :
but I am sorie my necke is so short, therefore strike not a\
for saving of thy honestie." So he tooke a napkin that
brought with him, wherewith he blindfolded his owne eies, st mak-
ing his beard, which was then Browne long in the time of his
durance, and laid it over the Mock, and thereon laid his 1

SIR THOMAS MORE. 179

even and quiet. So with one blow of an axe his sweet soule
passed out of this worlde unto Almightie God, the verie same
day that he most desired, and before foretold, to witt, the octaves
of Saint Peter, the eve of St. Thomas, the sixth of Julie in
the yeare of our Lord 1 535, in the twentie seventh of the reign
of king Henery the eighth, and the yeare of his age fifty five, or
fifty six, as some say.

18. Sir Thomas More was wont to say in manner of an adage,
" A man may lose his head and take no harme :" so it was veri-
fied in him ; for he lost his head, but tooke no harme. For his
temporall life, he now possesseth everlasting bliss and felicitie in
the blissful quiers of saints and angells ; and in earth hath his
fame eternized to all posterity ; and his name, not onelie of his
friends and well willers, but of his enemies and greatest adversa-
ries, it is had in much reverence and regard.

Immediatelie after the execution of Sir Thomas More, word
was brought thereof to the king ; who being then at dice when it
was told him, at the hearing thereof seemed to be wonderfullie
amazed. " And is it true" (quoth the king) 2 " Is Sir Thomas
More, my chauncellour dead 2" The messenger answered, " Yea,
if it may please your majestie." He turned him to queen Anne,
who then stood by, and wistlie looking upon her said, " Thou,
thou art the cause of this man's death." So presentlie went to
his chamber, and there wept full bitterlie. For so unjust and
violent a death of so innocent a man, could not but grieve the
verie authors of it. It was wonderfull to thincke how the king
could find in his hart to put this holie, innocent and famous man
to death ; but defiled with scisme, loaded with sinne, and over-
ruled with inordinate affection to dame Anne, what did he not 2
" Nay," saith a Welsh man when he heard this question moved,
" that is not so great, for my neighbours of Carmarthen, when
master Davies was arraigned, did at the same time arraigne, in-
dite, and condemn Pius Quintus the pope, of high treason, long
after his death." Indeed sinne now is at that ripeness, that now
with praise and commendations those things be attempted, that
in former ages without sinne might not be thought of.

Charles the emperour, the fifth of that name, a most reverent
and victorious prince, gave a singular testimonie of the praise of
this man. For when intelligence came to him of Sir Thomas
More his death, he sent presentlie for Sir Thomas Elliott, our
English ambassadour then with him, to whom said the emperour,

N 2

180 SIR THOMAS MORE.

" We understand that the king your maister hath put to death
his faithfull servant, his grave and wise counsellor, Thomas More.11
Whereunto our ambassadour answered that he heard nothing
thereof. " Well" (quoth the emperour), " it is too true. And
this wee will saie, that if wee had been maister of such a servaunt,
of whose doings our self have these manie yeares no small expe-
rience, we should rather have lost the best citie of our dominion,
than have forgone so worthie a counsellor."

What moan and lamentation of all good men in other countries
was made for this man's death well witnesseth that worthie man
cardinall Poole, lib. 3"° de unitate ecclesice 9 : and Johannes Coch-
leus libro contra Ricardum Sampsonum. The like doth Paulus
Jovius in Elogiis, tit. 89. Gulielmus Paradinus ; Johannes Fon-
tanus ; Laurentius Surius ; Onuphrius Patavinus, with manie
others. But lest these may be suspected as partiall, for being of
the same faith with him; the hereticks themselves that then
lived, and since, spake honourable of him. See Johannes Carion,
John Sleyden, Johannes Rivius; onlie one or two exceptc'd. as
Fox, Hall, Holinsheade, and such rabines, most obscure and base
fellowes, most unworthie to have names of historiographers ; yea
so impious and shameless they are in their assertions, that they
beare no great credit amongst their owne fellowes ; so it great lie
skilleth not what they say ; yet what they saye by the judgment
of all indifferent, tendeth rather to his praise than reproach. One
calleth him cruel and hard, for the mislike he shewed to the here-
ticks. Another calleth him a foolish wise man, or a wise fool.
Another a jeaster. But maugre all the malice of heresie, and the
iniquity of our most miserable tymes, this eulogium shall for OUT
be given him. Sir Thomas More for vertue, learning, and intc-
gritie of life of a lay man, was such a lord chauncellour, as
England never had the like ; so trew and blessed a confessor, in
joyfullie suffering disgrace, imprisonment, losse of goods and lands
for justice sake, as well as he may be compared to the ancient CM m-
fessors in that kinde. But his speciall and peerless prerogative
is, in that he died a martyr for the defence and preservation of
the unitie of the catholic church. And his martyrdome is so
famous and noble, that it is not inferior to the martyrdome of
those that suffered because they would not denie the holie faith
of Christ : nay rather it soomcth to lie nimv estoomod. For as
the learned and great clerk c- Dionisius of Alexandria writi-tli.
9 De unitate ccclesiceJ] Sec the passage quoted at p. 1 0 1 .

SIR THOMAS MORE. 181

" that martyrdome (saith he) that a man suffereth to preserve
the unitie of the church that it may not be broken and rent, is
worthie no less commendations, but rather more, than the mar-
tyrdome that a man suffereth, because he will not sacrifice to
idols : for in this cause a man doth die to save his owne soule ;
in the other for the whole church." Therefore he is a happie and
blessed martyr ; and a martyr in a cause, that nearer toucheth
religion, and the whole faith, than doth the death of the blessed
martyrs, Thomas of Dover, and Thomas of Canterburie : (under
pardon of those saints be it spoken, for I intend not the dimi-
nution of their glorious deaths). The first was slain of the French
men landing at Dover in his monasterie. All his fellowes being
fled, he being taken, and urged to reveal to them where the trea-
sure and Jewells of the church were, which he denying, by them
was massacred. Afterwards God by him shewed manie miracles.
The second was, and is ever taken for a verie worthie martyr
of the whole church of God, and even of king Henry the second
also ; for whose displeasure, though by chance, not by his com-
mandment, he was slaine. Albeit we have of late (God give us
his grace to repent, and see our folie and impietie !) unshrined
him !, and buried his holie relicks ; and have made him, after so
manie hundred yeares, a traytor to the king 2, who honoured him
for a blessed saint, as did all the kings his successors : yet as we
said, there is no great ods in their martyrdomes. For though
the king, for the displeasure he bare to the pope, for that he
maintained and defended Saint Thomas, did for a little while
abrogate the popes authoritie ; and went about afore to cut off
and abridge some appeals, wont to be made to the sea of Rome ;
yet neither did the king take upon him the supremacie, nor in
hart misliked to let the pope have it ; but shortlie restored the
pope to his former authoritie, and revoked all his other misdoings.
So in Sir Thomas More there is deeper cause of martyrdome
than in either of these twaine. For Sir Thomas died directlie
and onelie for the defence and unitie of the catholic church.

1 Unshrined Mm.'] See Burnet's History, pt. i. book iii. ed. Nares, vol. i.
p. 393.

2 Traytor to the king.'] By an act of Henry VIII. Becket's name was
ordered to be struck out of the calendar, and the office for his festivity
to be dashed out of all breviaries, and that this injunction was very generally
obeyed in England the mutilations and erasures in the existing MSS. suffi-
ciently attest.

182 SIR THOMAS MORE,

Howbeit there was great conformitie, both in birth and place,
being both born in London : in their names, for they were both
Thomas : their offices, for both were high chauncellours of Eng-
land ; and in this when Saint Thomas of Canterburie his trou-
bles beganne, he came to the king carrying his cross himself, not
suffering anie other to carrie it ; and in that Sir Thomas More,
when his great troubles grew first on him, carried the crosse in
procession in his parish church at Chelsey ; and both Thomases
ever after, though not the materiall, yet the true crosse of tribu-
lation. In this was some conformitie, that Sir Thomas More-
died according to his desire upon the eve3 of Saint Thomas <>t
Canterburie: but some diversitie there was, as well in that we
have shewed, as in that Saint Thomas of Canterburie, defending
the dignitie and priviledge of the church, suffered without any
judgment or form of justice in his owne cathedrall church, there
his consecrated head being cloven in pieces. Sir Thomas More
was condemned with pretended justice, which aggravated the
iniquitie of the fact, in Westminster Hall. The other was a
bishopp and suffered in his church. Sir Thomas More, a tem-
porall judge, had sentence given against him, where he and his
father before him had ministered justice most uprightlie ; and in
that place, wherein few yeares before, he had received such u
praise, even by the kings owne commandment, as lightlie had not
been given to anie other. Sir Thomas his head, for defending
the right head of the church, was cut off by him that tooke the
prerogative of Saint Peter and his successors, and set it upon his
owne head. Sir Thomas his head was set upon the bridge of the
citie where he was borne and brought up, uppon a high pole : a
ruthfull spectacle for all good citizens ; and much more lamentable
there to see his head, than it wras to the Romans, to see the head
of Marcus Tullius Cicero set up in the said citie, where he had by
his eloquent orations preserved manie innocents from danger and
perill. And yet Sir Thomas his head had not so high a place on
the pole, as hath his blessed soule amongst the celestiall quiers of
angells in heaven. Wherefore we may be bold to pray, that (MM!
will through the merits and intercessions of this glorious martyr.

The eve.] i. e. July 6, the eve of the translation of St. Thomas.
Thomas's day is the 9th of December, but the translation, owing perhaps to
its being at a more favourable season, was much observed by pilgrims.
Somner says, that on that day, in 1420, being the sixth jubilee, a hundred
thousand strangers visited Becket's tomb.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 183

cast his pitifull eye of grace upon us, and reduce us to the unitie
of his holie church, for the defence whereof Sir Thomas More in
his holie sight suffered a precious death ! Therefore O most
blessed Grod, for the merits of this holie martyr Saint Thomas, of
thy infinite goodness, graunt this poor land thy holie grace, to
acknowledge their present miserie, and to retourne again unto the
bosom of thy holie spouse, the holy catholick church, through our
Lord Jesus Christ ! Amen.

19. The description of Sir Thomas More according to the relation
of those who best knew him 4, and his Picture which was drawn
when he was Chauncellour.

Sir Thomas More was no tall man ; all the parts of his bodie 5
were in good proportion, and congruous as a man could wish.
His skinne was something white ; the colour of his face drewe
rather to whiteness then to paleness, farr from redness, saving
that some little red sparkes everie where appeared. His hair was
blackish yellow, or rather yellow blackish ; his beard thynne ; his
eyes grey and speckled ; which kinde of eies do commonlie betoken
a good and sharpe witt, and as phisitians say, are least combered
with diseases and faults ; his were not great, nor yet glittering,
yet much pleasing. His countenance 6 was conformable to his
nature and disposition, pleasant and amiable, somewhat resembling
and tending to the fashion of one that would seem to smile. His
voice was neither boysterous nor bigg; nor yet too small and
shrill ; he spake his wordes verie distinctlie and treatable, without
anie manner of hastines or stuttering ; and albeit he delited in all
kinde of melodie, yet he seemed not of his owne nature to be apt
to sing himselfe. He enjoyed the health of his bodie verie well :
and although he was never a strong man, yet was he able to goe
through with anie laboure and paines meet and convenient for
him to dispatch his busines. A little before he gave over his
office of high chauncellourship, he beganne to be troubled with a

4 Who best knew him.'] These particulars are taken from the MS. Life by
Harpsfield.

5 Parts of his bodie. ~] "Dexter humerus paulo videtur eminentior laevo,
prsesertim cum incedit, id quod illi non accidit natura, sed assuetudine." —
Erasmi EpistoL

6 His countenance, .] See his portrait by Holbein, in the collection published
by Chamberlayne from the original drawings belonging to her Majesty.

184 SIR THOMAS MORE.

little sicknes ; and after he was shut up in the Tower it much
encreased. When he was a young man, he used and delighted in
drinking of water ; his common drinke was verie small ale ; and
as for wine he did but sipp of it, and that onlie for companies
sake, or for pledging his friends. He delighted more to feed
upon beef, and salt meats, coarse bread, and that verie well
levened, than upon fine meats and bread. He loved well milke,
and fruit, and especiallie eggs. He had a great pleasure to behold
the forme and fashion of beasts and fowles. There was not lightlie
anie kind of birds, that he had not in his house. He kept an
ape, a fox, a wesill, a ferritt, and other beasts more rare. It'
there had been anie strange thing brought out of other countries,
and worthie to be looked on, he was desirous to buie it ; and all
this was to the contentation and pleasure of such as came to
him ; and himself now and then would make his recreation in
beholding them.

Here followeth the translation of his epitaph, which he wrote
in Latin, and would have it placed in his tomb of stone, which
himself, while he was lord chauncellour, caused to be made in his
parish church of Chelsey, where he dwelled.

" THOMAS MORE a Londoner, born of no noble family, but of
an honest stocke ; somewhat brought up in learning : after that in
his young daies, he had been a pleader in the lawes certaine yeares,
being one of the under sheriffs of London ; was of noble king
Henerie the eighth (which alone of all kings worthilie deserved,
both with sworde and penne to be called defender of the faith, a
glorie before not heard of) called into the Court, and chosen one
of the Counsell, and made Knight : then made Under Treasurer
of England, after Chauncellour of the Duchy of Lancaster, and
last of all, with great favour of his Prince, Lord Chauncellour of
England. But in the meane season, he was chosen Speaker of
the Parliament ; and besides was divers times, in divers places
the kings ambassadour ; and last of all at Cameray, joyned fellnwr
and companion with Cuthbert Tunstall, (chief of that embas.-
bishopp of London, and within a while after bishopp of Durham.
who so excelleth in learning, witt, and virtue, that the wlmlc
world scant hath at this day, anie more learned, wiser, or better)
where he both joyfullie sawe and was present embassadour, when

SIR THOMAS MORE. 185

the leagues between the chiefe princes of Christendome were
renewed, and peace, so long looked for, restored to Christendome :
which peace O Lord, stable, and make perpetuall ! When he had
thus gone through this course of offices or honours, and neither
the gratious prince could disallow his doings, nor he was odious to
the nobilitie, nor unpleasant to the people, but yet to theeves,
murtherers, and hereticks, grievous : at last John More his father,
knight, and chosen of the prince to be one of the justices of the
Kings Bench, a civill man, pleasant, harmless, gentle, pitifull,
just, and uncorrupted, in yeares old, but in bodie (more then for
his yeares) lustie ; after that he perceaved his life so long length-
ened, that he sawe his sonne Lord Chauncellour of England,
thinking himself now to have lived long enough, gladlie departed
to God. His sonne then, his father being dead, to whom as long
as he lived being compared, he was wont both to be called yonge,
and himself so thought too, missing now his father departed, and
seeing fower children of his owne, and of their ofsprings eleven,
beganne in his owne conceite to wax olde : and this thought of
his was encreased by a certaine sicklie disposition of his breast,
even by and by following as a signe or token of age creeping upon
him. He therefore, irked and wearie of worldlie busines, giving
up his promotions, attained at last by the incomparable benefitt
of his most gentle prince (if it please God to favour his enter-
prise) that thing, which in a manner from a child he alwaies
wished and desired ; that he might have some yeares of his life
free, in which he little and little withdrawing himself from the
busines of this life, might continuallie remember the immortallitie
of the life to come.

" And he hath caused this tomb to be made for himself (his
first wife's bones brought hither too), that might everie day put
him in minde of death, that never ceaseth to creepe on him. And
that this tomb, made for him in his life time, be not in vaine ;
nor that he feare death coming upon him, but he may willinglie,
for the desire of Christ, die and finde death, not utterlie death to
him, but the gate of a welthier life, help him (I beseech you, good
reader) now with your prayers while he liveth, and when he is
dead also."

Finis.

Laus Deo, beatseque Virgin! Marise.

WILLIAM TINDALL.

Will the wise of the world, trow ye, put their most deare friends and ten-
derly-beloved children into their enemies hands to kill, slay, burn ? — That is
a madnesse unto them above all madnesse. — And yet doth God use this
order ; and this is an high and singuler wisdome in his sight, which the
world taketh to bee most extreame madnesse.

JOHN ROGERS.

WILLIAM TINDALL.

WILLIAM TINDALL * the faithfull minister and constant martyr
of Christ, was borne about the border's of Wales, and brought up
from a childe in the universitie of Oxford, where he by long con-
tinuance grew up, and increased as well in the knowledge of
tongues, and other liberal arts, as specially in the knowledge of
the scriptures, whereunto his mind was singularlie addicted :
insomuch that hee lying then in Magdalene Hall, read privily to
certaine students and fellowes of Magdalen Colledge, some par-
cell of divinitie ; instructing them in the knowledge and truth of
the scriptures. Whose maners also and conversation being cor-
respondent to the same, were such, that they that knew him,
reputed and esteemed him to be a man of the most vertuous dis-
position, and of life unspotted.

Thus he in the universitie of Oxford increasing more and more
in learning, and proceeding in degrees of the schooles, spying his
time, remooved from thence to the universitie of Cambridge,
where after he had likewise made his abode a certaine space,
being now further ripened in the knowledge of Gods word,
leaving that universitie also, hee resorted to one maister Welch
a knight of Glocester shire, and was there schoolemaister to his
children, and in good favour with his maister. This gentleman,
as hee kept a good ordinarie commonly at his table, there resorted
to him many times sundry abbots, deanes, archdeacons, with
divers other doctors and great beneficed men ; who there together
with M. Tindall sitting at the same table, did use many times to
enter communication and talke of learned men, as of Luther and

1 TindalL~] alias Hitchins.

190 WILLIAM TINDALL.

of Erasmus : also of divers other controversies and questions
upon the scripture.

Then maister Tindall as he was learned and well practised in
Gods matters, so hee spared not to shew unto them simply and
plainly his judgement : and when they at any time did vary from
Tindall in opinions and judgement, he would shew them in the
booke, and lay plainly before them the open and manifest places
of the scriptures, to confute their errors, and confirme his sayings.
And thus continued they for a certaine season, reasoning and
contending together divers and sundry times, till at length they
waxed weary, and bare a secret grudge in their hart a
him.

Not long after this, it happened that certaine of these gr
doctors had invited M. Welch and his wife to a banket ; when-
they had talke at will and pleasure, uttering their blindnesse and
ignorance without any resistance or gainesaying. Then M.
\\Ylch and his wife coming home and calling for M. Tindall.
began to reason with him about those matters, whereof the
priests had talked before at their banket. M. Tindall answering
by scriptures, maintained the truth, and reproved their false
opinions. Then saide the Lady Welch, a stout and a
woman (as Tindall reported), "Well" (saide shee) "then- was
such a doctour which may dispend a hundred pounds, and an
other two hundred pounds, and an other three hundred pounds,
and what ; were it reason, thinke you, that we should be I
you before them ?" Maister Tindall gave her no answere at that
time ; and also after that (because he saw it would not avail)
he talked but little in those matters. At that time he was about
the translation of a booke called Enc]iiri<H<>n mi Jilt* ( /trinfitini*,
which being translated he delivered to his maisttT and ladv.
Who after they had read and well perused the same, the doctor] \
prelates were no more so often called to the hou>e. neither
had they the cheere and countenance when they came, a- I M -fore
they had. Which thing they marking and well perceiving, and
supposing no lesse but it came by the means of maister Tindall.
refrained themselves, and at last utterlie withdrew*- themse]\«-s.
;md came no more there.

As this grew on, the priests of the count rev clustering neither.

- Mililis Cfirisfifini.'] A celebrated and valuabl.
/.»/'• qfColet, afoovr. vol. i. p. 44(5.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 191

began to grudge and storme against Tindall, railing against him
in alehouses and other places. Of whome Tindall himselfe in his
prologue before the first book of Moses, thus testifieth in his
owne wordes, and reporteth, " that he suffered much in that
country by a sorte of unlearned priestes, being full rude and
ignorant (sayth hee) God knoweth ; which have seene no more
Latine than that onelie which they read in their portesses and
missalles 3 : (which yet manie of them can scarsely reade 4)

3 Portesses and missallesJ] The Portesse, Portuas, Porthose, &c., so called
from the Fr. porter, consisted of a volume of prayers, offices, &c , which the
clergy might take along with them as a ready Manual for all ordinary occur-
rences. It was the same book which is now denominated a breviary. See
note at p. 316 of vol. i.

A missal is a volume containing all things belonging to the service of the
mass.

" Nicolas. But fare well. Mass will be done, or I come. Oliver. It makes
no matter for one day. I will read thee a piece of the Scripture, insteede of
thy Masse. Nicol. I care not for the Scripture : and Sir John bad me beware
of it, for it would make me an heretique. Oliv. Sir John then readeth not
the Scripture? Nicol. No: he saith he wil meddle no further than his
Portas. Oliv. The Scripture is God's word, opened to us from heaven by

the holie prophetes, apostles, and Christe himselfe And as for his

Portas, ther is in it a meany of lies, craftily coined, to deceive such unstable
soules as delight in blindnes, deceived themselves, and deceiving other." —
Michael Wood's Dialogue, or familiar talk. Signat. D 8. A.D. 1554.

By the statute 3 and 4 Edw. VI. cap. 10, all Antiphoners, missals, grailes,
processionals, manuals, legends, pies, portuasses, primers, in Latin or English,
couchers, journals, ordinals, and all other books were abolished.

4 Can scarsely reade.~] Thus Tindal, in his Answer to Sir Thomas Mora's
Dialogue (A.D. 1530, Works, p. 278), does not scruple to affirm, "Yea, and
true, I dare say, that there be twenty thousand priests and curates this day
in England, and not so few, that cannot give you the right English unto this
text in the Pater Noster, Fiat voluntas tua, sicut in co2lo, et in terra, and
answere thereto." And long after, even so late as in 1554, in the Injunctions
of Bonner, bishop of London, art. 6, concerning archdeacons, &c., the arch-
deacons are strictly required " diligentlie to instructe and teache the priestes
and curates, especiallie, amonges other thynges to lyve vertuouslie, honestlie,
and well ; and to understande and knowe perfectlie the words of the canon of
the mass, and the forme and order of sacramentes, especiallie of baptism; and
chieflie in those wordes and thinaes which are of the substance of the sacra-
ment, in any wise." Thus we have a virtual, authoritative, and unquestion-
able confession, that the worship of God, their divine service, performed in
an unknown tongue, was indeed a " dead letter," wholly unedifying to many
of the clergy, not less than to the laity. These were the fruits which they
reaped from the obstinacy of controversy, and the hardening, barbarizing
influence of an abused authority and pride and power. Such was the retri-

192 WILLIAM TINDALL.

except it bee Albertus de secretis mulierum, in which yet though
they bee never so sorily learned, they pore day and night, and
make notes therein, and all to teach the midwives, as they saie :
and also an other called Lynwood *, a booke of constitutions to
gather tythes, mortuaries, offerings, customes, and other pillage
which they call not theirs, but Gods part, the dutie of holie
church, to discharge their consciences withal. For they are
bound that they shall not diminish but encrease all things unto the
uttermost of their powers, which pertaine to holie church/"1 Thus
these blind and rude priests flocking together to the .aid,
(for that was their preaching place) raged and railed against him,
affirming that his sayings were heresie : adding moreover unto
his sayings of their own heads, more than ever he spake, and so
accused him secretlie to the chancelor, and other of the bishops
officers.

It followed not long after this, that there was a sitting of the
bishops chauncellour appointed, and warning was given to the
priests to appear ; amongst whome M. Tindall was also warn*
be there. And whether hee had anie misdoubt by their thr« at-
enings, or knowledge given him that they would lay some things
to his charge, it is uncertaine ; but certaine this is (as he him-
selfe declared) that he doubted their privie accusation ; so that
he by the waie in going thitherwards, cried in his mind hartilie
to God, to give him strength fast to stand in the truth of his
word.

Then when the time came of his appearance before the chan-

bution, which in their pertinacious adherence to the infallible decrees of
popes, and councils, and provincial synods, they were content to suffer in
themselves and their people, and sought to inflict and bind for ever upon the
Reformers, whom they called heretics, and upon England, to all future >.
rations ! — In this state of things, we shall the less wonder, that " a great
many of the popish clergie tooke the chaunge of our church service from I
into English so greavously, for none other cause, such greate clerkes they were,
but that when they were put to it, they could read no English" — Novell's
Reproof of Dorman's Disproof, fol 17. They had been hardly tasked, and
harshly schooled once under the rod of Bonner's Injunctions, and it was too
much to put them down again in the school of Christ, and to cause these
" greate clerkes," in their mature years, to become once more as it
" little children," even though it were to learn to rend their mother ton^'

* Lynwood.~\ "William Lindwood'fl Provinciate seu Constitution
libris V. It contains the Constitutions of fourtc en arch
ton to Chicheley inclusive. See Fuller's Church History, pp. 1 75, G.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 193

cellor, he threatend him grievously, reviling and rating him as
though he had been a dog, and laid to his charge many
things, wherof no accuser yet could bee brought forth (as
commonly their maner is, not to bring forth the accuser) not-
withstanding that the priests of the country the same time were
there present. — And thus M. Tindall, after those examinations
escaping out of their hands, departed home and returned to his
master againe.

There dwelt not far off a certain doctor that had bin an old
chancellor before to a bishopp, who had been of olde familiar
acquaintance with M. Tindall, and also favoured him wel. Unto
whom M. Tindall went and opened his mind upon divers ques-
tions of the scripture : for to him he durst be bolde to disclose
his heart. Unto whom the doctor said ; " Do you not know
that the pope is very antichrist, whom the scripture speak eth of?
But beware what you say ; for if you shall be perceived to be of
that opinion, it will cost you your life :" and said moreover, " I
have bin an officer of his ; but I have given it up, and defie him
and all his workes."

It was not long after, but M. Tindall happened to be in the
company of a certain divine, recounted for a learned man, and
in communing and disputing with him, he drave him to that
issue, that the said great doctor burst out into these blasphe-
mous words, and said ; " We were better to be without Gods
lawes then the popes6." Master TindaH hearing this, full of
godly zeale, and not bearing that blasphemous saying, replyed
againe and said ; " I defie the pope and all his lawes :" and
further added, that if God spared him life, ere many yeares he
would cause a boy that driveth the plough to know more of the
scripture than he did.

6 Without Gods lawes then the popes.'] This was by no means an unpre-
cedentedly daring and enthusiastic flight. If we may believe Erasmus, it was
among other subjects debated commonly in the schools in solemn disputations,
" Whether the Pope could abrogate that which was decreed by the Apostles ; or
determine that which was contrary to the evangelical doctrine ; or make a new
article in the Creed; Whether he had a greater power than St. Peter, or only
equal ? Whether he can command angels ? Whether he can only take away
Purgatory ? Whether he be a mere man, or as God participates both natures
with Christ ? Whether he be not more merciful than Christ was, since we do not
read that HE ever recalled any from the pains of Purgatory ?" — Erasmus's
Annotat. on 1 Timothy, c. i. ver. 6.

VOL. ii. o

194 WILLIAM TINDALL.

After this, the grudge of the priests increasing still more
and more against Tindall, they never ceased barking and
rating at him ; and laide manie sore things to his charge,
saying that he was an hereticke in sophistry, an hereticke in
logicke, an hereticke in divinitie ; and said moreover to him.
that he bare himselfe bolde of the gentlemen there in that
countrey : but notwithstanding, shortly he should be otherwise
talked withall. To whom M. Tindall answering againe thus
saide, " that he was contented they should bring him into any
country in all England, giving him ten pounds a yeere to live
with, and binding him to no more but to teach children and to
preach."

To be short, M. Tindall being so molested and vexed in the
country by the priests, was constrained to leave that country and
to seeke an other place : and so comming to M. Welch, hee de-
sired him of his good will, that he might depart from him. saying
on this wise to him : " Sir I perceive I shall not be suffered to
tarrie long here in this country, neither shall you be able f hough
you would, to keepe me out of the hands of the spiritualty, and
also what displeasure might growe thereby to you by keeping me.
God knoweth : for the which I should be right sorrie." So that
in fine, M. Tindall with the good will of his master, departed ;
and eftsoones came up to London, and there preached awhile.
according as he had done in the country before, and specially
about the town of Bristow, and also in the said towne, in the
common place called S. Austines Greene.

At length he bethinking himself of Cuthbert Tonstal then
bishop of London, and especially for the great commendation of
Erasmus 7, who in his annotations so extolleth him for his learn-
ing, thus cast with himselfe, that if hee might attain unto his
service hee were a happie man. And so comming to sir Henry
Gilford the kings controller, and bringing with him an oration of
Isocrates, which he had then translated out of Greek into Eng-
lish, he desired him to speake to the said bishop of London for
him. Which he also did, and willed him moreover to write an
epistle to the bishop, and to go himselie with him. Which In-

7 Of Erasmus.] " As I this thought, the byshop of London came t<>
remembraunce, whom Erasmus (whose tongue maketh of little gnats great
elephants, and lifteth up above the stars whosoever giveth him a 1
bition) prayseth exceedingly in his Annotations on the New T<
Timlal's Works, p. 2.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 195

did likewise, and delivered his epistle to a servant of his, named
William Hebilthwaite 8, a man of his old acquaintance. But
God, who secretlie disposeth the course of things, sawe that was
not the best for Tindal's purpose, nor for the profit of his church ;
and therefore gave him to find little favour in the bishops sight.
The answere of whom was this, that his house was full ; he had
mo then he could well finde, and advised him to seeke in Lon-
don abroad, where he said he could lacke no service. And so
remained he in London 9 the space almost of a yeare, beholding
and marking with himselfe the course of the world, and espe-
cially the demeanour of the preachers, how they boasted them-
selves and set up their authoritie and kingdom ; beholding also
the pompe of the prelates, with other things moe which greatlie
misliked him : in so much that he understood, not onely there to
be no rowme in the bishops house for him to translate the new
testament : but also that there was no place to do it in all Eng-
land. And therefore finding no place for his purpose within the
realms, and having some aid and provision by God^s providence

8 Hebilthwaite.'] Whose physiognomy appears to have attracted the par-
ticular attention of the famous Dr. Nicholas Wotton. See Mr. Fraser Tytler's
Collection of Letters, vol. i.

9 And so remained he in London.'] We have an account of Tindall's habits
at this time, in a letter to Cardinal Wolsey and the rest of the Council,
written from the Tower by Humfrey Mummoth or Monmouth, then in con-
finement there.

" Four yeres and a half past, and more, I herde the foresaid Sir William
(Tlndall) preach two or three sermones at St. Donstones in the West in Lon-
don : and after that, I chanced to meet with him ; and with communication
I examined what lyvings he had. He said * he had none at all ; but he trusted
to be with my Lord of London in his service.' And therefore I had the better
fantasy to him. And afterward he went to my Lord, and spake to him, as
he told me. And my Lord of London answered him, ' that he had chaplaines
inough ; and he said to him, that he would have no more at that tyme."
And so the priest came to me againe, and besought me to help him. And so
I took him into my house half a yere : and there he lived like a good priest, as
me-thought. He studied most part of the day, and of the night, at his book.
And he would eat but sodden meat by his goodwil; nor drink but small
single beer. I never saw him weare linen about him, in the space he was
with me. I did promys him ten pounds sterling, to praie for my father and
mother their sowles, and al Christen sowles. I did paie it him, when he made
his exchange to Hamborow," &c. Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. i. p.
246. Appendix. Also, compare Fox, p. 909. edit. 1610.

o 2

196 WILLIAM TINDALL.

ministered unto him by Humphrey Mummoth *, and certain^
other good men, hee tooke his leave of the realme, and departed
into Germany. Where the good man being inflamed with a
tender care and zeale of his country, refused no travell nor dili-
gence how by all ineanes possible, to reduce his brethren and
countrimen of England to the same taste and understanding of
Gods holy word and veritie, which the Lord had indued him
withall.

Whereupon he considering in his mind, and partly also con-
ferring with John Frith, thought with himselfe no wray more to

1 By Humphrey Mummoth.'] " Of this Humfrey Mummuth we reade of a
notable example of Christian patience, in the sermons of Master Latimer,
which the saide Latimer heard at Cambridge of master Stafford, reader of the
Divinity lecture in that University; who expounding the place of Saint Paul
to the Romans, that we shall overcome our enemies with well doing, and so
heupe hot coales upon his head, he brought in an example ; saying, " that
he knew in London a great rich merchant" (meaning this Humphrey
Mummuth), " which had a verie poore neighbour : yet for all his povertie he
loved him verie well, and lent him monie at his need, and let him come to his
table whensoever he would. It was even at that time when Doctor Collet was
in trouble, and would have bene burnt if God had not turned the Kings heart
to the contrarie. Now the rich man began to be a scripture man ; he began
to smell the gospell. The poore man was a Papist still.

" It chanced on a time, when the rich man talked of the gospell sitting at
his table, where he reproved Poperie, and such kind of things, the poore man
tooke a great displeasure against the rich man, insomuch that he would come
no more to his house, he would borrow no more money of him, as he was
wont to do before times ; yea and conceived such hatred and malice against
him, that he went and accused him before the bishops. Now the rich man,
not knowing of any such displeasure, offered many times to talke with him,
and to set him at quiet. It would not be. The poore man had such a sto-
macke, that he would not vouchsafe to speake with him. If he met the riche
man in the street, he would go out of his way. One time it happened that
he met him in so narrow a street, that he could not avoid but come nere him :
yet for all that, this poore man (I say) had such a stomacke against the rich
man, that he was minded to go forwarde and not to speake to him. The rich
man perceiving that, caught him by the hande, and asked him, saying,
* Neighbour, what is come into your heart to take such displeasure with me ?
What have I done against you ? Tell me, and I will be readie at all times to
make you amends.'

" Finally, he spake so gently, so charitably, lovingly, and friendly, that it
wrought so in the poore man's heart, that bye and bye he fell downe upon
his knees, and asked him forgiveness. The riche man forgave him, ai
tooke him againe to his favour; and they loved as well as ever they did
afore." I p. 9<>9.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 197

conduce thereunto, than if the scripture were turned into the
vulgar speech, that the poore people might also reade and see
the simple plaine word of God. For first he wiselie casting in
his mind perceived by experience, how that it was not possible to
stablish the laie people in anie truth, except the scripture were
so plainly laid before their eyes in their mother tongue 2, that
they might see the processe, order, and meaning of the text : for
else whatsoever truth should be taught them, these enemies of
the truth would quench it againe, either with apparent reasons
of sophistry, and traditions of their own making, founded with-
out all ground of scripture ; either else juggling with the text,
expounding it in such a sense, as impossible it were to gather of
the text, if the right proces, order and meaning thereof were
seen.

Againe, right well he perceived and considered, this onely, or
most chiefly to be the cause of all mischiefe in the church, that
the scriptures of God were hidden from the peoples eyes : for so
long the abhominable doings and idolatries maintained by the
pharisaicall clergy could not be espied ; and therefore all their
labour was with might and maine to keep it downe, so that
either it should not be read at all, or if it were they would
darken the right sense with the mist of their sophistry, and so
entangle them which rebuked or despised their abhominations,
with arguments of philosophic, and with worldlie similitudes, and
apparant reasons of naturall wisdome ; and with wresting the
scripture unto their owne purpose, contrarie unto the processe,
order and meaning of the text, would so delude them in descant-
ing upon it with allegories, and amaze them, expounding it in
manie senses laide before the unlearned laie people, that though

2 In their mother tongue.~\ " It is not much above an hundred yeare ago,
since scripture hath not been accustomed to be read in the vulgar tongue, or
in English, within this realm" (the grand prevention and prohibition of this
blessing was occasioned by the constitutions of archbishop Arundel in the
year 1408): "and many hundred years before that, it was translated and
read in the Saxon tongue, which at that time was our mother tongue :
whereof there remain yet diverse copies, found lately in old abbies, of such
antique manner of writing and speaking, that few men now be able to read
and understand them. — And when this language waxed old, and out of com-
mon usage, because folke should not lacke the fruit of reading the scripture,
it was again translated" (viz., by Wickliffe) "into the newer language;
whereof also yet many copies remain and be daily found." Prologue to Arch-
bishop Cranmer's Bible, A.D. 1540.

198 WILLIAM TINDALL.

thou felt in thy heart, and wert sure that all were false that they
said, yet couldst thou not solve their subtile riddles.
- For these and such other considerations, this good man was
moved (and no doubt stirred up of God) to translate the scrip-
ture into his mother tongue, for the publicke utilitie and profit
of the simple vulgar people of the country : first setting in hand
with the new Testament, which hee first translated 3 about the

3 Which hee first translated] More correctly in the year 1526. For we find
by a mandate issued by archbishop Warham to the suffragan bishops of his
province, bearing date Nov. 3, in that year, that there were copies of two
editions at the least, some with, others without marginal annotations, then
in circulation : for all which he directs inquisition to be made, and that the
copies be immediately burned. In the same mandate, The parable of the
Wicked Mammon, The Obedience of a Christian Man, and An Introduction to
the Epistle to the Romans, all written by William Tindall, together with several
more English Tracts, and others in Latin by Luther, Zuinglius, Brentius,
&c. are prohibited. Wilkins's Concilia, vol. ifc. p. 706, 7.

It was probably about the latter end of the year 1526, or in the next year,
that a large parcel of these New Testaments were burnt at St. Paul's Cross
by the order of bishop Tonstal; of which Fox gives the following account.

" The New Testament began first to be translated by William Tyndall, and
so came forth in print, about the yeere of our Lord 1529 (1526) : wherewith
Cuthbert Tonstall bishop of London, with Sir Thomas More, being sore
agreeved, devised how to destroy that false erroneous translation, as he called
it. It happened that one Augustin Packington a mercer, was then at Ant-
werp, where the bishop was. This man favoured Tyndall, but shewed the
contrarie unto the bishop. The bishop being desirous to bring his purpose
to passe, communed how that he would gladly buy the New Testaments.
Packington hearing him say so, said; My lord, I can doe more in this
matter than most merchants that be here, if it bee your pleasure. For I know
the Dutchmen and strangers that have bought them of Tyndall, and have
them here to sell ; so that if it be your Lordship's pleasure, I must disburse
money to pay for them, or else I can not have them : and so I will assure you
to have everie booke of them that is printed and unsold.' The bishop think-
ing he had the matter secured, said, * Doe your diligence, gentle master
Packington ; get them for me, and I will pay whatsoever they cost : for I
intend to burne and destroy them all at Paules Cross.' This Augustine
Packington went unto William Tindall, and declared the whole matter ; and so
upon compact made betweene them, the bishop of London had the bookes,
Packington the thankes, and Tyndall had the money. After this, Tindall
corrected the same New Testaments againe, and caused them to be newly im-
printed, so that they came thicke and threefold over into England. When
the bishopp perceived that, he sent for Packington, and said to him. '
rommeth this that there are so many New Testaments abroad? You pro-
mised me that you would buy them all.' Then answered Packin
' Surely I bought al that was to be had. But I perceive that they

WILLIAM TINDALL. 199

yeare of our Lord 1527. After that, he took in hand to trans-
late the olde Testament, finishing the five bookes of Moses *,
with sundry most learned and godly prologues prefixed before
every one, most worthy to be read and read againe of all good
Christians : as the like also he did upon the new Testament.

He wrote also divers other workes under sundry titles, amongst
the which is that most worthy monument of his, intituled, The
obedience of a Christian man : wherein with singular dexterity he

printed more since. I see it will never be better, so long as they have letters
and stamps : wherefore you were best to buy the stamps too ; and so you
shall be sure.' At which answere the bishop smiled : and so the matter
ended.

"In short space after it fortuned, that George Constantine was appre-
hended by Sir Thomas More, which was then chancellour of England, sus-
pected of certaine heresies. During the time that he was in the custodie of
master More, after divers communications, amongst other things master
More asked of him saying, ' Constantine, I would have thee be plaine with
mee in one thing that I will aske, and I promise thee I will shew thee favour
in all other things, whereof thou art accused. There is beyond the sea
Tindall, Joye, and a great many of you ; I know they cannot live without
helpe ; There are some that helpe and succour them with money, and thou
being one of them hadst thy parte thereof, and therefore knowest from
whence it came. I praye thee tell me, who be they that helpe them thus ? '
' My lorde,' quoth Constantine, * I will tell you truly : it is the bishop of
London, that hath holpen us ; for he hath bestowed amongst us a great deal
of monie upon New Testaments to burn them, and that hath bene and yet is
our onlie succour and comfort.' * Now by the truth,' quoth More, * I think
even the same ; for so much I tolde the bishop, before he went about it.' "
Fox's Acts, p. 929.

Anne Boleyn's own copy of Tindal's translation of "The Newe Testament,
imprinted at Antwerp by Marten Emperour, Anno M.D. xxxiiij." is still ex-
tant among the books bequeathed, in 1799, to the British Museum, by the
Rev. C. M. Cracherode. It is upon vellum, illuminated. Upon the gilding
of the leaves, in a red letter, are the words ANNA REGINA ANGLIC. See
Ellis's Letters, 1st ser. vol. ii. p. 45, where is a letter from her to Cromwell, in
favour of Richard Herman of Antwerp, who had been expelled from the
English house there, on account of his " helpe to the settyng forthe of the
Newe Testamente in Englisshe."

4 Tkefive bookes of Moses.'] This translation of the Pentateuch was printed
A.D. 1530. It was done from the Hebrew. In the following year he pub-
lished, with a large Prologue prefixed, a translation of the prophet Jonah ;
which completes the catalogue of Tindall's performances in translating the
Scriptures. In 1535 Coverdale, building upon what had before been done by
Tindall, first published the whole Bible in English, dedicating it to king
Henry VIII. See Lewis's Hist, of the English Translations of the Bible,
p. 72, &c. edit. 1739.

200 WILLIAM TINDALL.

instructeth all men in the office and duty of Christian obedience ;
with divers other treatises, as, The wicked Mammon ; The prac-
tice of prelates, with expositions upon certaine parts of the scrip-
ture, and other bookes also answering to Sir Thomas Mure and
other adversaries of the truth, no lesse delectable, then also most
fruitfull to be read : which partlie before being unknowne unto
many, partly also being almost abolished and worne out by time.
the printer hereof (good Reader) for conserving and restoring
such singular treasures, hath collected and set forth5 in print in
one generall volume, all and whole together ; as also the \\<>rk» -s
of John Frith, Barnes and other, as are to be seene most specbll
and profitable for thy reading.

These bookes of W. Tindall being compiled, published and sent
over into England, it cannot be spoken what a doore of light 6

5 Collected and set forth."] The book was published in folio, with a Preface
by John Fox, under the following title : " The whole workes of W. Tyndall,
John Frith, and Doctor Barnes, three worthy Martyrs and principall teachers
of this Churche of England, collected and compiled in one tome together, beyng
before scattered, fyc. London, printed by John Daye, an. 1573."

6 What a doore of light.~] Many of the tracts of Tindall, it is certain, may
still be read with great pleasure and profit. Unless perhaps we except Sir
Thomas More, he was the ablest English writer of his time. Of one of his
best and most popular works, The Obedience of a Christian Man, Strype has
preserved an anecdote so interesting, that I should do wrong, if I did not
assign a place to it in these pages.

"Upon the lady Anne" (Boleyn) "waited a fair young gentlewoman,
named Mrs. Gainsford : and in her service was also retained Mr. George
Zouch, father to Sir John Zouch. This gentleman, of a comely sweet person,
a Zouch indeed, was a suitor in way of marriage to the said young lady : and
among other love tricks, once he plucked from her a book in English, called
Tyndall's Obedience, which the lady Anne had lent her to read. About
which time the cardinal had given commandment to the prelates, and espe-
cially to Dr. Sampson, dean of the King's Chapel, that they should have a
vigilant eye over all people for such books that they came not abroad ; that
so much as might be, they might not come to the king's reading. Hut this
which he most feared fell out upon this occasion. For Mr. Zouch (I use the
word of the MS.) was so ravished with the Spirit of God speaking now as well
in the heart of the reader, as first it did in the heart of the maker of the book,
that he was never well, but when he was reading of that book. Mrs. Gaynsford
wept because she could not get the book from her lover ; and he was as ready
to \veep to deliver it. But see the providence of God ! Mr. Zouch standing
in the chapel before Dr. Sampson, ever reading upon this book, and the
(h ;m m-ver having his eye off the book in the gentleman's hands, culled him
to him, and then snatched the book out of his hand, asked his name, and

WILLIAM TINDALL. 201

they opened to the eies of the whole English nation, which before
were many yeeres shut up in darknesse.

whose man he was. And the book he delivered to the cardinal. In the
mean time the lady Anne asked her woman for the book. She on her knees
told all the circumstances. The lady Anne shewed herself not sorry nor
angry with either of the two. But, said she, ' Well, it shall be the dearest
book that ever the dean, or cardinal took away.' The noble woman goes to
the king, and upon her knees she desireth the kings help for the book.
Upon the kings token the book was restored. And now bringing the book
to him, she besought his grace most tenderly, to read it. The king did so,
and delighted in the book. f For,' saith he, " this book is for me and all
kings to read.' And in a little time the king, by the help of this virtuous lady,
by the means aforesaid, had his eyes opened to the truth, to search the truth,
to advance Gods religion and glory, to abhor the popes doctrine, his lies, his
pomp and pride, to deliver his subjects out of the Egyptian darkness, the
Babylonian bonds, that the pope had brought him and his subjects under.
And so contemning the threats of all the world, the power of princes, rebel-
lions of his subjects at home, and the raging of so many and mighty poten-
tates abroad, he set forward a reformation in religion, beginning with the
triple-crowned head at first, and so came down to the members, bishops,
abbots, priors, and such like." — Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. i. p. 112.
The reader of this book will see that it was calculated to have a very great
influence on the progress of public opinion ; and no wonder therefore that
the popish clergy did what they could to prevent its circulation.

An Italian translation of this tract, by Sebastiano Roccatagliata of Genoa,
which is dedicated to Sir Thomas Copley in 1559, is preserved among the
MSS. of the old Royal Library in the British Museum. (14 A. vi.)

Fox has given us an account of the manner in which another very cele-
brated reforming book fell into the king's hands, and of other attendant
circumstances, which I shall also beg leave to introduce. I apprehend that
these anecdotes point out more truly the intertexture of the events, and the
progress of the Reformation than many long discourses. The book was the
Supplication of Beggars, which was answered, in the year 1529, by Sir Thomas
More, then Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, in a tract intitled The
Supplication of Souls in Purgatory. Works, p. 288 — 339.

" Mr. Simon Fish was a gentleman of Grayes Inne. It happened the first
yeare that this gentleman came to London to dwell, which was about the
yeare of our Lord 1525, that there was a certaine play or interlude made by
one Mr. Roo of the same Inne, gentleman, in which play was matter against
the cardinall Wolsey. And where none durst take upon them to play that
parte, which touched the said cardinall, this foresaid master Fish tooke upon
him to do it; whereupon great displeasure ensued against him, upon the
cardinals part : Insomuch as he being pursued by the said cardinal, the said
night that this tragedie was played, was compelled of force to voide his owne
house, and so fled over the sea unto Tyndall. Upon occasion whereof the
next yeare following, this booke (the Supplication of Beggars) was made
(being about the yeare 1527), and so not long after, in the yeare (as I sup-

202 WILLIAM TINDALL.

At his first departing out of the realm, he tooke his journey
into the further parts of Germany, into Saxony, where he had

pose) 1 528, was sent over to the Ladie Anne Bulleine, who then lay at a place
not far from the court. Which booke her brother seeing in her hande, tooke
it and read it, and gave it her again, willing her earnestly to give it to the
king, which thing she so did.

" The king after he had received the booke, demanded of her who made it.
Whereunto she answered and said, a certain subject of his, one Fish, who
was fled out of the realme for fear of the cardinall. After the king had kept
the booke in his bosom three or four daies, as is credihlie reported, such
knowledge was given by the kings servantes, to the wife of the said Simon
Fish, that she might boldly send for her husband without all perill or danger.
Whereupon she thereby being incouraged, came first and made sute to the
king for the safe return of her husband. Who understanding whose wife
she was, shewed a mervellous gentle and cheareful countenance towards her,
asking where her husband was. She answered, ' If it like your grace not
farre off.' Then said he, ' Fetch him, and he shall come and go safe without
perill, and no man shall do him harme :' saying moreover, that he had much
wrong that he was from her so long ; who had beene absent now the space of
two yeares and a halfe. In the which meane time, the cardinal was dep
as was afore shewed, and master More set in his place of the chancellorship.

" Thus Fish's wife, being emboldened by the kings words, went imme-
diately to her husband, being lately come over, and lying privily within a
mile of the court, and brought him to the king, which appeareth to be about
the yeare of our Lord 1530. When the king saw him, and understood he
was the author of the booke, he came and embraced him with loving counte-
nance ; who after long talke, for the space of three or foure houres, a^
were riding together on hunting, at length dimitted him, and bade him take
home his wife, for she had taken great pains for him. Who answered the
king againe, and said, 'he durst not so do, for feare of Sir Thomas
then chancellor, and Stokesley then bishop of London.' The king taking
his signet off his finger, willed him to have him recommended to the lord
chancellor, charging him not to be so hardie as to worke him any h;
Master Fish receiving the kings signet, went and declared his message to the
lord chancellor, who took it as sufficient for his owne discharge ; but he
asked him if he had any thing for the discharge of his wife ; for she a little
before had by chance displeased the friers, for not suffering them to say their
gospels in Latin in her house, unlesse they would say it in English. \\
upon the lord chancellour, although he had discharged the man, \
not his grudge towards his wife, the next morning sent his man for 1
appcare before him, who, had it not been for her young daughter, who then
lay sicke of the plague, had been like to come to much trouble : of the which
plague, her husband, the said master Fi.sh deceasing within halfe a
afterward married one master James Bainham, Sir Alexander Bail;
sonne, a worshipfull knight of Gloucestershire; the which foresaid M
James Bainham, not long after was burned, as incontinently after in the
cesse of this storie shall appcare.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 203

conference with Luther, and other learned men in those quarters.
Where after he had continued a certain season, he came down
from thence into the Neatherlands, and had his most abiding in
the towne of Antwerpe, untill the time of his apprehension :
whereof more shall be said God willing hereafter.

Amongst his other bookes which he compiled, one worke he
made also for the declaration of the sacrament (as it was then
called) of the altar : the which he kept by him, considering how
the people were not as yet fully perswaded in other matters tend-
ing to superstitious ceremonies and grosse idolatry. Wherefore
he thought as yet the time was not come to put forth that worke ;
but rather that it should hinder the people from other instruc-
tions, supposing that it would seeme to them odious to heare any
such thing spoken, or set forth at that time, sounding against
their great goddesse Diana, that is, against their masse, being
had every where in great estimation, as was the goddesse Diana
amongst the Ephesians, whom they thought to come from heaven.

Wherefore M. Tindall being a man both prudent in his doings,
and no lesse zealous in the setting forth of Gods holie truth, after
such sort as it might take most effect with the people, did for-
beare the putting forth of that worke, not doubting but by Gods
mercifull grace, a time should come, to have that abhomination
openly declared, as it is at this present day : the Lord almightie
be alwaies praised therefore, Amen !

These godlie bookes of Tindall, and especially the new Testa-
ment of his translation, after that they began to come into mens
hands, and to spread abroad, as they wrought great and singular
profit to the godlie 7, so the ungodlie envying and disdaining that

" And thus much concerning Simon Fish, the authour of the booke of
beggars ; who also translated a booke called the Sum of the scripture out of
the Dutch." Fox's Acts, p. 924.

7 Profit to the godlie.'] The following anecdote exhibits strikingly the
eagerness and delight with which the Scriptures were received, and at the
same time, the bitter domestic trials and conflicts to which occasionally the
publication of them gave birth.

" One William Maldon happening in the company of John Fox, in the
beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth, and Fox being very inquisitive
after those that suffered for religion in the former reign, asked him, if he
knew any that were persecuted for the gospel .... He told him he knew one
that was whipped by his own father in king Henry's reign. And when Fox
was very inquisitive who he was and what was his name, he confessed it was
himself; and upon his desire he wrote out all the circumstances. Namely,

204 WILLIAM TINDALL.

the people should be any thing wiser than they, and againe fearing
least by the shining beames of truth, their false hypocrisie and
workes of darkenesse should be discerned ; began to stir with no
small adoo, like as at the birth of Christ, Herode and all Jerusa-
lem was troubled with him. But especially Sathan the prince of
darkeness, maligning the happie course and successe of the gospcll,
set to his might also, how to impeach and hinder the bl<
travailes of that man : as by this, and also by sundry other waics
may appeare. For at what time Tindal had translated the fii't
book of Moses called Deuteronomium, minding to print the same
at Hamborough, he sailed thitherward ; where by the way upon

that 'when the king had allowed the Bible to be set forth, and to be read in
all churches, immediately several poor men in the town of Chelmsford in
Essex, where his father lived, and he was born, bought the New Testament,
and on Sundays sat reading it in the lower end of the church. Many would
flock about them to hear their reading; and he among the rest, being then
but fifteen years old, came every Sunday to hear the glad and sweet tidings
of the gospel. But his father observing it once angrily fetched him nway«
and would have him to say the Latin mattins with him ; which grieved him
much. And as he returned at other times to hear the Scripture read, his
father still would fetch him away. — This put him upon the thoughts of learn-
ing to read English, that so he might read the New Testament himself.
Which when he had by diligence effected, he and his father's apprentice
bought the New Testament, joining their stocks together; and to conceal it,
laid it under the bed-straw, and read it at convenient times. One night, his
tather being asleep, he and his mother chanced to discourse concerning the
crucifix, and the kneeling down to it, and knocking on the breast then
and holding up the hands to it, when it came by on procession. This he told
his mother was plain idolatry, and against the commandment of God, where
he saith, " Thou shalt not make any graven image, nor bow down to it, nor
worship it." His mother enraged at him for this, said, " Wilt thou not w< >;
the cross, which was about thee when thou wast christened, and must be laid
on thee when thou art dead ?" In this heat the mother and son departed, and
went to their beds. The sum of this conference she presently repeats t
husband, which he impatient to hear, and boiling in fury against his son, for
denying worship to be due to the cross, arose up forthwith, and goes into his
son's chamber, and taking him by the hair of his head with both his h
pulled him out of the bed, and whipped him unmercifully. And when the
young man bore this beating, as he related, with a kind of joy, consider
was for Christ's sake, and shed not a tear; his father, seeing that, was more
enraged, and ran down and fetched an halter, and put it about his neck, say-
ing he would hang him. At length, with much entreaty of the mother and
brother, he left him almost dead.' I extract this out of the original relation
of the person himself, which he gave to John '
mer, p. 64, 5.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 205

the coast of Holland, he suffered shipwracke, by the which he lost
all his bookes, writings and copies, and so was compelled to
beginne all againe anew, to his hindrance and doubling of his
labours. Thus having lost by that ship, both money, his copies
and time, he came in another ship to Hamborough, where at his
appointment maister Coverdale taried for him, and helped him in
the translating of the whole five bookes of Moses, from Easter
till December, in the house of a worshipful widow, mistris Mar-
garet Van Emmerson, anno 1529. a great sweating sicknesse
being the same time in the towne. So having dispatched his
businesse at Hamborough, he returned afterward to Antwerpe
againe.

Thus as Sathan is, and ever hath been an enemie to all godlie
endevors, and chiefely to the promoting and furtherance of Gods
word, as by this and many other experiments may be seene ; so
his ministers and members following the like qualitie of their
master, be not altogether idle for their parts ; as also by the
popes chaplaines and Gods enemies, and by their cruell handling
of the said M. Tindall the same time, both here in England and
in Flanders, may well appeare.

When Gods will was, that the newe Testament in the common
tongue should come abroad, Tindall the translator thereof added
to the latter end a certaine epistle, wherein he desired them that
were learned to amend it, if ought were found amisse. Where-
fore if anie such default had beene, deserving correction, it had
been the part of curtesie and gentlenesse, for men of knowledge
and judgment to have shewed their learning therein, and to have
redressed that was to be amended. But the spiritual! fathers
then of the clergy being not willing to have that booke to prosper,
cried out upon it, bearing men in hand that there were a thousand
heresies in it, and that it was not to be corrected, but utterly to
be suppressed. Some said, " it was not possible to translate the
scripture into English ; some that it was not lawefull for the laie
people to have it in their mother tongue ; some that it would
make them all here tikes." And to the intent to induce the tem-
porall rulers also unto their purpose, they made matter, and saide
" that it would make the people to rebell and rise against the
king." All this Tindall himselfe in his owne prologue before the
first booke of Moses declareth : and addeth further* shewing what
great paines was taken in examining that translation, and com-
paring it with their owne imaginations and tearms, that with lesse

206 WILLIAM TINDALL.

labor (hee supposeth) they might have translated themselves a
great part of the bible : shewing moreover, that they scanned and
examined every tittle and point in the saide translation, in such
sort and so narrowlie, that there was not one i therein, but if it
lacked a pricke over his head, they did note it, and numbred it
unto the ignorant people for an heresie. So great were then the
fro ward devises of the English clergy (who should have beene the
guides of light unto the people) to drive the people from the text
jind knowledge of the scripture, which neither they would translate
themselves8, nor yet abide it to be translated of others : to the
intent (as Tindall saith) that the word being kept still in dark-
nesse, they might sit in the consciences of the people through
vaine superstition and false doctrine, to satisfie their lusts.
their ambition, and unsatiable covetousnesse, and to exalt their
owne honor above king and emperor, yea and above God hiin-
selfe.

The bishops and prelates of therealme, thus (as ye have heard)
incensed and inflamed in their minds, (although having no cau>e)
against the olde and newe Testament of the Lord newly trans-
lated by Tindall, and conspiring together with all their heads and
counsells, how to repeale the same, never rested before they lm<l
brought the king at last to their consent. By reason wlu-r
proclamation in all haste was devised and set forth under publicke

8 Would translate themselves.'] "But let us graunt " (says Dr. Robert
Barnes, in a tract, That it is lawful for all men to read the Holy Scripture)
" that that translation was so false : why did you not there take upon you
openly for to amend it— and to set forth truely the holy testament of Christ ?
You must needes graunt that there is an holy testament of his on earth (ex-
cept you will denye Christe — ), where is it ? Why have we it not ? If that
weare not it, why do not you set the very true testament out ? You were
ready to condemne another mans faythful lahour and diligence ; but you had
no charytie to amende it. If you had condemned that all onely because of
errour, yet at the least wayes you should both of charitie, and also of dutie
have set forth the trewe text, and then would men have thought, that you
condemned the other by the reason of errours. But men may now evydently
see, that you dyd not condemn it for errours sakes, but all onely because
the veritie was therein, that which you could not abyde that men should
knowe." Works, p. 283. edit. 1572. fol. In another place, he remarks,
pertinently : " This dare I say boldly, that the new testament in Knglishe is
ten times truer, then the old translation in Latin is; in the which bee many
places that do want whole sentences ; and many places that no man can
defend without heresie, as this texte, Non omnes immutabimur ; (1 COT,
&c. &c." Ibid.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 207

authoritie, but no just reason shewed, that the Testament of Tin-
dais translation, with other works mo both of his and of other
writers, were inhibited 9 and abandoned, which was about the
yeare of our Lord, 1527. — And yet not contented herwith, they
proceeded further, how to entangle him in their nets, and to
bereave him of his life. Which how they brought to passe, now
it remaineth to be declared.

In the registers of London it appeareth manifest, how that the
bishops and Sir Thomas More having anie poore man under
coram, to be examined before them, namely, such as had beene at
Antwerp, most studiously would search and examine all things
belonging to Tindall, where and with whom he hosted, whereabouts
stood the house, what was his stature, in what apparell he went,
what resort he had, &c. All which things when they had dili-
gently learned, then began they to worke their feates ; as you
shall heare by the relation of his owne host.

William Tindall being in the towne of Antwerp, had bin lodged
about one whole yeere in the house of Thomas Pointz an English-
man, who kept there an house of English marchants. About
which time came thither one out of England, whose name was
Henry Philips, his father being customer of Poole, a comely
fellow, like as he had beene a gentleman, having a servant with
him : but wherefore hee came, or for what purpose he was sent
thither, no man could tell.

Maister Tindall divers times was desired forth to dinner and
supper among marchants ; by the meanes whereof this Henry
Philips became acquainted with him, so that within short space
M. Tindall had a great confidence in him ; and brought him to
his lodging to the house of Thomas Pointz, and -had him also
once or twise with him to dinner and supper, and further entred
such friendship with him that through his procurement, hee lay
in the same house of the said Pointz : to whome he shewed
moreover his bookes and other secrets of his studie ; so little did
Tindall then mistrust this traitor.

But Pointz having no great confidence in the fellowe, asked
maister Tindall how he came acquainted with this Philips. Maister
Tindall answered, that hee was an honest man, handsomely learned,

9 Were inhibited.~] See Mandate of Abp. Warham, dated Lambeth, Nov. 3,
1526. Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 706, 7.

208 WILLIAM TINDALL.

and very conformable. Then Pointz perceiving that he bare such
favour to him, said no more, thinking that hee was brought ac-
(juaintiMl with him by some friend of his. The said Philips being
in the towne three or foure daies, upon a time desired Pointz to
walke with him forth of the towne to shewe him the commodities
thereof; and in walking together without the towne, had com-
munication of divers things, and some of the kings affaires : by
the which talke Pointz as yet suspected nothing ; but after, by
the sequele of the matter, hee perceived more what hee intended.
In the meane time this he well perceived, that hee bare no great
favour, either to the setting forth of any good thing, either to the
proceedings of the king of England. But after, when the time
was past, Pointz perceived this to be his minde, to feele if hee
could perceive by him, whether hee might breake with him in the
matter for lucre of money, to helpe him to his purpose : for lie
perceived before that he was monied, and would that Point/
should thinke no lesse : but by whome, it was unknowne. For
lie had desired Pointz before to helpe him to divers things ; and
such things as hee named, hee required might be of the best.
"for," saide he, "I have money enough." But of this talke
came nothing, but that men should thinke he had some tiling t<>
do, for nothing else followed of his talke. So it was to be
pected, that Philips was in doubt to moove this matter for his
purpose to any of the rulers or officers of the town of Antwerpe.
for doubt it should come to the knowledge of some English-
men, and by the meanes thereof M. Tindall should have had
warning.

So Philips went from Antwerpe to the court of Bruxels, which
is from thence twentie foure English miles, the king having
there no ambassador: for at that time the king of England and
the emperor were at a controversie, for the question betwixt tin-
king and the Lady Katherine, which was aunt to the emperor :
and the discord grew so much, that it was doubted least then*
should have bin warre fcetweene the emperour and the kin
that 1'hilips as a traitor both against God and the kiiiu'. "as tin-re
the better retained, as also other traitors nine besides him : who
after he had betraied master Timlall into their hand>. sli
hiin>elfe against the kings own person, and there >et forth ll
au'aiiiM the kin*;. To make short ; the said Philips did M» much
there, that he procured to hrincr fVnm thence with him to Antwerp

WILLIAM TINDALL. 209

the procurer generall, which is the emperors atturney, with other
certaine officers : as after followeth. The which was not done
with small charges and expences, from whomsoever it came.

Within a while after, Pointz sitting at his doore, Philips1 man
came unto him, and asked whether maister Tindall were there,
and saide his maister would come to him : and so departed. But
whether his maister Philippes were in the towne or not, it was
not knowne : but at that time Pointz heard no more, neither of
the maister nor of the man. Within three or foure daies after,
Pointz went forth to the town of Barrow, being 18 English miles
from Antwerpe, where hee had businesse to doe for the space of a
moneth or sixe weekes ; and in the time of his absence, Henrie
Philippes came againe to Antwerpe to the house of Pointz ; and
comming in, spake with his wife, asking her for master Tindall,
and whether hee woulde dine there with him, saying ; " What
good meat shall wee have ?" She answered, " such as the market
will give." Then went hee forth againe (as it is thought) to
provide ; and set the officers which he brought with him from
Bruxelles, in the streete, and about the doore. Then about noone
he came againe, and went to Maister Tindall, and desired him to
lend him 40 shillings, " for (said hee) I lost my purse this morn-
ing, comming over at the passage betweene this and Machelin."
So maister Tindall took him 40 shillings, the which was easie to
be had of him, if he had it : for in the wylie subtilties of this world
he was simple and unexpert.

Then said Philips, " M. Tindall you shall be my guest here
this day." " No," said M. Tindall, " I goe forth this day to dinner,
and you shall goe with me and be my guest, where you shall be
welcome." So when it was dinner time, master Tindall went forth
with Philippes, and at the going out of Pointz house, was a long
narrow entrie so that two could not goe in a front. M. Tindall
would have put Philips before him, but Philips would in no wise,
but put M. Tindall afore, for that he pretended to shew great
humanitie. So master Tindall being a man of no great stature,
went before, and Philippes a tall comely person followed behinde
him, who had set officers on either side of the doore upon two
seates ; which being there, might see who came in the entrie :
and comming through the same entrie, Philips pointed with his
finger over M. Tindals head downe to him, that the officers which
sate at the doore, might see that it was he whome they should
take ; as the officers that tooke M. Tindall, afterward told Pointz,

VOL. II. P

210 WILLIAM TINDALL.

and saide to Pointz when they had laide him in prison, that they
pittied to see his simplicitie when they tooke him. Then they
tooke him and brought him to the emperors attourney or pro-
curer generall, where he dined. Then came the procurer general 1
to the house of Pointz, and sent away all that was there of
M. Tindals, as well his books as other things : and from thence
Tindall was had to the castle of Filford 10, 18 English miles from
Antwerpe, and there he remained untill he was put to death.

Then incontinent by the helpe of English marchants, were
letters sent in the favour of Tindall, to the courte of Bni\«-Is.
Also not long after, letters were directed1 out of England to the
councell at Bruxels, and sent to the marchants adventurers to
Antwerpe, commaunding them to see that with speede they should
be delivered.

But good Tindall could not escape their hands, but remained
in prison still, who being brought unto his answere, was offere< 1 t < >
have an advocate and a proctor : for in any criminall cau>< tin-re.
it shall be permitted to have counsaile, to make answere in the
lawe. But hee refused to have anie such, saying, that he would
answere for himselfe ; and so hee did.

At last, after much reasoning, when no reason would serve.
although he deserved no death, he was condemned by vertue of
the emperors decree made in the assemblie at Ausbrou<jli ; and
uppon the same, brought forth to the place of execution, was
there tied to the stake, and then strangled first by the hangman,
and afterward, with fire consumed in the morning, at the toune of
Filford 2, an. 1536, crying thus at the stake with a fervent zeali-.
and a loud voice, " Lord, open the king of Englands eyes?

Such was the power of his doctrine, and sinceritie of his life.

10 Filford.'] Vilvorde.

1 Letters were directed.'] " Letters sent from England by the Lord Crom-
well and others, in the behalfe of master Tindall." Fox.

2 Of Filford.'] " Sed ad Tyndallum redeo ; qui demum post multos exan-
tlatos labores, Antverpiae opera et proditione Angli cujusdam (ut quidam sus-
picantur) Philips!!, at non sine episcoporum procuratione, a Lovanien
theologis captus, atque in carcerem ahreptus est. Interim Dom. (
welius literis saepe ac diligenter ad Lovanienses perscriptis, omni conatu
eripere satagebat. Demum post annuam custodiam per Lovanienses eductus
ad ignis supplicium, postquam ac palinodiam nulla ratione nee ille adduci,
nee ipsi ab errorum pertinacia abduci potuerunt, Bruxellis lata n

tentia judiciaria Vilfordiarn Brabantiae oppidum pertrahitur exurendus, ul/i
cum rnagna constantia vitam invictus Christi martyr posuit in Domino."
Fox's Latin edit., p. 138.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 211

that during the time of his imprisonment (which endured a yeare
and a half) it is said, he converted his keeper, his daughter, and
other of his household. Also the rest that were with him con-
versant in the castle, reported of him, that if he were not a good
Christian man, they could not tell whom to trust.

The procurator generall, the emperours attournie, being there,
left this testimony of him, that he was " Homo doctus, pius, et
bonus : that is, a learned, a good, and a godly man."

The worthy vertues and doings of this blessed martyr, who for
his painefull travailes, and singular zeale to his countrey, may be
called in these our daies, an apostle of England, it were long to
recite. — Amongst manie other, this because it seemeth to mee
worthie of remembrance, I thought not in silence to overpasse,
which hath unto me credibly beene testified by certaine grave
marchants, and some of them also such as were present the same
time at the fact, and men yet alive. The story whereof is this.

There was at Antwerp on a time, amongst a companie of
marchants, as they were at supper, a certaine juggler, which
through his diabolicall inchantments or art magicall, would fetch
all kinds of viands, and wine from any place they would, and set
it upon the table incontinent before them, with many other such
like things. The fame of this juggler being much talked of, it
chanced that as M. Tindal heard of it, he desired certaine of the
marchants, that he might also be present at supper to see him
play his parts.

To be briefe, the supper was appointed, and the marchants
with Tindall were there present. Then the juggler being required
to play his feates, and to shewe his cunning, after his wonted
boldnesse began to utter all that he could doe, but all was in
vaine. At the last, with his labour, sweating and toyling, when
he saw that nothing would go forward, but that all his enchant-
ments were voide, hee was compelled openly to confesse, that
there was some man present at supper, which disturbed and
letted all his doings. — So that a man even in the martyrs of
these our daies, cannot lacke the miracles of true faith, if miracles
were now to be desired.

As concerning the workes and bookes of Tindall, which extend
to a great number, thou wast tolde before (loving reader) how
the printer hereof mindeth, by the Lords leave, to collect them all
in one volume together, and put them out in print. Wherefore

p 2

212 WILLIAM TINDALL.

it shall not greatlie at this time be needfull to make any severall
rehearsall of them.

And as touching his translation of the new Testament, because
his enemies did so much carpe at it, pretending it to bee so full
of heresies, to answere therefore to their sclaunderous ton
and lying lips, thou shalt heare and understand, what faithfull
dealing, and sincere conscience he used in the same, by the t
monie and allegation of his owne words, written in his epistle to
John Frith, as followeth ; "I call God3 to record against the
daie we shall appeare before our Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning
of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of Gods word
against my conscience, nor would this daie, if all that is in
earth, whether it be honour, pleasure, or riches might be given
me, &c."

And here to ende4 and conclude this history with a few n
touchinge his private behaviour in dyet study and charitable
zeale, and tender releiving of the poore. First, he was a man
verie frugale arid spare of bodie, a great student, and earn«-t
labourer, namely in the settinge forth of the scriptures of (;«><!.
He reserved or hallowed to himselfe two clayes of the weeke, which
he named his dayes of pastime, and those dayes were Monday.

3 I call God.] A solemn avowal of this nature, on the opposition of its
truth, was both prudent and just. For what did the popish party pretend ?
" the constitution of the bishops," says Sir Thomas More, " is not that the
Scripture shall not be in English; but, that no man may translate it I/;.
own authority ; or read it, till they had approved it." And what is Tindall's
reply ? " If no translation shall be had, untill they give license, or till they
approve it, it shall never be had. And so it is all one in effect, to say there
shall be none at all in English, and to say, * till we admit it,' seeing that they
feign all the cavillations they can, to prove it were not expedient. And
thereto they have done their best to have had it enacted by parliament .

it should not be in English." — Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue, A.D.
1530. Works, p. 318, fol. And as a specimen of the temper of one of them.
Fitz- James, bishop of London, More having affirmed that "he was wise
tuous, and cunnyng," Tindal replies, "For all those three, yet he woul<i
made the old deane Colet of Pauls an hereticke, for translating the Pater
noster in English, had not the byshop of Canterbury " (Warham) " holpe the
Deane."

4 And here to endc.~] This paragraph the editor has added from the
elusion of the Life of William Tindall, prefixed by John Vox to the edit:
his works printed, along with the works of John Frith and Dr. 1!
Barnes, by John Day, in the year 1573.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 213

the first daye of the weeke, and Saturday the laste day in the
weeke. In the Monday he visited all such poore men and women
as were fled out of England, by reason of persecution, unto
Antwerp ; and those, well understanding their good exercises and
qualities, he did very liberally comfort and relieve : and in like
manner provided for the sicke and diseased persones. On the
Saturday he walked rounde about the towne in Antwerpe, seeking
out every corner and hole where he suspected any poore person
to dwell (as God knoweth there are many), and where he found
any to be well occupied, and yet over burthened with children,
or else were aged, or weake, those also he plentifully relieved.
And thus he spent his two dayes of pastime, as he called them.
And truly his almes was very large and great : and so it might
well bee : for his exhibition that hee had yearely of the Englishe
marchaunts was very much, and that for the most part he
bestowed upon the poore, as aforesayde. The rest of the dayes
in the weeke he gave himself wholy to his booke, wherein he
most diligently travelled. When the Sunday came, then went
he to some one merchauntes chamber, or other, whither came
many other merchauntes, and unto them would he reade some
one parcel of scripture, either out of the Old Testament or out of
the New, the which proceeded so fruitefully, sweetely, and gentely
from him (much like to the writing of Saint John the evangelist)
that it was a heavenly comfort and joy to the audience to heare
him reade the scriptures. And in like wise after dinner, he
spente an houre in the afore sayd maner. He was a man with-
out any spot or blemishe of rancour or malice ; full of mercy and
compassion ; so that no man living was able to reprove him of
any kinde of sinne or crime ; albeit his righteousness and justi-
fication depended not thereupon before God, but onely upon the
bloode of Christ, and his fayth in the same ; in the which faythe
constantly he dyed, as is sayde, at Filforde, and now resteth
with the glorious company of Christes martyrs blessedly in the
Lord ; who be blessed in all his saints ! Amen. — And thus
much of W. Tyndall, Christes blessed servaunt and martyr.

214 WILLIAM T1NDALL.

A notable and woorthie Letter of Master William Tyndall, sent to
John Frith, under the name of Jacob.

" The grace of our Saviour Jesus, his patience, meekenessc,
humblenesse, circumspection, and vvisedome, be with your
heart, Amen.

"Deerely beloved brother Jacob mine harts desire in our
Saviour Jesus is, that you arme your selfe with patience, and be
cold, sober, wise, and circumspect, and that you keepe you
alowe by the ground, avoiding hie questions that passe the com-
mon capacitie. But expound the law truly, and open the vailc
of Moses to condemne all flesh, and proove all men sinners, and
all deedes under the law, before mercy have taken away tho
condemnation thereof, to bee sinne and damnable : and then as a
faithfull minister, set abroach the mercie of our Lord Jesus, and
let the wounded consciences drinke of the water of him. And
then shall your preaching be with power, and not as the doetrin'-
of the hypocrites ; and the Spirit of God shall worke with you,
and all consciences shall beare record unto you, and feele that it
is so. And all doctrine that casteth a miste on those two, to
shadow and hide them, I meane the law of God and mercie of
Christ, that resist you with all your power. Sacraments without
signification, refuse. If they put significations to them, receive
them, if you see it may help ; though it be not necessarie.

" Of the presence of Christs bodie in the Sacrament, meddli-
as little as you can, that there appeare no division among us.
Barnes will bee hote* against you. The Saxons be sore on the

5 Barnes will bee hote.'] Dr. Robert Barnes, a zealous Lutheran in the doc-
trine of the Eucharist. He had spent a considerable time in Germany, and
was intimately acquainted with Luther, Melancthon, Justus Jonas, &c. Frith,
who seems to have been a person of very extraordinary endowments, but was
put to death when a very young man, wrote with surprising perspicuity and
vigour according to that doctrine, which was afterwards, under the infli.
of Cranmer and Ridley, restored as the established doctrine of the Church of
England. Tindall, during his abode in foreign parts, had seen the calam
effects which had been produced by the controversies on this subject bet
the two contending parties, which occasioned the first division between
Lutheran, and Calvinistic or reformed churches ; and he was anxious to pre-
vent the introduction of the like evils into England. The Lutheran notion
of consuhstantiation never made much progress in this kingdom.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 215

affirmative, whether constant or obstinate, I remit it to God.
Philip Melancthon is said to be with the French king. There
be in Antwerpe that say, they saw him come into Paris with an
hundred and fifty horses, and that they spake with him. If the
Frenchmen receive the word of God, hee will plant the affirmative
in them. George Joy would have put forth a treatise of that
matter, but I have stopt him as yet : what he wil do if he get
mony, I wot not. I believe he would make many reasons little
serving to the purpose. My mind is, that nothing be put foorth
till we heare how you shall have sped. I would have the right
use preached, and the presence to bee an indifferent thing, till
the matter might be reasoned in peace at leasure of both parties.
If you be required, shew the phrases of the scripture, and let
them talke what they will. For as to beleeve that God is everie
where, hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where but
within the heart, in spirit and veritie : even so to beleeve that
the bodie of Christ is every where (though it cannot bee prooved)
hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where save in the faith
of his gospell. — You perceive my mind : howbeit if God shew
you otherwise, it is free for you to doe as he mooveth you.

" I ghessed long agoe, that God would send a dazing into the
head of the spiritualtie, to catch themselves in their owne sub-
tiltie, and I trust it is come to passe. And now me thinketh I
smell a councell to bee taken, little for their profites 6 in time to
come. But you must understand, that it is not of a pure heart
and for love of the truth, but to avenge themselves, and to eat
the whores flesh, and to sucke the marrow of her bones. Where-
fore cleave fast to the rocke of the helpe of God, and commit the
end of all things to him : and if God shall call you, that you may
then use the wisdome of the worldly, as farre as you perceive the
glorie of God may come thereof, refuse it not : and ever among,
thrust in, that the scripture may be in the mother tongue, and
learning set up in the universities. But and if ought bee re-
quired contrarie to the glorie of God and his Christ, then stand
fast, and commit your selfe to God, and be not overcome of mens
persuasions, which happely shall say, We see no other way to
bring in the truth.

6 Little for their profiles] The allusion seems to be to the difficulties and
penalties under which the clergy were brought, on the charge of transgressing
the statute of Premunire, of which further particulars will be found below in
the account of Cromwell. See Index, under Premunire.

21(5 WILLIAM TINDALL.

"Brother Jacob, beloved in my heart, there liveth not in
whome I have so good hope and trust, and in whom mine heart
rejoyceth and my soule comforteth her selfe, as in you : not the
thousand part so much for your learning, and what other gifts
else you have, as that you will creepe alowe7 by the ground, and
walke in those things that the conscience may feele, and not in
the imaginations of the braine : in feare, and not in boldnesse :
in open necessarie things, and not to pronounce or define of hid
secrets, or things that neither helpe or hinder whether they be
so or no ; in unitie, and not in seditious opinions : insomuch that
if you bee sure you know, yet in things that may abide leasurc.
you will deferre, or say (till other agree with you), " Mee thinke
the text requireth this sense or understanding." Yea and that
if you bee sure that your part be good, and an other hold the
contrarie, yet if it be a thing that maketh no matter, you will
laugh and let it passe, and referre the thing to other men ; and
stick you stiffely and stubburnely in earnest and necessarir
things. — And I trust you be perswaded even so of me. For I
call God to record against the day we shall appeare before our
Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never
altered one syllable of Gods word against my conscience, nor
would this day if all that is in the earth, whether it be pleasure,
honour, or riches, might bee given mee. Moreover, 1 take (MM!
to record to my conscience, that I desire of God to my selfe in
this world, no more than that without which I can not keepe his
lawes.

" Creepe oloweJ] Compare this word with its opposite a-loft. So in Pierce
Ploughman's Vision, fol. 63, edit. 1550.

" And wiliest of birds and beasts hir breeding to know,
Why some be a-lowe, and some a-loft" —

Compare also Ploughman's Complaint, Fox's Acts, p. 371.

" It is thy saying, ' Those that hyeth himself shoulde be lowed, and those
that lowelhe themselves should be anheyghed."

Respecting Frith's admirable prudence and moderation in the doctrine of
the Eucharist, and on the opinions of Dr. Barnes, the reader may consult
Fox's Acts, p. 943. Tindall himself has given, besides the present exo
letter, many proofs of the same temper in the course of his valuable wri<
not only on the points in dispute in connexion with that article, which of all
the controversies at the aera of the Reformation were most fully and warmly
debated ; but also upon the abstruse and thomy questions respecting grace
and predestination.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 217

" Finally, if there were in mee any gift that could helpe at
hand, and aide you if need required ; I promise you I would not
bee farre off, and commit the ende to God ; my soule is not faint,
though my bodie be wearie. But God hath made me evill fa-
voured in this world, and without grace in the sight of men,
speechlesse and rude, dull and slowe witted : your part shall bee
to supply that lacketh in me ; remembring, that as lowlinesse of
hart shall make you high with God, even so meekenesse of words
shall make you sinke into the harts of men. Nature giveth age
authoritie, but meekenesse is the glorie of youth, and giveth
them honour. Aboundance of love maketh me exceede in
babbling.

" Sir, as concerning purgatorie, and many other things, if you
be demaunded, you may say, ' If you erre, the spiritualtie hath
so led you, and that they have taught you to beleeve as you doe.
For they preached you all such things out of Gods word, and
alleaged a thousand texts, by reason of which texts you beleeved
as they taught you. But now you finde them liars, and that the
texts meane no such things, and therefore you can beleeve them
no longer ; but are as ye were before they taught you, and be-
leeve no such thing : howbeit you are readie to beleeve, if they
have any other way to proove it 8, for without proofe you cannot
beleeve them, when you have found them with so many lies, fcc."*
If you perceive wherein we may helpe, either in being still, or
doing somewhat, let us have word, and I will doe mine uttermost.

" My lord of London hath a servant called John Tisen, with

3 Any other way to proove it.~\ It is not to be doubted but that the advocates
of this doctrine, though they might be beaten out of scripture, had still other
proofs to produce for the maintenance of their cause. A fit of the gout, be
it known, is a good demonstration of purgatory. Or rather the Knights of
Purgatory were armed cap a pie, and if the head did fail, yet (as happens with
other knights occasionally in similar circumstances of distress) they had a
weight of argument in the toe which was irresistible.

" Purgatory is proved by example of a byshop that was vexed with a hete
in his feete that none might refreshe them. It happed in sommer on a day
as fyshers fyshed in the sea, they caught a great yse, the whiche they bare to
the byshop, and put it under his feete a certayne houre; and then the
byshop harde a voyce that complayned, the which he adjured; and it
aunswered and sayd, ' I am the soule of a preest that suffereth here my
purgatory ; and if thou were in the state of grace, and sayde an hundred
masses for me, I shuld be delivered and saved ! ' — the which was done." —
Shepherd's Calendar, signat. M. 6. edit. 1556.

2J8 WILLIAM TINDALL.

a red beard, and a blacke reddish head, and was once my schol-
ler ; he was scene in Antwerpe, but came not among the English
men ; whither hee is gone an ernbassadour secret I wot not.

" The mightie God of Jacob be with you to supplant his ene-
mies, and give you the favour of Joseph ; and the wisdome, and
the spirit of Stephen be with your heart and with your mouth,
and teach your lips what they shall say, and how to answere to
all things. Hee is our God if we despaire in our selves, and
trust in him: and his is the glorie, Amen. (A.D. 1533.)

" WILLIAM TYXDAI.L.
" I hope our redemption is nigh."

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

At length truth shot its ray into this chaos of disordered reason. But it
came not directly from its source : but from the ferment of such passions as
error and corruption are apt to raise amongst those who govern in, and be-
nefit by, that state of confusion. For when a reform happens to arise from
within, it cannot be supposed to have its birth in a love of truth ; hardly in
the knowledge of it. Generally some oblique passion gratifies itself in decry-
ing the grosser corruptions, supported by, and supporting, those it hates.
The machine thus set a going, truth has fair play : she is now at liberty to
procure friends, and to attach them to her service. This was the course of
things in the revolution we are about to speak of: and is the natural rise
and progress of religious reformations in general. For if, in the state of such
established error, Providence was to wait, till a love of truth had set men
upon shaking off their bondage, its dispensations could never provide that
timely aid which we now find they always do to distressed humanity. For
when the corruption hath spread so wide, as to make truth, if by chance she
could be found, an indifferent object ; what is there left, to enable men to
break their fetters, but the clashing interests of the corruption itself? And
it is knowing as little of the religious, as of the moral course of God's Provi-
dence, to upbraid those, who have profited of this blessing, with the baseness
of the instruments that procured it.

BISHOP WARBURTON.

CROMWELL, EARLE OF ESSEX.

THOMAS CROMWELL although borne of a simple parentage, and
house obscure, through the singular excellencie of wisdome and
dexteritie of wit wrought in him by God, coupled with like indus-
trie of minde and desertes of life, rose to high preferment and
authoritie ; in so much that by steps and staires of office and
honour, he ascended at length to that, that not onely he was
made earle of Essex, but also most secret and deare counsellour
to king Henry, and vicegerent unto his person ; which office hath
not commonly beene supplyed, at least not so fruitfully dis-
charged, within this realme.

First as touching his birth *, he was borne at Putney or ther-

1 As touching his birth.'] Cardinal Pole has treated Cromwell with great
severity in his Apologia ad Carolwn Quint urn Ccesarem The invective is
long : but is too much to our purpose to be altogether passed by. The
occasion upon which it is introduced is in declaring the influence and
negotiations of Cromwell respecting the divorce of Henry VIII. from queen
Catharine.

— Si nomen quaeratur, Cromvellum eum appellant ; si genus, de nullo
quidem ante eum, qui id nomen gereret, audivi. Dicunt tamen, viculum
esse prope Londinum, ubi natus erat, et ubi pater ejus pannis verrendis
victum quseritabat ; sed de hoc parum refert. Nunc si conditio quseratur,
sic quidem de eo intellexi, aliquem in Italia fuisse gregarium militem ; fuisse
etiam mercatorem, nee tamen longius progressum in mercatura fuisse, quam
ut scriba esset mercatoris, et libros rationum servaret; optime vero novi
ilium mercatorem, qui Venetus erat natione, cui operas suas locabat. Tan-
dem hujus conditionis perteesus, domum reversus, causidicis se immiscuit,
his qui jura regni profitentur : in quo eo magis se proficere sperabat, quod
versuti et callidi ingenii sibi conscius esset ad defendendum tarn iniquum,

222 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

about, being a smiths, sonne, whose mother married after to a
shyreman. In the simple estate and rude beginnings of this
man (as of divers other before him) wee may see and learne that
the excellencie of noble vertues and heroicall prowesses, which
advance to fame, and honor, stand not only upon birth and bloud,
as priviledges only intailed and appropriate to noble houses ; but
are disposed indifferently and proceede of the gift of God, who
raiseth uppe the poore abjecte manie times out of the dunghill,
and matcheth him in throne with peeres and princes. (Psal. 113.)

As touching the order and manner of his comming up, it
would be superfluous to discourse what may bee said at large :
only by way of storie it may suffice to give a touch of certaine
particulars, and so to proceede.

Although the humble condition and povertie of this man was at
the beginning (as it is to many other) a great let and hinderaunce
for vertue to shewe her selfe, yet such was the activitie and for-
warde ripenes of nature in him, so pregnant in wit and so readie
he was, in judgement discreet, in tongue eloquent, in service
faithful!, in stomacke couragious, in his penne active, that bcin«j,
conversant in the sight of men, he could not long be unespied,

quam aequura, quod ex externorum commercio valde acuerat, cum nostrorum
hominum ingeniorum simplicitatem semper contemneret. Nee tamen in hoc
genere valde crevit, antequam ad monasteriorum ruinam perventum est.
Quod incepit vivente adhuc cardinal! Eboracensi, dum monasteria quaedam,
pene a suis deserta, et illorum bona ac praedia, in subsidium pauperum, qui
in Gymnasiis literis operam dabant, essent conversa. Hie vero notus esse
coepit, idque ostendit, ad hanc artem solum se natum fuisse, ad ruinam et
vastationem, id quod crebra aliarum artium mutatio declaravit, in quibus
nihil crevit, in hac vero statim Celebris esse ccepit, et pluribus notus ; ita
tamen in illis initiis artis suae notus, ut cum cardinalis, cujus assecla fuit,
et ex cujus authoritate et imperio illam suam artem exercebat, ab admi-
nistratione reipublicae remotus esset, et dignitate privatus, ipse omnium
voce, qui aliquid de eo intellexerant, ad supplicium posceretur. Hoc enim
affirmare possum, qui Londini turn adfui, et voces audivi, adeo etiam ut
per civitatem universam rumor circumferretur, eum in carcerem fuisse de-
trusum, et propediem productum iri ad supplicium. Neque vero hoc cii'u-
gisset, nisi Dei in regem justissima ira, hujus vitam Satanae dedisset,
Epistnlte Reginalds Poll Cardinalis, vol. i. p. 126. Brixur, 1744. In the
same Apology, Pole gives a curious account of an interview which li
with Cromwell, in the house of Cardinal Wolsey, about the year 152'), in
which, he tells us, Cromwell sounded him on his dispositions with regard to
Henry's divorce, and strenuously recommended to Pole for his instruction in
politics and the knowledge of courts, the famous book of Machiavdli. l)e
Principe. Ibid. p. 133—138.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 223

nor yet unprovided of favour and helpe of friends to set him for-
ward in place and office. Neither was any place or office put
unto him, whereunto hee was not apt and fit. Nothing was so
harde which with witte and industry hee could not compasse.
Neither was his capacitie so good, but his memorie was as great
in retaining whatsoever he had attained. Which well appeareth
in canning 2 the text of the whole new testament of Erasmus1
translation without book, in his journey going and commingfrom
Rome : whereof ye shall heare anone.

Thus in his growing yeares, as hee shot up in age and ripenes,
a great delight came in his minde to stray into forraine countries,
to see the world abroad, and to learne experience, whereby hee
learned such tongues and languages, as might better serve for his
use hereafter.

And thus passing over his youth, being at Antwerpe, he was
there retained of the English marchants 3 to be their clarke or
secretarie, or in some such like condition placed pertaining to
their affaires.

It happened the same time, that the towne of Boston thought
good to send up to Rome, for renuing 4 of their two pardons, one
called the great pardon, the other the lesser pardon. Which thing
although it should stand them in great expenses of mony (for
the popes marchandise is alwaies deare ware) yet notwithstanding
such sweetnes they had felt thereof, and such gaine to come to
their towne by that Romish marchandise (as all superstition is
commonly gainefull) that they like good catholicke marchants,
and the popes good customers, thought to spare for no coste, to
have their leases again of their pardons renewed, whatsoever they
paide for the fine. And yet was al this good religion then : such
was the lamentable blindnes of that time.

This then being so determined and decreede amongst my

2 Canning.'] Learning.

3 English marchants.'] Who at that time resided together in a factory.

4 For renuing.'] This renewing of the virtue and force of pardons, was one
among the ordinary expedients for gain to the pope and others. Thus it was
alleged among the articles against cardinal Wolsey, (art. 22.) "Also the
said lord cardinal to augment his great riches, hath caused divers pardons
granted by the pope, to be suspended, which could not be revived till the
said lord cardinal were rewarded, and also have a yearly pension of the said
pardon." State Trials, vol. i. p. 376.

224 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

countrimen of Boston, to have their pardons needs repaired and
renued from Rome, one Geffrey Chambers with another compa-
nion was sent for the messengers, with writings and mony, no
small quantitie, well furnished, and with all other things appoint-
ed necessarie for so chargeable and costly exploit ; who c< miming
in his journey to Antwerpe, and misdoubting himselfe to be too
weake for the compassing of such a waightie piece of worke.
conferred and perswaded with Thomas Cromwel to associate him
in that legacie, and to assist him in the contriving thereof.
Cromwell, although perceiving the enterprise to be of no small
difficultie, to traverse the popes court, for the unreasonabl
pences amongst those greedy cormorants, yet having some skill
of the Italian tongue, and as yet not grounded in the judgement
of religion in those his youthfull daies, was at length obtained,
and content to give the adventure, and so tooke his journey
towards Home. Cromwell loth to spend much time, and nn»iv
loth to spend his mony; and againe perceiving that tin- popes
greedy humor must needs be served with some present or other
(for without rewards there is no doing at Rome) began to cast
with himselfe, what thing best to devise, wherein he might best
serve the popes devotion.

At length, having knowledge how that the popes holv tooth
greatly delighted in new fangled strange delicates, and daintie
dishes, it came in his minde to prepare certaine fine dishes of
jellie, after the best fashion, made after our country maner h
in England, which to them of Rome was not known nor seene
before.

This done, Cromwell observing his time accordingly, as the
pope was newly come from hunting into his pavilion, h-'e with his
companions approached with his English present* >. brought in
with a three mans song (as we call it) in the English tongue, and
all after the English fashion. The pope sodainely marvailii
the strangenes of the song, and understanding that they
English men, and that they came not elliptic handed, willed them
to be called in. Cromwell there shewing his obedience, and
offering his jolly junkets. Bitch as kings and princes ondy (>,iid
lie) in the realme of Kn^land u-e to frede upon, desired the -
to be accepted in benevolent part, which lie and his companion--
as poo re sutors unto his holine»e. had there brought and pre
sented, as novelties meete for his recreation.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 225

Pope Julius 5 seeing the strangenesse of the dishes, commanded
by and by his cardinall to take the assay6. Who in tasting
thereof, liked it so well, and so likewise the pope after him, that
knowing of them what their suites were, and requiring them to
make knowne the making of that meate, hee incontinent without
any more adoe, stamped both their pardons, as well the greater
as the lesser.

And thus were the jolly pardons of the towne of Boston ob-
tained as you have heard, for the maintenance of their decaied
port. The copie of which pardons (which I have in my hands)
brieflie comprehended, commeth to this effect 7. " That all the
brethren and sisters of the gylde of our Lady in Saint Botulphes
church at Boston, should have free licence to chuse for their

5 Pope JuliusJ] Julius II., Giuliano della Rovere.

6 Assay.~\ Trial by tasting. See Cavendish's Life of Wolsey in vol. i.
p. 652.

7 To this effect.'] In Becon's Reliques of Rome, Works, vol. iii. fol. 358,
&c. may be found a collection of several other pardons, similar to these
granted to the town of Boston. But omitting them, I shall only produce,
because it is not long, the account given by Strype, in his Life of Sir Thomas
Smith, p. 60, of one granted, so late as the year 1555, to William Smythick,
Esq.; the privileges of which, being imparted by him to Sir Thomas, were
as Strype conjectures, his security in those days of peril, and bitter per-
secution.

" It was, that he and any five of his friends, whom he should nominate,
with their children of both sexes, should be exempted, from all sentences of
excommunication, suspension, and interdict, and other censures ecclesiastical,
upon whatever occasion or cause inflicted ; transgressions of any vows, or
commands of the church ; guilt of perjuries, and homicide, whether casual or
mental; laying violent hands upon any ecclesiastical persons, excepting pre-
lates ; omissions in whole or in part of fasts, canonical hours, divine offices,
and penances injoined : also from all and singular their sins whereof they are
contrite and confessed, although they were such as for which the apostolick
see were to be consulted. Likewise many other indulgences were by virtue
hereof granted ; as, to have a portatile altar, to receive the sacrament pri-
vately ; that in lent, and other fasting times of the year, they might eat eggs,
butter, cheese, and other milk-meats, and flesh, without scruple of conscience.
— Smythick chose Sir Thomas Smith for one of his five friends, specified in
the bull, to be partaker of these Catholick privileges. — This, no question, was
a good skreen for Sir Thomas in these evil days " In Ames's Typographical
Antiquities, under the name WTilliam Facques (p. 134), maybe found, at full
length, the patent of admission of one Richard Woolman into all the benefits
of these Boston pardons. The writing bears date, Boston, 10 Decemb. A.D.
1508.

226 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

confessor or ghostly father, whom they would8, either secular
priest, or religious person, to assoile them plenarilie from al their
sins, except only in cases reserved to the pope.

" Also should have licence to carie about with them an aultar

8 Whom they wouldJ] This privilege, though it was productive of very
great spiritual, as well as temporal, abuses, was one that was very frequently
granted by the see of Rome. It was the main source from which the friars
derived their influence, amassed their wealth, and loosened the bonds of
union between the secular clergy and their parishioners. Among them a man
would seldom fail to find such a confessor as is described by Chaucer.
" — He had power of confessyoun

As he said himself, more than a curate,

For of his order he was licentiate.

Full swetely herde he confession,

And pleasant was his absolution.

He was an easie man to give penaunce,

There as he wist to have a good pitaunce"

Prologue to Canterbury Tales.

The nature of those corruptions which this privilege introduced, may be
further estimated from the extracts which follow. They are taken from the
Quatuor Sermones, added to the Festival in the later editions, and in parts of
them shew some tendencies towards reformation.

Confession "must also be hole; not some to one, and some to another.
This is a grete spece" (species) " of hypocrysye ; and this useth moche people ;
and all for they wolde be holde holy, and better then they ben." fol. l.v">. b
" The thyrde sacramente is shryfte of penaunce, to the which every man and
woman is bounde anon as they can" (know) "reasonable wytte, atte t
yere, every yere clene to be shryven, once atte the . least, atte theyr own

curate Yet notwithstondyng that ye ben bounde every yere to shew

youre shryft to your owne curate, and yf there ben ony of you that have more
affeccyon to another than to me, lete me wete " (know) " to whome and where,
and he shal have ryghte good leave, and Cristes blessyng and mine : so that
he do it not in no deceit of his owne soule, as to hyde his synne from me, to
that entent he myght the longer abyde therein ; as some done, and have
done many yeres. For I knowe more of theyr counsel!, than they wene that
I do, or wolde I dyd. . . . Thus some of you ones a yere, or " (ere] " ye •
to youre curate, ye caste out the venym of your synne at pardons, and •
privy places, and anon after Easter ye take it up agen ; as theft, adultery, and
many suche other, and ben worse after than ye were afore. Ye that this done
begyle your selfe, and nede grete penaunce. Had Judas when he betrayed
Chryste tolde his synne to his true herdman" (pastor) " as he did to Cayphas
and Pilate, whan he sayd, / have synned in betrayenge ryyhtwyse blode. lx
been saved. For they toke none nede thereto, but sayd, What is that tout?
avyse thee ; as who sayth, they have no cure of thee. Ryght so thus, 1 t
and some of you wente to your owne herdman, whan ye go to other, \\.
sholde brybery, stolen goodes, and suche other be restored: and adu

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 227

stone 9 whereby they might have a priest to saie them masse,
or other divine service, where they would, without prejudice of
any other church or chappell, though it were also before day, yea
and at three of the clock after midnight in the summer time.

" Furthermore, that all such brethren and sisters of the said
gylde, which should resort to the chappell of our Ladie in Saint
Botulphes church at the feast of Easter, Whitsontide, Corpus
Christi, the nativitie or Assumption of our Ladie, or in the octaves
of them, the feast of S. Michaeh1, and first Sunday in Lent, should
have pardon no lesse then if they themselves personally had visited
the Stations of Rome l.

" Provided that every such person man or woman, entring into
the same gylde, at his first entrance should give to the finding of
7 priests, 1 2 quiresters, and 1 3 beadsmen, and to the lights of
the same brotherhood, and a grammar schole, six shillings eight
pence, and for every yeare after twelve pence.

" And these premisses being before granted by pope Innocen-
tius and pope Julius 2. this pope Clement 2 also confirmed, grant-
ing moreover, that whatsoever brother or sister of the same gylde
through povertie, sicknesse, or any other let could not resort
personally to the said chappell, notwithstanding, hee should bee
dispensed withall, as well for that, as for all other vowes, irregula-
rities, and censures canonicall whatsoever, onlie the vowe of going
the Stations of Rome, and going to Saint James of Compos-
tella excepted.

and other cursed synnes be thus destroyed. — I say not this for no desyre that
I have to here your shryft, for it is but a payne to me, save for charge that I
have of your soules. For I had lever mynyster all the sacramentes that
longeth to myn office forty tymes, than that ones. But I doo it for to
dystroye the false subtylte that ye use in shrifte agaynst the helthe of your
soules: And so God helpe me." fol. 169.

9 An aultar stone.] A portable altar, called in Latin, altare viaticum, or alt.
portatile. " This was some real stone, insigned with the cross, and duly
consecrated ; and to be of such a length and breadth, as might conveniently
hold the holy cup, and consecrated host : with an apt frame of wood,
whereon to set it .... They were very rarely granted but by the pope him-
self, or his penitentiary." Staveley's Hist, of Churches in England, p. 214.
Weever in his Funeral Monuments exemplifies a bull of pope Martin the Vth,
indulging the privilege of an altar of this description to the English Mer-
chants of the Staple at Calais, p. 133. edit. 1767. in Deptford. See also the
note, p. 225, on the pardon granted to William Smy thick.

1 The Stations of Rome.'} See Becon's Works, vol. iii. fol. 203— 5. A.D. 1563.

- Pope Clement.] Clement VII. in 1526.

228 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

" He also granted unto them power to receive full remission,
a pcena et culpa, once in their life, or in the houre of death.

" Item, that having their aultar stone, they might have in:
said in any place, though it were unhallowed. Also in the time
of interdict, to have masse or any sacrament ministered : and also
being departed, that they might be buried in Christian buriall, not-
withstanding the interdict.

" Extending moreover his grant to all such brethren and si-
in resorting to the foresaid chappell of our Ladie upon the ISati-
vitie, or Assumption of our Lady, giving supportation to the said
chappell, at every such festivall day, to have full remission of all
their sins. Or if they for any impediment could not be pr<
at the chappell aforesaid, yet if they came unto their owne parish
church, and there said one Pater nosier, and Ave Mar'ix. they
should enjoy the same remission above specified: or \\li<^
came every Friday to the same chappell, shuld have as much
remission, as if he went to the chappell of our Ladie called Scala
Cceli*.

" Furthermore, that whatsoever Christian people, of what estate
or condition soever, either spirituall or temporall. would aid and
support the chamberlaines or substitutes of the foresaid gylde,
should have five hundredth yeares of pardon.

" Item, to all brothers and sisters of the same gylde was gram ' d
free libertie to eate in time of Lent, or other fasting daies, e.L
milke, butter, cheese, and also flesh, by the counsaile of thergho>tl v
father and physition, without any scruple of conscience.

3 Called Scala Cce/i.] At Rome, " in the church of our Lady called
Cceli, is also great pardon. This is one of the first temples that was built in
the world unto the honour of the blessed virgine Marye. It is called
Coe/i, because in it blessed St. Bernard deserved to see a ladder, which n
up even unto the very heavens. In this Church whosoever say Masse, or
cause Mass there to be said for the soules that are in Purgatory, the afoi
soules are delivered out of hand, thorow the vertue of the Masse an<i
merites of the blessed Virgine. Moreover whatsoever thinge is <U\
asked in that place, it is strayghtwayes wythoute all doubte obtayned. And
there is great aboundance of pardon a pcena et a culpa toties quotie*.
Works, vol. iii. fol. 202. It is the Church of Santa Maria in ara Call, which
crowns the summit of the Capitoline Hill, and is supposed to occupy tl
of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, or according toothers, Jupiter
It has on the outside a flight of one hundred and twenty-four st-
cian marble, which are said to have formed the ascent to the tern;
Romulus Quirinus.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 229

" Item, that all partakers 4 of the same gylde, and beeing sup-
porters thereof, which once a quarter, or every Friday or Saturday,
either in the said chappell in Saint Botulphs church, or any other
chappell. of their devotion shall say a Pater noster, Ave Maria^ and
Credo, or shall say or cause to be said masses, for soules departed
in paines of purgatorie, shall not onelie have the full remission
due to them which visite the chappell of Scala Coeli, or of S. John
Lateran 5 ; but also the soules in purgatorie shall enjoy full remis-
sion, and bee released of all their paines.

" Item, that all the soules departed of the brothers and sisters
of the said gylde ; also the soules of their fathers and mothers
shall be partakers of all the praiers, suffragies, almoses, fastings,
masses, and mattens, pilgrimages, and all other good deeds of the
holy church militant for ever."

These indulgences, pardons, grants, and relaxations were given
and granted by pope Nicholas the fift, pope Pius 2. pope Sixtus,
and pope Julius the second ; of which pope Julius it seemeth,
that Cromwell obtained this pardon aforesaid, about the yeare of
our Lord 1510. Which pardon againe afterward through the
request of king Henry, an. 1526. was confirmed by pope Clement 6
the seventh. — And thus much concerning the pardon of Boston,
renewed by the meanes of Thomas Cromwell, of pope Julius the
second.

All this while it appeareth, that Cromwell had yet no sound
taste nor judgement of religion, but was wilde and youthfull,
without sense or regard of G-od and his worde, as hee himselfe
was woont ofttimes to declare unto Cranmer archbishop of Can-
terbury, shewing what a ruffian he was in his yong daies ; and
how he was in the wars of the duke of Bourbon at the siege of
Rome r, also what a great doer he was with Geffrey Chambers in
publishing and setting forth the pardon of Boston every where in
churches as hee went ; and so continued, till at length by learn-
ing the text of the New Testament without booke of Erasmus'

4 All partakers.'] See Lewis's Life of Wickliffe, p. 24, 5. edit. 1820; who
gives a copy of one of these Letters of Fraternity, as they are called.

5 S. John Lateran.~\ Of the privileges of the Church of St. John Lateran
at Rome, an ample account, containing many very curious particulars, may
be found in Becon's Works, vol. iii. fol. 199, 200.

6 Pope Clement .] Of the bull of this pope, Becon gives a copious abstract,
Works, vol. iii. fol. 359.

" At the siege of RomeJ] After mentioning Robertson's account, Dr.
Maitland says ; " If the historian had been writing with a view to the
religious and ecclesiastical aspect and bearing of the matter, he might perhaps

230 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

translation 8 in his going and comming from Rome (as is afore-
said), he began to be touched and called to better understanding.

In this meane time Thomas Woolsey, cardinall of Yorke, began
to beare a great port in England, and almost to rule all under the
king, or rather with the king ; so that the freshest wits, and of
best towardnesse, most commonly sought unto him. Anum^
whome was also Thomas Cromwell to his service advanced ; win TO
he continued a certaine space of yeares, growing up in office and
authoritie, till at length he was preferred to be sollicitour to the
cardinall.

There was also about the same time, or not much different, in
the houshould of the said cardinall, Thomas More, afterward
knight, and chauncellor of England ; and Steven Gardiner, after
bishop of Winchester, and of the king's councell. All these
three were brought up in one houshould, and all of one standing
almost together. Whose ages as they were not greatly discrepant,
nor their wits much unequal ; so neither was their fortune and
advancements greatly divers, albeit their dispositions and studies
were most contrarie. And thogh peradventure in More and in
Gardiner there was more arte of the letters, and skill of learniiiLC ;
yet notwithstanding there was in this man a more heavenly light
of the minde, and more prompt and perfect judgement, eloqu
equall, and as may be supposed, in this man more pregnant ; and
finally in him was wrought a more heroicall and princely di>posi-

have added, that among the victors there were some at least who had
in them an element distinct from * the ferocity of the Germans, the avarice
of the Spaniards, or the licentiousness of the Italians,' which manifested
itself, not merely in the desecration of sacred places, but in ridicule of the
ministers and services of religion ; in mock processions, and a mock eh
of Luther for pope.

" I refer, however, to this historical event principally in order to observe
that there is said to have been among the followers of the duke of Bourbon
(whether he was among the mock cardinals who rode in procession on asses,
I do not know) an Englishman, of low birth, vicious habits, and infidel princi-
ples, who afterwards became of terrific importance to the Church of England.
His friends tell us that, in after life he described himself as having formerly
been a 'ruffian;' and it is likely that at the time when this happened \\hether
he was there or not, he had no preference, and no respect, for either popery or
protestantism, and acted under no principle but that which taught him
the best he could for himself. If he was at the sacking of Rom
more likely that he was there in the service of Wolsey than as a 'troop
the duke of Bourbon.' Certainly he was soon afterwards a servant of the
cardinal, and continued to serve him until his disgrace in October, 1
Essays on the Reformation, p. 228.

8 Erasmus' translation.] Compare above, Life of Bilney, p. 26.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 231

tion, borne to greater affaires in the common wealth, and to the
singular helpe of many.

It happened that in this meane season, as Cromwell was placed
in this office to be sollicitour to the cardinall, the said cardinall
had then in hand the building of certaine colleges, namely his
college in Oxford, called then Frideswide, now Christs Church.
By reason whereof, certain small monasteries and priories, in
divers places of the realme, were by the said cardinall suppressed,
and the lands seased to the cardinals hands. The doing whereof
was committed to the charge of Thomas Cromwel. In the expe-
dition whereof he shewed himselfe verie forward and industrious ;
in such sort as in the handling thereof, he procured to himselfe
much grudge with divers of the superstitious sort, and with some
also of noble calling about the king. And thus was Cromwell
first set a worke 9 by the cardinall, to suppresse religious houses.
Which was about the yeare of our Lord, 1525.

9 Cromwell first set a worke.'] A list of the monasteries dissolved for the
erection of Cardinal College, Oxford, amounting in number to twenty, with
the names of their founders, and values, is given in Strype's Eccles. Memo-
rials, vol. i. p. 88. Appendix. The pope's bulls, and the king's letters
patent authorizing the dissolution are in great part published, along with
other pertinent documents, by Dr. Fiddes in his Appendix of Records to the
Life of Wolsey. See also Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 705, &c.

This act of the cardinal, which gave the first employment of that nature
to Cromwell, and led the way to the utter overthrow of the monasteries and
other religious houses, in which Cromwell was so important an agent, did
not, as Fox indeed intimates, pass without severe animadversions, even while
it was carrying into execution. King Henry himself, it appears, had too
much good sense, not to be full of apprehensions respecting its illegality ; as
he writes in a letter to the cardinal : " As touching the help of religious
houses to the building of your college, I would it were more, so it were law-
fully ; for my intent is none, but that it should appear so to all the world ;
and the occasion of all their mumbling might be secluded and put away.
For surely there is great murmuring of it, throughout all the realm, both
good and bad . . . This grieveth me, I assure you, to hear it spoken of him,
which I so entirely love." Fiddes's Life of Wolsey, p. 378. edit. 2nd.

A very few years after, when the grand overthrow was approaching, the
precedent given by the cardinal is adverted to in a passage, full of bitter re-
flections on the past, and trembling forebodings of the future, by bishop
Barlowein his Dialogue concerning the Lutheran factions. The characters have
been speaking of what had already been done of the like kind in Germany.
" Nicholas. Oure Lorde forbyd that it shuld chaunce so here ! Wyllyam.
Yet lacke there not in England, that wyshe ful hartely after suche a ruffelyng
chaunge ; the more parte suche as hope to wyn, and have nothyng to lese ;
and yet some so mad that have of theyr owne, and whyche happely might re-

232 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

As this passed on, it was not long, but the cardinall which
had gotten up so high, began to come down as fast, first from
the chancellorship, in which rome was placed Sir Thomas More ;
then he fell into a premunire : so that his houshold being dis-
solved, Thomas Cromwell amongst other, laboured also to be
retained into the kings service.

There was at the same time one Sir Christopher Hales knight,
master of the rolles, who notwithstanding he was then a mighty
papist, yet bare he such favour and good liking to Cromwell that
hee commended him to the king, as a man most fit for his pur-
pose, having then to do against the pope. But heere before is to
be understoode, that Cromwell had greatly beene complained of,
and diffaimed by certaine of authority about the king, for his
rude manner and homely dealing in defacing the monkes houses,
and in handling of their altars, &c. Wherefore the king hearing
of the name of Cromwell began to detest the mention of him ;
neither lacked there some standers by, who with reviling words
ceased not to increase and inflame the kings hatred against him.
What their names were it shall not neede here to recite. Among
other there present at the same hearing, was the lord Rus- 1.
earle of Bedford 10, whose life Cromwel before had preserved at

pent it fyrst of all. / let passe my lord cardinals acte in pullyny down? and
suppressing of religious places, our Lord assoile his soule ! I will wrestle with
no soules. He knoweth by this tyme, whether he dyd well or evill. But thys
dare I be bolde to saye, that the countreis where they stode, fynde suche
lacke of them, that they woulde he had let them stand. And thinke you then
that there would be no lack founden, if the remanaunt were so served too ? "
signat. H 3. edit. 1553.

10 Earle of Bf>dford.~\ Sir John Russell, when about to return to England
in 1525, from Italy, where he had been in negotiation with the duke of Bour-
bon, passed through Bologna. A plot was formed to seize upon his person
and to send him prisoner to Paris, a measure thought likely to gratify I-
of Savoy, then regent of France, and to help towards the liberation of her son
Francis, who had been taken at the battle of Pavia. Some have said that
the municipality of Bologna were bribed by Francis to betray Russell, and
Sir John's subsequent challenge of the king at Paris gives some colour to
that supposition. The plot is stated to have been discovered by Cromwell.
then a soldier of fortune ; he concerted the means of gaining access :
John, and of effecting his escape from an apartment in an hotel ol th
which the soldiers of the gonfaloniere had beset. Cromwell passed hi.
off to the authorities as a Neapolitan acquaintance of the knight, and jnc
them, if they would leave the business to him, to induce their intended victim
to yield himself to their discretion. By his contrivances Sir John esc
safely to Mantua, and grateful to Cromwell for his unlooked for pi

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 233

Bonony, through politike conveyance, at what time, the said
earle comming secretly in the kings affaires, was there espied ;
and therefore being in great danger to be taken, through the
meanes and policie of Cromwell escaped.

This lord Russell therefore not forgetting the old benefites
past, and with like gratuity willing againe to requite that hee
had received, in a vehement boldnes stoode forth, to take upon
him the defence of Thomas Cromwell, uttering before the king-
many commendable words in the behalfe of him, and declaring
withall how by his singular devise and policy, he had done for
him at Bononie, beeing there in the kings affaires, in extreame
perill. And forasmuch as now his majesty had to doe with the
pope, his great enemie, there was (he thought) in all England
none so apt for the kings purpose, which could say or doe more
in that matter, than could Thomas Cromwell ; and partly he gave
the king to understand wherein. The king hearing this, and
specially marking the latter ende of his talke, was contented and
willing to talke with him, to heare and know what he could say.

This was not so privily done, but Cromwell had knowledge
incontinent, that the king would talke with him, and whereupon :
and therefore providing before hand for matter, had in a readi-
nesse the copie of the bishops oath, which they use commonly to
make to the pope at their consecration : and so being called for,
was brought to the king in his garden at Westminster, which
was about the yeare of our Lord, 1530.

Cromwell after most loyall obeysance, doing his dutie to the
king, according as hee was demanded, made his declaration in all
pointes, this especially making manifest unto his highnesse, how
his princely authority was abused within his owne realme, by the
pope and his clergie ; who being sworne unto him, were after-
ward dispensed from the same, and sworne anew unto the pope ;
so that he was but as halfe king ', and they but halfe his subjects

entreated his company to the English court, promising to recommend him to
the king. Cromwell however remained in Italy till after the sacking of Rome
and the death of Bourbon. When he came to England, Russell commended
Cromwell to Wolsey, whom he served first as a steward, then as a solicitor,
and lastly in that defence before the Commons which laid the basis of his
future exaltation. See vol. i. p. 6. Wiffen's Memoirs of the House of Russell,
i. 266. See also a tragedy, falsely attributed to Shakspeare, entitled " The
Life and Death of Thomas, Lord Cromwell"

1 But as halfe king.'] Compare Parliamentary History, vol. i. p. 519.

So Wickliffe in his Complaint exhibited to the King and Parliament ; "The
chief lordshippe in this lond of all temporalities, both of secular men and re-

234 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

in his owne land ; which, said hee, was derogatorie to his crowne,
and utterly prejudiciall to the common lawes of his realme :
declaring thereupon how his majestic might accumulate to liim-
selfe great riches, so much as all the clergie in his realme \\as
worth, if it so pleased him to take the occasion now offered.
The king giving good eare to this, and liking right well his
advice, required if he could avouch that which he spake. All
this hee could (he said) avouch to be certaine, so well, as that
hee had the copie of their owne oath * to the pope, there present

ligious, pertaines to the king of his general governing : for else he were not
king of al England, but of a littel part thereof." P. 10. James's edition.

Again, king James, in his first speech in parliament after his accession, in
160 3, thus speaks of the papists : "As long as they are disconformable in re-
ligion from us, they can be but half my subjects : be able to do but half ser-
vice : and I want the best half of them, which is their souls." Parliamentary
History, vol. i. p. 984.

2 The copie of their owne oathJ] The authority usurped by the bishops of
Rome did not, in this point, any more than in so many other like instances,
reach the height to which it had now attained, but by a long train of gradual
and successful encroachments. Lewis, in his Life of Bishop Pecock, has given
us some account of several of these oaths, differing from each other, in each
successive century, hardly in any other respect, but in an increasing grada-
tion of submissions to the Romish dominion. See p. 122—9. In Duck's
Life of Chichele, p. 12 (Bates's edition), in Wilkins's Condi. , vol. iii. p.
and in Strype's Cranmer, p. 9, Appendix, may be found the oaths taken
severally by the archbishops Chichele, Warham, and Cranmer. — There were
not wanting others about these times, who pressed upon Henry's mind the
inconsistency of this oath with their allegiance to the king. See Supplication
of Dr. Robert Barnes to King Henry VIII., Works, p. 195— 2OO, &c. Soon
after the interview with Cromwell, above related, the king made a communi-
cation upon this subject to the house of commons, of which Fox gives the
following particulars.

" Not long after that, the king perceiving belike the minds of the clergy
not much favouring his cause, sent for the speaker and twelve of the com-
mons house, having with him eight lords, and said to them, ' Well- beloved
subjects, we had thought the clergy of our realme had been our su!
wholly, but now we have well perceived, that they are but halfe our sul»
for all the prelates at their consecration make an oth to the pope, clean*
trary to the oath that they make unto us, so that they seeme to be hi-
jects and not ours :' and so the king delivering to them the copie of the oth,
required them to invent some other, that he might not be thus deluded <
spiritual subjects. The speaker thus departed, and caused the oth to be
in the commons house ; the very tenor whereof hereof ensiu-th.

" ' The oth of the Cltrgy to the Pope.

" ' I John Bishop, or Abbot of A ; from this houre forward shall be faithful
and obedient to Saint Peter, and to the holy Church of Rome, to my I
the pope, and his successors canonic-ally entering. I shall not be of COL

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 235

to shew, and that no lesse also he could manifestly proove, if his
highnesse woulde give him leave : and therewith shewed the
bishoppes oathe unto the king.

The king following the veine of his coimcell, tooke his ring
off his finger, and first admitting him into his service, sent him
therewith to the Convocation house among the bishops. Crom-
well comming with the king^s signet boldly into the clergie house,
and there placing himselfe among the bishopps, (William War-
ham being then archbishop) began to make his oration, de-
claring unto them the authoritie of a king, and the office of
subjectes, and especially the obedience of bishops and church-
men under publicke lawes, necessarily provided for the profit and
quiet of the commonwealth. Which lawes notwithstanding they
had all transgressed, and highly offended in derogation of the
kings royall estate, falling in the lawe of Premunire, in that not
onely they had consented to the power legative [legatine] of the
cardinall, but also in that they had all sworne to the pope, con-
trarie to the fealtie of their soveraigne lord the king, and there-
fore had forfaited to the king all their goods, chattels, lands,
possessions, and whatsoever livings they had. — The bishops hear-
ing this, were not a little amazed, and first began to excuse, and
deny the fact. But after that Cromwell had shewed them the
very copy of their oathe made to the pope at their consecration,

or consent, that they shall lose either life or member, or shall be taken, or
suffer any violence, or any wrong by any meanes. Their counsell to me
credited by them, their messengers or letters, I shall not willingly discover to
any person. The popedom of Rome, the rules of the holy fathers, and the
regalities of Saint Peter, I shal helpe and retaine, and defend against al men.
The legate of the see apostolicke, both going and coming, I shal honourably
entreate. The rightes, honours, priviledges, authorities of the church of Rome
and of the pope, and his successors, I shall cause to be conserved, defended,
augmented, and promoted. I shal not be in counsell, treaty, or any acte in
which any thing shall be imagined against him or the church of Rome ; their
rights, states, honours, or powers : and if I knew any such to be moved or
compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and as soone as I can, I shal adver-
tize him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the holy fathers,
the decrees, ordinances, sentences, depositions, reservations, provisions, or
commandments apostolicke, to my power I shall keepe, and cause to be kept
of other. Heretickes, schismatickes, and rebels to our holy father and his
successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power. I shall come to the
synod when I am called, except I be letted by a canonical impediment. The
threshold of the apostles I shall visite personally, or by my deputy. I shall
not aliene or sell my possessions, without the pope's counsell. So God help
me and the holy Evangelistes ! ' " Fox's Acts, p. 961. Compare Christian
Institutes, vol. iv. p. 126 — 9.

236 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

and the matter was so plaine, that they could not deny it they
began to shrinke, and to fall to intreatie, desiring respite to pause
upon the matter. Notwithstanding, the ende thereof fell so out.
that to be quit out of that premunire 3, by act of parliament, it
cost them to the king for both the provinces, Canturburyaml Yorkr.
no lesse then one hundred eighteene thousand, eight hundred and
forty pounds, which was about the yeare of our Lord, 1530.

After this, an. 1532, Sir Thomas Cromwell growing in gi-
favour with the king, was made knight and maister of the kin^s
Jewell house, and shortly after was admitted also in the kin<j>
councell, which was about the comming in of queen Anne Bullen.
Furthermore, within two yeares after the same, an. 1534, he was
made maister of the Rolles, Doctor Tailor being discharged.

Thus Cromwell springing up in favour and honour, after this.
in the yeare 1537, a little before the birth of king Edward, was
made knight of the garter, and not long after was advaunced to
the earledome of Essex4, and made great chamberlaine of Eng-
land. Over and besides all which honours, he was constitute also
vicegerent to the king 5, representing his person. Which office
although it standeth well by the lawe, yet seldome hath i

3 Of that premunire.'] See Fox's Acts, p. 959. Wilkins's Concilii, vol. iii.
p. 725—43. Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 102—9. Edit.
Collier's Eccles. Hist., vol. ii. p. 61 — 3. But the most elaborate and
factory account of the whole of this famous transaction, with its connexions
and dependencies, the overthrow of the pope's and the enactment of the
king's supremacy, is given by Dr. Wake in his State of the Church and Clergy
of England, p. 4/4 — 80, &c.

4 Advaunced to the earledome of Essex.'] April 17, 1539.

5 Vicegerent to the kingJ] His commission to this appointment may be found
in Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. book ii. no. 20, and in Wil-
kins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 784, &c. " His offices of vicar-general and of vice-
gerent," as Burnet tells us, "are often confounded;" but adds, "tin
different places, and held by different commissions. By the former he had
no authority over the bishops, nor had he any precedence ; but the other, as
it gave him precedence next to the royal family, so it clothed him with \\
plete delegation of the king's whole power in ecclesiastical affairs.

years he was only vicar-general." Burnet, vol. i. p. 17^. ''The kiiiL;
stituted him for due administration of justice, in all causes and cast
ing ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; as well as for godly information and rcdi
all errors, heresies, and abuses of the church (us the act of parliament 1
:U Henry VIII. C. 10). Yet beeause there was no < \ample, either of kr
Israel (they said), though lawfully in their own persons, enjoying this
power of spiritual and temporal —or of pope deriving their whole'
ral power immediately on any else (especially a secular person) tin
it strange." Herbert's Life of Henry nil , p. 466.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 237

been seene any besides this Cromwell alone, either to have sus-
tained it, or else to have so furnished the same with counsaile and
wisedome, as Cromwell did. — And thus much hitherto concerning
the steppes and degrees of the lord Cromwelles rising up to dignitie
and high estate.

Now somewhat would be said likewise of the noble actes, the
memorable examples, and worthy vertues not drowned by ease of
honour in him, but increased rather, and quickened by advaunce-
ment of authoritie and place, to worke more aboundantly in the
commonwealth. Among the which his worthy acts and other
manifold vertues, in this one chiefely above all other riseth his
commendation, for his singular zeale and laborious travell bestowed
in restoring the true church of Christ, and subverting the syna-
gogue of antichrist, the abbeies, I meane, and religious houses of
friers and monkes. For so it pleased almighty God by the
meanes of the said lord Cromwell, to induce the king to suppresse
first the chauntries, then the friers houses and small monasteries,
till at length all the abbeies in England both great and lesse, were
utterly overthrowne and pluckt up by the rootes. The which
act and enterprise of him, as it may give a president of singular
zeale to all realmes christened, which no prince yet to this day
scarse dare follow ; so to this realme of England it wrought such
benefite and commoditie, as the fruit thereof yet remaineth, and
will remaine still in the realme of England, though we seeme
little to feele it. Rudely and simply I speake what I suppose,
without prejudice of other which can inferre any better reason.
In the meane time my reason is this : that if God had not raised
up this Cromwell as he did, to be the instrument of rooting out
the abbeies and celles of strange religion, — what other men see,
I know not ; for my part I never yet saw in this realme any
such Cromwell since Cromwels time, whose heart and courage
might not sooner have beene subverted with the money and bribes
of abbots, then he to have subverted any abbey in all England.

But here I must of necessitie answere the complaint of certain
of our countrey men. For so I heare of many the subversion of
these monasteries to be reprehended, as evill and wicked. u The
building (say they) might have been converted unto schooles and
houses of learning. The goods and possessions might have beene
bestowed to much better and more godly use of the poore, and
maintaining of hospitaltie." Neither doe I deny, but that these
things are well and godly spoken of them, and could willingly
embrace their opinion with my whole hart, if I did not consider

238 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

herein a more secret and deeper meaning of God's holy pro-
vidence, than at the first blush peradventure to all men doth
appear e.

And first to admit the wicked and execrable life of these
religious orders, full of all feditie 8, and found out by the king's

6 Of allfeditieJ] Bishop Burnet having made a remark of a special nature,
not inapplicable to this general invective of Fox, it may be right to produce
it, with the remark upon it by Henry Wharton ; and then to add from the
same volume a few other passages connected with the former history, and
present dissolution of the monasteries.

"The monks," (says the bishop, p. 189, vol. ii.) "became lewd and disso-
lute, and so impudent in it, that some of their farms were let, for bringing in
a yearly tribute to their lusts.*'

" God forbid," proceeds the critic, " that any professors of Christianity,
much less the greatest pretenders to it, should be guilty of such monstrous
wickedness, or that any others should believe it of them, without evident
proof. This accusation is taken from Fuller's Church History (p. 318), who
relates no more than one example of this kind, and that of a convent, not of
monks, but of canons regular (of Waltham), not upon his own knowledge,
but the single testimony of a most notorious lying villain, Stephen Mershall ;
and after all, is so ingenuous that he professes himself to disbelieve it. — On
the contrary, our author suppresses his authority, and brings no other testi-
mony ; raises the number from one to many, and delivers a dubious matter
as a thing most certain. Surely if the monks had been guilty of any
thing, it could not have escaped the knowledge of their visitors, who searched
and divulged all their faults with the utmost industry; nor would it have
been unknown to Bale, brought up among them," (». e. among the Carmel-
ites,) " nor omitted by him in his ' English Votaries,' wherein he has set
himself to defame the monastic order, and the unmarried clergy, with in-
satiable malice : nor would instances of it be wanting in those many leiger
books of the monasteries still remaining, wherein they registered all their
leases, and that for their own private use." Specimen of Errors, p. 41, 2.

Again, in another cardinal point, their disposition, in comparison with that
of the secular clergy, to translate and therewith to promote the knowledge
and study of the Holy Scriptures: the bishop having affirmed (p. 194) "the
use of the Scripture in the vulgar tongue, continued for several ages, till the
state of monkery arose, and then, it was not consistent with their designs,
nor with the arts used to promote them, to let the Scriptures be much
known."

Wharton proceeds, "The order of monks is now extinct in England, so
that whatsoever may be said against them, there is no danger of a reply
them. Yet still so much respect is owing to the readers, as not to in
any thing upon them, which hath not at least the appearance of truth.
this accusation will not have to those, who know with what induMi
monks of many nations, but more especially here in England, translate
Scriptures into the vulgar tongue. We have the names left of seven Kh
monks, who, before the conquest, translated the Scriptures, or some p;>
it, into the Saxon tongue. After the conquest we do not find so many trans-

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 239

visitours, and in their registers also recorded, so horrible to be
heard, so incredible to be beleeved, so stinking before the face of

lations made ; but of those which were made, as many were owing to the
monks, as to the secular clergy." Ibid. p. 43. Of their general application
to study and learning, in different ages, see the same work, p. 12 — 14.

But, another point of moment is the alleged enormous extent, and the im-
puted mismanagement of their temporal possessions.

"About the end of the 8th century " (Hist. Reformat, p. 187). "the monks
had possessed themselves of the greatest part of the riches of the nation,"
(So also part ii. preface, p. 9,) "and the best part of the soil of England
being in such ill hands, it was the interest of the whole kingdom to have it
put to better uses."

" Such high figures and hyperbolical expressions are better reserved for
harangues, and do not well agree with history. The end of the eighth cen-
tury was the year of our Lord God, at which time very few monasteries had
been yet founded ; nor had the monks then in all appearance gained posses-
sion of the hundredth part of the riches of the nation. Afterwards indeed,
they increased exceedingly in number, riches, and possessions, especially in
the 10th, llth, and 12th centuries: but after all, upon a just account, they
will not be found, even in title, to have possessed above a fifth part of the
nation, and considering that long before the reformation, they were wont to
lease out their lands to laymen for easy fines, and small rents, as bishops,
and deans and chapters now do ; it may be truly said that they did not in
reality possess the tenth part of the riches of the nation. — Now for that other
charge, that the best part of the soil of the nation, being in such ill hands, it
was the interest of the nation to have it put to better uses, it is altogether
erroneous. From the beginning to the end, none ever improved their lands
and possessions to better advantages, by building, cultivation, and all other
methods, than the monks did, while they kept them in their own hands, and
when they leased them out to others, it was the interest of the nation to have
such easy tenures continued to great numbers of persons who enjoyed them.
To this may be added, they contributed to the public charges of the nation
equally with the other clergy ; and the clergy " (voting their own subsidies
in convocation) " did always contribute in proportion above the laity, so that
we cannot find to what better uses these possessions have been since put ;
save only that inconsiderable part of them which remains to bishoprics, cathe-
drals, and schools, founded by king Henry VIII." Ibid. p. 40, 1.

Lastly, the reader is desired to observe that the principle of the sur-
render of their property, by the parties in possession, was recognised as an
indispensable condition, previous to the commencement of the work of seizure
and spoliation. Some bowed the head to the storm, in the spirit of meek-
ness and submission, and gave in their consent. But, in a vast number of
cases, the means resorted to were such as have been described shortly by
Lodge, in his Portraits of Illustrious Personages, vol. i. art. Cromwell, as
follows :

"The principals of some religious houses were induced to surrender by
threats; those of others, by pensions: and when both those methods failed, the

240 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

God and man, that no marvaile it is if God^s vengeance from
heaven provoked, would not suffer any stone or monument of
"these abhominable houses to be unplucked up. But (as I said.
letting these things passe under chaste silence, which for
shame will abhorre any story to disclose:) let us now con
the first institution of these orders and houses of monkerie, and
consider how and to what end they were first instituted and
erected here among the Saxons, at the first foundation of them,
about the time 666.

In the former part of this history, declaration was mad*
whom, and at what time these monkish houses here in England
among the Saxons (flowing no doubt out of the order of S.
Benet, and brought in by Augustine) began first to be founded,
as by Augustine the monke, Furseus, Medulphus, Aldanns,
Leswinus bishop of Dorcester, Dunstane and divers others.

The end and finall cause 7 why they were builded, appeaivth in
stories to be, pro remissione et redemptione peccator>
remedio et liberatione animce ; pro amore ccelestis patria .
eleemosinam animce ; in remissionem criminum ; pro salute regno-
rum ; pro salute et requie animarum patrum et matrum, fraf
et sororum nostrarum, parentum, et omnium benefactoi
honorem gloriosce Virginia, &c. As maie appeare in an<
histories, in olde charters and donations unto religious hoi;
and in the chronicle of Ingulphus ; as also all other stories be full
of the same.

So king Ethelstane for killing his brother Edwine. builded
monasteries, Midleton, and Michelney, for his soule. \\ liich
doctrine and institution, for so much as it tendeth and soundeth
directly against the foundation of Christian religion, againM
testament of God, the gospell of Jesus Christ, the i'reednn
our redemption, and free justification by faith, it is then -fn;

most profligate monks were sought for, and bribed to accuse their gover
and their hrethren, of horrible crimes. Agents were employed to violate i
and then to accuse them, and, by inference, their respective soeieti-
incontinence. All who were engaged in this wretched mission, took n,
of the terrifii .I sulIVrers as a price of a forbearance which it was not in
pi nvcr to grant. Cromwell himself accepted great sums fioin srventl n.
teries, to save them i'min th:it ruin which he alone knew to he inev:1

\ecuted his eoiii:iii»Moii, however, entirely to IleniV
tion, and received the most splendid iv \\:

7 And finall cause.] With Fox's arguments upon this question, com]
Novell's (dean) Reproof of Dorman's Proof, fol. 13, 14 b. 4to. 1565.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 241

be condemned as execrable and horrible, as evill or worse than
the life of the persons, and not only worthy to be suppressed to
the foundation, but to be marvailed rather that God would suffer
it to stand so long. Albeit Gods mighty vengeance and scourge
hath not ceased from time to time, to work against such impious
foundations, from the time of their first setting up. For besides
the invasions of the Danes, (which may seeme to be stirred up of
God, especially for the subversion of abbeyes) let olde histories
be searched, what monasterie almost in all this realme, was
either left by the Danes, or reedified againe after the Danes, but
by some notorious casualtie of fire sent by Gods hand, it hath
beene burnt up ?

Furthermore, the more these abbeyes multiplied, and the
longer they continued in time, the more corruption still they
drew unto them. And albeit wee read the name of monkes to
have continued from the old ancient time, yet notwitstanding
the monkes of those daies were not like to the monkes of our
time, nor their houses then, like to our abbeyes now. So we
read of the monkes of Bangor before the comming of Augustine :
but those monkes got their living with toile and labour of their
hands, and had no other lands nor lordships to live upon.
Againe, neither were they as ministers then, but as laymen :
according as Hierom describeth the monks of his time, saying ;
" A monies office is not to preach, but to mourne. The state of a
monJce is one thing, and the state of a priest is another. Priestes
feede the flocke of Christ : I am fed" &c.

Also in the storie of Ingulphus abbot of Croyland, thus I
find, anno 1075. " Being installed in the abbey of Croyland, I
found there to the number of Ixii. monkes. Of which monkes,
four of them were lay brethren, besides the monkes of other
monasteries, which were also professed to our chapter, &c."

The like matter also appeareth in the fourth canon of the
councell of Chalcedon, where it is provided, Ne monachi se eccle-
siasticis negotiis immisceant, fyc. Et Leo, epist. 62, vetat monachos
et laicos, etsi scientice nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi
et concionandi.

Thus it appeareth about or before the time of Hierome, that
monkes in the first persecutions of the primitive church were laie
men, and companies of Christians associating themselves togither,
either for feare of persecution, or for eschewing the company of
heathen Gentiles. Afterward in continuance of time, when the

VOL. IF. R

242 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

gentiles began to be called to Christianitie, the monke>
keeping their name, and growing in superstition, would not joym-
with other Christians, but kept still their brotherhoods, dividing
themselves from other Christians, and professing a kinde of life
straunge and divers from the common trade. Upon this divcr-
sitieoflife and profession, followed also like diversitie of gar-
ments and attire differing from their other brethren. After this
moreover came in the rule of S. Benedict, injoining to them a
prescribed forme of going, of wearing, of watching, sin-pin^.
rising, praying, of silence, sole life and diet, and al things all
differing from the vulgar sort of common Christians.

Whereby men seeing their austeritie, began to have them in
great admiration. And thus growing up in opinion of holinc^

8 In opinion of holinesse.'] William Thomas, to whom we have already
several times indebted, in his contemporary Apology for King Henry VllL,
gives the following account of these matters : —

" His majestic, for the better discoveryng of those hypocrites, sent forth
commissioners into all the provinces of his realme :" and then, after a detail
of the results, quite as appalling as that of Fox, he thus proceeds :

"Upon the returne of these commissioners, when the kynge was fully
enformed of the case, incontinently he called his parliament. Butt, or ever
the counsellors of the same could assemble together, here came that abbot,
and there came that priour ; now came that abbesse, and then came that
freer from all partes of the realme unto the kynge, offerynge their monasteries
into his handes, besechyng him to pardon them their synnes de pcena onely,
and not de culpa : insomuch his majestic accepted many of them, and par-
doned them all, except a few onely of the most notable ribaulds \nd

thereupon followed the sayd parliament (in the which all these materes were
not onely published, butt also confessed by the false religious persons, brought
openly in judgment), and it was concluded, both by the barons, and ;i
the commons of the sayde parliament, that these monasteries should be
extirped, and the goodes and revenue thereof disposed as the kynge and hys
counsell should thinke it expedient.

" He made his learned doctoures to search out the grounde of these many
sortes of religion ; who conferryng the same substancially with the L
founde it to be cleane contrary to the Christian religion, by many mo r«
then T can well remembre. I shall here reherse one or two of them, to the
entent you may the better taist what wickedness, and what superstitions reli-
gion doth comprehend.

" First the religious do professe themselves to lyve muche more holyly than
the secular people do ; and by as muche as they can well perswade the world,
that they are no synners, butt rather just and upright persons, by this i
they have wyped themselfes cleane out of Christ's vocation, who sayth ( >
ix.), he came not to call the just persons, hut the synners.

"And then the good workes that they pretended to do, are all out

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 243

of lay men and labourers, they came at length to be clergymen,
and greatest doers of all other in Christes religion : insomuch

works, as apparelyng themselves in religious habite, syngyng and roryng out
in the queres, sayng of theyr servyce in Latine ; with matines and masses
and holy abstinence from fleshe this day and that morow, when they have
filled theyr belyes with good fish, fruite, and wyne : and such other are their
holy outward operacions. Whereas Christ exhorteth us to beware that we
worke not our justice before men, but secretly in gevyng of almes, that the
one hand know not of the other ; in quiet and hertie prayers, in fastyng, in
patience, and charitie, and so forth.

" Furthermore the vowes that these religious make, and that they teache
others to make, are cleane repugnaunt unto Christes doctryne, who teacheth
his faithful evermore humbly to submit themselves to the wyll of the Father;
as by the example of his prayer in the garden, the night before his death, it
is manifest. For when the flesh had prayed the Father to delyver hym from
the present passion, incontinently the spirit rebuked hymself, sayng, 'No
Father; not as I wyll, butt as thou wilt.' And yet these religious promysyng
unto God that which they are already bounde to observe, that is to say,
chastitie, obedience, and povertie, whiche in effecte the infirmitie of the flesh
aloweth no creature to performe, they wyll not that God deale wyth them as
he wyll, but as they themselfes wyll : who wyth theyr supersticious workes,
wyll enforce God to geve them, not onely health and welth in this world, butt
also paradise in the other world : and by theyr example have taught the
ignoraunt multitude, not to content themselves with the infirmities, adver-
sities, povertie, persecutions, and passions that God sendeth them in this
world ; but with vowes of images, of candles, of pilgrimage, of chaunge of
apparel, and suche other baggage ; to enforce God by his sayntes, and not by
Christ, to geve them helth, prosperitie, riches, and joye, accordyng to theyr
inconstaunt pleasure. And hereof hath folowed the byldyng of monasteries,
sinagoges, chappels, chauntreys ; with burnyng of lights, incense, syngyng of
masses, and ringing of bells, the blynde people belevyng with those worldly
tryfles to gratifie the divine majestic. — But what saith the prophet ? What
saieth Steven ; and what saieth Paul ? God, say they, dwelleth not in tem-
ples made with handes, nor can receyve nothing of any earthly matter. For
what thinge have we here, that he hath not created ? And what avayleth
unto God our foolish sacrifices, as Davyd sayth ? If thou, Lord, would have
sacrifices, I wold offer them unto thee ; butt the incense pleaseth thee not,
the true sacrifice unto God therefore is, the humble, contrite, and contented
spirite ; and not these temples, images, incense, flesh, fishe, or fruite. . . .

" Finally, these doctors found that Paul in his epistles, had reproved the
Corinthians for dividyng themselves after the names of those Christian
preachers who had bene ministers to theyr conversion, because some one
sayde ; I am of Paul, and another sayde, I am of Apollo, I of Cepha, and
I of Christ.— What (sayd Paul), was I crucified for you ? Is Christ divided
amongst you ? No ! (sayde he) ; I have taught you to be one self thinge in
Christ, without division either of name or of doing. — So that in conclusion,
these orders of Fraunces, of Dominike, of Benett, of Bryged, and of so many

R 2

244 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

that at last there was none reputed almost for a religious man or
perfect Christian unlesse he wereamonke: neither almost \\a-
any advanced to any dignitie of the church, but either he was n
monke, or afterwarde he put on monkes weed. According as in
the stories of this realme is to be scene, how in the time of
Dunstan archbishop of Canturbury, of Ethelwold bishop of
Worcester, and of Oswald bishop of Winchester, pope John
13, writing to king Edgar, willed him in his letters, to sec in
his cathedrall churches none to bee promoted to be bishops,
but such as were of the monasticall religion : and willed him
moreover to exclude the secular prebendaries at Winchester, and
to place in monkes, and that none of the secular clarkes there
should bee chosen bishop, but either taken out of the same con-
vent of that church, or of some other abbey.

So was also king Henry the second commanded to do in the
house of Waltham, where the secular canons were remooved out.
and regular canons intruded. The same did Oswald bishop with
the church of Worcester. Likewise in their sees did Dun-
archbishop of Canterbury, Osketellus archbishop of Yorkf.
Ethelwold bishop of Worcester (who in stories is reported to be

others, now condemned by these doctours, are thynges cleane contrary
the true Christian religion, in which all the faithful in Christe, bounde toge-
ther with the knot of charitie, are regenerate to one selfe order and rule,
without difference either of name, habit, or colour.

" Wherefore the kynge beyng clerely perswaded of all handes that this
unhappy, ydle, and devilish generation, was necessary to be rooted out of
this world, proceded then to the destruction of those synagoges with the self
same diligence Titus and Vespacianus used towardes the destruction of
Hierusalem. — And dyd he not therein as he shold do, trow you ?

" Yea, sayd one of the gentylmen, if he had disposed these things to the use
of the poore and nedeful, and not taken it to his own private commoaitie.—
Agaynst the poore, sayd I, I will not speake ; butt this muche I wyll say, that
if the substaunce had bene converted unto the poore, the poore should have
become richer than the princes and nobles : for our religious in England
quasi nihil habentes, et omnia possidentes, not in spirit but in dede. — I wote
how your freeres here in Italie observe their sworne povertie. — And yc*
is well true, that his majestie in dyvers provinces of the realme, hath
verted parte of those monasteries towardes the brynpryng up of orpl
and sustentacion of the poore ; though well that parte be but a small «,
titie in respect of the whole. — And thus, because I wyll not be tedious,
havyng sayde enough, as me semeth, upon thys poynt, I wyll now ai
unto the insurrection of the North.'9 P. 74—82.

Compare also Nowell's Reproof of Dorman's Disproof t fol. 13, 4 ; w
the argument is prosecuted in a manner very similar to the above.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 245

Multorum fundator monasteriorum), Leswinus also, bishop of
Dorcester, with other bishops mo about the time and raigne of
king Edgar. Odo archbishop of Canturburie before Dunstane,
an. 934, after his election refused to take that dignitie upon him,
before he had received the habite of a monke in the abbey of
Florence in France, because as the story telleth (if it be true)
Nuttus ad id tempus nisi monacJiali schemate indutus, archiepis-
copus fuisset. That is, Because al the archbishops of Cantur-
bury before him, had been monkes. In like maner Baldwinus
also, an. 1114, after hee was elected archbishop of Canturbury,
tooke upon him the habite and profession of Mereton abbey.
And so did Reginaldus his next successor after him.

As concerning therefore the origine of monkes, yee have heard
how first they began of lay men onely, leading a straiter life from
the societie of other persons ; who then following the rule of S.
Benet, were called regulars and votaries ; and yet all this while
had nothing to doe with any ecclesiasticall ministerie, till the
time of pope Bonifacius the fourth, an. 609, who then made a
decree, that monkes might use the office of preaching, of chris-
tening, of hearing confessions, and assoyling men of their sinnes,
differing from priests onely in this, that they were called Regu-
lares, and priests were called Secular es. The monkes were vota-
ries, the priests had free libertie to have wives, till the time of
Lanfranke and Anselme. Albeit Athanasius in his epistle Ad
Dracontium, witnesseth also, that he knew monkes in the old
time and bishops, which were married and had children. Fur-
thermore, as ignorance and superstition with time increased, so
the number and swarme of monkes still more and more multi-
plied, in such sort, as not onlie they thrust out secular priestes
from their houses, but also out of them were made, popes, cardi-
nals, archbishops, and bishops, to governe churches. Of which
number began Austen the first archbishop of the see of Canter-
bury and the most part of all other archbishops after him, untill
the time of the conquest, and after.

Ah1 this while the friers were not yet come. Neither the disci-
pline of S. Dominike, nor the testament of S. Francis, nor the
order of the Austen brothers, nor of the Carmelites was yet heard
of. • Which at last came in with their pageants, and plaied their
part likewise, an. 1220, beeing much more full of hypocrisie,
blindness, idolatry, and superstition, than were the monkes : so
that, what with monkes on the one side, and with the friers of

246 CROMWELL. EARL OF ESSEX.

the other side, while all things were ruled by the rules of Saint
Benet, by the canons of the Pope, by the doctrine of S. Dominike,
and by the testament of S. Francis, Christs Testament was trod-
den under foote 9, the rule of Gods word neglected, true Christian
religion defaced, faith forgotten, the right way of salvation abolished,
sound doctrine oppressed, Christs servants persecuted, and the
peoples soules uncomforted, yea and the true Church of Christ
almost cleane extirped ; had not almightie God (who can not
forget his promise) provided remedie in time, in raising up this
Cromwell his servant, and other like champions, to cut up from
the roote the houses of them, which otherwise would utterly have
rooted up the house of the Lord, and had subverted a great part
already.

Wherefore, whosoever findeth himself agreeved with Crom\\
doings in suppressing these monasteries of monkes and frier-
him wisely consider with himselfe, first the doctrine, laxves and
traditions of these men ; which hee shall finde rebelling to the
religion of Christ, pernitious to our salvation, derogatori
Christs glory, full of much blasphemie and damnable idolatry.
Secondly, let him likewise well advise the horrible and execrable

9 Trodden under foote. ~\ So Wickliffe urges in his Treatise against the Friers,
p. 58 (A..D. 1608. James's edit.). "Friars also by Lucifer's pride higher
themselves, and holden them holier than all other out of their sect, for as
much as they binden them to new traditions, of sinful men, the which be full
of errour over" (i. e. over and above,) "the most sufficient rule of Jesu
Christ, that left no profitable ne needful thing out of his rule. For though a
priest or bishop do never so truelie the office that God bade priests d
they saien he is more holie if he come to their new fained religion and obe-
dience. They have founden a better religion than Christ made for his apostles
and priests, so it seems that they maken themselves wiser than Christ, more
wittie, and more full of charitie; sith they teachen better way to h(
than Christ did." — Again, "monks should learn what is active life and
contemplative, and then they might know, that they have neither the
nor the other ; since they consider more the vain statutes of sinful men, and
perchance of devils, than the commands of God, works of mercy, and points
of charity." Writings of the rev. and learned John Wickliffe, D.D. p. 141.
London. 1831.

And hence it is, that Wickliffe, after affirming in his Treatise against Fi ,
that they " been the cause, beginning, and maintaining of perturbation in
Christendom, and of all evils of this worlde," concludes with s..
"these errours shullen never be amended til friars be broughte tofreedome of
the gospel, and cleane religion of Jesu Christ." (p. 62.) Words which
be regarded as almost a prophetic anticipation of what was to befall then.
the world, 150 years after, under king Henry VIII.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 247

lives of these cloysterers, or at the least search out the rolles and
registers of matters found out by inquisition in King Henry the 8.
his daies, against them : which here is not to be spoken of,
unlesse we will speak as Matthew Paris speaketh of the court
of Rome ; Cujus fcetor usque ad nubes fumum teterrimum ex-
halabat.

All which things well considered, what marvell is it then, if
Grod of his just judgement did set up the aforesaid lord Cromwell
to destroy these sinfull houses, whome their owne corruptions
could suffer no longer to stand ? And as touching the dissipation
of their lands and possessions to the handes of such as they were
bestowed upon, if it so pleased the king in bestowing those abbey
lands upon his nobles and gentlemen, either to restore them againe
unto them from whence they came, or else to gratifie his nobilitie,
by that meanes of policie not to mislike his doings, what is that
to Cromwell ? — " But they might (say you) have beene much
better employed to other more fruitful uses.'1 Brieflie to aunswere
thereunto ; what may bee done presently in a commonwealth, is
not enough to say : but what may also follow must be considered.
If this throwing downe of abbeyes had happened in such free and
reformed cities or countries, as are amongst the Germans, where
the state governed and directed by lawes, rather than by rulers,
remaineth alwaies alike and immutable, who doubted but such
houses were standing still, the possessions might well be trans-
posed to such uses abovesaid, without any feare or perill : but in
such realmes and kingdomes as this, where lawes and parliaments
be not alwaies one, but are subject to the disposition of the prince,
neither is it certaine alwaies what princes may come ; the surest
way therefore to send monkerie and poperie packing out of the
realme, is to doe with their houses and possessions as king Henry
here did, through the motion of the counsell of Cromwell. For
else who seeth not in queene Maries time 10, if either the houses

10 Who seeth not in queene Maries time.~\ Whatever may be men's different
judgments respecting either the justice, the expediency, or the necessity of
the dissolution of the religious houses, and the purity of the motives by
which its conductors were actuated, there can be but one sentiment concern-
ing the truth of this observation of the historian. All therefore who love the
reformation, even though they may differ from this writer in his general argu-
ment, are bound to acknowledge the healing and merciful hand of God, which
does not cease to convert the evil counsels of man to the furtherance of his
own gracious designs.

" Let me here report (says Sir Henry Spelman) what hath been related to

248 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

of monkes had stood, or their lands had been otherwise disposed
than into the hands of such as they were, how many of them had
beene restored and replenished againe with monkes and friers, in
as ample wise as ever they were ? And if dukes, barons, and the
nobilities scarse were able to retaine the lands and possessions of
abbeyes distributed to them by king Henry, from the devotion of
queen Mary, seeking to build againe the walles of Jerico, what
then should the meaner sort have done, let other men conjecture.
Wherefore it is not unlike, that Gods heavenlie providence did
well foresee and dispose these things before by this man, in working
the destruction of these abbeyes : whereupon, as often as he sent
out any to suppresse any monasterie, hee used most commonly to
send them with this charge, that they should throwe downe those
houses even to the foundation.

Which words although it may seeme percase to some to
cruelly spoken of him; yet contrariwise doe I suppose the doini«-
thereof not to bee without God's speciall providence and s<
guiding: or else we might peradventure have had such swjmiu'.s
of friers and monkes possessed in their nests again, before tin's
day in England, in so great a number, that ten Cromwela
afterward unneth should have beene suffered to have unho,
them.

Wherefore if the plantation which the Lord God never plai i
be pluckt up by the rootes, let God alone with his working, and
let the monasteries goe *.

me from the mouth of Sir Clement Edmonds, lately a clerk of his majesty's
council, that did take his knowledge from the council-books : namely, that,
in the beginning of queen Mary's reign, the parliament was not willing to
restore popery, and the supremacy of the pope, unless they might be suf-
fered to retain the lands which were lately taken from the monast
This resolution was signified to Rome, whereto the pope gave answer, that
for the lands belonging to religious houses he would dispense for detaining
of them, but for the situation of the houses, churches, and such consecrated
ground, there could be no alienation thereof to profane uses." History of
Sacrilege, p. 244. Warton, in his Life of Sir Thomas Pope, after giving an
account to the same effect as the above, with the addition of some further
particulars, concludes the subject with the following reflexion.

" Thus an equivalent was granted on both sides. The nobility and g-
were settled in the quiet enjoyment of their estates ; and the Pope, allhouyh
most essentially weakened by the alienation of that wealth on which his \
so much depended, was reinstated in his supremacy over the church." j
See also Parl. Hist. vol. i. p. 626, 7.

1 Let the monasteries ijoeJ] They seem, at the time, not to have IK<

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 249

Now that you have seene, what this Malleus Monachorum hath
done in defacing the synagogue of the pope ; let us see how the
said Cromwell againe did travaile in setting up Christes church
and congregation.

After that the bishop of Eomes power and authoritie was
banished out of England, the bishops of his sect never ceased to
seek all occasion how either to restore his head again, being broken
and wounded, or at the least to keepe upright those things which
yet remained : wherein although their labours were not altogether
frustrate, yet had they brought much more to passe, if Cromwell

least for their own sake, very greatly lamented. Even bishop Gardiner, by
his own account, in a sermon which he had preached, the first Sunday in
Lent, A.D. 1539, appears to have expressed himself on the subject with a con-
siderable degree of levity; and in a strain too, which he seems to have
thought would not be disagreeable to his hearers.

" Amonges other thinges I noted the devill's craft, what shift he useth to
deceyve man, whose felicitie he envieth. And therefore he coveteth to have
man idle, and voyde of good workes ; and to be ledde in that idlenes with a
wanne hope, to lyve merrily and at his pleasure here, and yet have heaven
at the last. And for that purpose he procured out pardons from Rome,
wherein heaven was sold for a litle money : and for to retayle that mar-
chaundise, the devyll used freres for his ministers. Now they be gone, with
all their trompery." — Then, he proceeds, with his accustomed mixture of
shrewdness and fallacy to show how the devil expects to obtain the same
gain from another quarter. " But " (says he) " the devyll is not yet gonne.
And nowe he perceyveth it can no longer be borne to bye and sell heaven ; —
both the marchaundize is abhorred, and the ministers also; — we cannot
away with freres, ne can abyde the name; the devyll therefore hath ex-
cogitate to offre heaven, without workes for it, so frely that men shall not
nede for heaven to worke at all, whatsoever opportunite they have to worke.
Mary, if they wyll have an higher place in heaven, God wyll leave no worke
unrewarded, but as for to be in heaven, that nedes no workes at all ; but
onely beleef, onely, onely, — nothings els. — And to set forth this devils craft,
there were, I sayd, ministers ; but no moe fryers, fye on the name and the
garment ! But now they be called by an Englyshe name, Bretherne, and go
apparelled like other men : amonges which be some of those that were freres,
and served the devyll in retayling of heaven in pardons : for they can skyll
of the devylls service. But, yf the kynges majestic, as he hath banyshed
freres by the Frenche name, wolde also banyshe these that call them selfe
brethren in Englyshe, the devyll shulde be greatly discomforted in his enter-
prise, and idlenes thereby banyshed; whiche the devyll wyll elles perswade by
mysunderstandinge of scriptures as he did in the advauncement of pardons. This
my sermon was thought to some very plaine." Declaration of such true
articles as George Joye hath gone about to confute as false, fol. 5, 6. A.D. 1546.
4to.

250 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

(as a mighty wall and defence of the church) had not resist. ,1
continually their enterprises.

It happened, that after the abolishing of the pope, certaine
tumults began to rise about religion. Whereupon it secmi-d
good unto K. Henry, to appoint an assembly of learned men and
bishops, which should soberly and modestly intreate and d«
mine those things which pertained unto religion, Briefly, at tin-
king's pleasure all the learned men, but specially the bishops
assembled, to whom this matter seemed chiefly to belong. Crom-
well thought also to be present himself with the bishops, who 1>\
chance meeting with Alexander Alesius3 by the way, a Scottish
man, brought him with him to the convocation house, wheiv all
the bishops were assembled together. Which was in the y.-ar
1537. The bishops and prelates attending upon the coming of
Cromwell, as he was come in, rose up, and did obeisance to him
as to their vicar generall, and he again saluted every one in their
degree, and sate downe in the highest place at the table, accord-
ing to his degree and office, and after him every bishop in liis
order, and doctors. First over against him sate the archbishop
of Canturbury [Cranmer], then the archbishop of Yorke [Edward

2 Alexander Alesius.'] Fox's account of this assembly is taken from a tract
written soon after by Aless, with the following title. " Of the auctorite of tl 11-
word of God agaynst the bishop of London, wherein are conteyned c
Disputacyons had in the Parlament Howse, betwene the Bishops, abowt the
nomber of the Sacraments and other things, very necessary to be known;
made by Alexander Alane Scot, and sent to the Duke of Saxon." The book
is now exceedingly rare.

Alexander Aless was a native of Edinburgh, and one of the canons <
Andrews, who, having at first opposed the protestants, became afterwards a
convert to their doctrines, and took refuge in Germany. Soon after t he-
advancement of Cranmer to the see of Canterbury, Aless, who had lived much
with the German divines, especially Melancthon, was invited into England
from Antwerp, as he himself informs us, "by the right noble lord Cnumvell,
and the archbishop of Canterbery," and after being "lovingly received " not
only by them, but also by the king himself, he was sent down to read a
logical lecture at Cambridge; but meeting with opposition there, he returned
to London, studied medicine under Doctor Nicholas, an eminent j>hy
and was now practising in that art, when met in the manner described !
lord Cromwell. After the fall of Cromwell he returned to Germany, and was
made professor of divinity at Francfort on the Oder, which place he SO<M
in consequence of giving offence to the elector of lirandenburg. He retired to
Lt-ip/.ig, and was there also chosen professor of divinity, which post 1;
tained until his death in I

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 251

Lee] the bishops of London [John Stokesley], Lincolne [John
Longland], Salisbury [Nicholas Shaxton], Bathe [John Clerk],
Ely [Thomas Goodrich], Herford [Edward Fox], Chichester
[Richard Sampson], Norwich [William Rugge or Repps], Ro-
chester [John Hilsey], and Worcester [Hugh Latimer], &c.
There Cromwell in the name of the king (whose most deare and
secret counsellor at that present hee was, and lord privie seale,
and vicar generall of the realme) spake these words in maner
following.

" Right reverend fathers in Christ ; the king's majestie
giveth you high thankes that ye have so diligently without any
excuse, assembled hither according to his commandement. And
ye bee not ignorant that yee be called hither to determine
certain controversies, which at this time be mooved concerning
the Christian religion and faith, not only in this realm, but also
in all nations throughout the world. For the king studieth day
and night to set a quietnes in the church, and he cannot rest
until all such controversies be fully debated and ended, through
the determination of you and of his whole parliament. For
although his speciall desire is to set a stay for the unlearned
people, whose consciences are in doubt what they may beleeve ;
and he himself by his excellent learning, knoweth these contro -
versies well enough, yet he wil suffer no common alteration, but
by the consent of you and of his whole parliament. By the
which thing yee may perceive both his high wisedome, and also
his great love toward you. And he desireth you for Christes
sake, that al malice, obstinacie, and carnall respect set apart, ye
will friendly and lovingly dispute among your selves of the con-
troversies mooved in the church, and that ye will conclude all
things by the word of God without al brawling or scolding;
neither wil his majestie suffer the scripture to be wrasted and
defaced by any glosses, any papisticall lawes, or by any authentic
of doctours or councels ; and much lesse will he admit any
articles or doctrine, not contained in the scripture, but approoved
onely by continuance of time and olde custome, and by unwritten
verities, as ye were woont to doe. Ye know wel enough that
ye be bound to shew this service to Christ and to his church ;
and yet notwithstanding his majestie wil give you high thankes,
if yee will set and conclude a godly and a perfect unity ; where-
unto this is the onely way and meane, if ye will determine all

252 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

things by the scripture, as God commaundeth you in Deutero-
nomie, which thing his majestic exhorteth and desiretli you to
doe."

When Cromwell had ended this his oration, the bishops rose
up altogither, giving thankes unto the kings majesty, not only
for his great zeale toward the church of Christ, but also for his
most godly exhortation, worthy so Christian a prince.

Immediately they rose up to disputation, whereas Stok
bishop of London, first of all, being the most earnest champion
and maintainer of the Romish decrees, (whom Cromwell a little
before had checked by name, for defending unwritten veril
endevoured himselfe with all his labour and industry, out of tin;
olde schoole gloses, to maintaine the seven sacraments of the
church. The archbishop of York, Lincolne, Bathe, Chiche
and Norwich al&o favoured his part and sect. On the contra ric
part, was the archbishop of Canturbury, the bishops of Salisbury.
Ely, Herford, and Worcester, with many other.

After much communication had on either part, and that they
had long contended about the testimonie of the doctours, which
as it seemed unto them, dissented and disagreed among them-
selves, the archbishop of Canturbury at the last spake and said
thus unto them.

" It beseemeth not men of learning and gravitie to make much
babling and brawling about bare words, so that we agree in the
very substance and effect of the matter. For to brawl* • about
words, is the property of sophisters and such as meane d<
and subtilty, which delight in the debate and dissension of the
world and in the miserable state of the church ; and not of tin-in
which seek the glory of Christ, and should studie for the unity
and quietnes of the church. There be waighty contnw r
now moved and put forth not of ceremonies and light things, but
of the true understanding, and of the right difference of the law
and of the gospel : of the manor and way how sinnes be for<j;i\ m :
of comforting doubtful, and wavering consciences, by what in
they may be certified that they please God, seeinu they u •» -K- the
^trength of the law, accusing them of sin : of the true u>i- "i the
sacraments, whether the outward worke of them doth ju>titie
man, or whether we receive our justification by faith. I
which hei- the good workes, and the true service and honour
which pleaseth CJod and whether the choise of meates, the

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 253

difference of garments, the vowes of monkes and priests, and
other traditions which have no worde of God to confirme them ;
whether these (I say) be right good works, and such as make a
perfect Christian man or no ? Item, whether vaine service, and
false honouring of God, and mans traditions, doe binde mens con-
sciences, or no ? Finally, whether the ceremony of confirmation,
of orders, and of annealing, and such other (which cannot be
proved to be institute of Christ, nor have any word in them to
certifie us of remission of sins) ought to be called sacraments,
and to bee compared with baptisme and the supper of the Lord,
or no ?

" These bee no light matters, but even the principall points of
our Christian religion. Wherefore wee contend not about words
and titles, but about high and earnest matters. Christ saith,
Blessed be the peacemakers, for they shall be called the sonnes of
God. And Paul writing unto Timothy, commanded bishops to
avoid brawling and contention about wordes, which be profitable
to nothing but unto the subversion and destruction of the hearers ;
and monisheth him specially, that he should resist with the
scriptures when any disputeth with him of the faith ; and he
addeth a cause, whereas he saith, Doing this, ihou shalt preserve
both thy selfe, and also them which hear thee. Now if yee will
follow these counsellors, Christ and Paul, all contention and
brawling about words, must bee set apart, and ye must stablish a
godly and a perfect unity and concord out of the scripture.
Wherefore in this disputation, we must first agree of the number
of the sacraments, and what a sacrament doth signifie in the
holy scripture ; and when wee call baptisme and the supper of
the Lord, sacraments of the gospell, what wee meane thereby.
I know right well, that S. Ambrose and other authors call the
washing of the disciples feet and other things sacraments : which
I am sure you your selves would not suffer to be numbered among
the other sacraments."

When he had ended 3 his oration, Cromwell commanded Alesius

3 When he had ended.'] " This exhortacyon " (says Aless, in the tract just
referred to) " did the archbisshop make most soberly and discretely, as he is a
man of a singular gravy te, with such sweetnes that it did my hart good to hear
him. And bicause I did signifye by some token of my countenance that this
admonicyon of the archbisshop did please and delight me excellently \vel, the
lord Cromwel bad me speake what I thought of this disputacyon. But he told
the bisshops before, that I was the kings scolar, and therefore he desiered them

254 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

which stoode by (whome he perceived to give attentive eaiv to
that which was spoken) to shew his minde and opinion, declaring
to the bishops before, that he was the kings scholler4, and theiv-
fore desired them to bee contented to heare him indifferently.

Alesius after he had first done his dutie unto the L. Cromwell,
and to the other prelates of the church, said in this wise.

"Right honorable and noble lord, and you most reverend
fathers and prelates of the church, although I come unprepared
unto this disputation, yet trusting in the aid of Christ, which
promiseth to give both mouth and wisedome unto us when
be required of our faith, I will utter my sentence and judgement
of this disputation. And I thinke that my lord archbishop hath
given you a profitable exhortation, that yee should first agree of
the signification of a sacrament, whether ye will call a sacrament.
a ceremony institute of Christ in the gospell, to signifie a special!
or a singular vertue of the gospell, and of godlines (as I'aule
nameth remission of sinnes to be) or whether ye meane, <
ceremony generally, which may bee a token or a signification of
an holy thing, to bee a sacrament ? For after this latter signifi-
cation, I will not sticke to grant you that there be seven san-a-
ments, and more too, if ye will. But yet Paule seemetli to
describe a sacrament after the just signification, whereas he
saith, That circumcision is a Men and a seale of the righteownesse

to be content to heare me indifferently. Then I after the rude maner of the
scholes, rather than after any courtly solemnyte, bowing my knee for a token
of curtesy and reverence, as it became me, without any preface at all, be^un
to speake after this maner. Ryght honorable &c.," as in Fox. Alanc's
Auctorite, &c. signat. A 8.

4 The kings scholar.'] " Cheke being once at court with Butts (the king's
physician), he took occasion to recommend Cheke to the king for a singular
scholar, and particularly for his study and proficiency in the Greek t.»r
And being thus known to the king, he soon after advanced him to the honour
to be his scholar, together with one Smith of Queen's college, afterward-
ficiently known, being secretary of state, and employed in embassies abroad.
To both whom the king exhibited for the encouragement of their studies, and
for the bearing of their expences of travel into foreign countries. A very
practice formerly used by our princes, to fit and train up young scholars for
the service of the king and court, to be ambassadors, secretaries, privy a
cillors, bishops, tutors to the nobility, and the like; having learned tl,
guages of other countries, acquainted themselves with their customs, and
visited the rourts of princes." Strypc's JAfe of Sir John Cheke, p. 7. See
also Strype's JAfe of Sir Thomas Smith, p. 10, II. And Fuller's History of
Cambridge, p. ]

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 255

of faith. (Rom. 4.) This definition of one particular sacrament,
must be understand to pertaine unto all sacraments generally ;
for the Jewes had but one sacrament only, as all the sophisticall
writers doe grant. And hee describeth baptisme after the same
maner, in the fift to the Ephesians, whereas he saieth, That
Christ doth sanctifie the church, (that is to say all that bee baptised,)
through the bathe of water in the worde of life (Ephes. 5.). For
here also he addeth the word and promise of God unto the cere-
mony. And Christ also requireth faith, where he saith, Whosoever
beleeveth and is baptised, shall be saved.

" And saint Augustine describeth a sacrament thus, The word
of God coming unto the element maketh the sacrament. And in
another place hee saith ; A sacrament is a tiling wherein the power
of God, under the forme of visible things, doth worke secretly salva-
tion. And the Maister of the Sentences doth describe a sacrament
no otherwise. A sacrament (saith hee) is an invisible grace, and
hath a visible forme : and by this invisible grace, I meane, saith he,
remission of sinnes. Finally S. Thomas denyeth that any man
hath authoritie to institute a sacrament. Now if ye agree unto
this definition of a sacrament, it is an easie thing to judge of the
number of those sacraments which have the manifest word of
God, and be institute by Christ to signifie unto us the remission
of our sinnes.

" S. Augustine saith, that there be but two such sacraments,
in the cxviii. epistle to Januarius. His words be these : First, I
would have thee to understand the sum and effect of this disputation,
which is this : that our Lord Jesus Christ (as hee himself saith in
the gospell) hath laden us, but with a light and easie yoake or
burthen. Wherefore he hath knit togither the fellowship of his new
people with sacramentes, very few in number, very easie to be Jcept,
and very excellent in signification ; which be baptisme, and the
supper of the Lord, and such other ; if there be any moe com-
manded in the holy scripture, those except which were burthens for
the servitude of the people in the old law, for the hardnes of their
harts. And againe in the 3. booke of the learning of the Christian
man, he saith ; The scripture hath taught us but few signes, as be
the sacrament of baptisme, and the solemne celebration and remem-
brance of the body and bloud of the Lord."

Then the bishop of London, which could scarsely refrain him-
selfe all this while, and now could forbeare no longer, brake out

256 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

in this maner, "First of all," saith he, "where you alledge, that all
the sacraments which are in the church instituted by Christ him-
selfe, have either some manifest ground in the scriptures, or
ought to shew forth some signification of remission of sinnes, it
is false and not to be allowed.'"

Then said Alesius, " that he would prove it, not only by mani-
fest authoritie of scriptures, but also by evident testimonies of
ancient doctors and schoole- writers."

But the bishop of Hereford 5 which was then lately returned
out of Germany (where he had been ambassadour for the king
to the Protestants) being moved with the bishop of Londons for-
wardnes, turning himselfe first to Alexander Alesius willed him
not to contend with the bishop in such maner, by the testing
of doctors and schoolemen, forsomuch as they doe not all a.
in like matters, neither are they stedfast among themselves in all
points, but doe vary and in many pointes are utterly repugnant.
Wherefore if this disputation shal be decided by their mind«'s
and verdites, there shal be nothing established, neither .shall ap-
peare any waie of agreement to follow. Furthermore wee be
commanded by the king that these controversies should be<
termined onely by the rule and judgment of the scripture. Tliis
he spake unto Alesius. Then he turning himselfe unto the
bishops, likewise admonished them with a grave and sharpe ora-
tion, which wee thought not good to omit in this place.

" Thinke ye not (said he) that we can by any sophisticall
subtleties steale out of the world again, the light which every
man doth see. Christ hath so lightened the world at this time.
that the light of the gospel hath put to flight all misty darknes.
and it wil shortly have the higher hand of al clouds, though we
resist in vain never so much. The lay people doe now know tin-
holy scripture better than many of us. And the Germans !
made the text of ffie bible so plaine and easie by the Hebrew and

5 The bishop of Hereford.] Edward Fox, the king's almoner. He was
secrated bishop of Hereford Sept. 26, 1535. Le Neve's Fasti, p. 111. Mi>
influence, about this time, (as was that of Cromwell also and Cranmer) was
very great with Henry. Gardiner and his party, powerful as they
now kept in check by them. Fox's harangue is thus introduced by
" Hut the bisshop of Herforth (whom the kings grace favoured highly,
for his singular wisdom and learning, which was then newe comme o
Germany, where he had bene imbassytor) being moved with the forwar
of this bishop of London, sayd unto me. Brother Alexander, contend n<>/
with him," &c. Sig. B 3.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 257

Greek tongue, that now many things may bee better understand
without any gloses at all, than by all the commentaries of the
doctors. And moreover they have so opened these controversies
by their writings, that women and children may wonder at the
blindness and falshood that hath been hitherto. Wherforc ye
must consider earnestly, what ye will determin of these contro-
versies, that ye make not your selves to be mocked and laughed
to scorne of all the world, and that ye bring them not to have
this opinion of you, to thinke evermore hereafter, that ye have
neither one sparke of learning, nor yet of godlines in you. And
thus shal ye lose all your estimation and authority with them,
which before tooke you 6 for learned men, and profitable members
unto the commonwealth of Christendom. For that which you
doe hope upon, that there was never heresie in the church so
great, but that processe of time with the power and authoritie
of the pope hath quenched it, it is nothing to the purpose. But
yee must turne your opinion, and thinke this surely, that there is
nothing so feeble and weake, so that it bee true, but it shall find
place, and be able to stand against all falshood.

" Truth is the daughter of time, and time is the mother of
truth. And whatsoever is besieged of trueth, cannot long con-
tinue ; and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not to
be thought transitorie, or that it wil ever fall. All things consist
not in painted eloquence and strength or authoritie. For the
truth is of so great power, strength and efficacie, that it can
neither be defended7 with words, nor bee overcome with any
strength, but after she hath hidden her self long, at length she
putteth up her head, and appeareth, as it is written in Esdras.
A king is strong, wine is stronger ,• yet women be more strong ; but
truth excelleth all"

To this effect in a maner, and much more, did he speake and
utter in that convocation, both copiously and discretely : through
whose oration, Alesius being encouraged, proceeded further to
urge the bishop with this argument.

" Sacraments bee seales ascertaining us of Gods good will :

6 Before tooke you.'] " You have been judged heretofore in all other realms
not comparable, but farre excellyng all other realmes for worthines of learn-
yng ; for fatherly gravitie and exactnesse of judgmente. And shall now
a little preefract wilfulness of a few of your commissaries, overturne all your
glories." Preface to Ponet's Defence of Priests' marriages, p. 4. 4to.

7 Be defended.'] Fr. defendre.

VOL. II. S

258 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

u Without the worde there is no certaintie of Gods good will :

u Ergo. Without the word there be no sacraments.

" The first part of this reason is S. Paule's owne saying, the
fourth to the Romanes, where he saith ; That circumcision is a
token and a seale of the righteousness of faith. Ergo, it mpiireth
faith to certifie mans hart of the will of God. But the word of
God is the foundation of faith, as S. Paul witnesseth, Rom. 10.
Faith commeth by hearing, and hearing commeth by the word of
God. For the minde must be taught and instructed to the will
of God by the worde, like as the eie is taught and instructed In
the outward ceremony. And so Paul by that saying confuteth
this opinion, that the sacraments should make men righteous and
just before God, for the verie outward worke, without faith of
them that receive them.

" And after this maner doth Paule speake unto the Ephesians ;
that Christ doth sanctifie his church through the bathe of //•</'•
the word of life. And for as much as he joineth the word unto
the ceremony, and declareth the vertue and power of the word of
God that it bringeth with it life, hee doth manifestly teach that
the word of God is the principall thing, and even as it were the
very substance and body of the sacrament ; and the outward cere-
mony to be nothing els then a token of that lively inflammation
which we receive through faith in the word and promise. Saint
Paul also in ministring the sacrament of the Lord^s supper, doth
manifestly adde the words of Christ: He tooke bread, saith In-.
and when lie had given thankes, lie brake it and saide, Take yee il /.«?.
and eate yee this, for it is my body. Item. Doe ye th'm \\
remembrance. Beside this he teacheth evidently that onely Christ
and none but he had power to institute a sacrament: and that
neither the apostles, nor the church hath any author! tie to alter
or to adde any thing unto his ordinance, whereas he saith ;
/ have received of the Lord that which I delivered unto
To what purpose should hee goe about to moove the people to
beleeve him, and to win their hearts with this protestation, it' it
had beene lawfull for him to have made any sacraments, or to have
altered the forme and manner of ministring this sacrament ; as
some men both wickedly and shamefully doe affirm, that the apos-
tles did alter the forme of haptisme?"

When In- had spoken thus much, the !>i>hop of London did
interrupt him and said : " Let us grant that the sacrament- may
be gathered out of the word of God. \< t are you Jarre d<

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 259

ye think that there is none other word of God, but that which
every sowter 8 and cobler do read in their mother tongue. And
if yee think that nothing pertaineth unto the Christian faith, but
that only that is written in the bible, then erre ye plainly with
the Lutherans. For John saith ; Jesus did many things which be
not written. And Paul commandeth the Thessalonians to ob-
serve and keep certaine unwritten traditions and ceremonies.
(2 Thess. 2.) Moreover he himself did preach not the scripture
only, but even also the traditions of the elders. (Acts 16.)
Finally wee have received many things of the doctors and coun-
cels by times, which although they be not written in the Bible,
yet forsomuch as the olde doctors of the church do make men-
tion of them, we ought to grant that we received them of the
apostles, and that they be of like authority 9 with the scripture,
and finally that they may worthily be called the word of God
unwritten."

8 Every sowter.'] " Sowter ; Sutor, Calcearius." Skinner, Junius, &c.

9 Of like authority.'] See Christian Institutes — Index, Tradition and Scrip-
ture Church, authority, &c. See also Articles VI. XX. and XXXIV. of the
Church of England.

This seems to be a proper place for a short specimen or two of the fanatical,
not to say blasphemous extravagancies, on which some of the popes and
canonists ventured on this momentous subject.

" Master Campion was desired by us, to reade the chapter in the canon
law, beginning In Canonicis, which Gratian takes out of this place of Augus-
tine ; and first that he would read the rubric, which he seemed loth to do ...
Yet at length he read it ; and it is thus, Inter Canonicas Scripturas decretales
EpistolcB connumerantur ; which after much desiring he englished also, The
Decretal Epistles are numbered together among the Canonical Scriptures."
Conference with Campion, the Jesuit, August 1581. Signat. D 3.

"In the after-noon, we said to M. Campion, let us, we pray you, peruse
the canon that followeth that which we last dealt with in the fore-noon con-
cerning the Pope's Canons and the Canonical Scriptures j for that the time
would not then suffer us to reade it. The wordes of pope Leo IV. there
translated word for word are these : ' For this cause, I feare not to pronounce
more playnely and with a loude voyce, that he that is convinced not to receive
indifferently the statutes of the holy fathers which we have spoken of before,
which with us are intituled by the name of canons, whether he be a bishop,
a clerk, or a lay-man, that he is prooved neither to beleeve, nor to holde pro-
fitably and effectually, the catholic and apostolic faith, nor the four holy
gospels.' This saith pope Leo . . . To the which let us joyne the saying of
pope Agatho, Distinct, xix. cap. Sic omnes, which is near to it. ' All the
sanctions of the apostolique see are to be taken as established by the divine
voyce of Peter himselfe.' " Ibid, signat. D 4 b.

s 2

260 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

Now when the right noble lord Cromwell, the archbishop, with
the other bishops, which did defend the pure doctrine of the gos-
pell, heard this, they smiled a little one upon another, forsomuch
as they saw him flee even in the verie beginning of the disputation,
unto his olde rustie sophistrie, and unwritten verities. Then
Alesius would have proceeded further with the bishop to have
confuted this blasphemous lie, but the L. Cromwell bade him bee
content, for the time began to go away, and it was twelve of the
clocke, and thus he made an ende with his protestation. " Right
reverend maister bishop, you deny that our Christian faith and
religion doth leane onely upon the worde of God, which is written
in the bible ; which thing if I can prove and declare, then you
will grant me that there be no sacraments, but those that have
the manifest word of God to confirm them." Unto this he
did consent ; and then immediately that assembly was dissolved
for that day.

The next daie *, when the bishops were set againe, the arch-
bishop of Canterburie sending his archdeacon, commanded A loins
to abstaine from disputation ; whereupon he wrote his mind, and
delivered it unto Cromwell, who afterwards shewed the same unto
the bishops. Thus through the industry of Cromwel, the collo-
quies were brought to this end, that albeit religion could not
wholly be reformed, yet at that time there was some reformation
had 3 throughout all England.

1 The next daie.'] " Now the next day, when the bisshops were assembled
agayne, and I was present with the lord Crumwel, there came unto me a
certen archdeacon in the name of the archbishop of Cantorbery, which told
me, that the other bisshops were grevously offended with me, that I being a
stranger shuld be admitted unto their disputacyon : which thing whan I had
shewed unto the lord Crumwel, he thought it best to give place unt
bisshops, specially because he would not procure me their hatred. — li
bad me gyve him the paper wherein I had written my disputacyon, that he
might shewe it to the bishop of London, and to the other bisshops in the
councel, the contents whereof were this." Alexander Alane, Of the ancto-
ritie of the word of God. Signat. A 7. The remainder of the treatise is taken
up in confuting the arguments of the bishop of London (Stokesly) for
traditions and unwritten verities ; and in establishing in opposition th
the grand protestant principle, that the Holy Scriptures contain all things
necessary unto salcation.

• Some reformation hadj] The progress made towards the revival of true
religion by the deliberations at this period was exceedingly important,
books, to which it is probable that Fox here alludes, and of which it is
wished that he had given a detailed account, are especially worthy of men-

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 261

How desirous and studious this good Cromwell was in the cause
of Christs religion, examples need not to be brought. His whole
life was nothing else, but a continuall care and travaile how to
advance and further the right knowledge of the gospel, and reforme
the house of God ; as by many proclamations by his meanes set
forth, may well appeare ; wherein first he caused the people to
be instructed in the Lords praier, and Creed in English ; then pro-
cured the scripture also to be read and set forth in the same
language, for every English man to understand ; after that, to
rescue the vulgar people from damnable idolatry, he caused cer-
taine of the most grosest pilgrimages to be destroied. And
further, for the more commodity of the poore sort, which get
their living with their daily labour and worke of their hands, hee
provided that divers idle holy daies were diminished. Item hee
procured for them libertie to eate egges and whitemeate in Lent.
Furthermore by him it was also provided, for the better instruc-
tion. The first is the Articles of 1536: which being brought into convo-
cation by Fox bishop of Hereford on July 1 1, in that year, were the same day
subscribed by the lord Cromwell, the king's vicegerent, the archbishop and
prelates, and by the members of the lower house. They were soon after
printed (with a prefatory letter addressed by the king to all his loving sub-
jects) under the following title. " Articles devised by the Kynges Highnes
Majestic, to stablyshe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge us, and to avoyde
contentious opinions ; which articles be also approved by the consent and
determination of the hole clergie of this realme, anno 1536." Bishop Burnet
in the Addenda to the first volume of his History of the Reformation has
printed these articles from a Cotton MS. still extant in the British Museum,
which is a true original, having the autographs of all the subscribers : and
from his History they are again published in Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii.
p. 817—23. They may also be read in Fuller (Church Hist. cent. 16, p. 213,
&c.), as transcribed by him from the acts of convocation. The other book,
some mention of which is proper in this place, is the Institution of a Christian
Man, which being prepared by a Commission of Divines, who held their
meetings in the archbishop's palace at Lambeth, was printed, and came out,
about the month of October, in the year 1537. The book is divided into
four parts, being an exposition (1) of the Apostles' creed, (2) of the seven
sacraments, (3) of the ten commandments, and (4) of the Lord's prayer, and
Ave Maria, with the articles of justification, and purgatory. Prefixed is a
preface by the convocation. In the course of this volume, certainly the prin-
cipal part, perhaps the whole of the articles which came out in the preceding
year, is inserted. The book is exceedingly well and carefully composed, in a
very pure and dignified style ; and is altogether an illustrious monument of
the achievements of Cranmer and his colleagues against the intrigues and
opposition of a party formidable at once for their zeal, number, and power.

262 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

tion of the people, that beneficed men should be resident in their
cures and parishes, there to teach and to keepe hospitalitie ; with
many other thinges, else most fruitfully redressed for the reforma-
tion of religion and behoofe of Christs church : as by the procla-
mations, injunctions, and necessary articles of Christian doctrine
above specified, set forth in the kings name, by his meanes, may
more abundantly appeare.

Now to adjoine withall his private benefites in helping di
good men and women at sundry times out of troubles and •_
distresses, it would require a long discourse. Briefely his whole
life was full of such examples, beeing a man to that intent
ordained of God (as his deedes well proved) to doe many men
good, and especially such as were in danger of persecution for
religions sake. Amongst other infinite stories, one or
examples shall suffice for a testimony of his worthy doings.

In the yeare of our Lord 1538, Sir William Forman bet-ing
maior of the citie of London, three weekes before East< T. the.
wife of one Thomas Frebarn dwelling in Pater nost
beeing with childe, longed after a morsell of a pigge, and tolde
her minde unto a maide dwelling in Abchurch-lane, desiring her
if it were possible, to helpe her unto a peece. The maide. per-
ceiving her earnest desire, shewed unto her husband, what his
wife had said unto her, telling him that it might chance to cost
her her life and the childes too which she went withall, if
had it not. Upon this Thomas Frebarne her husband spak
a butter wife which hee knew, that dwelled at Harnsey. named
goodwife Fisher, to helpe him to a pigge for his wife, for
was with childe, and longed sore to eat of a pigge. Unto whom
the said goodwife Fisher promised that she would bring him one
the Friday following, and so she did. being ready dn— >rd and
scalded before. But when she had delivered him the pigge,
craftily conveied one of the feet, and carried it unto d<
Cockes, at that time being deane of Cantnrhurie, dwellin
Ivy lane, who at that time of his dinner, before certain
which he had bidden, shewed his pigges foote. declaring who had
the body thereof: and after that they had talked their pl--a
and dinner was done, one of his guests being landlord unto
Frel.arne aforesaid, called M. <Janvt. and hy his oiHce. kin
anm-s. sent his man unto the said Frebarne. demanding if t
were no body sicke in his house. Unto whom hee i\\

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 263

that they were all in good health, he gave God thankes. Then
saide he againe, It was told his maister that some body wras sicke,
or else they would not eat flesh in lent : unto whom Frebarne
made answer, that his wife was with child, and longed for a peece
of a pigge, and if he could get some for her he would. Then
departed his landlords man home againe.

And shortly after his landlord sent for him. But before that
he sent for him, he had sent for the bishop of Londons sumner,
whose name was Holland, and when this Frebarne was come, he
demanded of him, if hee had not a pig in his house, which he
denied not. Then commanded M. Garret the said sumner called
Holland to take him, and go home to his house, and to take the
pig, and carry both him and the pig unto doctor Stokesley his
maister, beeing then bishop of London ; and so he did. Then
the bishop being in his chamber with divers others of the clergy,
called this Frebarne before him, and had him in examination for
this pigge ; laying also unto his charge, that he had eaten in his
house that Lent poudred beefe and calves heads. Unto whome
Frebarne answered, " My Lord, if the heads were eaten in my
house in whose houses were the bodies eaten ? Also, if there be
either man or woman that can prove, that either I, or any in my
house hath done as your lordship saith, let me suffer death there-
fore." " You speake (said hee) against pilgrimages, and will
not take holy bread, nor holy water, nor yet goe on procession,
on Palme Sunday : thou art no Christian man." " My lord," said
Frebarne, " I trust 1 am a true Christian man, and have done
nothing neither against Gods laws nor my princes."

In the time of this his examination, which was during the space
of two houres, divers came unto the bishop, some to have their
children confirmed, and some for other causes. Unto whome as
they came, having the pig before him covered, he would lift up
the cloth and shew it them, saying ; " How think you of such a
fellow as this is ? is not this good meate, I pray you, to be eaten
in this blessed time of Lent, yea and also powdred beefe and
calves heads too beside this ?"

After this, the bishop called his sumner unto him, and com-
maunded him to go and carrie this Thomas Frebarne and the pig
openly thorow the streetes, into the old Baylie, unto Sir Roger
Chomley : for the bishoppe said, he had nothing to do to punish
him ; for that belonged unto the civil magistrates. And so was
Frebarne carried with the pig before him, to Sir Roger Chom-

264 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

leies house in the old Baily, and he not being at home at that
time, Frebarne was brought likewise backe againe unto the
bishops palace with the pig, and there lay in the porters lodge
till it was nine o^clocke at night. Then the bishoppe sent him
unto the Counter in the Poultry by the sumner and other of his
servants.

The next day being Saturday, he was brought before the
maior of London and his brethren unto the Guildhall, but before
his coming, they had the pig delivered unto them by the bishops
officer. Then the maior and the bench laide unto his charge
(as they were informed from the bishop) that he had eaten
poudred beefe and calves heads in his house the same Lent.
But no man was able to come in that would justifie it ; neither
could any thing be found, save onely the pig, which (as is before
sayd) was for the preservation of his wives life, and that she went
withall. Notwithstanding the maior of London said, that t he-
Monday next following, he should stand on the pillarie in Cli< ,ip«
side, with the one halfe of the pig on the one shoulder s, and the
other halfe on the other.

3 On the one shoulder, .] In the year 1556, "Two persons at Boston, in the
diocese of Lincoln, ate flesh against the law of the Catholic Church ; and
were put to penance of carrying a quarter of lamb about the market of
Boston, bare-legged and bare-headed." Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials,
vol. iii. p. 296.

Fox's story of the poor woman and her pigs-flesh will perhaps be offensive
to some of my readers, and be counted beneath the dignity even of his
History. But the narrative is very significant of the religious feelings of
those times : and the subject of it, as might easily be shown, was associated
with many serious and interesting considerations, which, in the age when it
was written, would exempt it from the charge of trifling and levity, to which
it may now seem liable.

" Many, for shame," (says Tindal in his Obedience of a Christian ."•
" keepe back their confession for twenty or thirty yeares, and thinke all the
while that they be damned. I knewe a poore woman with childe which
longed, and being overcomen of her passion, eate flesh on a Friday, which
thing she durst not confesse in the space of eighteen yeares ; and thought
all that while that she had been damned." Works, p. 140. A.D. 1572. In
the persecution by Bishop Longland about the year 1521, Alice Holting waa
abjured, " for that she being in a state of pregnancy did dine before she
went to church to take her rites; saying, that Isabel Tracher did so tell her,
that she might dine before she received the Sacrament." Fox, p. 755.
were the poor and the humble alone interested in these feelings, and e.\]
to suffering by their transgressions against the will of the church in i
matters. Not long after the time of the story of the poor woman and lord

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 265

Then spake the wife of the said Frebarne unto the maior and
the bench, desiring that she might stand there, and not he, for it
was long of her and not of him. After this they tooke a satten
list, and tied it fast about the pigs necke, and made Frebarne to
cary it hanging on his shoulder untill hee came unto the counter
of the Poultrey, from whence he came.

After this was done, the wife of the prisoner tooke with her an
honest woman, the wife of one Michaell Lobley, which was well
acquainted with divers in the lord Cromwells house, unto whom
the said woman resorted for some helpe for this prisoner, desiring
them to speake unto their lord and maister for his deliverance
out of trouble.

It hapned that the same time came in doctour Barnes and
maister Barlow, who understanding the matter by Lobleyes wife,
went up to the lord Cromwell, and certified him thereof: who
upon their request, sent for the maior of the citie of London : but
what was said unto the lord maior, is unknowne, saving that in the
after noone of the same day, the wife of the person aforesaide
resorted againe unto the lord maior, suing to get her husband
delivered out of prison, declaring how that she had two small
children, and had nothing to help her and them, but onely her
husband, who laboured for their livings. Unto whom the maior
answered, " what come yee to me \ You are taken up with the
king's councell. I supposed that you had come to desire me that
your husband should not stand upon the pillarie in Cheapeside on
Monday next, with the one halfe of the pig on his one shoulder,
and the other halfe on the other." Also the maior said unto her,
that hee could not deliver him without the consent of the rest of
his brethren the aldermen. Wherefore he bade her the next day
following, which was Sonday, to resort unto Paules to Saint Dun-
stones chappell, and when he had spoken with his brethren, hee
would then tell her more. Other aunswere could shee get none

Cromwell, the gallant earl of Surrey himself, renowned for his devotion to
chivalry and the Muses, was imprisoned in Windsor Castle for eating flesh in
Lent, on occasion of which he has composed one of his most beautiful
Sonnets. Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. iii. — "And as touching
quietness of conscience, I have knowne manye that have long been cumbred
with it. A certaine master of artes which died in Oxford confessed upon his
death bed, that he had wept lying in his bed an hundred nyghtes within one
yeares space, because he coulde not beleve it " (t. e. the doctrine of Transub-
stantiation). Works of Johne Frith, p. 150. fol. 1572.

266 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

at that time. Wherefore shee went unto maister Wilkinson,
then being sheriffe of London, desiring him to bee good unto her.
and that she might have her poore husband out of prison. Unto
whome maister Wilkinson aunswered ; "O woman, Christ hath
laide a piece of his crosse upon thy necke, to prove whether thou
wilt helpe him to beare it or no ;" saying moreover to her, that if
the lord maior had sent him to his Counter, as hee sent him to
his brothers, hee should not have tarried there an houre ; an
commaunded her to come the next day unto him to dinner, and
hee would do the best for her he could. So the next day came :
and this woman resorted againe to maister Wilkinsons, according
as hee bade her, who also had bidden divers guests ; unto wlumu*
hee spake in her behalfe. But as they were set at dinner, and
she also sitting at the table, when she sawe the hote fish to <
in, shee fell downe in a swound, so that for the space of two li
they could keepe no life in her. Wherefore they sent her In mu-
te her house in Pater noster row, and then they sent for
midwife, supposing that shee would have been delivered ii
tinent of her child that she went with : but after that
came somewhat again to her selfe, where she lay sicke and kept
her bed the space of fifteen weekes after, being not aide to help
her selfe, but as shee was helped of others, during the tin
fifteen weekes.

Now to shewe further what became of this pig, whereof \\ < •
have spoken so much: it was caried into Finsburie field by tin-
bishop of Londons sumner, at his maisters commandement, and
there buried. The Monday following, being the fourth day after
that this prisoner aforesaid was apprehended, the maior of London.
with the residue of his brethren being at Uuild hall, sent for the
prisoner aforenamed, and demaunded sureties of him lor his forth-
coming, whatsoever hereafter should or ini^ht be laid unt»
charge: but for lacke of such sureties as they required, upm
owne bond, which was a recognizance of twentie pound,
delivered out of their hands. But shortly after that he
delivered out of this his trouble, maister Garret, of whom
have spoken before, bein«j his landlord, warned him out oi
house, so that in four' liter, he could not get anotln r : Imt

WSa constrained to be within other good folks, to h hin-

drance and undoing.

Hard it urn- and almost out of number, to rehearse the nai
and stories of all them, which felt the gentle help of this

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 267

man in some case or other. One other example, though it be some-
what long, with the circumstances and all, I will declare ; how he
helped the secretaire that then was to doctor Cranmer archbishop
of Canturburie, which secretarie 4 is yet alive, and can beare present
record of the same.

Mention was made before how king Henrie in the yeare of his
reigne 21 caused the six articles 5 to passe, much against the mind
and contrarie to the consent of the archbishop of Canterburie
Thomas Cranmer, who had disputed three dayes against the same
in the parliament house, with great reasons and authorities.
Which articles after they were graunted and past by the parlia-
ment, the king for the singular favour which hee ever bare to
Cranmer, and reverence to his learning, being desirous to knowe
what he had said and objected in the parliament against these
articles, or what could be alledged by learning against the same,
required a note of the archbishop of his doings, what hee had said
and opposed in the parliament touching that matter. And this
word was sent to him from the king by Cromwell, and other lords
of the parliament ; whome the king then sent to dine with him at
Lambeth, somewhat to comfort againe his grieved minde and
troubled spirits.

4 Which secretarie^] Ralph Morice, who wrote at the desire of archbishop
Parker a life of Cranmer, still existing amongst the MSS. bequeathed
by Parker to C. C. Col. Cambridge, No. 140. Strype has made great use
of it.

5 The six articles.'] The substance of this sanguinary act, commonly called
the six stringed whip, and which for that time confirmed the triumph of
Gardiner and his party over the friends of the reformation, was as follows : —
It decreed, 1. The corporal presence in the eucharist; against which, whoever
spake, preached, or wrote, was to be burned, without the privilege of abjura-
tion, and his estates, real and personal, to be forfeited to the king. 2. That
communion in both kinds is not necessary to salvation : and that it is to be
believed, without any doubt, that in the flesh, under form of bread, is con-
tained the very blood : and with the blood, under form of wine, is the very
flesh of Christ. 3. Against the marriage of priests. Their marriages were
declared void ; and such as cohabited with their wives afterwards were to
suffer death as felons. 4. That vows of celibacy ought to be observed by the
laws of God. 5. That private masses ought to be continued. 6. That auri-
cular confession was expedient and necessary, and ought to be retained.
Those who contemned, or abstained from confession, or the sacrament at the
accustomed times, were, for the first offence, to forfeit their goods and
chattels : and to be imprisoned : and for the second to be deemed guilty of
felony, &c. Ridley's Life of Bishop Ridley, p. 127. Compare Fox, p. 1036,
&c. Burnet, vol. i. p. 245 — 88. Strype, &c.

268 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

Whereupon when his dinner was finished, the next day after
the archbishop collecting both his arguments, authorities of scrip-
tures, and doctors together, caused his secretarie to write a fay re
booke thereof for the king, after this order. First the scriptures
were alleadged, then the doctors, thirdly followed the arguments
deducted from those authorities. This booke was written in his
secretaries chamber, where, in a by chamber lay the archbishops
almosiner. When this booke was fayre written, and whiles the
secretarie was gone to deliver the same unto the archbishop his
maister, who was (as it then chanced) rid to Croydon ; returning
back to his chamber, he found the doore shut, and the key carried
away to London by the almosiner.

At this season also chanced the father of the said secretary to
come to the citie, by whose occasion it so fell out that he must
needes go to London. The booke he could not lay into his cham-
ber, neither durst he commit it to any other person to keepe,
being straightly charged, in any condition, of the archbishop hifl
maister, to be circumspect thereof: so that he determined to goe
to his father, and to keepe the booke about him. And so thrust-
ing the booke under his girdle, he went over unto Westminster
bridge with a sculler, where hee entred into a whyrry that v
to London, wherein were four of the gard, who ment to land at
Paules Wharfe, and to passe by the kings highnesse, who
then was in his barge, with a great number of barges and
boates about him, then baiting of beares in the water over against
the banke 8.

These foresaid yeomen of the gard, when they came against
the king^s barge, durst not passe by towardes Paules Wli
least they should be espied : and therefore intreated the secretarie
to goe with them to the bearebayting, and they would finde tht>
meanes, being of the gard, to make roome, and to see all the
pastime. The secretarie perceiving no other remedie, assented
therto. When the whirry came nie the multitude of the bo;i
they with pollaxes got in the whirry so farre, that being comp;i
with many other whirries, and boates, there was no refuge if the
beare should breake loose, and come upon them ; as in v.-rie d< dc.
within one pater noster while, the beare brake loose, and c
into the boate where the yeomen of the gard were, and the say«l

8 Against the banke.'] The Bankside on the Surrey side of the river Thames,
where the bear-garden was situated.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 269

secretarie. The gard forsooke the whirry, and went into an other
barge, one or two of them leaping short, and so fell into the water.
The beare and the dogs so snaked the whirrie wherein the secre-
tary was, that the boate being full of water, sunke to the ground,
and being also as it chanced an ebbing tide, he there sate in the
end of the whirrie up to the middle in water. To whome came
the beare and all the dogs. The beare seeking as it were aide
and succour of him, came back with his hinder parts upon him, and
so rushing upon him, the booke was loosed from his girdle, and
fell into the Thames out of his reach.

The flying of the people, after that the beare was loose, from
one boate to an other, was so comberous, that diverse persons
were throwne into the Thames ; the king commanding certaine
men that could swimme, to strip themselves naked, and to help
to save them that were in danger. This pastime so dis-
pleased the king, that he had away with the beare, and let us all
go hence.

The secretarie perceiving his booke to fleete away in the
Thames, called to the beareward to take up the booke. When
the beareward had the booke in his custody, being an arrant
papist, farre from the religion of his mistres, (for he was the
ladie Elizabeths beareward, now the queenes majestie) ere that
the secretarie could come to land, he had delivered the booke to
a priest of his owne affinitie in religion standing on the banke,
who reading in the booke, and perceiving that it was a manifest
refutation of the six articles, made much adoe, and told the
beareward, that whosoever claymed the booke, should surely be
hanged. Anon the secretary came to the beareward for his
booke. What, quoth the beareward, dare you chalenge this
booke ! Whose servant be you ? I am servant to one of the
councell, said the secretarie, and my lord of Caunturburie is my
maister. Yea marie, quoth the beareward, I thought so much.
You be like I trust, quoth the beareward, to bee both hanged
for this booke. Well (sayd hee) it is not so evill as you take it ;
and I warrant you my lord will avouch the booke to the king's
majestie. But I pray you let me have my booke, and I will give
you a crowne to drinke. If you would give me five hundred
crownes, you shall not have it, quoth the beareward. With
that the secretarie departed from him, and understanding the
malicious frowardnes of the beareward, he learned that Blage the
grocer in cheape side might doe much with the beareward ; to

270 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

whome the secretary brake this matter, requiring him to send for
the beareward to supper, and he would pay for the whole cli
thereof; and besides that rather then hee should forgo his 1..
after this sort, the beareward should have twenty shillin_
drinke. The supper was prepared. The beareward was sent for,
and came. After supper the matter was intreated of, and twenty
shillings offered for the booke. But do what could bee done.
neither friendship, acquaintance, nor yet reward of money could
obtaine the booke out of his handes, but that the same should
be delivered unto some of the councell that would not so sleightlv
looke on so weightie a matter, as to have it redeemed for a sup-
per, or a piece of money. The honest man M. Blage with many
good reasons would have perswaded him not to be stiffe in his
owne conceite, declaring that in the end hee should nothing at
all prevaile of his purpose, but bee laught to scorne, getting nei-
ther peny nor prayse for his travell. Hee hearing that, rushed
sodainly out of the doores from his friend maister Blage, without
any manner of thankes giving for his supper, more like a bea re-
ward, than like an honest man. When the secretary saw the
matter so extreamlie to be used against him, he then thought it
expedient to fall from any farther practising of intreatie with th
beareward, as with him that seemed rather to be a beare him>elte.
than the master of the beast, determining the next mornin.
make the lord Cromwell privy of the chance that hapned.

So on the next day, as the lord Cromwell went to the court.
the secretarie declared the whole matter unto him, and how he
had offered him twenty shillings for the finding thereof. \\
is the fellowe, quoth the lord Cromwell? I suppose, sayd the
secretarie, that he is now in the court attending to deliver th
booke unto some of the councell. Well sayd the lord Cromwell,
it maketh no matter: go with me thither, and 1 shall get you
your booke againe. When the lord Cromwell came into the hall
of the court, there stood the bean -ward with the booke in his
hand, waiting to have delivered the same unto Syr Anthonv
Hrowne, or unto the bishoppe of Winchester, as it was rep.
To w home the lord Cromwell sayd, Come hither fellowe ; what
booke hast thou there in thy hand? And with that he >iu:
the booke out of his hand, and lookiiiLC in the bonke. he sayd. I
knowe this hand well enough. This is your hand, said h<
the secretarie. Hut where haddest thou this hooke. cjimth
lord Cromwell to the beareward? This gentleman lost it two

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 271

dayes agoe in the Thames, saide the beareward. Doest thou
knowe whose servant he is, saide the lord Cromwell ? He saith,
quoth the beareward, that he is my lord of Canterburies servant.
Why then diddest not thou deliver to him the booke, when he
required it, said the lord Cromwell ? Who made thee so bold
as to detaine and withhold any booke or writing from a counsel-
lers servant, specially being his secretarie ? It is more meeter
for thee to meddle with thy beares then with such writing ; and
it were not for thy mistres sake, I would set thee fast by the
feete, to teach such malepert knaves to meddle with counsellors
matters. Had not money beene well bestowed upon such a good
fellowe as this is, that knoweth not a counsellers man from a
coblers man ? And with those words the lord Cromwell went up
into the kings chamber of presence, and the archbishops secre-
tarie with him, where he found in the chamber the lord of Can-
turburie. To whome he sayd, my lord, I have found heer good
stuffe for you (shewing to him the paper booke that he had in his
hand) readie to bring both you and this good fellowe your man
to the halter, namely if the knave beareward nowe in the hall,
might have well compassed it. At these words the archbishop
smiled and said, he that lost the booke is like to have the worse
bargaine, for besides that he was well washed in the Thames, he
must write the booke faire againe ; and at those wordes the lord
Cromwell cast the booke unto the secretary, saying, I pray thee,
Morice, go in hand therwith by and by with all expedition, for it
must serve a turne. Surely my lord, it somewhat rejoyceth me,
quoth the lord Cromwell, that the verlet might have had of your
man twenty shillings for the booke, and nowe I have discharged
the matter with never a penie. And shaking him well up for his
overmuch malepartnes, I knowe the fellow well enough (quoth
he) there is not a rancker papist within this realme than hee is,
most unworthy to be a servant unto so noble a princesse. And
so after humble thankes given to the lord Cromwell, the sayd
Morice departed with his booke, which when he againe had faire
written, it was delivered to the kings majestie by the sayd Lord
Cromwell, within four dayes after.

It is commonly seene, that men advanced once from base
degree, to ample dignities, do rise also with fortune into such
insolencie and exaltation of minde, that not onely they forget
themselves what they were, and from whence they came, but
also cast out of remembraunce all their olde friends and former

272 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

acquaintance, which have beene to them before beneficiall. From
which sort of men, how farre the curteous condition of this
christen earle did differ, by diverse examples it may appeare. As
by a certaine poore woman keeping sometime a vitailing house
about Hounsloe, to whome the said L. Cromwell remained in
debt for certaine old reckonings, to the summe of forty shillings.
It hapned that the L. Cromwell, with Cranmer archbishop of
Canturburie, riding thorow Cheape side towards the Court, in
turning his eye over the way, and there espying this poore wo-
man, brought now in neede and miserie, eftsoones caused her to
be called unto him. Who being come, after certaine questions
he asked her if shee were not such a woman, and dwelling in
such a place. At last he demaunded, if he were not behind for
certaine payment of money betweene him and her. To whome
shee with reverent obeysance, confessed that he owed her money
for a certain old reckoning which was yet unpayd, whereof shee
stood now in great necessitie, but never durst call upon him, nor
could come at him for to require her right. Then the L. Crom-
well sending the poore woman home to his house, and one of his
servants withall, that the porter should let her in, after his
returne from the court, not onelie discharged the debt which he
owed, but also gave her a yearely pension of foure pounds, and
a livery everie yeere while she lived.

The like curtesie the said L. Cromwell shewed also to a
certaine Italian, who in the citie of Florence, had shewed him
much kindnes in succoring and relieving his necessitie, as in
this storie following may appeare. Which storie set forth and
compiled in the Italian tongue by Bandello 7, and imprinted at

7 Bandello.'] This story forms the 34th novel of part ii. of Bandello's No-
velle, printed at Lucca, by Vincenzo Busdrago, in 1534. It is inti;
"Francesco Frescobaldo fa cortesia ad un straniero, e n'e ben rimeritato,
essendo colui divennto Contestabile d'Inghilterra." The revival of the office
of constable had been proposed, as we have seen (p. 98), by Wolsey, who
was overruled by Sir Thomas More ; but Cromwell, though not con.st
exercised perhaps even greater power as the king's vicegerent and \
general. Bandello says of him. " Hora, percio che non pareva a quclla ceca
de la Fortuna haver fatto assai, d'haver levato dal basso de la terra il (Y
uello, e levatolo in alto a tanta grandezza, voile anco alzarlo molto piu, t
che il Re lo cred Contestabile del Regno (degnita suprema e a laquale nessun'
altra dopo il Re s'agguaglia). Fatto che fu Contestabile, il Re tutto il gov
del regno in mano gli diede ; di modo, che il Cremouelio venne in *
altezza, che era cosa incredibile. Cresciuto ch'egli fu a tanta grandezza, si

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 273

Luke by Busdrago, an. 1554, I thought heere to insert, with the
whole order and circumstance thereof, as it is reported.

Not many yeares past, sayth the author, there was in Flo-
rence a merchant, whose name was Fraunces, descended from
the noble and auncient familie of the Frescobalds. This gentle-
man was naturally indued with a noble and liberall minde, unto
whome also through prosperous successe and fortunate lucke in
his affaires and doings, much aboundance of riches increased, so
that hee grew in great wealth, having his cofers replenished with
many heapes of much treasure. He according to the custome of
marchants, used his trade into many countries, but chiefly into
England, where long time he lived, sojourning in London, keeping
house to his great commendation and prayse.

It happened, that Fraunces Frescobald being in Florence,
there appeared before him a poore young man, asking his almes
for Gods sake. Frescobald as he earnestly beheld this ragged
stripling, who was not so disguised in his tattered attire, but that
his countenaunce gave signification of much towardness and
vertue in him, with conformitie of manners agreeing to the same,
being moved with pitie, demaunded of what countrey he was, and
where he was borne. 1 am Syr (quoth he) of England, and my
name is Thomas Cromwell. My father is a poore man, and by
his occupation a cloth shearer 8. I am strayed from my countrey,
and am now come into Italy with the campe of Frenchmen that
were overthrowne at Gatilyon 9, where I was the page to a foot-
man, carrying after him his pike and burganet. Frescobald partlie

scoperse nemico a spada tratta di tutta quanta la nobilta de FIsola, e ove
poteva a qualche gentilhuomo nuocere, non mancava; e se il Re alcuno ne
pigliava in odio ; egli aggiungeva stipa al fuoco." These very severe remarks
Fox has not translated. Bandello's account of Cromwell's rapid elevation
and his sudden fall is very graphically told, but is too long to give here.

8 A cloth shearer,] Fox, in a marginal note on this passage, says, that " this
cloth shearer was his father-in-law :" and above, p. 222, he tells us that he was
" a smith's sonne, and that his mother married after to a shyreman." Cardi-
nal Pole's words are, "pater ejus pannis verrendis victum quseritabat."

9 Gatilyon.~\ The battle of the Garigliano. Cromwell's words, as reported
by Bandello, are, " lo mi chiamo Tomaso Cremouello, figliuolo d'un povero
cimatore di panni, che fuggendo da mio padre, son venuto in Italia col campo
dei Francesi, che e stato rotto al Garigliano, e stavo con un fante a piedi, por-
tandole dietro la picca." This was in 1503, when the marquis of Saluzzo, who
commanded the French troops sent to enforce the claims of Louis XII. upon
the throne of Naples, was defeated at the passage of the Garigliano, and his army
utterly dispersed by the Spaniards, under the command of Gonsalvo de Cordova.

VOL. II. T

274 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

considering the present state of this yong man, and partly for
the love he bare to the English nation, of whome he had received
in times past sundrie pleasures, received him into his house, and
with such curtesie entertained his guest, as at his departure when
he was in minde to returne to his countrey, he provided such
necessaries as he any way needed. Hee gave him both horse
and new apparell, and sixteen duckats of gold in his purse, to
bring him into his countrey. Cromwell rendring his heartie
thankes, tooke leave of his host and returned into England. This
Cromwell was a man of noble courage and heroicall spirit, given
to enterprise great matters, very liberall, and a grave counseller,
&c. But to our purpose.

At what time Cromwell was so highly favoured of his prince,
and advanced to such dignitie as is aforesaid, Frances Fresco-
bald (as it many times hapneth unto merchants) was by many
misfortunes and great losses, cast backe and become verie poore.
For according to conscience and equitie, he payd whatsoever
was due to any other from himselfe, but such debts as were owing
unto him, he could by no meanes obtaine : yet calling further
to remembrance that in England by certaine merchants there
was due to him the summe of fifteen thousand ducates, he so
purposed with himselfe, that if he could recover that mony. he
would well content himself, and no longer deale in the trade of
merchants, but quietly passe over the rest of his daies.

All things prepared for his journey, he setting forward towards
England, at last arrived at London, having utterly forge >tt«-n
what curtesie long before he had shewed to Cromwell, which is
the property alvvaies of a good nature, for a man to forget what
benefites hee hath shewed to other, but to keep in minde con-
tinually what he hath received of other. Frescobald thus bein^
now arrived at London, and there travelling earnestly about his
businesse, it chanced him by the way to meete with this noble
man, as he was riding toward the court. Whome, as soon
the said lord Cromwell had espied, and had earnestly beheld
bethought with himselfe that hee should be the man of Florence.
at whose hands in times past he had received so gentle cnter-
tainement, and thereupon sodenly alighting (to the great
admiration of those that were with him) in his annes he gently
embraced the stranger, and with a broken voyce scarce al>l
refraine teares, he demaunded if hee were not Frances Fr<
bald the Florentine. " Yea sir (he answered) and your humble

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 275

servant.11 " My servant," quoth Cromwell? "no, as you have not
beene my servant in times past, so will I not now account you
otherwayes then my great and especiall friend, assuring you that
I have just reason to be sorie, that you knowing what I am (or
at the least what I should be) will not let me understand of your
arriving in this land, which knowne unto me, truely I should
have payd part of that debt which I confesse to owe to you : but
thanked bee God I have yet time. Well sir, in conclusion, you
are hartily welcome. But having now waightie affaires in my
princes cause, you must hold mee excused, that I can no longer
tarie with you. Wherefore at this time I take my leave, desir-
ing you with the faithfull minde of a friend, that you forget not
this day to come to my house to dinner :" and then in remounting
on his horse, he passed to the court. Frescobald greatly mer-
vailing with himselfe who this lord should be, at last after some
pause, his remembraunce better called home, hee knewe him to
be the same, whome long before (as you have heard) he had
relieved in Florence, and thereat not a little joyed, especially con-
sidering how that by his meanes he should the better recover his
duetie.

The houre of dinner drawing neere, he repayred to the house
of this honourable counsellour, where walking awhile in his base
court, he attended his comming. The lord shortly returned from
the court, and no sooner dismounted, but hee againe embraced
this gentleman, with so friendly a countenance, that both the
lord admirall, and all the other noble men of the court being
then in his companie, did not a little marvell thereat.

Which thing when the lord Cromwell perceived, hee turning
towards them, and holding Frescobald fast by the hand ; " Do
ye not mervaile my lords (quoth he) that I seeme so glad of this
man ? This is he by whose meanes I have atchieved the degree
of this my present calling : and because ye shall not be ignorant
of his curtesie when I greatly needed, I shall tell it you :" and so
there declared unto them everie thing in order according as
before hath beene recited unto you. His tale finished, holding
him still by the hand, hee entered his house, and comming into
the chamber, where his dinner was prepared, he sate him downe
to the table, placing his best welcommed guest next unto him.

The dinner ended, and the lords departed, he would know what
occasion had brought Frescobald to London. Frances in few7

T 2

276 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

words opened his cause, truely telling, that from great wealth, he
was fallen into povertie, and that his only portion to maintaine
the rest of his life, was fifteen thousand ducates which were
owing him in England, and two thousand in Spaine. W hereunto
the lord Cromwell answering againe, said, " Touching the things
maister Frescobald that be alreadie past, although it cannot now
be undone by mans power, nor by policie called againe, which
hath hapned unto you by the unstable condition and mutabilitie
of this world altering to and fro : yet is not your sorrow so pecu-
liar to your selfe alone, but that by the bond of mutuall love, I
must also bewraile with you this your state and condition : which
state and condition of yours, though it may worke in you matter
of just heavines, yet notwithstanding, to the intent you may re-
ceive in this your heavie distresse some consolation for your olde
curtesie shewed to me in times past, the like curtesie now re-
quireth of me againe, that I likewise should repay some portion
of that debt wherein I stand bound unto you, according as the
part of a thankfull man bindeth me to do, in requiting your
benefites on my part heretofore received. And this further I
avouch in the word of a true friend, that during this life and si
of mine, I will never faile to do for you, wherein my authoritie
may prevaile to supply your lacke and necessitie. And so l«-t
these few words suffice to give you knowledge of my friendly
meaning. But let me delaie the time no longer."

Then taking him by the hand, hee led him into his chamlx r.
whence, after that everieman by his commandement was dt j.nrtt <1.
he locked fast the doore. Then opening a cofer full heaped with
treasure, he first tooke out sixteene ducates, and delivering them
to Frescobald, he said: " Loe heere (my friend) is your in
which you lent me at my departure from Florence, and li
other tenne which you bestowed in my apparell, with tenne n
that you disbursed for the horse I rid away on. But considering
you are a merchant, it seemeth to mee not honest to returne \ mil-
money without some consideration for the long detaining of it.
Take you therefore these four bags, and in everie of them is four
hundred ducates, these you shall receive and enjoy from the han<l>
of your assured friend."

Frescobald, although from great wealth he was brought t
ln\\r ebbe, and (almost) an utter decay, yet e\jin-»ing the vert in-
of a modest minde, after gentle thankes given to the lord GY

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 277

well for his exceeding kindnesse shewed, curteously would have
refused that which was offered, had not the other enforced him
against his will to receive it.

This done, he caused Frescobald to give him a note of the
names of all his debters, and the summe that from everie one of
them was owing him. This schedule he delivered to one of his
servants, unto whom he gave charge diligentlie to search out such
men whose names therein were contained, if they were within any
part of the realme, and then streightly to charge them to make
payment of those summes within fifteen daies, or els to abide the
hazard of his displeasure. The servant so wel performed his
maisters commaundement, that in verie short time they made
payment of the whole summe ; and if it had liked Frescobald so
to have demaunded, they should have answered to the uttermost
such commoditie, as the use of his money in so many yeares
would have given him profit : but he, contented with his princi-
pall, would demaund no further. By which meanes he gat both
harty love and great estimation ; and the more, for that he was
so deer to the lord Cromwell, and so highly esteemed of him.

And during all this time, Frescobald continuallie lodged in the
house of the lord Cromwell, who ever gave him such entertain-
ment as he had right well deserved, and oftentimes mooved him
to abide in England, offering him the loan of sixty thousand
ducates, for the space of foure yeares, if he would continue and
make his banke in London. But Frescobald, who desired to,re-
turne into his countrey, and there quietly to continue the rest of
his life, with the great favour of the lord Cromwell, after many
thanks for his high and noble entertainment, departed towards
his desired home, where richly arriving, he gave himselfe quietly to
live. But this wealth he small time enjoyed, for in the first year
of his returne he died. [The extract from Bandello ends here.]

So plentifull was the life of this man in such fruites full of sin-
gular gratitude and curtesie, that to rehearse all, it would require
too long a tractation. Yet one example amongst many other I
may not overpasse, whereby wee may evidently consider or rather
marvell at the lowly minde of such a person, in so high a state
and place of honour. For as hee comming with other of the lords
of the counsayle and commissioners, to the house of Shene, about
the examination of certaine monks which there denied the kings
supremacie, after the examination done was there sitting at din-
ner, it chanced him to spie a farre off a certaine poore man,

278 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

which there served to sweepe their eels and cloister, and to ring
the bels. Whome when the lord Cromwell had well advised, he
sent for the poore man to come unto him, and before all the table
most lovinglie and friendly calling him by his name, tooke him by
the hand, and asked how he did, with many other good words.
and turning therewith to the lordes ; " My lordes (quoth hee) see
you this poore man ? This mans father hath beene a great friend
to mee in my necessitie, and hath given mee manie a in
meate." Then said he unto the poore man, "Come unto me
and I will provide for thee, and thou shalt not lack so long as I
live." Such as were there present and sawe and heard tin same.
report it to be true.

In this worthy and noble person, besides divers other eminent
vertues, three things especially are to be considered, to wit, flou-
rishing authoritie, excelling wisedome, and fervent zeale to Christ
and to his gospell. — First, as touching his fervent zeale in setting
forward the sinceritie of Christian faith, sufficient is to be s<
by the injunctions, proclamations, and articles above specified;
so that more cannot almost be wished in a noble man, and scarse
the like hath beene seene in any.

Secondly, for his wisedome and policie no lesse singular, jo\
with his christen zeale ; he brought great things to passe, as well
on this side the sea, as in the other parts beyond. But especially
his working was to nourish peace abroad withforreine realm-
may well by the kings letters and instructions sent by hi
to his ambassadors resident both with the emperour, the French
king, and the king of Scots, and also with the pope, appeaiv. In
all whose courts, such watch and espiall he had, that nothing
there was done, nor pretended, whereof he before had not int< 1-
ligence. Neither was there any sparke of mischiefe kindling i
so little against the king and the realme, which her by wit
policie did not quench and keepe downe. And where policie
would not serve to obtaine peace, yet by money he brought it
out : so that during all the time of Cromwels prosperities tin- king
never had warre with any forreine nation : notwithstanding, that
both the pope, the emperour, the kings of Fraunce and Scotland.
were mightily bent and incensed against him.

Thus, as the prudent policie of this man was ever circum-;
abroad, to stay the realme from iorreine w.-n hi> anth'

no Inte* occupied in keeping u<'<»<! order and rule ,-it 1 H-:

First, in hampering the popish prelates, and disappointing their

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX, 279

subtle devises : secondly, in bridling and keeping other unruly
subjects under subjection and discipline of the lawes. Whereby,
as he was a succour and refuge to all godly persons, so was hee a
terror to the evill doers : so that not the presence of him onely,
but also the hearing of the comming of Cromwell brake many
fraies, and much evill rule : as well appeared by a certaine noto-
rious fray or riot, appointed to be fought by a companie of ruffians
in the streete of London called Pater noster rowe, where cartes
were set on both sides of purpose, prepared to enclose them, that
none might breake in to part them. It hapned, that as this des-
perate skirmish should begin, the lord Cromwell comming the
same time from the court through Paules churchyard, and enter-
ing into Cheape, had intelligence of the great fray toward, and
because of the carts he could not come at them, but was forced
to goe about the little conduit, and so came upon them through
Pannier Alley.

Thus as the conflict began to waxe hot, and the people were
standing by in great expectation to see them fight, sodainly at
the noise of the lord Cromwels comming, the campe brake up,
and the ruffians began to goe, neither could the carts keepe in
those so courageous campers, but well was he that first could be
gone. And so ceased this tumultuous outrage, without any
other parting, only thorough the authoritie of the lord Cromwels
name.

One example more of the like affinitie commeth heere in minde,
which ought not to be omitted, concerning a certaine serving man
of the like ruffianly order, who thinking to dissever himself from
the common usage of all other men in strange new-fanglenes of
fashions by himselfe (as many there bee whom nothing doth
please, which is daiely seene and received) used to go with his haire
hanging about his eares downe unto his shoulders, after a strange
monstrous manner, counterfeiting belike the wild Irish men, or
els Crinitus Joppas, which Virgil speaketh of, as one wearie of
his owne English fashion : or else as one ashamed to be seene
like a man, would rather go like a woman, or like to one of the
Gorgon sisters ; but most of all like to himselfe, that is, like to a
ruffian 10, that could not tell how to go.

10 Like to a ruffian,'] In the year 1608 archbishop Bancroft, then chancellor
of the university of Oxford, gave directions, as we are told by Anth. a Wood,
to prevent " occasions of offence, that long hair was not to be worn by the
students : for whereas in the reign of queen Elizabeth few or none wore their

280 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

As this ruffian ruffling thus with his locks was walking in the
streets, as chance was, who should meete him but the lord Crom-
well ? who beholding the deforme and unseemlie manner of his
disguised going, full of much vanitie and hurtfull example, call- <1
the man to question with him whose servant hee was : which
being declared, then was he demaunded, whether his maister or
anie of his fellowes used so to go with such haire about their
shoulders as he did, or no ? Which when he denied, and was not
able to yeeld any reason for refuge of that his monstrous disguis-
ing, at length he fell to this excuse, that he had made a vow. To
this the lord Cromwell answered againe, that for so much as he
had made himselfe a votarie, he would not force him to breake
his vowe, but untill his vowe should be expired, he should lye the
meane time in prison, and so sent him immediately to the Mar-
shalsey, where he endured, till at length this intonsus Cato, being
perswaded by his maister to cut his haire, by suit and petition of
friends, was brought againe to the lord Cromwell with his head
polled, according to the accustomed sort of his other fello
and so was dismissed.

Heereunto also pertaineth the example of frier Bartley, who
wearing still his friers coule after the suppression of religious
houses, Cromwell coming through Paules church-yard, and espy-
ing him in Rheines his shop, "yea" sayd he, " will not that conic
of yours be left off yet ? and if I heare by one a clocke that this
apparell be not changed, thou shalt be hanged immediatly for
example to all other." And so putting his coule away, he never
durst weare it after.

If the same lord Cromwell, which could not abide this serving-
man so disfigured in his haire, were now in these our daies a-livc.
with the same authoritie which then he had, and sawe these new-
fangled fashions of attire, used heere amongst us both of men and
women, I suppose verily, that neither these monstrous ruffes, nor

hair longer than their ears (for they that did so were accounted by the graver
and elder sort, swaggerers and ruffians}, now it was common, even among the
scholars, who were to be examples of modesty, gravity, and decency." Annals,
vol. ii. p. 298. edit. 1796. Sir George Radcliffe, friend of the great earl of
Strafford, writes thus, in a letter to his mother, dated Univ. Coll. Osf
14, 16 10: "The university I find very much reformed, about drinking, LONO
HAIK, and other vices, especially our house; out of which two have ;
gone, to avoid expulsion for drunkenness." Life and Correspondence of Sir
George Radclijfe, p. 64. 4to. 1810. Radcliffe's early education, it is hardly
necessary to say, had been puritan.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 281

these prodigious hose, and prodigall or rather hyberbolicall barba-
rous breeches (which seeme rather like barels then breeches)
would have any place in England. In which unmeasurable excesse
of vesture, this I have to marvell ; first, how these serving men,
which commonly have nothing els but their wages, and that so
slender and bare, can maintaine such slops, so huge and so sump-
tuous, which commonly stand them in more, then their three
yeares wages doe come unto. Secondly, I marvell that their
maisters and lords (who shall yeelde to God account of their
servants doings) do not search and trie out their servants walkes,
how they come by these expenses, wherewith to uphold this
braverie, seeing their stipendarie wages, and all revenues else
they have, will not extend thereunto. Thirdly, this most of all
is to be marveiled, that magistrates which have in their hands the
ordering and guiding of good lawes, do not provide more severely
for the needfull reformation of these enormities. — But heere we
may well see, and truly this may say, that England once had n a
Cromwell.

Long it were to recite what innumerable benefites this worthy
councellour by his prudent policie, his grave authoritie and perfect
zeale wrought and brought to passe in the publike realme ; and
especially in the church of England, what good orders he esta-
blished, what wickednes and vices he suppressed, what corruptions
he reformed, what abuses he brought to light, what craftie jug-
glings, what idolatrous deceptions, and superstitious illusions hee
detected and abolished out of the church. What posteritie will
ever thinke the church of the pope, pretending such religion, to
have beene so wicked, so long to abuse the peoples eyes, with an

11 England once had.~\ But even in king Henry's days, there was not much
to boast of in this respect, if we may judge from the frequent complaints of
zealous preachers against the follies and extravagance of their contemporaries.
Thus in a sermon preached A.D. 1545, by Cuthbert Scot, afterwards bishop of
Chester. " May we not " (it is said) " see a serving man havynge not paste
foure nobles, or forty shillings wages to lyve upon, so gorgiously appareled
in his gesture, and behavoure of his body ; in his pace, and goynge so to use
himselfe, as if he were a man of substaunce, yea an esquier or a knyght.
And yf a man wolde have experience further of his maners and conditions,
he shall fynde hym stout in wordes, lyberall, yea prodigall, in expenses, and
all together gyven to preferre him self unto other men." Signat. H 3. Im-
printed by Johannes Herford. See also Supplication to King Henry VIIL
Signat D 1— D 2. A.D. 1544, and Becon's Jewell of Joy. Works, vol. ii. fol.
19, 20.

282 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

olde rotten stocke (called the roode of grace ') wherein a man
should stand inclosed, with an hundredth wyers within the roode.
to make the image goggle with the eies, to nod with the head, to
hang the lip, to moove and shake his jawes according as tla- \al \\
was of the gift which was offered I If it were a small piece of
silver, he would hang a frowning lip, if it were a piece of
then should his jawes go merily. Thus miserably was the
of Christ abused, their soules seduced, their senses beguiled, and
their purses spoyled, till this idolatrous forgerie at last, by Croni-
wels meanes was disclosed, and the image, with all his < -M^incs
shewed openly at Paules Crosse, and there torne in pieces by thu
people. The like was done by the bloud of Hales, which in like
maner by Cromwell, was brought to Paules Crosse, and there
proved to be the bloud of a ducke 8.

1 The roode of grace, .] This was a celebrated image at Boxley in K
The fraud was suspected and detected by one Nicholas Partridge: after which
the whole apparatus was brought to London to be exposed to the pt
Hilsey, bishop of Rochester, preaching at the same time a sermon on the occa-
sion. See Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 232. vol. iii. p. 132.
See also Hottingeri Histor. Ecclesiast., torn. ix. p. 43 — 6.

In Lambard's Perambulation of Kent, p. 182—5, edit. 1576, is a full and
entertaining account how this image was first made, and of the circumstances
of its first setting up in the abbey of Boxley, taken from a description pub-
lished in honour of the rood by the monks of that place.

2 Bloud of a duckeJ] "Edmund, the son and heir of Richard earl of Corn-
wall, who was second son to king John, being with his father in Germany,
there beholding the relicks, and other precious monuments of the antient
emperors, he espied a box of gold; by the inscription whereof he pen

(as the opinion of men then gave) that therein was contained a portion <
blood of our blessed Saviour.

" He therefore being desirous to have some part thereof, by fair en'
and money obtained his desire, and brought the box over with him into
land, bestowing a third part thereof on the abbey of Hales, which his !
had founded, and wherein his father and mother were both buried, then
enrich the said monastry." Weever's Funeral Monuments, disc. p. 138. edit.
1767.

But this is not the only account given, of the manner in which the monks
became possessed of this precious treasure. " A Christian, it seems, onc(
a time, lived in a city, in which were many Jews; this man had a ro
which he did worship and honour after his cunning. It so ha}..
he changed his abode, and unwittingly left the rood In-hind him. A Ji-v.
ceeded him in the possession of his habitation: who soon ufti-r inakii.
i ntrrtamment for his friends of his own religion, they discovered tin-
which had passed unperceived by their host. Upon this disr<
immediately accused him of apostatizing to Christianity, beat the poor man,

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 283

Who would have judged, but that the mayd of Kent 3 had beene
an holy woman and a prophetesse inspired, had not Cromwell and
Cranmer tried her at Paules crosse ?

and dragged him about the house. They then took the image, heat it, scourged
it, and crowned it with thorns ; and at the last they made the strongest of them
take a spear, and with all his might smite it to the heart. And anon bloud
and water ran out of the sides. Then were they sore afraid, and said, * Let us
take pots, and fill them with this blood, and bear it to the temple, to the sick
people, to anoint them therewith : and if they be made whole by the blood,
then let us cry God mercy, and be christened man and woman.' The sick were
healed accordingly. Then went the Jews to the bishop of the city, and told
him all that had happened : and anon he kneeled down on his knees, and
thanked God for this fair miracle : and when he had christened the Jews, he
took phials of glass, cristal, and amber, and filling them with this blood, sent
it about to divers churches ; out of this blood, as mary men understand, came
the blood of Hales." Festival, fol. 103.

I shall now present the reader with an account of this imposture, from a
MS. in the archiepiscopal library at Lambeth, of a work, to which I have
before referred, written in the first year of king Edward VI. by William
Thomas, clerk to the council in the reign of that monarch.

" One thing I shall tell you especially. In a certaine monasterie called
Hayles, there was a great offering to the bloud of Christ, brought thither
many yeares agone out of the holie land of Jerusalem. And this bloud had
such vertue, that as long as the pilgrim were in deadly sinne, his sight would
not serve him to regard it : but incontinently as he was in the state of grace,
he should cleerely behold it. See heere the craft of these develish soule-
quellers ! It behoved the person that came thither to see it, first to confesse
himself, and then paying a certayne (sum) to the common (stock) of the mo-
nasterie, to enter into a chapel, upon the aultar whereof this bloud should be
shewed him. This meane while, by a secret way behind the aultar came the
monke that had confessed him, and presented upon the aultar a pixe of
crystal!, great and thicke as a bowle on the one side, and thinne as a glasse
on the other side : in the which the bloud on the thinner side was open and
cleere to the sight, and on the thicke side impossible to be discerned. Now
if this holie confessour thought by the confession that he had heard, that the
qualitie of the partie confessed would yeeld him more money, then shewed he
forthe the thicke side of the pixe, through which the bloud was invisible, so
that the person seeing himself remayning in deadly sinne, must turn, and
return unto his confessour, till by paying for masses, and other such almes,
he had purchased the sight of the thinne side of the cristall ; and then he was
safe in the favour of God, untill he fell in sinne agayne. And what bloud,
trow you, was this ? These monks (for there were two specially and secretly
appointed to this office) every Saturday killed a ducke, and renued therewith
this consecrated bloud, as they themselves confessed, not only in secret, but
also openly before an approved audience. And was this miracle think you
alone ? No ! Alas, if I should," &c. Thomas's Pelegrin Inylese, or Apology
for Henry VIII., p. 70—2. (or p. 61—3. edit. 177*, printed copy), Lambeth

284 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

What should I speak of Darvell Gartheren 4, of the roode of
Chester, of Thomas Becket, our Lady of Walsingham, with an
infinite multitude more of the like affinitie? All which st<>
and blockes of cursed idolatrie, Cromwell, stirred up by the provi-
dence of God, remooved out of the peoples way, that they might
walke more safely in the sincere service of almightie God.

While the lord Cromwell was thus blessedly occupied in profit-
ing the common wealth, and purging the church of Christ, it
hapned to him, as commonly it doth to all good men, that where
any excellency of vertue appeareth, there envie creepeth in, and
where true pietie seeketh most after Christ, there some persecu-
tion folio we th withall.

Thus (I say) as he was labouring in the commonwealth, and
doing good to the poore afflicted saints, helping them out of
trouble, the malice of his enemies so wrought, continually hunting
for matter against him, that they never ceased, till in the end,
they by false traines and craftie surmises, brought him out of the
kings favour.

The chiefe and principajl enemie against him, was Steven G.ir-
diner bishop of Winchester, who ever disdaining and envying the
state and felicitie of the lord Cromwell, and now taking his occa-
sion by the mariage of ladie Anne * of Cleve, being a stranger

MSS. No. 464. "The king himself (Thomas further informs us) was, till God
opened his eyes, blinde in these matters and obstinate as the rest," which
account is confirmed by a passage in Latimer's seventh sermon preached
before king Edward VI. — " the bloud of Hales, woe worth it ; what a doe was
it to bring it out of the kinge's head ! This great abomination of the bloud of
Hales could not be taken for a great while out of his minde." Latimer's
Sermons, fol. 84. b. edit. 1584.

But when it is said that this liquid was the blood of a duck, I must not
neglect to mention, that Thomas Hearne has printed the report of the com-
missioners who were sent to examine into this pretended miracle at the time
of the dissolution of the monasteries. From this report it appears that the
contents of the pix were neither more nor less than clarified honey, "which
being in a glasse, appeared to be of a glistering redde, resemblynge partly the
color of blod." Petri Benedicti Vita Henrici II., vol. ii. p. 752.

3 The mayd of Kent.~\ See Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. i. p.
143 — 7; Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. i p. 176 — 83, and Lambard's
Perambulation of Kent, p. 1 49 — 53.

4 Darvell Gartheren] Fox, p. 1005, and Burnet, vol.i. p. 232—4.
Ecclesiast. Memor., vol. i. p. 251, &c.

* By the mariage of ladie Anne.'] See Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting.
I p 114, edit. 4.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 285

and forreiner, put in the kings eares what a perfect thing it were
to the quiet of the realme, and establishment of the kings suc-
cession, to have an English queene and prince that were meere
English ; so that in conclusion, the kings affection, the more it
was diminished from the late maried Anne of Cleve, the lesse
favour he bare unto Cromwell. Besides this Gardiner, there
lacked not other backe friends 6 also, and ill willers in the court

6 Other backe friends.'] The conduct of Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury,
presents an illustrious exception to that of the rest of the courtiers, in this
critical moment of Cromwell's impending destruction. In behalf of a faithful
devoted servant, and his own friend, he thus, I will not say fearlessly, but,
what is far better, conscientiously, and in a noble spirit of voluntary self-
sacrifice, interposes himself, against the displeasure and fury of the king, in
a letter of admirable skill and feeling. It is to be regretted that what we have
is only a fragment.

" I heard yesterday in your grace's council that he is a traitor. Yet, who
cannot be sorrowful and amazed that he should be a traitor against your
majesty? He that was so advanced by your majesty; he whose surety was
only by your majesty; he who loved your majesty, as I have ever thought,
no less than God ; he who studied always to set forward whatsoever was
your majesty's will and pleasure ; he that cared for no man's displeasure to
serve your majesty ; he that was such a servant in my judgment, in wisdom,
diligence, faithfulness, and experience, as no prince in this realm ever had ;
he that was so vigilant to preserve your majesty from all treasons, that few
could be so secretly conceived, but he detected the same in the beginning.
If the noble princes of memory, King John, Henry II., and Richard II., had
had such a counsellor about them, I suppose that they should never have
been so traitorously abandoned and overthrown as those good princes
were ....

" I loved him as my friend, for so I took him to be ; but I chiefly loved
him for the love which I thought I saw him bear ever towards your grace,
singularly above all other. But now, if he be a traitor, I am sorry that ever
I loved him or trusted him ; and I am very glad that his treason is discovered
in time. But yet again I am very sorrowful ; for whom shall your grace
trust hereafter, if you might not trust him ? — Alas ! I bewail and lament
your grace's chance herein : I wot not whom your grace may trust. But I
pray God continually, night and day, to send such a counsellor in his place
whom your grace may trust ; and who for all his qualities can and will serve
your grace like to him, and that will have so much solicitude and care to pre-
serve your grace from all dangers as I ever thought he had .... (14 June,
1540)."

" All this," says Lord Herbert, " I have faithfully copied out of the ori-
ginal " — Life and Reign of K. Henry VIII., p. 521, or Jenkyns's admirable
edition of the Works of Cranmer, vol. i. p. 298, 9. Oxf. 1833.

I give the above extract the more readily, because it is no unusual thing to
see reflections upon Cranmer, as if he were in the habit of yielding, contrary

286 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

about the king, which little made for Cromwell, both for his reli-
gion which they maligned, and for other private grudges al>o
incident by the way.

Over and besides all which, it is moreover supposed, that sonic
part of displeasure might rise against him, by reason of a eer-
taine talke which hapned a little time before at Lambeth, at what
time the king after the making of the six articles, sent the savd
lord Cromwell his vicegerent, with the two dukes of North! oik
and Suffolke, with all the lords of the parliament to Lambeth, to
dine with the archbishop (who mightily had disputed and alledged
in the parliament against the said articles) to cheare and comfort
his daunted spirits againe.

There the said lord Cromwell with the other noble lords sitting
with the archbishop at his table in talke, as everie lord brought
forth his sentence in commendation of Cranmer, to signifie what
good will both the king and they bare unto him; among the
rest one of the companie entring into a comparison between the
sayd Thomas Cranmer, and Thomas Wolsey late cardinal! of
Yorke, declared in his judgement, that Cranmer was much to be
preferred for his milde and gentle nature, whereas the cardinal!
was a stubborne and a churlish prelate, and one that could never
abide any noble man, and that (sayd he) knowe you well enough.
my lord Cromwell, for he was your master, &c. At t
wordes the lord Cromwell being somewhat touched to hcaiv the
cardinalls service7 cast in his teeth, inferred againe saying ; that
he could not denie but he was servant sometime to cardinall
Wolsey ; neither did repent the same, for he received of him
both fee, meate, and drinke ; and other commodities : but v>

to his own judgment, by cowardly and dishonourable compliance to the arbi-
trary will of Henry. Whereas I believe it to be true, that we have upon
record more examples of conscientious and dangerous opposition to that will,
on his part alone, or on his, at least, and that of his friend Latimer join'
Latimer indeed in any sense can be reckoned among the courtiers), than from
all the rest of the courtiers of every description, during the whole of the
king's reign taken together.

7 The cardinalls service.'] "The articles against Wolsey were present
the king by the lords, and were sent down to the lower hous
Thomas Cromwell, obtaining the place of a burgess, so wittily dt-frnd-
cardinal his master, that no treason could lie laid to his charge. And upon
this honest beginning, Cromwell obtained his first reputation." — Lord llrr-
bert's Life of Henry VIII , p. 302. See also Cavendish's Life of /1V
vol. i. p. 595.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 287

was never so farre in love with him, as to have waited upon him
to Home, if he had beene chosen pope, as he understood that he
would have done if the case had so fallen out. Which when the
other had denied to be true, Cromwell still persisted, affirming
the same, and shewing moreover what number of florens hee
should have received, to be his admirall, and to have safe con-
ducted him to Eome, in case he had beene elected bishop of
Rome. The partie not a little mooved with these words, told
him, he lyed. The other againe affirmed it to be true. Upon
this, great and high words rose betweene them. Which conten-
tion, although it was through intreatie of the archbishop and
other nobles somewhat pacified for the time, yet it might be,
that some bitter roote of grudge remained behinde, which after-
ward grew unto him to some displeasure. And this was, an.
1540, in the moneth of July.

After this, the next yeare following, which was 1541, in the
moneth of April, was holden a parliament, which after divers
prorogations, was continued till the moneth of July the sayd
yeare. In the which moneth of July, the lord Cromwell being
in the counsaile chamber, was sodainly apprehended, and com-
mitted to the Tower of London. Whereat, as many other good
men which knewe nothing but truth by him, did lament, and
prayed hartily for him, so moe there were on the contrary side
that rejoiced, especially of the religious sort, and of the clergy,
such as had beene in some dignitie before in the church, and
now by his meanes were put from it. For indeed, such was his
nature, that in all his doings he could not abide any kinde of
poperie, nor of false religion, creeping under hypocrisie, and lesse
could he abide the ambitious pride of popish prelacie, which pro-
fessing all humilitie, was so elated in pride, that kings could not
rule in their owne realmes for them. These snuffing prelates as
he could never abide, so they againe hated him as much, which
was the cause of shortning his dayes, and to bring him to his
ende : so that the nineteenth day of the month aforesayde, hee
was attainted by parliament.

In the which attainder 8, divers and sundrie crimes, surmises,
objections and accusations, were brought against him, but chiefly
and above all other, hee was charged and accused of heresie, for

8 In the which attainder.] The attainder may be found in Burnet's Hist, of
the Reformation, vol. i. book iii. numb. 16. Records.

288 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

that hee was a supporter of them whome they recounted for
heretickes, as Barnes, Clarke, and manie other, whome hee by liis
author! tie and letters written to shiriffes and justices in di
shires rescued and discharged out of prison. Also that he did
divulgate and disperse abroad amongest the kings subjects, <r
numbers of bookes, containing (as they sayd) manifest matter of
much heresie, diffidence, and misbeliefe. Item, that hee caused
to be translated into our english tongue, bookes comprising
matter expressly against the sacrament of the aultar; and that
after the translation thereof, he commended and maintaine-d
the same for good and Christian doctrine. Over and besides
all this, they brought in certaine witnesses (what they were,
the attainder expresseth not) which most especially pressed (or
rather oppressed) him with hainous words spoken against the
king in the church of S. Peter the poore in the moneth of Maivli.
in the thirtieth yeare of the kings raigne. Which words if they
be true, as the attainder doth purport, three things I have heere
to mervaile much at. First, if his adversaries had so sure hold
and matter against him, then what should moove them to make
such hastie speede in all post haste to have him dispatched and
rid out of the way, and in no case could abide him to come to
his purgation9? which if he might have done, it is not other\\i»
to be thought, but hee would easily have cleered himselfe ther* «»f.

Secondly, this I marvell, that if the wordes had beene so
hainous against the king, as his enemies did pretend, why then
did those witnesses which heard those words in S. Peters church.
in the thirtieth yeare of the kings raigne, conceale the >;i\<l
wordes of such treason so long, the space almost of two ye,
and now uttered the same in the thirty-second yeare of tin-
kings raigne, in the moneth of July ?

Thirdly, here is again to be marvelled, if the king had knounc
or beleeved these words to be true, and that Cromwell had 1
indeede such a traytor to his person, why then did tin ki
shortly after lament his death, wishing to have his Cromwell aim-

9 To come to his purgation.] "In parliament he is accused of trni>on and
heresy, and unheard is attained. Some do observe that he procured that law
of attainting hy parliament, without hearing the party, and that himself was
the first that by that law died unheard; for in July following he was :
upon beheaded." — Sir II. Spchnan De non temerandis Ecclesiis, \
1704. But see Fuller's Church Hist. cent. 16, p. 234, and Collier's Eccl
vol. ii. p. 180.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 289

againe ? What prince will wish the life of him whome he sus-
pecteth undoubtedly to be a traytor to his life and person?
whereby it may appeare what judgment the king had of Cromwell
in himselfe, howsoever the parliament by sinister information was
otherwise incensed to judge upon him.

Not that I heere speake or meane against the high court of
parliament of this our realm necessarily assembled for the common
wealth, to whome I alwayes attribute their due reverence and
authoritie. But as it hapneth sometimes in generall councels,
which though they be never so generall, yet notwithstanding
sometimes they may and do erre in weightie matters of religion :
so likewise they that say, that princes and parliaments may be
misinformed sometimes, by some sinister heads, in matters civil
and politike, do not therein derogate or empaire the high estate
of parliaments, but rather give wholesome admonition to princes
and parliament men, to be more circumspect and vigilant what
counsell they shall admit, and what witnesses they do credit.
For private affection, which commonly beareth a great stroke in
all societies and doings of men, creepeth sometimes into such
generall counsels, and into princes courts also, either too much
amplifying thinges, that bee but small, making mountaines of
molehils, or else too much extenuating things that bee of them-
selves great and waightie, according as it is truely sayd of the
poet Juvenal (ii. 63) ;

" Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas,"

Or as our Englishe proverbe sheweth ; "as a man is friended,
so is his matter ended :" and " where the hedge is lowe, a man
may lightly make large leapes :" or rather to speake after the
French phrase : Qui son chien veult tuer, la rage luy met sus.
That is ; " He that is disposed to have his dog killed, first
maketh men beleeve that he is mad."— And thus much having
declared touching the matter of his accusation, the rest I referre
to the high parliament of that mightie king, who shall one day
bring all things to perfect light.

In the mean season, howsoever the cause of the lord Crom-
well standeth true or false, this is certaine, that Steven Gardiner
lacked not an head, nor yet privie assisters, which cunningly
could fetch this matter about, and watch their time, when as the
king being disposed to marrie another wife, which was the lady
Katherine Howard, immediately after the beheading of the lord

VOL. ii. u

•290 CROMWELL. EARL OF ESSEX.

Cromwell, did repudiate lady Anne of Clove, which otherm

to be thought during the life of Cromwell, could not so well he

brought to passe.

I Jut these things being now done and past, let us passe them
over and returne again to the lord Cromwell, being now attainted
and committed to the Tower. Who so long as hee went with
full sayle of fortune, how moderately, and how temperately hee
did ever beare himselfe in his estate, before hath beene declared .
so now the sayd lord Cromwell, alwayes one man. by the
trarie winde of adversitie being overblowen, received the same
with no lesse constancie, and patience of a Christian hart. Neither
yet was he so unprovided of counsaile and forecast, but that hee
did foresee this tempest long before it fell, and also prepared for
the same: for two yeares before, smelling the conspiracie of
his adversaries, and fearing what might happen, he called imt<>
him his servants, and there shewing unto them in what a slipperie
state he stoode, and also perceiving somestormie weather air-
to gather, required them to looke diligently to their order and
doings, least through their default any occasion might
against him. And furthermore, before the time of his a]
hension, such order he tooke for his servants, that many of them.
especially the younger brethren, which had little els to take unto.
had honestly left for them in their friends hands to relieve tin in.
whatsoever should him befall.

Briefly, such a loving and kinde master he was to his servant^.
that he provided aforehand almost for them all : in so much, that
he gave to twelve children which were his musitians. twentie
pound a poece, and so committed them to their friend-
whome some yet remaine alive, who both enjoyed the s.
a l-o gave record of this to be true.

Furthermore, being in the Tower a rrisoner. how qi;
bare it, how valiantly he behaved himselfe, how gravely and
cretly he aunswered and entertained the commissioners -. m unto
him. it is worthie of noting. Whatsoever article^ and ii

'ories thev propounded, they could put nothing unto him.
either concerning matters ecclesiastical! or temporall, wherein he

not more ripened, and more furnished in everie condi
than they thomsel\e~.

Amongst the rest of those commissioners vvhich came ui
him: one there was, whome the lord Cromuell desired to -
from him a letter to tin- king, which when he refused.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 291

that he would cary no letter to the king from a traytor ;
then the lord Cromwell desired him at least to do from him a
message to the king. So that the other was contented, and
o-nuinted, so that it were not against his allegeance. Then the
lord Cromwell taking witnesse of the other lords, what hee had
promised ; " You shall commend mee (sayd he) to the king, and
tell him, by that he hath so well tryed, and thoroughly prooved
you as I have done, he shall finde you as false a man as ever
came about him/'

Besides this, he wrote also a letter from the Tower l to the king,
whereof when none durst take the cariage upon him, Sir Ralfe
Sadler (whome he also had preferred to the king before, being
ever trustie and faithfull unto him) went to the king to under-
stand his pleasure, whether he would permit him to bring the
letter or not. Which when the king had graunted, the sayd M.
Sadler, as he was required, presented the letter unto the king,
which he commanded thrise to bee read unto him, in so much as
the king seemed to be moved therewith.

Notwithstanding, by reason of the acte of parliament afore
passed, the worthie and noble lord Cromwell oppressed by his
enemies, and condemned in the Tower, and not comming to his
answere, the 28. day of July, an. 1540, was brought to the
scaffold 2 on Tower hill, where he sayd these words following.

1 Letter from the Tower.] Bishop Burnet, in his History of the Reformation,
has published two letters from Cromwell to the king, both written from the
Tower; the one, which seems to have been first written, in vol. iii. b. iii.
No 68. Appendix ; the other, dated " the last of June," in vol. i. book iii.
No. 17.

2 Brouf/fit to the scaffold, ,] " Wherein is to be noted how mightily the Lord
worked with his grace and fortitude in the hearts of his servants, especially
in such which causelesse suffer with guiltlesse conscience for his religions
sake, above other, which suffer otherwise for their desertes. For whereas
they that suffer as malefactors, commonlie are wont to goe heavie and pensive
to their death, so the other with heavenlie allacrity and chearfulnesse doe
abide whatsoever it pleaseth the Lord to lay upon them. Example whereof
we have right well to note not onelie in these three godlie martyrs above
mentioned,4but also in the lord Cromwell, who suffered but two dayes before,
the same no lesse may appeare ; who although he was brought to his death,
attainted and condemned by the parliament, yet what a guiltlesse conscience
he bare to his death, his Christian patience well declareth.

" Who first calling for his breakfast, and therewith eating the same, and
after that passing out of his prison, downe the hill within the Tower, and
meeting there by the way the lord Hungerford, going likewise to his execution

u 2

292 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

44 1 am come hither to die, and not to purge my selfe, a
thinke perad venture that I will. For if I should so do, 1 \\
very wretch and a miser. I am by the law condemned to die. and
thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine
offence. For sithence the time that I have had yeares of <li
tion, I have lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the
which I aske him heartily forgivenes. And it is not unkn*<
to many of you, that I have beene a great traveller in thi.^ world:
and being but of a base degree, was called to high estate, and
sithence the time I came thereunto, I have offended my prince.
for the which I aske him hartily forgivnes, and beseech you all
pray to God with mee, that he will forgive me. And now 1 pray
you that be heere, to beare me record, I die in the cathohVke
faith, not doubting in any article of my faith, no nor doubting in
any sacrament of the church. Manie have slaundered me. and
reported that I have beene a bearer of such as have maintained
evill opinions, which is untrue. But I confesse, that like a- <;<><!
by his Holy Spirit doth instruct us in the truth, so the devill is
ready to seduce us, and I have beene seduced, but beare me \vit-
nesse that I die in the catholieke faith3 of the holy church. And

(who for matter not here to be spoken of, was there also imprisoned), and
perceiving him to be all heavy and doleful, with chearful countenance and
comfortable words, asking him why he was so heavy, hee willed him to pluck
up his heart, and to bee of good comfort : for, sayd he, there is no cause for
you to feare. For if you repent and be heartilie sorie for that you have done,
there is for you mercie enough of the Lord, who for Christe's sake will for-
give you : and therefore be not dismaid; and though the breakfast wh'n
are going to be sharpe, yet trusting in the mercie of the Lord, we shall
ajoyfull dinner. And so went they together to the place of execution
toke their death patientlie."— Fox's Acts, p. 1095.

3 / die in the catholieke faith.] "The general terms wherein this spee
couched" (says Fuller) "have given occasion for wise men to give con
judgments thereof" Cent. 16. p. 233. Accordingly Burnet remarks,
what he spake at his death, he left it much doubted of what religion h<
But " (continues the bishop) " it is certain he was a Lutheran. The
catholick faith used by him in his last speech, seemed to make it doubtful ;
but that was then used in England, in its true sense, in opposition t
novelties of the see of Rome : so that his profession of the catholic faith was
strangely perverted, when some from thence concluded, that he dud .
communion of the church of Rome." — Hist, of the Reformation, vol. i. j>
edit. 4. On the other hand, Collier having these observations of 1
Burnet in his eye, says, " I readily grant, Cromwell was no papist a
death : but then, it is pretty plain, he was no protestant neither .... It is
evident, that he died in the communion of the then church of Kngland; that

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 293

I hartily desire you to pray for the kings grace, that hee may long
live with you in health and prosperitie : and that after him his
sonne prince Edward, that goodly impe, may long raigne over you.
And once againe I desire you to praie for me, that so long as life
remaineth in this flesh, I waver nothing in my faith." And so
making his praier, kneeling on his knees 4, he spake these words,
the effect whereof heere followeth.

" 0 Lord Jesu, which art the onely health of all men living,
and the everlasting life of them which die in thee : I wretched
sinner do submit my self wholly unto thy most blessed wil, and
being sure that the thing cannot perish which is committed unto
thy mercy, willingly now I leave this fraile and wicked flesh, in
sure hope, that thou wilt in better wise restore it to me againe at
the last day in the resurrection of the just. I beseech thee most
mercifull Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt by thy grace make
strong my soule against all temptations, and defend me with the

is, in the religion professed by king Henry the VIII." — Ecclesiast. Hist. vol.
ii. p. 181.

It appears that the rumour of Cromwell's having made a recantation at the
scaffold, had spread rapidly over the Continent. Cardinal Pole, in a letter to
Ludovico Beccatelli, dated Viterbo, Sept. 11, refers to this report; but it is
material to observe, that he was of opinion, that the joy with which it had
been received by the Catholics was premature. " Vereor " (says he) " ne
frustra cum reverendissima dominatione vestra per literas de Cromvelli resi-
piscentia sim gratulatus ; nee enim quae typis sunt excusa, quae ad me missa
sunt, in quibus novissima ejus verba recitantur, talem animum mihi exprimunt,
qualem eorum narratio, qui de ejus exitu, et de extremis verbis mecum sunt
loquuti. Sed horum judicium penes Christum sit, cui nota sunt abscondita
cordis, et secundum ilia judicabit." — Poli EpistoL, vol. iii. p. 62. Brixise, 1748,
4to; comp. Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. H7.

4 On his knees.'] The Harleian MS. 3362, has a copy of the "Last Words
of Thomas Crumwell, Earl of Essex/' which reads thus, omitting the prayer in

Fox's account: — " and then kneeled he adowne and saide his prayeres,

in the which prayeres were contayned thys wordes : ' O Lord, grant me that
when that these eyes lose their use that the eyes of my soule may see the/ and
said, * O Lord and Father, when thys mouth shall lose his use that my hart
may say, 0 pater, in manus tuas commendo spiritum meumj' and after thys
prayer he stodde uppe agayne and said, ' Pray for the prince, and for alle
the lordes of the cowncelle, and for the clergye, and for the commynaltie, and
nowe I pray you alle ageyne, that ye wille pray for me.' And then he turnyd
hym abowte and sayde, ' Farewelle, Wyat!' and ' Gentylle Wyat ! pray for
me ! ' Thys was done the xxviii. day of the month of July, in the yere of
our Lord God MDxl. in the xxxvj yere of our soveraigne Lord Kvnge
Henry."

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

buckler of thy mercy against all the assaults of the devill. !
and acknowledge that there is in my self no hope of salvation, but
all my confidence, hope and trust, is in thy most mercifull good-
lies. I have no merits nor good works which I may all
before thee. Of sinnes and evill workes (alas) I see a givat
heape : but yet thorough thy mercy, I trust to be in the number
of them to whome thou wilt not impute their sinnes ; but wilt
take and accept me for righteous and just, and to bee the inhe-
ritour of everlasting life. Thou mercifull Lord wast borne for my
sake, thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake : thou
didst teach, pray, and fast for my sake : all thy holy actions and
workes thou wroughtest for my sake : thou suffredst most uri.
paines and torments for my sake : finally, thou gavest thy most
precious body and thy bloud to be shed on the crosse for my -
Now most mercifull Savior, let all these things profit me. that
thou freely hast done for me; which hast given thy selfe also for
me. Let thy bloud cleanse and washe away the spots and foul< n« «
of my sinnes. Let thy righteousnes hide and cover my unrighte-
ousnes. Let the merites of thy passion and bloiidshodim
satisfaction for my sinnes. Give me Lord thy grace, that the
faith of my salvation in thy bloud waver not in me, but may
be firme and constant ; that the hope of thy mercy and life <
lasting never decay in me ; that love waxe not cold in me : fin all \ .
that the weaknes of my flesh be not overcome with the fear
death. Grant mee mercifull Saviour, that when death hath shut
up the eies of my body, yet the eyes of iny soule may still behold
and look upon thee ; and when death hath taken away the use
of my tongue, yet my heart may crie and say unto thee, Lord
into thy hands I commend my soule, Lord Jesu receive my spirit.
Amen."

And thus his prayer made, after he had godly and lovingly
exhorted them that were about him on the scaffold, he quietly
committed his soule into the hands of God, and so patiently suf-
fered the stroke of the axe, by a ragged and butcherly m
which verie ungodly performed the office 5.

6 Performed the office.] As we have done elsewhere, we will now
few memorabilia from other quarters.

"Great scholar he was none, the Latin Testament gotten by heart 1
his master-piece: nor studied lawyer, never admitted to the inn^
nor rxpiTM-nri-d snMirr, though necessity cast him upon it ; nor rourtii
bred up in Cardinal Wolsey's court : yet that of the lawyer in him

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 295

Of the Bible in English printed in the large volume, and of Edmund
Boner preferred to the lishopriJce of London, by the meanes of the
Lord Cromwell.

About the time and yeare when Edmund Boner bishop of
Hereford, and ambassadour resident in France, began first to be
nominate and preferred by the meanes of the lord Cromwell to
the bishoprike of London ; which was anno 1540, it happened
that the said Thomas lord Cromwell and erle of Essex procured
of the king of England his gracious letters to the French king,

the scholar, that of the soldier the lawyer, that of the courtier the soldier,
and that of the traveller all the rest ; being no stranger to Germany, well
acquainted with France, most familiar with Italy ; — that the result of all
together made him for endowments eminent, not to say admirable. His
apprehension was quick and clear ; his judgment methodical and solid ; his
memory strong and rational ; his tongue fluent and pertinent ; his presence
stately and obliging ; his heart large and noble ; his temper patient and
cautious ; his way industrious and indefatigable ; his correspondence well
laid and constant ; his converse insinuating and close. None more dex-
terous to find out by his setting dogs and decoy-ducks, none more reserved
to keep a secret. He was equal, saith my author, to the French politicians,
when under his master ; he over-reached them, when alone : doing more in one
month with his subtle head than the other in twelve months with his stately
train." — Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 58.

" He used to answer those that applauded his service in the Reformation,
that if he should arrogate to himself any part in that revolution of Providence,
he should be like the flie on the cart-wheel, that said, What a dust do I raise!"
Ibid. p. 65.

" The times are troublesome, but Cromwell calm and quiet, and watchful
over occurrences. He takes down the occasions and ornaments of idolatry,
i. e. images, shrines, pilgrimages, &c., and then the thing itself : Take off' the
paint of Rome, and you undo her." P. 65, 66.

" Some reserved men's parts he compared to meat in a great Colchester
oyster, which would hardly requite the pains of opening : but infinitely was
he taken with those who were, as he called them, like the statues of Apollo,
had a lance in one hand, and a harp in another : that is, resolution to awe on
the one side, and sweetness to oblige on the other ; being much pleased like-
wise with the reflecting man, who needs not the dull way of Persia to keep a
boy behind him, to bid him remember what he is, and what he ought to do ;
and with the devout courtier. For, as the enamel which adorneth the dove's
neck, never shines so clear and glorious as when the sun looks upon it ; so,
great men are never so full of majesty themselves, as when they own the
majesty of God; never more gods among men, than when humble men before
God : who, as St. Lewis of France once said, boweth the hearts of men to a
subjection to them, who kneel in adoration to Him." P. 67.

296 CROMWELL. EARL OF ESSEX.

to permit and licence a subject of his to imprint the bible in
english within the universitie of Paris, because paper was t >
more meete and apt to bee had for the doing thereof, than in the
realme of England, and also that there were more store of good
workmen for the readie dispatch of the same. And in like man-
ner at the same time the said king wrote unto his ambassadour.
who then was Edmund Boner bishop of Hereford, lying in Park
that he should ayde and assist the doers theereof in all their reason-
able suites. The which bishop outwardly shewed great friendship
to the merchants that were the imprinters of the same, and nun-. -
over did divers and sundrie times call and command the sayd per-
sons to bee in manner daily at his table, both dinner and supprr.
and so much rejoyced in the workmanship of the sayd bible, that
he himself e would visit the imprinters house where the sun
bibles were printed, and also would take part of such dinner
the Englishmen there had, and that to his cost, which, as it seemed.
he little wayed. And further, the saide Boner was so fen
that he caused the said Englishmen to put in print a new T
ment in english and latine, and himselfe tooke a great many of
them, and payd for them, and gave them to his friends. And it
chaunced the meane time, while the sayd bible was in printing,
that king Henry the 8. preferred the said Boner from the said
bishopricke of Hereford, to be bishoppe of London, at which i
the said Boner according to the statute law of England, tooke hi>
othe to the king, knowledging his supremacie, and called OD
the aforesaid Englishmen that printed the bible, whome he then
loved, although afterward upon the change of the world he did
hate him as much, whose name was Richard (< raft-on ; to \\1.
the sayd Boner said when he took his othe, ••maister Grat't<>
it is, that the kings most excellent majestic hath by his
gift presented nice to the bishopricke of London, for the which I
am sorry, for if it would have pleased his grace, I could h,
well content to have kept mine olde bishopricke of Hereford.*
Then said Grafton, kt I am right glad to heare of it, and so I am
sure will be a great number of the citie of London : for the\
knowe you not, yet they have heard >o much goodnes of yon from
hence, as no doubt they will hartily rejoice of your placing.11 T
said Boner, u 1 prav (MM! 1 may do that may content them ;
to tell you M. (i raft on, before (iod (tor that was common! \
• •the) the greatest fault that I ever found in Stoke>lr\. was
and troubling of poore men. as LoMe\ the lunik. In:

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 297

and other, for having the scripture in English, and God willing
he did not so much hinder it, but I will as much further it : and
I will have of your bibles set up in the church of Paules 6, at the
least in sundry places six of them ; and I will pay you honestly
for them and give you hartie thankes." Which words hee then
spake in the hearing of divers credible persons, as Edmund Stile
grocer, and other. " But now M. Grafton at this time I have
specially called you to be a witnesse with me that upon this trans-
lation of bishops sees, I must according to the statute take an
othe 7 unto the kings majestie knowledging his supreamacy, which

6 In the church of Paules^] " Which also at his coming home, he performed,
according to the king's proclamation set forth for the same.

" The bibles thus standing in Paules by the commandement of the king,
and the appointment of Bonner the bishop, manie well disposed people used
much to resort to the hearing thereof, especiallie when they could get any that
had an audible voice to read unto them, misdoubting therein no danger to-
ward them; and no more there was; so long as the daies of Cromwell lasted."
Fox's Acts, p. 1101. Another zealous reformer has given a very unfavour-
able interpretation of Bonner's designs in the whole of this transaction. " He
first set up bybles in Paules, not purposyng any christen erudicyon to the
people, but as snares to catch them by. For immediately after, he set up a
commaundement that God should give place unto the pope, and Christ unto
anti-Christ. 'There shall be no readying ' (sayth he) 'for the tyme of God's
service.' As though their vayne, idle and blasphemous superstitions were
only Gods service, and the byble readying no part thereof, but a very pro-
phane thing. Upon thys polycie did he set them up there, to knowe whych
were the busy byble men of London, that he might speak with them at lay-
sure. For he had his spyes evermore, and hys Judases there at hand. Some
hath already proved it, and also payde the harde pryce thereof. So that they
which at his first commyng held up their handes unto God for their good
byshop, doth nowe holde downe their heades, and can saye, that sathan hath
shewed himself for all hys angelyk face." Yet a course at the Romyshefoxe,
A disclosing or openynge of the Manne of Synne fyc. by Johan Harryson (i. e.
John Bale), fol. 93. A.D. 1543, printed at Zurick.

7 Take an othe.~] The oath taken by Bonner is printed in Wilkins's Condi.,
vol. iii. p. 781, and in other places.

" Post electionis confirmationem, pessimo (quod tamen passim obtinuit ab
anno 1535 ad ann. 1553) exemplo, commissionem quam vocant seu licentiam
episcopatum Londinensem administrandi a rege suscepit, 1539 Novemb. 12.
in qua agnoscitur omnem jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam a Rege tanquam ab
unico fonte oriri, et ipsum regis tantummodo vicarium esse : atque his prae-
cipue verbis diplomatis vis compingitur. * Tibi vices nostras committimus,
teque licentiandum esse decernimus, ad ordinandum infra diocesin tuam
Londinensem &c., vice, nomine, et auctoritate nostris &c. per presentes ad
nostri bene placiti voluntatem duntaxat duraturas.' " Wharton De Episcopis
et Decanis Londinensibus, p. 194. Compare also Wilkins's Condi., vol. iii.

208 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

before God I take with my heart, and so thinke him to lie. and
beseech almightie God to save him, and long to prosper his o-nu-r.
Holde the booke sirah, and reade you the othe" (said In
one of his chaplcins, and he laide his hand on the booke and
tooke his othe. And after this he shewed great friendship to
the said Grafton, and to his partener Edward Whitchurch, hut
especially to Miles Coverdale, who was the corrector of the n
bible.

Now after that the foresaid letters were delivered, the French
king gave very good wordes, and was well content to penni
doing thereof. And so the printer went forward and printed
forth the booke even to the last part ; and then was the <jnanvl
picked to the printer, and he was sent for to the inquisitors
the faith, and there charged with certain articles of heresie. Then
were sent for the Englishmen that were at the coste and cli.
thereof, and also such as had the correction of the same, which
was Miles Coverdale: but having some warning what would
follow, the said Englishmen posted away as fast as they could
to save themselves, leaving behind them all their bibles, which
were the number of two thousand five hundred, called the bibles
of the great volume, and never recovered any of them, saving that
the lieutenant criminall having them delivered unto him to burne
in a place of Paris (like Smithfield) called Maulbert place, ua>
somewhat moved with covetousnesse, and sold foure great drie
fats of them to a haberdasher to lap caps in, and those wen-
bought againe, but the rest were burned, to the great and im-
portunate losse of those that bare the charge of them. Hut not-
withstanding the said losse, after they had recovered some j
of the foresaid bookes, and were comforted and encoura^ d li\
the lord Cromwell, the said Englishmen went againe to 1'ark
and there got the presses, letters, and servants of the foresaid
printer, and brought them to London, and there they beci
printers themselves (which before they never intended) and
printed out the said bible9 in London, and after that printed

p. 797 — 9, and p. 810; and Harmer's Specimen of Errors, &c. p. ^l — 3,
who shows, in opposition to Burnet, that such a licence was accepted, evi
Cranmer in October, 1535. See also Wharton in Appendix t
of Cranmer, p. 259.

8 Sent for to the inquisitor sJ] The order of the inquisition was <1
17, l.VJ'v Lewis's Histor. Account of English Trnnslutinns, p. 121.

9 Printed out the said bible.] This was the bible commonly called (

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. :><)<)

sundry impressions of them : but yet not without great trouble
and losse, for the hatred of the bishops, namely Steven Gardiner,
and his fellowes, who mightily did stomacke and maligne the
printing thereof.

Here by the way, for the more direction of the story, thou hast,
loving reader, to note and understand that in those daies there
were two sundry bibles in English, printed and set forth, bearing-
divers titles, and printed in divers places. The first was called
Thomas Mathews bible, printed at Hambrough, about the yeare l
of our Lord 1532, the corrector of which print was then John
Eogers, of whom ye shall heare more, Christ willing, hereafter.
The printers were Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch. In the
translation of this bible, the greatest doer was indeed William
Tindall, who with the helpe of Miles Coverdale had translated all
the bookes thereof, except only the apocripha, and certaine notes
in the margent which were added after. But because the said
William Tindall in the mean time was apprehended before this
bible was fully perfected, it was thought good to them which had
the doing thereof, to change the name of William Tindall, because
that name then was odious, and to further it by a strange name
of Thomas Mathew, John Rogers the same time being corrector
to the print, who had then translated the residue of the apocripha,
and added also certaine notes thereto in the margent, and thereof

or the great bible. The title was as follows : " The byble in Englyshe, that
is to say the content of all the holy scripture bothe of the olde and newe Tes-
tament, truly translated after the veryte of the Hebrue and Greke textes by
the dylygent studye of dyverse excellent learned men, expert in the forsayde
tonges.

" Prynted by Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch, cum privilegio ad
imprimendum solum, 1539." A correct description of this translation, with
many particulars respecting its history, may be found in Lewis's History of
the Translations of the Bible, edit. 1739, p. 119—29-

1 About the yeareJ] The year was 1537.

This was the second time in which the whole bible was printed in English ;
the first copy (commonly called Coverdale's) being printed in 1535, of which
some mention was made above in the Life of Tindal. The title-page of this
second edition was as follows. "The Byble, which is all the Holy Scripture,
in which are contayned the Olde and Newe Testament, truely and purely
translated into Englysh. By Thomas Matthewe.

"Esaye 1. Hearken to ye Heavens, and thou earth geave eare : for the
Lorde speaketh. 1537.

" Set forth with the King's most gracyous lycence."

See Lewis's History, p. 105 — 112.

300 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

came it to be called Thomas Mathewes bible. Which bible ot
Thomas Mathew, after it was imprinted and presented to the
lord Cromwell, and the lord Cranmer archbishop of Canturbnrx .
who liked very well of it, the said Cromwell presented it to the
king, and obtained that the same might freely passe to be read ot
his subjects with his graces licence : so that there was printed
upon the same booke, one line in red letters with these won
Setfoorth with the Kings most gratious licence.

The setting forth of this booke did not a little offend the clergie,
namely the bishops aforesaid, both for the prologues, and specially
because in the same booke was one speciall table collected of the
common places in the bible, and the scriptures for the approbation
of the same, and chiefely about the supper of the Lord and mar
of priests, and the masse which there was said not to be found in
the scripture.

Furthermore, after the restraint of this foresaid bible of M at hew.
another bible began to be printed at Paris, an. 1540 2. Which was
called the bible of the large volume. The printers whereof \
the foresaid Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch which ban
charges. A great helper thereto was the lord Cromwell. The
chiefest overseer was Miles Coverdale, who taking the translation
of Tindal, conferred the same with the Hebrue, and amended
many things.

In this bible although the former notes of Thomas Mathew
were omitted, yet sundry marks and hands were annexed in the
sides, which ment that in those places should be made certaine
notes ; wherewith also the clergy was offended, though the notes
were not made.

After this the bishops bringing their purpose to pass, brought
the lord Cromwell out of favour, and shortly to his death : and
not long after, great complaint was made to the king, of the ti
lation of the bible, and of the preface of the same, and then
the sale of the bible commanded to be staied3, the bishops pn.-

2 At Paris, an. 1540.] Rather, in the year 1538. For the mandate of the
inquisition, directing the seizure of this Paris edition, was dated, as we men-
tioned before, Dec. 17, 1538, and the London edition, which was built ii] on
it, came out in 1 539.

3 Commanded to be stated.'] By the act of parliament, A.D
commanded, "that all manner of bokes of the olde and i

in Kn^li^h of Tindal's translation, .should be utterly abolished, cMin^u:
:md forbidden." It \vus also enacted, that " alter the first day

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. SOI

mising to mend and correct it, but never performing the same * :
Then Grafton was called, and first charged with the printing of
Mathews bible, but hee being fearefull of trouble, made excuses
for himselfe, in all things. Then was hee examined of the great
bible, and what notes he was purposed to make. To which he
answered, that hee knew none. For his purpose was to have
retained learned men to have made the notes ; but when hee per-
ceived the kings majesty, and his cleargy not willing to have any,
hee proceeded no further. But for all these excuses, Grafton
was sent to the Fleet, and there remained six weekes, and before
he came out, was bound in three hundred pounds that he should
neither sell, nor imprint, or cause to be imprinted any mo bibles,
untill the king and the clergie should agree upon a translation.
And thus was the bible from that time staid, during the raigne of
king Henry the eight.

But yet one thing more is to be noted, that after the imprinters
had lost their bibles, they continued suitors to Boner, as is afore-
said, to bee a meane for to obtaine of the French king their books
againe : but so long they continued suitors, and Boner ever fed
them with faire wordes, promising them much, but did nothing
for them, till at the last Boner was discharged of his ambassade,
and returned home, where hee was right joyfully welcomed home

next ensuing, no person should take upon him to read openly to others in any
church or public assembly, the bible or any part of scripture in English,
unless by special appointment of the king, or by any ordinary. Provided
that the chauncellor of England, capitaines of the warres, the king's justices,
the recorders of any city, borough, or town, the speaker of the parliament,
&c. which heretofore have been accustomed to declare or teache any good,
virtuous, or godly exhortations in anie assemblies, may use anie part of the
bible or holie Scripture, as they have been wont : and that every nobleman
and gentleman, being a householder, may read, or cause to be read by anie of
his familie servants in his house, orchardes, or garden, and to his owne familie
any text of the bible or new testament : and also every merchant-man being
a householder, and other persons, other than women, prentices, &c. might
read to themselves privately the bible, &c. But no woman, except noble-
women and gentlewomen, who might read to themselves alone, and not to
others any textes of the bible &c., nor artificers, prentices, journeymen, serv-
ing men, of the degrees of yeomen or under, husbandmen, nor labourers,
were to read the bible or new testament in Englishe, to himself or to any
other, privately or openly, upon paine of one month's imprisonment." See
Lewis's History, p. 14Q.

4 Never performing the same ] See Lewis's History of Translations, p.
144—8.

302 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

by the lord Cromwell, who loved him dearely, and had a mar-
vellous good opinion of him. And so long as Cromwell remained
in authoritie, so long was Boner at his becke, and friend to his
friendes, and enemy to his enemies: as namely, at that time to
Gardiner bishop of Winchester, who never favoured Crmmvdl;
and therefore Boner could not favour him, but that he and Win-
chester were the greatest enemies that might bee. But so s<
as Cromwell fell, immediately Boner and Winchester pretended
to bee the greatest men that lived, and no good worde could
Boner speake of Cromwell, but the lewdest, vilest, and bitt
that hee could speake, calling him the rankest hereticke that
lived ; and then such as the said Boner knew to bee in good favour
with Cromwell, he could never abide their sight. Insomuch as
the next day after that Cromwell was apprehended, the above
named Grafton, who had beene very familiar with Boner, UK t
with the said Boner sodenly, and said unto him, that hee wa*
sorie to heare of the newes that then was abroad. " Wha?
they?" (said he.) " Of the apprehension of the L. Cromwell."
said Grafton. " Are ye sorie for that 2 (said he.) It had 1><
good that he had beene dispatched long agoe." With that Graf-
ton looked upon him and knew not what to say, but came no more
to Boner. Howbeit afterward the said Grafton being charged for
the imprinting of a ballet made in the favour of Cromwell, un-
called before the councell, where Boner was present, and there
Boner charged him with the wordes that hee spake to him of
Cromwell, and told out a great long tale. But the lord A wdel.-v.
who then was lord chancellour, right discreetly and honorably, nit
off' the matter, and entered into other talke.

JOHN ROGERS.

To burne mee, or to destroy mee, cannot so greatly profit them. For
when I am dead, the sunne, and the moone, the starres and the element,
water and fire, yea, and also stones, shall defende this cause agaynst them,
rather than the veritie should perishe.

DOCTOR ROBERT BARN

Go to, therefore, my dear hearts in the Lord ; waver not in Christ's reli-
gion, truly taught you and set forth in king Edward's days. Never shall the
enemies be able to burn it, to prison it, and keep it in bonds. If they may
prison, they may bind and burn, as they do and will do, so long as shall
please the Lord ; — but our cause, religion, and doctrine, which we confess,
they shall never be able to vanquish and put away.

JOHN BRADFORD.

JOHN ROGERS.

JOHN ROGERS brought up in the university of Cambridge, where
he profitably travailed in good learning, at the length was chosen
and called by the marchants adventurers to be their chaplen at
Antwerpe in Brabant, whom hee served to their good contenta-
tion manie years. It chanced him there to fall in company with
that worthy servant and martyr of God William Tindall, and
with Miles Coverdale, which both, for the hatred they bare to
popish superstition and idolatry, and love to true religion, had
forsaken their native country. In conferring with them the
scriptures hee came to great knowledge in the gospell of God, in
so much that he cast off the heavie yoke of poperie, and joyned
himselfe with them two in that painefull and most profitable
labor of translating the Bible into the English tongue, which is
intituled \ the translation of Thomas Mathew.

Hee knowing by the scriptures, that unlawfull vowes2 may
lawfully be broken, and that matrimonie is both honest and
honourable amongst all men, joyned himselfe in lawfull matri-
monie, and so went to Wittemberge in Saxonie, where he with
much sobernesse of living did not onelie greatlie increase in
all good and godly learning, but also so much profited in the
knowledge of the Dutch 3 tongue, that the charge of a congrega-
tion was orderly committed to his cure.

1 Which is intituled.'] See Life of Cromwell, p. 299, note.

2 Unlawfull vowes.'] This kind of expression, in the present case, is unneces-
sary, or more properly, it is incorrect. It does not appear that Rogers had
been a monk, and therefore he was no votary. This point of distinction
between the regular and the secular clergy will be set right in the course of
this account of Rogers by a valuable note from H. Wharton.

3 Dutch.'] i. e. German (Deutsch}.

VOL. II. X

306 JOHN ROGERS.

In which ministrie, he diligently and faithfully served many
yeares, untill such time as it pleased God by the faithfull traveU
of his chosen and deare servant king Edward the sixt, utterly t«>
banish all popery forth of England, and to receive in true reli-
gion, setting Gods gospell at libertie. He then being orderly
called, having both a conscience and a ready good will to helpe
forward the worke of the Lord in his native countrey, left
honest and certaine conditions as he had in Saxonie, and <
into England to preach the gospell, without certaintie of any
condition. In which office, after he had a space diligently and
faithfully travelled, Nicholas Ridley, then bishop of London.
him a prebend in the cathedrall church of Paules, and the d
and the chapter chose him to be the Reader of the Divinitie
lesson there, wherein he diligently travelled, untill such tin:
queene Marie obtaining the crowne, banished the gospell and
true religion, and brought in the antichrist of Rome, with his
idolatrie and superstition.

After the queen was come to the Tower * of London, he being
orderly called thereunto, made a godly and vehement sernn
Paules Crosse, confirming such true doctrine as hee and other
had there taught in king Edwardes dayes, exhorting the people
constantly to remaine in the same, and to beware of all pestilent
poperie, idolatrie, and superstition. The councell being then
overmatched with popish and bloudie bishops called hin
account for his sermon: to whom he made a stout, wittie
godly answere, and yet in such sort handled himselfe. tli,
that time hee was cleerely dismissed.

But after that proclamation5 was set forth by the queen

4 Come to the Tower.'] "The third of August (1553) was the splendid day
on which the queen came riding to London, and so to the Tower ; making
her entrance at Aldgate." Strype's Eccles. Memorials, vol. iii. p. 17. 1
Acts, p. 1280. The sermon which gave offence seems to have been prc
on Sunday the 6th of that month. In that sermon, according to Fox, "he
intreated very learnedlie upon the gospell of the same day." Acts, p. 1280.

6 After that proclamation.'] This proclamation maybe seen in I
p. 1280. It bears date Aug. 18. The confinement of Rogers to his i
began two days before, as appears by the minutes of the priv
"August 16th. John Rogers, alias Matthewe, a sediciouse preacher, on
by the lords of the counsaill to kepe himself as prisoner in his h<>\
Powles, without conference of any personne, other than suche as are daylie
with him in householde, untill suche time as he hath contrarie commauml-
ment." Haynes's State Papers of Lord Burghley, p. l 7"

JOHN ROGERS. 807

prohibite true preaching, he was called againe before the coun-
cell, (for the bishops thirsted after his bloud.) The councell
quarrelled with him concerning his doctrine, and in conclusion
commanded him as prisoner to keepe his owne house ; and so he
did : although by flying he might easily have escaped their cruell
hands ; and many thinges there were, which might have mooved
him thereunto. Hee did see the recovery of religion in England
for that present, desperate ; he knew hee could not want a living
in Germanie ; and he could not forget his wife and ten children,
and to seeke meanes to succour them. But all these things set
apart, after he was called to answere in Christs cause, he would
not depart, but stoutly stood in defence of the same, and for the
triall of that truth, was content to hazard his life.

Thus hee remained in his owne house as prisoner a long time,
till at the length through the uncharitable procurement of Boner
bishoppe of London, who could not abide such honest neighbours
to dwell by him, hee was removed from his owne house, to the
prison called Newgate, where he was lodged among theeves and
murtherers, for a great space : during which time, what busi-
nesse he had with the adversaries of Christ, all is not knowne,
neither yet any certaintie of his examinations, further then hee
himselfe did leave in writing ; which God would not to be lost,
but to remaine for a perpetuall testimony in the cause of Gods
truth, as here followeth recorded and testified by his owne
writing.

The Examination and Answere of John Rogers made to the Lord
Chancellor*, and to the rest of the Counsel^ the 22. of Januarie,
Anno 1555.

First the lord chancellour said unto me thus, " Sir, ye have
heard of the state of the realme in which it standeth now."

Rogers. " No my lord, I have beene kept in close prison, and
except there have beene some generall thing saide at the table
when I was at dinner or supper, I have heard nothing : and there
have I heard nothing whereupon any speciall thing might be
grounded."

Then said the lord chancellor ; " Generall things, generall
things," mockingly. " Ye have heard of my lord cardinals

6 Lord Chancellor.'] Gardiner, bishop of Winchester.
x 2

308 JOHN ROGERS.

coming 7 and that the parliament hath received his blessing, not
one resisting unto it, but one man which did speake against it.
Such an unitie, and such a myracle hath not bin seen." " And
all they, of which there are eight score in one house," said one
that was by, (whose name I knowe not) " have with one assent
and consent received pardon of their offences, for the schisme that
we have had in England, in refusing the holy father of Rome to
be head of the catholike church. How say ye, are yee content
to unite and knit your selfe to the faith of the catholike church
with us, in the state in which it is now in England? Will y<-
doe that?"

Rog. " The catholicke church I never didde nor will di>-
from."

L. Chan. " Nay, but I speak of the state of the catholike
church, in that wise in which we stand now in England, h;i
received the pope to be supreame head."

Rog. " I knowe none other head but Christ of his catholike
church ; neither will I acknowledge the bishop of Rome to have
any more authoritie than any other bishop hath, by the word of
God, and by the doctrine of the olde and pure catholicke church
four hundred yeares after Christ."

L. Chan. " Why didst thou then acknowledge king Henrie
the eight, to be supreame head of the church, if Christ be the
onelie head 2"

Rog. " I never granted him to any supremacie in spirituall
things, as are the forgivenesse of sinnes, giving of the holit-
Ghost, authoritie to be a judge above the word of God."

7 My lord cardinals coming.'] Cardinal Pole landed at Dover, Nov. -21,
1554, and reached Lambeth on the 24th. Fox's Acts, p. 1341
Eccles. Mem., vol. Hi. p. 203. For a copious account of his reconciling the
parliament and realm to the pope, of the oration of cardinal Pole, the sn
of bishop Gardiner, and other proceedings connected with that transa
see Fox's Acts, p. 1341 — 5 We shall only claim a space to record the na;
the one individual who had honesty and courage to protest against this ;
pitate and degrading submission. "Nov. 28 (1554), the parliament, by an
instrument, declared their sorrow for their apostasy, and prayed the kinu
queen to intercede with the cardinal to obtain his absolution; and tl.
kneeled down and received it. Yet one, Sir Ralph Bagnal, refused to c<>~.
to this submission and said, ' He was sworn to the contrary to king 1 1
VIII. which was a worthy prince, and laboured twenty-five years
could abolish him : And to say I will agree to it, I will not.' And many
more were of the same mind, but none had the confidence to speake hu
Strype's Eccles. Memor. vol. iii. p. 201.

JOHN ROGERS. 309

" Yea," saide hee, " and Tonstall bishop of Duresme, and
Heath bishop of Worcester, if thou hadst said so in his daies
(and they nodded the head at me, with a laughter) thou hadst
not beene alive now."

Which thing I denied, and would have told how he was said
and meant 8 to be supreame head. But they looked and laughed
one upon another, and made such a businesse, that I was con-
strained to let it passe. There lieth also no great waight there-
upon : for all the world knoweth what the meaning was. The
lord chancellor also said to the lord William Howard9 that there
was no inconvenience therein, to have Christ to bee supream
head and the bishop of Borne also : and when I was readie to
have answered that there could not be two heads of one church,
and to have more plainely declared the vanitie of that his reason,
the lord chancellor said ; " what sayest thou ? make us a direct
answer, whether thou wilt be one of this catholike church, or not,
with us in that state in which we are now?"

Rog. " My lord, without faile, I cannot beleeve that ye your
selves doe thinke in your harts that he is supreame head in for-
giving of sinne, &c. (as is before said) seeing you, and all the
bishops of the realme have now twenty yeares long 10 preached

8 Said and meant.'] " Where we attribute to the king's majesty the chief
government, by which titles we understand the minds of some slanderous
folks to be offended, we give not to our princes the ministering either of God's
word, or of the sacraments, the which thing the injunctions also lately set
forth by Elizabeth our queen do most plainly testify ; but that only preroga-
tive, which we see to have been given always to godly princes in holy scrip-
tures by God himself ; that is, that they should rule all estates and degrees
committed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal,
and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and evildoers." Art. XXXVII.
of the Church of England. The injunctions of queen Elizabeth, A.D. 1559,
may he found in bishop Sparrow's Collection of Articles, &c., in Wilkins's
Concilia, vol. iv. &c. On the subject of the regal supremacy, see Bilson's
True Difference, part iii. p. 293, &c.

9 William Howard.'] See p. 314.

10 Twenty yeares long.'] The self-contradiction of Gardiner, Bonner, &c., as
well as the tergiversation and apostasy of the whole parliament, and of very
many of the clergy, was often insisted upon, at this time, and afterwards : as
it is with great effect by dean Nowell, in his Reproof of Dorman's Disproof,
in the following extract.

"Ask of them, saith M. Dorman, with what face they could call king Henry
VIII. so many years supreme head of the church of England? &c. as though
the man had so proved the contrary, that none durst shew his face to gainsay
him, whereas all he hath said is not worth a rush. Aske of them, saith he,

310 JOHN ROGERS.

and some of you also written to the contrarie, and thr parlia-
ment hath so long agone condescended unto it." And then
interrupted me thus.

with what face. Nay, aske of your forsworne fathers, the olde papistes, (for
some of them are yet living who gave him the title first,) with what face they
did geve it him, did sweare it to him," (see Bonner's case, in the Life of
Cromwell, p. 295, 6, above), " and so longe time continued so calling him.
If they did not so thinke as they said, and had sworne but dissembled deeply,
ask of them with what face they plaied so false dissembling hypocrites with so
noble a prince, their soveraigne lorde. Ask of them what manner of su!
they were all the while, feigning in face, in countenance, in word and writynge
also, yea and taking a solemne oathe to be with their prince therein ; and
being in hearte and deede, on the pope, his sworne enemies side : — whiche
passeth havynge of two faces wider one hoode.

" But if they thoughte in deede, as they pretended in wordes, — then aske of
theym, with what face they dyd chaunge ; theyn copie, and forsweare the
same and themselves withal, so easelie afterwarde ; yea, and compelled all
other to be forsworne with them for companie ?

"If it will please you to resort to the recordes of the xxiid. and xxivth.
yeres of king Henrie VIIL, there shall you finde who they were, that first
offered this title to the saide kinge: there shall you finde that allabbottes, and
other religious, all the bishoppes, deanes, archedeacons, and cleargie of both
the houses of the convocation, then livinge, gave him that title : amongste
whom, if you find one protestante, I can for him find one score of papistes, to
speake with the least, and peradventure one hundreth too. And those pro-
testantes, who gave him that title, dealed simplie and plainlie with their
prince, as becomed true subjectes, as the sequele declared. But there shall
you finde an huge numbre of papistes, who by their writing, not saying onely;
by their othe not worde onely, resided all that false usurped supremacie of the
pope, which you and they, as many of them as be yet livinge, without all face,
or with a shamelesse face, do nowe maintaine. There shall you find who gave
to king Henrie the supremacie over the cleargie, as well as the laitie, within
his owne dominions. There shall you finde who they were that chaunged their
copie, and turned with the winde, as the wethercocke. There shall you finde
who they were, that so falsely sware, re-sware, tri-sware, forsware themselves;
and not content therwith, did so cruelly by all most terrible torments, and
dreadefull deathes, compell others to perjurie with them.

" Seeinge therefore thus standeth the case, with what face soever M. Dor-
man moveth such demaundes, and vexeth us with such leude questions,
surely he doth it without all forehead or shamefacedness." Fol. 11(>
1565. 4to.

"Blessed be God agayne and agayne," says bishop Ridley in a lett
Bradford, both being in prison, " whiche gave you so goode a mynde and
remembrance of your othe once made against the bishop of Rome, least you
should be partaker of the common perjury, which all men almost art
fallen into, in bringing in againe that wycked usurped power of hys. Whiche
othe was made according to the prophete, in judgement, in ryghteottsness, and

JOHN ROGERS. 31]

L. Chan. " Tush, that parliament was with m ,st great cruelty
constrained to abolish and put away the prhnacie from the
bishop of Rome."

Rog. " With crueltie ? why then I perceive that you take a
wrong way with crueltie to perswade mens consciences. For it
should appeare by your dooings now, that the crueltie then used
hath not perswaded your consciences. How would you then have
our consciences perswaded with crueltie ?"

L. Chan. " I talke to thee of no crueltie, but that they were
so often and so cruelly called upon in that parliament, to let the
acte goe forwarde, yea and even with force driven thereunto ;
whereas in this parliament it was so uniformly received, as is
aforesaid/''

Here my lord Paget " told me more plainely, what my lord
chancellor meant. Unto whom I answered ; " My lord what
will yee conclude thereby ; that the first parliament was of lesse
authoritie, because but few condescended unto it ? and this last
parliament of great authoritie, because more condescended unto
it ? It goeth not, my lord, by the more or lesser part, but by
the wiser, truer, and godlier part :" and I would have said more,
but the lord chancellor interrupted mee with his question, willing
me once againe to answere him. " For," said hee, " wee have
moe to speake with than thou, which must come in after thee."
And so there were indeed ten persons moe out of Newgate, be-
sides two that were not called. Of which ten, one was a citizen
of London, which granted unto them ; and nine of the contrary,
which all came to prison againe, and refused the cardinals bless-
ing, and the authoritie of his holy fathers church, saving that
one of these nine was not asked the question otherwise than
thus, whether he would be an honest man as his father was before
him : and answering " yea," he was so discharged by the friend-
ship of my lord William Howard (as I have understanded). —
He bade me tell him what I would doe : whether I would enter

in truth • and therefore cannot without perjury be revoked ; let Satan roare,
and rage, and practise all the cruelty he can." Letters of the Martyrs, p. 65, 6.
4to. A.D. 1564. This letter was written immediately after Ridley had perused
the narrative of Bradford's examinations before Gardiner and other commis-
sioners, and in the course of which Bradford had several times reminded the
bishop of his book De vera obedientia, and his oath against the pope's supre-
macy.

11 Paget. .] William, first lord Paget.

312 JOHN ROGERS.

into one church with the whole realme as it is now, or not ?
" No," said I, u I will first see it proved by the scriptures. Let
me have penne, inke, and bookes, &c. and I shall take upon me
plainely to set out the matter, so that the contrarie shall be
prooved to be true ; and let any man that will, confer with me
by writing.""

L. Chan. " Nay, that shal not be permitted thee. Thou shalt
never have so much preferred thee as thou hast now, if thou
refuse it, and wilt not now condescend and agree to the catho-
licke church. Heere are two things, mercie and justice. If thou
refuse the queenes mercy now, then shalt thou have justice
ministered unto thee."

Hog. u I never offended, nor was disobedient unto hir gi .
and yet I will not refuse hir mercie. But if this shall bee denied me
to confer by writing, and to trie out the truth, then it is not well.
but too far out of the way. Ye your selves (all the bisho]
the realme) brought me to the knowledge of the pretensed pri-
macie of the bishop of Rome, when I was a young manne twentie
yeares past : and will ye now without collation have me to say,
and doe the contrarie I I cannot be so persuaded."

L. Chan. "If thou wilt not receive the bishoppe of Rom<
be the supreame head of the catholicke church, then thou shalt
never have her mercie thou mayest be sure. And as touching
conferring and triall, I am forbidden by the scriptures to use am
conferring and triall with thee. For saint Paule teacheth me
that I shall shumne and eschew an heretike after one or two moni-
tions, knowing that such an one is overthrowne and i.s faultio.
insomuch as he is condemned by his owne judgement."

Rog. " My lord, I denie that I am an heretike : proovc
that first, and then alledge the foresaid text." But still the lord
chancellor plaid on one string, saying,

L. Chan. " If thou wilt enter into one church with us.
tell us that, or else thou shalt never have so much preferred tin •<•
againe, as thou hast now."

Rog. "I will find it first in the scripture, and see it tried
thereby, before I receive him to be supreame head."

Wor. " Why ? Doe ye not know what is in your creel '
credo ecclesiam sanctam catholicam. I believe the holy catlmlick*
church.""

Rog. " I find not the bishop of Rome there. For (catholic:
signifieth not the Romish church: it signifieth the ronx-nt »>1 'all

JOHN ROGERS. 813

true teaching churches of all times, and all ages. But how
should the bishoppe of Romes church be one of them, which
teacheth so many doctrines that are plainely and directly against
the word of God ? Can that bishop be the true head of the
catholicke church that doth so ? that is not possible."

L. Chan. " Shew me one of them, one, let me heare one."

Rog. " I remembered my self, that amongst so many, I were
best to shew one, and said ' I will shew you one.1 "

L. Chan. " Let me heare that, let me heare that."

Rog. " The bishop of Rome and his church say, read, and
sing, all that they doe in their congregations in Latine *, which
is directly and plainely against the first to the Corinthians, the
14. chapter."

L. Chan. " I denie that, I denie, that that is against the
word of God. Let me see you proove that, how proove you
that?"

Rog. Thus I began to say the text from the beginning of the
chapter, Qui loquitur lingua, &c. to speake with tongue, said I, is
to speak with a strange tongue ; as Latine or Greeke, &c. and
so to speake, is not to speake unto men, but to God. But ye
speake in Latin, which is a strange tongue, wherefore yee speake
not unto men, but unto God (meaning God only at the most).
This he granted, that they spake not unto men but unto God.

Rog. " Well, then it is in vaine unto men."

L. Chan. " No, not in vaine. For one man speaketh in one
tongue, and another in another tongue, and all well."

Rog. " Naie, I will proove then, that he speaketh neither to
God nor to man, but unto the winde."

I was willing to have declared how and after what sort these
two texts doe agree (for they must agree, they bee both the
sayings of the Holy Ghost, spoken by the apostle Paule) as to
wit, to speake not to men, but unto God, and to speake unto the
winde : and so to have gone forward with the proofs of my matter
begun, but here rose a noise and a confusion. Then saide the
lord chancellor,

" To speak unto God, and not unto God, were unpossible."

Rog. " I will proove them possible."

1 In Latine.'] See Art. XXIV. of the Church of England, " Of speaking in
the congregation in such a tongue as the people understandeth."

3U JOHN ROGERS.

" No," said my lord William Howard8 to my lord chancellor ;
" now will I beare you witnes, that he is out of the way. For In-
granted first, that they which spake in a strange speech, spakr
unto God: and now he saith the contrarie, that they
neither to God, nor to man."

Rog. " I have not granted or said" (turning mee to my
Howard) " as ye report. I have alledged the one text, and now
I am come to the other. They must agree, and I can make
them to agree. But as for you, you understand not the matter."

L. Howard. " 1 understand so much that that is not possil*
" This is a point of sophistrie," quoth secretarie Bourne.

Then the lord chancellor began to tell the lord Howard, that
when he was in high Dutchland they at Hale, which had b<
praied and used their service all in Dutch, began then to turn*-
part into Latin, and part into Dutch.

Worcest. " Yea and at Wittenburge too."

Rog. "Yea," (but I could not be heard for the noise) "in
an universitie3, where men for the most part understand the
Latine ; and yet not all in Latine." And I would have told'
order and have gone forward both to have answered my lord, and
to have prooved the thing that I had taken in hand : but per-
ceiving their talking and noise to be too noisome, I was i'ainr to
thinke this in my hart (suffering them in the meane while to
talke one of them one thing and another another), Alas, ii'-itlicr
will these men heare me if I speake, neither yet will they snhVr
mee to write. There is no remedie but let them alone, ami com-
mitte the matter to God. Yet I began to goe forward, and
that I would make the texts to agree and to proove my purpose
wel enough.

L. Chan. " No, no, thou canst proove nothing by the script ;
The scripture is dead4 : it must have a lively expositor."

2 William Howard.'] The first lord Howard of Effingham, and lord high
admiral, a son of Thomas, second duke of Norfolk.

3 An universitie. ~] So, by the acts of uniformity, in the Church of England,
it is permitted to the universities of Oxford and Cambridge (2 and .5 Kd\v. VI.
cap. i. § 6.) to use common prayer in their college chapels in the II«
Greek, or Latin languages: but in the act 13 and 14 Car. II. cap. J.

this is restricted to the Latin only.

4 The scripture is deadJ] "M. Dorman hath most untruly charged us as
allies to Suenkfeldius, who do moste ahhorre, and are moste farre from him,
and his vyle heresies. Let me see therefore, whether, as I have shewed a

JOHN ROGERS. :J1 r,

Rog. " No, the scripture is alive. — But let me go forwarde
with my purpose."

very likeness and conformitie to be between Suenkfeldius and the papistes, in
the laste point, so I cannot proove the like conformitie between them and him
likewise in all other poyntes by M. Dorman here specified.

" Suenkfeldius (saithM. Dorman) holdeth this most abhominable heresie, that
we ought to banish utterly from amongst us all scriptures.

" Doo not the papistes themselves, forbidding the Scriptures to be readde
of the laitie, keepyng the Scriptures in an unknowen tongue, burning the
Scriptures written in knowen language, goe as neare to this most abhomin-
able heresie of Suenkfeldius, as wee are most farre from the same ; who do
judge and teache, that all men of all sortes ought with diligence to reade or
heare the Scriptures ?

" Again " (according to Dorman), " thou must not be perfecte in the Scrip-
tures, saith the heretike Suenkfeldius. The Scripture is not God's word, but
dead letters ; and no more accompte to be made of them, than of any other crea-
tures, amongst the whiche they are to be rekened.

"Thou must not be perfecte in the Scriptures, say these false papistes to
all lay men. It is ignorance that is the mother of devotion. It sufficeth a
lay man to h&vejidem implicitam, an implicite faith, yea so implicite that the
most parte of such men under poperie can no more explicate what they
beleeve than can a popenjay. Yea, and popenj ay-like, both rehearsing that
their implicite faith, and praying in a strange language, they can no more tell
what they say than doth the popenjay, whiche biddeth her dame, 'Good night,
mistress," at midde day.

" And the papistes speake of the Holy Scriptures, not only as unreverently
and abominably as ever did Swenkfield, but do farre passe him in all outrage,
calling the Scriptures most contumeliously and blasphemously, a nose of wax:
and affirming it to be but an uncertaine thynge, and like a rule of leade
appliable to every wicked sentence, and to all purposes, except it have the
popes direction as a most certein infallible rule, will reherse the very wordes
of that blasphemous beast, I mean Pighius, in his Hier archie, or defense of
the pope's supremacie, written in our time .... Pighius's words are these :
' Sunt scripturse, ut non minus vere quam festive dixit quidam, velut nasus
cereus, qui se horsum, illorsum, et in quam volueris partem, trahi, retrahi
pangique facile permittit ; et tanquam plumbea quaedam Lesbiae aedificationis
regula quam non sit difficile accommodare ad quidvis volueris. Et rursum,
supra indicavimus scripturas facile trahi quocunque ; et velut plumbeam
quandam regulam haud difficulter applicari impiae cuivis sententiae,' &c. —
These are his very wordes; which in English are thus much: 'The Scrip-
tures, as one no less truely than pleasantly sayd, are like a nose of wax, whiche
will suffer itselfe easely to be drawen, countredrawen, and framed, which way
ye list ; and as a certeine rule of leade of the Lesbian buildyng, the whiche
it is not hard to applie whereto ye will.' — And agayne the same Pighius, in
another place, saith, ' We have shewed before, that the Scriptures may easely
be drawen every way, and like a certeine leaden rule, may without difficultie
be applied to every wicked sentence.'

"Thus

316 JOHN ROGERS.

Wor. " All heretikes have alledged the scriptures for them,
and therefore we must have a lively expositor for them.11

Rog. " Yea, all heretikes have alledged the scriptures for
them: but they were confuted by the scriptures, and by none
other expositor.11

Wor. " But they would not confesse that they were o\
come by the scriptures, I am sure of that.11

Rog. "I believe that: and yet were they overcome liy
them, and in all councels they were disputed with and over-
throwne by the scriptures.11 And here I would have declare* 1
how they ought to proceed in these dayes, and so would have
come againe to my purpose, but it was unpossible : for one asked
one thing, another said another, so that I was faine to hold my
peace, and let them talke. And even when I would have taken
holde on my proofe, the lord chauncellor bade, to prison with me
againe, and "away, away,11 saide he, "we have more to talke
withall : if I would not be reformed11 (so he tearmed it) " away.
away.11 Then up I stood, for I had kneeled all the while.

Then sir Richard Southwyll, who stood by in a window, said
to me : " thou wilt not burne in this geare, when it commeth t<»
the purpose, I know well that.11

Rog. " Sir, I cannot tell, but I trust to my Lord God y«
lifting up mine eyes unto heaven.

Then my lord of Ely5 told me much of the queens majesties
pleasure and meaning, and set it out with large wordes, say i \\<r
that shee tooke them that would not receive the bishop of R<
supremacie, to be unworthy to have her mercie.

I sayde, I would not refuse her mercie, and yet I in
offended her in all my life : and that I besought her grace and
all their honours to bee good to mee, reserving my conscien-

Diverse speak at once. " No ! " quoth they then, a great
of them, and especially secretarie Bourne, "a maried prie>t. and
have not offended the law?1'

I said, I had not broken the queens law, nor yet any point of

" Thus farre Pighius, speakyng it twyse or thrise, as they say, as is 1 1
for so woorthy a mattier ....

" Wherefore the papistes are more horribly blasphemous, than ever was
Suenkfeldius."— NowelTs Reproof of Dorman's Disproof, fol. 86, 7.
1565. 4to.

Compare Jewell's Apology of the Church of England, in Christian lust*1
vol. iv. j). 321—3.

6 Ely.~\ Thomas Thirlby, who had been bishop of Westminster, and al
wards of Norwich.

JOHN ROGERS. .317

the law of the realme therein. For I married where it was
lawful!.

Divers at once. "Where was that?" sayde they, thinking
that to be unlawfull in all places.

Rog. " In Dutchland. And if yee hadde not heere in Eng-
land made an open lawe ° that priests might have hadde wives,
I would never have come home againe. For I brought a wife and
eight children with me : which thing ye might be sure that I
would not have done, if the lawes of the realme had not permitted
it before."

Then there was a great noise, some saying that I was come too
soone with such a sort ; I should find a souer comming of it :
and some one thing, and some another. And one saide (I could
not well perceive who) that there was never a catholicke man or
countrey, that ever granted that a priest might have a wife.

Rog. " I saide the catholicke church never denied mariage
to priests7, nor yet to any other men;" and therewith was I

6 An open lawe.~\ The cruel hardships, and the barbarous wrong involved at
this time in the case of the married clergy, is concisely, but strikingly exhi-
bited in a couple of sentences, which I shall borrow from the Preface prefixed
to Cranmer's Defensio verce et catholicce doctrines de sacramento corporis et
sanguinis Christi Servatoris nostri, printed at Emden in 1557, and attributed
to Sir John Cheke, then an exile for his religion.

" Postquam enim rerum potiente Edvardo sexto, ssepe ac multum in com-
muni ecclesiae Anglicanae concilio disputatum, tractatumque fuisset de tol-
lendo sacerdotum ccelibatu, obtinuit ea sententia, quse, ut omnium ordinum
suffrages approbata erat, praeceptum illud Romani Antichristi de non ducendis
uxoribus, tanquam a spiritu erroris profectum, sacerdotibus abrogavit: quippe
quod non modo verbo Dei, et Apostolorum doctrinae repugnaret, sed etiam
tarn veteris legis, quam primitivse ecclesiae exemplis, adversaretur. Ceeterum,
cum multi, hac ipsa totius regni constitutione freti, uxores duxissent, et legi-
time procreatis inde liberis benedictionem propagationis consequuti essent,
coacti fuere, eodem Edvardo sexto e vivis sublato, cum uxoribus suis divor-
tium facere, et liberos etiam suos abdicare. — Hie certe, aut nusquam alibi,
miserrimam rerum faciem videre licebat, dum alii ex sacrificorum ordine
hypocritae, repudiatis uxoribus et ejectis e sua familia liberis, ad execratum
Papismi vomitum redirent j alii vero, retentis uxoribus et facultatibus suis,
exuti, et munere ecclesiastico exautorizati, exulare cogerentur."

Of the probable numbers, actually deprived for being married, some im-
portant observations will be found in Anth. Harmer's [H. Wharton's] Speci-
men of Errors, fyc. in the History of the Reformation, p. 137 — 9, 139, 40.

7 Mariage to priests.'] The whole question of the marriage of priests,
according to Scripture, History, and Law, will be found very ably examined,
first, in a learned work, written by an anonymous lay-man, in the reign of

318 JOHN ROGERS.

going out of the chamber, the sergeant which brought me thither.
having me by the arme.

Then the bishop of Worcester turned his face towards me, and
said that I wist not where that church was or is.

I sayd yes, that I could tell where it was ; but therewith went
the sergeant with me out of the doore.

This was the very true effect of all that was spoken unto me,
and of all that I answered thereunto.

And here would I gladly make a more perfect answere to all
the former objections, as also a due proofe of that which I had
taken in hand : but at this present I was informed that I shuld
to morrow come to further answere. Wherefore I am compelled to
leave out that which I would most gladly have done, desiring
here the heartie and unfained helpe of the prayers of all Chri
true members, the true impes of the true unfained catholicke
church, that the Lord God of all consolation will now be- my
comfort, ayde, strength, buckler and shield : as also of all my
brethren that are in the same case and distresse, that I and they
all may despise all manner of threats and crueltie, and even the
bitter burning fire and the dreadfull dart of death, and sticke
like true soldiers to our deare and loving captaine Christ, our
only redeemer and saviour, and also the only true head of the
church, that dooth all in us all, which is the verie propertie of an
head (and is a thing that all the bishops of Rome cannot d<
and that we doe not traitorously run out of his tents, or rather
out of the plaine field from him, in the most jeopardie of the
battell, but that we may persevere in the fight (if he will not
otherwise deliver us) till we be most cruelly slaine of his enci i
For this I most heartily, and at this present, with weeping t<
most instantly and earnestly desire and beseech you all to pray.
And also if I die, to be good to my poore and most honest v
being a poor straunger ; and all my little soules, hers and my

queen Mary, and published in that of Elizabeth, under the superintendence
of, and partly written by Parker, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, en-
titled, A Defence of Priests marriages stablished by the imperial laws of the
realm of England, against a Civilian, naming himself Thomas Martin, Doctor of
the Civil Laws; again, in Chemnitii Examen Concilii Tridentini, part iii. lor. 1
and 2. De calibatu et virginitate, and De ccelibatu sacerdotnm, p. C'26—
edit. 17O7 : and in Henry Wharton's Treatise of the celibacy of the clergy,
wherein its rise runt progress are historically considered. 4to. 1C88. See also
Art. XXXII. of the Church of England, and the expositors, Hey, Burmt

JOHN ROGERS. 319

children. Whome, with all the whole faithfull and true catho-
licke congregation of Christ, the Lord of life and death save,
keepe, and defend, in all the troubles and assaults of this vaine
world, and bring at the last to everlasting salvation, the true and
sure inheritance of all crossed Christians, Amen, Amen.

The 27. day of January at night.

The second confession of John Rogers, made, and that should have
beene made (if I might have beene heard), the 28. and 29. day of
January 1555.

First being asked againe by the lord chancellor, whether I
would come into one church with the bishops and whole realme,
as now was concluded by parliament, (in the which all the realme
was converted to the catholick church of Rome) and so receive
the mercy before profered me, arising again with the whole realme,
out of the schisme and errour in which we had long been, with
recantation of my errors : I answered, that before I could not tell
what his mercy meant, but now I under stoode that it was a mercy
of the antichristian church of Rome, which I utterly refused, and
that the rising which hee spake of, was a very fall into errour and
false doctrine. Also that I had and would be able by Gods grace,
to proove that all the doctrine which I had ever taught, was true
and catholicke, and that by the scriptures, and the authority of
the fathers that lived four hundred yeares after Christs death.
He answered, that should not, might not, nor ought not to be
granted me : for I was but a private man, and might not be
heard 8 against the determination of the whole realme. Should,

8 Might not be heard.! This principle doubtless, in a proper sense, and
under due limitations is unquestionable : and so therefore, in king James's
time, in reference to the disputes which the puritans endeavoured to prolong
after the Hampton Court conference, and therefore were eager to challenge
the court divines to fresh disputation, the earl of Worcester said, with reason,
in a letter to lord Cranborne, " matters being settled, debate every day can-
not be permitted to satisfy private consciences by particular disputation."
(Lodge's Illustrations of British History, vol. iii. p. 266, 7.) And Hooker
has well asked, " Is it meet that, when publicly things are received, and have
taken place, obedience thereunto should cease to be exacted, in case this or
that private person, led with some probable conceit, should make open pro-
testation, 'I Peter or John disallow them, and pronounce them naught?' '
Preface, chap. vi. § 6. No ! The truth must be told. Even in the case of
evil and unjust laws the path of duty is clear. After all expedients have been

320 JOHN ROGERS.

quoth hee, when a parliament hath concluded a thing, one. or any
private person have authority to discusse, whether they had done
right or wrong ? No, that may not be.

I aunswered shortly, that all the lawes of men might not,
neither could rule the word of God ; but that they all must be
discussed and judged thereby, and obey thereto ; and my con-
science, nor no Christian mans could be satisfied with such lawes
as disagreed from that worde : and so was willing to have said
much more, but the lord chancellor began a long tale to very
small purpose, concerning mine answere, to have defaced mee,
that there was nothing in me wherefore I should be heard, but
arrogancie, pride, and vaineglorie. I also granted mine ignorance
to be greater than I could expresse, or then hee tooke it : but yet
that I feared not by Gods assistance and strength, to be able by
writing to perform my word ; neither was I (I thanked God) so
utterly ignorant as he would make me ; but all was of God to
whom be thanks rendred therefore ! Proud man was I never, nor
yet vaine glorious. All the world knew well, where and on which
side pride, arrogancie, and vain-glorie was. It was a poore pride
that was or is in us, God it knoweth.

Then said he, that I at the first dash condemned the queene
and the whole realme, to be of the church of antichrist ; and
burdened me highly therewithal!. I answered that the qu<
majestie (God save her grace) would have done well enough, if it
had not beene for his counsel!. He said, the queene went be-fore
him, and it was her owne motion. I said, without faile I neither
could, nor I would ever belecve it.

tried which the constitution of the country and its laws will allow ; such as
are, in our own, the exercise of the right of petition, which is as inherent in
the subject as that of legislation is in the king and his great council ; such
again, as is the freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press so far as is
consistent with law, — then, thus much having been tried — for the rest, — if
these shall prove ineffectual, — the laws must be obeyed. Or, if we do not obey,
then we must have made up our mind to abide the consequences; temporal
punishment, namely, here ; and a strict enquiry into our motives and conduct
hereafter.

Rogers and his fellows were well aware of the alternative. They were no
novices. They had counted the cost: and, this being so, they went to the
stake in sure and certain hope of better things beyond the grave ; and not
without the cheering consolation, springing from the very depth of tlu-ir own
sutlVrings and wrong, that so would be wrought nut, through (iod's mercy,
a redemption mul deliverance for those (the afflicted church of God), whom
they left behind.

JOHN ROGERS. 321

Then said doctor Aldrise 9 the bishop of Carlile, that they the
bishops would beare him witnesse. Yea, quoth I, that I beleeve
well ; and with that the people laughed : for that day there were
many ; but on the morrow they bade keep the doores shut, and
would let none in, but the bishops adherentes and servants in
maner ; yea and the first day the thousandth man came not in.
Then maister controller and secretary Bourne would have stood
up also to beare witnesse, and did.

I said it was no great matter : and to say the truth, I thought
that they were good helpers thereto themselves : but I ceased to
say any more therein, knowing that they were too strong and
mighty of power, and that they should bee beleeved before mee,
yea and before our Saviour Christ, and all his prophets and
apostles too, in these daies.

Then after many wordes hee asked mee what I thought con-
cerning the blessed sacrament, and stood up and put off his cap J,

9 Aldrise. ,] Robert Aldrich, provost of Eton.

1 Put off his cap.~\ This action of Gardiner and his fellow bishops, was in
token of their reverence and devotion to the supposed bodily presence of
Christ in the consecrated elements of the eucharist. We learn a little below,
in the course of these examinations of Rogers, that this was a ceremonial
rarely omitted by Gardiner ; who, doubtless, from his controversy with arch-
bishop Cranmer, regarded himself as an eminent champion of the doctrine of
transubstantiation. The reader may not be displeased to see a further exem-
plification of this species of devotion, in the persons of two very distinguished
characters of those times, the pope of Rome, Paul III., and the pope-like
king of England, Henry VIII. The first extract is taken from a description
of a procession of the pope, cardinals, and other ecclesiastics to St. Peter's on
Christmas day in the year 1547, of which the narrator was an eye-witness.

"Than came the double crosse, the sworde and the imperiall hatte, and
after that the cardinalls by two and two, and betweene every two a great route
of gentilmen. Then came the ambassadors, and next them the bishop hym-
selfe, blessyng all the waie, and carried in his chayre by eight men clothed in
long robes of skarlet. And on either side of him wente his guarde makyng
rome, and crying, abasso, abasso ; for they that will not willingly kneele, shall
be made kneele by force. And I thynke verily the foremost of this ordre was
distant from the hindermost more than a quarter of a myle.

" Thus when he came into the middest of the church against the sacrament
of the aulter, he turned himself e towards it, and bowyng his head a little, seemed
to make a cert aine familiar e reverence.

" Then was he carried into the chapell, brought behind the aulter, for the

aulter standeth in the middest open every waie, and there in a throne of won-

derfull majestic was set up as a god." History of Italy, by William Thomas,

fol. 38. A.D. 1549. [In

VOL. II. Y

322 JOHN ROGERS.

and all his fellow bishops (of which there were a great sort new
men, of whom I knew few) whether I beleeved in the sacrament
to be the very body and bloud of our Saviour Christ that was
borne of the virgin Mary, and hanged on the crosse, really and
substantially.

I answered, I had often tolde him that it was a matter in which
I was no medler, and therefore suspected of my brethren to bee
of a contrary opinion. Notwithstanding, even as the most part
of your doctrine in other pointes is false, and the defence thereof
onely by force and cruelty : so in this matter I thinke it to be as

In the examination of John Lambert in the year 1538, in which disputation
Henry himself bore an active part, Lambert being abashed at the monarch's
angry words, makes a short pause, upon which we are told, " the king being
hastie, with anger and vehemencie said, why standest thou still ? Answere,
As touching the sacrament of the aulter, whether dost thou say, that it is the
bodie of Christ, or wilt thou denie it ? And with that the king lifted up his
cap.

" Lambert. I answere with St. Augustine, that it is the bodie of Christ,
after a certaine manner." Fox's Acts, p. 1025. The next extract applies to
the examination of Dr. Robert Barnes in the following year (1539), soon after
which he was burnt for heresy : the account is from the pen of bishop Gar-
diner. " And one notable thing was done, in the hearing of that matter by
the kynges majestic, when Barnes offered to yield to his highness in his opi-
nion. The kynges grace sytting secretly in his closet, and having with him
the late erle of Southampton (whose soul God pardon !), the mayster of the
horse that now is, Me, Barnes, mayster Doctour Cockes, and Doctour Robin-
son : the kinges highness, at that offire of Barnes, sayd, ' I am (quoth his
majestie) a mortall man :' and therewith rysynge and turning to the sacra-
ment, and putting off" his bonet sayde ; * Yonder is the maister of us all, author
of truth, yield in truth to hym, and I shall ' (sayeth the kinges majestie) * de-
fende that truthe. And otherwyse Barnes,' (quoth the kings majestie) * yield
not to me.' .... But to the purpose I tell this storye for." Declaration of
Articles against George Joye, fol. 7. 4to.

This homage, as might be expected, did not pass without animadversions
from the protestants.

" The lady Jane (Gray), she whom the lord Guilford married, being on a
time when she was very young at New-hall in Essex at the lady Maries "
(afterwards queen Mary), " was by one lady Anne Wharton desired to walke;
and they passing by the chappell, the lady Wharton made low curtsie to the
popish sacrament hanging on the alter. Which when the lady Jane saw, she
marvelled, why she did so ; and asked her whether the lady Mary were there
or not. Unto whom the lady Wharton answered • no, but she said, that she
made her curtsey to him that made us all.' * Why,' quoth the lady Jane,
• how can he be there that made us all, and the baker made him ? '
answere coming to the lady Marie's eare, she did never love her after." I
Act*, p. 1927.

JOHN ROGERS. 323

false as the rest. For I cannot understand (really and substan-
tially) to signifie otherwise than corporally : but corporally Christ
is onely in heaven, and so cannot Christ bee corporally also in
your sacrament. And here I somewhat set out his charitie after
this sort : My lord, quoth I, ye have dealt with mee most cruelly.
For ye have set me in prison without law, and kept mee there
now almost a yeare and a halfe. For I was almost halfe a yeare
in my house, where I was obedient to you, God knoweth, and
spake with no man. And now have I beene a full yeare in New-
gate at great costs and charges, having a wife and ten children to
finde ; and I had never a penie of my livings : which was against
the lawe.

He aunswered, that doctor Ridley which had given them
mee, was an usurper, and therefore I was the unjust possessor
of them.

Was the king then an usurper, quoth I, which gave doctor
Ridley the bishopricke ?

" Yea," quoth he, and began to set out the wrongs that the
king had done to the bishop of London, and to himselfe also.
" But yet I do misuse my tearmes," quoth hee, " to call the king
usurper." But the word was gone out of the aboundance of the
heart before ; and I thinke that he was not verie sorie for it in
heart. I might have said more concerning that matter, but I
did not.

I asked him wherefore he set me in prison. He said, because
I preached against the queene.

I answered that it was not true : and I would be bound to
proove it, and to stand to the trial of the law, that no man should
be able to proove it, and thereupon would set my life. I preached
(quoth I) a sermon at the crosse, after the queene came to the
Tower : but therein was nothing said against the queene, I take
witnesse of all the audience : which was not small. I alleadged
also that he had after examination let me goe at liberty, after the
preaching of that sermon.

Yea, but thou didst reade thy lectures after, quoth he, against
the commandemente of the councell.

That did I not, quoth I : let that be prooved, and let me die
for it. Thus have ye now against the lawe of God and man
handled me, and never sent for me, never conferred with me,
never spoke of any learning, till now that yee have gotten a whip

Y 2

324 JOHN ROGERS.

to whip me with 2, and a sword to cut off my necke, if I will
not condescend to your minde. This charitie doth all the world
understand.

1 might and would have added, if I could have beene suffered to
speake, that it had beene time enough to take away mens livings,
and thereto to have prisoned them, after that they had offended
lawes. For they bee good citizens that breake not lawes, and
worthy of praise and not of punishment. But their purpose is to
keepe men in prison so long, untill they may catch them in their
lawes, and so kill them. I could and would have added tin1
example of Daniell, which by a craftily devised lawe was cast into
the lions den. Item, I might have declared, that I most humbly
desired to be set at libertie, sending my wife to him with a sup-
plication, being great with child, and with her eight honest
women, or thereabout, to Richmond, at Christmas was a t\\
month, whiles I was yet in my house.

Item, I wrote two supplications to him out of Newgate, and
sent my wife many times to him. M. Gosnolde also that worthy
man, who is nowe departed in the Lord, laboured for me ; and
so did divers other worthy men also take paines in the matter.
These things declare my 1. chancellors antichristian charitk-. which
is, that he hath and doth seeke my bloud, and the destruction of
my poore wife and my ten children.

This is a short summe of the wordes which were spoken in the
28 day of January at afternoone, after that M. Hooper had been
the first, and M. Cardmaker the second in examination before
me. The Lord grant us grace to stand together, fighting lawfully
in his cause, till we bee smitten downe together, if the Lords will

2 A whip to whip me with.'] Rogers here alludes to the revival of those
ancient statutes of Richard II. and Henry IVth and Vth against alleged
heresy, of whose cruel operations we have already seen so much, and to some
further provisions for the like purpose, which had been enacted in the course
of that and some preceding months by the parliament; which having gone
through its work of cruelty and degradation, had been then very recently dis-
solved. See Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 275. Fox's Acts,
p. 1446. 1461. 1560. We shall find, in the further progress of our history,
several other references to the same acts of parliament.

These statutes had severally been repealed under king Henry VIII. (25
Hen. VIII. cap. 14) or king Edward VI., were now re-enacted by queen Mary ;
and at length were finally repealed, with all other former statutes relating to
heresy, 1 Eliz. cap. 1. See Blackstone, vol. iv. b. iv. c. 4.

JOHN ROGERS. 325

be so to permit it ! For there shall not a haire of our heads perish
against his will, but with his will. Whereunto the same Lord
grant us to bee obedient unto the end, and in the end ! Amen :
Sweete, mighty, and mercifull Lord Jesus the son of David and
of God : Amen, Amen, let every true Christian say and pray !

Then the clocke being, as I gessed, about foure, the 1. chan-
cellor said, that he and the church must yet use charitie with
mee, (what maner of charitie it is, all true Christians doe well
understand, as to wit, the same that the foxe doth with the
chickens, and the wolfe with the lambes) and gave me respite till
to morrow, to see whether I would remember my self well to
morrow, and whether I would returne to the catholicke church
(for so he calleth his antichristian false church) againe, and
repent, and they would receive me to mercy.

I said that I was never out of the true catholicke church,
nor would be : but into his church, would I, by Gods grace,
never come.

Well, quoth he, then is our church false and antichristian ?

Yea, quoth I.

And what is the doctrine of the sacrament ?

False, quoth I, and cast my hands abroad.

Then said one, that I was a plaier. To whom I answered not :
for I passed not upon his mocke.

Come againe, quoth the lord chancellor, to morrowe betweene
nine and ten.

I am ready to come againe, when so ever ye call, quoth I.

And thus was I brought up by the sheriffes to the counter in
Southwarke, maister Hooper going before mee, and a great mul-
titude of people beeing present, so that we had much to doe to
goe in the streets.

Thus much was done the 28 day of January.

The second day, which was the 29 of January, we were sent
for in the morning about nine of the clocke, and by the sheriffes
fetched from the counter in Southwarke, to the church againe, as
to wit, to S. Mary Overies, where we were the day before in the
afternoone, as is said. And when maister Hooper was condemned,
as I understood afterward, then sent they for me. When my lord
chancellor said unto me :

" Rogers," quoth hee, " here thou wast yesterday, and we gave

326 JOHN ROGERS.

thee libertie to remember thy selfe this night, whether thou
wouldest come to the holy catholicke church of Christ againe
or not. Tell us nowe what thou hast determined, whether
thou wilt be repentant and sory, and wilt return again and take
mercy."

" My lord," quoth I, " I have remembered my selfe right well,
what you yesterday laid for you, and desire you to give me 1< a\»
to declare my mind what I have to say thereunto, and that don I
shall answere you to your demanded question.

" When I yesterday desired that I might bee suffered by the
scripture and authoritie of the first, best, and purest church to
defend my doctrine by writing (meaning not onely of the primacie,
but also of all the doctrine that ever I had preached) ye ans\\< -n <1
mee that it might not, nor ought not to bee granted me, for I
was a private person; and that the parliament was above tin-
authoritie of all private persons, and therefore the sentence thereof
might not bee found faulty and valurelesse by me being but a pri-
vate person. And yet my lord, quoth I, I am able to shew exam-
ples, that one man hath come into a generall councell, and after
the whole had determined and agreed upon an act or article, that
some one man comming in afterward, hath by the worde of (MM!
declared so pithilie that the councell had erred in decreeing tin-
said article, that hee caused the whole councell to change and
alter their act or article before determined. And of these exam-
ples, said I, I am able to shew two. I can also shew the autho-
ritie of S. Augustine, that when he disputed with an heretic kc.
he would neither himself, nor yet have the hereticke, to leane unto
the determination of two former councels, of the which the one
made for him, and the other for the hereticke that disputed again>t
him : but said that hee would have the scriptures to be their jn
which were common and indifferent for them both, and not pn >] •< r
to either of them.

" Item, I could shew," said I, " the authoritie of a learned law v. -r
I'anormitanus3, which saith; that unto a simple lay man, that
bringeth the word of God with him, there ought more credite to be
given, than to a whole councell gathered teyi&t r. By thes< things
will I proove that I ought not to bee denied to say my mindc, and

* Panormitanus.] Niccolo Tedeschi, archbishop of Palermo, one of t he-
most learned canonists of the fifteenth century. His collected \vork^
printed at Venice in 16 17, in nine volumes, folio.

JOHN ROGERS. 327

to be heard against a whole parliament, bringing the worde of
God for mee, and the authoritie of the olde church four hundred
yeares after Christ, albeit that every man in the parliament had
willingly and without respect of feare and favour agreed thereunto
(which thing I doubt not a little of,) specially seeing the like had
beene permitted in that olde church, even in generall councels, yea
and that in one of the chiefest councels that ever was, unto which
neither any actes of this parliament, nor yet any of the late gene-
rall councels of the bishops of Rome ought to be compared. For,
said I, if Henrie the eight were alive, and should call a parlia-
ment, and begin to determine a thing (and heere I would have
alleadged the example of the act of making the queene a bastard,
and of making himselfe the superiour head : but I could not,
being interrupted of one * whom God forgive) then will yee (point-
ing to my lord chancellor) and ye and ye, and so ye all (pointing
to the rest of the bishops) say, Amen : yea, and it like your grace,
it is meete that it be so enacted, &c."

Heere my lord chancellor would suffer me to speake no more :
but bade mee sit downe, mockingly, saying that I was sent for to
be instructed of them, and I would take upon me to be their
instructer.

" My lord," quoth I, " I stand and sit not : shall I not be suf-
fered to speake for my life 2"

" Shall we suffer thee to tell a tale, and to prate," quoth he ?
and with that he stoode up, and began to face me, after his old
arrogant proud fashion ; for hee perceived that I was in a way to
have touched them somewhat, which he thought to hinder, by
dashing me out of my tale ; and so hee did. For I could never
be suffered to come to my tale againe, no not to one worde of it :
but hee had much like communication with mee as he had the day
before, and as his maner is, taunt upon taunt, and checke upon
checke. For in that case, being Gods cause, I tolde him he should
not make me afraid to speake.

L. chaun. " See what a spirit this fellow hath," said hee,
finding fault at mine accustomed earnestnesse and heartie man-
ner of speaking.

Kog. " I have a true spirite," quoth I, " agreeing to and obey-
ing the word of God ;" and would further have said, that I was
never the worse, but the better, to be earnest in a just and true

4 Interrupted of owe.] This was Sir Anthony Brown. Fox.

328 JOHN ROGERS.

cause and in my maister Christs matters : but 1 might not be
heard. And at the length he proceeded towards his excommuni-
cation and condemnation, after that I had tolde him that his
church of Rome was the church of antichrist, meaning the false
doctrine and tyrannicall lawes, with the maintenance thereof by
cruell persecution, used by the bishops of the said church (of
which the bishop of Winchester and the rest of his follow bishops
that are now in England, are the chiefe members). Of lawi - I
meane, quoth I ; and not all men and women which are in the
popes church. Likewise when I was said to have denied their
sacrament (wherof he made his wonted reverent mention, more to
maintaine his kingdome thereby, than for the true reverence of
Christes institution : more for his owne and his popish generations
sake, than for religion or Gods sake) I told him after what order
I did speake of it (for the maner of his speaking was not agreeing
to my words, which are before recited in the communication that
wee had in the 28 of Januarie) wherewith hee was not contented,
but hee asked the audience whether I had not simply denied tho
sacrament. They would have said, and did what hee lusted, for
the most of them were of his owne servants at that day ; the 29
of January I meane. At the last I said, I will never deny that
I said, that is, that your doctrine of the sacrament is false : but
yet I tell you after what order I said it.

To be short, he read my condemnation before me, particularly
mentioning therein but two articles, first that I affirmed the
Romish catholicke church to bee the church of antichrist ; and
that I denied the reality of their sacrament. He cursed me to
be degraded and condemned, and put into the hands of tin laitie.
and so he gave me over into the shrives hands, which were much
better than his.

The copie of which his condemnation here I thought to put down
in English, to the intent that the same being here once expressed,
may serve for all other sentences condemnatory through the whole
story to be referred unto.

The sentence condemnatorie against maister Rogers.

" In the; name of God, Amen. \NV Steven l>y the penm
of God bishop of \Viiichester. lawfully and rightly proceeding
with all godly favour, by authoritie and vertue of our office.

JOHN ROGERS. 329

against thee John Rogers priest, alias called Mathewe, before us
personally here present, being accused and detected, and noto-
riously slandered of heresie ; having heard, seene, and under-
standed, and with all diligent deliberation waied, discussed, and
considered the merites of the cause, all things beeing observed,
which by us in this behalfe, in order of law ought to bee ob-
served, sitting in our judgement seate, the name of Christ being
first called upon, and having God onely before our eies : — because
by the acts enacted, propounded, and exhibited in this matter,
and by thine own confession judicially made before us, wee doe
finde that thou hast taught, holden and affirmed, and obstinately
defended divers errours, heresies, and damnable opinions con-
trarie to the doctrine and determination of the holy church, as
namely these ; That the catholicJce church of Rome, is the church
of antichrist : Item, that in the sacrament of the aultar, there is
not substantially nor really the natural body and Uoud of Christ.
The which aforesaid heresies, and damnable opinions being con-
trarie to the law of Grod, and determination of the universall and
apostolicall church, thou hast arrogantly, stubbornely, and wit-
tingly maintained, helde, and affirmed, and also defended before
us, as well in this judgement, as also otherwise ; and with the
like obstinacie, stubbornnesse, malice and blindnesse of heart,
both wittingly and willingly hast affirmed, that thou wilt beleeve,
maintaine and holde, affirme arid declare the same : Wee there-
fore Stephen Winton bishop, ordinary and diocesan aforesaid, by
the consent and assent as wel of our reverend brethren the lord
bishops here present and assistant, as also by the counsell and
judgement of divers worshipfull lawyers and professours of divi-
nitie, with whom wee have communicated in this behalfe, doe
declare and pronounce thee the said John Rogers, otherwise
called Mathewe, through thy demerites, transgressions, obstina-
cies, and wilfulnesses (which thou manifold waies hast incurred
by thine owne wicked and stubburne obstinacie) to have beene
and to bee guilty in the detestable, horrible, and wicked offence
of heretical! pravitie and execrable doctrine ; and that thou hast
before us sundry times spoken, maintained, and wittingly and
stubbornly defended the said cursed and execrable doctrine in
thy sundry confessions, assertions, and recognitions here judi-
cially before us oftentimes repeated ; and yet still doest main-
taine, affirme and beleeve the same ; and that thou hast beene
and art lawfully and ordinarily convicted in this behalfe. Wee

330 JOHN ROGERS.

therefore, I say, albeit following the example of Christ, Which
would not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert
and live, we have gone about oftentimes to correct thee, and by
all lawfull meanes that wee could, and all wholesome admonitions
that we did know, to reduce thee againe unto the true faith and
unitie of the universall catholick church, notwithstanding have
found thee obstinate and stifnecked, willingly continuing in thy
damnable opinions and heresies, and refusing to returne againe
unto the true faith and unitie of the holy mother church, and as
the childe of wickednesse and darkenesse so to have hardened thy
heart, that thou wilt not understand the voice of thy shepheanl.
which with a fatherly affection doth seeke after thee, nor wilt not
be allured with his fatherly and godly admonitions: — we tin -re-
fore Stephen the bishop aforesaid, not willing that thou which
art wicked, shouldest nowe become more wicked, and infect the
Lords flocke with thine heresie (which wee are greatly afraide
of) with sorrowe of minde and bitternesse of heart doe judge
thee, and definitively condemne thee the said John Rogers,
otherwise called Mathewe, thy demerites and defaults bein«r
aggravate through thy damnable obstinacie, as guiltio of most
detestable heresies, and as an obstinate impenitent sinner, r.
ing penitently to returne to the lappe and unitie of the holy
mother church ; and that thou hast beene and art by law.
communicate, and doe pronounce and declare thee to bee :m
excommunicate person. Also wee pronounce and declare tint-
being an hereticke, to bee cast out from the church, and left
unto the judgement of the secular power ; and now presently so
doe leave thee as an obstinate hereticke, and a person wrapped in
the sentence of the great curse, to bee degraded worthily for thy
demerites (requiring them notwithstanding5 in the bowels of mil-
Lord Jesus Christ, that this execution and punishment worthily
to be done upon thee, may so bee moderated, that the rigor
thereof bee not too extreame, nor yet the gentlenesse too nnu-h

* Requiring them notwithstanding.'] " S. Augustine, when the proconsul of
Africa went further than that holy man liked in that kind of severity, pro-
fesseth he had rather he himself slain by them, than by detecting the Donatists,
he any cause they should undergo the punishment of death. From whence
Bui oiiius conceives it proceeds, that such as deliver an heretic to the secular

i for execution, to this day effectually intercede he may not be pun
with death. And yet as it were to mock God, and delude the world, if the
lay authority having him in his power, shall defer the doing it more than

JOHN ROGERS. 331

mitigated, but that it may bee to the salvation of thy soule, to
the extirpation, terror, and conversion of the heretickes, to the
unitie of the catholicke faith) by this our sentence definitive
which we here lay upon, and against thee, and doe with sorrowe
of heart promulgate in this forme aforesaid."

After this sentence being read, hee sent us (M. Hooper, I
meane, and me) to the Clinke, there to remaine till night : and
when it was darke, they carried us, M. Hooper going before with
the one shiriffe, and I comming after with the other, with billes
and weapons enow, out of the Clinke, and let us thorough the
bishops house 6, and so thorow Saint Mary Overies churchyard,
and so into Southwarke, and over the bridge on procession to
Newgate through the citie. But I must shew you this also, that
when he had read the condemnation, he declared that I was in
the great curse, and what a vengeable dangerous matter it were
to eate and drinke with us that were accursed, or to give us any
thing ; for all that so did, should be partakers of the same great
curse.

" Well my lord," quoth I, "heere I stand before God and you,
and all this honourable audience, and take him to witnes, that I
never wittingly or willingly taught any false doctrine : and there-
fore have I a good conscience before God and al good men. I
am sure that you and I shal come before a judge that is right-
eous, before whom I shall be as good a man as you : and I
nothing doubt but that I shall bee found there a true member of
the true catholicke church of Christ and everlastingly saved.

ordinary, it is the constant tenet of the canonists, relying on a bull of
Alexander IV. (A.D. 1260) that he is to be compelled unto it by spiritual
censures ; yet may he not take any cognisance of the cause at all." Twis-
den's Vindication, p. 140.

" In the mean time they had prevailed upon the weakness of bigoted
princes, to make the civil power subservient to their purposes, by making
heresy not only a temporal, but even a capital offence : the Romish eccle-
siastics determining without appeal, whatever they pleased, to be heresy, and
shifting off to the secular arm the odium and drudgery of executions ; with
which they themselves were too tender and delicate to intermeddle. Nay
they pretended to intercede and pray, on behalf of the convicted heretic, ut
citra mortis periculum sententia circa eum moderetur (Decretal. 1. 5. t. 40.
c. 27) ; well knowing at the same time, that they were delivering the un-
happy victim to certain death." Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of
England, vol. iv. b. 4. c. 4.

6 The bishops house.'] Winchester house, near the Bankside.

332 JOHN ROGERS.

And as for your false church ye need not to excommunicate me
forth of it. I have not beene in it these twenty yeares, the Lord
be thanked therefore. But now ye have done what yee can my
lord, I pray you yet grant me one thing."

" What is that ?" quoth he.

" That my poore wife being a stranger, may come and speake
with mee so long as I live. For she hath ten children that are
hers and mine, and somewhat I would counsell her what were
best for her to doe."

" No," quoth he, " she is not thy wife."

" Yes my lord," quoth I, " and hath beene these eighteen
yeares."

" Should I grant her to be thy wife ?" quoth he.

" Chuse you," quoth I, " whether yee will or not : she shall
bee so neverthelesse."

" She shall not come at thee," quoth he.

" Then have I tried out all your charitie," said I. " You
make your selfe highly displeased with the matrimony of prk
but you maintaine open whoredome 7 : as in Wales," quoth I,

7 Open whoredome.'] " The people," says bishop Burnet, vol. ii. p. 85.
" had been more prejudiced against the marriage of the clergy, if they had
not felt greater inconveniences by the debaucheries of priests, who being
restrained from marriage, had defiled the beds and deflowered the daughters
of their neighbours."

Henry Wharton, under his assumed name of Anth. Harmer, has very ably
stated this whole matter, in an animadversion upon the bishop, severe indeed,
but of great learning and value.

" As for adulteries and rapes, which the historian insists on, it is charitably
to be hoped, that they were not so frequent in the clergy before the reforma-
tion. But the greatest scandal arose by keeping women in their houses
under the name and notion of concubines, and being licensed by their seve-
ral bishops to do it; which abuse obtained generally, and was practised
openly throughout the whole western church before the reformation. Yet in
any case, to cover the faults of the clergy, and to excuse them when the
case admitteth any excuse, not only the respect due to the sacred order, but
common justice also requires. Had all these women, thus generally enter-
tained by the clergy, been no other than their concubines, it would indeed
have been inexcusable. But in truth they were for the most part their wives ;
whuin they married secretly, and kept under the name of concubines : since
the laws and canons then received, forbade them to marry openly, or to enter-
tain women under the name of wives. This the bishops very well knew; and
from time to time gave them licences to do it, and tolerated them in it ; not
allowing them thereby to violate the divine laws of chastity, but only in secret
to neglect the ecclesiastical laws of celibacy. Now that this was the case of
the western clergy, we are assured by Alvarus Pelagius (Planet. Eccles. lib. 2.)

JOHN ROGERS. 333

" where every priest hath his whore openly dwelling with him and
lying by him : even as your holy father suffereth all the priests
in Dutchland and in France to doe the like." Thereto he an-
swered not, but looked as it were asquint at it: and thus I
departed, and saw him last.

Other good matter there is beside penned by maister Rogers
in the prison, which hee thought, and would have answered if hee
might have beene permitted, as here under followeth to be seene
by his own setting downe.

" Hitherto dearely beloved, ye have heard what was said :
now heare what I purposed the night before to have said if I
could have beene permitted. Two things I purposed to have
touched. The one how it was lawfull for a private man to reason
and write against a wicked act of parliament, or ungodly councell,
which the lord chancellor the day before denied me. The other
was to proove that prosperity was not alwaies a token of Gods

Cassander, (Consultat. 23.) and others. And lest we should imagine the
clergy of England in this practice to have acted, either with less wit or con-
science than the clergy of other nations, we find several constitutions of our
later provincial councils directed against the clandestine marriages of the
clergy. These constitutions were made /or shew: but were seldom or never
executed. But the most express testimony herein, is given by archbishop
Parker ; who, publishing a large and accurate * Defence of Priests' Marriages,'
written by an anonymous layman in the reign of queen Mary, hath towards
the end of the book, in some copies of it, inserted ten sheets of his own
composition, wherein he gives a full and learned history of the marriage
and celibacy of the clergy of England, from the first reception of Christianity
to the reformation. In this History (p. 329) he affirms the practice of the
clergy in relation to concubines before mentioned, to have continued all
along in England, concluding thus ; ' And so they lived secretly with their
friends, not openly vouched for wives, but in affectu sororio, amore uxorio,
et fide conjugali, as they use the termes. In which kynde of lyfe there
be no small arguments, that some bishops, and the best of the clergy lyvyng
within the memorie of man, dyd continue.' And in another place (p. 334) ;

' For, as many of the cleargie lyved in adulteries, and some in vices ; so

dyd dyverse, whose consciences were better, and in knowledge more wise,
lyve secretlie with wives, and provyded for their children under the names of
nephewes, and of other men's children. In which manner lyved Bonifacius,
archbishop of Canterbury, and other bishopes of old dayes ; but some also
of late days dyd lyve, though all the world did not barke at the matter.' "
Specimen of Errors, 1693. p. 78—80. See also Tyndal against More, Works,
p. 261, 2 ; an important passage, very similar in its facts, &c. to the state-
ments of archbishop Parker.

334 JOHN ROGERS.

love. And this I purposed to speake of, because the lord chan-
cellour boasted of himselfe that hee was delivered forth of prison.
as it were by myracle, and preserved of God to restore true
religion, and to punish me and such other, whom he teanned
heretickes. Concerning these two points, in this maner I pur-
posed to have proceeded.

It is not unknowne to you that k. Henry the eight in his
time made his daughter the queen that now is a bastard, he
abolished the authority of the bishop of Rome, he pulled downe
abbeies : and all this hee did by the consent of parliament.

King Edward the sixt in his time made lawfull the marriage of
priestes, turned the service into English, abolished the idolatrous
masse, with all like superstitious trumperie, set up the holy com-
munion ; and all by consent of parliament.

The queene that now is, hath repealed the acte that made her
bastard, hath brought in the bishop of Rome, and set him in his
olde authoritie, beginneth to set up abbeies againe, hath made the
mariage of priests unlawefull, hath turned the English service into
Latine againe, hath set up the masse againe with like baggage, and
pulled downe the holy communion ; and all this is done by con
of parliament.

If the acts of parliament made in k. Henries time and in k.
Edwards, had their foundation upon Gods word, wherupon all po-
sitive lawe ought to be grounded, then these which are stablish. •<!
in the queenes time, beeing cleane contrarie to the others, as they
are not warranted by Gods worde, so are they wicked, and tli
fore to bee both spoken and written against of all men, as well of
private as of publike persons.

If your actes, my lord chancellor, which you have lately coyned
(I call them yours, because ye onely beare the swinge, devise and
decree what yee list, all other men are forced to follow) bee good.
and according to Gods words, then the former acts were naught ;
which thing yee seeme to say, in utterly taking of them away, and
setting up of the contrarie : if the former were naught, why, thru
did ye consent unto them, and confirme them to be <:«<> 1 l,y your
voluntary and advised writing, as it appoan-th. and will to tin-
worlds ondc, in your booke de vera Ol« \lu-iv yon pr
the queene a bastard, and the bishop of Home to be an usurper,
and to have no authority in the realme of England ?

^i 6 must needes confi ssc. that the most part of your ftctefl of
parliament in these latter d:ii«-v have heene arrordincr to the

JOHN ROGERS. 335

tasies of a few. King Henry in his time established by parlia-
ment in a manner what he listed, and many things that might well
have beene amended.

In king Edwards daies, the dukes of Somerset and Northum-
berland bare a great stroke in things, and did not all things sin-
cerely. Even so, since the queene that now is, came to the
government of the realme, all things are ordered by your devise,
and head, and the whole parliament house is led as you list ; by
reason whereof they are compelled to condescend to things both
contrarie to Gods manifest worde, and also contrarie to their owne
consciences ; so great is your crueltie.

For to bring your wicked purposes to passe, and to establishe
your antichristian kingdome (which I trust the Lord, with the
breath of his mouth will speedily blowe over) yee have called three
parliaments in one yeere and an halfe, that what you could not com-
passe by subtill perswasion, yee might bring to passe by tyrannicall
threatning ; for if ye had not used cruell force in your doings, yee
had never brought to passe such things as this day yee have, to
the utter defacing and abolishing of Gods true religion, and to the
casting away and destruction of your naturall countrey, so much
as in you lieth.

And it is most true that as acts of parliament have in these
latter daies beene ruled by the fantasies of a few, and the whole
parliament house, contrarie to their minds, was compelled to con-
sent to such things as a fewe have conceived : so it must needs
bee graunted that the papists at all times were most ready to
apply themselves to the present world, and like men pleasers to
follow the fantasies of such as were in authoritie, and turne with
the estate, which way soever it turned. Yea, if the estate should
chaunge tenne times in one yeare, they would ever bee readie at
hand to chaunge with it, and so follow the cry, and rather utterly
to forsake God, and be of no religion, then that they would forgoe
lust or living, for God or for religion.

King Henry by parliament, according to Gods worde, put downe
the Pope : the clergie consented, and all men openly by othe re-
fused his usurped supreamacy, knowing by Gods word CHRIST to
bee head of the church, and every king in his realme to have under
and next unto Christ, the chiefe soveraigntie.

King Edward also by parliament, according to God's word, set
the marriage of priests at liberty, abolished the popish and idola-
trous masse, changed the Latine service, and set up the holy

336 JOHN ROGERS.

communion : the whole clergie consented8 hereunto : many of them
set it forth by their preaching : and all they by practising con-
firmed the same.

8 The whole clergie consented.'] Compare Christian Institutes, vol. iv.
p. 340, 1, and 351, 2, with n.

With respect to the particular question of the marriage of the clergy, we
possess an account of the proceedings of convocation, of very high autho-
rity, being from archbishop Parker himself, and of the more value because
the official records of the convocation are not extant.

" These matters aforesayde," says he, " with many others being well and
advisedly pondered by that noble prince king Edward, his nobles, and
cleargie, somewhat to staye the foule abuse whiche so long tyme without
remedie had been used in that state of the realme which should by duetie
expresse, for example, most puritie of life ; he thoughte it good to remove
the force of such forayne lawes which compelled to this daungerous state
of lyfe ; his cleargie meetyng in synode together, and after debatements
concludyng.

" If ye lyst to understand what was done and subscribed unto, ye shall
heare what the lower house dyd affirme in this case of continencie .... to
whose consciences was this proposition propounded, eyther to be freely
affirmed, or to be freely denyed by them : videz ;

"That all such canons, lawes, statutes, decrees, usages, and customes
heretofore made, had, or used, that forbyd any person to contracte matri-
monie, or condempne matrimony by any person alredie contracted for any
vowe of priesthood, chastitie, or widowhood, that from henceforth be utterly
voyde and of none effect.

" The affirmantes of this proposition, were almost treble so many as were
the negantes. Amongst which affirmantes divers were then unmaryed, and
never dyd afterward take the libertie of maryage: as doctor Tailor the
bishop, doctor Benson, doctor Redman, doctor Hugh Weston, maister
"VVotton, &c. Of them that denyed it, notwithstandyng their superscriptions
to the contrary, as few as they were, yet some of them toke upon them
the libertie of mariage not long after; as doctor Oken, maister R;r
maister Wilson.

" Nowe yf any man may fortune to doubt of the judgement of that notable
learned man, and commonly reputed of grave judgement, I mean <:
Redmayn, doctor of divinitie, he shall heare his very judgement, which In-
uttered in the self same convocation, written in a paper severally by his owne
hande, yet extant to be shewed, and subscribed with his owne name. And
thus he suith :

" * I thynke that although the worde of God do exhort and counsell priestes
to lyve in chastitie, out of the cumber of the flesh and of the world, that
thereby they may more wholly attende to theyr callyng : yet the bande of
conteynyng from mariage, doth only lye upon priestes of this realm
reason of canons and constitutions of the church, and not by any precept
of Gods wordc : as in that they should be bound by reason of any \

JOHN ROGERS. 837

Notwithstanding, now when the state is altered, and the
lawes changed, the papisticall clergie with other like worldlinges,
as men neither fearing God, neither flying worldly shame, neither
yet regarding their consciences, othes, or honesty, like wavering
weather-cockes, turne round about, and putting on harlots fore-
heads, sing a new song, and cry with an impudent mouth;
" Come againe, come againe to the catholicke church," meaning
the antichristian church of Rome, which is the synagogue of
Sathan, and the very sinke of all superstition, heresie, and
idolatry.

Of what force I pray you may a man thinke these parlia-
ments to be, which scantly can stand a yeare in strength ? Or,
what credite is to bee given to these law makers, which are
not ashamed to establish contrary lawes, and to condemne that
for evill, which before (the thing in it selfe and the circumstances
remaining all one) they affirmed, and decreed to be good. Truly,
ye are so ready, contrarie to all right, to change and turne for
the pleasure of man, that at length I feare, God will use you like
changelings, and both turne you forth of his kingdom, and out of
your owne countrey.

Ye charge the gospell preachers with the undoing of this
realme : nay it is the turning papists, which have not only set a
sale their countrey like traitours, but also troubled the simple
people, so that they cannot tell what they may beleeve. For
that which they affirmed, and preached to bee true doctrine in
king Edwards daies, now they cry against it, as it were most

which, in as farre as any conscience is, priestes in this churche of Englande
do not make. I thynke, that it standeth well with Gods worde, that a man
which hath bene and is but once maryed, beyng otherwise accordingly quali-
fied, may be made a prieste.

" ' And I thynke, that forasmuch as canons and rules, made in this behalfe,
be neither universall, nor everlastyng, but upon considerations may be altered
and chaunged ; therefore the kynges majestic and the hygher powers of the
churche, may upon such reasons as shall move them take away the clogge of
perpetual continencie from priestes, and graunt that it may be lawful to such
as can not or will not contayne, to marye one wyfe. And yf she die, then the
sayde priest to mary no more, remanyng styll in his ministration.

" ' JOHN REDMAYN.'

" Thus this learned man, in such credit universally in decidyng questions
of conscience, doth in a great sort of respectes condempne the universal tract
of the bolde assertions inspersed through Dr. Martins whole booke." De-
fence of Priests' Marriages, p. 351—3.

VOL. II. Z

338 JOHN ROGERS.

abhominable heresie. This fault I trust ye shall never find at
our hands.

Therefore, to conclude that which I proposed, forsoniucli as
the actes of parliament of these latter times are one contrarie to
another, and those which yee now have established in your time.
are contrarie to Gods most manifest worde, as is the usurped
supreamacie of the bishop of Rome, the idolatrous masse, tin
Latine service, the prohibiting of lawfull marriage9 (which Saint
Paul calleth the doctrine of divels) with many such other : I say
it is not onely lawfull for any private man, which bringeth Gods
word for him, and the authoritie of the primitive and lu-st
church, to speake and write against such unlawfull lawes, but it
is his duety, and hee is bound in very conscience to doe it :

9 Lawfull marriage ] From the hand of Henry Wharton we have here
again, a very concise, but very valuable distinction, pointed out of the
difference of proceedings, in queen Mary's reign, in regard to the depri-
vation for marriage, of the two great classes of clergy, the regulars and the
seculars ; and which has been very imperfectly understood by the ordinary
historians.

"Nor was this all," says the bishop, p. 277, "but after they were deprived,
they were also forced to leave their wives; which piece of severity was
grounded on the vow, that as was pretended they had made ; though the
falsehood of this charge was formerly demonstrated."

" It is true," continues Wharton, " that the secular clergymen had made
no vow. But it cannot be denied, that as many of the clergy, as had
formerly been regulars, had made solemn and express vows. Now the
number of these was very considerable among the beneficed clergy of that
time ; by reason that all priests, who had been ejected out of religious houses,
were enabled to hold benefices ; and that the king also, and other patrons,
did more readily give benefices to them, that so by that means, they might
discharge themselves from the obligation of paying their annual pensions
any longer to them. These therefore were all forced to leave their wives,
unless they evaded it by any base compliance, by connivance, or by the
favour of any great person. But that any of the seculars were forced to
leave their wives, I do no where find ; indeed, it was necessary to all who
would continue in their benefices, to renounce their wives, but we now speak
of those clergymen, who had been already deprived of their ben<
Against many of them processes were formed for their marriage, which
may be found in the registers often made: but therein I cannot find any
beside regulars, to have been drprivcd by the sentence of the oourl
their marriages to have been annulled: and accordingly, in the articles of
enquiry, to be administered to every married clergyman, formed in March
15S4, (when th ; >n of th- ler&y began in the diocese of

rbury,) the first is whether he had been a religious, and of what n-
;md in what monastery or house //IP/I nf Krrnnt. ;

JOHN ROGERS. 339

which thing I have prooved by clivers examples before ; and now
will adde to but one other, which is written in the fift of the
Acts, where it appeareth that the high priests, the elders, scribes,
and pharisies decreed in their cotmcell, and gave the same com-
mandement to the apostles, that they should not preach in the
name of Christ, as ye have also forbidden us : notwithstanding
when they were charged therewithall, they answered, we ought
more to obey God then man : even so we may and do answere you.
God is more to be obeied then man : and your wicked lawes
cannot so tongue tie us, but we will speake the trueth.

The apostles were beaten for their boldnesse, and they rejoiced
that they suffered for Christes cause. Ye have also provided
rods for us, and bloudy whips : yet when ye have done that which
Gods hand and counsell hath determined that yee shall doe, be it
life or death, I trust that God will so assist us by his holy spirit
and grace, that we shall patiently suffer it, and praise God for it :
and whatsoever become of me and others, which now suffer for
speaking, and professing of the truth, yet bee yee sure that Gods
worde will prevaile and have the overhand, when your bloudy
lawes and wicked decrees, for want of sure foundation, shall fall
in the dust : and that which I have spoken of your acts of parlia-
ment, the same may be said of the generall councels of these
latter daies, which have been within these five hundreth yeares,
where as the antichrist of Rome, by reason of his usurped
authoritie ruled the roast, and decreed such things as made for
his gaine, not regarding Gods glory : and therefore are they to
be spoken, written, and cried against of all such as feare God,
and love his truth.

And thus much I purposed to have said, concerning the first
point.

Now touching the second point. That whereas my lord
chancellor had the day before said his pleasure of them that
ruled the realme, while he was in prison, and also rejoiced as
though God had made this alteration, even for his sake and his
catholicke church, as he called it ; and to declare as it were by
myracle, that we were before in a schisme and heresie, and the
realme was now brought unto an unitie, and to a truth, and I
cannot tell whereto : thereto was I fully purposed to have said ;
secondly, my lord, where as ye yesterday so highly dispraised the
government of them that ruled in innocent king Edwards daies,

z 2

340 JOHN ROGERS.

it may please your lordship to understand, that we poore preachers,
whom ye so evill allow, did most boldly and plainely rebuke their
evill governance in many things, specially their covetousnesse, and
neglect and small regard to live after the gospell, as also their
negligence to occasion other to live thereafter, with moe things
than I can nowe rehearse. This can all London testifie with us.
I would also have told him, what I my selfe for my part did once
at Paules Crosse, concerning the misuse of abbeies, and other
church goods: and I am assured right well, that never a papist
of them all did ever so much therein as I did, I thanke the Lord
therefore. I was also, as it is well knowne, faine to answrc
therefore before all the councell ; and many of my brethren did
the like; so that wee for the not rebuking of their faults, shall
not answere before God, nor be blame worthy before men. Then -
fore let the gentlemen and the courtiers themselves, and all the
citizens of London, testifie what we did.

But my lord you could not abide them, for that which they did
unto you, and for that they were of a contrary religion unto you.
Wherefore in that you seeme so infest against them, it is neither
any just or publicke cause, but it is your own private hate, that
maketh you to report so evill of their governance. And ye may
now say what yee list of them, when they bee partly dead and
gone, and partly by you put out of office.

But what shall be said of you when your fall shall follow.
shall then heare. And I must say my conscience to you : I fe.-nv
mee yee have and will with your governance bring England
of Gods Messing into a warme sunne. I pray God you do not.

I am an English man borne, and God knoweth, do naturally
wish well to my countrey. And my lord, I have often pro<
that the things which I have much feared afore hand should come
to passe, have in deed followed. I pray God I may faile of my
gessing in this behalfe : but truely that will not bee with expel-
ling the true worde of God out of the realme, and with the
sheading of innocent bloud.

And as touching your rejoicing, as though (iod had set yon
aloi'te to punish us by myracle (for so you report e ami In.
openly of your selfe) and to minister justice, if we will not,
our holy fathers mercie ; and thereby to declare your
church to be true, and ours false, to that I an>w« iv \\\\\< : (
workes be wonderfull. and arc' not to be Comprehended, and
perceived by mans wisedome. nor by the wit of the most wise

JOHN ROGERS. 341

and prudent. Yea, they are soonest deceived, and do most
easily judge amisse of Gods wonderfull workes, that are most
worldly wise. God hath made all the wisedome of this worlde
foolishnesse, (first Corinthians the first, and the second chapter)
that is, He hath put his beloved and deare heart, into the hands
of the enemies thereof. (Jerem. c. 12.)

This thing doth God, which thing all wise men accompt to be
the most foolish and unwise part that can be. Will the wise of
the world, trow ye, put their most deare friends and tenderly
beloved children, into their enemies hands, to kill, slay, burn?
That is unto them a madnesse above ah1 madnesse. And, yet
doth God use this order : and this is an high and singular
wisedome in his sight, which the world taketh to bee most
extreame madnesse.

Can the world shew a cause why he suffered the great multi-
tude of innocent children to be inurthered of Herode of Ascalon,
or why hee put that most holy man John Baptist, into the hands
of Herode his sonne to bee beheaded, and that in prison secretly
without open judgement most tyrannously ? Why hee suffered
his beloved apostle James, to bee beheaded of another Herode
(Actes 12)2 Why hee suffered his beloved seede of Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, to bee foure hundred yeares in thraldome and
bondage, and under Pharao ? And all the stocke of Juda and
Benjamin his beloved children and church, to come under the
power, sword, and tyranny of Nabuchodonosor ? No verely ; but
his true catholicke church knoweth divers causes hereof, which
are now too long to rehearse, and which I would right gladly
shew, if I had time.

But this I am right sure of, that it was not because that the
foresaid godly men were in heresies, and subject to false Gods'*
services, and idolatry, and that their adversaries were men of
God, and beloved of God. — The contrarie was true. John
Baptist was beloved of God, and Herode hated, and so forth of
the rest : and John Baptist, the innocent children, James, the
children of Israeli, in Egypt, and in Babylon, were the catholicke
members and people of GOD : and their adversaries, into whose
hands they were put and delivered, and that of GOD, and by his
good will and pleasure, were idolaters and the people of the
divell : but they would be called the chiefe members of GOD, and
rejoiced that they had the true GOD, and that it was now declared
by myracle, that the Israelites had but a false God, and a false

31-2 JOHN ROGERS.

religion, seeing they were delivered into the Babylonians hands.
And all the other (the Herodes and Pharao I meane) plainely
determined, that if the men which they killed and handled evill,
had beene Gods people, GOD woulde never have suffered them to
come into their hands, but rather have done the contrarie, and
have let John Baptist kill Herode, and the Israelites Pharao,
and Nabuchodonosor. Even the like is now to be scene in us,
and in our most cruell adversaries.

They are not therefore the catholicke church, because our
mercifull God hath at this present given our lives into their
hands: neither are wee therefore heretickes, because we suffer
punishment at their hands, as the lord chauncellor by his re-
joicing, seemeth to gather : the contrarie is hereby to be gathered,
that wee be the members of the true catholicke church, because
we suffer for the same doctrine which John Baptist, James, the
Israelites, yea Christ, and the apostles, did teach. And in like
case, as the above mentioned holy men, though they in their
daies, were counted to be heretickes, seditious, and disturbers of
the whole world, (for unto John Baptist it was said, John 1 .)
Wherefore baptisest thou, ifthou be not Helias, nor that propliet, &c.
as who say, "thou hast no such authoritie to be<_n'n a i
ceremonie in the church : for wee be in ordinarie possession of
the church : and of us thou hast received no such power. Wee
abide by our circumcision :" and the like could I declare of
James, and of all the apostles and prophets, and of our Saviour
Christ himselfe, that were all condemned as heretickes and blas-
pheamers of God, and disturbers of the whole world. Paule and
Silas (Act. 16.) heard like wordes of the Philippians: "the>c
men trouble our citie, seeing they are Jewes, and preach insti-
tutions, which are not lawfull for us to receive, seeing we be
Romanes." And in Athens, the wise men of this world, and
such as gave their endevour to wisedome, said by S. Paul, What
will this prater (as my lord chancellor said to me, "Shall \\<<-
suffer this fellowe to prate'" when I would faine have said that
Hi ing, that I have here written) trifler, newes carier, or brii
that telleth whatsoever men will have him, for gaiix- and advan-
tage, that will fora piece of bread say what yeo will have him, &c.
And another said in the same place ; hee seemeth f<>
of new divels. And, Actes 21, the Jewes say by Paul*. 1
liamU on him, helpe O yee TtrtuKU^ -ay they, this is t/w ?//'/// //"//
teach* ft* <i11 //'• // . - /,/„ i>snjJ, (mraniiiM- th-

JOHN ROGERS. 343

and the lawe and this place, meaning Jerusalem ; and yet was
never a word of these true. And Actes 22, the same Jewes
said of Paule ; out of the earth with that man, or away with him :
for it is not lawfull for him to live, or hee is not worthy to live.
And how many mo of these examples are to be found in the bible 2
Although, I say, these men were in their daies taken for here-
tickes, of them that were then in authoritie, and of the great
multitude of the world, yet it is nowe well knowne, yea and very
shortly after their deathes this was knowne ; yea, and even in
their lives also unto the true catholick church, that they were
not only the chiefe and speciall members of the true catholicke
church, but also the founders and builders thereof, (notwith-
standing the sinister judgement, that the wise and mighty men,
and the great multitude of the world had of them) and in their
consciences they were alwaies assuredly certified of the same.
Even the same shall the world find true in us, shortly after our
deathes ; as also there be at this houre (the Lord be thanked
therefore) not a fewe, that already know it ; as we our selves
also are by Gods grace assuredly certified in our consciences, that
we are no heretickes, but members of the true catholicke church,
and that our adversaries the bishops and popish clergie, which
will have that title, are the members of Sathans church, and their
antichristian head of Rome with them.

But here they will cry out : loe these men will bee still like
John Baptist, the apostles and prophets, &c.

I answere, wee make not our selves like unto them, in the sin-
gular vertues and gifts of God, given unto them : as of miracles
doing, and of many other things. The similitude and likenesse of
them and us, consisteth not in all things, but only in this, that is,
that we be like them in doctrine, and in the suffering of persecu-
tion and infamie for the same.

We have preached their very doctrine and none other thing.
That wee are able sufficiently to declare by their writinges : and
by writing for my part, I have profered to proove the same (as is
now often said). And for this cause wee suffer the like reproache,
shame, and rebuke of the world, and the like persecution, leesing
of our lives and goods, forsaking (as our maister Christ com-
maundeth) father, mother, sister, brethren, wives, children, and
all that there is, being assured of a joyfull resurrection, and to be
crowned in glorie with them, according to the unfallible promises
made unto us in Christ, our onely and sufficient mediatour, recon-

344 JOHN ROGERS.

ciler, priest, and sacrifice, which hath pleased the father, and
quieted and pacified his wrath against our sinnes, and made us
without spot or wrinkle in his sight by imputation, although \u •.
of, and in our selves are bespotted, and beblotted with many filthy
sinnes, which if the great mercy graunted in Christ, did not put
away, by not imputing them unto us of his measurelesse unspeake-
able mercy and love to save us, they woulde have brought us to
everlasting damnation, and death perpetuall. Heerein, and in no
other, do we affirme our selves to bee like unto our head Christ.
and all his apostles, prophets, martyrs and saintes : and hern -in
ought all Christian men to be like them ; and heerein are all true
Christian men and women like them every one, according to the
me-isure of the faith that God hath dealt unto them, and to the
diversitie of the giftes of the Spirit given unto them.

But let us now consider, that if it bee Gods good will and plea-
sure, to give his owne beloved heart, that is his beloved church,
and the members thereof, into the hands of their enemies, to
chasten, try and proove them; and to bring them to the true
iintained acknowledging of their owne naturall stubburnnesse,
disobedience towards God, and his commandements, as touching
the love of God and of their brethren or neighbours, and their
naturall inclination, readinesse and desire, to love creature

e their owne lusts, pleasures and things forbidden of God, to
obtaine a true and earnest repentance, and sorrowfulnesse there-
fore, and to make them to sigh and cry for the forgivenesse of tin-
same, and for the aide of the spirit, daily to mortifie and kill the
said evill desires and lusts : yea and often falling into grosse out-
ward sinnes, as did David, Peter, Magdalen, and other, t<>
airline also thereout with a mighty crying for mercie, with many
other causes: let us also consider what hee hereafter doth with
the said enemies, into whose hands hee hath given his tenderly
beloved dearelings to be chastened and tried. Forsooth, whereas
he but chasteneth his dearelings, and crosseth them for a small
while, according to his good pleasure, as all fathers doe with their
children, (Heb. 12. Proverb 3.) he utterly destroy th. yea and

lastingly damneth the unrepentant enemies. Let Ilerode tell
nice what hee waiine i >y killing James, and persecuting lVt«-r. and
( *hri>tes tender dearlings. and beloved spouse and wife, his church.

ly (iod thought him not worthy to have death iniinVt
unto him by men or angells, or any worthy nvatmvs ; hut th<i>e
wniall, and yet m<»t \ile 1 lire, and small wnrmes. mu>t

JOHN ROGERS. 345

consume and kill his vile, and tyrannous body. Pharao and
Nabuchodonoser, for all their pride and most mighty power, must
at the length let Gods dearelings go freely away out of their land,
yea out of their hands and tyranny. For when it could not bee
obtained at their hands, that Gods congregation might have true
mercy ministered unto them, but the counterfaite mercie of these
our daies, that is to say, extreame cruelty, and even the very and
that most horrible and cruell death, God arose and awoke out of
his sleepe, and destroyed those enemies of his flocke, with a mighty
hand and stretched out arme. Pharao did with most great and
intolerable labors and burdens, oppresse and bring under the poore
Israelites, and yet did the courtiers undoubtedly noise abroade,
that the king was merciful! unto them, to suffer them to live in
the land, and to set them a worke, that they might get them their
livinges. If hee should thrust them out of his land, whither should
they goe, like a sort of vagabonds and runnagates ? This title
and name of mercie, would that tyrant have, and so did his flat-
tering false courtiers spread his vaine praise abroade. Have not
wee the like examples nowe adaies ? O that I had nowe time to
write certain things pertaining to our Winchesters mercy ! How
mercifull hee hath beene to mee and to my good brethren I will
not speake of ; neither yet unto the duke of Suffolkes most inno-
cent daughter 10, and to her as innocent husband. For although
their fathers were faulty, yet had their youth and lacke of experi-
ence deserved a pardon by all true mercifull mens judgements.
0 that I had time to paint out this matter aright : but there bee
many alive that can doe it much better, when I am dead. Pharao
had his plagues : and his most flourishing land was by counterfaite
mercy, which was in deede right crueltie and abominable tyranny,
utterly destroied. And thinke yee that butcherly bishoppe of
Winchester and his brethren shall escape ? Or that England
shall for their offences, and specially for the maintenance of their
idolatry, and wilfull following of them, not abide a great brunt 1 ?
Yes undoubtedly.

10 Innocent daughter^] Lady Jane Gray.

1 A great brunt.'] A grave author, early in the reign of queen Elizabeth,
writing under the immediate superintendence of archbishop Parker (if the
penman of this particular portion of the work were not the archbishop him-
self), gives the following detail of some of the physical and moral calamities
with which the nation was visited in the unhappy reign of queen Mary.

" What immoderate raynes and tempestes raged in one yere ; what intole-

346 JOHN ROGERS.

If God looke not mercifully upon England, the seedes of utter
destruction are sownc in it alreadie, by these hypocritical! tyrants,
antichristian prelates, and double traitours to their naturall c< din-
trey. And yet they speake of mercy, of blessing, of the eutholick
church, of unity, of power and strengthening of the realme. This
double dissimulation will shew it selfe one day when the plauu<i
coinmeth, which will undoubtedly light upon these crowue-
shorne captaines, and that shortly, whatsoever the godly, and the
poore realme suffer in the meane while, by Gods good sutferanr.
and will.

Spite of Nabuchodonosers beard, and maugre his heart, the

rable heate and droughtes in another yere ; what penurie and scars:
come and vittaile ; what hunger and famine thereof followed ; what sicke-
nesse, what agues, what strange mortalities reigned and raged, wherewith the
eldest and gravest personages of all degrees and conditions, were in great
numbers wasted and consumed ; what misfortunes commonly fell to women
with chylde in their delyvery ; what fyers chaunced, far above the wont of other
yeres of other princes raignes, in many places wastyng whole vyllages, towns,
and churches. — Agayne, what crueltie was scene executed by fyeryng olde
men and women, young men and maydes, without choice whether the women
were with chylde, or free from chyldren; what proscriptions and banishments
of learned men out of the realme; and suche as taryed within the realme, how
they were driven to corners, spoyled, and impo very shed, and such as could
be gotten, shamed openly by vyle penancies and shameful recantations. And
furthermore, what rapes and vyllanyes committed, above the common prac-
tised disorder, by straungers and foreayners; what impunities wonne and pur-
chased to the unchaste generation, to recurre agayne to theyr olde trade of
lewde lyvyng, after they had confounded the priests' chaste matrimonies, so
stablyshed and aucthorised by the hygh lawes of the realm. Then at the last,
what dishonor and losse the realme suffered, by losyng that notable borderer
Calyce, aforetymes so valiauntly wonne and gotten by king Edwarde III., and
(to these unfortunate dayes of resumyng the great adversarie of all Christian
realmes, the pope agayne), politiquely and chargeably maynteyned and de-
fended in good and sure possession, to the comforte of the whole realme. and
to the terrour of all oure forayne enemies. I say, to consider all these j
cularities as they mighte deserve to be set out at lengthe, what
hearte coulde forbeare teares, and not inwardly sygh and lament the miserie :
whiche heavy infelicities the Englyshe chyldren yet unborne shall wepe at,
and wayle, to consider the same.

" If these be not severe tokens and proofes of God's heavie displeasure
towarde Englande, for so vylely despising his worde, his light, his reli
his sacramentes, his institutions, — what can He shewe of his wrath and
indignation?" Defence of Priests' Marriages ; Preface to the Reader. <

.No Sir Thomas Smith, in Strype's Life of him, p. 17 — 9. Appendix.
1698, and p. l<» m. ,jitto.

JOHN ROGERS. 347

captive, thrall and miserable Jewes must come home againe, and
have their citie and temple builded up againe by Zorobabell, Es-
dras, and Nehemias. And the whole kingdome of Babylon must
goe to ruine, and be taken of strangers, the Persians and the
Medes : so shall the dispersed English flocke of Christ be brought
againe into their former estate, or to a better I trust in the Lord
God, than it was in innocent king Edwards daies, and our bloudy
Babylonical bishops, and the whole crowne-shorne company be
brought to utter shame, rebuke, ruine, decay, and destruction.
For God cannot, and undoubtedly wil not suffer for ever their
abhominable lying false doctrine, their hypocrisie, bloudthirst,
whoredome, idlenesse, their pestilent life pampered in all kinde of
pleasure, their thrasonicall boasting pride, their malicious, envious,
and poisoned stomackes, which they beare towards his poore and
miserable Christians. Peter truely warneth, that if judgement
beginneth at the house of God, what shall be the ende of them
that beleeve not the gospell ? If the righteous shall scant be
saved, where shall the ungodly and sinfull appeare 2 Some shal
have their punishment here in this world, and in the world to come;
and they that doe escape in this world, shall not escape everlast-
ing damnation."

After that John Rogers, as ye have heard, had beene long and
straightly imprisoned, lodged in Newgate amongst theeves, often
examined, and very uncharitably intreated, and at length unjustly
and most cruelly by wicked Winchester condemned ; the fourth
of February, in the yeare of our Lord 1555, being Munday in the
morning, hee was warned sodainly by the keepers wife of New-
gate, to prepare himselfe to the fire : who then being sound a
sleepe, scarse with much shogging 3 could be awaked. At length
being raised and waked, and bid to make haste, " then," said hee,
"if it bee so, I neede not to tie my points:" and so was had
downe, first to Boner to be degraded. That done, hee craved of
Boner but one petition. And Boner asking what that should be ;
" nothing" said hee, "but that he might talke a few words with his
wife," before his burning. But that could not bee obtained of him.
Then said hee, " you declare your charity what it is :" and so hee
was brought into Smithfield by maister Chester, and maister
Woodrofe, then sheriffes of London, there to be burnt ; where he
shewed most constant patience, not using many words, for hee
2 ShoggingJ\ Shaking.

348 JOHN ROGERS.

could not bee permitted, but only exhorting the people constantly
to remaine in that faith and true doctrine which hee before had
taught and they had learned, and for the confirmation whereof
hee was not onely content patiently to suffer and beare all such
bitternesse and cruelty as had been shewed him, but also most
gladly to resign up his life, and to give his flesh to the consuming
fire, for the testimony of the same.

Briefely and in fewe wordes to comprehend the whole order of
his life, doings, and martyrdom, first this godly M. Rogers was
committed to prison, as is abovesaid, and there continued a yeare
and a halfe. In prison he was merry, and earnest in all he went
about. He wrote much : his examinations hee penned with his
owne hand, which els had never come to light. Wherein is to
bee noted by the way a memorable working of Gods providence.
Yee heard a little above how maister Rogers craved of Boner,
going to his burning, that he might speak a few wordes before
with his wife, which coulde not bee graunted. What these words
were which hee had to say to his wife, it is for no man certainely
to define : likely it may be supposed that his purpose was, amongst
other things, to signifie unto her of the booke written of his exa-
minations and answeres, which he had privily hid in a secret
corner of the prison where hee lay. But where mans power
lacketh, see how Gods providence worketh ! For notwithstanding
that during the time of his imprisonment, straite search there was
to take away his letters and writings, yet after his death, his wife
and one of her sonnes called Daniell, comming into the place
where he lay, to seeke for his bookes and writings, and now ready
to goe away, it chanced her sonne aforenamed, casting \n>
aside to spy a black thing (for it had a black cover, belike because
it should not bee knowne) lying in a blinde corner under a j
of stairs ; who willing his mother to see what it was, found it to
bee the booke written with his owne hand, containing these his
examinations and answeres, with other matter above specified.

Furthermore, amongst other his words and sayings, which may
seeme prophetically to be spoken of him. this also may be added,
and is notoriously to be marked, that he spake IK-HILT then in
pi i>on, to the printer of this present booko. who then also
laid up lor like cause of religion: *k Thou/' said he, " shalt live
to see the alteration of this religion, and the <n)spt>ll to be fi
be : and therefore have me commended to m\
thren. as well in exile as others, and bid them be circumspect in

JOHN ROGERS. 349

displacing the papists, and putting good ministers into churches,
or else their end will be worse than ours." And for lacke of
good ministers to furnish churches, his devise was 3 (M. Hooper
also agreeing to the same) that for every ten churches, some one
good and learned superintendent should be appointed, which
should have under him faithfull readers, such as might well be
got, so that popish priests should cleane be put out, and the
bishop once a yeere to oversee the profiting of the parishes, and
if the minister did not his duety, as well in profiting himselfe in
his booke, and his parishioners in good instructions, so that
they may be trained by little and little to give a reckoning how
they doe profite, then he to be expelled, and another put in his
place : and the bishop to do the like with the superintendent.
This was his counsell and request. Shewing moreover, and pro-
testing in his commendations to his brethren by the printer
aforesaid, that if they would not so doe, their end hee said
would be worse than theirs.

Over and besides divers other things touching M. Rogers, this
is not to be forgotten, how in the daies of k. Edward the sixt,
there was a controversie among the bishops and clergie, for
wearing of priests caps, and other attire belonging to that order 4.
M. Rogers being one of that number which never went otherwise
then in a round cap, during all the time of king Edward, affirmed
that he would not agree 5 to that decreement of uniformitie, but

3 His devise was."] Compare Becon's Works, vol. ii. fol. 7. b. Jewel of Joy.

4 That order '.~] "John Rogers, lecturer of St. Paul's, and vicar of St.
Sepulchre's, with John Hooper, afterwards bishop of Gloucester, were ring-
leaders of that" (the Puritan non- conformist) "party." Fuller's Church Hist.,
book vii. cent. 16.

5 He would not agree.l Day, bishop of Chichester, was commanded, at the
latter end of the year 1550, as appears by the minutes of the privy council,
to take down all altars in the churches of his diocese, and in lieu of them to
set up tables in some convenient place of the chancels; with permission "for
naming the table an altar, because ancient writers sometimes call it so." The
bishop replied, "He could not conform his conscience to do what was com-
manded, and therefore prayed to be excused." At a future appearance he
was again pressed, on his allegiance, to comply : but " he answered plainly
he could not do it, saving his conscience ; and that he determined rather to
lose all that ever he had." — The result was, that after further trial and pro-
ceedings without effect, he was deprived, Oct. 10, 1551, of his bishopric. —
Anth. Harmer's [Henry Wharton's] Specimen of Errors, p. 113 — 16.

On the occasion now before us, Rogers " would not agree " to wear the
square cap, tippet, and other apparel recently prescribed to the clergy by au-

350 JOHN ROGERS.

upon this condition, that if they would needs have such an uni-
formitie of wearing the cap, tippet, &c. then it should also b<>
decreed withall, that the papists for a difference betwixt them
and other, ^should bee constrained to weare upon their sleeves a
chalice with an host upon it. Whereunto if they would consent,
hee would agree to the other ; otherwise he would not he said
consent to the setting forth of the same, nor ever weare the cap,
as indeed he never did.

To proceede now further in describing the doinges of this
man : during the time while he remained prisoner in Newgate,

thority of convocation and parliament. It was against his conscience ; which
he could not (or would not) reform. Seemingly without much effort to effect
this, he appears therefore to have lived and died in wilful and cherished con-
tumacy and disobedience to the lawful ordinances of the church and state, of
which he was a subject and a minister.

Again, in the Life which next follows in our series, namely that of Hooper,
we shall find that he too, being designed for a bishop, declined wearing the
square cap and other prescribed episcopal vestments, it being " offensive to
his conscience ;" and refused to take the oath to be administered at his con-
secration, it being " burdensome to his conscience." On reflexion, however,
and conference, and argument, Hooper happily reformed his conscience ; and
(shall I not say happily ?) by these means, he lived a bishop, and died a martyr.

Hooper and Rogers, it is probable, would have been as loud in condemning
Day for his disobedience about the altars, as they were strenuous in main-
taining their own against the habits. And where, I would ask, does Day's
case differ from their own? The same is true likewise of many other j >1< a s
of conscience and private judgment, in religious as well as civil affairs, which
we hear urged, and which disturb society in every age ; and not a little also
in our own.

But the main object for which I have ventured to invite the reader's atten-
tion to these particulars, is not what has hitherto appeared, but something
further : namely, that we should meditate seriously on what our human
nature is, and on the contingencies and circumstances of our condition and
duties here below: and therefore that I should entreat my readers to con-
sider with themselves, How can the church ever attain to peace on such terms
and pleas as those of Day, and Rogers and Hooper; and how can these and
the many like dangerous and unchristian divisions and schisms be prev
or remedied, in any other way, than by as many of the community a-
sible, being well disciplined from their youth, to understand, and vain.
act upon the healing piir.eiples of truth, and justice, and \\ixlom, eml<
in the xxth, xxiiird, xxxivth, xxxvith, and xxxviith articl-
ed.

The reader may derive benefit from consulting also The Christina Insti-
tutes, Index, under Church Authority, am) Private Ji/t/(/mi nt. and ti

, Veil.

JOHN ROGERS. 351

hee was to the prisoners beneficiall and liberall ; for whom hee
had thus devised, that he with his fellowes should have but one
meale a day, they paying notwithstanding, for the charges of the
whole ; the other meale should be given to them that lacked on
the other side of the prison. But Alexander their keeper, a
straite man, and a right Alexander, a coppersmith indeed, of
whose doings more shall be said, God willing hereafter, would in
no case suffer that. The Sunday before he suffered, he drank to
M. Hooper, being then underneath him ; and bade them com-
mend him unto him, and tell him, there was never little fellow
better would sticke to a man than he would sticke to him, pre-
supposing that they should both be burned togither ; although it
hapned otherwise, for maister Rogers was burnt alone. — And
thus much briefely concerning the life and such actes of M.
Rogers, as I thought worthy noting.

Now when the time came, that he being delivered to the
shiriffes, should bee brought out of Newgate to Smithfield, the
place of his execution ; first came to him M. Woodrofe one of
the foresaid shiriffes, and calling M. Rogers unto him, asked
him if he would revoke his abhominable doctrine, and his evill
opinion of the sacrament of the aultar, M. Rogers, aunswered
and said ; " that which I have preached, I will seale with my
bloud." Then quoth maister Woodrofe, "thou art an here-
ticke." " That shall be knowne," quoth Rogers, " at the day of
judgement." " Well," (quoth maister Woodrofe) " I will never
pray for thee 6." " But I will pray for you," quoth maister
Rogers ; and so he was brought the same day, which was Mun-
day the fourth of Februarie, by the shiriffes toward Smithfield,
saying the psalme Miserere 7 by the way, all the people wonder-

6 I will never pray for thee.~\ At the burning of John Frith, in the year
1533, "This one thing is yet to be remembered" (says Fox) "that he being
bounde to the stake with another good martyr, which was a very simple
young man named Andrew Hewet, there was present one doctour Cooke,
that was parson of the church called All-hallows in Honey-lane, situate in the
myddest of Chepsyde. And the sayd Cooke made an open exclamation, and
admonished the people, that they should in no wise pray for them, noe more
than they would doe for a dogge. At which wordes Frith smiling, desired
the Lord to forgive him. But the ungodly and uncharitable wordes of the
sayd doctour did not a little offend the people." Fox's Life of Frith, prefixed
to his Works.

7 The psalme Miserere.'] This, which is the 5 1 st psalm, and one of those
commonly called the seven penitential psalms, appears to have been frequently

S52 JOHN ROGERS.

fully rejoysing at his constancie, with great praises and thankcs
to God for the same: and there in the presence of maister Ro-
chester, controller of the queenes housholde, Sir Richard Soutli-
\\vll, both the shiriffes, and a wonderfull number of people, hee
was burned into ashes 8, washing his hands in the flame as hee
\\as in burning. A little before his burning at the stake, his
pardon was brought if he would have recanted, but he utterly
refused it. He was the first proto-martyr of all the bl«
company that suffered in queene Maries time, that gave the first
adventure upon the fire. His wife and children, beeing eleven

made use of upon the like melancholy occasions. See Fox's Acts, p. 1388,
in his account of Dr. Taylor, p. 1398, in that of William Hunter, and More's
Life of Sir Thomas More, p. 274.

In like manner, we find the 106th Psalm sometimes resorted to, (Fox's Acts,
p. 1558) and that Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester, at his death, "with an
obedient heart full meekly sayd the 106th, 107th, and 108th Psalmes." Fox's
Acts, p. 1661.

8 Hee was burned into ashesJ] We may easily believe, that events of this tra-
gical nature would awaken a variety of passions in the minds of the specta-
tors: nor is it surprising, that superstition had its place amongst them. Miles
Hoggard, a most intemperate and malignant enemy of the reformation, has
recorded an anecdote of this kind respecting the martyrdom of Rogers, which
is worthy of insertion. "When Rogers their pseudo-martyr (proto-martyr I
would saye) was burnt in Smithfield, were there not divers marchant men
and others, which seeing certayn pigeons flying over the fire, that haunted to
a house hard adjoining, and which, being amased withe the smoke, forsoke
their nestes, and flewe over the fire, were not ashamed boldely to affirme, that
the same was the Holy Ghoste in the likeness of a dove ? This thinge is suf-
ficiently knowen by experience to them which were there present. Then by
the lyke argument they might have said, the crowes which the same time
hovered over the fire, were develles. But what blasphemy is this, suche opi-
nionative fooles to beleeve or credite such fansies ? " Displaying of the Pro-
testnnts, fol. 56. A.D. 1558.

To this Hoggard, by trade a hosier, whose activity and influence against
the protestants was very great during the reign of queen Mary, Robert C 'row-
ley, addressing himself, at an earlier period, says,

" Remembre your selfe, frynde Hogherde, howe manie you have sette for-
warde towarde Smithfield in the tyme of persecution. Men thinke that from
the tyme of John Frith to the death of the constant witnesse of God's trueth,
Anne Askewe, there was no blond shed in Smythfylde, but your parte \\yll
be in it at the laste daye. Repent therfore, and acknowledge your 1
is mercifull to the penitent. He is able to take frome you your st-
and to give you one of flesh." Confutation of the Aunswere to the litillad
called the Abuse of the b'essetl Sacrament nf the Aultare, signat. a. 4. b. A.D.

JOHN ROGERS. 353

in number, ten able to go, and one sucking on her brest, met
him by the way as he went towards Smithfield. This sorrowfull
sight of his owne flesh and bloud could nothing moove him,
but that he constantly and cheerefully tooke his death with
wonderfull patience, in the defence of the quarell of Christes
gospell.

BISHOP HOOPER.

A a

A Patriot's blood

Well spent in such a strife, may earn indeed,
And for a time ensure, to his lov'd land
The sweets of liberty and equal laws.
But Martyrs struggle for a brighter prize,
And win it with more pain. Their blood is shed
In confirmation of the noblest claim —
Our claim to feed upon immortal truth,
To walk with God, to be divinely free,
To soar, and to anticipate the skies.

COWPEB.

BISHOP HOOPER.

JOHN HOOPER student and graduate in the university of Oxford,
after the study of other sciences, wherein he had aboundantly
profited and proceeded, through Gods secret vocation l was stirred
with fervent desire to the love and knowledge of the scriptures.
In the reading and searching wherof, as there lacked in him no
diligence, joined with earnest praier, so neither wanted unto him
the grace of the holy Ghost to satisfie his desire, and to open
unto him the light of true divinitie.

1 God's secret vocation.~\ We have some particulars of Hooper's early
history from his own pen, in a letter to Henry Bullinger, from which it
appears, that he was much influenced in his conversion by the writings of that
divine, and of Hulderic Zuinglius. " Non multos ante annos " (says he),
"cum in aula Regis nostri aulicus aulice plus satis vixerim, ornatissime
Domine et Frater in Christo dilectissime, turn fausto et felici omine mihi
obtulerunt sese quaedam opera Doctoris Huldrici Zuinglii, eximii viri piae
memoriae, et commentaria in Paulinas Epistolas, quis tu felicissime universe
orbi innotuisti, in perpetuum tui nominis monimentum duratura. Ista
egregia Dei dona universo mundo per vos exhibita negligere nolui; cum
in ipsis praesertim de animae meae salute felicitateque perpetua serio agi vide-
bam. Omni itaque studio, et velut diligentia quadam superstitiosa, noctes
atque dies operam vestris scriptis navare operas pretium fore duxi. Nee
labor iste mihi unquam molestus in ea re fuit. Nam postquam excessi ex
ephebis, et patris dementia liberius vivendi fuit potestas, cultu impio et
quovis genere idololatriae, majorum aemulatus impietatem, Deum prius ccepe-
ram blasphemare, quam quid Deus esset, recte cognoveram. Inde tamen
Dei benignitate liberatus, quod Deo et vobis unice acceptum fero, jam nihil
restat, quod ad reliquum vitae meae et ultima fata spectat, quam ut Deum
pura mente colam." Hottingeri Histor. Ecclesiast novi Testamenti, vol. vi.
p. 271. Hottinger does not mention whether the original letter, from which
he transcribed the above extract, bore any date of time and place.

358 BISHOP HOOPER.

Thus maister Hooper growing more and more by Gods grace,
in ripenesse of spirituall understanding, and shewing withall some
sparkles of his fervent spirite, being then about the beginning of
the sixe Articles 9, in the time of k. Henry the eighth, fell eft-
soones into displeasure and hatred of certaine rabbines in Oxford,
who by and by began to stirre coales against him, whereby, and
especially by the procurement of doctour Smith, he was com-
pelled to void the universitie ; and so remooving from thence,
was retained in the house of Sir Thomas Arundell, and then-
was his steward ; till the time that Sir Thomas Arundell having
intelligence of his opinions and religion, which he in no case did
favour, and yet exceedingly favouring the person and conditions
of the man, found the meanes to send him in a message to the
bishop of Winchester, writing his letter privily to the bishop, by
conference of learning to doe some good upon him, but in any
case requiring him to send home his servant to him againe.

Winchester after long conference with M. Hooper four or five
daies togither, when hee at length perceived that neither hoe
could doe that good which he thought to him, nor that hee would
take any good, at his hand, according to M. ArundePs request,
he sent home his servant againe, right well commending his
learning and wit, but yet bearing in his brest a grudging stomacke
against maister Hooper still.

It followed not long after this, as malice is alwaies working
mischiefe, that intelligence was given to maister Hooper to pro-
vide for himselfe, for danger that was working against him.
Whereupon M. Hooper leaving M. Arundels house, and bor-
rowing an horse of a certaine friend (whose life he had saved a
little before from the gallowes) tooke his journey to the sea side.
to go to France, sending back the horse again by one, which ind< < <1
did not deliver him to the owner. M. Hooper beeing at l\nis
tarried there not long, but in short time returned into Englandc
againe, and was retained of M. Sentlow, till the time that In-
was again molested and laid for : whereby he was compelled,
under the pretence of beeing captaine of a ship going to Ireland.
to take the seas, and so escaped he (although not without
treame perill of drowning) through France, to the higher j
of Germany. Where hee entering acquaintance with learned

* Beyinniny of the gixe Articles.] This was in the year 1539. O
CromweWs Lift, p. 2G7, note 6.

BISHOP HOOPER. 359

men, was of them friendly and lovingly entertained, both at
Basill, and especially at Zurick of maister Bullinger, being
his singular friend. Where also he married his wife, which
was a Burgonian 3, and applied very studiously to the Hebrue
tongue.

At length when God saw it good to stay the bloudy time of
the six articles, and to give us k. Edward to raigne over this
realme, with some peace and rest unto the gospell, amongst many
other English exiles, which then repaired homeward, M. Hooper
also, moved in conscience, thought not to absent himself, but
seeing such a time and occasion, offered to helpe forwarde the
Lords worke, to the uttermost of his abilitie. And so comming
to M. Bullinger, and other of his acquaintance in Zurick, (as
dutie required) to give them thanks for their singular kindnesse
and humanitie toward him manifolde waies declared, with like
humanitie he again purposed to take his leave of them at his
departing, and so did. Unto whom M. Bullinger againe (who
had alwaies a speciall favour to M. Hooper) spake on this wise ;
" M. Hooper," said hee, " although we are sorry to part with
your company, for our own cause, yet much greater causes we
have to rejoice, both for your sake, and especially for the cause
of Christs true religion, that you shall now returne out of long
banishment into your native countrey againe ; where not onely
you may enjoy your own private libertie, but also the cause and
state of Christs church by you may fare the better, as we doubt
not but it shal.

" An other cause moreover why wee rejoice with you and for
you, is this, that you shall remoove not only out of exile into
liberty : but you shall leave here a barren, a sowre, and an
unpleasant country, rude and savage, and shall goe into a land
flowing 4 with milk and hony, replenished with all pleasure and
fertilitie. — Notwithstanding, with this our rejoicing, one feare
and care we have, least you being absent, and so farre distant
from us, or els comming to such aboundance of wealth and feli-
citie, in your new welfare, and plenty of ah1 thinges, and in your
flourishing honors, where ye shall come peradventure to be a
bishop, and where ye shall finde so many new friends, you will

3 Burgonian.] Burgundian.

4 A land flowing.] Compare William Thomas's Defence of kiny Henry V1IL
p. 7 — H. A.D. 1774.

360 BISHOP HOOPER.

forget us your old acquaintance and wellwillers. Neverthelesse,
howsoever you shall forget and shake us off, yet this perswade
your selfe, that we will not forget our old friend and fellow master
Hooper. And if you will please not to forget us againe, then I
pray you let us heare from you."

\Vhereunto M. Hooper answering againe, first gave to M.
Bullinger, and the rest right harty thanks, for that their singular
good will, and undeserved affection, appearing not only now,
but at all times towards him : declaring moreover that as the
principal cause of his remooving to his countrey was the matter
of religion ; so touching the unpleasantnes and barrennesse of
that countrey of theirs, there was no cause therein, why hee
could not finde in his hart to continue his life there, as soone as
in any place in the world, and rather than in his owne native
countrey, if there were nothing els in his conscience that mooved
him so to doe. And as touching the forgetting of his olde
friends, although, said hee, the remembrance of a mans count ivy
naturally doth delight him, neither could hee deny, but God had
blessed his countrey of England with many great commodities :
yet neither the nature of countrey, nor pleasure of commodities,
nor newnesse of friends should ever induce him to the oblivion of
such friends and benefactors, whom hee was so intirely bound
unto : and therefore you shall be sure, said he, from time to time
to here from me, and I will write unto you as it goeth with me.
But the last newes of ah1 I shall not be able to write : for there,
said hee, (taking M. Bullinger by the hand) where I shall t a la-
most paines, there shall you heare of mee to be burned to ashes :
and that shall be the last newes which I shall not be able to
write unto you, but you shah1 heare it of me5."

To this also may be added an other like propheticall demon-
stration, foreshewing before the manner of his martyrdomc where-
with he should glorifie God, which was this. When M. HOOJMT
being made bishop of Worcester and Gloucester should have his

8 Shall heare it of me.] Bullinger, in a letter written to Hooper in prison,
dated Zurich, Octob. 10, 1554, refers to their common forebodings of his
future sufferings. " Now," (says he) " is that thing happened unto you, my
brother, the which we did oftentimes prophecie unto ourselves at your bring
with us, .should come to passe, especiallie when we did talke of the power of
Anti-Christ, and of his felicitie and victories." Fox's Ads, j>. i:J7S). The
original in Latin, is given in Coverdale's Letters of the Martyrs, p. 125.
edit. 1837.

BISHOP HOOPER. 361

armes given him by the herald, as the maner is 6 here in England,
every bishop to have his armes assigned unto him (whether by
the appointment of maister Hooper, or by the herald I have not
certainely to say), but the armes which were to him allotted was
this ; a lambe in a fierie bush, and the sun beanies from heaven
descending down upon the lambe, rightly denoting, as it seemed,
the order of his suffering, which afterward followed.

But now to the purpose of our story againe. Thus when M.
Hooper had taken his farewell of maister Bullenger and his
friends at Zurick, he made his repaire againe into Englande 7 in
the raigne of k. Edward the sixth, where he comming to London
used continually to preach, most times twise, at least once every
day and never failed.

In his sermons, according to his accustomed maner, he cor-
rected sinne, and sharpely inveighed against the iniquitie of the
world, and corrupt abuses of the church. The people in great
flockes and companies, dayly came to heare his voice, as the most
melodious sound and tune of Orpheus harpe, as the proverb
saith: insomuch that oftentimes when he was preaching the
church would be so full, that none could enter further then the
doores thereof. In his doctrine he was earnest, in tongue elo-
quent, in the scriptures perfect, in paines indefatigable.

Moreover, besides other his giftes and qualities, this is in him
to be marvailed, that even as he began, so he continued still unto
his lifes end. For neither could his labour and pain- taking
breake him, neither promotion chaunge him, neither dainty fare
corrupt him. His life was so pure and good, that no kind of

6 As the maner is.~\ "Thus did the king" (says Strype speaking of
Henry 8th and archbishop Cranmer) "interpose himself divers times be-
tween his archbishop and his irreconcileable enemies the Papists : and
observing, by these essays against him, under what perils he was like to
come hereafter for his religion, about this time (1544) it was, as I conjecture,
that the king changed his paternal coat of arms .... and altered the three
Cranes, which were parcel of his ancestors' arms, into three Pelicans, de-
claring unto him, that those birds should signify unto him, that he ought to
be ready, as the Pelican is, to shed his blood for his young ones, brought up
in the faith of Christ. For, said the king, you are like to be tasted, if you
stand to your tackling, at length." Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 1 26.

7 Repaire againe into Englande."] This was probably early in the year 1548.
His Answer to my Lord of Winchester's book is dated from Zurich, Sept. 9,
1547, and his Declaration of Christ, from the same place, Dec. 8 in the same
year.

362 BISHOP HOOPER.

slander (although divers went about to reproove it) could fasten
any faulte uppon him. He was of body strong, his health whole
and sound, his wit very pregnant, his invincible patience able to
sustain whatsoever sinister fortune and adversitie could do. He
was constant of judgment, a good justicer, spare of diet, sparer
of words, and sparest of time. In housekeeping very liberal!.
and sometime more free than his living would extend unto.
Briefely, of all those vertues and qualities required of S. Paule
in a good bishop, in his epistle to Timothy, I knowe not one in
this good bishop lacking. Hee bare in countenance and talke
alwaies a certaine severe and grave grace, which might perad-
venture be wished sometime to have been a little more popular
and vulgar-like in him : but he knew what he had to do best
himselfe.

This by the way I thought to note; for that theiv was once
an honest citizen, and to mee not unknowne, which having in
himselfe a certaine conflict of conscience, came to his doore for
counsell, but being abashed at his austere behaviour durst not
come in, but departed, seeking remedie of his troubled ininde at
other mens handes, which he afterward by the help of almighty
God did finde and obtaine. Therefore in my judgement, such as
are appointed and made governors over the flock of Chri-
teach and instruct them, ought so to frame their life, manners,
countenance and externall behavior, as neither they shew them-
selves too familiar and light, wherby to be brought into contempt,
nor on the other side againe, that they appeare more lofty and
rigorous, than appertaineth to the edifying of the simple flocke
of Christ. Neverthelesse, as every man hath his peculiar gift
wrought in him by nature, so this disposition of fatherly grnvitio
in this man neither was excessive, neither did he ben re that
personage which was in him, without great consideration. For
it seemed to him peradventure, that this licentious and unbridled
life of the common sort, ought to bee chastened, not only \\ith
wordes and discipline, but also with the grave and ••< mu-

tt -nance of good men.

After he had thus practised himselfe in this popular and com-
mon kind"1 of preaching; at length, and that not without tin-
great profit of many, he was called to preach before tin- kings
majesty, and soone after, made bishop of <. l.\ tin- kings

commandement. In that office he continued t\\o yeans, and
l>eha\ed himx-lfe BO well, that his MTV enemies (except it

BISHOP HOOPER. 363

for his good doings, and sharpe correcting of sinne) could finde
no fault with him : and after that he was made bishop of
Worcester 8.

But I cannot tell what sinister and unlucky contention con-
cerning the ordering and consecration of bishops, and of their
apparell, with such other like trifles, began to disturbe the good
and luckie beginning of this godly bishop. For notwithstanding
that godly reformation of religion begunne in the church of Eng-
land, besides other ceremonies more ambitious than profitable ex-
tending to edification, they used to wear such garments and appa-
rell as the popish bishops 9 were woont to do : first a chymere,

8 Bishop of Worcester.'] He was nominated to the see of Gloucester
May 15th, 1550, but was not consecrated till March 8th in the following
year. He had the bishopric of Worcester granted to him to hold in com-
tnendam, on the deprivation of bishop Heath, in April 1552. Le Neve's
Fasti, p. 101. 299. And towards the end of the same year the two dioceses
were united, from thenceforth to be reputed and taken as one. Strype's
Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. p. 355. They were disunited again, after Hooper's
martyrdom, early in 1554. See Le Neve, &c.

9 As the popish bishops.'] This kind of representation, in which Fox fre-
quently indulges, is neither just nor prudential. Could Fox be ignorant,
that Hooper was to be consecrated agreeably to the acts, both of convocation
and parliament, and according to the Book of Ordination, so authorized, of
the second year of king Edward VI., at which time the habits of the bishops,
as well as of the inferior orders of the clergy, had undergone, like all other
points of doctrine and discipline, a very extensive and searching reform ? I
cannot perhaps bring this matter more concisely before my readers, than by
an extract from the preface to the valuable Life of Bishop Pecock, by John,
Lewis, Vicar of Margate. After quoting from a Romish ritualist the names,
and describing the nature of the vestments used by the " popish clergy,"
viz. " an amess, an albe, a surcingle, a maniple, a stole, and a chasuble ;" all
which are distinctly blessed or consecrated, and supposed " to be watered
from above by God's grace, .... that the bishops, priests and levites being
habited with them, may deserve to be defended from all attacks or tempta-
tions of malignant spirits," Lewis contents himself with adding simply,
" Not one of these vestments was retained in the church of England after the
reformation ; nor any other consecrated vestments." Why then should Fox
lend the weight of his respected name to such injurious misrepresentations ;
and introduce into these acts and monuments of the martyrs, otherwise so
valuable and so interesting, materials, thus wholly incongruous, and out of
place ; making his book the unsuspected and therefore the more dangerous
vehicle for misleading, at that time, a large and growing party of Protestants,
who of themselves were sufficiently perverse, wrong-headed, and ignorant,
and doing injury to the cause of sound judgment, discretion, and truth, in
every age ? This it should seem is nothing better than another example, how
utterly delusive it is to think by concession and conciliation, to content and
satisfy a Furitanizing (not less than a Popish) spirit. [Ou

364 BISHOP HOOPER.

and under that a white rochet, then a mathematicall cap with
four angles, dividing the whole world into foure parts. These
trifles tending more to superstition than otherwise, as he could
never abide, so in no wise could he be perswaded to \\eare them.
For this cause he made supplication to the kings majesty, most
humbly desiring his highnesse either to discharge him of the
hishopricke, or els to dispense with him for such ceremonial!
orders. Whose petition the king granted immediately, writing
his letter to the archbishop after this tenour.

" Right reverend father, and right trusty and welbeloved. we
greet you well. Whereas we by the advise of our councel, have
called and chosen our right welbeloved and well worthy, M. John
Hooper, professor of divinity, to be our bishop of Glocester, as
wel for his great knowledge, deep judgement and long study both
in the scriptures and other prophane learning, as also for his good
discretion, ready utterance and honest life for that kind of voca-
tion ; to the intent al our loving subjects which are in his said
charge and elsewhere, might by his sound and true doctrine learne
the better their duty towards God, their obedience towards us,
and their love towards their neighbours : from consecrating of
whom, wee understand you do stay, because hee would have you
omit and let passe certain rites and ceremonies offensive to his
conscience, whereby ye thinke ye should fal in premunire of law< > :
we have thought good by the advise aforesaid, to dispense and dis-
charge you of all maner of dangers, penalties and forfaitures. you
should run and be in, any maner of way, by omitting any of tin-
same. And these our letters shal be your sufficient warrant and
discharge therefore.

" Yeven under our signet at our castell of \Vind>-
the 5. of August, the 4. yeare of our raigne.

" ED. SOMERSET. W. PAGET.

W. \Vll.TsHIRE10. AN. WlNGKir.I.D.

\V. NORTH. N. WOOTTO

Our maxim and motto therefore ought to be — " Let us stand to tin- truth :
•he truth, (and the truth only,) shall make us free." For then, tin
.th will he our shield and buckler.
10 II'. Wiltshire } Thomas Boleyn, earl of Wiltshire, father of AM

JK. William Paulct ul earl of Wiltshire, 19th Jan. 1550.

BISHOP HOOPER. 365

Besides this letter of the king, also the earle of Warwick
(which was afterwards duke of Northumberland) adjoined his
letter to the foresaid archbishop of Canturbury to this purpose
and effect, that raaister Hooper might not be burdened with the
oath 1 used then commonly in the consecration of bishops, which
was against his conscience, as by the purport of the letter here is
to be seene, as folio weth.

"After my most harty commendations to your grace, these
may be to desire the same, that in such reasonable things, wherin
this bearer my lord elect of Glocester, craveth to be born withall
at your hands, you wold vouchsafe to shew him your graces favor,
the rather at this my instance : which thing, partly, I have taken
in hand by the kings majesties own motion. The matter is waied
by his highnes none other but that your grace may facily conde-
scend unto. The principal cause is, that you would not charge
this said bearer with an oth burdenous to his conscience. And so
for lacke of time I commit your grace to the tuition of almighty
God. From Westminster the 23 of July, 1 550.

" Your graces most assured loving friend

I. WARWIKE."

Both this grant of the king, and also the earles letters afore-
said notwithstanding, the bishops still stoode earnestly in defence
of the aforesaide ceremonies, saying it was but a small matter,
and that the faulte was in the abuse of the things, and not in the

1 Burdened with the nath.~\ Strype supposes, and bishop Burnet asserts,
that this was the oath of canonical obedience. Life of Cranmer, p. 21 1, and
Hist, of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 146. But in his third volume, the bishop,
apparently upon better grounds, affirms that it was the oath of supremacy,
and tells us, upon the authority of Micronius, minister of the German church
in London, that his exception to the oath was, because the form ran in these
words, " by God, by the Saints, and by the Holy Gospels." This he thought
impious. And when he was before the council, the king being present, he
argued that God only ought to be appealed to in an oath, for he only knew
the thoughts of men. The king was so fully convinced by this, that with
his own pen he struck these words out of the oath, saying that no creature
was to be appealed to in an oath. This being cleared, no scruple remained
but with relation to the habits. Burnet, vol. iii. p. 203. The bishop, it is
probable, was first set right upon this subject by a note of the learned Mr.
Baker, of St. John's College, Cambridge. See Hist, of Reformat, vol. iii.
p. 407. Appendix.

.366 BISHOP HOOPER.

things themselves ; adding moreover, that he ought not t<» l>ee

•iiblmrne in so light a matter, and that his wilfulnessc th-
was not to be suffered.

To be short, whiles! both parties thus contended about this
matter more than reason would, in the meane time occasion was
given, as to the true Christians to lament, so to the adversaries
to rejoice. In conclusion, this theological contention came to
this end, that the bishops having the upper hand, maister Hooper
was fain to agree to this condition, that sometimes he should in
his sermon shew himselfe apparelled as the other bishops were.
\Vherefore, appointed to preach before the king as ;i new plaier
in a strange apparel, he commeth forth on the stage. His upper
garment was a long scarlet chymere downe to the foote, and under
that a white linnen rochet that covered all his shoulders. Upon
his head he had a geometricall, that is, a four squared cap, albeit
that his head was round. What cause of shame the strangenesse
hereof was that day to that good preacher, every man may easily
judge. But this private contumely and reproach, in respect of
the publike profite of the church, which hee onely sought, hee
bare and suffered patiently. And I would to God in like inaner.
they which tooke upon them the other part of that tragedie, had
yeelded their private cause', whatsoever it was, to the publike

- Their private cause.~\ This again is a very unjust and pernicious misre-
presentation. The truth was directly the reverse of what is here stated, the
bishops and council, for their part, had no " private cause." They did not
follow their own private judgment, or so far as they did, it was only in this,
that the convictions of their conscience went along with their dutiful and
faithful allegiance and obedience to the voice of the laws of their country.
Whereas, the contrary in both respects was the case with Hooper, the
law was against him, and on that account as well as others, he was a^
the law ; and had nothing to stand his friend but his own short-sighted
and perverse private judgment ; and the favour perhaps of a very few per-
sons, as rash and inconsiderate as himself. 'Ilien, with respect to !
allegation of private ends and self-will being the motive, could he
forgotten, that almost in this very same page, he has laid before us a i
of the king in council, to the archbishop, from which it appears, that (
mer had pleaded he could not yield to Hooper, " lest he should full into a
premunire of the laws," and though it appears from the same 1<
the kiny was willing to give way, but then, it is also clear, this could only
be effected by the cxerci.-M- of that tremendous attribute, a royal
power; a dangerous prerogative, indeed, then occasionally cln
practised, but never without danger and mischief; and after all, the •

BISHOP HOOPER. 367

concord and edifying of the church : for no man in all the citie,
was one hair the better for that hot contention.

I will name no body 3, partly for that his oppugners being after-

shews, that (he too) the king and the council, on more reflection, deter-
mined to abide by the law.

3 I vill name no bodyJ] The reader is desired to notice this part of the
narrative, as it contains the beginnings of a new series of controversy, directly
opposite to those which we have hitherto been engaged in. Fox's incli-
nations towards Puritanism are well known ; and are very apparent, as well
on his whole account of this controversy respecting Hooper's consecration, as
in many other parts of his History. The narrative is coloured in a manner
much too favourable to the memory of Hooper. When the author says, that
" he will name nobody," we may be permitted to mention, that while Hooper's
principal antagonists were Cranmer and Ridley, names not to be ashamed of,
and men certainly very much Hooper's superiors in learning, good temper,
and wisdom, his conduct was not approved of, even by Peter Martyr, and
Martin Bucer, whose foreign habits and partialities certainly tended towards
Puritanism. If the reader is desirous of a more full and correct knowledge
of this early part of the controversy, which upon its revival in the reign of
queen Elizabeth blazed out with fury, and became of most pernicious extent
and importance, he may consult Burnet's Hist, of the Reformat, vol. ii.
p. 152 — 4. vol. iii. p. 199—204. Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. ii.
p. 224—7. Life of Cranmer, p. 211 — 16. Ridley's Life of Bishop Ridley,
p. 309 — 24, &c. &c. It is some consolation, however, that Hooper himself
ere long saw his error, and was ashamed of his pertinacity.

The proof of this, a fact far from generally known, and conveying impres-
sions of a very different nature from Fox's statement, we possess in a letter from
Hooper himself, which seems to have lain hid for above a century, being not
published till the year 1669, when it appeared in the Sanctcs Ecclesice Anali-
cancB Vindicice, of Dr. John Durell, 4to. On account of the importance of
the document, and the Vntdicia being also a scarce volume, I give the entire
letter, with the account how it came into his possession. The reader will
immediately see, it is of cardinal importance in understanding the true prin-
ciples and history of this controversy : more especially, if coupled with the
other documents, &c., given in immediate connection from Henry Wharton,
&c. It seems much to be regretted that the modern editor of Coverdale's
Letters of the Martyrs (London, 1837), has done nothing to supply in an
appendix, this and many other important deficiencies in Coverdale's collection.

" Extat earum literarum " (says Dr. Durell) " exemplar in vetere libro
manuscripto plurima ejusmodi complectente, qui penes est virum, non in
theologia modo, sed et in omni disciplinarum genere cultissimum, D. Sethum
Ward, Sarisburiensem episcopum dignissimum, qui illius, pro summa sua
humanitate, lubens mihi copiam fecit.

" Valde mihi doluit quod non satisfecerim meo scripto voluntati dignissi-
morum consiliariorum. Atqui sperabam hoc meo scripto ita satisfecisse, ut
nihil ultra possent a me exigere. Quid enim poteram amplius, quam, mea
conscientia liberata ab omni scrupulo quo antea fuit solicitata, judicium hvjus
quastionis vestris Clementiis deferre, et polliceri me facturum quicquid statuis-

368 BISHOP HOOPER.

wards joined in the most sure friendship with him, in and for one
caused suffred martyrdome ; and partly for that I commonly usr

setis? Ego scripto illo nollem contendere, sed hoc solum, ut me purgarem
omni crimine inobedientiae, et contemptus authoritatis reverentiarum ac
vestrarum Clementiarura ; atque in hunc finem pauca induxi arguraenta,
quae me hactenus movissent. Id etiam volebain intelligeretis, me nunc
agnoscere libertatem JiUorum, Dei in rebus externis omnibus ; quas nee per se
impias, nee usum earum quemlibet per se impium, assero aut sentio : abusum
solum, qui omnibus esse potest, vitio utentium superstitiose, aut alioqui male,
reprehendo, cum D. Bucero, D. Martyre, et omnibus piis ac doctis viris.
Caetemm quod ad me attinet, in hac causa usus vestium ac rituum inaugu-
rationis episcopalis, si adhuc dubitarem aut haererem in aliquo, attamen
abunde putarem me satisfacturum omni officio reverentise, vel obedientiae, si
volens meum sensum ac judicium (non ?) cacteris omnibus praeferre, (sed ?)
ipse vestrarum Clementiarum judicio subjicerer, quicquid judicaturi fueritis,
ex animo facturus. Id (est) quod meo scripto volebam. Et nunc idem facio
et polliceor. Etenim in hac causa coepi meum judicium sensumque meum
ita habere suspecta, ut vestrarum Clementiarum judicio, vel eorum, quos-
cunque nominaveritis, pios ac doctos in lege Dei, stare ac niti quam meo
unius, existimem consultius, et Christiana humilitate dignius. Id non puto
in me esse mutatum. Ago gratias reverend, vestrae Clementiae quod tarn
multas molestias ac labores meo nomine subire dignatus sis. Rogo etiam
supplex cum aliquis Dorainationibus, ut content! esse velint in nomine Christi.
Neque ita sentiant de me, quasi aliquid faciam simulate ullo metu, aut ulla
alia causa, nisi ecclesiae. Dominus Jesus testis est, qui abdita cordium novit.
Idem reverend. Tuam Clementiam suo spiritu semper augeat, atque omnibus
bonis beet. In carcere, Februar. 15, 1551, 2. reverend. T. Clementiae obser-
vantissimus, Joh. Hopperus." P. 140, 1.

I shall not scruple to give two further extracts, on this very important
subject, from the small, but extremely valuable and scarce volume of Henry
Wharton, to which we have already been greatly indebted, in points of prime
historical moment.

First, bishop Burnet having said in his History of the Reformation, vol. ii.
p. 153, of his first edition,

"Cranmer wrote about this difference (raised by Hooper about wearing
the episcopal vestments) to Bucer, reducing it to these two plain questions
(1.) Whether it was lawful to use those garments? &c.— And (2.) Whether he
that affirmed it was unlawful, or, on that account refused to use those vestments,
did not sin against Got//"'

Wharton remarks, "The latter part of the question put by Cranmer was
this, 'An is (jui nffirmaverit nefas esse, aut recusurit, his vestibus uti, peccat in
Deum, quia immundum esse dicit quod I ' 'ificavit, et in mar/islratux,

quod violet ordinem politicum?' " (The reader will here find his use in turning
to Art. XXXI V. of the Church of England. —Editor.) " The historian tin re-
fore " (Wharton goes on) " hath negligently translated it, and in part changed
the stale of the question, by adding these words ' on that account „•' which make
the refusal to proceed wholly upon a supposition that the thiii^ commanded
was unlawful by the law of liod; whereas Cranmer put the question more gene-

BISHOP HOOPER. 369

according to my accustomed maner, to keep my pen from pre-
sumptuous judging of any person : yet I thought to note the thing

rally in those words ( aut recusant,' so as to include a refusal to obey the
command of the magistrate out of wilfulness, or for any other cause, beside
pretence of unlawfulness by the law of God, which is taken away by the
answering to the first part of the question." Specimen of Errors, &c.,
p. 92, 3.

This remark the reflecting reader will observe is of extreme moment ; and
corresponds perfectly with what had been written long before, by Hooker,
Francis Mason, Sanderson, and others, some of the best portions of which
have been printed in the editor's Christian Institutes. It is much to be re-
gretted, that Burnet, a bishop of the church of England, but often a very
hasty and inconsiderate writer, should have confused a fundamental question,
which was understood, and conceded, by one section even of the puritans
themselves ; abundantly hasty and inconsiderate men, as they too were in all
points of this description.

But again, we must hear the bishop and the presbyter, in the next page, in
further connexion with this unhappy proceeding of Hooper.

"Cranmer wrote back," {Hist. Reformat., p. 154,) "that he could not
dispense with the use of episcopal garments at the consecration of Hooper,
without incurring a prcemunire. So the king was moved to write to him,
warranting him to do it. But though this was done on the 4th Aug. yet he
was not consecrated till March next year, and in the mean while he was sus-
pended from preaching."

"The king and council rejected this puritanical niceness of Hooper's con-
science, much further than all this amounts to ; which affairs I will relate
from the council book.

"'In council, 1550, Oct. 6. — A letter to the bishop of London, that where
there hath been some difference between him and the elect bishop of Glou-
cester, upon certain ceremonies belonging to the making of a bishop, wherein
their lordships' desire is, because they would in no wise the stirring up of
controversies between men of one profession, did send for him, willing him
to cease the occasions thereof; who humbly desired that he might for decla-
ration of his doings, put in writing such arguments as moved him to be of
the opinion he held ; which thing was granted ; and he was by their lordships
commanded to be at court on Sunday next, bringing with him, that he shall
for an answer have thought convenient.

'"1551. Jan. 13. — Mr. Hooper, bishop elect of Gloucester, appeared before
the council touching his old matter, of denying to wear such apparel as other
bishops wear : and having been before commanded to keep his house, unless
it were to go to the archbishop of Canterbury, bishops of Ely, London, or
Lincoln, for satisfaction or counsel of his conscience, in that matter; nor
further, neither to preach nor read, until he had further licence from the
council. It appeared, both that he had not kept his house, and that he had
also written and printed a book wherein was contained matter that he should
not have written. For the which, and for that also he persevered in his
former opinion of not wearing the bishop's apparel, he was now committed to

VOL. ir. B b

370 BISHOP HOOPER.

for this consideration, to admonish the reader hereby how wl
some and necessarie the crosse of Christ is sometime in the church
of Christ, as by the sequele hereof did afterward appeare. For
as in a civill governance and common wealth, nothing is moiv
occasion of war, than overmuch peace; so in the church, and
among churchmen, as nothing is more pernicious than too much

the archbishop of Canterbury's custody, either there to be reformed, or further
to be punished as the obstinacy of his case required.

" 'Jan. 27th. — Upon a letter from the archbishop of Canterbury, that Mr.
Hooper cannot be brought to any conformity, but rather persevering in his
obstinacy, coveteth to prescribe orders and necessary laws of his own head —

" ' It was agreed, he should be committed to the Fleet upon the occasion,
aforesaid.

" ' A letter to the warden of the Fleet, to receive the said Mr. Hooper, and
to keep him from conference of any person, saving the ministry of that
house.'

"On the 8th of March following he was consecrated. Now, all this was
done after the king's letter written in Hooper's behalf to Cranmer; so that
in all appearance he was forced to reconcile his squeamish conscience to the
episcopal habit, in order to obtain his bishopric." Specimen of Errors, &c.,
p. 93—95.

Thus happily in this first conflict, the law of the land, the law of reason,
and, in a proper sense, the law also of scripture, the firmness of Edward's
wise council, and the learning of those great prelates Cranmer, Ridley, and
others, were in their combined force, too much for this single champion, and
his mere handful of half-a-dozen associates ; for, at this moment, they hardly
exceeded that number. It must not be forgotten however, that the principles
upon which Hooper started, and Fox appears too much to have persevered,
did not spend their rage, till (a century after) the monarchy and church of
England, and the constitution and liberties of both, had suffered a temporary
overthrow, and the land had been deluged with blood.

The last sentence from Wharton shows the exceeding importance ( ;
letter preserved to us by Dr. Durell. It supplies the only link that was
wanting, to complete the chain : and we cannot but sensibly regret that this
extraordinary man appears to have died without the knowledge of this docu-
ment, of which he would have understood so well to make the due use. That
one article, of an historical nature, should have escaped the notice of Wh
when we consider the early age at which he was removed, is no way surprising;
but it may perhaps be considered less excusable, that the import of a docu-
ment published by a very able vindicator of the church of England, so long
ago as the year 1664, should have been overlooked by Burnet, Strypc. Collier,
and the whole succession of our ecclesiastical historians. It is some satis-
faction to me to believe, that this important passage of ecclesiastical history
is for the first time completely developed and cleared in the extracts l.ud
before my readers in the present note. It had only been very concisely and
obscurely hinted at in the two former editions, in the bure and naked reference
'M lien's Moderation of the Church of England.

BISHOP HOOPER. 371

quietnes, so nothing more ceaseth private contentions oftentimes
rising amongst them, than the publike crosse of persecution.

Furthermore, so I perswaded myselfe, the same not to bee
unexpedient, to have extant such examples of holy and blessed
men. For if it do not a little appertaine to our publick consola-
tion and comfort, when we read in the scriptures of the foule
dissention betweene Paule and Barnabie, of the fall of Peter, and
of Davids murder and adultery ; why may or should it not be as
well profitable for our posterity, to heare and know the falls of
these godly martyrs, whereby we may the lesse despaire in our
infirmitie, considering the same or greater infirmities to raigne in
the holy saints of G od, both prophets, apostles, and martyrs ? —
And this by the way.

Thou hast heard, good reader, hitherto the weakness of these
good men, plainly and simply, as the truth was, declared unto
thee, to the end their fall may minister occasion to us either of
eschewing the like, or else to take hart and comfort in the like fall
and frailnesse of ours. — Now againe, on the other part, it remaineth
to record after the foresaid discord the godly reconciliations of
these good men in time of persecution, who afterward being in
prison for the truths sake, reconciled themselves again with most
godly agreement, as appeareth by this letter sent by bishop Ridley,
to the said bishop of Glocester. The copie whereof as it was writ-
ten with his own hand in Latin, hereafter followeth translated
into English.

" To my deare brother and reverend fellow elder in Christ, John
Hooper, grace and peace.

" My dearly beloved brother and fellow elder, whom I reverence
in the Lord ; pardon me, I beseech you, that hitherto since your
captivitie, and mine, I have not saluted you by my letters, whereas
I doe indeed confesse, I have received from you (such was your
gentleness) two letters at sundry times ; but yet at such time as
1 could not be suffered to writ unto you againe, or if I might, yet
was I in doubt how my letters might safely come unto your hands.
But now my deare brother, forasmuch as I understand by your
works, which 1 have but superficiallie seene, that we throughly
agree and wholly consent togither in those things which are the
grounds and substantial points of our religion, against the which
the worlde so furiously rageth in these our daies, howsoever in

Bb2

372 BISHOP HOOPER.

time past in certain by matters and circumstances of religion,
your wisdome and my simplicity (I grant) hath a little jarred,
each of us following the abundance of his owne sense and judge-
ment : now, I say, bee you assured, that even with my whole
heart, God is my witness, in the bowels of Christ, I love you in
the truth, and for the truthes sake, which abideth in us, and
as I am perswaded, shal by the grace of God, abide in us for
evermore.

" And because the world, as I perceive brother, ceaseth not to
play his pageant, and busily conspireth against Christ our saviour,
with all possible force and power, exalting high things against the
knowledge of God : let us joine handes togither in Christ, and if
we cannot overthrow, yet to our power, and as much as in us lieth
let us shake those high altitudes, not with carnall, but with spiri-
tuall ^ceapons : and withall brother, let us prepare our selves to
the day of our dissolution, by the which after the short time of
this bodily affliction, by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. \\v
shall triumph togither with him in eternall glory.

" I pray you, brother, salute in my name your reverend fellow
prisoner and venerable father, D. C. 4 by whom since the first
day that I heard of his most godly and fatherly constancie in con-
fessing the truth of the gospel, I have conceived great consolation
and joy in the Lord. For the integritie and uprightnesse of that
man, his gravitie and innocencie, all England I thinke hath known
long ago. Blessed be God therefore, which in such aboundancc
of iniquity and decay of al godlines, hath given unto us in tin's
reverend old age, such a witnesse for the trueth of his gospi-11.
Miserable and hard hearted is he, whom the godlinesse, nnd
constant confession of so worthy, so grave, and so innocent
a man. will not moove to acknowledge and confesse the truth of
God.

" I doe not now brother require you to write any thing to in--
againe : for I stand much in feare least your letters should !><•
intercepted before they can come to my hands. Neverthelene
know you, that it shall be to me great joy to heare of your «m-
stancie and fortitude in the Lords quarrell. And albeit I 1

4 Venerable father, D. C.] Bishop Burnet understands these initials to
apply to archbishop Cranmer. Hist, of Reformat., vol. ii. p. 283. edit. 4.

mtcndrd was undoubtedly Dr. Cromc-. as appears by C'«
dale's Letters of the Martyrs, p. 46. A.D. 1563. See also Strype's t
Memor., vol. iii. p. IOC. 208.

BISHOP HOOPER. 373

not hitherto written unto you, yet have I twise, as I could, sent
unto you my minde touching the matter which in your letters you
required to know. Neither can I yet, brother, be otherwise per-
swaded : I see me thinkes so many perils, whereby I am earnestly
mooved to counsell you not to hasten the publishing of your workes,
especially under the title of your own name. For I feare greatly
least by this occasion both your mouth should be stopped here-
after, and all thinges taken away from the rest of the prisoners,
whereby otherwise, if it so please God, they may bee able to doe
good to many. — Farewell in the Lord my most deare brother :
and if there be any moe in prison with you for Christs cause, I
beseech you, as you may, salute them in my name. To whose
praiers I doe most humbly and hartily commend my selfe and
my fellow prisoners and con-captives in the Lord ; and yet once
againe, and for ever, in Christ my most deare brother, farewell.

" N. BIDLEY."

M. Hooper after all these tumults and vexations susfceined
about his investing and priestly vestures, at length entring into
his diocesse, did there imploy his time which the Lord lent him
under k. Edwards raigne with such diligence, as may bee a
spectacle to all bishops, which shall ever hereafter succeed him,
not onely in that place, but in whatsoever diocesse through the
whole realme of England. — So carefull was he in his cure, that he
left neither pains untaken, nor waies unsought, how to traine up
the flocke of Christ in the true word of salvation, continually
labouring in the same. Other men commonly are woont for lucre
or promotions sake, to aspire to bishoprickes, some hunting for
them, and some purchasing or buying them, as men use to pur-
chase lordships, and when they have them, are loth to leave
them, and thereupon also loth to commit that thing by worldly
lawes, whereby to lose them.

To this sort of men M. Hooper was cleane contrarie; who
abhorred nothing more then gaine, labouring alwaies to save and
preserve the soules of his flocke. Who being bishop of two
diocesses, so ruled and guided either of them, and both togither,
as though he had in charge but one family. No father in his
houshold, no gardiner in his garden, nor husbandman in his vine-
yard, was more or better occupied, then hee in his dioces amongst
his flocke, going about his townes and villages in teaching and
preaching to the people there.

374 BISHOP HOOPER.

That time that hee had to spare from preaching, he bestowed
either in hearing publicke causes, or else in private study, praier,
and visiting of schooles. With his continual! doctrine, hee
adjoined due and discreet correction, not so much severe to any,
as to them which for aboundance of riches, and wealthy state.
thought they might do what they listed. And doubtlesse he
spared no kind of people, but was indifferent to all men, as well
rich as poore, to the great shame of no small number of men
nowe a daies. Whereof many wee doe see so addicted to the
pleasing of great and rich men, that in the meane time they have
no regard to the meaner sort of poore people, whom Christ hath
bought as dearely as the other.

But now againe we will returne our talke to maister Hooper,
all whose life was such, that to the church and all churchmen, it
might be a light and example, to the rest a perpetual lesson and
sermon. Finally, how vertuous and good a bishop hee was, yee
may conceive and know evidently by this ; that even as he was
hated of none but of them which were evill, so yet the worst of
them all could not reproove his life in any one jot.

I have now declared his usage and behaviour abroad in the
publike affairs of the church: and certainly there appeared in
him at home no lesse example of a worthy prelates life. For
although he bestowed and converted the most part of his care
upon the publike flocke and congregation of Christ, for the which
also he spent his bloud ; yet neverthelesse there lacked no pro-
vision in him, for to bring up his owne children in learning and
good maners : in so much that yee could not discerne whether he
deserved more praise for his fatherly usage at home, or for his
bishoplike doings abroad. For every where he kept one religion
in one uniforme doctrine and integritie. So that if you cut red
into the bishops palace, you would suppose yourself to have
entred into some church or temple. In every corner tin r
there was some smell of vertue, good example, honest conversation,
and reading of holy scriptures. There was not to be seen in his
house any courtly roystring or idlenesse : no pompe at all. no
dishonest word, no swearing could there be heard.

As for the revenues of both his bishoprickes, although they did
not greatly exceede, as the matter was handled ', yet it' any tiling
surmounted thereof, he pursed nothing, but hestowed it in hospi-

• At the matter wot handled.] Strype's Ecdesiast. Memor., vol. u p. 355—7.

BISHOP HOOPER. 375

talitie. Twise I was, as I remember, in his house in Worcester ;
where in his common hall I sawe a table spread with good store of
meate, and beset full of beggers and poore folke : and I asking his
servants what this meant, they told me that every day their lord
and maisters manner was, to have customably to dinner a certaine
number of poore folke of the said citie by course, who were served
by foure at a messe, with whole and wholesome meats : and when
they were served (being afore examined 6 by him or his deputies
of the Lords praier, the articles of their faith, and ten com-
mandements) then hee himselfe sate downe to dinner, and not
before.

After this sort and maner maister Hooper executed the office
of a most carefull and vigilant pastor, by the space of two yeares
and more, so long as the state of religion in king Edwards time
did safely flourish and take place : and would God that all other
bishops would use the like diligence, care, and observance in
their function !

After this, king Edward beeing dead, and Mary being crowned
queene of England, religion beeing subverted and changed, this
good bishop was one of the first 7 that was sent for by a pursivant
to be at London, and that for two causes.

6 Afore examined.] " He," bishop Ken, as we learn, from the very short
and imperfect sketch of his life, by his grandson, Wm. Hawkins, " had a
very happy way of mixing his spiritual with his corporeal alms. When any
poor person begged of him, he would examine whether he could say the
Lord's Prayer, the Creed, &c. ; and he found so much deplorable ignorance
among the grown poor people, that he feared little good was to be done upon
them : but said, he would try, whether he could not lay a foundation, to
make the next generation better. And this put him upon setting up many
schools in all the great towns of his diocese, for the poor children to be
taught to read, and say their catechism ; and about this time, and for this
purpose it was, that he wrote and published his Exposition of the Church-
catechism By this method and management, he engaged the ministers

to be more careful in catechizing the children of their parishes; and they
were by him furnished with a stock of the necessary books for the use of
children. And we may now judge, by the great and good success of the cha-
rity-schools, what great and good ends he at that time proposed." P. 12 — 14.
edit. 1713.

7 Was one of the first.'] Two several letters were despatched, Aug. 22,
1553, to Miles Coverdale and John Hooper clerks, for their immediate repair
to the court, there to attend before the lords of council : and on the 29th of
that month he made his first personal appearance before the council at Rich-
mond. See Journal of Proceedings in the Privy Council', in Haynes's State

376 BISHOP HOOPER.

" First, to answere to doctor Heath then appointed bishop of
that dioces, who was before in king Edwardes daies deprived
thereof for papistry.

" Secondarily, to render account to doctour Boner bishop of
London, for that he in king Edwards time was one of his
accusers, in that hee shewed himselfe not conformable to such
ordinances as were prescribed to him by the king and his councell,
openly at Paules crosse. And although the said maister Hooper
was not ignorant of the evils that should happen towards him
(for he was admonished by certaine of his friends to get him
away and shift for himselfe) yet hee would not prevent them, but
tarried still, saying ; ' once I did flee and tooke me to my feete,
but now, because I am called to this place and vocation, I am
throughly perswaded to tarie, and to live and die with my
sheepe.1 "

And when, at the day of his appearance, which was the first of
September, he was come to London, before he could come to the
aforesaid doctor Heath and Boner, he was intercepted and com-
manded violently against his will to appeare before the qu<
and hir councell, to answer to certaine bondes and obligations,
wherein they said hee was bound unto hir. And when IK- came
before them, Winchester by and by received him very oppro-
briouslie, and railing and rating of him, accused him of religion.
Hee againe freely and boldly tolde his tale, and purged himselfe.
But in fine it came to this conclusion, that by them he was com-
manded to ward (it being declared unto him at his departure,
that the cause of his imprisonment was only for certaine sums of
money, for the which hee was indebted to the queene ; and not
for religion). This ho we false and untrue it was, shall hereafter
in his place more plainly appeare.

The next yeare, being 1554, the 19. of March, he was called
againe to appeare before Winchester and other the queen- com-
missioners : where, what for the bishop, and what for the unruly
multitude, when he could not be permitted to pleade his .
hee was deprived of his bishoprickes. Which how. and in what
order it was done, here now followeth to be seen by the testimony
and report of one, which being present at the doing, committed
the same to writing.

», |.. ir:i-7. On the first of Sept. 1553, he was committed to the
Fleet prison. Ibid. p. 178.

BISHOP HOOPER. 377

A letter or report of a certaine godly man, declaring the order
of M. Hoopers deprivation from his bishoprickes. An. 1554.
March 19.

" Forsomuch as a rumor is spread abroad of the talke had at
iny lord chauncellours, betweene him with other commissioners
there appointed, and M. Hooper, cleane contrary to the verity
and truth thereof indeede, and therefore to be judged rather to
be risen of malice, for the discrediting of the truth by false sug-
gestions and evill reports, than otherwise : I thought it my duty,
being present thereat my selfe, in writing to set forth the whole
effect of the same : partly that the verity thereof may be known
to the doubtfull people, and partly also to advertise them, how
uncharitably M. Hooper was handled at their hands, which with
all humilitie used himselfe towardes them, desiring that with
patience he might have beene permitted to speake ; assuring all
men, that where I stoode in a mammering and doubt, which of
these two religions to have creditted, either that set forth by the
kings majesty, that dead is, or els that now maintained by the
queenes majesty, their unreverend behaviour towards M. Hooper,
doth moove me the rather to credit his doctrine, then that which
they with railing and cruell words defended, considering that
Christ was so handled before. And that this which I have
written here was the effect of their talk, as I acknowledge it to
be true my selfe, so I appeale to all the hearers consciences, that
there were present, (so they put affection away) for the witnesse
of the same.

The bishops of Winchester 8, of London 9, of Duresme *, of Lan-
daffe 2, of Chichester 3, sate as commissioners.

At M. Hoopers comming in, the lord chancellor asked whether
he was married.

8 Winchester.] Stephen Gardiner, Chancellor.

9 London.'] Edmund Bonner.

1 Duresme.'] Cuthbert Tunstall.

2 Landaffe.'] Robert Warton, or Purfoy.
:i Chichester.'] George Day.

378 BISHOP HOOPER.

Hooper. " Yea my lord, and will not bee unmarried, till
death unmarrie me V

Duresme. " That is matter enough to deprive you.1"

Hooper. uThat it is not, my lord, except ye do against the
law."

The matter concerning marriage was no more talked <>!' then.
for a great space: but as well the commissioners, as sucli as
stood by, began to make such outcries, and laughed, and used
such gesture as was unseemely for the place, and for sucli a mat-
ter. The bishop of Chichester, Dr. Day, called M. Hooper
hypocrite, with vehement wordes, and scornefull countenance.
Bp. Tonstall called him beast : so did Smith one of the clerks of
the councell, and divers other that stood by. At length the
bishop of Winchester said, that all men might live chaste that
would, and brought in this text ; Castraverunt se propter rcn.
ccelorum. (Mat. 19.)

M. Hooper said, that text prooved not that all men could live
chaste, but such only to whom it was given: and reade that
which goeth before in the text. But there was a clamour and
cry, mocking and scorning, with calling him beast5, that tin-
text could not bee examined. Then maister Hooper said, that it
did appeare by the olde canons that marriage was not forbidden
unto priests, and named the Decrees6. But the bishop of Win-
chester sent for another part, namely the Clementines, or the
Extravagantes. But bishop Hooper said, that booke was not it
which he named.

4 Till death unmarrie me.] He had succeeded in procuring his wife's escaj>e,
with their children, into Germany. See Coverdale's Letters of the Martyrs,
p. 94—111. 126.

• Calling him beast. ] This abusive language and all their violence on tln>
particular subject of the marriage of the clergy, did certainly require no small
degree of front from the parties, when they could not but know very wdl,
that many of their own side, and even of themselves, were married priests ;
only they kept their wives secretly, and under the appellation of concubines.
(See note above on Rogers, p. 332.) So that these persons were, in truili,
equal in guilt with the reformers, if any guilt there were in being married ;
and besides this, they went a great deal further; for they violated, if not in
fact, yet in profession, or, at least, in public estimation and repute, the <i
and known laws and canons against clerical incontinence ; thus living, in
many ways, a life of unceasing and complex hypocrisy, and fraudulence, and
falsehood.

6 Decrees,] See note on the books of the Canon I^aw, in vol. i. p. 128.

BISHOP HOOPER. 379

Then cried out the bishop Winchester and said, " You shal
not have any other, until ye be judged by this." And then
began such a noise, tumulte, and speaking togither of a great
many that favoured not the cause, that nothing was done ne
spoken orderly, nor charitably. Afterwards judge Morgan began
to raile at M. Hooper a long time, with many opprobrious and
foule words of his doing at Gloucester in punishing of men, and
said there was never such a tyrant as hee was. After that, doc-
tor Day bishop of Chichester said, that the councell of Ancyra,
which was before the councell of Nice, was against the marriage
of priests.

Then cried out my lord chancellor, and many with him, that
M. Hooper had never read the councels.

" Yes my lord," quoth M. Hooper, " and my lord of Chiches-
ter, doctor Day, knoweth, that the great councell of Nice, by the
meanes of one Paphnutius, decreed that no minister should be
separated from his wife." But such clamors and cries were used,
that the councell of Nice was not seene.

After this long brutish talke, Tonstall bishop of Duresme,
asked M. Hooper whether he beleeved the corporall presence in
the sacrament. And maister Hooper said plainly that there was
none such, neither did he beleeve any such thing.

Then would the bishop of Duresme have read out of a booke,
for his purpose belike (what booke it was, I cannot tell) : but
there was such a noise and confuse talke on every side, that hee
did not read it. Then asked Winchester of M. Hooper, what
authority mooved him not to beleeve the corporall presence ?
He said, the authoritie of God's word, and alledged this text ;
Whom heaven must hold untill the latter day.

Then the bishop of Winchester would have made that text to
have served nothing for his purpose, and he said, he might be in
heaven, and in the sacrament also.

M. Hooper would have said more to have opened the text,
but all men that stood next about the bishop, allowed so his
saying with clamours and cries, that M. Hooper was not per-
mitted to say any more against the bishop. Whereupon they
bade the notaries write that he was maried, and sayd, that hee
would not goe from his wife ; and that he beleeved not the cor-
poral presence in the sacrament : wherefore he was worthy to be
deprived 7 from his bishopricke.

7 Worthy to be deprwedJ] " The register of Canterbury testifieth, that on
the 20th of March 1554, the bishops of Winchester, London, Chichester, and

380 BISHOP HOOPER.

This is the truth of the matter (as farre as I can truly remem-
ber) of the confuse and troblesom talk that was between them.
and except it were hasty and uncharitable words, this is the
whole matter of their talk at that time."

The true report of M. Hoopers entertainment in the Fleet,
with his owne Hand, the Seventh of January, 1555.

" The first of September, 1553, 1 was committed unto the Fleet,
from Richmond, to have the libertie of the prison : and within
sixc daies after, I paide for my libertie five pounds sterling to
the warden for fees : who immediately upon the payment therof,
complained unto Steven Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and so
was I committed to close prison one quarter of a yeare, in the
Tower chamber of the Fleet, and used very extreamly. Then by
the meanes of a good gentlewoman, I had liberty to come downe
to dinner and supper, not suffered to speake with any of un-
friends : but as soone as dinner and supper was done, to repaire
to my chamber againe. Notwithstanding whilst I came downe
thus to dinner and supper, the warden and his wife picki-d
quarels with mee, and complayned untruly of me, to their great
friend the bishop of Winchester.

" After one quarter of a yeer and somewhat more, Babington
the warden and his wife fell out with mee for the wicked masse :
and thereupon the warden resorted to the bishop of Winchc -
and obtained to put me into the wardes, where I have continued
a long time, having nothing appointed to me for my bed. but a
little pad of straw, and a rotten covering, with a tick and a i
feathers therein, the chamber being vile and stinking, nntill by
Gods meanes good people sent me bedding to lie in. Of th«-
side of which prison is the sink and filth of the house, and on the
other side the town ditch, so that the stinch of the hou.se hath
infected me with sundry diseases.

" During which time I have been sick : and the doores. b;n

Durham, by virtue of the queen's commission directed to them, pronounced
the sentence of deprivation upon John Taylor, bishop of Lincoln, " Ob nul-
litatem consecrationis ejus, et defectum tituli sui quern habuit a regc Kdvai do
per literas patentes, cum hac clausula dum bene se gesserii ;" upon .Inhn
Hooper, bishop of Worcester and Glocestcr, " proptcr coiiju^iuin ct alia mala
mrrita, ct vitiosum titulmn ut supra," upon John Ilarlowc, bishop of I
lord. * propter conjugium it hit1 resin ut supra, &c." Harmer's Specimen of

BISHOP HOOPER. 381

haspes, and chaines being all closed, and made fast upon me, I
have mourned, called and cried for help. But the warden when
he hath knowne inee many, times readie to die, and when the
poore men of the wardes have called to help me, hath com-
manded the dores to be kept fast, and charged that none of his
men should come at mee, saying ; ' let him alone, it were a good
riddance of him/ And amongst manie other times, he did thus
the 18. of October, 1553, as many can witnes.

" I paied alwaies like a baron to the said warden, as well in
fees as for my boord, which was twenty shillings a weeke, besides
my mans table, untill I was wrongfully deprived of my bishop-
ricke, and since that time I have paied him as the best gentle-
man doth in his house : yet hath he used me worse and more
vilely than the veriest slave that ever came to the hall commons.

" The sayd warden hath also imprisoned my man William
Downton, and stripped him out of his clothes to search for let-
ters, and could finde none, but onely a little remembrance of
good peoples names, that gave me their almes to relieve me in
prison : and to undoe them also, the warden delivered the same
bill unto the said Steven Gardiner, Gods enemie and mine.

" I have suffered imprisonment almost eighteene moneths, my
goods, living, friends, and comfort taken from mee, the queene
owing me by just account eighty pounds or more. Shee hath
put me in prison, and giveth nothing to finde me 8 ; neither is
there suffered any to come at me, whereby I might have reliefe.
I am with a wicked man and woman, so that 1 see no remedie
(saving Gods helpe) but I shall be cast away in prison before I
come to judgement. But I commit my just cause to God, whose
will be done, whether it by life or death."

Thus much wrote he himselfe of this matter.

Another Examination of M. Hooper.

The xxii. of Januarie following, (1555) Babington the warden
of the Fleete was commanded to bring maister Hooper before

8 Nothing tojlnde me.~\ He found relief however from the compassion and
charity of friends. In another letter, he says, " for these ten months, almost
ever since my imprisonment, I have had no living nor goods to sustain
myself withal : yet such hath been the favour of our heavenly Father, that I
have had sufficient to eat and drink, and the same paid for." Coverdale's
Letters of the Martyrs, p. 84. edit. 1837.

382 BISHOP HOOPER.

the bishop of Winchester, with other bishops and commissioners
at the said Winchesters house at S. Mary Overies, where as in
effect thus much was done.

The bishop of Winchester in the name of himselfe and the
rest, mooved maister Hooper earnestly to forsake the evill and
corrupt doctrine (as hee tearmed it) preached in the dayes of
king Edward the sixt, and to returne to the unitie of the catho-
licke church, and to acknowledge the popes holinesse to be head
of the same church, according to the determination of the whole
parliament, promising, that as he himselfe, with other his bre-
thren, had received the popes blessing, and the queenes mercy,
even so mercy was readie to bee shewed to him and others, it'
he would arise with them, and condescend to the popes holi-
nesse.

M. Hooper aunswered : that for as much as the pope taught
doctrine altogether contrary to the doctrine of Christ, lie was
not worthy to be accounted as a member of Christs church, much
lesse to be head thereof : wherefore hee would in no wise con-
descend to any such usurped jurisdiction, neither esteemed lie
the church, whereof they call him head, to be the cat hoi irk e
church of Christ : for the church onely heareth the voice of her
spouse Christ, and flieth the strangers. Howbeit (sayth he) if
in any point to me unknowen, I have offended the queene> m
tie, I shall most humbly submit my selfe to her mercy, if merry
may bee had with safetie of conscience, and without the dis-
pleasure of God.

Aunswere was made, that the queene would shewe no mcn-ie
to the popes enemies. Whereupon Babin^ton was commanded
to briiitf him to the Fleete againe: who did so, and shifted him
from his former chamber into another, neere unto the wardens
own chamber, where he remained six daies : and in the meane
time, his former chamber was searched by doctor Martin and
others, for writings and bookes, which M. Hooper was thought
to have made, but none was found.

Here followeth another ej« -a of M. Hooper.

The 28th of .Inuuarv. Winchester and otlier the emmnis
-ioners, sate in judgement at S. Mar\ Overies. wheras M.
Hooper appeared lie! ore them at al'tri-noon.- a^aim- ; and tln-r.-

BISHOP HOOPER. 383

after much reasoning and disputation 9 to and fro, he was com-
maunded aside, till maister Eogers (which was then come) had

9 Much reasoning and disputation.'] Some further account of this and the
next day's proceedings, taken from the official acts of the court, may be found
in Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. iii, p. 180, 1, as follows :

" Hooper being called in, the bishop of Winchester (Monday, Jan. 28)
began to tell him, that even yet, if he would be reconciled, he should be wil-
lingly received into the bosom of the holy mother church. Which Hooper
then did not only refuse, but broke out into some blasphemies (say the Acts] •
that is, no more than that he spake against some of their doctrines.

"Then, amongst many other articles, the bishop specially objected to him
these that follow :

" First, that being a priest, and of a religious order, expressly professing a
rule approved by law, he took a certain woman to be his wife, de facto,
whereas de jure he ought not; and cohabited with her in wicked and un-
lawful marriage : and preached, taught, and by books set forth, published
and defended such pretended marriages to be lawful and valid by God's law ;
and so asserted and believed still. — All which Hooper confessed, and was
ready, he said, to defend.

" Secondly ; that he had asserted, preached, taught, published, and de-
fended in books set forth, and still so believed and held, that by reason of
the sin of fornication or adultery committed, persons lawfully married may,
by the word of God and his authority, and by the ministry of the magistrate,
be separated from the bond of matrimony and divorced from one another;
and that so it may be lawful for the man to take another wife, and the wo-
man another husband; on this account, because the woman is no longer
the wife of the former man ; nor the former man any more the husband
of the former wife. — To this he answered affirmatively; and that he was
ready to defend it to be true, both by divine and human right, against all
adversaries.

" Thirdly ; that he had asserted, held, published, and in books set forth,
taught, and defended, and so believed, asserted, and held still, that in the
eucharist or sacrament of the altar, is not truly the true and natural body of
Christ, and his true and natural blood, under the species of bread and wine ;
and that there is mere material bread and material wine only, without the
truth and presence of the body and blood of Christ. — To which article he
answered in these words, that the very natural body of Christ is not really
and substantially in the sacrament of the altar; saying also, that the mass
is the iniquity of the Devil; and that the mass is an idol.— This was the work
on Monday.

" On the next day, being January 29, the bishop of Winchester, with the
bishops above named, together with George, bishop of Chichester, persuaded
and exhorted Hooper with many reasons, to reconcile himself. But he, ac-
cording to the language of the Acts, persisted in his obstinacy and malice,
and brake out into blasphemies saying, that matrimony is none of the seven
sacraments : and, that if it be a sacrament, he can prove seven score sacra-
ments. So, at this session, Winchester pronounced and read the definitive

384 BISHOP HOOPER.

beene likewise examined. Examinations beeing ended, the two
sheriffes of London were commanded about foure of the clocke,
to carrie them to the counter in Southwark, there to remaine
till the morrow at nine a clocke, to see whether they would relent
and come home againe to their catholick church. So maistcr
Hooper went before with one of the sReriffes, and maister Rogers
came after with the other ; and being out of the church doore
maister Hooper looked backe, and stayed a little till ma'
Rogers drewe neere, unto whome he said ; " Come brother
Rogers, must we two take this matter first in hand, and 1
to frie these fagots ?" " Yea sir," said maister Rogers, " by
Gods grace." " Doubt not," sayde master Hooper, " but God
will give strength." So going forwards, there was such a j»r
of people in the streets, which rejoiced at their constancie, that
they had much adoe to passe.

By the way the sheriffe sayd to maister Hooper, "I wonder
that ye were so hastie and quicke with my lord chancellour, and
did use no more patience :" he answered, " Maister sheriffe, I
was nothing at all impatient, although I was earnest in my
masters cause; and it standeth mee so in hand, for it goeth
upon life and death: not the life and death of this world onely.
but also of the world to come." — Then were they committed to
the keeper of the counter, and appointed to severall chambers,
with commandement that they should not be suffered to >peake
one with another, neither yet any other permitted to come at
them that night.

Upon the next day following, the 29 of January, at the houre
appointed they were brought againe by the sheriffes, before the
sayde bishop and commissioners in the church, where they
the daie before. And after long and earnest talke. when they
perceived that maister Hooper would by no meanes condesr. -ml
unto them, they condemned him to bee degraded, and read unto
him his condemnation '. That done, maister Rogers was brought

sentence against him, condemning him for an heretic, and excommunic;
and consequently delivered him to the secular court, and into the hands of
David Woodroffand William Chester, sheriffs of London; who carried him
away with them."

The form of the sentence, in the original Latin, is given at large by St
in his (Collection of Records, No. xxviii. j>. M>. l.

1 His con'/cmnation ] A copy of this sentence of condemnation is pres< i
by Strype in his Ecclcs. Mem., vol. iii. p. 80, 1 . He was condemned upon three

BISHOP HOOPER. 385

before them, and in like manner intreated, and so they delivered
both of them to the secular power, the two sheriffes of London,
who were willed to carrie them to the Clinke, a prison not farre
from the bishop of Winchesters house, and there to remaine till
night.

When it was dark, maister Hooper was led by one of the
sheriffes, with many bils and weapons, first through the bishop of
Winchesters house, and so over London Bridge, through the
citie to Newgate. And by the way some of the sergeants were
willed to goe before, and put out the costerdmongers candles,
who used to sit with lights in the streets : either fearing of like-
lihood that the people would have made some attempt to have
taken him away from them by force, if they had seene him goe
to that prison ; or else beeing burdend with an evill conscience
they thought darkenesse to be a most fit season for such a
businesse.

But notwithstanding this devise, the people having some fore-
knowledge of his comming, many of them came forth of their
dores with lights and saluted him, praysing God for his con-
stancie in the true doctrine which he had taught them, and
desiring God to strengthen him in the same to the end. Master
Hooper passed by, and required the people to make their earnest
prayers to God for him, and so went through Cheapeside to the
place appointed, and was delivered as close prisoner, to the
keeper of Newgate, where he remained sixe daies, no bodie being
permitted to come to him, or to talke with him, saving his
keepers, and such as should be appointed thereto.

During this time, Boner bishop of London, and others at his
appointment, as Fecknam, Chedsey, and Harpsfielde, &c. resorted
divers times unto him, to assay if by any meanes they could
perswade him to relent, and become a member of their anti-
christian church. All the waies they could devise, they attempted.
For besides the disputations and allegations of testimonies of the
scriptures, and of auncient writers "Wrested to a wrong sense,
according to their accustomed maner, they used also all outwarde
gentelnesse and significations of friendship, with manie great

separate points : first, for maintaining the lawfulness of the marriages of the
clergy, both secular and religious: secondly, for his doctrine respecting divorce,
-and thirdly, for denying the carnal presence of Christ in the eucharist. See
also Burnet's Hist, of the Reformat., vol. iii. p. 246—8. Appendix.
VOL. II. C C

386 BISHOP HOOPER.

prefers and promises of worldlic commodities, not omitting also
most grievous threatenings, if with gentlenesse they could not
prevaile ; but they found him alwaies one man, stedfast and
immoveable. When they perceived that they coulde by no mcancs
reclaime him to then* purpose, with such persuasions and offers
as they used for his conversion, then went they about by false
rumors and reports of recantations 2 (for it is well knowen, that

2 Of recantations^] "I found by experience that this device of inventing
and spreading false news in their own favour, frequent among the papists at
other places, at Rome above all, was a most ordinary practice ; from whence
during the time of my abode in Italy there came first solemn news that the
patriarch of Alexandria, with all the Greek church of Africa, had by their
ambassadors submitted and reconciled themselves to the pope, and received
from his holiness absolution and benediction ; there being no such matter, as
I learned afterward of a Greek bishop, who hath particular acquaintance and
intelligence with that patriarch. Another time, that the king of Scots,
amongst many acts worthy of a Christian prince, had chased away his minis-
ters ; yea, and executed two of them, confiscating their goods, and bestowing
them upon the catholicks : which news was soon after recalled from the same
place. Not long after, that Beza the arch-heretick, Calvin's successor, draw-
ing towards his death, had in full senate at Geneva recanted his religion,
exhorting them, if they had care to save their souls, to seek reconciliation
with the catholick church, and to send for the Jesuits to instruct them;
whereupon both himself by special order from the pope was absolved by the
bishop of Geneva ere he dyed, and the city had sent to Rome an embassage
of submission : a beginning of which news it was my chance to hear, as being
whispered among the Jesuits, two months ere it brake out ; but when it was
once advertised so solemnly from Rome, it ran over all Christendom, and in
Italy was so verily believed to be true, that there were as is said, who rode on
very purpose to see those ambassadors of Geneva, yet invisible. To make
up the full measure of that noble policy, I being afterwards at Lyons under-
stood that the post of Rome there, then passing for Spain, gave confidently
out that he left the queen of England's ambassadors at Rome making great
instance for agreement and amity with his holiness, and to have her re-catho-
licized and absolved; news, as to me then seemed, cut out purposely lor
Spain, and to consolate their favourers and afflicted adherents. — I find also by
the observation and judgement of some wise men, that the Jesuits are masters
of that worthy mint, and that all these chymical coins are of their stamp ; yea,
and that all their glorious news of the miraculous proceedings of the fathers
of their society in converting the Indies are not thought much truer ; and
lastly I perceive that the doctrine of all that side in their cases of conscience
makes it lawful for them to equivocate with their adversaries in their answers,
though given upon their oaths, whensoever their lives or liberties are touched.
Yet the Jesuits are noted by some of their own friends to be too hardy c<jui-
vocators; whereof they give example of a Jesuit who instructed a maid-
servant in England, that if she were examined whether she knew of any |

BISHOP HOOPER. 387

they and their servants did spread it first abroade) to bring him
and the doctrine of Christ which hee professed, out of credite
with the people. So the brute being a little spread abroade, and
beleeved of some of the weaker sort, by reason of the often resort
of the bishop of London and other, it increased more, and at the
last came to M. Hoopers eares. Wherewith he was not a little
grieved, that the people should give so light credite unto false
rumours, having so simple a ground ; as it may appeare by a
letter which hee wrote upon that occasion, the copy whereof
followeth.

A Letter of M. Hooper for the stopping of certaine false rumours
spread abroad of his recantation.

"The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ bee with all them
that unfainedly looke for the comming of our Saviour Christ.
Amen.

" I)eare brethren and sisters in the Lord, and my fellow
prisoners for the cause of Gods gospell : I do much rejoice and
give thanks unto God for your constancie and perseverance in
affliction, unto whom I wish continuance unto the end. And as
I do rejoice in your faith and constancie in afflictions that bee in
prison, even so doe I mourne and lament to heare of our deere
brethren that yet have not felt such daungers for Gods truth, as
we have, and do feele, and be daily like to suffer more, yea, the
very extreame and vile death of the fire.

" Yet such is the report abroade (as I am credibly informed)
that I John Hooper a condemned man for the cause of Christ,
should now after sentence of death (beeing in Newgate prisoner,
and looking daily for execution) recant and abjure that which
heretofore I have preached. And this talke ariseth of this, that the
bishop of London and his chaplaines resort unto mee. Doubt-
lesse, if our brethren were as godly as I could wish them, they
would thinke, that in case I did refuse to talke with them, they
might have just occasion to say, that I were unlearned, and durst
not speake with learned men ; or else proud and disdainfull to

resorting to her master's house, she should swear if she were put to it, that
she knew not of any, which she might do lawfully with this secret intent, that
she knew not of any, viz. : with purpose to disclose them : though others
defend this as a point of laudable wisdom." Sir Edwin Sandys' View of the
State of Religion, &c. London, 1673. p. 110—12.

CC2

388 BISHOP HOOPER.

speak with them. Therefore to avoide just suspicion of both, I
have and doe daily speake with them when they come, not
doubting but that they report that I am neyther proude nor
unlearned. And I would wish all men to doe as I doe in this
point. For I feare not their arguments, neither is death terrible
unto mee : praying you to make true report of the same, as
occasion shall serve ; and that I am more confirmed in the truth
which I have preached heretofore, by their comming.

" Therefore, yee that may send to the weake brethren, praie
them that they trouble mee not with such reports of recantations
as they do. For I have hitherto left all things of the world, and
suffered great paines and imprisonment, and I thanke God I am
as ready to suffer death, as a mortall man may bee. It \V<T<-
better for them to praie for us, than to credite or reporte such
rumors that be untrue. We have enemies enow of such as know
not God truely. But yet the false report of weake brethren is a
double crosse. I wish you eternall salvation in Jesus Christ, and
also require your continuall prayer, that hee which hath begun in
us, may continue it to the end.

" I have taught the truth with my tongue, and with my pen
heretofore ; and heereafter shortly will confirme the same by ( J« ><ls
grace with my bloud. Forth of Newgate the second of Febma ry.
an. 1555.

" Your brother in Christ,
" JOHN

Upon Munday morning the bishop of London came to Newgate,
and there degraded maister Hooper.

But first here is to be noted, that they, degrading tin's blessed
bishop, did not proceede against him as against a bishop, but as
only against a priest *, as they termed him : for such as he was,
these baalamites accounted for no bishop.

8 But as only against a priest.'] " When they proceeded to burn them that
were in orders, they went upon the old maxim, that orders given in schism
were not valid. So they did not esteem Hooper nor Ridley bishops, and
therefore only degraded them from priesthood ; though they had been ordained
by their own forms, saving only the oath to the pope. But for those who
were ordained by the new book," (of ordination made in the reign of king
Edward) "they did not at all degrade them, supposing now they had no true
orders by it." Burnet's Hist, of R-fnrmnt.. vol. ii. p. 'J»i<>. e ..pare

IVidcaux's Ecclesiastical Tracts. The Validity of the Orders of the Church of
England, and Francis Mason's Vindicia Eccksite Anglicana, in which two

BISHOP HOOPER. 389

Heere followetli tlie forme and manner used in the degrading of

B. Hooper.

The fourth day of February, the yeare above mentioned, in the
chappell in Newgate, the bishop of London there sitting with his
notarie and certaine other witnesses, came Alexander Andrew the
gaoler, bringing with him M. Hooper and M. Rogers, being con-
demned before by the chauncellor : where the sayd bishop of
London, at the request of the aforesaid Winchester, proceeded to
the degradation of the parties above mentioned, maister Hooper
and maister Rogers, after this forme and manner. First, hee put
upon them all the vestures and ornaments belonging to a priest,
with all other things to the same order appertaining, as though
(being revested) they should solemnly execute in their office.
Thus they being apparelled and invested, the bishop beginneth to
plucke off, first the uttermost vesture, and so by degree and order
comming downe to the lowest vesture, which they had onely in
taking Bennet and Collet 4 : and so being stript and deposed, hee
deprived them of all order, benefite and priviledge belonging to
the clergy : and consequently, that being done, pronounced, de-
creed, and declared the said parties so degraded, to bee given
personally to the secular power, as the sheriffes, being for that
yeare, M. Davy Woodrofe, and M. William Chester : who receiv-
ing first the sayd M. Rogers at the hands of the bishop, had him
away with them, bringing him to the place of execution where he
suffered. The witnesses there present, were maister Harpsfield

works, the latter particularly, the whole of this question is discussed with the
singular ability and learning of that admirable writer.

" One thing I observe" (says Strype, speaking of Bradford) " that he is
styled * laicus,' as though they disowned the ordination he received from the
hands of Ridley, hishop of London." Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii.
p. 232. Again; among certain articles communicated by the queen to the
bishops in the year 1554, we find it injoined "touching such persons as were
heretofore promoted to anie orders after the newe sort and fashion of orders ;
considering they were not ordered in verie deed, the bishop of the diocese, find-
ing otherwise sufficiencie and ability in those men, may supply that thing
which wanted in them before, and then according to his discretion admit them
to minister." Fox's Acts, &c., p. 1295.

4 Bennet and Collet."] These were of the lowest offices in the church. The
degradation from the latter (the acolythship) consisted in taking away the
" cruet and candlestick ;" and from the former, in taking away the " surplice
and first tonsure." See Fox's Acts, p. 606. Compare Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 412,

390 BISHOP HOOPER.

archdeacon of London, Robert Cosin, and Robert Willerton, canons
of Paules, Thomas Mountague, and George Howe clerkes, Tris-
tram Swadocke, and Richard Clunney Sumner, &c.

The same Munday at night being the 4. of Februarie, his keeper
gave him an inkeling that he should be sent to Glocester to suffer
death, whereat he rejoiced very much, lifting up his eyes and hands
unto heaven, and praising God that he saw it good to send him
amongst the people over whom hee was pastor, there to confirme
with his death the truth which he had before taught them : not
doubting but the Lord would give him strength to performe the
same to his glorie : and immediately hee sent to his servants house
for his bootes, spurres, and cloke, that he might be in a readinesse
to ride when hee should be called.

The next daie following about foure of the clocke in the morn-
ing before day, the keeper with others came to him and searched
him, and the bed wherein he lay, to see if he had written any
thing ; and then he was led by the sheriffes of London and other
their officers forth of Newgate, to a place appointed not farre from
S. Dunstans church in Fleetstreete, where sixe of the queenes
gard were appointed to receive him, and to carie him to Glocester,
there to be delivered unto the sheriffe, who with the L. Shandoys5,
M. Wickes, and other commissioners, were appointed to see exe-
cution done. The which gard brought him to the Angell, where
he brake his fast with them, eating his meate at that time more
liberally than he had used to do a good while before. About the
breake of the day he went to horse, and lept cheerefully on horse-
backe without helpe, having a hood upon his head under his hat
that he should not be knowne, and so tooke his journey joyfully
towards Glocester, and alwaies by the way the gard learned of him
where he was accustomed to bait or lodge, and ever caried him to
another inne.

Upon the Thursday following, he came to a towne in his dioces
called Ciceter 6, fifteen miles from Glocester, about eleven of tin •
clocke, and there dyned at a womans house which had alwaies
hated the truth and spoken all evill she could of M. Hooper. This
woman perceiving the cause of his comming, shewed him all the
friendship she could, and lamented his case with teares, confessing
that she had before often reported, that if In- were put to the triall.
In- would not stand to his doctrine.

* L. Shandoys.] Sir John Bridges, first lord Chandos of $u«l
6 Cicc/er.] Cirencester.

BISHOP HOOPER. 391

After dinner he rode forwardes, and came to Glocester about
five of the clocke, and a mile without the towne was much people
assembled which cried and lamented his estate : in so much that
one of the gard rode post into the towne, to require ayde of the
maior and sheriffs, fearing least hee should have beene taken from
them. The officers and their retinue repaired to the gate with
weapons, and commanded the people to keepe their houses, but
there was no man that once gave any signification of any such
rescue or violence. So was hee lodged at one Ingrams house in
Glocester, and that night (as he had done al the way) he did eate
his meate quietly, and slept his first sleep soundly, as it was
reported by them of the gard and others. After his first sleepe
he continued all that night in praier untill the morning, and then
he desired that he might go into the next chamber (for the gard
were also in the chamber where he laie) that there being soli-
tarie, hee might pray and talke with God: so that all the
day, saving a little at meat, and when hee talked at any time with
such as the gard licenced to speake with him, he bestowed in
prayer.

Amongst other that spake with him, sir Anthony Kingston
knight, was one. Who seeming in times past his verie friend,
was then appointed by the queenes letters, to be one of the com-
missioners, to see execution done upon him. Maister Kingston
being brought into the chamber, found him at his prayers : and
as soone as he saw M. Hooper, he burst forth in teares. Maister
Hooper, at the first blush knew him not. Then said maister
Kingston, " Why my lord, doe ye not knowe me an olde friend of
yours, Anthony Kingston?"

" Yes, M. Kingston, I do now know you well, and am glad to
see you in health, and do prayse God for the same."

" But I am sory to see you in this case : for as I understand you
be come hither to die. But (alas) consider that life is sweet, and
death is bitter. Therefore seeing life may be had, desire to live :
for life hereafter may do good."

" Indeed it is true M. Kingston, I am come hither to end this
life, and to suffer death here, because I will not gainsay the former
truth that I have heeretofore taught amongst you in this diocesse,
and else where ; and I thank you for your friendly counsaile,
although it be not so friendly as I could have wished it. True it
is master Kingston that death is bitter, and life is sweete : but
(alas) consider that the death to come is more bitter, and the life

392 BISHOP HOOPER.

to come is more sweet. Therefore for the desire and love I have
to the one, and the terror and feare of the other, I do not so much
regarde this death, nor esteeme this life, but have setled myselfe 7

7 Have setled myselfeJ] He that was so settled for himself, in his own mind,
might well be entitled to address a word of exhortation and comfort to part-
ners in suffering ; as he has done, in very striking and beautiful terms, in a
letter to certain prisoners, who had been seized in Bow-church yard, on New
Year's Day, engaged in prayer and reading the Scriptures.

" O ! glad may you be that ever you were born, to be apprehended and
taken, while you were so virtuously occupied ; blessed be they that suffer for
righteousness sake. If God had suffered them that took your bodies, to have
taken your lives also, then had you now been following the Lamb in perpetual
joys, away from the company and assembly of wicked men. But the Lord
will not so suddenly have you to depart, but reserveth you gloriously to speak,
and to maintain the truth to the world. Be of good comfort : all the hairs
of your head are numbered ; and there is not one of them shall perish, except
your heavenly Father suffer it. Now you be even in the field, and placed in
the fore-front of Christ's battle. It is doubtless a singular grace of God, and
a special love of him towards you, to give you this fore-ward and pre-emi-
nence ; and a sign, that he trusteth you above many other of his people.

" Remember, dear brethren and sisters, what lookers-on you have to see
and behold you in this fight : — God, and all his holy angels, who be ready
always to take you up, if you be slain in this fight. Consider also whom you
have standing at your backs ; all the faithful brethren, who shall take courage,
strength, and desire to follow such valiant and noble Christians as you be.
Be not afraid therefore of your adversaries. For He that is in you is stronger
than he that is in them. Shrink not, although it seemeth to the flesh painful.
Your pains shall not be now so grievous, as hereafter your joy shall be comfort-
able. Read the 8th and 9th chapters to the Romans ; to the Hebrews the 1 1th
and 12th, and upon your knees thank God that ever you were counted worthy
to suffer any thing for his truth's sake. ... So let us now who are called
commit all things to Him that calleth us. He will take heed that all things
shall be well. He will surely comfort the husband : He will doubtless help
the wife : He will guide the servants : He will keep the house : yea, rather
than any thing should be left undone, He will rock the cradle. Cast there-
fore your care upon God j for He doubtless careth for you. . . God's Holy
Spirit be with you now and ever-more. Jan. 4, 1554." (1555, new style.)
Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. Hi. no. 27. Records.

We have another letter written about a fortnight after to some friends who,
it should seem, had sought his directions and advice, in prospect of the
perilous times which they saw were rapidly coming on. The parliament, we
are to understand, had restored the pope's supremacy ; and the ancient sta-
tutes of Henry IV. and V. against heresy, they had revived : so that all the
same instruments of persecution, which had wrought such havoc in the hands
of Arumlt •], Chichcley and Longlands, were now ready to be called into
l»y those, who had long ago given proofs abundant how impatient they
to be so furnished. " Now therefore," says the bishop, " is the time of trial,

BISHOP HOOPER. 393

through the strength of Gods holy spirit, patiently to passe through
the torments and extremities of the fire now prepared for me,

to see whether we fear God more, or man :" and he immediately proceeds,
in compliance with their request, to debate for them the whole question of
duty, in a few concise, but striking propositions, which, doubtless, he had
often before revolved, for his own use, and was now willing to impart for the
approaching necessities of his friends.

" You must now," says he, " turn all your cogitations from the peril which
you see, to mark by faith what followeth that peril ; namely, either victory in
this world by your enemies ; or else, a surrender of this life, to inherit the
everlasting kingdom. Beware then of looking too much on the felicity, or
the misery of this world : for the consideration and earnest love or fear of
either draweth from God. — Wherefore, think with yourselves, as touching
the felicity of the world, it is good ; but yet none otherwise than as it standeth
with the favour of God. It is to be kept, but yet so far forth only, as by keeping
of it we lose not God. It is good, to abide and tarry still among our friends
here ; but yet so that we tarry not therewithal in God's displeasure, and here-
after have to dwell with the devils in fire everlasting. There is nothing under
God but may be kept, if so be that God, being above all things we have, be
not lost.— Of adversity judge the same. — Imprisonment is painful; but yet
liberty upon evil conditions is more painful. The prisons are noisome : but
yet not so much so as sweet houses, where the fear and true honour of God
lacketh. — I must be alone and solitary : it is better so to be, and to have God
with me, than to be in company with the wicked. — Loss of goods is great :
but loss of God's grace and favour is greater. — I am a poor simple creature,
and cannot tell how to answer before such a great sort of the noble, learned
and wise : it is better to make answer before the pride and pomp of wicked
men, than to stand naked in the sight of all heaven and earth, before the just
God, at the latter day. — I shall die then by the hands of the cruel man : he
is blessed, that loseth his life full of mortal miseries, and findeth the life full
of eternal joys. — It is a grief to depart from goods and friends : but yet not
so much as to depart from grace and heaven itself. — Wherefore, there is
neither felicity nor adversity of this world, that can appear to be great, if it
be weighed with the joys or pains in the world to come. — I can do no more
but pray for you : do the same for me, for God's sake.

" For my part, I thank thee, heavenly Father, I have made my account, and
appointed myself unto his will. As He will, so I will, by his grace."—
Letters of the Martyrs, p. 93, 4. edit. 1837.

I mentioned at the beginning of this note, the beauty of a tender and
domestic character, of the extract from Hooper. I am tempted, under similar
inducements, to annex another passage, of a like domestic nature and of kin-
dred beauty, from another hand. It is from a letter of Laurence Saunders
to his wife. After warning her not to appear so frequently at the grate of
his prison, lest her own personal safety should be endangered, he goes on to
show what his mind is still prepared to anticipate and to bear, for her, and
for their only child, if need shall require. " You shall, I think, shortly come
far enough into danger, by keeping faith and a good conscience. Do this
then, in earnest, and not leaving off. So if we two continue God's children

394 BISHOP HOOPER.

rather than to deny the truth of his word, desiring you and
others in the meane time, to commend me to Gods mercy in your
prayers.11

u Well my lord, then I perceive there is no remedie, and there-
fore I will take my leave of you : and I thank God that ever I
knew you, for God did appoint you to call me being a lost childc :
and by your good instructions, where before I was both an adul-
terer * and a fornicator, God hath brought me to the forsaking
and detesting of the same."

grafted in Christ, the same God's blessing which we receive, shall also settle
upon our Samuel. Though we should shortly depart hence, and leave the
poor infant, to our seeming, at all adventures, yet shall he have our gracious
God to be his God : for so hath he said, and he cannot lie : I will be thy God
(saith he), and the God of thy seed. Yea, if you leave him in the wild wilder-
ness destitute of all help, being called of God to do his will, whether to die
for the confession of Christ, or for any work of obedience : that God which
heard the cry of the little poor infant of Agar, Sarah's handmaiden, and did
succour it, will do the like to the child of you or of any other fearing him,
and putting your trust in him." — Letters of the Martyrs, p. 149.

8 Both an adulterer. .] This passage is illustrated by an extract, published by
bishop Burnet in his third volume, p. 209 ; from a letter written from Oxford
by one John ab Ulmis, a Swiss, to Bullinger, Dec. 4th. 1552. " In the same
letter (says the historian) he gives an instance of Hooper's impartial zeal in
the discharge of his function in his diocese : that while he was censuring
some inferior people, for their scandalous life, one said to him, 'we poor
people must do penance for these things, while great and rich men, as guilty
as we, are overlooked.' Upon that, he said, 'name any person, how great
soever, that was guilty of adultery, so that it could be proved against him,
and he would leave himself in their hands, to be used by them as they pleased,
if he did not proceed equally against all.' So, in a few days, Sir Anthony
Kingston, a great man in those parts, being accused of adultery, he cited him
into his court. He, for some time, refused to appear. At last he came ;
and when the bishop was charging his sin severely upon him, he gave him
very foul language, and at last fell to beat him. This was presently followed
so severely, that he was fined in five hundred pounds, and forced to submit
to do penance.

" This raised the bishop's character, as it contributed not a little to establish
his authority in his diocese. He set himself to do his duty there with so much
zeal, that his wife, who was a German, wrote to Bullinger, praying him to
write to her husband, to take a little more care of himself ; for he preached
commonly thrice, sometimes four times in one day. The crowds of those
who came constantly to hear him, made him look upon them, us persons that
were hungring for the word of life. So she, apprehending that his zeal
made him labour beyond his strength, studied to get others to put some
stop to that, which, it seems, she could not prevail with him so far as to
restrain."

BISHOP HOOPER. 395

" If you have had the grace so to do, I do highly prayse God
for it : and if you have not, I pray God ye may have, and that
you may continually live in his feare." After these and manie
other words, the one tooke leave of the other, M. Kingston with
bitter teares, M. Hooper with teares also trickling downe his
cheekes. At which departure M. Hooper told him, that all the
troubles he had sustained in prison, had not caused him to utter
so much sorrow.

The same day in the after noone, a blind boy, after long inter-
cession made to the gard, obtained licence to be brought unto M.
Hoopers speech. The same boy not long afore had suffered
imprisonment at Glocester for confessing of the truth. Maister
Hooper after he had examined him of his faith, and the cause of
his imprisonment, beheld him stedfastly, and (the water appearing
in his eyes) sayde unto him : " Ah poore boy, God hath taken
from thee thy outward sight, for what consideration hee best
knoweth ; but hee hath given thee an other sight much more
precious : for he hath endued thy soule with the eye of knowledge
and faith. God give thee grace 9 continually to pray unto him,
that thou lose not that sight, for then shouldest thou bee blinde
both in bodie and soule."

After that another came to him, whom he knew to be a very
papist and a wicked man, which appeared to bee sory for maister
Hoopers trouble, saying : " Sir, I am sorry to see you thus."
" To see me 2 Why," said he, " art thou sory 2" " To see you,"
saith the other, " in this case. For I heare say you are come
hither to die, for the which I am sory." " Be sory for thy selfe
man," sayd M. Hooper, "and lament thine owne wickednesse :
for I am well, I thank God, and death to me for Christs sake is
welcome."

The same night he was committed by the gard, their commission
being then expired, unto the custodie of the sheriffes of Glouces-
ter. The name of the one was Jenkins, the other Bond, who with
the maior and aldermen repaired to maister Hoopers lodging,
and at the first meeting saluted him, and took him by the hand.
Unto whome Hooper spake on this manner. " Maister maior,

q God give thee graceJ] The bishop's prayer was granted. For this poor
blind boy, whose name was Thomas Drowry, was afterwards himself a
martyr. He was burnt at Gloucester, chiefly for denying the doctrine of
transubstantiation, about the fifth of May, 1556. His story is given in Fox's
Acts, p. 1735.

396 BISHOP HOOPER.

I give most heartie thanks to you, and to the rest of your bre-
thren, that you have vouchsafed to take mee a prisoner and a
condemned man by the hand : whereby, to my rejoycing, it is
some deale apparent that your olde love and frindship towards
me is not altogether extinguished : and I trust also that all the
things I have taught you in times past, are not utterly forgotten,
when I was here by the godly king that dead is, appointed to bee
your bishop and pastor. For the which most true and sincere
doctrine, because I will not now account it falsehood and heresie,
as many other men doe, I am sent hither (as I am sure you
knowe) by the queenes commandement, to die ; and am come
where I taught it, to confirme it with my bloud. And now
maister sheriffes, I understand by these good men, and my verie
friends," (meaning the gard) " at whose hands I have found so
much favour and gentlenesse by the way hitherward, as a pri-
soner could reasonably require (for the which also I most heartily
thanke them) that I am committed to your custodie, as unto
them that must see mee brought to morrow to the place of exe-
cution. My request therefore to you shall be onely, that there
may be a quick fire, shortly to make an end, and in the meane
time I will bee as obedient unto you, as your selves would wish.
If you thinke I doe amisse in anie thing, holde up your finger,
and I have done. For I am not come hither as one inforced or
compelled to die, for it is well knowen, I might have had my
life with worldly gaine : but as one willing to offer and give my
life for the truth, rather than to consent to the wicked papistic-all
religion of the bishop of Rome, received and set forth by the
magistrates in England, to Gods high displeasure and dishonour :
and I trust by Gods grace to morrow to die a faithfull servant of
God, and a true obedient subjecte to the queene."

These and such like words in effecte used M. Hooper to the
maior, sheriffes and aldermen, whereat many of them mouriu'd
and lamented. Notwithstanding, the two sheriffes went u
to consult, and were determined to have lodged him in the com-
mon gaole of the towne called Northgate, it' the gard had not
made earnest intercession for him: who declared at laruv how
quietly, mildely, and patiently hee had behaved himselfe in tin-
way, adding thereto, that any child might kecpe him well enough.
and that they themselves would rather take paines to watch with
him. than that lire- should be sent to the common prison. So it
was determined at the length he should still remaine in Kuh.it

BISHOP HOOPER. 397

Ingrain's house, and the sheriffes and the sergeants and other
officers did appoint to watch with him that night themselves.
His desire was that he might goe to bed that night betimes, say-
ing, that he had many things to remember : and so did at five of
the clocke, and slept one sleepe soundly, and bestowed the rest
of the night in prayer. After he gate up in the morning, he
desired that no man should be suffered to come into the chamber,
that he might be solitarie till the houre of execution.

About eight of the clock came Sir John Bridges, L. Shandoys,
with a great band of men, Sir Anthony Kingston, Sir Edmund
Bridges, and other commissioners appointed to see execution
done. At nine of the clocke M. Hooper was willed to prepare
himselfe to be in a readinesse, for the time was at hand. Imme-
diately hee was brought downe from his chamber by the sheriffs,
who were accompanied with bils, gleives, and weapons. When
he sawe the multitude of weapons, he spake to the sheriffes on
this wise : " Maister sheriffes," (sayd he) " I am no traytor 10,

10 I am no traytor.'] It may be presumed that in this and a similar expres-
sion above, Hooper has reference to a very false and scandalous report which
his enemies had propagated of his disloyalty, and that he had written a letter
of encouragement to certain persons who had been committed to prison for
cursing queen Mary. Against this calumny he vindicated himself in an Apo-
logy, which was afterwards, in the reign of queen Elizabeth, printed in Lon-
don by John Tisdale. From this Apology it appears that the only foundation
for the charge was that he had written a letter, not to the persons alleged, but
to some other individuals, exhorting them to persevere in their prayers which
they made together in the vulgar tongue. "There (says he) they gave God
thankes for that they had receaved at his handes, and asked of him the
thinges that they lacked, and prayed also for the queene and the magistrates.
. . . Nowe doo the wicked papistes fayne matter, and chaunge prayer, wherein
I requyred them to persevere for the quene, in to cursing the quene."
Hooper's Apology, Signat. A. 7. A.D. 1562. In the course of the same tract
he boldly asserts his unimpeachable loyalty and fidelity, and appeals to the
services which he had rendered to the queen when she stood in extreme need
of them. "I have bene alwayes a true manne to al the estates of thys
realme. I wyll stande with the lawe in that pointe and reprove myne ac-
cusers, whatsoever they be. As for my truthe and loyaltye to the quenes
hyghnesse, the tyme of her moste dangerouse estate can testifye wythe me,
that when there was both commandments and commissions out against her,
whereby she was in the sighte of the worlde the more in daunger, and lesse
lyke to come to the crowne ; yet when she was at the worste, I rode myselfe
from place to place (as it is well knowen) to wyn and stay the people for her
party. And whereas another was proclaymed, I preferred her notwith-
standynge the proclamations. And to helpe her as muche as I coulde,

398 BISHOP HOOPER.

neither needed you to have made such a businesse to bring me to
the place where I must suffer : for if ye had willed me, I would
have gone alone to the stake, and have troubled none of you all.
Afterwarde looking upon the multitude of people that were as-
sembled, being by estimation to the number of seven thousand
(for it was market day, and many also came to see his behaviour
towards death) he spake unto those that were about him, saying,
" Alas, why bee these people assembled and come together 2 Per-
adventure they thinke to heare some thing of me now, as they
have in times past, but alas speech is prohibited me '. Notwith-
standing the cause of my death is well knowne unto them.
When I was appointed here to be their pastor, I preached unto
them true and sincere doctrine, and that out of the word of God.
Because I wil not now account the same to be heresie and untruth,
this kinde of death is prepared for me."

So he went forward led between the two sheriffes, (as it were
a lambe to the place of slaughter) in a gowne of his hosts, his
hat upon his head, and a staff in his hand to stay himselfe wit-hall.
For the greefe of the sciatica, which he had taken in prison,
caused him something to halt. All the way, being strait lie
charged not to speake, hee could not bee perceived once to open
his mouth, but beholding the people all the way, which mourned
bitterly for him, he would sometimes lift up his eies towards
heaven, and looke verie cheerefullie uppon such as hee kn<
and he was never knowne during the time of his being

when her highnesse was in trouble, I sente horses out of both shyres, Glou-
cestershyre, and Worcestershyre to serve her in her great daunger, as Syr
John Talbot knyghte, and William Ligon esquier can testify, the one dwell-
ynge in the one shyre, and the other in the other." Ibid, signat. A. 8.

1 Speech if prohibited me.] This is confirmed by a passage of the queen's
own letter ordering the manner of Hooper's execution. " And forasmuche
also" (says her majesty; "as the said Hooper is, as heretiques be, a vain-
glorious person, and delyteth in his tongue, and having liberty may use his
sayd tongue to persuade such as he hath seduced, to persist in the myserable
opinion that he hath sowen among them; our pleasure is therefore, and we
require you take order, that the said Hooper be neither at the tyme of his
execution, nor in going to the place thereof, suffered to speak at large ; but
thither to be ledde quietly and in sylence, for eschuyng of further infection,
and such inconvenyence as may otherwise ensue in this parte." Harriet's
J/i.s7. of the Reformat., vol. iii. p. 249. Appendix.

The same prohibition was very usual upon other similar occasions.
above in the Life of Rogers, p. 347. AN" Si type's Ecclesiast. Memor. vol. iii.
P. 186,

BISHOP HOOPER. 3.99

them, to looke with so cheerefull and ruddish a countenance as
he did at that present. When he came to the place appointed
where he should die, smilinglie he beheld the stake and prepara-
tion made for him, which was neere unto the great elme tree
over against the colledge of priests, where he was woont to
preach. The place round about the houses, and the boughes of
the tree were replenished with people, and in the chamber over
the colledge gate stood the priests of the colledge. Then kneeled
hee downe (for as much as hee could not be suffered to speake
unto the people) to praier, and beckned unto one sixe or seven
times whom he knew well, to heare the saide praier, to make
report thereof in time to come (powring teares uppon his shoul-
ders and in his bosome) who gave attentive eares unto the same :
the which prayer he made upon the whole Creed, wherein he
continued for the space of halfe an hour. Now after hee was
somewhat entred into his prayer, a boxe was brought and laide
before him upon a stoole, with his pardon 2 (or at the least wise
it was fained to be his pardon) from the queene, if he would
turne. At the sight wherof he cried : "If you love my soule
away with it, if you love my soule away with it." The boxe
being taken away, the lord Shandoys saide : " Seeing there is no
remedie, dispatch quickly." Maister Hooper said ; " Good my
lord, I trust your lordship will give me leave to make an ende of
my praiers."

Then said the lord Shandoys to Sir Edmund Bridges his sonne
(which gave eare before to M. Hoopers prayer at his request :)
" Edmund, take heede that he doe nothing else but pray : if he
do, tell mee, and I shall quicklie dispatch him." Whiles this
talke was, there stepped one or two in uncalled, which hearde
him speake these wordes following.

" Lord," said he, " thou art a gracious God and a mercifull
Redeemer. Have mercy therefore upon me most miserable and
wretched offender, after thy great mercy, and according to thine
inestimable goodnesse. Thou art ascended into heaven, receive
mee to be partaker of thy joyes, where thou sittist in equall
glorie with thy father. For well knowst thou Lord, wherefore I

2 With his pardon.'] The constancy of these blessed martyrs was continu-
ally solicited by applications of this searching nature, when the last bitter hour
of their trial drew nigh. Compare Fox's Acts, p. 1356. 1362. 1386. 1398.
1423. 1474. 1719. &c.

400 BISHOP HOOPER.

am come hither to suffer, and why the wicked doe persecute this
thy poore servant : not for my sinnes and transgressions com-
mitted against thee, but because I will not allow their wicked
doings, to the contaminating of thy bloud, and to the deniall of
the knowledge of thy truth, wherewith it did please thee by thy
holy spirit to instruct me : the which with as much diligence as
a poore wretch might (being therto called) I have set forth to thy
glory. And well seest thou, my Lord and God, and what terrible
paines and cruell torments be prepared for thy creature : such,
Lord, as without thy strength none is able to beare, or patiently
to passe. But all things that are impossible with man, are pos-
sible with thee. Therefore strengthen mee of thy goodnesse,
that in the fire I breake not the rules of patience ; or else
asswage the terrour of the paines, as shall seeme most to thy
glory."

As soone as the maior had espied these men which made
report of the former wordes, they were commanded away, and
could not be suffered to heare any more 8. Praier being done, he

3 To heare any more.'] We have among many others of a like kind, a very
valuable confession in a letter written to a bishop (perhaps in the nature of a
circular), of the effect that was produced at these martyrdoms on the assem-
bled spectators, by the conduct of the sufferers. It is from cardinal Pole,
written shortly before the meeting of convocation which was to assemble in
the month of November A.D. 1555.

" De reliquis quae ex unoquoque vestrum cognoscenda erant, quo ad
cultum Dei et animarum salutem vel institui vel corrigi oporteat, te adino-
nere nihil necesse arbitramur : hoc tantum quod ad coercendos haereticos
pertinet, scribendum curavimus, de quo cum multi pii homines mecum ege-
runt, turn vero imprimis serenissima Regina, ut ad unumquemque vest ruin
scriberem admonuit ; ut, quia rudi atque imperitae multitudini nonnulli
eorum non minus morientes obsunt, quam dum vivunt, huic rei sic provideatur,
ut, cum ii ad supplicium ducuntur, concionator adsit, qui causam mortis,
qui eorum male actam vitam ac pertinaciam, qui indulgentiam et diligent iatn
adhibitam ut resipiscerent, et a morte liberarentur, exponat. . . . Ita et hoc
misericordiae opus usque ad extremum erga haereticos praestabitur, et pupulus
eo scandalo liberabitur, in quod facile solet incidere, cum sine concionatore,
qui hacc exponat miseri hominis in cruciatibus perferendis tolerantiam tantum
videt, nee diuboli vim aut dolos, sub falsa pietatis ac fortitudinis specie, ani-
madvertit." Poli Epistola, torn. v. p. 88. Brixiae, 1757. 4t<>.
gentler methods, and the other harsher ones, of forbidding the martyrs to
speak to the people, and forbidding the people to encourage or pray in.
martyrs, in their hour of trial, were far from successful. One instance
serve as a specimen, which is strikingly described l>y lleylin in his History of
the Reformation, part ii. p. 79, as follows :

BISHOP HOOPER. 401

prepared himselfe to the stake, and put off his hosts gowne, and
delivered it to the sheriffes, requiring them to see it restored
unto the owner, and put off the rest of his geare, unto his
doublet and his hose, wherein he would have burned. But the
sheriffes would not permit that (such was their greedinesse) ;
unto whose pleasures (good man) he very obedientlie submitted
himselfe : and his doublet, hose, and peticote were taken off.
Then being in his shirt, he tooke a point from his hose himselfe,
and trussed his shirt betweene his legs, where he had a pound of
gunpowder 4 in a bladder, and under each arme the like quantitie

" This proclamation, though it were very smart and quick, yet there was
somewhat of more mercy in it, than in another which came out in the very
same month, at the burning of seven persons in Smithfield, published both
at Newgate, where they were imprisoned, and at the stake, where they were
to suffer ; whereby it was straightly charged and commanded, that no man
should either pray for, or speak to them, or once say, God help them ! A
cruelty more odious than that of Domitian, or any of the greatest tyrants
of the elder time, in hindering all intercourse of speech, upon some jealousie
and distrusts of state, between man and man.

"Which proclamation notwithstanding, Bentham the minister of one of
the London congregations, seeing the fire set to them, turning his eyes unto
the people, cryed and said, 'We know they are the people of God, and
therefore we cannot chuse but wish well to them, and say, God strengthen
them ;' and so boldly he said, ' Almighty God, for Christ's sake strengthen
them.' With that, all the people with one consent cryed, ' Amen, Amen,'
the noise whereof was so great, and the cryers so many, that the officers
knew not whom to seize on, or with whom they were to begin their accusa-
tion.— And though peradventure it may seem to have somewhat of a miracle
in it, that the Protestants should have a congregation under Bonner's nose ;
yet so it was, that the godly people of that time were so little terrified with
the continual thoughts of that bloody butcher, that they maintained their
constant meetings for religious offices even in London itself; in one of which
congregations, that namely whereof Bentham was at this time minister, there
assembled seldom under 40, many times 100, and sometimes 200, but more
or less as it stood most with their conveniency and safety.

"By the encouragement and constant preaching of which pious men,
the Protestant party did not only stand to their former principles, but were
resolved to suffer whatsoever could be laid upon them, rather than forfeit a
good conscience, or betray the cause. They had not all the opportunity of
such holy meetings, but they met frequently enough in smaller companies,
to animate and comfort one another in those great extremities."

4 A pound of gunpowder^] There were not wanting those whose hearts were
hard enough to grudge to the poor sufferers this last melancholy consolation,
which the charity of friends, or of the superintendents of the execution occa-
sionally administered. Dorman, afterwards one of bishop Jewel's antagonists,
VOL. ii. D d

402 BISHOP HOOPER.

delivered him by the guard. So desiring the people to say tin-
Lords praier with him, and to pray for him (who performed it
with teares, during the time of his paines) he went up to the
stake. Now when he \vas at the stake, three yrons made to
binde him to the stake, were brought : one for his necke, another
for his middle, and the third for his legges. But he refusing them
said : " ye have no neede thus to trouble your selves. For I doubt
not but God will give strength sufficient to abide the ext remit ie
of the fire, without bands : notwithstanding, suspecting the frailtie
and weakenesse of the flesh, but having assured confidence in
Gods strength, I am content ye doe as yee shall thinke good."

So the hoope of yron prepared for his middle was brought,
which being made somewhat too short (for his bellie was s \\oln by
imprisonment) he shranke and put in his bellie with his hand.
untill it was fastned ; and when they offered to have bound his
necke and legs with the other two hoopes of yron, he utter] i<-
refused them, and would have none, saying ; " I am well assured.
I shall not trouble you."

Thus being readie, he looked upon the people, of whomc
might be well seene (for he was both tall, and stood also on an
high stoole) and beheld round about him : and in every corner
there was nothing to be seene but weeping and sorrowfull people.
Then lifting up his eies and hands unto heaven, he praied to
himselfe. By and by he that was appointed to make the fire,
came to him, and did aske him forgivenesse. Of whome he a>]

was present at the burning of Latimer and Ridley; and in his Disproof of
NowelPs Reproof, fol. 19, A.D. 1565, he notices their having gunpowder given
them, the sooner to rid them of their pains, " a kind of practice " (says he)
" amongst Christs martyrs, never, I trow, heard of, the sooner to dispatch
themselves ; as with my own eyes I saw Ridley and Latimer burned." And
in the margin he writes, " This agreeth not with the martyrdom of Poly-
carpus.*' To these reflexions, Dean Nowell in his Confutation of Mr. Dorman,
p. 270. A.D. 1567, thus replies : " That Dorman might justly lament, that he
did see that wicked cruelty executed most unworthily upon so worthy men of
learning and virtue, and so reverend in age as the one," (Latimer,) " and in
office and calling as they were both. But the more he might lament, that he
reported that horrible wickedness and cruelty, without lamenting then
yea rather rejoycing highly therein." He added, " That Ignatius, that holy
martyr, said he would provoke and anger the beasts, that they might the more

ily tear him in pieces, and greedily devour him. And why may n<
heat of fire be provoked, as well as the heat and fury of beasts i-ype's

Ecdesiast. Memor., vol. iii. p. 230.

BISHOP HOOPER. 403

why he should forgive him, saying, that he knew never any offence
he had committed against him ? " Oh sir" (said the man) " I am
appointed to make the fire." " Therein" (said M. Hooper) " thou
doest nothing offend me : God forgive thee thy sinnes, and doe
thine office, I pray thee." Then the reedes were cast up, and he
received two bundles of them in his owne hands, imbraced them,
kissed them, and put under either arme one of them, and shewed
with his hand, how the rest should be bestowed, and pointed to
the place where any did lacke.

Anon, commandement was given that the fire should be set to,
and so it was. But because there were put to no fewer greene
fagots then two horses could carry upon their backs, it kindled
not by and by, and was a prety while also before it took the reeds
upon the fagots. At length it burned about him, but the winde
having full strength in that place (it was also a lowring and cold
morning) it blew the flame from him, so that he was in a manner
no more but touched by the fire.

Within a space after, a fewe drie fagots were brought, and a
new fire kindled with fagots, (for there were no more reeds :)
and that burned at the neather parts, but had small power above,
because of the winde, saving that it did burne his haire, and
scorch his skinne a little. In the time of which fire even as at
the first flame, saying mildely and not very loude (but as one
without paines :) "0 Jesus the sonne of David have mercy upon
me, and receive my soule." After the second fire was spent, he
did wipe both his eyes with his hands, and beholding the people,
he said with an indifferent loude voice : " For Gods love (good
people) let me have more fire." And all this while his neather
parts did burne : for the fagots were so fewe, that the flame did
not burne strongly at his upper parts.

The third fire was kindled within a while after, which was
more extreame than the other two : and then the bladders of
gunpowder brake, which did him small good, they were so placed,
and the winde had such power. In the which fire he praied with
somewhat a loude voice : " Lord Jesu have mercy upon me :
Lord Jesu have mercy upon me : Lord Jesus receive my spirit."
And these were the last words he was heard to utter. But when
he was blacke in the mouth, and his tongue swolne, that he could
not speake, yet his lippes went till they were shrunk to the
gummes : and he knocked his breast with his hands, untill one of
his armes fell off, and then knocked still with the other, what

Dd 2

404 BISHOP HOOPER.

time the fat, water, and bloud dropped out at his fingers ends,
untill by renewing of the fire, his strength was gone, and his
hand did cleave fast in knocking to the yron upon his breast.
So immediately bowing forwards, he yeelded up his spirit.

Thus was he three quarters of an houre or more in the fire.
Even as a lambe, patiently he aboad the extreamitie therof,
neither mooved forwards, backwards, or to any side: but having
his neather parts burned, and his bowels fallen out, hee died as
quietly as a childe in his bed : and he now reigneth as a blessed
martyr, in the joyes of heaven prepared for the faithfull in Christ,
before the foundations of the world: for whose constancie all
Christians are bound to praise God.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

Our weapons are faith, hope, charity, righteousnesse, truth, patience,
prayer unto God ; and our sworde wherewith we smite our enemies, we
beate, and batter, and beare downe all falsehoode, is the worde of God. With
these weapons under the banner of the crosse of Christe we do fight, ever
having our eye upon our grand master, duke and captain, Christ. And then
we reckon ourselves to triumph, and to win the crowne of everlasting blisse,
when induring in this battaile, without any shrinking or yeelding to the ene-
mies, after the example of our grand captaine Christ our master, after the
example of his holy prophets, apostles and martyrs, when, I say, we are slain in
our mortal bodies of our enemies, and are most cruelly, and without all mercy
murthered.

BISHOP RIDLEY.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

THE towne of Hadley was one of the first that received the word
of God in all England, at the preaching of maister Thomas
Bilney : by whose Industrie the gospel of Christ had such gra-
cious successe, and tooke such roote there, that a great number
in that parish became exceeding well learned in the holy scrip-
ture, as well women as men ; so that a man might have found
among them many, that had often reade the whole bible through,
and that could have said a great part of Saint Paules epistles by
heart, and very well and readily have given a godly learned sen-
tence in any matter of controversie. Their children and ser-
vants wer also brought up and trained diligentlie in the right
knowledge of Gods word, so that the whole towne seemed rather
an universitie of the learned, then a towne of clothmaking or
labouring people. And what most is to be commended, they
were for the more part faithfull followers of Gods word in their
living.

In this towne was doctor Eowland Tailor, doctour in both the
civill and canon lawes, and a right perfect divine, parson. Who
at his first entring l into his benefice, did not, as the common

1 His first entriny.~\ " Here let me add this note of this reverend man,
which Dr. Turner, dean of Wells, his countryman and spiritual father in
Christ, wrote of him to Mr. Fox. ' Dr. Taylor, who was burnt at Hadley,
was born in Northumberland, in the town of Rothbury, not far from Riddes-
dale. With this man I lived for many years in great familiarity, and often
and earnestly admonished him to embrace the evangelical religion : and that
he might the easier be brought to think as we did, I privately got him the
book called Vnio Dissidentium ; by which, and the sermons of Latimer, he
was taken and easily came over to our doctrine.' " Strype's Ecclesiastical
Memorials, vol. iii. p. 183.

408 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

sort of beneficed men do, let out his benefice to a farmar, that
should gather up the profits, and set in an ignorant unlearned
priest to serve the cure, and, so they may have the fleece, little
or nothing care for feeding the flocke. But contrarily he for-
sooke the archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, with
whome he before was in houshold, and made his personall abode
and dwelling in Hadley among the people committed to his
charge. Where he was a good shepheard, abiding and dwelling
among his sheepe ; gave himselfe wholy to the study of holy
Scriptures, most faithfully endevoring himselfe to fulfill that
charge, which the Lord gave unto Peter, saying ; Peter lovest
thou me ? Feede my lambes : Feed my sheepe : feed my sheepe.
This love of Christ so wrought in him, that no Sunday nor holic
day passed, nor other time when he might get the people toge-
ther, but he preached to them the word of God, the doctrine of
their salvation.

Not only was his word a preaching unto them, but all his life
and conversation was an example of unfained Christian life and
true holinesse. He was void of all pride, humble, and meeke as
any childe : so that none were so poore, but they might bold lie,
as unto their father, resort unto him; neither was Ins lowlinrs
childish or fearefull, but as occasion, time and place required.
he would be stout in rebuking the sinfull and evill doers ; so that
none was so rich but he would tell him plainely his fault, with
such earnest and grave rebukes as became a good curate and
pastor. He was a man very milde, voide of al rancour, grudge,
or evill will, ready to doe good to all men, readily forgiving his
enemies, and never sought to doe evill to any.

To the poore that were blinde, lame, sick, bedrid, or that had
many childivn. lie was a very father, a careftill patron, and dili-
gent provider, insomuch that hee caused the parishioners to make
a generall provision for them ; and hee himselfe (beside the con-
tinuall releef that they alwaies found at his house) gave an
honest portion yearlie to the common almes boxe. His \\ it« al>«»
was an honest, discreete, and sober matrone; and his children
well nurtured, brought up in the feare of God and good learning.

To conclude; he was a right and livelie ima^e <»r patt. m, ..t
all those vertuous qualities described by S. Panic in a true
bishop, a good salt of the earth, savourly. biting tin- em-nipt
maner- of evil men. a li^ht in (Jods house set upon a candlestick
for all good men to imitate and follow.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 409

Thus continued this good shepheard among his flock, governing
and leading them through the wildernesse of this wicked world,
all the daies of the most innocent and holy king of blessed me-
mory, Edward the sixt. But after it pleased God to take king
Edward from this vale of misery unto his most blessed rest, the pa-
pists, who ever sembled and dissembled, both with king Henry the
eight, and king Edward his son, now seeing the time, convenient
for their purpose, uttered their false hypocrisie, openlie refusing
all good reformation made by the said two most godly kings ;
and contrary to that they had all these two kings daies preached,
taught, written and sworn, they violently overthrew the true
doctrine of the gospell, and persecuted with sword and fire all
those that wold not agree to receive againe the Romaine bishop
as supreame head of the universall church ; and allow all the
errors, superstitions and idolatries, that before by Gods word
were disprooved and justly condemned, as though now they were
good doctrine, vertuous, and true religion.

In the beginning of this rage of antichrist, a certaine petie
gentleman after the sort of a lawyer, called Foster, being a
steward and keeper of courts, a man of no great skill, but a
bitter persecutor in those daies, with one John Clerke of Hadley,
which Foster had ever beene a secret favourer of al Romish
idolatrie, conspired with the said Clerke to bring in the pope and
his maumetry againe into Hadley church. For as yet doctor
Taylour, as a good shepheard had retained and kept in his church
the godlie church service and reformation made by king Edward,
and moste faithfully and earnestlie preached against the popish
corruptions, which had infected the whole countrey round about.

Therefore the foresaid Foster and Clerke hired one John
Averth, parson of Aldam, a very fit minister for their purpose, to
come to Hadley, and there to give the onset to begin againe the
popish masse.

To this purpose they builded up with all haste possible the
altar, intending to bring in their masse againe, about the palme
munday. But this their devise tooke none effect : for in the
night the altar was beaten downe. Wherefore they built it up
again, the second time, and laid diligent watch, least any should
again break it downe.

On the day following came Foster and John Clerk, bringing
with them their popish sacrificer, who brought with him all his
implements and garments, to play his popish pageant, whome

410 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

they and their men garded with swords and bucklers, loust an\
man should disturbc him in his missall sacrifice.

When doctour Taylour, who, (according to his custome) a
at his book studying the word of God, heard the bels ring, he
arose and went into the church, supposing some thing had bin
there to be done, according to his pastorall office : and comming
to the church, he found the church doores shut and fast b;u
saving the chancell doore, which was onelie latched : \\here lie
entring in, and comming into the chancell, saw a popish saori-
ficer in his robes, with a broad new shaven crowne, readi< ' t < •
beginne his popish sacrifice, beset round about with drawn e
swords and bucklers, least any man should approache to dis-
turbe him.

. Then said doctour Tailour ; " Thou divell, who made thee so
bold to enter into this church of Christ, to prophane and defile
it with this abhominable idolatrie?" With that start up Foster,
and with an irefull and furious countenance, saide to D. Taylour ;
" thou traytour, what doest thou heere, to let and disturbe the
queenes proceedings ?" Doctor Taylour answered: " I am no
traytour, but I am the shepheard that God my Lord Christ hath
appointed to feed this his flocke : wherefore I have good autho-
rity to be here : and I command thee thou popish wolf, in the
name of God to avoid hence, and not to presume here with such
popish idolatry, to poison Christs flocke.'1

Then said Foster, " wilt thou traitourly heretick make a
commotion, and resist violently the queenes proceedings 2"

Doctour Tailour answered, " I make no commotion, but it is
you papists that make commotions and tumults. I resist only
with Gods word, against your popish idolatries, which an airain>t
Gods word, the queenes honor, and tend to the utter subversion
of this realme of England. And further thou dost against tin-
law 2, which commandeth that no masse be saide but at a conse-
crate altar."

When the parson of Aldam heard that, he began to shrinke
backe, and would have left his saying of masse: then start nj>

a Against the law.'] " Ye hold still" (says Dr. William Turner, addressing
himself to the bishops of England) "hallowing of churches and of
mentes ; and that a priest may not say masse but in a hallowed place, without
a superaltare; and this ordayned Felix the first pope of that name." Hunt-
ing and finding out the Romish Fox, by Will. Wraghton. Signat. A. 7. im-
printed at Basyll, A.D. 1543.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 411

John Clerke, and said ; " M. Averth, be not afraid, ye have a
superaltare 3. Goe forth with your busines man."

Then Foster, with his armed men, tooke doctor Tailor, and
led him with strong hand out of the church *, and the popish
prelate proceeded in his Romish idolatry. Doctor Tailors wife,
who followed her husband into the church, when shee saw her
husband thus violentlie thrust out of his church, she kneeled
downe and held up her hands, and with a loud voice said ; "I
beseech God the righteous judge to avenge this injurie, that this
popish idolater this day doth to the bloud of Christ." Then
they thrust her out of the church also, and shut the dores, for
they feared that the people would have rent their sacrificer in
peeces. Notwithstanding, one or two threw in great stones at
the windowes, and missed very little the popish masser.

Thus you see how without consent of the people, the popish
masse was againe set up, with battaile array, with swordes and
bucklers, with violence and tyranny.

Within a day or two after, with all haste possible, this Foster
and Clerke made a complaint of doctour Taylour, by a letter
written to Steven Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and lord
chancellour.

When the bishop heard this, he sent a letter missive to doc-
tour Tailor, commanding him within certaine daies, to come and
to appeare before him upon his allegeance, to answere such com-
plaints as were made against him.

When doctour Taylours friends heard of this, they were exceed-
ing sorie and agreeved in minde : which then foreseeing to what
end the same matter would come, seeing also all truth and justice
were troden under foot, and falshood with cruel tyranny were set
aloft and ruled all the whole route : his friends, I say, came to
him, and earnestly counselled him to depart and flie, alledging and

3 Ye have a superaltare.'] " Superaltare is a stone consecrated by the
bishops, commonly of a foote long, which the papists carry instead of an altar
when they masse for money in gentlemens houses." Fox in the margin.
Compare also Life of Cromwell, p. 227. n. 9.

4 Out of the church. ,] Taylor, in a letter to his wife, written some time after,
speaks thus, in reference to these circumstances, " Though another have now
the benefice, yet, as God knoweth, I cannot but be careful for my dear Hadley.
And therefore as I could not but speak, after the first abominable mass began
there, I being present, so I cannot but write now being absent, hearing of the
wicked profanation of my late pulpit." Letters of the Martyrs, p. 496.

412 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

declaring unto him that he could neither be indifferently heard to
speak his conscience and mind, nor yet looke for justice or favour
at the said chancellors handes, who as it was well knowne was
most fierce and cruell 5 ; but must needes (if he went up to him)
wait for imprisonment and cruell death at his hands.

Then said D. Taylour to his friendes ; u Deare friendes, I most
hartily thank you, for that you have so tender a care over me.
And although I know that there is neither justice nor truth to
be looked for at my adversaries hands, but rather imprisonment
and cruell death ; yet know I my cause to bee so good and
righteous, and the truth so strong uppon my side, that I will by
Gods grace goe and appeare before them, and to their beardes
resist their false doings."

Then said his friends : " M. Doctour, we thinke it not best so
to doe. You have sufficientlie done your dutie, and testified the
truth, both by your godlie sermons, and also in resisting the par-
son of Aldam, with other that came hither <to bring in againe the
popish masse. And forasmuch as our Saviour Christ willeth and
biddeth us, that when they persecute us in one citie, we should
flie into an other : we thinke in flying at this time ye should
doe best, keeping yourselfe against another time, when the
church shall have great neede of such diligent teachers, and godlie
pastors."

" Oh " (quoth doctour Taylour) " what will yee have mee to do ?
I am now olde, and have alreadie lived too long to see these terri-
ble and most wicked daies. Flie you, and doe as your conscience
leadeth you. I am fullie determined (with God^s grace) to goe to
the bishop, and to his beard to tel him that he doth naught. God
shall wel hereafter raise up teachers of his people, which shall with
much more diligence and finite teach them, than I have done.
For God will not forsake his church, though now for a timi' luv
trieth and correcteth us, and not without a just cause.

" As for me, I beleeve before God, 1 shall never be able to do
God so good service, as I may doe now: nor I shall never lia\v
so glorious a calling, as I now have, nor so great mercie of God
profered mee, as is now at this present. For what Christian man

6 Fierce and cruell.'] " Howsoever ye diffame me of cnteltie, I knowe it is not
myfaultc; and yet I am a synner, and have many other faultes ." (Jam
I )> ( faration of such true articles as George Joye hath gone about to confute as
falte. 1546. 4to. fol.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 413

would not gladlie die against the pope and his adherents? I
knowe that the papacie is the kingdome of antichrist, altogether
full of lies, altogether full of falsehood, so that all their doctrine,
even from Christs Crosse be my speed and Saint Nicholas 6 unto
the end of their Apocalips, is nothing but idolatry, superstition,
errours, hypocrisie and lies.

" Wherefore I beseech you and all other my friends, to pray
for me, and I doubt not but God will give me strength and his
holie spirit, that all mine adversaries shall have shame of their
doings."

When his friends sawe him so constant, and fully determined
to go, they with weeping eyes commended him unto God : and he
within a day or two prepared himself to his journey, leaving his
cure with a godlie olde priest, named Sir Richard Yeoman 7, who
afterwards for Gods trueth was burnt at Norwich.

6 And Saint Nicholas.'] See Myles Hoggard's New ABC paraphrastically
applied. 1557. 4to.

" When children first begin to learne
Their letters for to knowe,
Right their difference to discerne
Thei lerne their Christ crosse row :
Christ his crosse be my speede, saye they,
And good sainct Nycholas :
Tn our child -hode this did we pray.
For so the custome was."
A little below he proceeds,

" The holy man sainct Nicholas
Our children call for ayde :
I thinke most men knoweth not the case
And why it was so sayde.
Sainct Nicholas a childe beinge
His crosse right soone he bore ;
For his body with muche fastinge
He punished full sore :
To teach both children and old men
Their crosse to take lykewise,
And after Christ to beare it then
With often exercise.
And after this child-hode past,
A bishop made was he ;
All worldlynes from him he cast,
And walkte in charitie."

7 Sir Richard Yeoman.'] Yeoman's story is told at some length by Fox,
p. 1855, and contains several exceedingly curious and affecting particulars.

414 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

There was also in Hadley one Alcocke, a verie godly man, well
learned in the holy scriptures, who (after Sir Richard Yeoman
was driven away) used dailie to reade a chapter, and to say the
English letanie in Hadley church. But him they fetched up to
London, and cast him in prison in Newgate : where after a yeares
imprisonment he died.

But let us returne to doctor Taylor againe, who beeing accom-
panied with a servant of his owne, named John Hull, tooke his
journey towardes London. By the way, this John Hull laboured
to counsell and perswade him very earnestlie to flie, and not
to come to the bishop, and profered himselfe to go with him
to serve him ; and in all perils to venture his life for him and
with him.

But in no wise would doctour Tailour consent or agree there-
unto, but said : " Oh John, shall I give place to this thy council
and worldlie perswasion, and leave my flocke in this danger'
Remember the good shepheard Christ, which not alonely fed his
flocke, but also died for his flocke. Him must I follow, and with
Gods grace will doe. Therefore good John pray for me ; and if
thou seest me weak at any time, comfort mee, and discourage mee
not in this my godlie enterprise, and purpose.

Thus they came up to London, and shortlie after doctour Tailour
presented himselfe to the bishop of Winchester ; Steven Gardiner,
then lord chauncellor of England.

After his dismission from his cure at Hadley by Newall, Dr. Taylor's succes-
sor, he wandered a long time from place to place in that neighbourhood,
moving and exhorting all men to stand faithfully to God's word, to give
themselves to prayer, and to bear the cross now laid upon them with patience
and Christian hope. " But when hee perceived his adversaries to lie in wait
for him, he went into Kent, and with a little packet of laces, pinnes, and
points, and such-like things, he travelled from village to village, selling such
things, and by that poore shift gat himself somewhat to the sustaining of
himselfe, his poore wife and children." After some time had elapsed " he
came againe secretly to Hadley, and tarried with his poore wife, who kept
him secretly irt a chamber of the town-house, commonly called the (Juildhall,
more than a yeare. All the whiche time the good old father abode in a clmm-
ber locked up all the day, and spent his time in devout praier, and reading
the scriptures, and in carding of wool which his wife did spin. His wife also
did goe and beg bread and meate for her selfe and her children, and h\
poore meanes sustained they themselves." In this hiding place he was dis-
covered at length by Newall, hurried to prison to Bury, and burnt at Nor-
wich. "The chief articles objected to him wore his marriage, and the masse
sacrifice."

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 415

Now when Gardiner sawe doctor Taylour, hee according to his
common custome, all to reviled him, calling him knave, traytour,
hereticke, with many other villainous reproches : which all doctor
Taylor heard patiently, and at the last said unto him :

" My lord," quoth hee, " I am neither traytour nor heretick,
but a true subject, and a faithful Christian man ; and am come
according to your commandement, to know what is the cause that
your lordship hath sent for me."

Then said the bishop, "art thou come, thou villaine? How
darest thou look me in the face for shame ? Knowest thou not
who I am 2"

u Yes," quoth D. Taylor, " I know who you are. Ye are doc-
tor Steven Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and lord chancellor,
and yet but a mortal man I trowe. But if I should be afraid of
your lordly lookes, why feare you not God, the lord of us all ?
How dare ye for shame looke any Christian man in the face,
seeing ye have forsaken the trueth, denied our Saviour Christ and
his word, and done contrary to your owne othe and writing ? With
what countenance will ye appeare before the judgement seate of
Christ, and answer to your othe made first unto that blessed k.
Henry the eight, of famous memory, and afterward unto blessed
king Edward the sixth his son I "

The bishop answered : " Tush, tush, that was Herodes othe 8,

8 That was Herodes othe,'] In a conference between Dr. Martin and arch-
bishop Cranmer, when Cranmer was in prison at Oxford, Martin alleges to
the archbishop, " You say that you have sworne once to king Henry the
eighth against the pope's jurisdiction,, and therefore you may never forsweare
the same, and so ye make a great matter of conscience in the breach of the
said othe. Heere will I aske you a question or two. Herod did sweare, what-
soever his harlot asked of him he would give her, and he gave her John Bap-
tists head. Did he well in keeping his othe ?

"Cranmer. 1 think not." Fox's Acts, p. 1702. And Bradford having pleaded
to Gardiner that he had been six times sworn against the admission of any
papal jurisdiction or authority in this realme of England, Gardiner says,
" Tush ! Herods othes a man should make no conscience at."

" Bradford. But, my lord, these were no Herods othes, no unlawful othes,
but othes according to Gods word, as you yourself have well affirmed in your
booke De vera obedientia." Fox's Acts, p. 1459. In the progress of our
history we shall find the reformers continually reminding Gardiner of this
book, Bonner of his preface prefixed to it, Tonstall of his sermon preached
before Henry VIII. A.D. 1539, and several others of the bishops of like gross
inconsistencies between their doctrines and practices in the two preceding and
in the present reigns.

416 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

unlawful!, and therefore worthy to be broken. I have don well in
breaking it : and, I thanke God, I am come home againe to our
mother the catholick church of Rome, and so I would thou
shouldest doe."

Doctor Taylor answered, "should I forsake the church of Christ,
which is founded upon the true foundation of the apostles and
prophetes, to approove those lies, errours, superstitions and idola-
tries, that the popes and their company at this day BoblaspheaoH
ously do approve ? Nay, God forbid.

" Let the pope and his returne to our Saviour Christ and
his worde, and thrust out of the churches such abhominahlc
idolatries as he maintaineth, and then will Christian men turn
unto him. You wrote truely against him, and were sworne
against him."

" I tell thee," quoth the bishop of Winchester, "it was Herods
oth, unlawful], and therefore ought to be broken and not kept :
and our holy father the pope hath discharged me of it."

Then said D. Taylor : " but you shall not so be discharged
before Christ, who doubtles will require it at your hands, as a
lawfull oth made to your liege and soveraigne lord the king ; from
whose obedience no man can assoile you, neither the pope nor
none of his."

" I see," quoth the bishop, "thou art an arrogant knave, and a
very foole."

" My lord," quoth D. Taylor, " leave your unseemely raylin^
at me, which is not seemely for such a one in authoritie as you
are. For I am a Christian man, and you know that Hee that saith
to his brother Racha, is in danger of a councell ; and he that saith
thou foole, is in danger of hell fire"

The bishop answered, " Ye are false and lyars all the sort of
you." "Nay," quoth Dr. Taylor, "we are true men, and know
that it is written, The mouth that liethslaieth thesoule. And againe.
Lord God thou shalt destroy all that spedke lies. And theref < »n
abide by the trueth of Gods worde, which ye, contrary to your own
consciences, deny and forsake."

" Thou art maried" (quoth the bishop) ? " Yea," (quoth <1< >< -t « T
Taylor) "that I thanke God I am, and have had nine children,
and all in lawfull matrimony; and Messed her (iod that ordained
matrimony, and commanded that every man that hath not th-
of continencie should marry a wife of his owne. and not live in
adultery, or whorodome."

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 417

Then said the bishop : " thou hast resisted the queenes pro-
ceedinges, and wouldest not suffer the parson of Aldham, a very
vertuous and devout priest, to say masse in Hadley." Doctor
Taylor answered, " My lord I am parson of Hadley ; and it is
against all right, conscience and lawes, that any man shall come
into my charge, and presume to infect the flock committed unto
me, with venome of the popish idolatrous masse."

With that the bishop waxed very angry, and said : " Thou art
a blasphemous hereticke indeede, that blasphemest the blessed
sacrament" (and put off his cappe) " and speakest against the
holy masse, which is made a sacrifice for the quick and the dead V
Doctor Taylour answered, " Nay I blaspheme not the blessed
sacrament which Christ instituted, but I reverence it as a true
Christian man ought to doe, and confesse that Christ ordained the
holy communion in the remembrance of his death and passion,
which when we keepe according to his ordinance, we (through
faith) eat the body of Christ, and drinke his bloud, giving thankes
for our redemption, and this is our sacrifice for the quick and the
dead, to give God thankes for his mercifull goodnes shewed to us,
in that he gave his sonne Christ unto the death for us."

" Thou saiest well" (quoth the bishop). " It is all that thou
hast said, and more too ; for it is a propitiatorie sacrifice for the
quicke and the dead." Then answered doctor Taylour : " Christ
gave himself to die for our redemption upon the crosse, whose
bodie there offered, was the propitiatorie sacrifice, full, perfect,
and sufficient unto salvation, for all them that beleeve in him.
And this sacrifice did our Saviour Christ offer in his owne person
himselfe once for all, neither can any priest any more offer him, nor
we neede no more propitiatorie sacrifice ; and therefore I say with
Chrysostome, and all the doctors : Our sacrifice is only memora-
tive, in the remembrance of Christes death and passion, a sacrifice
of thanksgiving, and therfore the fathers call it EucJiaristia :
and other sacrifice hath the church of God none."

" It is true," quoth the bishop, " the sacrament is called EucJia-
ristia, a thanksgiving, because we there give thankes for our
redemption ; and it is also a sacrifice propitiatorie for the quicke
and the dead, which thou shalt confesse ere thou and I have
done. Then called the bishop his men, and "said: " have

9 And the dead.'] See Art. XXXI. of the Church of England.

VOL. II. E 6

418 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

this fellowe hence and cary him to the kings bench, and chai'<j,<'
the keeper hee be streitly kept.1''

Then kneeled doctor Taylour downe, and helde up both his
hands, and said : " Good Lord I thanke thee ; and from the
tyranny ' ° of the bishop of Rome, and all his detestable errors,
idolatries, and abhominations, good Lord deliver us : and God
be praysed for good king Edward." So they carried him to
prison, to the kinges bench, where hee lay prisoner almost twn
yeares.

This is the summe of that first talke, as I saw it mentioned in
a letter that doctor Taylor wrote to a friende of his, thanking
God for his grace, that he had confessed his truth, ami was found
worthy for trueth to suffer prison and bands, beseeching his
friends to pray for him, that hee might persevere constant unto
the end.

Being in prison, doctor Taylour spent all his time in praier,
reading the holy Scriptures, and writing, and preaching, and
exhorting the prisoners and such as resorted to him, to re]
ance and amendement of life.

Within a fewe dayes after, were diverse other learned and
godly men in sundrie countries * of England committed to prison

10 From the tyranny. ,] In the English Litany, which was first permitted and
published in the year 1 544, and in the Primer of king Henry the eighth which
came out in the following year, one of the petitions ran in the following
words, "From all sedition and privy conspiracy, from the tyranny of the
bishop of Rome, and all his abominable enormities, from all false doctrine and
heresy, from all hardnesse of hart, and contempt of thy word and com-
maundements ; Good Lord deliver us." In the two books of king Edward
the petition remained, with the change of the word detestable for abominable.
To this passage in the Litany no doubt Dr. Taylor had reference in the
prayer which he offered up. Comp. Fox's Acts, p. 1438 and p. 1443, where
a similar use is made by two other confessors of the same petition. At the
beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth, among some other conciliatory alter-
ations which then took place, the words relating to the bishop of Rome, as of
too controversial a nature for divine worship, were omitted, and the petition
framed as it now stands.

1 In sundrie countries.'] We have an important testimony of bishop Burnet,
valuable as conveying his most mature and deliberate judgment of the
cruelties and miseries of these unhappy times ; but infinitely more valuable,
as it is derived, not from the evidence of enemies to the queen and her pro-
ceedings; but, in fact, from the express records of her own ministers, and
privy council. The extract I borrow from the Introduction to the third volume

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 419

for religion, so that almost all the prisons in England were
become right Christian schooles and churches, so that there

of the Hist, of the Reformation, printed in 1715, six and thirty years after the
publication of the first two volumes.

" In queen Mary's time, beside all that scene which I had formerly opened,
of a perfidious breach of solemn promises, of the corrupting and packing of
parliaments, and of that unrelenting cruelty, which was pursued to the end
of that reign without intermission ; I have had occasion to see much farther
into the spirit which then prevailed. I have had the perusal of the original
council book, that went from the beginning of her reign to the last day of
the year 1557; in which such a spirit of cruelty and bigotry appears, through
the whole course of that reign, that I was indeed amazed to find a poor
harmless woman, weak though learned, guilty of nothing but what her reli-
gion infused in her, so carried to an indecency of barbarity, that it appears
that Bonner himself was not cruel enough for her, or at least for her con-
fessor. She believed herself with child, and when the time came in which
she expected to be delivered, she continued looking for it every day above a
month; then a conceit was put in her head, that she could not bear her child,
as long as there was a heretick left in the kingdom.

" It was a great part of the business of the council, to quicken the perse-
cution every where. Letters were writ to the men of quality in the several
counties, to assist at the execution of those who suffered for heresy, and to
call on all their friends to attend on them : letters of thanks were writ to
such officious persons, as expressed their zeal, ordering them to commit all to
prison, who came not to the service, and to keep them in prison till the com-
fort of their amendment appeared. Directions were given to put such as
would not discover others, to the torture ; thanks were in a particular style
sent to some gentlemen, who (as it is expressed) came so honestly, and of
themselves to assist the sheriffs at those executions. Pretences of conspira-
cies were every where under examination, many were committed, and tried
for words. Letters were writ to corporations, about the elections of mayors ;
and the lords had many letters, to look carefully to the elections of parliament
men, and to engage the electors, to reserve their voices for such as they
should name ; sheriffs began to grow backward, and to delay executions, in
hopes of reclaiming persons so condemned, but they were ordered to do so
no more.

" Letters were on one day wrote to the sheriffs of Kent, Essex, Suffolk, and
Staffordshire, and to several mayors, to signifie what had moved them to
stay the executions of such persons as had been delivered to them by the
ordinaries, being condemned for heresy. One letter of a more singular
strain was wrote to the lord mayor and the sheriffs of London, to give sub-
stantial orders, (I give the words in the council book) 'that when any obsti-
nate man, condemned by order of the law, shall be deliver'd to be punish'd
for heresy, there be a good number of officers and other men appointed to be
at the execution; who maybe charged to see such as shall misuse themselves
either by comforting, aiding, or praising the offenders; or otherwise use
themselves to the ill example of others, to be apprehended and committed to

E e 2

420 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

was no greater comforte for Christian heartes, than to come to
the prisons, to behold their vertuous conversation, and to heare
their prayers * , preachinges, most godly exhortations, and con-
solations.

Now were placed in churches, blinde and ignorant masse-
mongers with their Latine babblings and apish ceremonies : who
like cruell wolves spared not to murther all such, as any thin»- at
all, but once whispered against their poperie. As for the godly
preachers which were in king Edwardes time, they were either
fledde the realme, or else, as the prophets did in king Achabs
dayes, they were privily kept in corners. As for as many as
the papistes could lay holde on, they were sent into prison, tln-iv
as lambes waiting when the butchers would call them to the
slaughter.

When doctor Taylor was come into the prison called the Kings
Bench, he found therein the vertuous and vigilant preacher of
Gods word, M. Bradford ; which man for his innocent and godly
living, his devout and vertuous preaching, was worthily counted a
myracle of our time, as even his adversaries must needes confesse.
Finding this man in prison, he began to exhort him to faith,
strength, and patience, and to persever constant unto the end. M.

ward ; and besides, to give commandment that no householder suffer any of
his apprentices, or other servants to be abroad, other than such as their
masters will answer for; and that this order be always observ'd in like cases
hereafter.' — Such pains were taken to extinguish all the impressions of
humanity, or at least to punish every expression of it ; and this was so con-
stantly pursued, that three men and two women were burnt at Canterbury
on the 10th of November, a week before her death; for she died on the
17th." Introduction to Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. iii. 171"), fol.
p. iv — x.

2 To heare their prayers.'] " After that " (says George Marsh, the martyr,
in an account which he left behind him of his troubles), " they threatened
and rebuked mee, for my preaching to the people out of the prison, and for
my praying and reading so loud, that the people in the streets might heare.
— The truth is, I and my prison fellow Warburton, every day kneeling on
our knees did read morning and evening prayer, with the English Litany
every day twise, both before noone and after, with other prayers more ; and
also read every day certaine chapters of the Bible, commonly towards ni^ht.
And we read also these things with so high and loud a voice, that the j
without in the streets might heare us; and would oftentimes, namely in
the evenings, come and sit downe in our sightes under the windowes and
heare us read : wherewith others being offended complained." Fox's Acts,
p. 1421.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 421

Bradford hearing this, thanked God that he had provided him such
a comfortable prison fellow ; and so they both together lauded
God, and continued in praier, reading, and exhorting one the
other : insomuch that D. Taylor tolde his friendes that came to
visite him, that God had most gratiously provided for him, to
send him to that prison where he found such an angell of God, to
be in his company to comfort him.

After that doctor Taylor had lien in prison a while, hee was
cited to appeare in the arches at Bow church, to answer unto
such matter, as there shuld be objected against him. At the
day appointed he was led thither, his keeper waiting upon him.
Where, when he came, he stoutly and strongly defended his
marriage, affirming by the scriptures of God, by the doctors of
the primitive church, by both lawes civill and canon, that it is
lawfull for priestes to marry ; and that such as have not the
gift of continencie, are bound in pain of damnation to marrie.
This did he so plainely proove, that the judge could give no
sentence of divorce against him, but gave sentence he should be
deprived of his benefice because he was married.

" You do me wrong then" (quoth doctor Taylor) and alledged
many lawes and constitutions for himselfe, but all prevailed not.
For he was againe carried into prison, and his livings taken
away, and given to other. As for Hadley benefice, it was given
or solde, I wote not whether to one maister Newealle, whose great
vertues were altogether unlike to doctour Taylor his predecessour,
as the poore parishioners full well have prooved.

After a yeare and three quarters, or thereabout, in the which
time the papists got certaine olde tyrannous lawes, which were
put downe by king Henry the eight, and by king Edward, to bee
againe revived by parliament, so that now they might ex qfficio,
cite whom they would, upon their owne suspition, and charge him
with what articles they lusted, and except they in all things
agreed to their purpose, burne them : when these lawes 3 were

3 When these lawes.] See Life of Rogers, p. 324, note ".

" Yea, have they not already gotten that auctorite by renewing the wicked
act, ex officio that they may call any man before them, upon suspection, and
keepe him forty daies in their prisons, although no man have accusid him,
and examine him privily in his, or their houses or places? and so con-
dempne him to lose both goods, lands, and life too, except he recant ? "
Supplication to the queen's majesty, fol. 19, said to be imprinted by John
Cawood.

422 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

once established, they sent for doctour Taylor with certaine other
prisoners, which were convented before the chancellour and
other commissioners about the 22. of January (1555). The
purport and effect of which talke betweene them, because it is
sufficiently described by himselfe in his owne letter written to a
friend of his, I have annexed the said letter here under as
followeth :

Whereas you would have me to write the talke between the
king and queens most honourable councell and me on Tuesday,
the xxii. of January, so farre as I remember : First my lord
chaurtcellour said : " You among other are at this present time
sent for, to enjoy the kings and the queens majesties favour and
mercy, if you wil now rise againe with us from the fall which
we generally have received in this realme, from the which (God
be praised) wee are now clearely delivered, miraculously. If you
will not rise with us now, and receive mercy now offered, you
shall have judgement according to your demerites." To this I
answered : " that so to rise, should be the greatest fall that ever
I could receive : for I should so fall from my deare saviour
Christ, to antichrist. For I doe beleeve that the religion set
forth in king Edwardes daies, was according to the veine of tin
holy Scripture, which containeth fully all the rules of our Christian
religion from the which I do not intend to decline so long as I
live, by Gods grace.'1

Then master secretary Bourne said : " which of the religions
meane ye of in king Edwards dayes ? For ye know there *
divers bookes of religion set forth in his daies. There was a
religion set forth in a catechisme by my lord of Canturburk-.
Doe you meane that you will sticke to that ?"

I answered : " My lord of Canturburie made a catechisme 4 to

4 Made a cateihtsme.] This Catechism was written originally in Dutch
(German), and was translated by Justus Jonas into Latin, from which copy
Cranmer made his version. It was published under the following title :
" Cutechismus : that is to say a short instruction into Christian Religion for
the synguler commoditie and profyte of children and yong people: set forth
by the mooste reverende father in God Thomas Archbyshop of Canterbury,
Primate of all England and Metropolitan . Gualterus Lynne ejcudebat,
1548." It contains several head-pieces, &c. designed, and in part at least
tiKjrdcen by Hans Holbein: and extends to something more than five hun-
dred pages, small 8vo. It was reprinted in the year 1829, at the University
press, Oxford.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 423

be translated into English, which booke was not of his owne
making : yet hee set it forth in his owne name, and truely that
booke for the time did much good. But there was after that set
forth by the most innocent king Edward (for whom, God bee
praised everlastingly) the whole church service, with great deli-
beration, and the advise of the best learned men of the realme, and
authorised by the whole parliament, and received and published
gladly by the whole realme : which booke was never reformed but
once, and yet by that one reformation it was so fully perfited,
according to the rules of our Christian religion in every behalfe,
that no Christian conscience could bee offended with any thing
therein contained : I meane of that booke reformed 5."

Then my lord chancellor said : " Diddest thou never reade the
booke that I set fort 6 of the sacrament ?"

I answered that I had read it.

Then hee saide : " How likest thou that booke !" With that,
one of the councell (whose name I knowe not) sayde : " My
lorde, that is a good question : for I am sure, that booke stop-
peth all their mouthes." Then saide I : " My lorde, I thinke
many things be farre wide from the trueth of Gods worde in that
booked

Then my lord said : " Thou art a very varlet." To that I
answered : " that is as ill as racha or fatue." Then my lord
saide : " Thou art an ignorant beetill brow."

To that I answered : "I have read over and over again the

5 That booke reformed^] The Book of Common Prayer was first published
in the year 1549. The revised copy, here appealed to by Taylor, was printed
A.D. 1552. Of the History of the English Liturgy, and of the alterations
which took place at this, and other times, see Wheatly on the Common Prayer,
Sparrow, Shepherd, &c. &c.

6 That I set fort.'] Gardiner printed not less than three works upon this
subject. The first in 1546, intitled Detection of the Devils Sophistrie j the
second, An explication and assertion of the true catholick faith, in 1551,
against Abp. Cranmer (these two in English) ; and the third, as we are told
by Strype and Tanner, in 1552, (and if so, certainly again also in 1554) inti-
tled Confutatio cavillationum, quibus sacrosanctum Eucharistice sacramentum
ab impiis Capharnaitis impeti solet. This, I apprehend, is the book here
inquired of by Gardiner. It was aimed in part against Cranmer, but with-
out the mention of his name. The archbishop had made considerable pro-
gress in an Answer to it at the time of his martyrdom : but his labour being
thus frustrated, Peter Martyr took up the design, and thoroughly confuted
Gardiner's performance in a very elaborate Defence of the ancient and aposto-
lical doctrine, printed A.D. 1559, in folio.

424 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

holy Scriptures, and S. Augustines workes through : S. Cyprian,
Eusebius, Origene, Gregory Nazianzen, with divers other books
through once : therefore I thanke God I am not utterly ignorant.
Besides these, my lord, I professed the civil lawes, as your lord-
ship did, and I have read over the canon law also."

Then my lord said : " with a corrupt judgement thou readest
all things. Touching my profession it is divinitie 7, in which I
have written divers books."" Then I said : " My lord, ye did
write one booke, De vera obedientia : I would you had beene
constant in that : for indeed you never did declare a good con-
science that I heard of, but in that one booke."

Then my lord said, " tut, tut, tut, I wrot against Bucer on
priests marriages : but such books please not such wretches as
thou art, which has beene married many yeares."

To that I answered : "I am married indeed, and I have had
nine children in holy matrimony, I thank God, and this I am
sure of, that your proceedings now at this present in this realme
against priests marriages is the maintenance of the doctrine of
devils, against naturall lawe, civil lawe, canon lawe, general
councels, canons of the apostles, ancient doctors, and Gods
lawes."

Then spake my lord of Duresm, saying : "You have professed
the civil law, as you say. Then you know that Justinian
write th that priests should at their taking of orders sweare, that
they were never married : and he bringeth in, to prove that,
Canones Apostolorum.

To that I answered : " that I did not remember any such lawe
of Justinian. But I am sure that Justinian writeth in Titulo de
indicta viduitate, in his Code 8 that if one would bequeath to his

7 It is divinitie.'} Notwithstanding what the lord chancellor says here, it is
certain that his original profession was that of a civilian, and his degrees
were in that science. There were times when this crafty politician knew how
to express himself in a very different manner, respecting his proficiency in
theological studies. In a letter to his former imperious master king Henry
VIII. he thus humbly bows himself to the monarch's will. "The contrary
whereof, if your grace can now prove, yet I, not learned in divinitie, ne
knowing any part of your graces proves, am I trust without cause of blame
in that behalf. When I know that I know not, I shall then speak hereafter."
Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. i. p. 148. Records. For Cranmer's estimate of
bishop Gardiner's learning and controversial talents, see his Answer to Gar-
diner. 13. edit. l.')80.

* Code.] C'odicis lib. vi. lit. \l De m.li.-ta u-hniaie <t lege Julia Mibtclla
tollenda. 1. 3. Cui relictum quidfuerit.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 425

wife in his testament a legacie, under a condition that she should
never marry againe, and take an oathe of her for accomplishing
the same, yet she may marry againe if he die, notwithstanding
the aforesaid conditions and othe taken and made against ma-
riage : and an othe is another maner of obligation made to God,
than is a papist icall vow made to man.

" Moreover, in the Pandects 9 it is contained, that if a man
doth manumit his handmaid under a condition, that she shal
never marry ; yet she may marry, and hir patrone shal lose jus
patronatus, for adding the unnaturall and unlawfull condition
against matrimony."

Then my lord chancellour said ; " thou saiest that priests may
be married by Gods law. How proovest thou that V

I answered : " by the plaine words and sentences of S. Paule,
both to Timothy and to Titus ; where he speakes most evidently
of the marriage of priests, deacons, and bishops. And Chrysos-
tome writing upon the epistle to Timothy saith : It is an heresie
to say that a bishop may not be married."

Then said my lord chancellour, " thou lyest of Chrysostome.
But thou doest, as all thy companions doe, belie ever without
shame, both the scriptures and the doctors. Didst thou not also
say, that by the canon law priests may be married ? which is most
untrue, and the contrarie is most true."

I answered : " We reade in the decrees, that the foure gene-
rail councels, Nicene, Constantinopolitane, Ephesine, Chalcedone,
have the same authoritie that the foure evangelists have. And
wee read in the same decrees (which is one of the chiefe books
of the canon law) that the councel of Nice, by the means of one
Paphnutius, did allow priests and bishops marriages. Therfore
by the best part of the canon law, priests may be married."

Then my lord chancellour said : " thou falsifiest the generall
councell. For there is expresse mention in the said decree,
that priestes should bee divorced from their wives, which bee
married."

Then said I, "if those words be there, as you say, then am I
content to lose this great head of mine. Let the book be
fetched."

Then spake my lord of Duresme : " though they be not there,

9 Pandects.'] ff. lib. xl.

426 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

yet they may be in Ecclesiastica historia, which Eusebius \vrou-,
out of which booke the decree was taken."

To that said I : " it is not like that the pope would leave out
any such sentence, having such authoritie, and making so much
for his purpose."

Then my lord chancellour said : " Gratian was but a patcher,
and thou art glad to snatch up such a patch as maketh for thy
purpose." I answered, "my lord, I cannot but marvell that you
do call one of the chiefe papistes that ever was, but a patcher."

Then my lord chancellour saide : " Nay I call thee a snatcher
and a patcher. To make an end ; wilt thou not returne again
with us to the catholicke church ?" and with that he rose.

And I saide, "By Gods grace I will never depart from Christ-
church." Then I required that I might have some of my friends
to come to mee in prison : and my lord chancellor said : " thou
shalt have judgment within this week :" and so was I delivered
againe unto my keeper. My lord of Duresme woulde that I
should beleve as my father and my mother did. I alledged S.
Augustine, that we ought to preferre Gods word before all men.

After that doctor Taylor thus with great spirite * and courage

1 With great spirite.'] We have some further particulars in Strype, taken
apparently from the official records.

" This reverend man, on Jan. 29, was called before the said commissioners.
Then bishop Gardiner, as he had done the others, exhorted him to be recon-
ciled : but he stiffly persisted in his former judgment. Then did the bishop
object two aiiicles to him, as just matter to make him an heretic. The one
was, that he asserted, believed, preached and defended, that in the Eucharist
is not truly the true and natural body and blood of Christ, under the species
of bread and wine ; and that material bread and material wine are there only.
These articles Taylor freely confessed, saying that so he still believed and
was ready to defend ; saying, moreover, judicially, that transubstantiation is a
conjuring word ; concomitantia another juggling word ; and that the bishop
of Rome is against God : and that he made by a juggling word, the body and
blood of Christ of bread and wine : and that to worship it with honour due
to God, is idolatry. Then the bishop assigned him to appear there again
between three and four in the afternoon. What was then done appears not.
But, Jan. 30, he appeared again. Then Winchester, beginning after his
usual way, offered to receive him into favour, and the unity of the church, if
with a penitent rnind he would return. But he more stiffly persisting in his
isc opinions (I use the words of the Acts), brake out into very many
.•icinies, saying, that there be but two sacraments, baptism, and the
ment of the body and blood of Christ. And that after consecration, tin:

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 427

had answered for himselfe, and stoutly rebuked his adversaries
for breaking their othe made before to king Henry and to king
Edward his sonne, and for betraying the realme into the power of
the Bomaine bishop, they perceiving that in no case he could be
stirred to their wils and purpose, that is, to turne with them
from Christ to antichrist, committed him thereupon to prison
againe, where he endured till the last of Januarie.

Upon which day and yeare aforesaid, D. Taylour and M. Brad-
ford, and M. Sanders were againe called to appeare before the
bishop of Winchester, the bishoppe of Norwich, of London, of
Salisbury, and of Duresme, and there were charged again with
heresie and schisme, and therefore a determinate answere was
required ; whether they would submit themselves to the Remain
bishop and abjure their errors, or else they would according to
their lawes proceed to their condemnation.

When doctor Taylor and his fellowes, M. Bradford and M.
Saunders heard this, they answered stoutly and boldly, that they
would not depart from the truth which they had preached in
king Edwards daies, neither would they submit themselves to the
Romish antichrist, but they thanked God for so great mercie,
that he would call them to be worthy to suffer for his word and
truth.

When the bishops saw them so boldly, constantly, and un-
moveably fixed in the trueth, they read the sentence of death
upon them, which when they had heard, they most joyfully gave
God thankes, and stoutely said unto the bishops : We doubt not
but God the righteous judge, will require our bloud at your
hands, and the proudest of you all shall repent this receiving
againe of antichrist, and your tyranny that ye now shew against
the flocke of Christ.

So was doctor Taylor, now condemned, committed to the
Clinke 2, and the keepers charged straitly to keepe him : "for ye

bread and wine remains. He denied transubstantiation ; and said, that the
natural body of Christ is not here, but in heaven ; and that Christ's body
could not be in two places at once. — After long disputations, the bishop asked
him again, whether he would return to the unity of the Catholic church ?
He answered, that he would not come to Antichrist's church. — Then the
bishop read the sentence definitive against him, condemning him for an
heretic and excommunicate : and so delivered him to the sheriff of London. —
And thus they made a riddance of Dr. Taylor." Ecclesiastical Memorials,
vol. Hi. p. 182, 3.

2 The Clinke.'] In Southwark, belonging to the bishoprick of Winchester.

428 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

have now another maner of charge1' (quoth the lord chancellor)
" then ye had before : therefore looke ye take heed to it."

\Vhen the keeper brought him toward the prison, the people
flocked about to gaze upon him : unto whom he saide : " God be
praised (good people) I am come away from them undefiled, and
will confirme the truth with my blond." So was hee bestowed
in the Ch'nke till it was toward night, and then hee was removed
to the Counter by the Poultry.

When doctor Taylor had lien in the said Counter in the Poul-
try a sevennight or thereabouts prisoner, the fourth day of Fe-
bruarie, anno 1 555, Edmund Boner bishop of London 3, witli

3 Boner bishop of London.'] Bonner, the reader is desired to observe,— not
Gardiner, — as heretofore.

We saw above, in a note to this present account of Taylor, that Gardiner,
some years before, denied the charge of cruelty with which he was commonly
taxed. " I know " (says he) " it is not my fault/' And it is certain, that
when, in January 1556, he sat in judgment upon Bradford, with other com-
missioners of the queen, Bradford, with great spirit, having alleged, " I have
been now a yeare and almost three quarters in prison, and all this time you
never questioned me of this matter, when I might have spoken my conscience
frankly without perill. But now you have a lawe to hang up and put to death,
if a man answer freely, and not to your appetite, and so now you come to
demand this question. Ah, my lord, Christ used not this way to bring men
to faith : no more did the prophets or apostles. Remember what Bernard
writeth to pope Eugenius : Apostolos lego stetisse judicandos, sedisse judicantes
non lego ; that is, * I read that the apostles stood to be judged ; but I read not
that they sate to judge ;' — the lord chancellor publickly disclaimed that these
methods of proceeding were by his advice, and seems to have intimated that
he did not think they would prove successful : for thus Fox proceeds :

" Heere the lord chancellor was appalled, as it seemed, and said most gently,
" That he used not this meanes. It was not my doing,' quoth he, ' although
some there be that think this to be the best way.' " Fox, p. 1461. edit. 16 10.

But it is more remarkable still, that having borne his part, and that un-
doubtedly the leading and foremost part, in the trial of this sanguinary expe-
riment, and having found that the expected result did not ensue, but rather,
that the streams of blood only watered the fields of heresy to fresh fertility,
he withdrew his hand, and resolutely persisted in refusing any further share
in these dreadful proceedings. It may not be amiss to take the account of
this matter from Fox.

" After that Steven Gardiner had got the lawes, and the secular arme on
his side, as ye have heard, with full power and authoritie to raigne and rule
as he listed, and had brought these godly bishops and reverende preachers
aforesaid under foot, namely the archbishop of Canterbury, doctor Ridley,
bishop of London, maister LatymiT, M. Hooper, bishop of Worcester and
->ter, maister K Sauuders, doctor Taylor, and in,

til \\hkh he had now presently condemned, and some also burned :

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 429

others, came to the saide Counter to degrade him, bringing with
them such ornaments, as do appertaine to their massing mum-
merie. Now being come, hee called for the said doctor Taylor
to be brought unto him (the bishop being then in the chamber,
where the keeper of the Counter and his wife lay). So doctor
Taylor was brought downe from the chamber above that, to the
said Boner. And at his comming, the bishop said : " Maister
doctor, I would you would remember your selfe, and turne to your
mother holy church : so may you do well enough, and I will sue
for your pardon." Whereunto maister Taylor answered : " I
would you and your fellowes would turn to Christ. As for me I
will not turne to antichrist." " Well," quoth the bishop, " I am
come to degrade you : wherefore put on these vestures." " No,"
quoth doctor Taylor, " I will not." " Wilt thou not ! " said the
bishop. " I shall make thee, ere I goe." Quoth doctor Taylor,
" you shall not by the grace of Grod." Then he charged him
upon his obedience to doe it, but hee would not doe it for him.

he supposed now all had beene cocke-sure, and that Christ had beene con-
quered for ever, so that the people being terrified with example of these great
learned men condemned, never would ne durst once rout against their violent
religion. But they were deceived. For within eight or nine daies after that
S. Gardiner had given sentence against M. Hooper, M. Rogers, M. Saunders,
D. Taylor, and M. Bradford, being the eighth of Februarie, six other good
men were brought likewise before the bishops for the same cause of religion,
to be examined, whose names were, W. Pigot butcher, Stephen Knight barber,
Thomas Tomkins weaver, Thomas Hauks gentleman, John Laurence priest,
William Hunter prentice.

" Stephen Gardiner seeing thus his device disappointed, and that crueltie
in this case would not serve to his expectation, gave over the matter as utterly
discouraged, and from that day meddled no more in such kind of condemna-
tions, but referred the whole doing thereof to Bonner bishop of London ; who
supplied that part right doughtily, as in the further processe of this history
will hereafter evidently, and too much appeare." Fox's Acts, p. 1389. The
following story shows that he retained the same judgment near the time of his
death. "At length Thomas Whittle being apprehended by one Edmund
Alablaster, in hope of rewarde and promotion, which he misrablie gaped after,
he was brought first as prisoner before the bishoppe of Winchester, who then
was fallen latelie sicke of his disease, whereof not long after he died most
strangely. But the apprehender, for his profered service, was highlie checked
and rated of the bishop, asking if there were no man unto whome he might
bring such rascals but to him. Hence, quoth he, out of my sight, thou
varlet, what dost thou trouble me with such matters ? The greedie cormorant
being thus defeated of his desired prey, yet thinking to seek and to hunt
further, carried his prisoner to the bishop of London." Fox's Acts, p. 1675.

430 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

So he willed another to put them on his backe : and when hee
was thoroughly furnished therewith, hee set his handes by his
side, walking up and downe, and said : " how say you my lord,
am I not a goodly foole? how say you my maisters? If I were in
Cheape, should I not have boyes enough to laugh at these apish
toyes, and toying trumpery ?" So the bishop scraped his fingers 4,
thumbes, and the crowne of his head, and did the rest of such
like develish observances.

At the last, when hee should have given doctor Taylor a stroke
on the brest with his crosier staffe, the bishops chaplein said:
" my lord strike him not, for he will sure strike againe." " Yea
by S. Peter will I" (quoth doct. Taylor). " The cause is
( 'hristes, and I were no good Christian if I would not fight in
my maisters quarrell." So the bishop laide his curse upon him.
but strooke him not. Then doctor Taylour said: "though you
doe curse mee ; yet God doth blesse me. I have the witnesse of
my conscience, that ye have done me wrong and violence : and
yet I pray God, if it be his will, to forgive you. But, from tin*
tyranny of the bishop of Rome, and his detestable enormities,
good Lord deliver us." And in going up to his chamber, hee
still said: "God deliver me from you; God deliver me from
you.1' And when hee came up, hee tolde maister Bradford (for
then both lay in one chamber) that he had made the bishop of
London afraide ; "for," saith he laughingly, "his chapleine gave
him counsell not to strike me with his crosier staffe, for that I
would strike again : and by my troth," said he rubbing his handes,
" I made him beleeve I would do so indeed."

4 Scraped his fingers J] Thus in the ceremonial of the degradation of arch-
bishop Cranmer, "a barber clipped his haire round about, and the bishop
scraped the tops of his fingers, where he had been annointed, wherein bishop
Honner behaved himselfe as roughly and unmannerly, as the other bishop "
(Thirlby) "was to him soft and gentle." Fox's Acts, p. 1709. In another
part of his work, Fox has published the entire ritual of the degradation of an
archbishop, with the rubrics, &c. from which the reader, if he thinks it worth
his while, may obtain an explanation of the mystical import of these and all
the other ceremonies. Acts and Monuments, p. 1931.

" Oliver. What haddest thou done that he gave thee so sore penaunce ?
Nicholas. It chaunced the chalice to be left at my house, and one of the feete
of it hung out at a little hole ; and so I chaunced to touch it with my bare
hands. Oliver. That was not so great offence, Nicholas. No was : ' '
John would sing no more with it, till it was newe hallowed. And he si
my fingers, till the bloode followed." Michael Wood's Dialogue or familiar
Talk, signat. H. s. A.M. 1

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 431

The night after that he was degraded, his wife and his son
Thomas resorted to him, and were by the gentlenesse of the
keepers permitted to sup with him. For this difference was ever
found betweene the keepers of the bishops prisons, and the keepers
of the king's prisons, that the bishops keepers were ever cruell,
blasphemous, and tyrannous, like their maisters : but the keepers
of the kings prisons shewed for the most part, as much favour as
they possibly might.

So came doctor Taylors wife, his son, and John Hull his ser-
vant, to sup with him : and at their comming in afore supper, they
kneeled downe and praied, saying the Letany.

After supper walking up and downe, he gave God thankes for
his grace, that had so called him and given him strength to abide
by his holy worde : and turning to his sonne Thomas : " My
deare sonne," said he, " almighty God blesse thee, and give thee
his holy spirit, to be a true servant of Christ, to learn his word,
and constantly to stand by his trueth all thy life long. And my
sonne, see that thou feare God alwaies. Flee from all sin, and
wicked living : be vertuous : serve God with dayly praier, and
apply thy book. In any wise see thou be obedient to thy mother,
love her, and serve her : be ruled by her now in thy youth, and
follow her good counsell in all things. Beware of lewd company,
of young men that feare not God, but followe their lewd lusts and
vaine appetites. Fly from whoredom, and hate all filthy living,
remembering, that I thy father doe die in the defence of holy
marriage. An other day when God shall blesse thee, love and
cherish the poore people, and count that thy chiefe riches is to be
rich in almes : and when thy mother is waxed old, forsake her not,
but provide for her to thy power, and see that she lacke nothing.
For so will God blesse thee, and give thee long life upon earth
and prosperitie : which I pray God to graunt him."

Then turning to his wife : " My deare wife," quoth hee, " con-
tinue stedfast in the feare and love of God, keepe your selfe unde-
filed from their popish idolatries, and superstitions. I have bin
unto you a faithfull yokefellow, and so have you been unto mee ;
for the which 1 pray God to reward you, and doubt you not deare
wife, but God will reward it.

" Now the time is come that I shall bee taken from you, and
you discharged of the wedlocke bond towards mee : therefore I
will give you my counsell, what I thinke most expedient for you.
You are yet a childbearing woman, and therefore it will be most

432 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

convenient for you to marry. For doubtlesse you shal never be
at a convenient stay for your self and our poore children, nor out
of trouble, till you bee married. Therefore as soone as God will
provide it, marry with some honest faithfull man that feareth God.
Doubt you not, God will provide an honest husband for you, and
he will be a mercifull father to you and to my children ; whom I
pray you, bring up in the feare of God, and in learning, to the
uttermost of your power, and keep them from this llomish idola-
try."" When he had thus said, they with weeping teares praied
togither, and kissed one the other : and he gave to his wife a
booke of the church service, set out by k. Edward, which in the
time of his imprisonment he daily used. And unto his sonne
Thomas he gave a Latine book, conteining the notable sayings of
the old martyrs, gathered out of Ecclesiastica historia: and in the
end of that booke he wrote his Testament and last Vale, as here-
after followeth.

The last Will and Testament of Dr. Rowland Taylor, Parson of

Hadley.

" I say to my wife, and to my children : The Lord gave you
unto me, and the Lord hath taken me from you, and you from
mee : blessed be the name of the Lord. I beleeve that they are
blessed which die in the Lord. God careth for sparowes, and for
the haires of our heads. I have ever found him, more faithfull
and favourable, than is any father or husband. Trust ye there-
fore in him by the meanes of our deare Saviour Christes merites :
beleeve, love, feare and obey him : pray to him, for he hath pro-
mised to helpe. Count mee not dead, for I shall certainely live.
and never die. I goe before, and you shall follow after, to our
long home. I go to the rest of my children, Susan. '
Ellen, Robert and Zachary. I have bequeathed you to the only
omnipotent.

"I say to my deare friends of Hadley, and to all other which
have heard mee preach, that I depart hence with a quiet con-
science, as touching my doctrine : for the which I pray you thank
God with me. For I have after my little talent declared to otlu T.
those lessons that I gathered out of Gods booke. tin Me^ed l.ihle.
Therefore if I or an an^oll from heaven should preach to you any
other gospel 1. than that ye have received, (iods great curse upon
that preacher.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 433

" Beware for Clods sake, that ye deny not God, neither decline
from the worde of faith, least God decline from you, and so do ye
everlastingly perish. For Gods sake beware of popery, for though
it appeare to have in it unitie, yet the same is in vanitie and anti-
christianitie, and not in Christes faith and veritie.

" Beware of the sinne against the holy Ghost, now after such
a light opened so plainely and simply, truely, thoroughly and gene-
rally to all England.

" The Lord graunt all men his good and holy spirite, increase
of his wisedome, contemning the wicked world, hearty desire to be
with God and the heavenly company, through Jesus Christ, our
only mediator, advocate, righteousnesse, life, sanctification, and
hope, Amen, Amen. Pray, Pray.

" ROWLAND TAYLOUR departing hence in sure hope, with-
out all doubting, of eternall salvation, I thank God my
heavenly father, through Jesus Christ my certaine
Saviour, Amen.

"The 5. of Februarie. Anno 1555.

" Psalme 27.

" The Lord is my light and my salvation : whom then shall
I fear?

" Rom. 8.
" God is he that justifieth : who is he that can condemne ?

" Psalme 30.
" In thee O Lord have I trusted, let me never be confounded."

On the next morrow, after that doctour Taylour had supped
with his wife in the Counter, as is before expressed, which was
the fift day of February, the shiriffe of London, with his officers
came to the Counter by two of the clocke in the morning, and so
brought forth doctor Taylour, and without any light led him to
the Woolsacke, an inne without Aldgate. Doctor Taylours wife
suspecting that her husband should that night be caried away,
watched all night within S. Butolphs church-porch beside Aldgate,
having with her two children, the one named Elizabeth of thirteen
yeares of age (whom being left without father or mother, doctor
Taylor had brought up of almes from three yeares old) the other
named Mary, doctor Tailors own daughter.

Now, when the shiriffe and his company came against S.
Butolphes church, Elizabeth cried saying : " O my deare father :

VOL. II. F f

434 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

mother, mother, here is my father led away." Then cried \\\^
wife : " Rowland, Rowland, where art thou ?" for it was a verie
darke morning, that the one could not see the other. Doctor
Tailor answered ; " Deare wife, I am here," and staied. The
shiriffes men would have led him forth, but the shiriffe said :
" Stay a little maisters, I pray you, and let him speake to his
wife ;" and so they staied.

Then came she to him, and hee tooke his daughter Mary in his
armes ; and he, his wife, and Elizabeth kneeled down and
the Lords praier. At which sight the shiriffe wept apase, and so
did divers others of the company. After they had praied, he
up and kissed his wife, and shooke her by the hand, and said :
" Farewell my deare wife, be of good comfort, for I am quiet in
my conscience. God shall stir up a father for my children." .And
then he kissed his daughter Mary and said, " God blesse t
and make thee his servant:" and kissing Elizabeth, hee said:
" God blesse thee. I pray you all stand strong and stedfast unto
Christ and his worde, and keepe you from idolatry." Then sai-1
his wife : u God be with thee dear Rowland. I wil with God's
grace meete thee at Hadley."

And so he set forth to the Woolsacke, and his wife followed
him. As soone as they came to the Woolsacke, hee was put into
a chamber, wherein hee was kept with foure yeomen of the guard,
and the sheriffes men. Doctor Taylor, as soone as he was come
into the chamber, fell downe on his knees and gave himselfe wholly
to praier. The shiriffe then seeing doctor Tailors wife thnv.
would in no case graunt her to speak any more with her husband.
but gently desired her to goe to his house and take it as her own,
and promised her she should lack nothing, and sent two offiV
to conduct her thither. Notwithstanding she desired to o
her mothers, whither the officers led her, and charged her mother
to keep her there till they came againe.

Thus remained doctor Taylor in the Woolsacke, kept by tli«-
shiriffe and his company, till eleven of the clocke. At which
time the shiriffe of Essex was ready to receive him : and so tiny
set him on horsebacke within the inne, the gates being shut.

At the comming out of tin- lohn Hull, before spoken

of, stoode at the railes with Thomas, doctor Taylors *nnnc.
When doctor Taylor saw them, he called them. >a \in-_r : " <
hither my sonne Thomas." And John Hull lifted tin- child up.
and set him on the horse before his father: and doctour Tax lour

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 435

put off his hatte and said to the people that stoode there looking
on him : " Good people this is mine owne sonne, begotten of my
body in lawfull matrimony : and God bee blessed for lawfull
matrimony.1' Then lifted he up his eyes towardes heaven, and
praied for his sonne, laide his hande upon, the childes head, and
blessed him, and so delivered the childe to John Hull, whom he
tooke by the hand, and said ; " farewell John Hull, the faith-
fullest servant that ever man had." And so they rode forth, the
shiriffe of Essex with foure yeomen of the guard, and the
shiriffes men leading him.

When they were come almost at Burntwood, one Arthur
Faysie, a man of Hadley, who before time had beene doctor
Taylors servant, met with them, and he supposing him to have
been at libertie, said : " Maister doctor, I am glad to see you
againe at libertie,'" and came to him, and took him by the hand.
" Soft sir," quoth the shiriffe, " hee is a prisoner : what hast
thoti to doe with him?" "I cry you mercy," said Arthur, "I
knew not so much, and I thought it none offence to talke to a
true man. The shiriffe was very angry with this, and threatned
to carry Arthur with him to prison ; notwithstanding, hee bade
him get him quickly away, and so they rode forth to Burntwood ;
where they caused to be made for doctor Taylor, a close hoode,
with two holes for his eies to look out at; and a slit for his mouth
to breath at. This they did that no man should know him, nor
hee speak to any man. Which practice they used also with
others. Their owne consciences tolde them, that they ledde
innocent lambes to the slaughter. Wherefore they feared, least
if the people should have heard them speake, or have seene them,
they might have beene much more strengthened by their godly
exhortations, to stand stedfast in Gods word, and to fly the super-
stitions and idolatries of the papacie.

All the way doctor Taylor was joyfull and merry, as one that
accounted himselfe going to a most pleasant banquet or bridall.
He spake many notable things to the shiriffe, and yeomen of the
guard that conducted him, and often mooved them to weep
through his much earnest calling upon them to repent, and to
amend their evill and wicked living. Oftentimes also he caused
them to wonder and rejoice, to see him so constant and stedfast,
void of all feare, joifull in heart and glad to die. Of these yeomen
of the guard, three used doctor Taylor friendly, but the fourth

F f 2

436 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

(whose name was Homes) used him very homely, unkindly, and
churlishly.

At Chelmesford met them the shiriffe of Suffolke, there to
receive him, and carry him forth into Suffolke. And being at
supper, the shiriffe of Essex very earnestly laboured him to
returne to the popish religion, thinking with faire words to per-
swade him, and said, " Good inaister doctor, wee are right sorry
for you, considering what losse is of such one as ye might be if
ye would. God hath given you great learning and wis««dome.
wherfore yee have been in great favour and reputation in Units
past with the councell and highest of this realme. Besides this.
yee are a man of goodly personage, in your best strength, and by
nature like to live many yeares, and without doubt, ye should in
time to come bee in as good reputation as ever ye were, or rather
better. For ye are well beloved of all men, as well for your
virtues as for your learning : and mee thinke it were great pity
you should cast away your selfe willingly, and so come to such a
painefull and shamefull death. Ye should doe much better to
revoke your opinions, and returne to the catholicke church of
Rome, acknowledge the popes holinesse to be the supreame he-ad
of the universall church, and reconcile your selfe to him. You
may do well yet, if you will: doubt ye not but ye shall finde
favour at the queenes hands. I and all these your friends will
be suters for your pardon: which no doubt, ye slial obtein.
This councell I give you, good M. doctor, of a good hart, and
good will toward you : and thereupon I drinke to you." In like
maner said all the yeomen of the guard ; " Upon that condition
maister doctor, we will all drinke to you."

When they had all drunk to him, and the cup was come t . »
him, he staied a little, as one studying what answere he 1111-4] it
give. At the last thus he answered and said, " Maister >hmtle,
and my maisters all, I hartily thanke you of your good will.
I have barkened to your words and marked well your coun
And to be plaine with you, I do perceive that I have bin de-
ceived my self, and am like to deceive a great many of Hadley
of their expectation." With that word they all rejoiced. "
good maister doctor," quoth the shiriffe, " Gods blessing ,.n
your heart : hold you there still. It is the comfortables;
that we heard you speake yet. What should ye cast a
your selfe in vaine ? Play a wise mans part, and I dan- \\arrant

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 437

it yee shall finde favour." Thus they rejoiced very much at the
word, and were very merry.

At the last: "Good M. doctor," quoth the shiriffe, "what
meant ye by this, that ye said ye thinke ye have beene deceived
your self, and think ye shall deceive many one in Hadley 2"
" Would you know my meaning plainly 2" quoth he. " Yea,"
quoth the shiriffe, " good maister doctor tell it us plainely."

Then said doctor Taylor, " I will tell you how I have bin
deceived, and as I thinke, I shall deceive a great many. I am as
you see, a man that hath a very great carkase, which I thought
should have beene buried in Hadley church yard, if I had died
in my bed, as I well hoped I should have done : but herein I see
I was deceived ; and there are a great number of wormes in
Hadley churchyard, which should have had jolly feeding upon
this carrion, which they have looked for many a day. But now
we be deceived, both I and they : for this carkase must be burnt
to ashes, and so shall they lose their bait and feeding, that they
looked to have had of it."

When the shiriffe and his company heard him say so, they were
amazed, and looked one on another, marvelling at the mans con-
stant minde, that thus without all feare, made but a jest at the
cruell torment, and death now at hand prepared for him. Thus
was their expectation cleane disappointed. And in this appeareth
what was his meditation in his chiefest wealth and prosperitie ;
namely, that hee should shortly die and feede wormes in his
grave : which meditation if all our bishops, and spirituall men
had used, they had not for a little worldly glory forsaken the
worde of God and trueth, which they in king Edwards daies had
preached and set forth ; nor yet to maintain the bishop of Romes
authoritie, have committed so many to the fire as they did.

But let us returne to doctor Taylor : who at Chelmesforde was
delivered to the shiriffe of Suffolk, and by him conducted to
Hadley, where hee suffered. When they were come to Lanham,
the shiriffe staied there two daies : and thither came to him
a great number of gentlemen and justices upon great horses,
which all were appointed to aid the sheriffe. These gentlemen
laboured doctor Taylor very sore, to reduce him to the Romish
religion, promising him his pardon, " which," said they, " wee
have here for you." They promised him great promotions, yea a
bishopricke if he would take it : but all their labour and flattering
words were in vaine. For he had not built his house upon the

438 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

sand, in perill of falling at every puffe of winde, but upon the
sure and unmoovable rocke, Christ. Wherefore hee abode con-
stant and unmoovable unto the end.

After two daies, the shiriffe and his company led doctour
Taylor towards Hadley, and comming within a two mile of Had-
ley, " Why maister doctor," quoth the shiriffe, " how doe you
now?" He answered: "Well, God be praised, good in.
shiriffe. Never better : for now I know I am almost at home.
I lacke not past two stiles to goe over, and I am even at my
fathers house. — But maister shiriffe," said he, "shall not wee goe
thorough Hadley?" "Yes," said the shiriffe, "you shall go
thorough Hadley." Then said he: "0 good Lord, I thanke
thee. I shall yet once ere I die see my flocke, whom thou Lord
knowest I have most heartily loved, and truely taught. Good
Lord blesse them, and keep them stedfast in thy word and
trueth."

When they were now come to Hadley, and came riding over
the bridge, at the bridge foote waited a poore man with rive
small children; who when he saw doctor Taylor, he and his
children fell down upon their knees, and held up their hands.
and cried with a loud voice, and said : " 0 deare father and ^'ood
shepheard, doctor Taylor: God help and succour thee, as thou
hast many a time succoured me, and my poore children." Such
witnesse had the servant of God of his vertuous and charitable
almes given in his life time. For God would now the }>
should testifie of his good deeds, to his singular comfort, to the
example of others, and confusion of his persecutors and tyran-
nous adversaries. For the shiriffe and other that led him to
death, were wonderfully astonied at this : and the shiriffe
rebuked the poore man for so crying. The streets of Hadley
were beset on both sides the way with men and women of the
towne and countrey who waited to see him : whoine when they
beheld so led to death, with weeping eys and lamentable v<
they cried, saying one to another : " Ah good Lord, there got th
our good shepheard from us, that so faithfully hath taught us, so
fatherly hath cared for us, and so godly hath governed us.
O mercifull God : what shall we poore scattered lambes <
\\hat shall come of this most wicked world? Good Lord
strengthen him and comfort him :"" with such other mo>t lament-
able and pitious voices. Wherefore the people were sore n linked
by the shiriffe and cau-hpoles hi* men. that ledde him. And

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 439

doctour Taylor evermore sayd to the people : u I have preached
to you Gods word and truth, and am come this day to scale it
with my bloud."

Comming against the almes houses, which he well knew, he
cast to the poore people mony, which remained of that good
people had given him in the time of his imprisonment. As for
his living, they tooke it from him at his first going to prison, so
that he was sustained all the time of his imprisonment by the
charitable almes of good people that visited him.

Therefore the money that now remained, hee put in a glove
readie for the same purpose, and (as is said) gave it to the poore
almesmen standing at their doores to see him. And comming
to the last of the almeshouses, and not seeing the poore that
there dwelt ready in their doores, as the other were, he asked ;
" Is the blinde man and blinde woman, that dwelt here alive V
It was answered, " Yea : they are there within." Then threw
he glove and all in at the window, and so rode forth.

Thus this good father and provider for the poore, now took
his leave of those, for whom all his life hee had a singular care
and studie. For this was his custome, once in a fortnight at the
least, to call upon sir Henry Doyll, and others the rich cloth-
makers, to goe with him to the almeshouses, and there to see
how the poore lived : what they lacked in meat, drinke, clothing,
bedding, or anie other necessaries. The like did he also to other
poore men that had many children, or were sicke. Then would
he exhort and comfort them, and where he found cause, rebuke
the unruly, and what they lacked, that gave he after his power :
and what he was not able, he caused the rich and wealthy men
to minister unto them. Thus shewed he himselfe in all thinges
an example to his flocke, worthy to be followed ; and taught by
his deed, what a great treasure almes is to all such as cheerfully
for Christs sake do it.

At the last, comming to Aldam common 5, the place assigned

5 Aldam common.'] " In Aldham Common, not far from Hadley town, is a
great stone, that assigns the place where he suffered, and on it are written
these words, or to this effect,

Doctor Taylor for maintaining what was good
In this place shed his blood."

Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 420.

In the same place Strype has recorded his epitaph, taken from a brass plate
in the parish church of Hadley.

440 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

where he should suffer, and seeing a great multitude of people1
gathered thither, he asked " what place is this, and what meaiieth
it that so much people are gathered hither?" It was answered :
" It is Aldham common, the place where you must suffer : and
the people are come to looke upon you." Then said he :
vi thanked be God, I am even at home ;" and so light from his
horse, and with both his hands, rent the hood from his head.

Now his head was notted evill favouredly, and clipped, much
like as a man would clip a fooles head : which cost the good
bishop Boner had bestowed upon him, when he disgraded him.
But when the people saw his reverend and ancient face, with a
long white beard, they burst out with weeping teares, and cried.
saying : " God save thee good doctour Taylor : Jesus Christ
strengthen thee, and helpe thee : The Holy Ghost comfort tli
with such other like godly wishes. Then would hee have spoken
to the people: but the yoemen of the gard were so busie about
him, that as soon as he opened his mouth, one or other thru.-t a
tippe staffe into his mouth, and would in no wise permit-to him to
speak.

Then desired he licence of the shiriffe to speak : but the shi-
riffe denied it to him, and bad him remember his promise to the
councell.

u Well," quoth Doctor Taylor, " promise must be kept." What
this promise was, it is unknown : but the common fame was, that
after he and others were condemned, the councel sent for them,
and threatned them they would cut their tongues out of tin -ir
heads, except they would promise, that at their deaths they would
keepe silence, and not speake to the people. Wherefore they
desirous to have the use of their tongues, to call upon God as
long as they might live, promised silence. For the papists feared
much, least this mutation of religion, from truth to lies, from
Christes ordinances to the popish traditions, should not so quietly
have beene received as it was, especially this burning of t he-
preachers: but they measuring others mindes by their own<>.
feared lest any tumult or uprore 8 might have beene stirred, the

6 Tumult or uprore.'] When interests so momentous were at stake, we are

nt. i to wonder that we hear of tumults and fears of tumults. One class of

iients for prevention was, as we have seen, to forbid the martyrs to speak

to the people, at the time of their execution ; and the people to hear them ; or

to 1 1 ray for tlirin ; or to assist at their prayers. How these virtual <•<

'•ad cause were likely to succeed, we may easily conjecture ; and partly

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 441

people having so just a cause not to bee contented with their
dooings ; or else (what they most feared) the people should more
have bin confirmed by their godly exhortations to stand stedfast
against their vaine popish doctrine and idolatrie. But thanks to
God, which gave to his witnesses faith and patience, with stout
and manly harts to despise all torments : nether was there so
much as any one man that once shewed any signe of disobedience
towards the magistrates. They shed their bloud gladly in the
defence of the truth, so leaving example unto all men of true and
perfect obedience : which is to obey God more then men : and if
need require it, to shed their owne bloud rather than to depart
from Gods truth.

Doctor Taylor perceiving that he could not be suffered to
speake, sate downe, and seeing one named Soyce, he called him
and sayd : " Soyce, I pray thee come and pull off my bootes and
take them for thy labour. Thou hast long looked for them, now
take them." Then rose he up, and put off his clothes unto his
shirte, and gave them away. Which done, hee said with a loud
voice : " Good people, I have taught you nothing but Gods holy
word, and those lessons that I have taken out of Gods blessed

this also we have seen. Another expedient with the same object, and with
like success, Strype thus describes : " Preachers, and they such as were
thought of the best ability that way, were now studiously set up to preach
the people into an ill opinion of the late proceedings, especially in religion."
Some of these were Feckenham, Weston, White, Watson, Harpsfield and
Bourne. "This last-named came up at Paule's cross, August 13 (1553),
where were present the lord mayor, and his brethren, and the lord Courteney,
and a great auditory. This man did according to his instructions, fiercely lay
about him, in accusing the doings of the former reign with such reflections
upon things that were dear to the people, that it set them all into a hurly
burly. And such an uproar began, such a shouting at the sermon, and cast-
ing up of caps, as that one who lived in those times, and kept a journal of
matters that then fell out, writ, it was as if the people were mad, and that there
might have been some great mischief done, had not the people been awed
somewhat by the presence of the mayor and lord Courteney. In this confu-
sion the young people and the women bore their part ; and so did some
priests, and, namely, the minister of St. Ethelborough's within Bishopsgate ;
who, as we shall hear, smarted severely for it. And, which most of all shewed
the popular displeasure against the preacher, a dagger was thrown at him :
which broke up the assembly ; and the divine was conveyed away for fear of
his life." Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. iii. p. 21. Compare p. 135, where is
an account of a gun being discharged at Dr. Pendleton, while preaching the
sermon at Paul's cross, June 10, 1554. See also Hoggard's Displaying of
Protestants, fol. 92, 3. A.D. 1556.

442 DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR.

booke, the holy bible : and I am come hither this day to seale it
with my bloud." With that word, Homes, yeoman of the garde,
aforesaid, who had used doctor Taylor very cruelly all the wav.
gave him a great stroke upon the head with a waster7, and sayde :
uls that the keeping of thy promise, thqu hereticke ?"— Then hee
seeing they would not permit him to speake, kneeled downe and
praicd, and a poore woman that was among the people, stepped in
and prayed with him ; but hir they thrust away, and threatened
to tread hir down with horses : notwithstanding she would not
remoove, but abode and praied with him. When he hadde praied
he went to the stake and kissed it 8, and set himselfe into a pitch
barrell, which they had set for him to stand in, and so stood
with his backe upright against the stake, with his handes foiilded
together, and his eies toward heaven, and so he continually
prayed.

Then they bound him with chaines, and the sheriffe called one
Richard Doningham, a butcher, and commanded him to set up
fagots : but he refused to do it, and said : " I am lame sir, and
not able to lift a fagot." The shiriffe threatned to send him to
prison : notwithstanding, he would not do it.

Then appointed he one Mulleine of Carsey, a man for his ver-
tues fit to be a hangman, and Soyce a very drunkard, and War-
wike, who in the commotion time in king Edwards daies, lost one
of his eares for his seditious talke, amongst whome was also one
Robert King a deviser of enterludes, who albeit was there present
and had doing there with the gunpowder ; what he meant and did
therein (he himselfe saith he did it for the best, and for quick dis-

7 A waster.'] A cudgel. So Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy : " As they
that play at wasters exercise themselves by a few cudgels to avoid an enemy's
blows." P. 343. Nares' Glossary in v.

8 And kissed it.'] In like manner we saw above, p. 403, that Hooper kissed
the bundles of reeds that were prepared for his burning ; and many other
instances of the like action, some of which will fall in our way in the course
of this history, are recorded in Fox. See Acts and Monuments, p. 1113. 1362.
1398. 1435. 1474. 1605. 1661. The practice, innocent as it was, could not
escape the barbarous scoffs of Miles Hoggard, a vulgar and merciless perse-
mi or. He is endeavouring to disparage our martyrs by comparing them
with Joan Bocher, Van Paris, &c. who suffered for Arianisra, &c. ; speaking of
this latter he says, " and at the tyme of his death he was so frolicke, that he
fared muche lyke our martyrs, in embrasyng the rccdt-s, kyssyng the poste,
syngyng, and suche other toycs." Displaying of Protestants, fol. 3S. A.D. 1556.
12mo.

DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR. 443

patch) the Lord knoweth which shall judge all : more of this I have
not to say.

These foure were appointed to set up the fagots, and to make
the fire, which they most diligently did : and this Warwike cruelly
cast a fagot at him, which light upon his head, and brake his face,
that the bloud ran down his visage. Then said doctor Tailor :
u Oh friend, I have harme inough, what needed that?"

Furthermore, sir John Shelton there standing by, as doctour
Taylour was speaking and saying the Psalme Miserere in English,
stroke him on the lippes : " Ye knave," said hee, " speake La-
tine ; I will make thee." At last they set to fire : and doctour
Taylour, holding up both his handes, called uppon God, and said :
u Mercifull father of heaven, for Jesus Christ my Saviours sake,
receive my soule into thy handes." So stood he still, without
either crying or mooving, with his handes folded together, till
Soyce with an halberd stroke him on the head that the brains
fell out, and the dead corpes fell downe into the fire.

Thus rendered the man of God 9 his blessed soule into the
hands of his mercifull Father, and to his most deare and certaine
Saviour Jesus Christ, whom he most entirely loved, faithfully and
earnestly preached, obediently followed in living, and constantly
glorified in death.

9 The man of God.] Strype in his Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, p. 421,
has preserved a considerable fragment of the heads of a sermon preached at
Hadley, the day after Taylor's martyrdom, by Newall his successor in that
benefice : " a right popish sermon " (says Strype) " patched up of ignorance,
malice, uncharitableness, lies and improbabilities." " It mooveth many
minds," (remarks the preacher,) " to see an heretic constant, and to die.
But it is not to be marvelled at : for the devil hath power over soul and body.
For he causeth men to drown, and hang themselves, at their own wills. Much
more he may cause a man to burn; seeing he is tied, and cannot fly. — Sure
he died in damnable case, if he did not otherwise repent in the hour of pain. —
And I warrant you he said not one word at his death, more than desired the
people to pray for him : which was no token of a Christian, but of stubborn-
ness. But I am glad that ye were so quiet." See the rest.

BISHOP LATIMER,

\Ve are now more near to God than ever we were. Yea, we are at the
gates of heaven ; and we are become a joyful spectacle, in this our captirify,
to God, to the angels, and all his saints, who look that we should end our
course with glory.

LATIMER.

Then they brought a faggot, kindled with fire, and laid the same downe at
doctor Ridley's feete. To whom master Latimer spake in this manner, Bee
of good comfort, master Ridley, and play the man : wee shall this day light
such a candle, by God's grace, in England, as I trust shall never bee putte out.

JOH.V Fox.

BISHOP LATIMER.

HUGH LATIMER was the sonne1 of one Hugh Latimer of Thur-
caston in the countie of Leicester, a husbandman of right good
estimation s ; with whom also he was brought up, until he was of
the age of foure yeares or thereabout. At which time his parents

1 Was the sonne.~] Mr. Gilpin, in his Life of Latimer, says, (I know not
upon what authority) that he was born "about the year 1470." — I incline
however to think, that 1470 is too early a date by many years.

2 Right good estimation.~\ In his first sermon before king Edward, preached
in the year 1549, when, if Gilpin be correct, Latimer was seventy-nine
years old, he gives the following pleasing description of his father and
family.

" My father was a yeoman, and had no landes of his own, onely he had a
farme of three or four pounds by yeare at the uttermost; and hereupon he
tilled so muche as kept half a dozen men. He had walke for an hundred
sheepe, and my mother milked thirty kine. He was able, and did finde the
king an harness, with himselfe and his horse, while he came to the place that
he should receive the kinges wages. I can remember " (it may be well as-
sumed that Latimer means this expression to mean " one of the earliest things
that I can remember is " ) " that I buckled his harness, when he went to Black-
heath fielde (A.D. 1497). He kept me to schole, or else I had not been able
to have preached before the kinges majesty now. He maryed my sisters
with five pound or twenty nobles a piece, so that he brought them up in
godliness, and feare of God. He kept hospitality for his poore neighbours ;
and some almes he gave to the poore : and all this did he of the said farme.
Whereas, he that now hath it payeth sixteen pounds by the yeare or
more, and is not able to doe anye thing for his prince, for himselfe, nor for
his children, or give a cup of drinke to the poore." Fol. 32. edit. 1584. In
another sermon (the sixth) preached likewise before the king, we have some
further circumstances communicated respecting his early years. " Men of
Englande in times past, when they would exercise themselves (for we must
needs have some recreation, our bodyes cannot endure without some exercise),
they were wont to goe abroad in the fields of shooting. The art of shooting
hath been in times past muche esteemed in this realme : it is a gift of God

448 BISHOP LATIMER.

(having him then left for their onely son, with sixe daughters)
seeing his ready, prompt, and sharp wit, purposed to traine him
up in erudition, and knowledge of good literature ; wherein he
so profited in his youth, at the common schooles of his owne
countrey, that at the age of fourteene yeares, hee was sent to the
universitie of Cambridge8. Where after some continuance of

that he hath given us to excell all other nations with all. It hath been Gods
instrument whereby he hath given us manye victoryes agaynst our enemies.
In my time, my poore father was as diligent to teach me to shoote, as to
learne me any other thing; and so I thinke other men did their children.
He taught me how to draw; how to lay my body in my bow, and not to
drawe with strength of armes, as other nations doe, but with strength of the
bodye. I had my bowes bought me, according to my age and strength :
as I encreased in them, so my bowes were made bigger and bigger: fur
men shall never shoote well, except they be brought up in it. It is a goodly
arte, a wholesome kinde of exercise, and much commended in physicke."
Fol. 69.

3 Of Cambridge.] He was elected a fellow of Clare Hall, in the year 1 509,
as appears by the following extract from the register of that college.

" Etiam circa festum Purificationis proxime sequens, eligebantur in socios
istius collegii Dom. Joannes Pomel, et Dom. Willelmus Pyndar, in Artibus
Baccalaurei ; et Dom. Hugo Latimer, Quaestionista."

4 Continuance of exercises.'] We have an anecdote in the sermons which
must reasonably be assigned to the earlier portion of his years at Cambridge.

"There was a merry monke in Cambridge in the college that I was in, and
it chaunced a great company of us to be together, entending to make good
cheare, and to be mery (as scholers will be mery when they are disposed) :
one of the company brought this sentence, * Nil melius quam latari, et facere
bene.' There is nothing better than to be mery, and to doe well : * A ven-
geaunce of bene, (quoth the monke) : I would that bene had been banished
beyond the sea : and that bene were out, it were well : for I could be mery,
and I could doe, but I love not to doe well. That bene marres all. I would
bene were out,' quoth the mery monke." Fourth Sermon before king Ed-
ward. Sermons, fol. 52. edit. 1 584.

6 That age did suffer.'] What this state of things was may be well illus-
trated by an extract or two from William Tindal, who (equally with Latimer)
had suffered under what he describes.

" In the universities they have ordeined that no man shall looke on the
Scripture, until he be noseled in heathen learnyng eight or nyne yearc-
armed with false principles, with whiche he is cleane shut out of the under-
standyng of the Scriptures . . . And when he taketh first degree, he is sworne
that he shall holde none opinion condemned by the churche ; but what such
opinions be, that he shall not know. And they when they be admit
studye divinitye, because the Scripture is locked up with such false e\
tion, and with false principles of natural philosophy, that they cannot enter
in, they go about the outside, and dispute all theyr lyves about words and
vaine opinions, pertaining as much unto the healyng of a man's heele, aa
health of his soule." Practise of Popish Prelates, A n. 1530, tl'utks. p. 361.

BISHOP LATIMER. 449

exercises 4 in other things, he gave himself to the study of such
schoole divinitie, as the ignorance of that age did suffer 5.

" Remember ye not how within this thirty yeares and farre lesse, and yet it
dureth unto this day, the old barkyng curres, dunces, disciples, and lyke
draffe called Scotistes, the children of darkenesse, raged in every pulpit
agaynst Greke, Latin, and Hebrue ; and what sorrow the scholemasters, that
taught the true Latin tongue, had with them ; some beatyng the pulpit with
theyr fystes for madnesse, and roaryng out with open and foamyng mouth,
that if there were but one Terence or Virgil in the world, and that same in
their sleaves, and a fire before them, they would burne them therein, though
it should cost them their lives ; affirming that all good learnyng decayed, and
was utterlye lost sence men gave them unto the Latin tongue ? Yea, and I
dare say that there be twenty thousand priests, curates this day in England,
and not so few, that cannot geve you the right English unto this text in the
Pater Noster; Fiatvoluntas tua sicut in ccelo, et in terra, and answere thereto."
Ibid. p. 278. Answer unto M. More's first Book. A.D. 1530.

" Remember ye not, how in our owne tyme, of all that taught grammar in
England, not one understode the Latin toung ? — How came we then by the
Latin toung agayne ? Not by them, though we learned certaine rules and
principles of them, by which we were moved, and had an occasion to seke
further; but out of the old authors." Ibid. p. 268.

But the most striking and valuable passage is from the preface to his admi-
rable work, The Obedience of a Christian Man. A.D. 1528.

An objector is supposed to begin, urging against the reformers, that they
rested all on the mere doctrine of private judgment :

" By this meanes then, thou wilt that no man teach another, but every
man take the scripture, and learne by himselfe. — Nay, verely, so say I not.
Neverthelesse, seeing that ye wyll not teach, if any man thyrst for the truth,
and read the Scripture by hymselfe, desiring God to open the dore of know-
ledge unto him, God for his truthes sake will, and must teach hym. — How-
beit my meaning is, that as a mayster teacheth his prentice to know all the
poyntes of the mete-yard ; first how many inches, how many feete, and the
halfe yarde, the quarter, and the nayle ; and then teacheth him to mete other
thinges thereby ; even so will I that ye teach the people Gods lawe, and what
obedience God requireth of us unto father and mother, inayster, lord, king,
and all superiours ; and wyth what frendly love he commandeth one to love
another. — And teach them to knowe that natural venome, and byrth poyson,
which moveth the very hartes of us to rebell agaynst the ordinances and wyll
of God, and proveth that no man is righteous in the sight of God, but that
we are all damned by the lawe. And then, when thou hast meeked them and
feared them wyth the lawe, teach them the testament and promises, which
God hath made unto us in Christ. And teach them the principles and ground
of the fayth ; and what the sacramentes signifie ; and then shall the spirite
work with thy preaching, and make them feele. So would it come to passe
that as we knowe by natural wit, what followeth of a true principle of natural
reason ; even so, by the principles of the fayth, and by the plaine Scriptures,
and by the circumstances of the text, should we judge all men's exposition,
VOL. IT. G g

4.r,() BISHOP LATIMER.

Zelous he was then6 in the popish religion, and therewith so
scrupulous, as himselfe confessed, that being a priest, and using

and all mens doctrine ; and should receave the best, and refuse the worst. I
woulde have you to teach them also the properties and manner of speakinges
of the Scripture, and how to expound proverbes and similitudes. And then,
if they go abroad, and walke by the fieldes and medowes of all manner of doc-
tours and philosophers they coulde catch no harme. They should discerne
the poyson from the honey, and bring home nothing, but that which is
holsome.

But nowe do ye cleane contrary : ye drive them from Gods worde, and will
let no man come thereto, until he have bene two yeres Maister of Art. — First
they nosel them in sophistry, and in Eenefundatum. And there corrupt they
their judgements with apparent argumentes, and wyth alleaging unto them
textes of logike, of natural philautia, of metaphysike and moral philosophy,
and of all manner of bookes of Aristotle, and of all manner of doctours, which
they yet never saw. Moreover, one holdeth this, another that, one is real,
another nominal. What wonderful dreames have they of their predicamentes,
universales, second intentions, quiddities, haec scitises, and relatives! And
whether species fundata in chimcera, be vera species? And whether this pro-
position be true, non ens est aliquid? Whether ens be eq uivocum or unicocum?
Ens is a voyce only, say some. Ens is univocum, saith another, and descend -
eth into ens creatum, and into ens increatum, per modos intrinsecos. When they
have in this wise brawled eight, ten, or twelve, or moe yeares, and after that
their judgmentes are utterly corrupt; then they beginne their divinitie. Not
of the Scripture; but every man taketh a sundry doctour: which doctours are as
sundry, and as divers, the one contrary unto the other, as there are divers
fashions and monstrous shapes, none like another among our sectes of reli-
gion. Every religion, every universitie, and almost every man hath a sundry
divinitie. Now, whatsoever opinions every man fyndeth wyth his doctour, that
is his gospel, and that only is true with him ; and that holdeth he all his life
long : and every man, to maintaine his doctour withal, corrupteth the Scrip-
ture, and fashioneth it after his owne imagination, as a potter doth his claye.
Of what text thou provest hell, will another prove purgatory ; another limbo
patrum ; and another the assumtion of our lady; and another shall prove of the
same text that an ape hath a tayle. And of what text the graye fryer proveth
that our lady was without original sinne, of the same shall the blacke fryer prove
that she was conceaved in original sinne. And all this do they wyth apparent
reasons, with false similitudes and likenesses, and with arguments and per-
suasions of mans wisdome. There is no other division or heresy in the world
save mans wisdome; and when mans folishe wisedome interpreteth the
Scripture. Mans wisdome scattereth, divideth, and maketh sectes : while the
wisedome of one is, that a white coate is best to serve God in ; and another a
blacke; another a graye ; another a blewe. And while one saith that God will
heare your prayer in this place; another saith in that place. And one saith
this place is holyer, and another that place is holyer; and this religion is holyer
than that; and this saint is greater with God, than that; and an hundred
thousand like thinges. Mans wisedome is plaine idolatry ; neither is there

BISHOP LATIMER. 451

to say masse, he was so servile an observer of the Romish de-
crees, that hee thought hee had never sufficiently mingled his
masse wine 7 with water : and moreover, that he should never be

any other idolatry, than to imagine of God after mans wisdome. God is not
man's imagination, but that onely, which He saith of himselfe. God is
nothyng but his law, and his promises ; that is to say, that which he biddeth
thee to do, and that which he biddeth thee beleve and hope." Works, p. 103, 4.

6 Zclous he was then.] See Life ofBilney, p. 29, and Latimer's Sermons,
fol. 294. edit. 1584. " All the papistes thinke themselves to be saved by the
law : and I myself have bene of that daungerous, perilous, and damnable
opinion, till I was thirty years of age ; so long had I walked in darkness, and
in the shadowe of death."

7 Mingled his masse wir>e.~] " Vinum tuum mixtum est aqua : — It had been
good for our missal priests to have dwelled in that countrye, for they might
have been sure to have had their wine well mingled with water. — I remember
how scrupulous I was in my time of blindnesse and ignorance; when I
should say masse, I have put in water twice or thrice for fay ling, in so much,
when I have been at my memento, I have had a grudge in my conscience, for
fearyng that I had not put in water enough." — Latimer's Sermons, fol. 45.
In the Catechism of the Council of Trent, the mixing of a portion of water
with the wine in the Eucharist is declared to be an apostolical tradition ; and,
it is added, that, though its absence is not fatal to the efficacy and essence of
the sacrament, yet it cannot be omitted without mortal sin, " eum sine mortali
peccato prsetermittere non licet." — Catechism, ad Paroch. De Eucharistiee
Sacramento, § 17.

It is a favourite subject with Luther to enlarge upon his own servile fear,
and the superstitious reverence with which he was addicted to the several
observances and ceremonies of his profession, whilst he continued a monk.
See also Life of Bilney, p. 25, 6. A writer, in the reign of Edward the
sixth, gives incidentally the following picture of his religion, before his con-
version to the protestant faith.

" It fared then with them " (the Jews) "as it dyd with me, whan I was a
holy papist ; at what tyme I was at thys point wyth God, that if I had hearde
masse both Sondaye and holye day, and sayde our Lady mattins, or our
Ladyes psalter, kissed and licked devoutly saintes feet (for so called they their
images), and besprinkled myself well favouredly wyth conjured water, and
had done the superstitious penance enjoyned to me by my ghostly, shall I say
enemye, or father? — then, I say, I was at such poynte wyth God, I thought
it, and assuredly beleved, that I had done my full duty unto hym, though I
never once called to remembrance the benefite of Christes death in satisfying
and pacifying for all the trespaces and synnes of my former evill life, and
naughty conversation.

" Yea, besides all this popysh and devillishe presumption, I thought far-
ther, that if I had done the sayd vayne workes, and such other no better, that
I was no more beholden unto God, than he was to me ; neither gave I him
more thankes for pardonyng me of my synnes, than one marchaunt man
geveth to another for the obtaynynge a peny worthe for a penie. [" But

Gg2

452 BISHOP LATIMER.

damned, if he were once a professed friar ; with divers such
superstitious fantasies. And in this blind zeale hoc was n very
enemie to the professors of Christes gospel : as both his oration
made when hee proceeded bachelour of divinitie, against Philip
Melancthon, and also his other workes did plainely declare. But
especiallie his popish zeale could in no case abide in those daios
good master Stafford, reader of the divinitie lectures in Cam-
bridge, most spitefully railing against him 8, and willing the youth
of Cambridge, in no wise to beleeve him.

" But thankes be unto the Lorde who of hys mere clemency, delivered me
out of thys blynde popyshe heresye !" W. Salisbury's Baterie of the pope's
Botereulx. Signat. F. 1. A. o. 1550.

Latimer's particular fears are illustrated by superstitions of a similar nature,
mentioned by Tindal : and which appear to have been of various kinds, and
of frequent occurrence. "If any of these blinde guides happen to swallow
his spittle, or any of the water wherewith he washeth his mouth, ere he goe
to masse : or if he touch the sacrament with his nose, or if the asse forget to
breathe on him, or happen to handle it with any of his fingers which are not
anointed : or if he say Alleluia instead of Laus Tibi, Domine, or Ite, missa
est, instead of Benedicamus Domino, or poure too much wine in the chalice ;
or read the Gospel without light; or make not his crosses aright. — How
trembleth he ! How feareth he ! What an horrible sin is committed ! I
cry God mercy (saith he), and you, my ghostly father/' — Works, p. 141.
Again, " Who dare handle the chalice, touch the altar stone, or put his hand
in the fount, or his finger into the holy oyle. What reverence give we unto
holy water, holy fyre, holy bread, holy salt, hallowed bells, holy waxe, holy
bowes, holy candels, and holy ashes ! And, last of all, unto the holy candle
commit we our soules at our last departing." — Ibid. p. 131.

8 Railing against him'] " It pleased Almighty God," (says Ralph Moricc.
secretary to archbishop Cranmer, see p. 267) " to call Hugh Latymer unto
the knowledge of the truth of God's holy word, by the godly lecture of
divinity read by Mr. George Stafford, in the University school of Cambridge ;
and of a Saul made him a very Paul. For otherwise, all the days of his life,
he had bestowed his time in the labyrinth study of the school doctors, as in
Duns, Dorbel, Thomas of Acquine, Hugo de Victore, with such like. Inso-
much that being mightily affected that way, he of purpose, perceiving the
youth of the university inclined to the reading of the Scriptures, leaving off
those tedious authors, used that kind of study, being a batchelor of divinity,
and for his gravity and years preferred to the keeping of the university cross,
which no man had to do withall, but such an one as in sanctimony of life
excelled other, came into the Sopham school, among the youth, there gathered
together of daily custom to keep their sophams and disputations ; and there
most eloquently made to them an oration, dissuading them from this
fangled kind of study of the Scriptures ; and vehemently persuaded t li-
the study of the school-authors. Which he did not long before that he was
BO mercifully called to the contrary. And as he felt by this his divine

BISHOP LATIMER. 453

Notwithstanding, such was the goodnesse and merciful purpose
of God, that when he saw his good time, by the which way Lati-
mer thought to have utterly defaced the professours of the gospel,
and true church of Christ, he was at length himselfe by a member
of the same, pretily caught in the blessed net of Gods word. For
M. Thomas Bilney (whose storie is before described) being at that
time a trier out of Sathans subtleties, and a secret overthrower of
antichristes kingdome, seeing maister Latimer to have a zeale in
his waies (although without knowledge) was stricken with a bro-
therly pitie towards him, and bethought by what meanes hee
might best winne this zealous ignorant brother to the true know-
ledge of Christ. Wherefore, after a short time, he came to M.
Latymers study, and desired him to heare him make his confes-
sion. Which thing he willingly granted : by hearing whereof, he
was (through the good spirit of God) so touched, that hereupon
he forsook his former studying of the schoole doctors, and other
such fopperies, and became an earnest student of true divinitie ;
as he himselfe, as well in his conference with M. Ridley, as also
in his first sermon 9 made upon the pater noster, doth confesse. —
So that whereas before he was an enemy, and almost a perse-
cutor of Christ, he was now a zealous seeker after him, changing
his olde manner of cavilling and railing, into a diligent kinde of
conferring both with maister Bilney and others, and came also
to maister Stafford before hee died, and desired him to forgive
him.

After this his winning to Christ, hee was not satisfied with
his own conversion only, but like a true disciple of the blessed
Samaritane, pitied the misery of others ; and therefore became
both a publike preacher, and also a private instructer to the rest
of his brethren within the universitie, by the space of three

tion, that all his other study little profited him, but was rather a stumbling
block unto him, then intending to preach to the world the sincere doctrine of
the gospel, so he mightily, tracting no time, preached daily in the university
of Cambridge, both in English, and ad clerum, to the great admiration of all
men, that aforetime had known him of a contrary severe opinion."' — Strype's
Ecclesiast. Memor. vol. hi. p. 233. " Master Latimer being yet a fervent and
a zealous papist, standing in the schooles when master Stafford read, bade
the scholars not to heare him : and also preaching against him, exhorted the
people, not to beleeve him : and yet the said Latimer confessed himselfe, that
he gave thankes to God, that he asked him forgiveness before he departed."
Fox's Acts, p. 524.
9 In his first sermon.'] Folio 124. edit. 1584.

454 BISHOP LATIMER.

yeares, spending his time partly in the Latin tongue among the
learned, and partly amongst the simple people in his natural! and
vulgar language.

Howbeit, as satan never sleepeth when he seeth his kingdome
to begin to decay, so likewise now seeing that this worthy mem-
ber of Christ would be a shrewd shaker thereof, he raised up his
impious impes to molest and trouble him.

Amongst these there was an augustine frier, who tooke occasion
upon certaine sermons that maister Latymer made about christ< n-
mas 1529, as well in the church of S. Edward, as also in S. Au-
gustines, within the universitie of Cambridge, to invey against
him, for that M. Latymer in the said sermons (alluding to the
common usage of the ' season) gave the people certain canles out
of the fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of S. Mat-hew, wlit-rnpon
they might, not onely then, but alwaies els occupy their tiim*.
For the chiefe triumph in the cards he limited the heart, as the
principal thing that they should serve God withall : whereby hee
quite overthrew all hypocriticall and externall ceremonies, not
tending to the necessarie furtherance of Gods holy worde and
sacraments. — For the better attaining hereof, he wished the
scriptures to be in English, whereby the common people might tin-
better learne their duties, as well to God, as their neighbours.

The handling of this matter was so apt for the time, and so
pleasantly applied of him, that not onely it declared a singular
towardnesse of wit in the preacher, but also wrought in the hearers
much fruit, to the overthrow of popish superstition, and setting
up of perfect religion.

This was upon the Sunday before christenmasse day : on which
day comming to the church, and causing the bell to be tolled to a
sermon, hee entered into the pulpit, taking for his text thewunlrs
of the gospel aforesaid, read in the church that day : Tu quis es?
$c. (John i. 19.) In delivering the which cards 10 (as is above-

10 Which cardsJ] " This blunt preaching," (says Fuller, in his History of
the University of Cambridge) " was in those dark daies admirably effV
which would justly be ridiculous in our age. I remember in my time a
country minister preached at St. Maries; his text, Rom. xii. 3. 'As (lo.l
hath dealt to every man the measure of faith.' In a fond imitation of L;tti-
mer's card-sermon, he prosecuted the metaphor of dealing ; that men should
play above board, that is, avoid all dissembling ; not pocket cards, but im-
prove their gifts and graces ; follow suit, wear the surplice, and conform
in ceremonies, &c. All produced nothing but laughter in the audit
P. 103.

BISHOP LATIMER. 455

said) he made the heart to be triumph, exhorting and inviting all
men thereby to serve the Lord with inward heart and true affec-
tion, and not with outward ceremonies : adding moreover to the
praise of that triumph, that though it were never so small, yet it
would take up the best coate card beside in the bunch, yea, though
it were the king of clubs ; meaning therby, how the Lord would
be worshipped and served in simplicitie of the heart and veritie,
wherein consisteth true Christian religion, and not in the outward
deeds of the letter only, or in the glistering shew of mans tradi-
tions, or pardons, pilgrimages, ceremonies, vowes, devotions, voltm-
tarie workes, and workes of supererogation, foundations, oblations,
the popes supreamacie, &c. so that all these either were needlesse,
where the other is present ; or els were of small estimation, in
comparison of the other.

It would aske a long discourse to declare what a stirre there
was in Cambridge, upon this preaching of M. Latimer. — Belike
Sathan began to feele himselfe and his kingdome to be touched
too neare, and therefore thought it time to looke about him, and
to make out his men of armes.

First, came out the prior of the blacke friers called Buckneham,
otherwise surnamed Domine labm \ who thinking to make a great
hand against M. Latimer, about the same time of christenmas,
when M. Latimer brought forth his cardes, to deface belike the
doings of the other, brought out his christenmas dice, casting
there to his audience cinque and quater : meaning by the cinque
five places in the New Testament, and the foure doctors 2 by the
quater, by which his cinque quater, hee would proove that it was
not expedient the scripture to be in English, least the ignorant
and vulgar sort thorough the occasion thereof, might happilie be
brought in danger to leave their vocation, or else to runne into
some inconvenience ; as for example :

The plowman when he heareth this in the gospell : No man that
layeth his hand on the plough, and looJceth lack, is meetefor the king-
dome of God, might peradventure hearing this, cease from his
plough. Likewise the baker when he heareth that a little leaven

1 Domine labia.~\ This is evidently a sarcasm on his personal defects, taken
from the expression in Ps. 1. 17 of the Vulgate (or li. 15 of the English
version).

2 The foure doctors.'] L e. the four great fathers of the western church j
Augustin, Jerome, Ambrose, and Gregory. Comp. Life of WicUiffe, p. 255.
vol. i.

456 BISHOP LATIMER.

corrupteth a whole lumpe of dowe, may percase leave our bread
unlevened, and so our bodies shall be unseasoned. Also the sim-
ple man when he heareth in the gospel : If thine eye offend thee,
pluck it out, and cast it from thee, maie make himselfe blinde, and
so fill the world full of beggers. — These with other mo this
clarklie frier brought out, to the number of five, to proove his
purpose.

M. Latimer hearing this frierlie sermon of doctor Buckneham.
commeth againe the afternoone, or shortlie after to the church, to
answere the frier ; where resorted to him a great multitude, as
well of the universitie, as of the towne, both doctours and other
graduates, with greate expectation to heare what he could say :
among whom also, directlie in the face of Latimer underneath the
pulpit, sate Buckneham the foresaid frier, prior of the black friers,
with his blacke friers coule about his shoulders.

Then master Latimer first repeating the frierlie reasons of
doctour Buckneham, whereby he would prove it a dangerous thing
for the vulgar people, to have the scripture in the vulgar tongue,
so refuted the frier, so answered to his objections, so dallied with
his bald reasons of the plowman looking back, and of the baker
leaving his breade unleavened, that the vanitie of the frier might
to all men appeare : wel proving and declaring to the people, how
there was no such feare nor danger for the scriptures to be in
English, as the frier pretended : at least this requiring, that the
scripture might be so long in the English tongue, till English men
were so mad, that neither ploughman durst looke backe, and the
baker wold leave his bread unleavened. And proceeding more-
over in his sermon he began to discourse of the mysticall speeches,
and figurative phrases of the scripture : which phrases he saide
were not so diffuse and difficult 8, as they were common in the
scripture, and in the Hebrew tongue most commonlie used and
knowne ; and not onelie in the Hebrew tongue, but also e\
speech (saieth he) hath his metaphors and like figurative signifi-
cations, so common and vulgar to all men, that the very paii.
doe painte them on walles and on houses.

" As for example," (saith he) looking towards the frier that
sate over against him, -\\lK-n they paint a fox preaching out of a

• Diffuse and difficult.'] Compare above, Life of Wolsey, vol. i. p. fvM, and
p. i.vj oi this volume. Also Barlowe's Dialogue concerning the Lutheran fac-
tions, signat. I. 2. — " it is above my capacitie; and I dare not meddle with so
dyffuse matters."

BISHOP LATIMER. 457

friers coule, none is so mad to take this to be a foxe that preacheth,
but know well enough the meaning of the matter, which is to
paint out unto us, what hypocrisie, craft and subtile dissimulation
lieth hid many times in these friers coules, willing us thereby to
beware of them.'1'' — In fine, frier Buckneham with this sermon was
so dashed, that never after durst he peep out of the pulpit against
M. Latimer.

Besides this Buckneham, there was also another rayling frier,
not of the same coate, but of the same note and faction, a gray
frier and a doctour, an outlandishman called doctour Venetus 4,
who likewise in his brawling sermons, railed and raged against
master Latimer, calling him a mad and brainelesse man, and will-
ing the people not to beleeve him. To whom master Latimer
answering again, taketh for his ground the words of our Saviour
Christ, Matthew the fifth, Thou shalt not kill, &c. But I say unto
you, whosoever is angry with his neighbour shall be in danger of
judgment ; and whosoever shall say unto his neighbour Racha, (or
any other like wordes of rebuking, as brainelesse) shall be in dan-
ger of councel: and whosoever shall say to his neighbour, foole, shall
bee in danger of hell fire.

In discussing of which place first he divideth the offence of
killing into three branches. One to be with hand, the other with
hart, the third with word. With hand when wee use anie weapon
drawne, to spill the life of our neighbour. With heart when we
be angry with him. With word, when in word or countenance
we disdainefullie rebuke our neighbour, or dispitefullie revile him.
Words of rebuking are when we speak any opprobrious and un-
seemelie thing, whereby the patience of our neighbour is mooved,
as when we call him mad (said hee) or brainelesse, or such
like, which are guiltie of counsaile. Words of spite or reviling,
are, when we call him foole: which Christ saith is guiltie of
hell fire.

Thus M. Latimer in handling and trimming this matter, after
that with the weight of Christes wordes, and the explaningof the
same, hee had sufficientlie borne the frier cleane downe, then he
turned to the fift chapter of the booke of Wisdom. Out of the
which chapter he declared to the audience, how the true servants
and preachers of God in this worlde commonlie are scorned and

4 Doctour Venetus.'] This Venetian doctor is not improbably " the maister
doctor Nicholas the Italian frier," mentioned in the Life of Sir Thomas More,
p. 126 of this volume.

458 BISHOP LATIMER.

reviled of the proud enemies of Gods word, which count them
as mad men, fooles, brainelesse, and drunken : so did they (said
hee) in the scripture call them which most purelie preached and
set forth the glory of Gods word. But (said hee) what will be
the end of these jollie fellows, or what will they say in the end \
Nos insensati, nos insensati, 4*c. We madde men, wee maddefooles,
we, we, our selves, &c. And that will be their end, except they
repent. — And thus ending his sermon, he so confounded the poore
frier, that he drave him not onlie out of countenance, but also
cleane out of the universitie.

But what should I heere stand deciphring the names of his
adversaries, when whole swarmes of friers and doctors flockt
against him on everie side, almost through the whole universitie,
preaching likewise and barking against him. Amongst whom was
doctor Watson master of Christs colledge, whose schollar Lathm-i-
had been afore ; doctor Notaries master of Clarehall, doctor Philo
master of Michael house, doctour Metecalfe 5, master of Saint
Johns, doctor Blithe6 of the Kings hall, doctour Bullocke master
of the Queenes colledge, doctor Cliffe of Clement house, doctor
Donnes of Jesus colledge, doctor Palmes master of Saint Nicholas
hostel; Bain, Eud, and Greenwood bachelors of divinity, all
three of S. Johns colledge : also Brikenden bachelor of di\ initie
of the same house, and scholler sometime to the said LatinuT.
Briefly, almost as many as were Heads there of houses, so many
impugners did this worthy standerdbearer of Christs gospel 1
sustaine.

Then came at last doctor West, bishop of Ely, who preaching
against master Latimer at Barnwell7 abbey, forbade him within
the churches of that universitie to preache anie more. Notwith-
standing so the Lord provided that doctor Barnes prior of the
Augustine friers, did licence8 master Latimer to preach* • in his

6 Doctour Metecalfe.'] Nicholas Metcalf, who was rector of Henley and
archdeacon of Rochester : a long and good character of him is in Ascham's
School-master, p. 165. He was a considerable benefactor to St. John's.

6 Doctor Blithe.'] Geoffrey Blithe, afterwards dean of York and bishop of
Lichfield and Coventry.

7 Barnwell.'] Or, Defonte puerorum, near Cambridge. The register book
is preserved in the British Museum, Harl. MS. 3601.

8 Did licence.] His priory, like most other religious houses, being by the
l»<»pe's dispensation, exempt from episcopal jurisdiction, to the great injury
of ecclesiastical discipline. — Hishop West died April 28, 1533. Le Neve's
Fasti, p. 7».

BISHOP LATIMER. 459

church of the Augustines, and hee himselfe preached at the church
by, called S. Edwards church.

This M. Latimer (as you have heard) being bay ted by the
friers, doctors, and masters, of that universitie, about the yeare 9
aforesaide, 1529, notwithstanding and maugre the malice of these
malignant adversaries, continued yet in Cambridge l preaching
the space of three yeares together, with such favour and applause
of the godlie, also with such admiration of his enemies that heard
him, that the bishop himselfe 2 coming in, and hearing his gift,
wished himselfe to have the like, and was compelled to commend
him upon the same.

9 About the yeareJ] This date is confirmed by two documents, printed from
the library of Corpus Christi Coll. Camb. in Dr. Lamb's Collection of Letters,
Statutes, fyc. 1838. 8vo. p. 14—18, dated severally, Jan. 24 and Jan. 29, 1529.
i. e. 1529-30.

1 Continued yet in Cambridge."] For a general description of the character
and subjects of his preaching at this period, see Becon's Jewel of Joy.
Works, vol. ii. fol. 9, 10, and Turner's Preservative against the poison of
Pelagius, A.D. 1551, Dedication to Latimer. Comp. Strype's Cranmer, p. 369.
It became soon after a common saying, which continued to prevail in the
reign of king Edward, that "When Master Stafforde read, and Master
Latimer preached, then was Cambryge blessed." Becon, fol. 10.

" I myself have known some," (says Becon) " which through persuasion
of their friends went to his sermons, swelling blown full, like Esop's frogs,
with envy and malice against him; but when they returned, his sermon
being done, and demanded how they liked him and his doctrine, they an-
swered, with the bishops' and pharisees' servants, There was never man spake
like unto this man." Ibid.

2 The bishop himselfe.'} "West, then bishop of Ely" (as we are told by
Morice, archbishop Cranmer's secretary) " hearing of Mr. Latimer's conver-
sion, determined with himself to come and hear him preach, but that it should
be suddain and withouten any intelligence to be given to Latymer. And
so it came to pass, that on a time when Mr. Latymer had prepared to
preach in the university a sermon ad Clerum, in Latin, the bishop hear-
ing thereof, came secretly and suddainly from Ely, and entered into the
university church, accompanied with certain men of worship (Latimer then
being well entered into his sermon) : whose approach being honourable,
Latymer gave place and surceased from further speaking, until the bishop
and his retinue were quietly placed. That done, after a good pause, Latymer
beginneth to speak to his auditory, after this sort. 'It is of congruence
meet,' (quoth he,) ' that a new auditory, namely being more honorable, re-
quireth a new theme, being a new argument to intreat of. Therefore, it be-
hoveth me now to divert from mine intended purpose, and somewhat to
intreat of the honourable estate of a bishop. Therefore, let this be the
theme, quoth he, Christus existeiis pontifex futurorum bonorum, &c.' This
text he so fruitfully handled, expounding every word, and setting forth the

460 BISHOP LATIMER.

So M. Latimer with M. Bilney, after this continued yet in
Cambridge a certaine space ; where hee with the saide Bilney
used much to conferre and companie together, insomuch that the
place where they most used to walke in the fieldes, was called
long after, the heretikes Hill 3.

The societie of these two, as it was much noted of many in
that universitie, so it was full of many good examples, to all such
as would follow their doings, both in visiting the prisoners, re-
leeving the needie, in feeding the hungrey ; whereof somewhat
is before mentioned in the historic of master Bilney.

In a place of his sermons, M. Latimer maketh mention of a
certaine history which hapned about this time in Cambridge
betweene them two, and a certaine woman then prisoner in the
castle or tower of Cambridge, which I thoght here not unworthy
to be remembered. The historic is this: It so chanced that

office of Christ so sincerely, as the true and perfect pattern unto all other
bishops, that should succede him in his church, that the bishop then present
might well think of himself that he, nor none of his fellows, were of that race
of bishops, which Christ meant to have succede in his church after him : but
rather of the fellowship of Caiaphas and Annas.

"This notwithstanding, the bishop, being a very wise and politique
worldly man, after the sermon finished, called to him Mr. Latimer, and said,
* Mr. Latimer, I heartily thank you for your good sermon, assuring you,
that if you will do one thing at my request, I will kneel down and kiss your
foot, for the good admonition that I have received of your sermon ; assuring
you, that I never heard mine office so well and substantially declared, before
this time/ 'What is youre lordships pleasure that I should do for you,'
quoth Mr. Latimer? 'Mary,' quoth the bishop, 'that you will preach
me in this place one sermon against Martin Luther and his doctrine.' Said
then Mr. Latymer again, ' My lord, I am not acquainted with the doctrine
of Luther, nor are we permitted here to read his works. And therefore it
were but a vain thing for me to refute his doctrine, not understanding what
he hath written, nor what opinions he holdeth. Sure I am,' quoth Latymer,
' that I have preached before you this day no mans doctrine, but only the
doctrine of God out of the Scriptures. And if Luther do none otherwise
than I have done, there needeth no confutation of his doctrine. Otherwise,
when I understand he doth teach against the Scripture, I will be ready with
all my heart to confound his doctrine, as much as lieth in me.' ' Well,
well, Mr. Latymer, I perceive that you somewhat smell of the pan. You
will repent this gear one day.' And so the bishop, never a whit amended
by the sermon, practised with Mr. Latymer's foes from that day forwards to
put him to silence." Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. iii. p. [233.]

3 Heretikes Hill.'] "My enquiry can discover no footsteps thereoi.
which side of the town it lay." Fuller's History of the University of Cam-
bridge, p. 103.

BISHOP LATIMER. 461

after M. Latimer had beene so acquainted with the aforesaid
master Bilney, he went with him to visite the prisoners in the
tower in Cambridge; and being there, among other prisoners
there was a woman which was accused that she had killed her
own childe, which act she plainlie and stedfastlie denied. Where-
by it gave them occasion to search for the matter, and at length
they found that her husband loved her not, and therefore sought
all meanes he could to make her away. The matter was thus :

A childe of hers had beene sicke a whole yeare, and at length
died in harvest time, as it were in a consumption. Which when
it was gone, she went to have her neighbours to help her to the
buriall, but all were in harvest abroad : whereby she was enforced
with heavinesse of heart, alone to prepare the childe to the
buriall. Her husband coming home, and not loving her, ac-
cused her of murthering the childe. This was the cause of her
trouble, and master Latimer by earnest inquisition, of conscience
thought the woman not guiltie. Then immediately after, was he
called to preach before king Henrie the eight, at Windsore :
where after his sermon the kings majestie sent for him, and
talked with him familiarlie. At which time M. Latimer finding
opportunity, kneeled downe, opened this whole matter to the
king, and begged her pardon, which the kinge most graciouslie
granted, and gave it him at his returne homeward. In the
meane time the woman was delivered of a childe in the prison,
whose godfather was M. Latimer, mistris Cheeke 4 godmother.
But all that while he would not tell her of the pardon, but
laboured to have her tell the truth of the matter. At length the
time came when she looked to suffer, and master Latimer came
as he was wont to instruct her : unto whome shee made great
lamentation and mone, to be purified before her suffering, for
she thought to be damned if she should suffer without purifi-
cation.

Then master Bilney being with master Latimer, both told her
that that lawe was made to the Jewes, and not to us, and how
women bee as well in the favour of God before they bee purified,

4 Mistress Cheeke.'] This probably was the mother of Sir John Cheeke.
He was born at Cambridge, his father having settled there on marrying
" a gentlewoman of that country." " She was," says Strype, " a grave, wise,
and good woman. Ascham in one of his epistles stiles her venerandam illam
faminam." She had a daughter married to Cecil, afterwards the great lord
Burghley. Strype's Life of Cheeke, p. 3.

462 BISHOP LATIMER.

as after : and rather it was appointed for a civill and politike
law, for natural!, honestie sake, than that they should anie thing
the more be purified from sinne thereby. — So thus they travelled
with this woman, till they had brought her to a good trade, and
then at length shewed her the kings pardon, and let her goe 5.

This good act among manie other at this time hapned in Cam-
bridge by M. Latimer, and M. Bilney. But this was not alone.
for many moe like matters were wrought by them, if all were
knowne, whereof partlie some are touched before, such especially
as concerne M. Bilney.

But as it is commonlie seene in the natural course of things,
that as the fire beginneth more to kindle, so the more smoke
ariseth withall ; in much like sort it hapned with M. Latinu-r.
whose towardnesse the more it beganne to spring, his virtues to
be seene, and his doings to be knowne, the more his adverse
began to spume and kindle against him c. Concerning t i

5 Let her goe.'] Sermons, fol. 124, 5, edit. 1584.

6 Kindle against him.] The following anecdote, which is told incidentally
by Bishop Bonner, in the process of the examinations of the martyr Philpot,
is characteristic of the kind of humour in which -Latimer was fond of indulg-
ing himself; and belongs to this period. "The varlet Latimer at Cain-
bridge, when the vice-chancellor sent for him (who intended to have excom-
municated him for some of his heresies), and was coming to his chamber, he
hearing that the chancellour was coming, made answere that he was sicke of
the plague, and so deluded the chancellour." Fox's Acts, p. 1655. Latimer,
no doubt, meant that he was sick of the plague of heresy , which at that time,
and in that place, was very catching.

I shall avail myself of this place to insert a story which he tells of himself,
in one of his sermons, which is characteristic of the ignorance and supersti-
tion of the times. It probably belongs to a date a little earlier than the pre-
ceding. He is remonstrating against the belief, still remaining among many,
even amid the light of the preaching of the gospel, of the efficacy of holy
water, holy bells, wax tapers, &c. against the agency of evil spirits " I was
once called to one of my kins-folke. It was at that tyme when I had taken
degree at Cambridge, and was made maister of art. I was called, I s:<
one of my kins-folke, which was very sicke, and dyed immediately after my
commyng. Now there was an old cousin of myne, whiche after the man
was dead, gave me a waxe candle in ray hand, and commanded me to make
certain crosses over him that was dead: for she thought the devill should
runne away by and by. Now, I tooke the candle, but I could not crosse him
as she would have me to doe ; for I had never seen it afore. Now she per-
ceiving that I could not do it, withe a great anger tooke the candle out of my
hand, saying, // i.v jntie that thy father spendeth so much moiify njxm thee.
And so she tooke the candle, and crossed and blessed him; so that he was

BISHOP LATIMER. 463

adversaries, and such as did molest him, partly their names be
above expressed. Among the rest of this number was doctor
Redman 7, a man savouring at that time somewhat more of
superstition, than of true religion, after the zeale of the pharisies,
yet not so malignant or harmefull, but of a civill and quiet dispo-
sition, and also so liberall in well doing that few poore schollers
were in that universitie, which fared not better by his purse.
This D. Redman being of no little authoritie in Cambridge, per-
ceiving and understanding the bold enterprise of M. Latimer, in
setting abroad the word and doctrine of the gospel, at this time
or much about the same, writeth to him, seeking by perswasion
to revoke the saide Latimer from that kinde and maner of
teaching : to whom M. Latimer maketh answere againe in few
words. The summe and effect of both their letters translated
out of Latine, heere follow to be seene.

The Summe of the Epistle written by D. Redman to M. Latimer.

" Grace be with you, and true peace in Christ Jesu. I be-
seech you heartilie, and require most earnestly, even for charities
sake that you will not stand in your own conceit with a minde so
indurate, nor preferre your own singular judgment in matters of
religion and controversies before so many learned men, and that
more is, before the whole catholike church, especially considering
that you neither have anie thing at all in the word of God to
make for you, nor yet the testimony of any authenticall writer.

sure enough. — No doubt she thought that the devill would have no power
against him." Latimer's Sermons, fol. 198. edit. 1584.

I subjoin, also, as bearing upon these superstitions, a noble sentence or
two, from Tindal's Parable of the Wicked Mammon, near the begirfning.

"Also remember that His Son's blood is stronger than all the sins and
wickedness of the whole world : and therewith quiet thyself, and thereunto
commit thyself and bless thyself in all temptation (namely at the hour of
death) with that holy candle. Or else perishest thou, though thou hast a
thousand holy candles about thee, a hundred ton of holy water, a ship full of
pardons, a cloth-sack full of friers' coats, and all the ceremonies in the world,
and all the good works, deservings, and merits of all the men in the world,
be they, or were they, never so holy. God's word only lasted for ever ; and
that which he hath sworn doth abide when all other things perish."

7 Doctor Redman.'] John Redman, the first master of Trinity college,
afterwards dean of Westminster : see his character in Strype's Memorials,
vol. ii. pt. i. p. 530. Oxford edition.

464 BISHOP LATIMER.

Nay, nay : I beseech you rather consider that you are a man.
and that lying and vanity may quickly blear your eye, which
dooth sometime transforme it selfe into an angell of light.

" Judge not so rashlie of us, as that wicked spirit hath tickled
you in the eare. Wit you wel that we are careful for you, and
that we wish you to bee saved, and that we are careful] also for
our owne salvation. Lay downe your stomacke I pray you, and
humble your spirit ; and suffer not the church to take offen<
the hardnesse of your heart, nor that her unitie and Christ is
coat without seame as (much as lyeth in you) should be torne
asunder. Consider what the saying of the wise man is, and ho
obedient thereunto : Trust not in your owne wisdome. The Lord
Jesus Christ, &c."

The Summe of M. Larimer's Answere to D. Redman.

"Reverend M. Redman, it is even enough for me, that Christ s
sheepe heare no mans voice but Christs : and as for you, von
have no voice of Christs against me; whereas for my part, I
have a heart that is readie to harken to anie voice of Christ
that you can bring me. — Thus fare you wel, and trouble me no
more from the talking with the Lord my God."

After M. Latimer had thus travailed in preaching and teach-
ing in the universitie of Cambridge, about the .sjiru-c of tlin «•
yeares, at length he was called up to the cardinall for hen -sir. by
the procurement of certain of the said universitie, where ho waa
content to subscribe8 and grant to such articles, as then thry
propounded unto him.

8 Content to subscribe.'] I am not apprized of any other authority in confir-
mation of this alleged submission of Latimer. It is certain that Morice, I
wards secretary to Cranmer, and even at this time a friend and favourer of
Latimer, gives an account of the result of this citation, which is much more
favourable to the memory of Wolsey. Fox's mistake, if it be such, mny hnve
arisen from his mixing together, and confounding the history of Laiimor's
summons before the cardinal with his troubles, a few years aftenvanK ii,
vocation (A.D. 1531-2.) — Morice's narrative will, I hope, be not m
to my readers.

" Grievous complaint was made of Latimer by divers papists of the univer-
sity, whereupon the cardinal sent for him to York 1'lare. And there attend-
ing upon the cardinal's pleasure, he was called before him into his inner

BISHOP LATIMER. 1,6$

After that, he returned to the universitie again, where shortly
after, by the meanes of D. Buts, the kings physition, a singular

chamber, by the sound of a little bell, which the cardinal used to ring, when
any person should come or approach unto him. When Mr. Latymer was
before hym, he well advised him, and said, ' Is your name Latymer?' 'Yea,
forsooth,' quoth Latymer. ' You seem,' quoth the cardinal, ' that you are
of good years, nor no babe, but one that should wisely and soberly use your-
self in all your doings. And yet it is reported to me of you, that you are
much infected with this new fantastical doctrine of Luther, and such like
heretics : and that you do very much harm among the youth, and other light
heads, with your doctrine.' Said Mr. Latymer again, 'Your grace is mis-
informed : for I ought to have some more knowledge, than to be so simply
reported of : by reason that I have studied, in my time, both of the ancient
doctors of the church, and also of the school doctors.' ' Marie, that is well
said,' quoth the cardinal : ' I am glad to hear that of you. And therefore/
quoth the cardinal, 'you Mr. doctor Capon, and you Mr. doctor Marshal,'
(both being there present) ' say you somewhat to Mr. Latymer touching some
question in Duns.' Whereupon Dr. Capon propounded a question to Mr.
Latymer. Mr. Latymer being fresh then of memory, and not discontinued
from study, as those two doctors had been, answered very roundly, some-
while helping them to cite their own allegations rightly, where they had not
perfectly nor truly alleged them.

" The cardinal, perceiving the ripe and ready answering of Latimer, said,
' What mean you, my masters, to bring such a man before me into accusa-
tion ? I had thought that he had been some light-headed fellow, that never
studied such kind of doctrine, as the school-authors are. I pray thee, Laty-
mer, tell me the cause, why the bishop of Ely and other do mislike thy
preachings. Tell me the truth, and I will bear with thee, upon amendment.'
Quoth Latymer, 'your grace must understand, that the bishop of Ely cannot
favour me, for that not long ago I preached before him in Cambridge a ser-
mon of this text Christus existens pontifex, &c., wherein I described the office
of a bishop so uprightly as I might, according to the text, that never after he
could abide me ; but hath not only forbidden me to preach in his diocese, but
also found the means to inhibit me from preaching in the university.' ' I
pray you tell me,' quoth the cardinall, ' what time didst thou preach before
him from that text.' Mr. Latymer plainly and simply (committing his cause
unto Almighty God, who is the director of princes hearts) declared unto the
cardinal the whole effect of his sermon preached before the bishop of Ely.
The cardinal, nothing at all misliking the doctrine of the word of God, that
Latymer had preached, said unto him, c Did you not preach any other doc-
trine than you have rehearsed ? ' ' No surely,' said Latymer. And examining
throughly with the doctors, what else would be objected against him, the
cardinal said unto Mr. Latimer, ' if the bishop of Ely cannot abide such doc-
trine, as you have here repeated, you shall have my licence, and shall preach
it unto his beard, let him say what he will.' And thereupon, after a gentle
monition given unto Mr. Latimer, the cardinal discharged him with his

VOL. II. H h

466 BISHOP LATIMER.

good man, and a speciall favorer of good proceedings, he was in
the number of them which labored in the cause of the kinges
supremacy.

Here folio weth a letter of M. Latimer, written to k. Henry the
eighth, upon this occasion. Two sundry proclamations \\<T.
out by the bishops in the time of k. Henry. In the which pro-
clamations 9 being authorized by the kings name, were inhibited
all English books either containing or tending to any matter of
the scripture. Now M. Latimer growing in some favour with
the king, and seeing the great decay of Christs religion by reason
of these proclamations, and touched therefore with the zeale of
conscience, directeth unto king Henry this letter hereundor
ensuing thereby intending by all meanes possible to persuadu
the kings mind to set open again the freedome of Gods holy
word amongst his subjects. The copy and tenor of his letter
heere followeth.

licence home to preach throughout England." Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol.
iii. p. 234.

9 Which proclamations.] See Wilkins's Conci/ta, vol. iii. p. 737, 8 ; and
p. 740—2. The latter of these proclamations came forth soon after May in
the year 1530, being founded upon the proceedings of the convention of
bishops and learned men in that month, which condemned TindaPs trans-
lations from the Scripture, together with "divers heretical and erroneous
opinions " extracted from several tracts by him and other advocates of the
reformation. Of this convention Latimer himself was one of those deputed
by the vice-chancellor from Cambridge. The conclusions then agreed upon
are affirmed by the king's proclamation, to have been " with great leisure and
long deliberation by all their free assents, consents, and arguments concluded,
resolved, and determined." And that, " by them all it is thought, that it is
not necessary the said Scripture to be in the English tongue," &c. Wilkins,
p. 740, 1. If these assertions were to be understood as true of the parties
individually, the change in Latimer's sentiments upon this last subject must
have taken place between May and December 1, 1530, the date of this
to the king. — We shall see below, however, that Latimer tells the kinjj,
" there were three or four, that would have had the Scripture to go forth in
English : yet it happened there as it is evermore seen, that the most part
overcometh the better." — Of these " three or four," probably he himself was
one. And with respect to the word "all " — " by them all it is thought," 1
need hardly remark, that in these cases " all " are held to be comprehended
and concluded in and by the majority.

BISHOP LATIMER. 467

The Letter of M. Latimer written to Jc. Henry for the restoring
again of the free libertie of reading the holy scriptures.

To the most mightie prince k. of England, Henry the eighth,
grace, mercy, and peace from God the Father and our
Lord Jesus Christ.

14 The holy doctour Saint Augustine in an epistle which hee
wrote to Casulanus, sayth, that hee which for feare of any power
hideth the truth, provoketh the wrath of God to come upon him :
for he feareth men more than God. And according to the same,
the holy man Saint John Chrysostome saith ; that he is not
alonely a tray tour to the truth, which openly for truth teacheth a
lie, but he also which doth not freely pronounce and she we the
truth that he knoweth. — These sentences (most redoubted king)
when I read now of late, and marked them earnestly in the
inward parts of mine hart, they made me sore afrayd, troubled,
and vexed mee grievously in my conscience, and at the last drave
me to this streyt, that either I must shewe forth such things as
I have read and learned in Scripture, or els to bee of that sort
that provoke the wrath of God upon them, and be traytors unto
the trueth : the which thing than it should happen, I had rather
suffer extreame punishment.

" For what other thing is it to be a tray tour unto the trueth,
than to be a traytour and a Judas unto Christ, which is the very
truth and cause of all truth ? the which saieth 10, that whosoever
denyeth him heere before men, he will deny him before his Father in
heaven. The which denying ought more to bee feared and dread,
then the losse of all temporall goods, honour, promotion, fame,
prison, slander, hurts, banishmentes, and all manner of torments,
and cruelties, yea, and death it selfe, be it never so shamefull and
painefull. But alas, how little doe men regard those sharpe sayings
of these two holy men ? and how little do they feare the terrible
judgement of almighty God? and speciallie they which boast
themselves to be guides and captaines unto other, and chalenging
unto themselves the knowledge of holy Scripture, yet will neither
shewe the trueth themselves (as they be bound) neither suffer
them that would : so that unto them may be sayd that which
our saviour Christ said to the Pharisies, (Math. 23.) Wo be it

10 The which saieth.'] Matt. x. 33.
Hh 2

468 BISHOP LATIMER.

unto you Scribes and Pharisies, which shut up the kingdome of
heaven before men, and neither will you enter in your selves, iu-lil< r
suffer them that would, to enter in. And they will as much as in
them lyeth, debarre, not onely the worde of God, which David
calleth a, light to direct and shew every man how to <jr<l< r ///.«
affections and lustes, according to the commandementes of God ;
but also by their subtle wylinesse they instruct, moove, and
provoke, in a manner, all kings in Christendome, to ayde, suc-
cour, and helpe them in this their mischiefe : and especially in this
your realme, they have sore blinded your liege people, and
subjectes with their lawes, customes, ceremonies, and Banbery
gloses, and punished them with cursinges, excommunications,
and other corruptions (corrections I would say) and now at the
last when they see that they cannot prevayle against the open
truth (which the more it is persecuted, the more increaseth * ' by
their tyrannic) they have made it treason to your noble grace to
have the scripture in English.

" Heere I beseech your grace to pardon me awhile, and
patiently to heare me a word or two : yea and though it bee so
that as concerning your high majesty and regall power, where-
unto almighty God hath called your grace, there is as great
difference betweene you and me, as betweene God and man.
For you be heere to me and to all your subjects, in Gods stead.
to defend, aide, and succour us in our right ; and so I should
tremble and quake to speake to your grace. — But againe. a-
concerning that you bee a mortall man, in daunger of sinne,
having in you the corrupt nature of Adam, in the which all we
be both conceived and borne, so have you no lesse neede of t lie
merites of Christes passion for your salvation, than I and other
of your subjects have, which be all members of the mysticall
body of Christ. And though you be an higher member, yet you
must not disdain the lesser. For as saint Paul sayeth": Those
members that be taken most vilest and had in least / •./»// A /'/<w, be as
necessary as the other, for the preservation and keeping of the l>

11 The more increaseth.] Nix bishop of Norwich, in a letter written in the
month of May this year (1530), to Warham archbishop of Canterbury,
plains of some who boasted that they would " dy in the quarrel, that tlirir
opinions be true; and trusted, by Michaelmas day, there shall be more that
shall beleve of their opinion, than they that believeth the contrary." Strype's
Cranmer, p, 15. Appendix.

11 As saint Paul sayeth.'] 1 Cor. xii. 22, 23.

BISHOP LATIMER. 469

This, most gracious king, when I considered, and also your
favourable arid gentle nature, I was bold to write this rude,
homely, and simple letter unto your grace, trusting that you will
accept my true and faithfull minde, even as it is.

" First, and before ah1 thinges, I will exhort your grace to
marke the life and processe of our saviour Christ and his apostles
in preaching and setting forth of the gospel ; and to note also
the words of our maister Christ, which he had to his disciples
when he sent them forth to preach his gospell : and to these
have ever in your minde the golden rule of our maister Christ * ;
The tree is Jcnowne by the fruite. For by the diligent marking
of these, your grace shall clearily knowe and perceive who be the
true followers of Christ, and teachers of his gospel, and who be
not.

" And concerning the first ; all scripture sheweth plainely that
our saviour Jesus Christes life was very poore. Begin at his
birth, and I beseech you, who ever heard of a poorer or so poor
as hee was ! It were too long to write how poore Joseph and
the blessed virgin Mary took their journey from Nazareth toward
Bethlem, in the colde and frostie winter, having no body to
wait upon them, but he both master and man, and she both
mistres and maide. How vilely thinks your grace, were they
intreated in the innes and lodgings by the waie ? and in how vile
and abject place was this poore maide, the mother of our saviour
Jesus Christ, brought to bed in, without companie, light, or anie
other thing necessarie for a woman in that plight ? — Was not
here a poore beginning, as concerning the world ? Yes truelie.
And according to this beginning was the processe and end of his
life in this world ; and yet he might by his godlie power have
had al the goods and treasures of this world at his pleasure, when
and where he would.

" But this hee did to shewe us that his followers and vicars
should not regard nor set by the riches and treasures of this
world ; but after the saying of David wee ought to take them,
which saith thus 2 : If riches, promotions, and dignitie happen to a
man, let Mm not set his affiance, pleasure, trust, and heart upon
them. So that it is not against the povertie in spirite which
Christ praiseth in the gospel of Saint Matthew, chapter 5, to be

1 The golden rule of our maister Christ.'] Luke vi. 44.

2 Which saith thus.] Ps. Ixii. 10.

470 BISHOP LATIMER.

rich 3, to be in dignitie, and in honour ; so that their hearts be
not fixed and set upon them so much, that they neither care for
God nor good men. But they bee enemies to this povertie in
spirit, have they never so little, that have greedie and desirous
mindes to the goods of this world, onely because they would live
after their own pleasure and lusts. And they also be privy
enemies (and so much the worse) which have professed, as they
saie, wilfull povertie, and will not bee called worldly men, and
they have lords lands and kings riches ; yea rather than they
would lose one jote of that which they have, they will set debate
between king and king, realme and realme, yea between the king
and his subjectes, and cause rebellion against the temporall
power, to the which our saviour Christ himself obeyed and paied
tribute, as the gospell declareth : unto whom the holy apostle S.
Paul teacheth every Christian man to obey. Yea and beside all
this, they will curse and ban, as much as in them lieth, even into
the deep pit of hell, all that gainesaie their appetite, whereby
they thinke their goods, promotions, or dignities should decaie.

tk Your grace maie see what meanes and craft the spiritualtie
(as they will bee called) imagine, to breake and withstande the
actes which were made4 in your graces last parliament against
their superfluities. Wherefore they that thus doe, your grace
maie know them not to bee true followers of Christ. — And
although I named the spiritualty to be corrupt with this un-
thriftie ambition ; yet I meane not all to be faultie therein, for
there bee some good of them. Neither will I that your grace
should take awaie the goods due to the church, but take awaie all
evill persons from the goods, and set better in their stead. I
name nor appoint no person, nor persons, but remit your grace
to the rule of our saviour Christ, as in Matthew the 7th chapter :
ly their fruitcs ye shall know them.

3 To be rich.'] " I will not say but men may have riches ; and many good
men have had great riches ; yet riches must be had cum tremore, with fear.
It is a dangerous thing to have them. They be but burthens ; they that have
them be but bayliffes and stewardes over them : they must make account for
them. And therefore above all things rich men must have in fleshly memory
this scripture ; when riches come upon you, set not your hartes upon them."
Sermons, fol. 188. On the Gospel on All Saints' Day.

4 Actes which were made.'] These were against exactions for probates of
wills; for regulating mortuaries ; and against pluralities and non-residence.
Fox's Acts, p. <H>7, DOS. lliiriK-t's Reformat., vol. i p. 7'J, *0. Wake's State
of the Church, p. 472—4.

BISHOP LATIMER. 471

" As touching the words that our saviour Christ spake to his
disciples when he sent them to preach his gospell, they be read
in Matthew the 15th chapter, where he sheweth, that here they
shall lee hated and despised of all men worldly, and brought before
hinges and rulers ; and that all evill should be said by them, for
their preaching sake ; but he exhorteth them to take patientlie
such persecution by his own example, saying, It becometh not the

servant to be above the maister. And seeing they called me Bel-

«/ t/

zebub, what marvel is it, if they call you divelish persons and
hereticlces? Read the 14th chapter of St. Matthews gospell, and
there your grace shall see that hee promised to the true preachers
no worldlie promotions or dignitie, but persecution and all kinds
of punishment, and that they should be betrayed even by their
own brethren and children. In John also he saith : In the world
ye shal have oppression, and the world shall hate you ; but in me
you shall have peace. And in the 10th chapter of St. Mathewes
gospell saith our saviour Christ also : Loe I send you forth as
sheepe among wolves. So that the true preachers go like sheepe
harmlesse, and bee persecuted, and yet they revenge not their
wrong, but remit all to God : so farre is it off that they will
persecute any other, but with the worde of God only, which is
their weapon. — And so this is the most evident token that our
saviour Jesus Christ would that his gospel and the preachers of
it should bee knowne by, that it should bee despised among
those worldlie wise men, and that they shoulde repute it but
foolishnesse and deceivable doctrine, and the true preachers
should be persecuted and hated, and driven from towne to towne,
yea and at the last lose both goods and life.

"And yet they that did this persecution, should think that
they did well, and a great pleasure to God. And the apostles
remembring this lesson of our saviour Christ, were content to
suffer such persecutions, as you maie read in the Actes of the
Apostles and the Epistles. But we never read that they ever
persecuted any man. The holy apostle S. Paul saith 5, that every
man that will live godly in Christ Jesu, should suffer persecution.
And also he saith further in the epistle written to the Philip-
pians in the first chapter : that it is not only given to you to
beleeve in the Lord, but also to suffer persecution for his sake.

" Wherefore take this for a sure conclusion, that there, where
the word of God is truely preached, there is persecution, as wel
5 S. Paul saith.'] 2 Tim. iii. 12.

472 BISHOP LATIMER.

of the hearers as of the teachers : and where as is quietnes and
rest in worldly pleasure, there is not the trueth. For the world
loveth all that are of the world, and hateth all things that are
contrarie to it. And to be short, S. Paul calleth the gospell
tfte word of the crosse, the word of punishment. And the holy
Scripture doth promise nothing to the favourers and followers
of it in this world, but trouble, vexation, and persecution, which
these worldly men cannot suffer, nor away withall.

"Therefore pleaseth it your good grace, to returne to this
golden rule of our master and savior Jesus Christ, which is this :
by their fruits ye shall know them. For where you see persecu-
tion, there is the gospell. and there is the truth ; and they that
do persecute, bee voide and without all trueth : not caring for tin:
cleare light, which (as our saviour Jesus Christ saith in the third
chapter of S. John^s gospell) is come into the world, and which shal
utter and shew forth every man's workes. And they, whose \\nrkcs
be naught, dare not come to this light, but go about to stop it and
hinder it, letting as much as they may, that the holie scripture
should not bee read in our mother tongue, saying that it would
cause heresie and insurrection, and so they perswade, at the least
waie they would faine perswade your grace to keepe it backe. — J Jut-
here marke their shamelesse boldnesse, which bee not ashamed,
contrarie to Christens doctrine, to gather figges of thornes, and
grapes of bushes, and to call light darkenesse, and darkn
light, sweete sowre, and sowre sweete, good evill, and evill good,
and to say, that that which teacheth all obedience, should cause
dissention and strife. But such is their bellie wisdome : there-
with they judge and measure every thing, to hold and keep still
this wicked mammon, the goods of this world, which is their god,
and hath so blinded the eies of their hearts, that they cannot see
the cleare light of the sacred Scripture, though they babble never
so much of it.

•• But as concerning this matter, other men have shewed your
grace their mindes, how necessarie it is to have the Scripture in
The which thing, also your grace hath promised fl by

6 Hath promised.] The promise, however, is worded in such a manner, as
to shew, that the person who drew the proclamation, was chiefly anxious to
secure to his prince pretences for evading its fulfilment. " Albeit, yf it shall
hereafter appeare to the king's highness, that his said people do in
jihandiin and forsake all perverse, erroneous, and seditious opinions, with the
New Testament and the Old corruptly translated into the English tonge, nowe

BISHOP LATIMER. 473

your last proclamation : the which promise I pray God that your
gratious highnesse maie shortlie performe, even to daie before to
morrowe. Nor let not the wickednesse of these worldlie men
deteine you from your godlie purpose and promise. Remember
the subtle worldly wise counsellors of Hammon the sonne of
Naas, king of the Ammonites, which when David had sent his
servants to comfort the yong king for the death of his father, by
crafty imaginations counselled Hammon, not alonely not to re-
ceive them gentlie, but to entreate them most shamefully and
cruelly, saying : that they came not to comfort him, but to espie and
search his land, so that afterward they bringing David word how
every thing stood, David might come and conquer it. (2 Sam. x. 3.)
And they caused the young king to sheare their head, and to cut
their coates by the points, and sent them away like fooles : whom
he ought rather to have made much of, and to have intreated
them gently, and have given them great thanks and rewards. O
wretched counsellers ! — But see what followed of this carnall and
worldlie wisdome. Truly nothing but destruction of all the whole
realme, and also of all them which tooke their partes.

" Therefore good king, seeing that the right David, that is to
say, our saviour Christ, hath sent his servants, that is to saie,

being in printe ; and that the same bokes, and all other bokes of heresie, as
well in the French tonge, as in the Dutch tonge, be clearly exterminate, and
exiled out of this realme of England forever; his highness intendeth to pro-
vide, that the Holy Scripture shall be by great, learned, and catholique
persons, translated into the Englishe tonge, yf it shall then seem to his grace
convenient so to be." Wilkins's Condi, vol. iii. p. 741. I believe we may
truly say, that the following is by no means an uncandid representation of the
motives and design of this promise. " When the clergy condemned Tindal's
translation of the new Testament, they declared they intended to set out a new
translation of it, which many thought was truly never designed, but only
pretended, that they might restrain the curiosity of seeing Tindal's works,
with the hopes of one that should be authorised." Johnson's Historical
Account, p. 69, in bishop Watson's Theolog. Tracts, vol. iii. For an account
of the intrigues and contrivances of Gardiner and the popish party, when, a
few years afterwards (1540), Henry renewed his promise, with a much more
sincere purpose of fulfilling it, see the same work, p. 77, 8, or Lewis's History
of Translations, p. 144, &c. Also Turner's Hunting of the Romish Fox, signat.
D 8, &c. A.D. 1543.

The pretence for refusing licence to other versions was that the bishops
would set forth a better ; " but this," says Cranmer in a letter to Cromwell,
in 1537, " I think will not be till a day after doomsday." Remains, vol. i.
p. 197.

474 BISHOP LATIMER.

his true preachers, and his owne worde also to comfort our weake
and sicke soules, let not these worldlie men make your grace be-
leeve that they will cause insurrections and heresies, and such
mischiefes as they imagine of their own mad brains, least that he
be avenged upon you and your realme, as was David upon the
Ammonites, and as he hath ever beene avenged upon them which
have obstinately withstand and gainesaid his word.

" But peradventure they wil lay this against me, and say that
experience doth shew, how that such men as call themselves fol-
lowers of the gospell, regardeth not your grace's coinmandeinent.
neither set by your proclamation, and that was well proved by
these persons which of late 7 were punished in London for keeping
of such bookes as your grace had prohibited by proclamation :
and so like as they regarded not this, so they will not regard or
esteeme other your grace's lawes, statutes and ordinances. Hut
this is but a crafty perswasion. For your grace knowetli that
there is no man living, specially that loveth worldly promotion,
that is so foolish to set forth, promote, or inhaunce his enemie.
whereby he should be let of his worldly pleasures and fleshly
desires : but rather hee will seeke all the waies possible that he
can, utterly to confound, destroy and put him out of the \\ay.
And so as concerning your last proclamation, prohibiting such
bookes, the very true cause of it, and chiefe counsellors (as men
say, and of likelihoode it should be) were they whose evill living
and cloked hypocrisie these books uttered and disclosed. And
howbeit that there were three or four that would have had the
Scripture to go forth in English, yet it hapned there, as it is ever-
more scene, that the most part8 overcommeth the better; and

1 Persons which of late.'] Probably he alludes to Tewksbury, Freese, &c.
Fox's Acts, p. 931. The "head and captain" mentioned a little below, no
doubt, was Wolsey.

8 The most partJ] " If the children of this worlde be either more in number,
or more prudent then the children of light, what then avayleth us to have
this convocation ? Had it not bene better we had not bene called together
at all ?" Sermons, fol. 10. Before the convocation of the clergy, A.D.
"Ye have had many thinges in deliberation; but what one is put forth.
whereby either Christ is more glorified, or els Christes people made more
holy ? I appeale to your own consciences : how chaunced this ? how came
this thus? Because there were no children of light, no children .
among you? I thinke not so: certaynely I think not so. (iod forbidde,
that nil yon, which were ^utherfd together under the pretence of litfht, should
iiildren of the worlde. Then, why happened tin- Why. I pray

BISHOP LATIMER. 47")

so it might bee that these men did not take this proclamation as
yours, but as theirs set forth in your name, as they have done
many times moe, which hath put this your realme in great hin-
derance and trouble, and brought it in great penurie, and more
would have done if God had not mercifullie provided to bring
your grace to knowledge of the falsehoode and privy treason,
which their head and captain was about : and be ye sure not
without adherents, if the matter be only searched. — For what
marvel is it, that they being so nigh of your counsell, and so
familiar with your lordes, should provoke both your grace and
them to prohibite these bookes, which before by their owne au-
thoritie 9 have forbidden the New Testament under paine of ever-
lasting damnation : for such is their manner, to send a thousand
men to hel, ere they send one to God ; and yet the New Testa-
ment (and so I thinke by the other) was meekely offered 10 to
every man that would and could, to amend it, if there wrere any
fault.

" Moreover, I will aske them the cause of all insurrections,
which have beene in this realme heretofore. And whence is it
that there bee so manie extortioners, bribers, murtherers, and
theeves, which dailie doe not breake onely your graces lawes,
ordinaunces, and statutes, but also the lawes and commaunde-
ments of almightie God : I thinke they will not saie these bookes,
but rather their pardons, which causeth many a man to sinne in
trust of them. For as for those malefactors which I now re-
hearsed, you shall not find one amongst a hundreth, but that he
will crie out both of these bookes, and also of them that have
them, yea and will be glad to spend the good which he hath
wrongfully gotten, upon fagots to burne both the bookes and
them that have them.

" And as touching these men that were lately punished for
these bookes, there is no man, I heare say, that can laie any
word or deed against them that should sound to the breaking of

Perchaunce, either because the children of the world, were moe in number
in this your congregation, as it oft happeneth, or at the least, of more policy
than the children of light in their generation. Whereby it might very soone
be broughte to passe, that those were much stronger in gendering the evil,
than these in producing the good." Ibid. fol. 11.

9 Their owne authorities] See above, note on p. 466.

10 Meekely offered.] " When I had translated the New Testament, I added
an epistle unto the latter ende, in which I desired them that were learned, to
amend if aught were found amisse." Tyndal's Works, p. 1.

476 BISHOP LATIMER.

any of your graces lawes, this onely except, if it bee yours, and
not rather theirs. And be it so that there be some that have
these bookes, that be evil, unruly, and selfe willed persons, not
regarding Gods lawes nor mans, yet these bookes bee not the
cause thereof, no more than was the bodily presence of Christ
and his words the cause that Judas fell, but their own froward
minde and carnall wit, which should be amended by the vertuous
example of living of their curates, and by the true exposition of
the Scripture. If the lay people had such curates, that would
thus do their office, these bookes nor the divell himselfe could
not hurt them, nor make them to go out of frame ; so that the
lacke of good curates is the destruction and cause of all mis-
chiefe. — Neither doe I write these things because that I will
either excuse these men lately punished, or to affirme all to be
true written in these bookes, which I have not all read, but to
shew that there cannot such inconvenience follow of them, and
specially of the Scripture, as they would make men beleeve should
follow.

" And though it be so that your grace may by other bookes,
and namely by the Scripture it selfe know and perceive the hypo-
crite wolves clad in sheepes clothing, yet I thinke my selfe bound
in conscience to utter unto your grace such thinges as God put
in my minde to write. And this I doe (God so judge me) not
for hate of any person or persons living ; nor for that I thinke
the word of God should goe forth without persecution, if your
grace had commanded that every man within your realine should
have it in his mothers tongue. For the gospell must needs have
persecution unto the time that it bee preached throughout al the
world, which is the last signe that Christ shewed to his disciples
should come before the daie of judgement : so that if your grace
had once commaunded that the Scripture should bee put forth,
the divell would set forth some wile or other to persecute the
truth. But my purpose is, for the love that I have to God prin-
cipally, and the glory of his name, which is only knowne by his
word, and for the true allegiance that I owe unto your ui
and not to hide in the ground of my heart the talent given m<-
of God, but to chaffer it forth to other, that it may increase to
the pleasure of God, to exhorte your grace to avoid and l»<-\
of these mischievous flatterers and their abhominalilr wait sand
counsels.

"And take hccdc whose counsels your gran- doth tak«- in this

BISHOP LATIMER. 477

matter : for there be some that for feare of losing of their worldly
worship and honor, wil not leave their opinion, which rashly, and
that to please men withall by whom they had great promotion,
they tooke upon them to defend by writing ", so that now they
thinke that all their felicitie which they put in this life, should be
marred, and their wisdome not so greatly regarded, if that which
they have so slanderously oppressed, should bee now put forth
and allowed. But alas, let these men remember St. Paul, how
fervent he was against the truth (and that of a good zeale !)
before hee was called : he thought no shame to suffer punishment
and great persecutions for that which he before despised and
called heresie. And I am sure that their living is not more
perfect then St. Paules was, as concerning the outward workes
of the la we, before he was converted.

" Also the king and prophet David was not ashamed to forsake
his good intent in building of the temple, after that the prophet
Nathan had shewed him that it was not the pleasure of God
that hee should build any house for him : and notwithstanding
that Nathan had before allowed and praised the purpose of
David, yet he was not ashamed to revoke and eate his wordes
againe, when he knew that they were not according to Grod's will
and pleasure.

11 To defend by writing."] I apprehend, that Latimer here alludes particu-
larly to Sir Thomas More, lately made lord chancellor. — Fox, I see, makes
the same conjecture. See the Life of Sir Thomas More, given above in this
collection, p. 85.

1 A good zeale, .] " Counterfeit therefore nothing without the worde of God.
. . . Beware of thy good intent, good mynde, good affection, or zeale, as they
call it. Peter of a good minde, and of a good affection or zeale, chidde Christ
(Matt. c. xvi ), because he sayde he must go to Jerusalem, and there be
slayne. But Christ called him Satan, for his labour; and sayde, that he
perceaved not godly thinges, but worldly. Of a good intent and of a fervent
affection to Christ, the sonnes of Zebedee would have had fire to come
downe from heaven to consume the Samaritanes (Luke, c. ix.). But Christ
rebuked them, saying, that they wiste not of what sprite they were : that is,
that they understood not how that they were altogether worldly and fleshly
mynded. ... I beare them record (sayth Paule, speakyng of the Jewes), that
they have a fervent mynde to godward, but not according to knowledge. It
is another thing then to do of a good minde, and to do of knowledge. Labour
for knowledge, that thou mayest know Gods wyll, and what he would have thee
to do. Our mynde, intent, and affection or zeal, are blinde, and for that
cause hath God made a testament between him and us, wherein is conteyned
both what he would have us to do, and what he would have us to aske of
him." Tindal's Parable of the Wicked Mammon, A.D. 1527. Works, p. 87.

478 BISHOP LATIMER.

" Wherefore they bee sore drowned in worldly wisdomc that
thinke it against their worship to knowledge their ignorance ;
whom I pray to God that your grace may espie, and take heed of
their worldly wisdom, which is foolishnesse before God ; that you
may do that that God commandeth, and not that seemeth good
in your owne sight without the word of God, that your grace
may be found acceptable in his sight and one of the members of
his church: and according to the office that he hath called your
grace unto, you may be found a faithfull minister of his giftes,
and not a defender of his faith a, for he will not have it defended
by man or man^s power, but by his word only, by the which hee
hath evermore defended it, and that by a way far above man's
power or reason, as al the stories of the bible maketli mention.

" Wherefore, gracious king, remember your selfe ; have pitie
upon your soule, and thinke that the daie is even at hand wln-n
you shall give accounts of your office, and of the bloud that hath
beene shed with your sword. In the which day that your grace
may stand stedfastly, and be not ashamed, but to be cleare and
readie in your reckoning, and to have (as they say) your Q«
est*, sealed with the bloud of our saviour Christ, which onely
serveth at that day, is my daily praier to him that suffered death
for our sins, which also praieth to his Father for grace for us
continually. To whom be all honour and praise for ever, Amen.

2 A defender of his faith.'] Latimer here touches the king upon a very
tender point : for Henry had been accustomed to pride himself very much in
this title, which he had gained from Pope Leo X., by his writings against
Luther: "in iis prscsertim promovendis operibus, quae pro ecclesia catholioa
et fide Christiana militant : cujus nos defensionem suscepimus, quemad-
modum ex cognomento nobis a sutnmo pontifice nuper indito, tenemur."
says the king in his letters patent, prefixed to Bishop Fisher's Assertions
Lutherance Confutatio A.D. 1523. And the vicar of Croydon pmu-hed.
that the king's grace would not lose that stile for all London, and twenty
miles round about. Tindal's fVorks, p. 374. But perhaps Latimer was
aware that the value of the title had by this time fallen somewhat in Henry's
estimation.

8 Quietus est.'] Quiet, freed, acquitted, is a word used by the clerk of tho
pipe and auditors in the exchequer, in their acquittances or discharges g
to accountants: usually concluding with an abinde recessif i/nii-ius. win
called a Quietus est, and mentioned in the act of General Pardon, 1 2 ( 'harl<- 1 1
cap. 1 1 and 14 Charles II. cap. 21. A Quietus est granted to the sheriff
discharge him of all accounts due to the kin^, 21 James I. cap
Cowel's Interpreter in v.

BISHOP LATIMER. 479

The Spirit of God preserve your grace. Anno Domini 1530.
lmo die Decembris"

In this letter of master Latimer to the king above prefixed,
many things we have to consider. First, his good conscience to
God, his good will to the king, the duetie of a right pastor unto
trueth, his tender care to the common wealth, and specially to the
church of Christ. Further, wee have to consider the abuse of
princes courts, how kings many times be abused with flatterers
and wicked councellers about them, and specially we may note the
subtle practises of prelates, in abusing the name and authoritie of
kings to set forth their own malignant proceedings. We may see
moreover, and rather marvell at in the said letter, the great boldnes
and divine stoutnesse in this man, who, as yet being no bishop, so
freely and plainly, without all feare of death, adventuring his owne
life to discharge his conscience, durst so boldly, to so mighty a
prince, in such a dangerous case, against the kings law and pro-
clamation set out in such a terrible time, take upon him to write,
and to admonish 4 that, which no counseller durst once speake
unto him, in defence of Christ's gospell. Whose example if the
bishops and prelates of this realme, for their parts likewise in
like cases of necessitie would follow (as in deed they should) so
many things peradventure would not be so out of frame as they
be, and all for lacke that the officers of God's word do not their
dutie.

Finally, this moreover in the said letter is to be noted, how
blessedly almighty God wrought with his faithfull servaunt, whose
bold adventure, and wholesome counsell, though it did not prevaile
through the iniquitie of the time ; yet notwithstanding God so
wrought with his servant in doing his duetie, that no daunger,

4 And to admonish.'] And yet he had been prepared, no doubt, by an
adept, with a very different lesson, on his beginning his noviciate in the
purlieus of the royal palace. " You that be of the court, and especially yee
sworne chaplaynes, beware of a lesson that a great man taught me at my first
comming to the court. He told me for good wyll; he thought it well; he sayd
unto me : you must beware howesoever ye doe, that ye contrary not the king.
Let him have his sayings; follow him; goe with him. Marry, out with this
counsell! — shall I say, as he sayth? Say your conscience, or els what a
worme shall yee feele gnawing, what a remorse of conscience shall yee have,
when ye remember how ye have slacked your duety." Seventh Serm. before
king Edward ; Sermons, fol. 84. b.

480 BISHOP LATIMER.

nor yet displeasure rose to him thereby, but rather thankes and
good will of the prince.

Then went he to the court, where he remained a certaine time
in doctor Buts chamber, preaching then in London, very often. —
At last being weary of the court, having a benefice offered by
the king, at the sute of lord Cromwell, and doctor Buts, he \\as
glad thereof, seeking by that meanes to bee rid out of the court,
wherewith in no case he could agree : and so having a grant of
the benefice, contrary to the minde of doctor Buts, hee would
needs depart, and be resident at the same.

This benefice was in Wiltshire, under the diocesse of Sarum 6,
the name of which town was called West Kington, where this
good preacher did exercise himselfe with much diligence of teach-
ing to instruct his flocke ; and not onely to them his diligence
extended, but also to all the country about. In fine, his diligence
was so great, his preaching so mightie, the maner of his teaching
so zealous, that there in like sorte hee could not escape without
enemies. So true it is that St. Paul foretelleth us : who*>
will live godly in Christ, shall suffer persecution.

It so chanced, that whereas hee, preaching uppon the blesx <1
virgine Christ's mother (whome we call our Ladie), had thereupon
declared his minde, referring and reducing all honour onely to

6 A benefice offered.'] This was about the year 1529, if we may rely on
bishop Godwin. De Prasulib., p. 468. Yet in March 1530, we find him at
Cambridge, favouring the king's views in the affair of his divorce from queen
Catherine. Burnet, vol. i. p. 81, Records. And in Lent, in that year, he was
at court preaching before the king. For so we learn from a letter written by
the vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to Dr. Edmonds, master
of St. Peter's college. " Dominica secunda at afternoon, I came to Wyndsor,
and also to part of Mr. Latymer's sermon, and after the end of the same, I
spake with Mr. Secretary. But by and by, he (the king) greatly praised Mr.
Latimer's sermon, and in so praising said on this wise, 'This displeaseth
greatly Mr. Vice-Chancellour yonder. Yon same,' said he unto the duke of
Norfolk, 'is Mr. Vice-Chancellour, of Cambridge; and so pointed unto
me.' And again, shortly after he had returned to Cambridge, ' Mr. La-
timer still preacheth quod temuli ejus graviter ferunt.' " Burnet's Hist, of Re-
format., vol. iii. p. 23. Records. — It seems probable that he went to reside at
West Kington, not till the latter end of 1530, or the beginning of the follow-
ing year.

8 Diocesse of Sarum. ~\ The advowson of West Kington is the proper
the bishop of Salisbury, but, as Campe^i,, who then filled the see was a!
probably the presentation lapsed to the rrown. Campeggio was shortly after
deprived for non-residence.

BISHOP LAT1MER. I si

Christ our onelie saviour, certaine popish priests, being therwith
offended, sought and wrought much trouble against him, drawing
out articles and impositions which they untruely, unjustlie, falsly
and uncharitably imputed unto him.

First, that he should preach against our Ladie ; for that he
reprooved in a sermon the superstitious rudenes of certaine blinde
priests, which so held together upon that blessed virgine, as
though shee never had any sinne, nor were saved by Christ the
onely saviour of the whole world.

Item, that he should say, that saints were not to bee wor-
shipped.

Item, that Ave Maria, was a salutation onely, and no praier.

Item, that there was no materiall fire in hell.

Item, that there was no purgatory ; in saying, that he had lever
be in purgatory then in Lollard's tower.

Touching the whole discourse of which articles, with his replie
and answere to the same, hereafter follows,

A Letter of M. Latimer to M. Morice.

" Eight worshipfull, and mine owne good master Morice 7, salu-
tem in Christo Jesu. And I thanke you for all heartie kindnesse,
not onely heretofore shewed unto me, but also that now of late,
you would vouchsafe to write unto me so poore a wretch, to my
great comfort among all these my troubles. I trust and doubt
nothing in it, but God will reward you for me, and supply aboun-
dantly mine unability.

" M. Morice, you would wonder to know how I have beene
intreated at Bristowe, 1 meane of some of the priests, which first
desire me, welcommed me, made me cheare, heard what I said,
allowed my saying in all things whiles I was with them : when I
was gone home to my benefice, perceiving that the people favored
mee so greatlie, and that the maior had appointed mee to preach
at Easter, privily they procured an inhibition for all them that
had not the bishops licence, which they knewe well enough I had
not, and so craftily defeated M. major's appointment, pretending
that they were sory for it : procuring also certaine preachers to

7 Good master Morice.'] This, as we have mentioned above, is he who was
afterwards Cranmer's secretary. Strype's Eccles. Mem., vol i. p. 162
VOL. ii. i i

482 BISHOP LATIMER.

l)latter against me, as Hubberdin and Powel, with other mo,
whom when I had brought before the maior and the wise councell
of the town, to know what they could lay to my charge, wherfore
they so declamed against me, they said they spake of information :
howbeit no man could be brought forth that woulde abide by anie
thing : so that they had place and time to belie me shamefully,
but they had no place nor time to lay to my charge when I
was present and readie to make them answere. God amend
them, and swage their malice that they have against the truth
and me, &c.

" Our Lady was a sinner.

" So they did belie me to have said, when I had said nothing
so ; but to reproove certaine both priestes and beneficed men,
which doe give so much to our ladie, as though shee had not beene
saved by Christ, a whole saviour both of her, and of all that be
and shall be saved. — I did reason after this maner, that either she
was a sinner, or no sinner : if a sinner, then she was delivered
from sinne by Christ ; so that he saved her, either by delivering
or preserving her from sin : so that without him neither she, nor
none other, neither be nor could be saved. — And to avoide all
offence, I shewed how it might be answerd, both to certain scrip-
tures which maketh al generally sinners, and how it might be
answered unto Chrysostome and Theophilact, which maketh liir
namelie and specially a sinner. But all would not serve, their
malice was so great : notwithstanding that five hundred honest
men can and will beare record. When they cannot reproove that
thing that I do say, then they will belie me, to say that thing
that they canne reproove: for they will needs appeare to be
against me.

" Saints are not to be worshipped.

" So they lied, when I had shewed divers significations of this
word (Saints) among the vulgar people. — First, images of saints
are called saints, and so they are not to be worshipped. take wor-
shipping of them for praying to them; for they are neither medi-
ators by wav of redemption, nor yet by way of intercession. — A nd
yet they may be wel used, when they be applied to that use that
they were ordained for, to bee lay men> l»»»nUes for remembrance
of heavenly thin_

BISHOP LATIMER. 483

" Take saints for inhabitors of heaven, and worshipping of them,
for praying to them, I never denied, but that they might be wor-
shipped, and be our mediatours, though not by way of redemption
(for so Christ alonelie is a whole mediatour, both for them and for
us) yet by the way of intercession 8.

" Pilgrimage.

" And I never denyed pilgrimage. — And yet I have said that
much scurfe must be pared away ere ever it can be wel don :
superstition, idolatrie, false faith and trust in the image, unjust
estimation of the thing, setting aside God^s ordinance for dooing
of the thing : debts must bee paide, restitutions made, wife and
children be provided for, duty to our poor neighbours discharged.
And when it is at the best, before it be vowed, it need not to bee
done ; for it is neither under the bidding of God nor of man to be
done. And wives must counsell with husbands, and husbands and
wives with curates, before it be vowed to be done, &c.

" Ave Maria.

" As for the Ave Maria, who can thinke that I would deny it?
— I said it was an heavenly greeting, or saluting of our blessed
lady, wherin the angel Gabriell, sent from the Father of heaven,
did annunciate and shew unto her the good will of God towards
her, what he would with her, and to what he had chosen her.
But I said, it was not properly a praier, as the Pater noster, which
our saviour Christ himselfe made for a proper praier, and bad us
say it for a praier, not adding that we should say ten or twenty
A ve Maries withall : and I denied not but that we may wel say
Ave Maria also, but not so that we shall thinke that the Pater
noster is not good, a whole and perfect praier, nor cannot be wel
said without Ave Maria : so that I did not speake against well
saying of it, but against superstitious saying 9 of it, and of the

8 Way of intercession.l "M. Latimer's error in those daies." Fox in
margin.

9 Superstitious saying.'] " But our shavelinges teach and command their
shavelinges, that they be bound to over-run their service from the beginning

I i 2

484 BISHOP LATIMER.

Pater noster too : and yet I put a difference betwixt that, and that
which Christ made to be said for a praier.

" No Fire in Hell.

" Who ever could say or thinke so ? — Howbeit good authors
doe put a difference betwixt a suffering in the fire with bodies.
and without bodies. The soule without the bodie is a spirituall
substance, which they say cannot receive a corporall qualitu> ;
and some make it a spirituall fire ; and some a corporall fire.
And as it is called a fire, so it is called a worme ; and it is
thought of some not to be a material worm, that is a living beast,
but that it is a metaphor : — but that is neither to nor fro. For
a fire it is, a worme it is, paine it is, a torment it is, an anguish
it is, a greefe, a miserie, a sorrow, a heavinesse inexplicable,
intollerable, whose nature and condition in everie point who can
tell, but hee that is of Gods privie councell, saith St. Austen ?—
God give us grace rather to be diligent to keepe us out of it,
than to be curious to discusse the propertie of it : for certaine
we bee, that there is little ease, yea none at all, but weeping,
wayling, and gnashing of teeth ; which be two effects of extrcnmr
paine ; rather certain tokens what paine there is, than what
maner paine there is.

" No Purgatorie.

" He that sheweth the state and condition of it, doth not
denie it. — But I had lever bee in it, than in Lollards tower, the
bishops prison, for divers skils and causes.

" First, in this I might die bodilie for lack of mcate and
drinke : in that I could not.

to the ende, and then good enough, wheresoever the heart be. But if there
lack but one verse onelye unsayde, they have an exceadyng grudge of con-
science, and meane that all their labour is lost. For the which cause, I ID
in my dayes, have sayd many tyines two hundred and fifty Aves to one I.
Psalter, because I would be sure to say enough. Forsooth this may \v» 11
be called lip-labour." Complaint of Roderick Mori, sometime a Grey Fry(r,
signat. G 8.

BISHOP LATIMER. 485

" Item, in this I might die ghostlie for feare of paine, or lacke
of good counsell ; there I could not.

" Item, in this I might bee in extreame necessity : in that I
could not, if it be perill of perishing.

" Item, in this I might lacke charity : there I could not.

" Item, in this I might lose my patience : in that I could not.

" Item, in this I might be in perill and danger of death : in
that I could not.

" Item, in this I might bee without surety of salvation : in
that I could not.

" Item, in this I might dishonour God : in that I could not.

" Item, in this I might murmure and grudge against God : in
that I could not.

" Item, in this I might displease God : in that I could not.

" Item, in this I might bee displeased with God : in that I
could not.

" Item, in this I might be judged to perpetuall prison as they
call it : in that I could not.

" Item, in this I might be craftily handled : in that I could
not.

" Item, in this I might be brought to beare a fagot : in that
I could not.

" Item, in this I might be discontented with God : in that I
could not.

" Item in this I might be separated and dissevered from
Christ : in that I could not.

" Item, in this I might be a member of the divell : in that I
could not.

" Item, in this I might be an inheritor of hell : in that I
could not.

" Item, in this I might pray out of charity, and in vaine : in
that I could not.

" Item, in this my lord and his chaplaines might manacle me
by night : in that they could not.

" Item, in this they might strangle mee, and say that I had
hanged my selfe : in that they could not.

" Item, in this they might have me to the Consistory, and
judge me after their fashion : from thence they could not.

" Ergo, I had leaver to be there then here. For though the
fire bee called never so hot, yet and if the bishops two fingers
can shake away a peece, a friers cowle an other part, and scala

486 BISHOP LATIMER.

cceli l altogether, I will never found abbey, colledge, nor chaun-
trey 2, for that purpose.

" For seeing there is no pain that can break iny charity,
break my patience, cause me to dishonor God, to displease God,
to be displeased with God, cause me not to joie in God, nor that
can bring me to danger of death, or to danger of desperation,
or from suretie of salvation, that can separate me from Christ, or
Christ from me, I care the lesse for it. — John Chrysostomesaith,
that the greatest pain that damned soules have, is to be separate
and cut off from Christ for ever : which paine he saith is greater
than many helles : which paines, the soules in purgatorie neither
have nor can have.

" Consider M. Morice, whether provision for purgatorie hath
not brought thousands to hell. Debts have not bin payd : resti-
tution of evill gotten lands and goods hath not bin made : Chris-
tian people (whose necessities we see, to whom whatsoever we do,
Christ reputeth done to himselfe, to whom we are bounden under
paine of damnation to do for, as we would be done for ourselt'e)
are neglected and suffered to perish : last wils unfulfilled and
broken : Gods ordinance set aside : and also for purgatory, foun-
dations have bin taken for sufficient satisfaction: so we have
trifled away the ordnance of God, and restitutions. Thu> mt
have gone to hel, with masses, diriges, and ringing of many a bel.
— And who can pul pilgrimages from idolatry, and purge purga-
tory from robbery, but he shall be in perill to come in suspicion

1 And scala COB/*.] " Hys fatherhode " (the pope) "sendeth them to
heaven with scala cceli, that is, wyth a ladder to scale the walls. For, by the
door Christ, will they not let them come in. That dore they have stopped
up ; and that because ye should buy ladders of them." Tindal's Obedience of
a Christian man. Works, p. 139. But see also the note at p. 228 of this
volume.

2 Abbey, colledge, nor chauntrey .] "All that they " (the monks, friars, &c.)
"have, they have receaved in the name of purgatory, and of saints; and on
that foundation be all their bishoprickes, abbeyes, colleges, and cathedrall
churches built." Tindal's Answer to Sir Thomas More. A.D. 1530. Works,
p. 309.

Again: "All these lyve by purgatory. When others weepe for their frendes,
they get frendes. The pope with all his pardons is grounded on purgatory.
Priestes, monkes, chanons, friers, with all other swarmes of hypocrites do but
empty purgatory and fill hell. Every masse, say they, delivereth one soule
out of purgatory." Tindal's Obedience of a Christian Man. A . D. 1 528 . Works,
p. 166, 7. Compare also above, Fox, in Life of Cromwell, p. 239, 40.

BISHOP LATIMER. 487

of heresie with them ? so that they may pil with pilgrimage, and
spoil with purgatory. And verily the abuse of them cannot be
taken away, but great luker and vantage shall fall away from
them, which had leaver have profite with abuse, than lack the
same with use : and that is the waspe that doth sting them, and
maketh them to swell. And if purgatory were purged of all
that it hath gotten, by setting aside restitution, and robbing of
Christ, it would be but a poore purgatorie: so poore that it
should not be able to feed so fat, and tricke up so many idle and
slothful lubbers.

" I take God to witness I would hurt no man ; but it grieveth
me to see such abuse continue without remedy. 1 cannot under-
stand what they meane by the popes pardoning of purgatorie,
but by way of suffrage : and as for suffrage, unlesse he doe his
duty, and seeke not his owne, but Christs glory, I had leaver
have the suffrage of Jack of the skullery which in his calling doth
exercise both faith and charity ; — but for his masse. And that
is as good of an other simple priest as of him. For authority of
keies, is to loose from guiltinesse of sinne and eternal paine, due
to the same, according to Christs word, and not to his own pri-
vate will. And as for pilgrimage, you would wonder what jug-
gling there is to get money withal. I dwell within a halfe mile
of the fosseway, and you would wonder to see how they come by
flocks out of the west country to many images, but chiefly to the
blood of Hailes 3. And they beleeve verily that it is the very
bloud that was in Christs body, shedde upon the mount of Cal-
verie for our salvation, and that the sight of it with their bodily
eye, doth certifie them and putteth them out of doubt, that they
bee in cleane life, and in state of salvation without spot of sinne,
which doth bolden them to many things. For you would wonder,
if you should common with them both comming and going, what
faiths they have. For as for forgiving their enemies, and recon-
ciling their Christian brethren, they cannot away withal : for the
sight of that bloud doth quite them for the time.

"I read in Scripture of two certifications : one to the Romans :
Wee being justified by faith have peace with God. If I see the
bloud of Christ with the eye of my soule, that is, true faith that
his bloud was shed for me, &c. Another in the epistle of John,
Wee know that wee are translated from death to life, because we love

3 Blood of Hailes.'] Seep. 282.

488 BISHOP LATIMER.

the brethren. But I read not that 1 have peace with God, or that
I am translated from death to life, because I see with my bodily
eye the bloud of Hailes. It is very probable that all the blond
that was in the bodie of Christ, was united and knit to his divi-
nitie, and. then no part thereof shall return to his corruption.
And I marvell that Christ shall have two resurrections. And if
it were that they that did violently and injuriously pluck it out of
his body when they scourged him and nailed him to the crosse,
did see it with their bodily eie, yet they were not in cleane life.
And we see the selfe same bloud in forme of wine, when we have
consecrate, and may both see it, feel it, and receive it to our
damnation as touching bodily receiving. And many do see it at
Hailes, without confession, as they say. God knoweth all, and
the divell in our time is not dead.

" Christ hath left a doctrine behinde him, wherin we be
taught how to beleeve, and what to beleeve. He doth suffer the
divell to use his craftie fashion for our triall and probation. It
were little thank-worthy to believe well and rightly, if nothing
should move us to false faith and to believe superstitiously. 1 1
was not in vain that Christ when he had taught truly, bv and
by bade, beware of false prophets, which would bring in errour
slilie. But wee bee secure and uncarefull, as though false pro-
phets could not meddle with us, and as though the warning of
Christ were no more earnest and effectual, than is the warning
of mothers when they trifle with their children, and bid them
l)e ware the bugge 4.

" Lo sir, how I run at riot beyond measure. When I began.
I was minded to have written but halfe a dosen lines: but thus
I forget my selfe ever when I write to a trusty friend, which will
take in worth my folly, and keep it from mine enemies.

" As for doctor Wilson, I wote not what I should say : but I
pray God endue him with charity. Neither he, nor none of IMS
countrey men did ever love me since I did invey against their
factions, and partialitie in Cambridge. Before that, who was
more favoured of him then I ? That is the boil that may not be
touched.

4 Beware the bvggeJ] Whence bug-bear, &c. " A frightful object; generally
now used for a false terrour to frighten babes." Johnson's Dictionary. —
Another kindred word is " fray-bug." " And be not afraid offray-bugges by
the way;" says Lawrence Saunders, Letters of the Martyrs, p. i
p. 151.

BISHOP LATIMER. 489

41 A certain friend shewed mee, that doctor Wilson is gone
now into his country about Beverley in Holdernes, and from
thence he wil go a progresse through Yorkshire, Lancashire,
Cheshire, and so from thence to Bristow. What he intendeth
by this progresse God knoweth, and not I. If he come to
Bristow I shall heare tell.

" As for Hubberdin (no doubt) he is a man of no great learn-
ing, nor yet of stable wit. He is here servus hominum : for he
will preach whatsoever the bishops will bid him preach. Verily
in my minde they are more to be blamed than hee. Hee doth
magnifie the pope more than enough. As for our saviour Christ
and Christian kings they are little beholding to him. No doubt
he did misse the cushion in many things. Howbeit they that
did send him, men thinke, will defend him : I pray God amende
him, and them both. They would faine make matter against mee,
intending so either to deliver him by me, or else to ridde us both
together, and so they would thinke him well bestowed.

" As touching doctor Powell, how highly hee tooke upon him
in Bristow, and how little hee regarded the sword which repre-
senteth the kings person, many can tell you. I think there is
never an earle in this realme that knoweth his obedience, by
Christ s commandement, to his prince, and wotteth what the
sword doth signifie, that would have taken upon him so stoutly.
Howbeit M. Maior, as he is a profound wise man, did twitt him
pretily. It were too long to write all. Our pilgrimages are not
a little beholding to him, For to occasion the people to them,
he alledged this text, Whosoever leaveth father, house, wife, &c.
By that you may perceive his hot zeale and crooked judgement.

" Because I am so belied, I could wish that it would please
the kings grace to commaund me to preach before his highnesse5

5 To preach before his highnesseJ] In Cranmer's Remains, vol. i. p. 123, is
a letter by Cranmer, without superscription, but intended, as professor
Jenkyns with good reason infers, for Latimer, in which he says, " These
be to certify you of the king's pleasure, how that his grace is contented that
ye shall be admitted to preach on all the Wednesdays of this next Lent before
him." The archbishop in the remainder of the letter gives Latimer some
judicious advice how to conduct himself in the discharge of this duty ; not to
stand in defence of his own matters lately in controversy, but rather entirely
to pass by the accusations and persecution to which he had been exposed ; to
avoid cautiously " all manner of speech, either apertly or suspiciously sound-
ing against any special man's facts, acts, manners, or sayings." Nevertheless,
if apt occasion be given by the subject which he is upon, " let none offence

490 BISHOP LATIMER.

a whole yeare together every Sunday, that he himself might
perceive how they bely me, saying that I have neither learning
nor utterance worthy thereunto. I pray you pardon me. 1
cannot make an end V"

A briefe digression touching the railing of Hubberdin against
M. Latimer.

Forasmuch as mention hath bin made in this letter of Hub-
berdin, an old divine of Oxford, a right painted Pharisey, and a
great straier abroad in all quarters of the realme to deface and
impeach the springing of Gods holy gospel, somthing would bo
added more touching that man, whose doings and pageants, it'
they might be described at large, it were as good as any enter-
lude for the reader to behold. Who in all his life and in all his
actions (in one word to describe him) seemeth nothing else but a
right image or counterfait, setting out unto us in lively colours
the pattern of perfect hypocrisie. But because the man is now
gone, to spare therefore the dead, this shall be enough for
examples sake, for all Christian men necessarily to observe ;
how the saide Hubberdin after his long rayling in all ]>1
against Luther, Melancthon, Zuinglius, John Frith, Tindall.
Latimer, and all other like professors, riding in his long go\\ ne
downe to the horse heeles like a Pharisie, or rather like a sloven.
dirted up to the horse belly; after his forged tales and fabl» •>.
dialogues, dreams, dauncings, hoppings, and leapings, with other
like histrionicall toyes and gestures used in the pulpit, and all
against heretickes, at last riding by a church side where the youth
of the parish were dauncing in the churchyard, sodainly li^htiii'4
from his horse, by the occasion of their dauncing, he came into
the church, and there causing the bell to toll-in the peo|>l<>.
thought in stead of a fit of mirth, to give them a sermon of
dauncing. In the which sermon after he had patched up certain
common texts out of the Scriptures, and then comming to the
doctors, first to Augustine, then to Ambrose, so to I lien mi. •.

or superstition be unreprehended, specially if it be generally spoken, without
affection. Furthermore, I would ye should so study to comprehend your
matters, that in any condition you stand no longer in the pulpit than an hour,
or an hour and an half, at the most."

• Make an end.] This letter was written, probably, some time in the sum-
mer of the year 1531.

BISHOP LAT1MER. 491

and Gregory, Chrysostome, and other doctors, had made them
every one (after his dialogue manner) by name to answer to his
call, and to sing after his tune for the probation of the sacra-
ment of the altar against John Frith, Zuinglius, Oecolampadius,
Luther, Tindall, Latimer, and other here ticks (as he called them) ;
at last to shew a perfect harmony of all these doctors together,
as he had made them before to sing after his tune, so now to
make them dance also after his pipe, first he calleth out Christ
and his apostles, then the doctors and ancient seniours of the
church, as in a round ring all daunce togither : with pipe up
Hubberdin. Now daunce Peter, Paul ; now daunce Augustine,
Ambrose, Hierom : and thus old Hubberdin as he was dauncing
with his doctours lustilie in the pulpit, against the hereticks, how
he stampt and tooke on I cannot tell, but crash quoth the pulpit,
downe cometh the dancer, and there lay Hubberdin not dancing,
but sprawling in the middest of his audience : where altogether
he brake not his necke, yet hee so brake his legge the same time
and bruised his old boanes, that he never came in pulpit more,
and dyed not long after the same. Whereupon when the church-
wardens were called and charged for the pulpit being no stronger,
they made answere again, excusing themselves that they had
made their pulpit for preaching, and not for dancing. — But to
spend no more paper about this idle matter 7, now to our purpose
againe.

The chief impugners and molesters of M. Latimer, besides the
country priests, were doctor Powel of Salisburie, Dr. Wilson,
sometime of Cambridge, M. Hubberdin, and Dr. Sherwood. Of
whome some preached against him, some also did write against
him : in somuch that by their procurement he was cited up and
called to appeare before William Warrham archbishop of Can-
turburie, and John Stokesly bishop of London, anno ]5318,
Jan. 29.

7 This idle matter.'] "This man once made an oration in the praise of
thieves and thievery; which he did at the command of some highwaymen that
robbed him. And they liking it so well, returned him his money again, and
two shillings more to drink their health. The manuscript whereof is still
extant, and was once sold at the auction of Mr. Smith's books." Strype's
Eccles. Memor., vol. i. p. 160.

8 Anno 1531.] Fox in general uses the historical year, which begins on
the first of January ; but he has not always adhered to this practice ; some-
times employing the civil or ecclesiastical year, which (until the year 1753)
commenced on the 25th of March; from which neglect there is not unfre-

492 BISHOP LATIMER.

The Copy of a letter sent by M. Latimer, parson of Wcstklngton
in the county of Wilts, to Sir Edward Baynton 9 knight.

44 Salutem in Christo.

44 Right worshipfull sir, I recommend me unto your maiester-
ship with hearty thanks for your so friendly, so charitable and so
mindful remembrance of me so poore a wretch.

44 Whereas of late I received your letters by maister Bonnam,
perceiving therein both who be greeved with me, wherefore, and
what behooveth me to doe, in case I must needes come up ; which
your goodnesse towardes me, with all other such like, to recom-
pense, whereas I my selfe am not able, I shall not cease to pray
my Lord God, which both is able and also doth indeed reward
all them that favour the favourers of his truth for his sake ; for

quently (what is common, for the same reason, in other historians) a per-
plexity in his chronology. This citation was issued in 1531, according to
the then computation of the church of England, by which the year began on
the twenty-fifth day of March : but this becomes 1 532, reckoning the year
from the first of January. — It may perhaps be of some use to mention that
Burnet begins the year in his History of the Reformation, in January, using
the historical year, and Strype in his Works, in March, using the civil year.

9 Baynton.'] It may be interesting to know something of Latimer's corre-
spondent. Sir Edward Bayntun was the head of an ancient and honourable
family in Wiltshire, which inherited the property of the Beauchamps, lords St.
Amand. His chief property lay within a few miles of Latimer's parish. He
was in great favour with Henry VIII. , and was vice-chamberlain to three of
his queens. In July 1528, when Henry VIII. was much displeased with
Wolsey, one cause of vexation was that Wolsey had given away " the steward-
schip and the balyff off Sarum," for Henry " covettyd moste those rowmes
for Mr. Baynton, as to hym ryght nyghe and commodiose." Bell's Letter to
Wolsey, in St. Pa. i. 314. Amongst the Harl. MSS. (no. 2Q5. art. 62.) is a
letter to him from Dr. John Smith, a canon of St. Paul's, showing that
whereas his majesty king Henry VIII. had desired to see a very rich cross
kept in St. Paul's, among their other jewels, he had so wrought with his
brethren, as that they would present it freely to his majesty. He also offers
Sir Edward two years' rent of his prebend if he will favour him.

Being a near relative of cardinal Pole, Henry had engaged him to use his
private friendship with that prelate to win him over to the king's views, but
his endeavours had not the desired effect. It is a letter from this Sir Edward
Bayntun to the treasurer (lord Surrey), existing in the Cotton MS. ()tln>,
C x. fol. 209, and printed by Sir Henry Ellis, Orig. Letters, 1st ser. vol. ii.
p. Cl, which states that Mark (Smeeton) was the only one who could be
brought to confess any thing against queen Anne Boleyn.

BISHOP LATIMER. 493

the truth is a common thing, pertaining to every man, for the
which every man shall answere another day. And I desire
favour neither of your maistership, neither of any man els, but
in truth, and for the truth, I take God to witnesse which
knoweth all.

" In very deed, maister chancellor did shew me that my lord
bishop of London had sent letters to him for me ; and I made
answer that lie was mine ordinarie ; and that both he might and
should reforme me as farre as I needed reformation, as well and
as soon as my lord of London. And I would be verie loth (now
this deep winter) being so weake and so feeble (not onelie exer-
cised with my old disease in my head and side, but also with new,
both the colick and the stone) to take such a journey: and
though he might so doe, yet hee needed not, for he was not
bound so to doe : notwithstanding I said, if he to doe my lord of
London pleasure to my great displeasure, woulde needes command
me to goe, I woulde obey his commandement ; yea, though it
should be never so great a greevance and painfull to me : with
the which answere he was content, saying he would certifie my
lord of London thereof, trusting his lordship to bee content with
the same: but as yet I heare nothing from him. M. chancellor
also said that my lord of London maketh as though he were
greatly displeased with mee, for that I did contemne his autho-
ritie, at my last being in London. Forsooth I preached in
Abbechurch ' ; not certaine then (as I remember) whether in his
dioces or no, intending nothing lesse then to contemne his autho-
ritie : and this I did not of mine own swinge, or by mine owne
procuration, but at the request of honest merchant men (as they
seemed to me) whose names I do not knowe, for they were not
of mine acquaintance before. And I am glad thereof for their
sakes, least if I knewe them, I should be compelled to utter them,
and so their godly desire to heare godly preaching should returne
to their trouble : for they required me very instantly, and to say
the truth, even importunately. Whether they were of that parish
or no, I was not certaine. But they shewed not onely themselves,
but also many other, to be very desirous to heare mee, pretending
great hunger, and thirst of the word of God and ghostly doctrine.
And upon consideration, and to avoyd all inconveniences, I put

1 I preached in AbbechurchJ] Fox's Acts, p. 954. "He heard M. Hugh
Latymer preach at S. Mary Abchurch, that men should leave going on pil-
grimage abroad, and doe their pilgrimage to their poore neighbours."

494 BISHOP LATIMER.

them off, and refused them twise or thrise ; till at the last they
brought me word that the parson and curate were not onely con-
tent, but also desired mee : notwithstanding that they certified
him both of my name plainely, and also that I had not the bishops
seale to shew for mee, but onely a licence of the universitie :
which curate did receive mee, welcommed me, and when I should
go into the pulpit gave me the common benediction : so that I
had not beene alonely uncharitable, but also churlishly uncharita-
ble, if I would have sayd nay. Now all this supposed to be truth
(as it is), I marvell greatly how my lord of London can alledge
any contempt of him in me.

" First, he did never inhibite me in my life : and if he did inhi-
bite his curate to receive mee, what pertaineth that to mee, which
neither did knowe thereof, nor yet made any suite to the curate
deceiptfully ; nor did it appeare to me very likelie that the curate
would so little have regarded my lords inhibition, which he main-
taineth so vigilantly, not knowing my lords minde before. There-
fore I conjectured with my selfe, that either the curate wa> of
such acquaintance with my lord, that he might admit whome h<
would, or els, (and rather) that it was a trayne and a trap layd
before me, to the intent that my lord himselfe, or other pertain-
ing to him was appointed to have beene there, and to have taken
me if they could in my sermon : which conjecture both occasioned
me somewhat to suspect those men which desired me, though
they spake never so fayre and friendly, and also rather to
For I preach nothing, but if it might be so, I would my lord him-
selfe might heare me every sermon I preach. So certaine I am
that it is trueth. that I take in hand to preach. If I had with
power of my friends (the curate gainesaying and withstanding)
presumed to have gone into the pulpit, there had beene some-
thing wherefore to pretend a contempt. — I preached in Kent
also, at the instant request of a curate: yet heare I not that his
ordinary layeth any contempt to my charge, or yet doth trouble
the curate. I marvell not a little, how my lord bishoppe of Lon-
don, having so broade, wide, and large dioces committed unto his
cure, and so peopled as it is, can have leysure, for preaching and
teaching the word of God*, opportund, importurid, tempestir
pestivb, privatim, public^, to his owne flocke, instando, <i
exhortando, monendo9cum (tii'i't /-///'A/A-- <t <h>cinn<t. have ley-lire

"nf. word of GW.] 2 Tim. i\

BISHOP LATIMER. 495

( I say) either to trouble me, or to trouble himselfe with me, so
poore a wretch, a stranger to him, and nothing pertaining to his
cure, but as every man pertayneth to every mans cure ; so inter-
mixing and intermeddling himselfe with another mans cure, as
though he had nothing to doe in his owne. If I would do as
some men seyn my lord doth, gather up my joyse, as we call
it, warily and narrowly, and yet neither preach for it in mine
owne cure, nor yet otherwhere, peradventure he would nothing
deny me.

" In very deede I did monish judges and ordinaryes to use cha-
ritable equitie in their judgements towards such as beene accused,
namely of such accusers, which bene as like to heare and bewray,
as other beene to say amisse ; and to take mens wordes in the
meaning thereof, and not to wrast them in an other sense then
they were spoken in : for all such accusers and witnesses, bee
false before God, as Saint Hierome saith upon the twenty-sixth
chapter of Matthew. Nor yet I do not accompt those judges
well advised, which wittingly will give sentence after such wit-
nesses, much lesse those which procure such witnesses against
anie man : nor I thinke not judges now adayes so deepely con-
firmed in grace or so impeccable, but that it may behoove and
become preachers to admonish them to do well, as well as other
kinds of men, both great and small. And this I did, occasioned
of the epistle which I declared, Romans vi. wherein is this sen-
tence, non estis sub lege, sed sub gratia, ye Christen men that be-
leeve in Christ, are not under the law. What a saying is this
(quoth I) if it bee not rightly understand, that is, as Saint Paule
did understand it ? for the words sound as though he would goe
about to occasion Christen men to breake the lawe, seeing they be
not under the law : and what if the pseudapostles, adversaries to
Saint Paule, would so have taken them, and accused Saint Paule
of the same to my lord of London ? If my sayd lorde woulde have
heard Saint Paule declare his owne minde, of his owne wordes,
then hee should have escaped, and the false apostles put to re-
buke. If he would have rigorously followed utcunque allegata et
probata, and have given sentence after relation of the accusers,
then good Saint Paule must have borne a fagot at Paules crosse,
my lord of London being his judge. Oh, it had beene a goodly
sight to have seene Saint Paule with a fagot on his backe, even
at Paules crosse, my lord of London bishoppe of the same, sitting
under the crosse. Nay verily I dare say, my lord should sooner

496 BISHOP LATIMER.

have burned him : for Saint Paule did not meane that Christen
men might breake la we, and doe whatsoever they would, because
they were not under the law : but he did meane that Christen men
might keepe the law and fulfill the lawe, if they would, because
they were not under the law, but under Christ, by whome they
were divided from the tyranny of the law, and above the law ; that
is to say, able to fulfill the law to pleasure of him that made the
law, which they could never do of their owne strength, and with-
out Christ : so that to be under the law, after Saint Panics
meaning, is to be weake to satisfie the lawe : and what could
Saint Paule doe withall, though his adversaries would not so
take it ?

" But my lord would say peradventure that men will not take
the preachers wordes otherwise then they meane therein. — Bona
verba ; as though Saint Paules words were not otherwise taken,
as it appeareth in the third chapter to the Romaines, where he.
sayeth quod injustitia nostra Deijustitiam commendat, that is to
say, our unrighteousness commendeth and inaketh more excellent
the righteousnesse of God, which soundeth to many as though
they should be evill, that good should come of it, and by nn-
righteousnesse, to make the righteousnesse of God more excel-
lent. So Saint Paule was reported to meane : yet hee did in
nothing so ; but shewed the inestimable wisdome of God, which
can use our naughtines to the manifestation of his unspeakable
goodnes : not that we should do naughtily to that end and pur-
pose. Now my lord will not thinke (I dare say) that Saint Panic
was to blame that he spake no more circumspectly, more warily.
or more plainely, to avoyde evill offence of the people : but rather
he will blame the people, for that they tooke no better heede, and
attendaunce to Paules speaking, to the understanding of the
same : yea, he will rather pittie the people which had beene so
long nuzled in the doctrine of the Pharisies, and wallowed so l<mir
in darknes of mans traditions, superstitions, and trade of living.
that they were unapt to receive the bright lightnessc of the truth,
and wholesome doctrine of God, uttered by Saint Panic. Is'm- I
thinke not that my lord will require more circumspection, or
more convenience to avoyd offences of erronrs in me. than was in
Saint Paule, when he did not escap • malcvolus con and

slaunderous reports of them that were of perverse judgement*,
which reported him to say whatsoever hee appeared to them
to say, or whatsoever seemed i<> them tn t'nllm\e <•}' hi-

BISHOP LATIMER. 4.(>7

ing. — But what followeth ? sic ajunt nos dicere, sic male lo-
quuntur de nobis ; so they report us to say, sayth Saint Paule,
so they speake evill of us ; sed quorum damnatio just a est,
but such, whose damnation is just sayth hee : and I thinke
the damnation of all such that evill reporten preachers now
adaies, likewise just : for it is untruth now, and then. Yea
Christ himselfe was misreported, and falsely accused, both
as touching his words, and also as concerning the meaning
of his wordes. First he sayd destruite, that is to say, destroy
you ; they made it possum destruere, that is to say, I can
destroy : he sayd templum hoc, this temple, they added manu
factum, that is to say, made with hand, to bring it to a con-
trary sense. So they both inverted his wordes, and also
added unto his wordes, to alter his sentence : for he did meane
of the temple of his body, and they wrast it to Solomons
temple.

" Now I report me whether it be a just fame raysed up, and dis-
persed after this manner. — Nay verely, for there bee three maner
of persons which can make no credible information. First adver-
saries, enemies : second, ignorant, and without judgement : thirdly,
susurrones, that is to saye, whisperers, and blowers in mens eares,
which will spew out in hudder mudder, more than they dare avow
openly. The first will not, the second cannot, the third dare not :
therefore relation of such is not credible, and therefore can make
no fame lawfull, nor occasion any indifferent judge to make pro-
cesse against any man. — Nor it maketh no little matter what they
be themselves that report of any man, whether well or evill ;
for it is a great commendation to be evill spoken off, of them
that be naught themselves, and to bee commended of the same,
is many times no little reproch. — God send us once all grace
to wish well one to another, and to speake well one upon an
other.

" Mee semes it were more comely for my lorde (if it were comely
for mee to say so) to be a preacher himselfe, having so great a
cure as hee hath, than to be a disquieter and a troubler of preach-
ers, and to preach nothing at all himselfe. If it would please his
lordship to take so great labour and paine at anie time, as to come
to preach in my little bishopricke at Westkington, whether I were
present or absent my selfe, I would thanke his lordshippe hartily,
and thinke my selfe greatly bounden to him, that hee of his cha-
ritable goodnes would goe so farre to helpe to discharge me in my

VOL. n. K k

498 BISHOP LATIMER.

cure, or else I were more unnaturall than a beast unreasonable :
nor yet I would dispute, contende or demaund by what authoritie
or where hee had authoritie so to do, as long as his predication
were fruitfull, and to the edification of my parishioners. As for
my lord, hee may do as it pleaseth his lordship. I pray God he
do alwaies as well as I would wish him ever to do : but I am sure
Saint Paule the true minister of God, and faithfull dispensour of
Gods mysteries, and right exemplar of all true and very bishops,
sayeth in the first chapter to the Phillippians, that in his time
some preached Christ for envy of him, thinking thereby to greeve
him withall, and as it were to obscure him, and to bring his autho-
ritie into contempt ; some of good will and love, thinking thereby
to comfort him : notwithstanding (saith he) by all manner of \\
and after all fashions, whether it be of occasion or of truth, ::
would say for truthes sake, — so that Christ be preached, and
shewed, I joy and will joy : so much he regarded more the ulm-y
of Christ, and promotion of Chrises doctrine, to the edification of
Christen soules, than the maintenance of his owne authoritie, repu-
tation and dignitie ; considering right well, as hee sayd, that what
authority so ever hee had, it was to edification, and not to destruc-
tion. Now I thinke it were no reproche to my lord but v«-ry
commendable, rather to joy with Saint Paule, and be glad that
Christ be preached quovis modo, yea though it were for envy, that
is to say, in disdaine, despite and contempt of his lordship (which
thing no man well advised will enterprise or attempt), than, when
the preaching can not be reproved justly, to demaund of the
preacher austerely as the Pharisies did of Christ, qua autkoritate
hcecfacis, aut quis dedit tibi istam authoritatem ? As my authority
is good enough, and as good as my lord can give me any, }
would be glad to have his also, if it would please his lordship to
be so good lord unto me. For the universitie of Cambridge hath
authoritie apostolick to admit twelve yearely8, of the which I am
one : and the kinges highnes, God save his grace, did decree that
all admitted of universities, should preach throughout all hi> n-ahne
as long as they preached well, without distraine of any man. my
lord of Canturbury, my lord of Duresmc, with such other not a
few standing by, and hearing the decree, nothing i;ainsavinu it.
but consenting to the same. Now to conteinne my lord <»f Lon-

3 Twelve yearely. ,] This privilege was granted to the university by pope
Julius II. in the year 1503, and was afterwards confirmed by queen Elizabeth.
It is still occasionally exercised.

BISHOP LATIMER. 499

dons authoritie were no little fault in me : so no lesse fault might
appeare in my lord of London to contemne the kings authority
and decree, yea so godly, so fruitfull, so commendable a decree,
pertaining both to the edification of Christen soules, and also to
the regard and defence of the popish grace, and authority aposto-
lique. To have a booke, of the kinge not inhibited, is to obey
the king ; and to inhibite a preacher of the king admitted, is it
not to disobey the king ? Is it not one king that doth inhibit
and admit, and hath he not as great authoritie to admit as to
inhibit ? Hee that resisteth the power, whether admitting, or
inhibiting, doth he not resist the ordinaunce of God ? We lowe
subjects are bound to obey powers, and their ordinances : and are
not the highest subjects also, who ought to give us ensample of
such obedience ? — As for my preaching it selfe, I trust in God,
my lord of London cannot rightfully blame it, nor justly reprove
it, if it bee taken with the circumstances thereof, and as I
spake it, or else it is not my preaching, but his that falsely re-
porteth it, as the poet Martiall sayd to one that depraved his
booke :

' Quern recitas meus est, o Fidentine, libellus :
Sed male cum recitas, incipit esse tuus.'

" But now I heare say, that my lord of London is informed, and
upon the sayd information hath informed the king, that I go about
to defend Bilney, and his cause, against his ordinary es and judges,
which I ensure you is not so : for I had nothing to do with Bilney,
nor yet with his judges, except his judges did him wrong : for I
did nothing else but monish all judges indifferently to do right,
nor I am not altogether so foolish as to defende the thing which I
knewe not. It might have become a preacher to say as I sayd,
though Bilney had never beene borne. I have knowne Bilney a
great while, I thinke, much better than ever did my lord of Lon-
don : for I have beene his ghostly father many a time : and to tell
you the truth, what I have thought always in him, I have knowne
hitherto few such, so prompt and ready to doe everie man good
after his power, both friends, and foe, noysome wittingly to no
man, and towards his enemy so charitable, so seeking to reconcile
them, as hee did, I have knowne yet not many ; and to be short,
in a summe a very simple good soule, nothing fit nor meete for
this wretched world, whose blinde fashion and miserable state (yea,
farre from Christes doctrine) he could as evill bear, and would

Kk2

500 BISHOP LAT1MER.

sorrow, lament and bewayle it as much as any man that ever 1
knewe : as for his singular learning, as well in holy Scriptm
in all other good letters, I will not speake of it. Notwithstanding
if he either now of late, or at any time attempted any thing con-
trarie to the obedience which a Christian man doth owe, either to
his prince or to his bishoppe, I neither do nor will allow and
approve that, neither in him nor yet in any other man : we l>e all
men, and ready to fall : wherefore he that standeth, let him beware
he fall not. How he ordered or misordered himselfe in judgment.
I cannot tell, nor I will not meddle withall : God knoweth, whose
judgementes I will not judge. But I cannot but wonder, if a
man living so mercifully, so charitably, so patiently, so continently,
so studiously, and vertuously, and killing his olde Adam, that is
to say, mortifying his evill affections, and blinde motions of his
hearte so diligently, should die an evill death. There is no more
but let him that standeth beware that he fall not : for if such as
he shall dye evill, what shall become of me, such a wretch as I am '
But let this goe, as little to the purpose, and come to the point
we must rest upon.

" Either my lord of London will judge my outward man onelv.
as it is sayd, Omnes mdent qua? foris sunt, or else he will be my
God, and judge mine inward man, as it is said, Deus auteii*
cor. If he will have to doe onely with mine outward man, and
meddle with mine outward conversation, how that I have ordered
my selfe toward my Christen brethren, the kings liege people. I
trust I shall please and content both my Lord God, and also my
lord of London: for I have preached and teached but according
to holy Scripture, holy fathers, and auncient interpretours of the
same, with the which I thinke, my lord of London will be pacified :
for I have done nothing els in my preaching, but with all dilii:
moved my auditours to faith and charitie. to do their dnetie. and
that that is necessary to be done. As for thinges4 of private
devotion, meane thinges, and voluntary thinges. I have repn»\rd
the abuse, the superstition of them, without condemnation of the
thinges themselves, as it becommeth preachers to do : which thing

4 As for thinges. ~] For an excellent specimen of Latimer's preaching u
these arguments, see Fox's Acts, p. 1940. It is the famous " Card Sermon,"
and ought to be given in any new edition of Latimer's sermons and works :
as ought also his letters from Fox and elsewhere, not one of wliu-h nj»|»i
the collection, The Letters of the Martyrs. An extract from this sermon will
be cited bel»»w.

BISHOP LATIMER. 501

if my lord of London will doe himselfe (as I would to God he
would doe) hee should bee reported (no doubt) to condemne the
use of such thinges, of covetous men which have dammage, and
finde lesse in their boxes by condemnation of the abuse, which
abuse they had rather should continue still, than their profite
should not continue (so thornie be their hearts). — If my lord will
needs coaste and invade my inwarde man, will I nill I, and breake
violently into my heart, I feare me I shall either displease my
lord of London, which I would be very loath, or els my Lord God,
which I will be more loath : not for any infidelity, but for igno-
raunce, for I beleeve as a Christen man ought to beleeve. — But
peradventure my lord knoweth and will knowe manie things cer-
tainly, which (perchaunce) I am ignoraunt in ; with the which
ignoraunce though my lord of London may, if he will, be discon-
tent, yet I trust my Lord God will pardon it as long as I hurt no
man withall, and say to him with diligent study, and dayly praier,
paratum cor meum Deus, paratum cor meum, so studying, preach-
ing, and tarying the pleasure and leysure of God : and in the
meane season (Acts viii.) as Apollos did, when hee knewe nothing
of Christ but baptismum Johannis, teach and preach mine even
christen that, and no farther then, I knowe to be true. There
be three creedes, one in my masse, an other in my mattyns, the
thirde common to them that neither say masse nor mattyns, nor
yet knowe what they say when they say the creede, and I beleeve
all three, with all that God hath left in holy writ, for mee and all
other to beleeve : yet I am ignoraunt in thinges which I trust
heereafter to knowe, as I do now knowe thinges, in which I have
beene ignoraunt heeretofore : ever learne and ever to be learned;
to profite with learning, with ignoraunce not to noy.

" I have thought in times past, that the pope, Christes vicar,
hadde been lord of all the world as Christ is, so that if he should
have deprived the king of his crowne, or you of the lordshippe of
Bromeham 5, it had beene enough : for hee could do no wrong.
Now I might be hyred to thinke otherwise : notwithstanding I

5 Bromeham.'] Bromham, between Calne and Chippenham and Devizes, in
Wiltshire, was anciently the seat of the Roches, and afterwards of the Beau-
champs, lords of St. Amand. At the death of Richard, the last lord St. Amand,
in 1508, it was inherited by his cousin John Bayntun, father of the Sir
Edward to whom this letter is addressed. Bromham continued to be the seat
of the family of Bayntun until the year 1652, when, at the defeat of Sir Wil-
liam Waller by lord Wilmot, their house, situated near the field of battle, was
burnt, and they removed to Spye Park in the same neighbourhood.

502 BISHOP LATIMER.

have both scene and hearde Scripture drawen to that purpose. —
I have thought in times past, that the popes dispensations of
pluralities of benefices, and absence from the same, had dis-
charged consciences before God : forasmuch as I had hearde
ecce vobiscum sum, et qui vos audit, me audit, bended to corobo-
rate the same. Now I might bee easily intreated to thinke other-
wise.— I have thought in times past that the pope could have
spoyled purgatorie at his pleasure with a word of his mouth :
now learning might perswade me otherwise; or els I would inar-
vayle why hee would suffer so much mony 8 to bee bestowed that
waye, which so needfull is to bee bestowed otherwise ; and to
deprive us of so many patrones in heaven as hee might deliver
out of purgatory, — I have thought in times past, that and if 1
had beene a fryer and in a cowle, I could not have beene damned,
nor afeard of death ; and by occasion of the same I have bi-rne
minded manie times to have beene a fryer, namely when I was
sore sicke and diseased. Now, I abhorre my superstitious fnol-
ishnesse. — I have thought in times past, that diverse images of
saints could have holpen mee, and done me much good, and deli-
vered me of my diseases ; now I knowe that one can helpe as
much as another. And it pityeth mine heart that my lord, and
such as my lord is, can suffer the people to bee so craftily de-
ceived.— It were too long to tell you what blindnes I ha\v 1
in, and how long it were ere I could forsake such folly, it was so
corporate in me : but by continuall prayer, continual] study of
Scripture, and oft communing with men of more right judgment,
God hath delivered me. Yea, men thinketh that my lord him-
self hath thought in times past that by Gods lawe a man mi^ht
marry his brothers wife, which now doth dare thinke and say y,

6 So much mony.] " If the pope with his pardons, for money, may deliver
one soul out of purgatory, he may deliver him as well without money ; if he
may deliver one, he may deliver a thousand : if he may deliver a thou

he may deliver them all, and so destroy purgatorie. And then he is a cruell
tyrant without all charitie, if he keepe them there in prison and in paine till
men will give him money." Fish's Supplication of Beggars. Fox's Acts,
p. 926.

7 Dnre thinke and say.'} Stokesly was particularly zealous and effect! vr in
promoting Henry's view in his great matter of the divorce. To him the king
referred Sir Thomas More, lord chancellor, for satisfaction in that very im-
portant, point, that his marriage with the widow of prince Arthur, heiny fit-
n-ct/y m/ainst the law of nature, could in no wise hy the church be ilisfirnsahle.
Koprr's Life nj Sir 'iltnmns More, p. 54, edit. 1729- See also the life in this
rolled ion, p. 13O.

BISHOP LATIMER. 503

contrarie : and yet this his boldnes might have chaunced in pope
Julius dayes, to stand him either in a fire, or else in a fagot.
Which thing deepely considered, and pondered of my lorde,
might something stirre him to charitable equitie, and to bee
something remissable toward men, which labour to do good as
their power serveth with knowledge, and do hurt to no man with
their ignorancie : for there is no greater distaunce, than betweene
Gods lawe, and not Gods lawe : nor it is not so, or so, because
any man thinketh it so, or so : but because it is so or so indeede,
therefore wee must thinke it so, or so, when God shall give us
knowlege thereof ; for if it be indeede either so or not, it is so
or not so, though all the world had thought otherwise these
thousand yeares.

" And finally as ye say, the matter is weighty and ought sub-
stantially to be looked upon ; even as weightie as my life is
worth : but how to looke substantially upon it, otherwise know
not I, than to pray my Lord God day and night, that as hee hath
boldned me to preach his truth, so hee will strengthen me to
suffer for it, to the edification of them which have taken by the
working of him, fruite thereby ; and even so I desire you, and
all other that favour mee for his sake, likewise to pray : for it is
not I, (without his mightie helping hand) that can abide that
brunt ; but I have trust that God will helpe mee in time of
neede ; which if I had not, the ocean sea, I thinke, should have
divided my lorde of London and mee by this day. For it is a
rare thing for a preacher to have favour at his hand which is no
preacher himselfe, and yet ought to bee. I pray God that both
he and I may both discharge ourselves, he in his great cure, and
I in my little, to Gods pleasure, and safety of our soules, amen.

" I pray you pardon mee that I write no more distinctly, nor
more truely : for my head is so out of frame, that it should bee
too painefull for me to write it againe : and if I be not pre-
vented, shortly I intende to make merry with my parishioners this
Christmas, for all the sorrowe, least perchance I never returne
to them againe : and I have heard say, that a doe is as good in
winter, as a bucke in sommer."

A Letter of Sir Edward Baynton knight, aunswering to the letter

of maister Latimer sent to him before.

" Maister Latimer, after heartie recommendations : I have
communicated the effect of your letters to divers of my friendes,

BISHOP LATIMER.

such as for Christen eharitie (as they say) rather desire in you
a reformation, either in your opinion (if it swarve from the
truth) or at the least in your manner and behaviour, in as muc-li
as it giveth occasion of slaunder and trouble, in let of your good
purposes, than any other inconvenience to your person or good
name. And for as much as your sayde letter misliked them in
some part, and that I have such confidence in your Christen
breast, as in my judgement yee will conformably and gladly, both
hearc that may bee reformed in you, and also (as it is worthie)
so knowledge and confesse the same : I have therefore desired
them to take the paine to note their mindes in this letter which
I send to you, as an aggregate of their sayinges, and sent from
mee your assured friende and favourer, in that that is the \
truth of Gods word: wherein neverthelesse, as I trust, yee your
selfe will temper your owne judgement, and in a sobern
affirme no truth of your selfe, which should divide the unitie of
the congregation in Christ, and the received trueth agreed upon
by holy fathers of the church, consonant to the scripture of God;
even so whatsoever yee will do therein (as I thinke yee will not
otherwise than ye should doe) I being unlearned, and not of the
knowledge to give sentence in this altercation and contention,
iiuist rather of good congruence shewe myselfe, in that you <li>-
agree with them, readier to followe their doctrine in truth, than
yours, unlesse it may please almightie God to inspire and con-
firme the hearts of such people to testifie the same in some
honest number as ought to induce me to give credence unto
them.

" Onely God knoweth the certaine trueth, which is communi-
cate unto us, as our capacitie may comprehende it by faith, but
that is per speculum in ccnigmate. And there have beene quizelum
Dei habuerunt, sed non secundum scientiam. — Among which I
repute not you, but to this purpose I write it, that to call thi> or
that truth, it requireth a deepe and profound knowledge, consi-
dering that to nice unlearned, that I take for truth may be other-
wise, not having sensus exercitatos, as Saint Paul sayeth, ad <//'.-•-
cernendum bonum et malum. And it is shewed mee, that an
opinion or manner of teaching, which eauseth dissension in a
Christian congregation, is not of God, by the doctrine of Saint
John in his epistle, where he sayth : Omnis qui r

. &c. ex Deo est. And like as the word ol find hath
al\\aie> caux -1 di»en>i«m amnn^ men unehrist ened. whereupon

BISHOP LATIMER.

hath ensued and followed martyrdome to the preacher, so in
Christes congregation, among them that professe Christes name.
In uno Domino, uno baptismate, et unafide, they that preache and
stirre rather contention, than charitie, though they can defend
their saying, yet their teaching is not to bee taken as of God, in
that it breaketh the chayne of Christen charitie, and maketh
division in the people, congregate and called by God into an
unitie of faith and baptisme. But for this point I would pray to
God, that not onely in the truth may bee agreement, but also
such sobernesse and uniforme behaviour used in teaching and
preaching, as men may wholly expresse (as they may) the charitie
of God tending onely to the union in love of us all, to the profit
and salvation of our soules."

The aunswere of M. Latimer to the letter of Syr Edward Baynton

above prefixed.

" Right worshipfull Syr, and my singular good maister, salutem
in Christo Jesu, with due commendation and also thanks for your
great goodnes towards mee, &c. And whereas you have com-
municate my last letters to certaine of your friendes, which
rather desire this or that in me, &c. what I thinke therein I will
not now say ; not for that there could bee any perill or daunger
in the said letters (well taken) as farre as I can judge, but for
that they were rashly and unadvisedly scribled, as ye might
well knowe both by my excuse, and by themselves also, though
none excuse had beene made. And besides that, yee know right
well, that where the bee gathereth honey, even there the spinner
gathereth venome, not for any diversitie of the flower, but for
divers natures in them that sucketh the flower. As in times
past, and in the beginning, the verie truth, and one thing in it
selfe was to some, offence, to some foolishnesse, to other other-
wise disposed, the wisedome of God. Such diversitie was in the
redresse of hearers thereof.

" But this notwithstanding, there is no more but either my
writing is good, or bad : if it bee good, the communicating
thereof to your friends cannot be hurtful to me : if it be other-
wise, why should you not communicate it to them, which both
could and would instruct you in the trueth, and reforme my
errour ? Let this passe, I will not contend : had I wist commeth
ever out of season. Truely I were not well advised, if I would

506 BISHOP LATIMER.

not either be glad of your instruction, or yet refuse mine own*.
reformation; but yet it is good for a man to looke ere lice
leapeth, and God forbid that ye should bee addict and sworne to
me so wretched a foole ; that you should not rather followe the
doctrine of your friendes in truth, so great learned men as they
appeare to be, than the opinions of mee, having never so Christen
a breast.

" Wherefore doe as you will : for as I would not if I could, so
I cannot if I would, bee noysome unto you. But yet I say. I
would my letters had been unwritten, if for none other cause, at
least way, in asmuch as they cause me to more writing, an occu-
pation nothing meete for my mad head. And as touching pointi's
which in my foresayde letters mislike your friendes, I have now
little leysure to make an aunswere thereto for the great busin
that I have in my little cure, (I know not what other men have
in their great cure) seeing that I am alone, without any priest t<»
serve my cure, without any scholler to reade unto nice, without
any booke necessarie to bee looked upon, without learned men to
come and counsell withall; all which thinges other have at hand
abundantly. But some thing must bee done, howsoever it bcc.
I pray you take it in good woorth, as long as I temper mine
owne judgement, affirming nothing with prejudice of better.

"First ye mislike, that I say I am sure that I preach the
truth, saying in reproofe of the same, that God knoweth certaine
trueth. In deede alonely God knoweth all certaine truth, and
alonely God knoweth it as of himselfe ; and none knoweth certaine
truth but God, and those which bee taught of God, as sayth
Saint Paule : Deus enim illis patefecit : and Christ himselfe :
erunt omnes docti a Deo. And your friendes deny not but that
certain truth is communicate to us, as our capacitie may com-
prehend it by faith ; which if it be truth, as it is, then there
ought no more to bee required of any man, but according to his
capacitie : now certain it is that every man hath not like capa-
citie, &c.

u But as to my presumption and arrogancie : either I am
certaine or uncertaine that it is truth that I preach. It' it he
truth, why may not I say so, to courage my hearers to receive
the same more ardently, and ensue it more studiously? It I be
unerrtaiiie, \\liv dare I be so bolde to preach it' And it'xour
friendes in whom ye trust >•» ^reatlie. be- preacher^ thenix -l\i -s. ;ii'trr
their >• riiion I pray yon aske them, \\hether they he certaine and

BISHOP LATIMER. 507

sure that they taught you the truth or no ; and send inee word
what they say, that I may learne to speake after them. If they
say they bee sure, ye know what folio we th : if they say they bo
unsure, when shall you bee sure, that hath so doubtfull teachers
and unsure I And you your selfe, whether are you certaine or
uncertaine, that Christ is your saviour ; and so foorth of other
articles that ye be bounden to beleeve ; or whether be ye sure or
unsure, that civile ordinances bee the good workes of God ; and
that you do God service in doing of them, if ye do them for a
good intent ! If ye be uncertaine, take heede hee be your sure
friend that heareth you say so : and then with what conscience
do you doubt ; Cum quicquid non est ex fide, peccatum sit ? But
on the contrarie say you, alonely God knoweth certaine truth,
and yee have it but per speculum in wnigmate : and there have
beene, qui zelum Dei habuerunt, sed non secundum scientiam :
and to call this or that trueth, it requireth a deepe knowledge,
considering that to you unlearned, that you take for truth may
be otherwise, not having sensus exercitatos (as Paule saith) ad
discernendum bonum et malum, as ye reason against me ; and so
you doe best to knowe surely nothing for truth at all, but to
wander meekely hither and thither, omni vento doctrince, &c.

" Our knowledge heere, you say, is but per speculum in cenigmate.
What then ? Ergo, it is not certaine and sure.

u I deny your argument by your leave : yea if it be by faith,
as ye say, it is much sure, quia certitudo fidei est maxima certi-
tudo, as Duns and other schoole doctors say. There is a great
discrepance 8 betweene certaine knowledge, and cleare knowledge :
for that may bee of things absent that appeare not, this requireth
the presence of the object, I meane of the thing knowne ; so
that I certainely and surely know the thing which I perfectly
beleeve, though I doe not clearely and evidentlie know it. I
know your schoole subtleties, as well as you, which dispute as
though enigmaticall knowledge, that is to saye, darke and obscure
knowledge might not be certaine and sure knowledge, because it
is not clear, manifest and evident knowledge.

" And yet there hath beene (they say) qui zelum Dei habuerunt,

8 A great discrepance. ~] This part of the letter may be compared with
Hooker's Vindication of his Doctrine, preached at the Temple church, against
an objection of Walter Travers, of which we shall find some account below in
the Life of Hooker. See also his truly admirable Answer to Mr. Traverses
Supplication.

508 BISHOP LATIMER.

sed non secundum scientiam, which have had a zeale, but not after
knowledge. — Trueth it is, there hath beene such, and yet be too
many to the great hinderance of Christ's glorie, which nothing
doth more obscure, than an hote zeale accorapanyed with great
authoritie without right judgement. There have beene also,
Qui scientiam habuerunt absque zelo Dei ; qui veritatem D>
injustitia detinentes plagis vapulabunt multis, dum rooluni
Domini cognoscentes, nihil minus quamfaciunt, I meane not amonv;
rrurkes and Saracens that be unchristened, but of them that be
christened. And there have beene also that have lost 8ciei>
Dei, id est, spiritualem divini verbi sensum, quern prius habiwrunl,
the spirituall knowledge of God's word which they had before.
because they have not ensued after it, nor promoted the same,
but rather with their mother wits have impugned the wisedome
of the Father, and hindered the knowledge thereof, which tin -re-
fore hath been taken away from them. And if to call this or
that truth, requireth a deepe and profound knowledge, then
either every man hath a deepe and profound knowledge, or else \\>,
man can call this or that truth. And it behoveth every preacher
to have so deepe and profound knowledge, that hee may call tin's
or that truth, which this or that he taketh in hand to preach for
the truth; and yet hee may be ignorant and uncertain*.' in many
things, both this and that, as Apollo was; but which things,
whether this or that, he will not attempt to preach for the truth.
And as for my selfe, I trust in God, I may have sensus exercitatos,
well enough, ad discernendum bonum et malum, senses exercised to
discerne good and evill in those things which, without deepe and
profound knowledge in many things, I preach ; yet there be
many things in Scripture in which 1 cannot ccrtainely disrerne
bonum et malum, I mean verum et falsum, not with all the exercise
that I have in Scripture, nor yet with the help of all interpreters
that I have, to content my selfe and other in all scnipulositie.
that may arise : but in such I am wont to wade no further into
the streame, than that I may either go over, or else retnrne
hackc auaine, having ever respect, not to the ostentation of my
little wit, but to the edification of them that In -an- m« e. as
tarn- foorth as I can, neither passing mine nwne nor yet their
capac-itie.

"And such manner of arguments mi^lit w»-ll serve the divell
r-mti'ii /<>i/>tl<i,>'il,,rs, to occasion them to wander and \\aver in the
faith, and t«. be imcertaine in tiling- in which the\ ouirht h> 1"

BISHOP LAT1MER.

certaine : or else it may appeare to make and serve against such
preachers which will define great subtleties and high matters in
the pulpit, which no man can bee certaine and sure of by Gods
word to bee truth, ne sensus quidem habens ad discernendum bonum
et malum exercitatissimos ; as whether, if Adam had not sinned,
wee should have had stockfish out of Iseland ; how many larkes
for a peny, if every starre in the element were a flickering
hobby ; how many yeares a man shall lie in purgatorie for one sinne,
if hee buy not plentie of the oyle that runneth over our lampes
to slake the sinne withall, and so forget hell which cannot be
slaked, to provide for purgatorie.

"Such argumentation (I say) might appeare to make well
against such preachers, not against mee, which simply and
plainely utter true faith and the fruites of the same, which be the
good workes of God, which hee hath prepared for us to walke in,
every man to do the thing that pertaineth to his office and duetie
in his degree and calling, as the worde of God appointeth, which
thing a man may do with sobernesse, having sensus ad discernendum
bonum et malum, vel mediocriter exercitatos. For it is but foolish
humilitie, willingly to continue alwayes an infant still in Christ,
and in infirmitie : in reproofe of which it was sayd ; Facti estis
opus habentes lacte non solido cibo. For Saint Paul saith not :
Estate humiles, ut non capiatis. For though he would not that we
should thinke arrogantly of our selfe, and above that that it
becommeth us to thinke of our selfe, but so to thinke of our selfe,
ut simus sobrii ac modesti, yet he biddeth us so to thinke of our
selfe, as God hath distributed to everie one the measure of faith.
For he that may not with meekenesse think in himselfe what
God hath done for him, and of himselfe as God hath done for
him, how shall hee, or when shall hee, give due thanks to God
for his gifts? And if your friendes wil not allowe the same, I
pray you enquire of them whether they may cum sobrietate et
modestia bee sure they preach to you the truth ; and whether we
may cum sobrietate et modestia follow S. Paules bidding, where he
saith unto us all : Bee not children in understanding, but in mali-
ciousnesse be infants. — God give us all grace to keepe the meane,
and to thinke of our selfe neither too high nor too lowe, but so
that wee may restore unto him, qui peregre profectus est, his gifts
againe cum usura, that is to say, with good use of the same, so
that cedificemus inmcem with the same, ad gloriam Dei. Amen.

" For my life, I trust in God, that I neither have, neither

510 BISHOP LATIMER.

(by Gods grace) shall I neither in sobernesse, nor yet in drunken-
nesse, affirme any truth of my selfe, therewith intending to divide
that unitie of the congregation of Christ, and the received truth
agreed upon by the holy fathers of the church consonant to the
Scripture of God ; though it be shewed you never so often, that
an opinion or manner of teaching, which causeth dissention in a
Christian congregation, is not of God, by the doctrine of Saint
John in his epistle where hee sayeth ; Every one that confesseth
Christ in ike flesh, is of God. First not everie thing whereupon
folio weth dissention, causeth dissention; as I would they that
shewed you that, would also shew you, whether this opinion, that
a man may not mary his brothers wife, be of God or of men.
If it be of men, then as Gamaliell sayde, dissolvetur : if it be of
God, as I thinke it is, and perchance your friends also, — who
can dissolve it, but shal seeme me to repugne against God? And
yet there be many not heathens, but in Christendome, that dis-
senteth from the same, which could beare full evill to heare sayd
unto them vos ex patre diabolo estis. So that such an opinion
might seeme to some to make a dissention in a Christian con-
gregation : saving that they may say perchance with more libertie
than other, that an occasion is sometime taken and not given ;
which with their favour I might abuse for my defence, saving that.
non omnibus licet in hac temporum iniquitate.

" The Galathians having for preachers and teachers the false
apostles, by whose teaching they were degenerate from tin arc
libertie of the gospell into the sowre bond of ceremonies, thought
themselves perad venture a Christian congregation when Saint
Paule did write his epistle unto them, and were in a quiet trade
under the dominion of maisterly curates, so that the false apost 1< s
might have objected to Saint Paule that his apostlcship was not
of God, for as much as there was dissention in a Christian om-
gregation by occasion thereof, while some would rentie their opi-
nions by occasion of the epistle, some would opinur/. as they
were wont to do, and follow their great lords and maisters the
lalso apostles, which were not heathen and unchristened, but
christened, and hie prelates of the professors of Christ. 1 -'or
your i'riendes, I kno-.ve right wel what Krasmtis hath said in an
'le set before the paraphrases of the first epistle to the Co-
rinthians ; which Erasmus hath caused no small dissension with
hi> pen in a Christian congregation, in as much as many
di— ruled tVnm him. not alnnely in el<>\-t»r> (men m<»n than

BISHOP LATIMER. 511

christened men, of high perfection,) but also at Panics crosse,
and S. Mary Spittle, besides many that with no small zeale have1
written against him, but not without aunswere.

"And I woulde faine learne of your friendes, whether that
Saint Hieromes writing were of God, which caused dissension in
a Christian congregation, as it appeareth by his owne wordes in
the prologue before the Canonicall Epistles, which be these : Et
tu virgo Christi Eustochium, dum a me impensius Scriptures verita-
tem inquiris, meam quodammodo senectutem inmdorum dentibus vel
morsibus corrodendam apponis, qui me falsarium corruptoremque
Scripturarum pronunciant ; sed ego in tali opere nee illorum inm-
dentiam pertimesco, nee Scriptura? veritatem poscentibus denegabo.
I pray you, what were they that called S. Hierome falsarium,
and corrupter of Scripture, and for envy would have bitten him
with their teeth ? unchristen, or Christen ? What had the un-
christen to do with Christian doctrine ? They were worshipful
fathers of a Christian congregation, men of much more hotter
stomackes than right judgement, of a greater authority than
good charity ; but Saint Hierome would not cease to doe good
for the evill speaking of them that were naught, giving in that an
ensample to us of the same : — and if this dissension were in
Saint Hieromes time, what may bee in our time ? de malo in
pejus scilicet.

"And I pray you what meaneth your friendes by a Christian
congregation ? All those (trow ye) that have been christened ?
But many of those beene in worse condition, and shal have
greater damnation, than many unchristened. For it is not
inough to a Christian congregation that is of God, to have been
christened : but it is to be considered what we promise when we
bee christened ; to renounce Sathan, his workes, his pompes :
which thing if we busie not our selves to doe, let us not crake
that we professe Christes name in a Christian congregation, in
uno baptismo, in one baptisme.

" And where they adde in uno Domino, in one Lord, I reade
in Matth. 17, Not everie one that saith Lord, Lord, $c. And in
Luke, the Lord himselfe complaineth and rebuketh such pro-
fessours and confessours, saying to them : Why call you me Lord,
Lord, and do not that I bid you ? even as though it were enough
to a Christian man, or to a Christian congregation to say every
day, Domine Dominus noster, and to salute Christ with a double
Domine. But I would your friends would take the paines to

512 BISHOP LATIMER.

reade over Chrysostome super Matthceum, horn .49. cap. 24. to loanu
to know a Christian congregation, if it will please them to learn at
him. And where they adde, in una fide, in one faith, S. James
sayth, boldly, shew me thy faith by thy works. And S. Hierome,
Si tamen credimus, inquit, opere veritatem ostendimus. And Scrip-
ture sayth, qui credit Deo, attendit mandatis : and the divi-ls he-
leeve to their little comfort. I pray God to save you and your
friendes from that beleeving congregation, and from that faitht'ull
company.

" Therefore all this toucheth not them that bee unchristened.
but them that be christened, and aunswere not unto their Chris-
tendome. For S. Hierome sheweth how true preachers should
order themselves, when evill priests and false preachers, and Un-
people that be by them deceived, should be angry with them for
preaching the trueth (Tom. 5. in Hieremiam, capit. 26), exhort int>-
them to suffer death for the same of the evill priests and false
preachers and the people deceived of them, which evill priests
and false preachers with the people deceived, bee christened as
well as other : and I feare me that S. Hierome might appeare to
some Christen congregations, as they will be called, to write sedi-
tiously ; to divide the unitie of a great honest number, confessing
Christ in uno baptismate, uno Domino, una fide, saying, The people
which before were brought asleepe by their maisters, mustgoe up
to the mountaines ; not such mountaines which smoke when they
are touched, but to the mountaines of the old and new T«
ment, the prophets, apostles, and evangelists. And when thou
art occupied with reading in these mountaines, if then thou finde
no instructors, (for the harvest is great and the workmen he
few) yet shall the diligent study of the people be fle< -in^ t<>
the mountaines, and the slouthfulnes of the maisters shal he
rebuked.

" I do marvell why our Christian congregation be so greatly
grieved that lay people would reade Scripture, seeing that S. I He-
roine alloweth and approveth the same, which compareth not
heere the unchristened to the christened, but the lay people
christened to their curates christened, under the which they have
beene rocked and locked asleepe in a subtile- trade a ^n-at while
full soundly, though now of late they have heene waked, hut to
their paine; at the least way, to the paine of them that have
wakened them with the word of (Jod: and it is properly said of
S. Hierome to call them maisters and not servants, meaning that

BISHOP LATIMER. 513

servants teach not their own doctrine, but the doctrine of their
maister Christ, to his glory : maisters teach not Christes doc-
trine, but their owne, to their owne glory : which maisterly cu-
rates cannot be quiet till they have brought the people asleepe
againe : but Christ the verie true maister saith : vigilate, et
orate, ne intretis in tentationem. Non cogitationes mece cogitationes
vestrce, neque vice mece vice vestrce, dicit Dominus ; and there have
beene, qui cogitaverunt consilia, qua? non potuerunt stabilire, which
have gone about counsels, which they could not establish. I
pray God give our people grace so to wake, ut studium illorum
comprobetur, and our maisters so to sleepe, ut non desidia illorum
coarguatur. For who is so blinde that he seeth not how farre our
Christian congregation doth gaynesay Saint Hierome, and speak-
eth after an other fashion ? God amend that is amisse : for we
bee something wide, I wis.

" But now your friends have learned of S. John, that, Every
one that confesseth Jesus Christ in flesh, is (>f God. And I have
learned of Saint Paule, that there have been, not among the hea-
then, but among the Christen, qui ore confitentur, factis autem
negant, which confesse Christ with their mouth, and deny him
with their actes : so that Saint Paule should appeare to expound
Saint John ; saving that I will not affirme any thing as of my
selfe, but leave it to your friends to shew you utrum qui factis
negant Christum et vita, sint ex Deo necne per solam oris con-
fessionem : for your friendes knowe well enough by the same Saint
John, qui ex Deo est, non peccat : and there both have beene and
bee now too many, qui ore tenus confitentur Christum venisse in
carne, which will not effectually heare the word of God by con-
senting to the same, notwithstanding that Saint John saith, qui
ex Deo est, verbum Dei audit; vosnon auditis, quia ex Deo non estis:
and many shall heare nunquam novi vos, I never knew you, which
shall not alonely be christened, but also shal prophetare, and do
puissant things in nomine Christi : and Saint Paule said there
should come lupi graves qui non parcerent gregi, ravening wolves
which wil not spare the flocke, meaning it of them that should
confiteri Christum in carne in their lips, and yet usurp by suc-
cession the office : which Christ calleth false prophets, and biddeth
us beware of them, saying, they shall come in sheepes cloathing,
and yet they may weare both satten, silke, and velvet, called
afterwardes servi nequam, non pascentes sed percutientes conservos,
edentes et bibentes cum ebriis, habituri tandem portionem cum

VOL. If. L 1

514 BISHOP LATIMER.

hypocritis. They are called servaunts, I trowe, quod ore confiten-
tur Christum in came ; nequam vero, quia factis negant eund'-m.
non dantes cibum in tempore, dominium exercentes in gregem. And
vet your friends reason as though there could none barke and
l>ite at true preachers, but they that be unchristened, notwith-
standing that Saint Augustine upon the same epistle of John
calleth such confessours of Christ qui ore confitentur, et /<//•//>•
negant, antichristos ; a strange name for a Christian congregation :
and though Saint Augustine could defend his saying, yet hi*
saying might appeare not to be of God, to som mens judgement,
in that it breaketh the chayne of Christes charity, so to cause
men to hate antichristianismum, antichristes ; according to the
doctrine of Saint Paule, sitis odio persequentes quod maluin
hate that is evill : and so making division, not bet\\
christened and unchristened, but between Christians and anti-
christians, when neither penne nor tongue can divide the anti-
christians from their blinde folly. And I would you would cans.-
your friends to reade over Saint Augustine, upon the epistle of
S. John, and tell you the meaning thereof, if they thinke it e.\j>< •-
dicnt for you to knowe it : as I remember, it is Tractatu 3. but I
am not sure nor certaine of that, because I did not see it since I
was at Cambridge; and heere have I not Saint August incs
workes to looke for it ; but well I wot, that there he teacheth us
to knowe the Christians from the antichristians, which both be
christened, and both confesse Jesum esse Christum, if they be
asked the question : and yet the one part denyeth it in v« ry
deede : but to knowe whether, let us not stand upon our talkes.
but attend to our doings and conversation of life, whether we.
not onely do not put our indevour thereto, but also persuade our
selves as though it were not necessary for us to accomplish such
things, &c. but that it is inough to beare rule and authority over
them, and to bestow ourselves wholy upon secular matters, plea-
sures, and pompe of this world.

" And yet as long as they minister the word of God or his
sacraments, or any thing that God hath ordained to the salvation
ofmankinde, wherewith God hath promised to be pn •>« •':
\\orke with the ministration of the same to the endc of the world.
they be to bee heard, to be «»1, \(<1. to be honoured for <;<•<!"
ordinance sake, which is effectual 9 and fruitfull. what<o«-ver the

' Which is effectual'] Art. XXVI. of tho Church of England; ()•
unworthiness of the Ministers, which himlrrs not the effect of the Socrnmt

BISHOP LATIMER. 515

minister be. though he be a divel, and neither church nor member
of the same, as Origene sayth, and Chrysostome, so that it is not
all one to honour them, and trust in them, Saint Hierome sayth ;
but there is required a judgement, to discerne when they minister
Gods word, and ordinaunces of the same, and their owne, least
peradventure we take chalke for cheese, which will edge our teeth,
and hinder digestion. For it is commonly sayde, the blinde eateth
many a flye, as they did which were perswaded of the high priests,
to aske Barrabas and to crucifie Jesus : and ye knowe that to
follow blinde guides is to come into the pit with the same. And
will you knowe, saith saint Augustine, how apertly they resist
Christ, when men begin to blame them for their misliving, and
intolerable secularity, and negligence ? They dare not for shame
blaspheme Christ himselfe, but they will blaspheme the ministers
and preachers of whome they be blamed.

" Therefore, whereas yee will pray for agreement both in the
truth, and in uttering of the truth ; when shal that be, as long as
we will not heare the truth, but disquiet with crafty conveyance
the preachers of the truth, because they reproove our evilnesse
with the truth? And to say truth, better it were to have a defor-
mitie in preaching, so that some would preach the truth of God,
and that which is to be preached, without cauponation and adul-
teration of the word, (as Lyranus 10 saith in his time few did ; what

10 Lyranus.~\ Nicholas de Lyra, whose Postills upon the Scriptures were up
to the time of the Reformation of the greatest note. Luther studied them
deeply. He says [Comment, ad Genes, cap. i. v. 9] "Ego Lyranum ideo amo,
et inter optimos pono : quod ubique diligenter retinet et persequitur historiam,
quanquam auctoritate Patrum sevinci patitur, et nonnunquam eorum exemplo
deflectit a proprietate sententiae ad ineptas allegorias." In fact, the Romish
party charged Luther with drawing much of his knowledge from De Lyra,
insinuating that Luther but danced to Lyra's pipe :
" Si Lyra non lyrasset

Lutherus non saltasset."

This monkish doggrel was altered thus by Luther's friends :
" Si Lyra non lyrasset

Totus mundus delirasset "

See Rosenmiiller's Historia Interpretations Vet. et Non. Test. torn. v. p. 232.
The postills are short commentaries on every passage or verse of the
Scriptures. The name is as old as the eighth century, and originated in the
following circumstances. The Scriptures were read in the churches to the
people, or by masters to their scholars, and to each passage as read was added
a short explanation of the text, taken often from the writings of some father.

L 1 2

516 BISHOP LATIMER.

they do now adayes, I report mee to them that can judge) than
to have such an uniformitie, that the seely people should be
thereby occasioned to continue still in their lamentable ignorance,
corrupt judgement, superstition and idolatry, and esteeme thinges
as they doe, all preposterously, doing that, that they neede not
for to do, leaving undone that they ought to do, for lacke or want
of knowing what is to be done, and so shew their love to God, not
as God biddeth (which sayth : 8i diligitis me, prcecepta mea
servate. And againe: Qui habet prcecepta mea etfacit ea, hie est
qui diligit me) but as they bid qui qucerunt quce sua sunt, non
quce Jesu Christi, which seeke their owne thinges, not Chri-
as though to tythe mynt, were more then judgement, faith and
mercy.

" And what is to live in state of curates, but that he taught
which sayd, Peter lovest thou me ? feede, feede, feede : which is now
set aside, as though to love were to do nothing els, but to weare
rings, myters, and rochets, &c. ? And when they erre in ri^ht
living, how can the people but erre in loving, and all of the new
fashion, to his dishonour that suffered his passion, and taught the
true kinde of loving which is now turned into piping, playing, and
curious singing *, which will not be reformed (I trow) nisi
manum Dei validam. And I have both S. Augustine, and S.
Thomas, with divers other, that lex is taken not alonely for cere-
monies, but also for morals, where it is sayd ; Non estis sub lege :
though your friends reproove the same. But they can make no
division in a Christian congregation. — And whereas both you and
they would have a soberness in our preaching, I pray God send it
unto us, whatsoever ye meane by it. For I see well whoso
will be happy, and busie with TCB vobis, hee shall shortly after come
coram nobis.

"And where your friends thinke that I made a lie, when I
said that I have thought in times past that the pope had bem
lord of the world ; though your friends be much better learned
then I, yet am I sure that they know not what either I thinke, or
have thought better then I, juxta illud ; nemo nomt quce sunt
hominis, $c. as though better men then I have not thought so, as

The text was read in sentences, and after them (" post ilia verba ") the note.
This became a technical term, which was afterwards used in a more extended
sense.

1 Curious singing, ,] See Index, under Church Music.

BISHOP LATIMER. 517

Bonifacius (as I remember) Octavus 3, the great learned man John
of the Burnt Tower 3, presbyter cardinalis, in his booke where he
proveth the pope to be above the Councell general and speciall,
where he saith that the pope is rex regum, and dominus dominan*
tium, the king of kings, and lord of lords, and that he is verus
dominus totius orlis.jure licet non facto, the true lord of the whole
world by good right, albeit in fact hee bee not so : and that Con-
stantinus did but restore his owne unto him, when he gave unto
him Rome, so that in propria venit, as S. John saith Christ did,
et sui eum non receperunt : and yet I hear not that any of our
Christian congregations hath reclaimed against him, until now of
late dissention began. — Who be your friends I cannot tell : but
I would you would desire them to be my good maisters, and if
they will do me no good, at the least way do me no harme ; and
though they can do you more good then I, yet I am sure I would
be as loath to hurt you as they, either with mine opinions, maner
of preaching or writing.

" And as for the popes high dominion over all, there is one
Baphaell Maruphus 4 in London, an Italian, and in times past a
marchaunt of dispensations 5, which I suppose would dye in the
quarrell, as Gods true knight and true martyr. — As touching
purgatory, and worshipping of saints, I shewed to you my minde
before my ordinary : and yet I marvelled something, that after
private communication had with him, ye would (as it were) abjure

2 Bonifacius Octavus.'] By whom in 1298 was promulgated the Sextus liber
Decretalium. See the note at p. 129 of vol. i. of this collection.

3 Burnt Tower.'] Latimer, or rather Fox, has here translated literally his
author's name. The Spaniard, Juan de Torquemada, or in Latin Joannes de
Turrecremata, was one of the most celebrated theologians and canonists of the
fifteenth century. Pope Eugenius IV. called him to Rome, invested him in
1431 with the dignity of master of the sacred palace, and appointed him his
theologian at the council of Basle, where Torquemada delivered a long oration,
De Pontificis Maximi Conciliique Generalis Auctoritate, in reply to the orator
of the council. It is this to which Latimer alludes. An edition was printed
at Louvain so lately as 1688. Torquemada was afterwards created priest-
cardinal of San Sisto, and died in 1468. He must not be confounded with
his namesake, Thomas de Torquemada, who has achieved an unhappy cele-
brity as founder of the Inquisition in Spain. They were members, however,
of the same family, and lived at the same time.

4 Maruphus.'] Or Marulphus. See Strype's Memorials, vol. i. pt. i. p. 247.
Oxford edition.

5 Marchaunt of dispensations, ,] A retailer of the papal indulgences and
dispensations. See Fuller's Church History, book v. sect. iii. p. 30—43.

518 BISHOP LATIMER.

me to open my minde before him, not giving me warning before,
saving I cannot interpret evill your doinges towardes me : and
yet neither mine ordinarie, nor you disallowed the thing that I
said, and I looked not to escape better then doctor Crome 6 : but
when I have opened my minde never so much, yet I shall be
reported to denie my preaching, of them that have belyed my
preaching, as he was. Sed opus est magna patientia ad sustinendas
calumnias malignantis ecclesloe.

" Sir, I have had more busines in my little cure since I spake
with you, what with sicke folkes, and what with matrimonies,
than I have had since I came to it, or that I would have thought
a man should have in a great cure. I wonder how men can goe
quietly to bed which have great cures and many, and yet perad-
venture are in none of them all. But I pray you tell none of
your friendes that I said so foolishly, least I make a dissention in
a Christian congregation, and divide a sweete and a restful union,
or tot quot, with hccc requies mea in seculum seculi.

" Syr, I had made an end of this scribling, and was beginning
to write it againe more truely and more distinctlie, and to correct
it, but there came a man of my lord of Parleys 7, with a citation
to appeare before my lord of London 8 in haste, to be punished
for such excesses as I committed at my last being there, so that
I could not performe my purpose. I doubt whether ye can read
it, as it is. If ye can, well be it : if not, I pray you send it mee
againe ; and that you so doe, whether you can read it or not. —
Jesu mercy, what a world is this, that I shall bee put to so great
labour and paines, besides great costes, above my power, for
preaching of a poore simple sermon? But I trow, our saviour
Christ said true ; Oportet pati, et sic intrare : tarn periculosum est
in Christo pie vivere velle : yea in a Christian congregation. God
make us all Christians, after the right fashion. Amen."

8 Then doctor Crome.'] See Strype's Ecclesiast. Memor., vol. iii. p. 102, 103.
Also Appendix, p. 19- "There be some men that do saye, that I have been
abjuryd, and some saye that I am perjuryd; but the truth is, that I am nother
abjuryd, nor yett perjuryd." See also the note at p. 372 of this volume.

7 Lord of FarleysJ] This is not a title but a place : Farley Hungerfonl,
about six miles from Bath and fifteen from Latimer's parish. The Hunger-
ford family possessed a magnificent castle there, and the owner of it, who is
here alluded to by Latimer, was Sir Walter Hungerford, afterwards cr
Lord Hungerford of Heyteshury. He was attainted, and suffered death with
Cromwell, earl of Essex, 28th of July, 1540. Sec note at p. 2Q1 of this vol.

8 Lord of London. ] Bishop Stokesley.

BISHOP LAT1MER. 519

Against this citation, although M. La timer did appeale to his
own ordinarie 9, requiring by him to be ordered, yet al that not-
withstanding, he was had up to London before Warrham, the
archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of London, where he
was greatlie molested, and detained a long space from his cure at
home. There he being called thrise everie weeke before the
said bishops, to make answere for his preaching, had certaine
articles or propositions drawn out and laide to him, whereunto
they required him to subscribe. At length he not onlie per-
ceiving their practicall proceedings, but also much greeved with
their troublesome unquietnes, which neither wold preach them-
selves nor yet suffer him to preach and to do his duty, writeth to
the aforesaid archbishop partlie excusing his infirmitie, whereby
hee could not appeare at their commandement, partlie expostu-
lating with them for so troubling and detaining him from his
dutie doing, and that for no just cause, but onely for preaching
the truth against certaine vain abuses crept into religion, much
needful to be spoken against. Which all may appeare by his
epistle sent to a certaine bishop or archbishop, whose name is not
expressed, the copie of which epistle is this :

The Copie l of the Epistle written by M. Latimer to the Archbishop
of Canterbury.

" I cannot come to your palace, most reverend prelate, by
reason of sickness ; not any new indisposition, but one of old
standing, though lately increased by fresh aggravations. — As far
as I can see, I say, and conjecture, it will not be in my power to
come to you to-day, without great injury to myselfe. And that
your lordship may not any longer in vain expect my arrival, lo, I
send you this strange sheet, blotted by my own hand, which will
be a satisfactory evidence to you of the truth of my excuse. In
what I am now about to write, I wish I might be able (but the
pressure of the time, and this pain in my head, both forbid it) to
expostulate with you, in a manner that I have great reason to do ;
for that you so long detaine me against my will, from the care of
those souls which are under my charge : and particularly at this

9 His own ordinarie^] See above, p. 493.

1 The Copie.'] This letter is given by Fox only in the origioal Latin. I
thought it too valuable to be omitted ; and have therefore translated it.

520 BISHOP LATIMER.

season s of the year, when there is most occasion for pastors to be
present with their flocks.

" And why should I not expostulate with you : if indeed it
may be permitted at all to me, so vile a slave, to plead with you
so great a father. For if Peter thought it was fit, in respect of
his office, that he should never cease, so long as he continued in
this earthly tabernacle, to teach and admonish the people, and
that so much the more urgently, the nearer he approached to
death ; can it otherwise than appear very unjust, that there are,
who neither teach themselves, even at this time of day (to say
nothing of their not having taught in former times), nor permit
those who wish to teach so to do, except only such persons as
are ready to comply with their wishes through, and in every
thing ?

" In the first place then ; I had liberty indeed to present my-
self before your lordship, but to depart, and extricate myself
again, seems no longer to be at my own disposal. And seeing
that for this long time, one object is pretended in the beginning,
and another always aimed at in the progress of my cause, I have
much reason to doubt of what kind the issue will be. But the
truth, as I hope, will in the end deliver me. The Lord, who is
the guardian of truth, will deliver me for ever. And therefore
may I never forget the words of Saint Jerome in this behalf.
Nothing can give me pain which I shall suffer in the defence of
truth : for God liveth, and he will take care of me. — Secondly I was
summoned to appear only before the bishop of London ; and yet
the whole process is carried on before you, my lord of Canter-
bury, occasionally surrounded by many other reverend fathers.
My affair had some bounds and limits assigned it by him who
sent for me up, but is now protracted by intricate and wily exa-
minations, as if it would never find a period; while sometimes
one person, sometimes another, asks me questions, which do or
do not relate to me, without measure or end. So, I say, it would
seem to be, did not I myself (though perhaps somewhat uncour-
teously, yet I think not indiscreetly) impose some limit to their
interrogatories; fearing, as I do, lest while singly I have to
answer to so many, something, as it often happens, should un-

- At this season.} From this passage we may presume that this lettrr was
wrim-n in Lritt. The year was Ifi.'ll -_'. Hi^ first rita'ion (see above, p. 403;
was in " deep winter :" but some time had now elapsed since then.

BISHOP LATIMER. . 521

advisedly fall from me, to injure a cause in other respects un-
impeachable.

" Let them be contented to profess, to assert, to defend their
own propositions ; but why should the opinions of others be
obtruded upon me, and I be compelled, I know not by what
right, to make confession of them ? This hardship I think is
unexampled ; and yet I am accounted untractable, for refusing to
comply with what I deem unjust importunities. If any man has
any fault to object against my preaching, as being obscure or
incautiously uttered, I am ready to explain my doctrine by further
discourse ; for I have never preached any thing contrary to the
truth, nor contrary to the decrees of the fathers, nor, as far as I
know, contrary to the catholic faith ; all which I can prove to be
true by the testimonies of my enemies and calumniators. I have
desired, I own, and do desire, a reformation in the judgement of
the vulgar. I have desired, and still do, that they should distin-
guish between duties ; and that each should maintain among them
its proper value, its place and time, its rank and degree. And so
that all men should know, that there is a very great difference
between those works which God hath prepared for each of us,
zealously discharging the duties of our respective callings, to walk
in, and those that are voluntary, which we undertake by our own
strength and pleasure. It is lawful, I own, to make use of images ;
it is lawful to go on pilgrimage ; it is lawful to pray to saints; it
is lawful to be mindful of souls abiding in purgatory ; but these
things, which are voluntary 3, are so to be moderated, that God's

3 Which are voluntary. ~\ Compare Art. XIV. of the Church of England.
" Voluntary works besides, over and above God's commandments, which,"
&c.

I here give the promised extract from the " Card Sermon."
" Evermore bestow the greatest part of thy goods in works of mercy, and
the lesse parte in voluntary workes. — Voluntary workes be called all manner
of offerings in the church. Setting up candles, gilding and painting, building
of churches, giving of ornaments, going on pilgrimages, making of high-
ways, and such other, be called voluntary works; — which works be, of them-
selves, marvellous good works, and convenient to be done. — Necessary works,
and works of mercy are called the commandements, and such as longeth to
the commandements; — and workes of mercie consisteth in relieving and
visiting thy poore neighbours. — Now then, if men will be so foolish of them-
selves, that they will bestowe the moste parte of their goodes in voluntary
works, which they be not bound to keepe, but willinglie and by their devo-
tion, and leave the necessary works undone, which they are bound to doe,
they and all their voluntary works are like to goe unto everlasting damnation.

522 BISHOP LATIMER.

commandments of necessary obligation, which bring eternal liie
to those that keep them, and eternal death to those who neglect
them, be not deprived of their just value, least from a mistaken
love of God, and by a foolish devotion, we meet with a return
from him, not of love, but rather of hatred. For this is truly to
love God, that we diligently keep his commandments, according
to those words of Christ, He that hath my commandments and d^-ih
them, he it is that loveth me. Let no one then so account of 1 1
precepts which respect our calling in God, as to chuse rather l<>
wander in his own inventions ; seeing that in the end we shall all
be judged before the tribunall of Christ, according to those and
not these : as Christ says, The word which I have spoken, it shall
judge at the last day. Who can recompence for a single com-
mandment of God, by any inventions of his own, however nume-
rous or specious 2 Oh ! that we were as zealous in the things of
God, as we are busy and careful about our own fantasies. There
are many works, which when done in a simple and honest heart.
God does not condemn, yea rather, out of compliance with men's
infirmities, does in some degree approve, which, if he were asked
before they were done, he would neither command, nor counsel ;
as being things rather to be tolerated, when so done, than to be

And I promise you, if you build a hundred churches, give as much as you
can make to gilding of saints, and honouring of the church ; and if thou goe
as many pilgrimages as thy body can well suffer, and offer as great candles as
oaks, if thou leave the workes of mercie and the commandements undone, these
works shall nothing availe thee. No doubt the voluntary works be good and
ought to be done : but yet they must be so done, that by their occasion tin-
necessary workes, and the workes of mercy be not decaied and forgot.

" Againe : if you list to gilde and paint Christ in your churches, and honour
him in vestiments, see that before your eyes the poore people die not for lacke
of meate, drinke, and clothing. Then do you decke the very true temple of
God, and honour him in rich vestures, that will never be worne out, and so
use yourselves according to the commandements : and then finallie, you w
your candles, and they will report what a glorious light remaineth in your
hearts ; for it is not fitting to see a dead man light candles. Then, I say, go
your pilgrimages ; build your material churches ; do all your voluntary u
and they will then represent unto God, and testifie with you, that you
provided him a glorious place in your hearts. — But beware, I say again, that
you do not run so far into your voluntary workes, that ye do quite forget your
necessarie workes of mercie, which you are bounde to keepe. You inns'
have a good respect unto the best, and worthiest workes toward (iod.
t\mw. first, and with more efficacie; and the other to In done secondar,
Fox's Acts, ]>. I

BISHOP LATIMER. r>2:J

recommended to be done ; lest haply by occasion of that com-
mendation, those duties should come to be neglected, which are
to be performed on peril of damnation. But what can be more
unseemly, than to employ our preaching in that which God would
neither command nor counsel, so long at least as those things
thereby fall into neglect, which are commanded. I therefore
hitherto stand fixed on the side of the commandments of God ;
so aiming, not at my own gain, but that of Christ ; so seeking
not my own glory, but that of God : and as long as life shall be
permitted to me, I will not cease thus to continue, imitating
herein all true preachers of the word, that have hitherto lived in
the world.

"There are no doubt, and have long been some intolerable
abuses amongst us. Why then should a preacher be called
upon to recommend from the pulpit works, which, though
they were seldomer performed (not to say never), I do not see
that the Christian religion would suffer any loss : unless indeed
we be so wretchedly blind as to think that religion consists
in our own unworthy lucre, and not in the true worship of God.
It cannot be, I own, that the blameable abuse of these observ-
ances can be duly censured, but that straightway the use of
them shall become less frequent. And yet I had rather that
some things were never done at all, than with that sort of con-
fidence in them, which diminishes the regard to real duties.
Some things, we know, are to be done, and others are not to be
left undone : others again we are under no obligation of doing,
and may leave undone.

" But now, is there one that does not see amongst us many
manifest abuses I Who is there that sees and does not greatly
lament them? Who shall lament and will not endeavour to
remove them ! And when can they be removed, if the use be
ever extolled, and the abuse passed over in silence ; nay verily it
cannot be, but that the abuse must prevail, and bear the sway ?
It is one thing to tolerate that which may be permitted on fit
occasions, and another to be always extolling it as a necessary
matter, and to establish it by a law. Go ye, says Christ, and
teach all things. All what things ? All, says he, which I haw
commanded you. He does not say all which you yourselves may
chuse to account necessary for preaching. — Well then, for God's
sake, let us so exert ourselves, as with one accord, to preach the

524 BISHOP LAHMER.

doctrines of God ; lest we become as they who corrupt and make
a traffick of preaching, rather than true ministers of the word.
Seeing especially, that men are very slow towards heavenly
things ; and so swift about their own, as to stand in no need
of the spur ; being miserably deceived by false judgment, and
innate superstition, contracted even from their youth ; vices
which we shall hardly be able to cure by any preaching, how
frequent, how vehement, how pure and sincere so ever. — May
God therefore provide a remedy that, in these evil days, they
whose duty it is rather to preach themselves (for as Peter says.
he gave us commandment to preach) do not hinder those that
are willing and able to exhort, (contrary to those words, hinder
not him who can do good.} or else compel those to preach, who
make traffick of the word, that they may so detain to their
destruction, the miserable commonalty, in superstitions, and a
confidence that cannot but fail them. Rather, 0 God ! do thou
have mercy on us, that we may learn thy way in the earth : and
not be like those, of whom it is said, Your thoughts are not as rny
thoughts : nor your ways as my ways, saith the Lord.

" For these reasons, I dare not, most reverend father, sub-
scribe the bare propositions which you require of me; bcin^
unwilling, as far as I may, to be the author of any longer con-
tinuance of the superstition of the people : and that I may not
be also at the same time the author of my own damnation.
Could I but be thought worthy, most venerable father, to offer
unto you one piece of counsel ! —But I restrain myself. I 1 is
not hard to conjecture, how depraved and insufferable the he-art
of man is. But no man knows the things of a man, save the
spirit of man that is in him. It is not any pride that withholds
me from that subscription, which has been so often asked of me
by your lordship to my great uneasiness. It cannot but he blame
worthy, not to obey the fathers and leaders of the church. Hut
it is their duty in the mean time to take care what, and to whom.
they give commandment ; since there are occasions in which we
must obey God, rather than man. My head is so out of frame.
and my whole body so weak, that I am neither able to come to
you, nor to write over again, and correct this letter. Your
lordship however, I hope, will approve, if not the judgment, at
least the affection with which it is written. Farewell."

In this epistle foresaid, as ye heare, he maketh mention of

BISHOP LATIMER. V2r>

certaine articles or propositions, whereunto hee was required by
the bishops to subscribe. The copie and effect of those articles
be these.

Articles devised* by the bishops, for M. Latimer to subscribe unto.

" I beleeve that there is a purgatorie to purge the soules of
the dead after this life.

" That the soules in purgatorie are holpen with the masses,
prayers, and almes of the living.

" That the saints do praie as mediatours now for us in heaven.

" That they are to be honoured of us in heaven.

" That it is profitable for Christians to cal upon the saints,
that they may pray as mediators for us unto God.

" That pilgrimages and oblations done to the sepulchres, and
reliques of saints are meritorious.

" That they which have vowed perpetual chastity, may not
marry, nor break their vow, without the dispensation of the
pope.

" That the keies of binding and loosing delivered to Peter, do
still remaine with the bishops of Rome his successors, although
they live wickedly ; and are by no means, nor at anie time com-
mitted to lay men.

" That men may merit and deserve at Gods hand by fasting,
praier, and other good works of pietie.

" That they which are forbidden of the bishop to preach, as
suspect persons, ought to cease untill they have purged them-
selves before the said bishops, or their superiors, and be restored
againe.

" That the fast which is used in Lent, and other fasts pre-
scribed by the canons, and by custome received of the Christians
(except necessitie otherwise require) are to be observed and
kept.

" That God in every one of the seaven sacraments giveth grace
to a man, rightly receiving the same.

4 Articles devised.] In reference to these articles, the curious reader may
find it well worth bis while to consult the large declaration of Latimer's friend
Dr. Crome upon certain like propositions objected to him by the bishops,
at this same time, March 11, 1530-1. Strype's Eccles. Memor., Appendix,
vol. iii. p. 19—27.

526 BISHOP LATIMER.

"That consecrations, sanctifyings, and blessings by use and
ciistome received in the church, are laudable and profitable.

" That it is laudable and profitable, that the venerable images
of the crucifix and other saints should bee had in the church as a
remembrance, and to the honor and worship of Jesus Christ and
his saints.

" That it is laudable and profitable, to deck and to clothe those
images, and set up burning lightes, before them, to the honor of
the said saints."

To these articles whether he did subscribe or no, it is uncer-
taine 5. It appeareth by his epistle above written to the bishop,

6 // is uncertaine.'] Latimer's biographers are by no means agreed as to the
fact, and the extent of his recantation. It may not therefore be amiss to state
briefly, how the matter appears to have stood. In the first place, the title in
Stokeley's (not TonstalVs) register does not necessarily prove that he sub-
scribed. For in the case of Dr. Crome, which was very similar to that of
Latimer, (May 11, 1530,) we find a memorandum subjoined to the entry (in
which it is said, that "he did acknowledge and confess his faith as follow-
ing,") to this effect, " Nota, that these were not subscribed, but only regis-
tered" Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. iii p. 102.

Latimer's first trouble before the convocation was on the 3rd and 10th of
March, 1530-1. Wilkins's Condi, vol. iii. p. 725. But this matter came to
nothing, " Ulterior deliberatio in aliud tempus dilata est." The minutes of
convocation mention nothing of the particular subjects of complaint against
him. But in one of his own sermons, he tells the clergy, that they would
gladly have raked in the coals of one " who never hurt any of you, because
he would not subscribe to certayne articles, that tooke away the supremacy of the
king." Seimons, fol. 11. On such a subject, it is plain his enemies would
not dare to exert the whole of their strength. And therefore for that time we
hear no more of him. And he was suffered to go on in his ministerial labours
in the west, till he received the citation to appear before the bishop of Lon-
don, of which so much has already been said. We now approach to the day
of the submission recorded in Stokeley's Register. On March llth, (1531-2,)
it appears by the minutes of convocation, that being required three several
times to subscribe to certain articles (probably the same which are given in
this page), and having as often refused, he was pronounced contumacious by
the archbishop, then excommunicated, and delivered up to Warham '
kept in safe custody at Lambeth. On the 21st, the day specified in the Lon-
don Register, after a long debate, the archbishop not being then present, it
was resolved, that if Latimer would subscribe to the eleventh and fourteenth
articles, he should be absolved from the sentence of excommunication. I !>•
was also commanded to make his personal appearance at the next sit!
when and where he appeared accordingly; and kneeling down he submitted
himself, craved forgiveness, and acknowledged that he had erred in preaching

BISHOP LATIMER. 527

that he durst not consent unto them, where he writeth in these
words : His ego nudis sententiis, subscribere non audeo, quia popu-
laris superstitionis diutius duraturw quoad possum, author culus esse
nolo. But yet whether hee was compelled afterwards to agree,

against the aforesaid articles, in words as follow (submisit se, et veniam petiit,
et recognovit se errasse in prcedicando contra articulos prcedictos}. " My lords,
I do confess, that I have misordered myself very farre, in that I have so pre-
sumptuously and boldly preached, reproving certain things, by which the
people that were infirm hath taken occasion of ill. Wherefore I ask forgive-
ness of my misbehaviour. I will be glad to make amends. And I have
spoken indiscreetly in vehemence of speaking, and have erred in some things,
and in manner have been in a wrong way (as thus) lacking discretion in many
things." After which he humbly begged to be absolved from his excommu-
nication. But that was deferred : and he was further commanded to appear
again on the 10th of April: on which day he voluntarily subscribed to the
eleventh and fourteenth articles, was absolved from excommunication, and
directed to be forthcoming on the 1 5th of the same month, to hear what
further should be determined respecting him. By that day a new cause
of complaint appeared against him; and he was called upon to render
an account of a certain letter which he had written to one Greenwood, a
master of arts in the university of Cambridge. The result of that day was,
that he was commanded to come up again on the 19th. On which day he put
in an appeal to the king. On the 22d the king, in a message conveyed by
Gardiner bishop of Winchester, referred his cause back again to the convoca-
tion. Upon which Latimer, making his personal appearance, kneeled down,
and said as follows : " That where he had aforetime confessed, that he had
heretofore erred, and that he meaned then it was only error of discretion, he
hath sythens better seen his own acts, and searched them more deeply, and
doth knowledge, that he hath not erred only in discretion, but also in doctrine :
and said, that he was not called afore the said lords, but upon good and just
ground, and hath been by them charitably and favourably intreated. And
where he hath aforetime misreported of the lords, he knowledgeth, that he
hath done yll in it, and desired them, humbly on his knees, to forgive him :
and where he is not of ability to make them recompence, he said, he would
pray for them." After making this submission, he was taken into favour
again at the special request of the king. But some bishops entered a protest,
because this submission did not imply a renunciation of his errors, as was
always usual in such cases. After giving his promise that he would obey the
laws, and observe the decrees of the church, the bishop of London, sitting in
place of the archbishop, absolved him, and restored him to the sacraments.
See Wilkins's Condi, vol. iii. p. 747, 8. And yet it is plain, that the convo-
cation still retained a great grudge against him. They were not satisfied that
the renown of the victory they had gained over him, should not be propa-
gated. And therefore in the next year (1533), as we find by the minutes,
published in Wilkins, " Primo die (26 Martii) habita fuit communicatio de
examinatione magistri Hugonis Latymer, et de confessione, et submissione,
et subscriptione ejus certis articulis facta de purgatorio, de veneratione sane-

528 BISHOP LATIMER.

through the cruel handling of the bishops, it is in doubt. By the
words and the title in Tonstalls Register prefixed before the arti-
cles, it may seeme that he subscribed. The words of the Register
be these : Hugo Latimerus in sacra theologia bacch. in universitate
Cantab, coram Cant, archiepisc. Joha. Land, episcopo, reliquaque
condone apud Westmon. wcatus, confessus est et recognovit fidem
suam, sic sentiendo ut sequitur in his artic. xxi. die Martii, an.
1531. If these words bee true, it may be so thought that he
subscribed. And whether he so did, no great matter nor marvel,
the iniquitie of the time being such, that either he must needs so
do, or els abide the bishops blessing, that is, cruel sentence of
death, which he at that time (as himself confessed preaching at
Stamford) was loth to sustaine for such matters as these were,
unlesse it were for articles necessarie of his beliefe : by which his
words I conjecture rather that he did subscribe at length, albeit
it was lonnr before he could be brought so to do. Yet this by the
way is to be noted, concerning the crafty and deceitfull handling
of these bishops in his examinations, what subtle devises they
used the same time to entrap him in their snares. The truth of
the story he sheweth forth himselfe in a certain sermon preached
at Stamford, an. 1550, Octob. 9. His words be these, "I was
once11 (saith he) " in examination before five or six bishops, where
I had much turrnoyling : every weeke thrise, I came to examina-
tions, and many snares and traps were laid to get something.
Now God knovveth I was ignorant of the lawe, but that God gave
me answere and wisdome what I should speake. It was God
indeed, for else I had never escaped them. At the last 1 was
brought forth to be examined into a chamber hanged with arras.
where I was wont to be examined : but now at this time the
chamber was somewhat altered. For whereas before there
wont ever to be a fire in the chimney, now the fire was taken away,
and an arras hanged over the chimney, and the table stood m Ti-
the chimneis end.

"There was amongst these bishops that examined me, one
with whom I have been very familiar, and tooke him for my
great friend, an aged man, and he sate next the table end.

torum, de peregrinatione ad imagines sanctorum, contra quos ille in villa
Bristolliae contra promissum suum praedicasse dicebatur; ubi decrctum I'uit,
quod hujiisinodi submissio in ea parte facta, et manu sua subscripta niim-
retur ad aliquem probuin et doctum vinim in partibus illis, ubi idem Latvmrr
pKrdicasse asserebatur aut predicate contigerit in futurum." Vol. iii. p.

BISHOP LATIMER.

" Then amongst all other questions he put forth one, a very
subtle and crafty one, and such a one indeed, as I could not think
so great danger in. And when I should make answer, ' I pray
you M. Latimer,1 said one, 'speake out, I am very thicke of
hearing, and here be many that sit far off.1 I marvelled at this,
that I was bidden speake out, and began to misdeeme, and gave
an eare to the chimney : and sir, there I heard a penne walking
in the chimney, behind the cloth. They had appointed one there
to write all mine answers : for they made sure, that I should not
start from them : there was no starting from them. God was
my good Lord, and gave mee answere, I could never else have
scaped it 6." — The question to him there and then objected, was
this : whether he thought in his conscience, that he hath been
suspected of heresie. This was a captious question. There was
no holding of peace would serve, for that was to graunt himselfe
faultie. To answere, it was every way full of danger. But God
which always giveth in need what to answer, helped him, or else
(as hee confesseth himself) he had never escaped their bloudy
hands. Albeit what was his answer, he doth not there ex-
presse.

And thus hitherto you have heard declared the manifold trou-
bles of this godly preacher in the time not only of his being in the
university, but especially at his benefice, partly by his owne wordes
above mentioned, and partly by his letters.

In these so hard and dangerous straites, and such snares of the
bishops, hard it had beene for him, and impossible to have escaped
and continued so long, hadde not the almightie helping hand of
the highest, as hee stirred him up, so preserved him through the
favour 7 and power of his prince : who with much favour embraced

6 Have scaped it.] Sermons, fol. 93, 4. edit. 1584.

7 Through the favour.'] " How manifold wayes was hee troubled, tost and
turmoyled from post to piller, by the popish bishops, whose handes he could
not have escaped, if God had not moved the kinges majesties hart, that then
was, to assist him ; by whose absolute power divers times he was delyvered
from the cruell lions. And although it did please God in processe of tyme
to suffer the kynges majestic to be deluded and circumvented by the subtle
persuasions of those popishe bishoppes, to establishe by law sixe ungodlye
articles : yet this faythful servaunt of Christe would rather put hys own lyfe
in daunger, then forsake or depart from that, the whiche afore most faythfully
he had taught out of Gods worde. Wherefore he was contented rather to be
caste into the Tower, and there to looke dayly for death, then to be found a

VOL. II. M 111

530 BISHOP LATIMER.

him, and with his meere power sometimes rescued and delivered
him out of the crooked clawes of his enemies. Moreover, at
length also, through the procurement, partly of Doctour But;
partly of good Cromwell, (whose storie ye heard before) her
advanced him to the degree and dignitie of a bishop, making him
the bishop of Worcester9, which so continued a few yea res
instructing his diocesse, according to the duety of a diligent and
vigilant pastor, with wholesome doctrine, and example of perfect
conversation duely agreeing to the same.

It were a long matter to stand particularly upon such thintr
might here be brought to the commendation of his paines; a>
studie, readinesse and continuall carefulnesse in teaching, preach-
ing, exhorting, visiting, correcting and reforming, either as his
ability could serve, or else the time would beare. But the daies
then were so dangerous and variable, that he could not in all
things doe that he would. Yet what he might doe, that hee per-
formed to the uttermost of his strength, so that although he could
not utterly extinguish all the sparkling relicks of old superstition,
yet he so wrought, that though they could not be taken awaie, yet
they should be used with as little hurt, and with as much profile
as might be. As (for example) in this thing, as in divers other
it did appeare, that when it could not be avoyded, but holy water
and holy bread must needes bee received, yet hee so prepared and
instructed them of his dioces, with such informations and 1« -
that in receiving thereof superstition shoulde bee excluded, and
some remembrance taken thereby, teaching and charging the
ministers of his dioces, in delivering the holie water and Imlie
bread, to say these words following :

Words spofon l to the people in giving them holy icat>

" Remember your promise in baptism,
Christ his mercy and bloudshedding,
By whose most holy sprinkling,
Of all your sinnes you have free pardoning."

wavering reede, or to deceave his prince." — Augustine Bernher's Dedi
to Latimer*s Sermons.

8 Doctour Buttes.~\ Sir William Buttes, the king's physician. Sir \ •<•!. i.
p. 603.

• Bishop of Worcester.] He was consecrated in the month of September,
A.D. 1535.— Le Neve's Fasti, p. 298.

1 Words spoken.] Similar interpretations of this and other ceremonii
at this time publicly adopted, and taught in the Articles of lf>36, and the

BISHOP LATIMER.

What to say in giving lioly bread.

" Of Christs body this is a token,
Which on the crosse for our sinnes was broken,
Wherefore of your sinnes you must be forsakers,
If of Christ's death ye will be partakers."

By this it may be considered what the diligent care of this
bishop was in doing the duety of a faithful pastor among his

Institution of a Christian Man in the following year. Compare also Burnet,
vol. ii. p. 117. Appendix. How much was gained even by these modifica-
tions, we might better appreciate, if we were fully in possession of all the
superstitions to which these observances, in their unmodified state, were made
instrumental. Let us take one example. In archbishop Cranmer's Visita-
tion, A.D. 1543, "Sir William Kemp, vicar of Northgate, was presented,
because he had not read the Bible since Pentecost. He doth not declare to
his parishioners the right use of holy water, holy bread, bearing of candles
upon Candle-mas day, giving of ashes, bearing of palms, creeping to the
cross. For lack whereof the most part of the said parish be as ignorant in
such things, as ever they were : and many of them do abuse holy water,
insomuch that against tempests of thunder and lightning, many run to the
church for holy water to cast about their houses, to drive away evil spirits and
devils, notwithstanding the king's proclamations." — Strype's Memor. of Cran-
mer, p. 101, 102. These interpretations, however, did not satisfy the more
ardent and hasty tempers of some of the friends of the Reformation, who
did not scruple to condemn them with much severity as half and half tempo-
rizing measures. A curious passage to this effect may be seen in Turner's
Hunting of the Romish Fox, Signat. C 6. D 1. impr. at Basil, 1543. There
is a judicious and temperate discussion on this subject, in Tindal's Works,
well worth perusing, in connexion with Latimer's practice and policy, and
that of the church in general, at this period. See Works, p. 275 — 9. edit.
1572, How ceremonies sprang among us.

I subjoin here a portion of the passage from Turner. It insists forcibly
upon the serious incongruities and inconsistencies which followed upon the
modern practice, between the doctrine of the old Latin service still retained,
and the expository qualification and comment in English.

" Is the conjuring of salt and water to drive devils away, and to heal all
sicknesses, and to take away synnes agreeing with the word of God ? — Ye
will answer me in English, that ye make not your holy water for any such in-
tent, but only to be a remembrance of Christes bloud ; but on Sonday ye will
answer me in Latin, that ye make it to dryve away devils, to hele all syck-
nesses, and to purchase forgyveness of synnes. Your answer is prynted, and
it is said every Sonday in every parish church of England, in these wordes :
' Immensam tuam clementiam, omnipotens (eterne Deus, humiliter imploromus,'
&c. 'Almighty, everlasting God, we humbly beseech Thee that Thou wouldest
vouchsafe with Thy holiness to bless and make holy thys Thy creature of salt,

M m 2

532 BISHOP LATIMER.

flock. And moreover it is to be thought that he would have
brought more things else to passe, if the time then had answered
to his desire : for he was not ignorant, how the institution of holy
water and holy bread, not only had no ground in scripture, but
also how full of prophane exorcismes and conjurations they wore.
contrary to the rule and learning of the gospel. — Thus this good
man behaved himselfe in his dioces. But as before, botli in the
universitie, and at his benefice, he was tossed and turmoyle<l by
wicked and evill disposed persons, so in his bishopricke also he
was not all cleare and void of some that sought his trouble. As
among manie other evill willers, one especially there was. and
that no small person, which accused him then to the king for his
sermons. The storie because he himselfe she weth in a sermon
of his before king Edward, I thought therefore to use his o \\no
words which be these 2.

u In the kings daies that dead is, a great manie of us wnv
called togither before him, to saie our mindes in certaine matters.
In the end, one kneeleth downe and accuseth me of sedition, and
that I had preached seditious doctrine. A heavy salutation
and a hard point, of such a mans doings, as if I should name, yee
would not thinke. The king turned to me and said : ' What
you to that, sirT

"Then I kneeled down, and turned me first to my accuser,
and required him, ' Sir, what forme of preaching would you ap-
point me, in preaching before a king? would you have me preach

which Thou hast gyven to the use and profit of mankynd, that it may be to
all them that receyve it, helth of bothe body and soul.' And the charm
that ye say over the water every Sunday is thys ; ' O creature of water, I
conjure thee, in the name of Almighty God, the Father, and in the nume of
Jesu Christ hys Son, that thou may be conjured water, to cast out devils, and
to put away sycknesses.' Ye say these wordes, as oft as ye make holy v
How happeneth thys, ye gentlemen of the clergy, that ye say one tiling in
Latin, and another in Englishe? If any man speak agaynst this your
witched water, ye defend it in the pulpit, and say, that ye make it to be a
remembrance only of Christes blood, and not to dryve devils away, and to bo
helth of body and soul; and on the next Sonday, ye say in Latin, th
people should not perceyve your cloked lying, that ye make it to dryvc devils
away, and to be helth of bothe the body and the soul. . . . To make an end
of thys matter, ye say to salt, Sit salus mentis et corporis ; ' Be th<m helth of
body and soul:' and the Scripture sayt-th of Christe: Nee i-st iu n/io t/no-
qunm salus ; 'There is helth in no other:' now ran ye not say, but that ye
hold more popish traditions, contrary to the word of (Jod, than one."
- 1 1' hick be these.] Sermons, fol. 44.

BISHOP LATIMER. :,;;;;

nothing as concerning a king in the kings sermon? have you anir
commission to appoint me what I shall preach r besides this, I
asked him divers other questions, and he would make no answere
to any of them all : he had nothing to say.

" Then I turned me to the king and submitted my selfe to his
grace, and said, 'I never thought myself worthy, nor I never
sued to be a preacher before your grace, but I was called to it,
and would be willing (if you mislike me) to give place to my
betters : for I grant there be a great many, more worthy of the
room than I am. And if it be your graces pleasure so to allow
them for preachers, I could be content to beare their bookes after
them. But if your grace allow me for a preacher, I would desire
your grace to give me leave to discharge my conscience ; give me
leave to frame my doctrine according to my audience. I had bin
a very dolt to have preached so at the borders of your realme, as
I preach before your grace.1

" And I thank almightie God (which hath alwaies been my
remedie) that my sayings were well accepted of the king ; for like
a gracious lord he turned into an other communication. It is
even as the Scripture sayth ; Cor regis in manu Domini. The
Lord directeth the kings hart. Certaine of my friends came to
me with teares in their eies, and told mee they looked I should
have been in the tower the same night."

Besides this, divers other conflicts and combates this godlie
bishop sustained in his owne country and dioces, in taking the
cause of right and equitie against oppression and wrong. As for
another example, there was at that time not far from the dioces
of Worcester a certaine justice of peace, whome here I will not
name, being a good man afterward, and now deceased. This jus-
tice in purchasing of certaine land for his brother, or for himselfe,
went about to wrong or damnifie a poore man, who made his com-
plaint to M. Latimer. He first hearing, then tendring his right-
ful cause, wrote his letter to the gentleman ; exhorting him to
remember himselfe, to consider the cause and to abstain from
injury. The justice of peace not content withall, (as the fashion
of men is when they are told of their fault) sendeth word
againe, in great displeasure, that he would not so take it at his
hands, with such threatning words, &c. M. Latimer hearing
this, answered againe by writing, the copy whereof hereafter
followeth :

534 BISHOP LATIMER.

" Bight worshipfull, salutem in Domino. And now sir I under-
stand, that you be in great admirations at me, and take verie
grievously my maner of writing to you, adding thereunto that you
will not beare it at my hand, no not and I were the best bishop
in England, &c.

"Ah, sir? I see well I may say as the common saying is:
Well have I fished, and caught a frog : brought little to passe
with much ado. You wil not beare it with me you say. Why
sir, what wil ye do with me ? You wil not fight with me, I trow.
It may seeme unseemly for a justice of peace to bee a breaker of
peace. I am glad the doting time of my foolish youth is gone
and past. What will you then do with mee, in that you saie you
will not beare it at my hand ? What hath my hand offended
you ? Perchance you will convent me before some judge, and
call me into some court. God turne it into good, I refuse no
judgment. Let us accuse one another, that one of us may amend
another in the name of the Lord. Let justice proceede in judg-
ment. And then and there, do best, have best, for club halfepeny.
Or peradventure ye will set pen to paper, and all to rattle me in a
letter, wherein confuting me, you will defend your self and your
brother against me. Now that would I see, quoth long Robin ; ut
dicitur vulgariter. I cannot chuse but must alow such diligence.
For so should both your integrities and innocencies best appeare,
if you be able to defend both your owne proceedings, and your
brothers doings in this matter to bee upright. And then will I
gladly give place confessing my fault humbly, as one conquered
with just reasons. But I thinke it will not be. — But now first of
all let me know what it is that ye wil not bear at my hand i
What have I done with my hand ? What hath my hand
passed you? Forsooth, that can I tell, no man better: for I
have charitably monished you in a secret letter, of your slipper
dealing, and such like misbehaviour. 0 quam grave piacu/
What a sore matter is this ! And wil ye not bear so much with
me ? Will yee not take such a shew of my good will towardrs
you, and toward the saving of your soule at my hand ? O Lord
God, who would have thought that maister N. had bin so impu-
dent, that hee would not beare a godly monition for tin- wraith of
hi> soule? I have in use to commit such trespasses mamV tini<-s
in a year with your betters by two or three degrees, both lords
and ladies, of the best in the realme, and yet hitherto I have not

BISHOP LATIMEll. 535

heard that any of them have said in their displeasure, that tin -y
wil not beare it at my hand. Are you yet to be taught, what is
the office, libertie, and privilege of a preacher ? What is it c-ls, .
but even to rebuke the world of sinne, without respect of persons ;
which thing undoubtedly is the peculiar office of the Holie Ghost
in the church of God, so that it be practised by lawful preachers.
You could but ill beare (belike) to heare your fault openlie re-
proved in the pulpit, which cannot beare the same in a secret
sealed up letter, written both friendly, charitablie, and truely, un-
lesse perhaps to rebuke sinne sharpely, be now to lack all charitie,
friendship and truth. But maister N. if you will give me leave
to be plaine with you, I feare me you be so plunged in worldly
purchasings, and so drowned in the manifold dregges of this
deceivable world, that I weene you have forgotten your cate-
chisme. Beade therefore againe the opening of the first com-
mandment, and then tell mee whether you of me, or I of you,
have just cause to complaine.

" Item, you said further, that I am wonderfully abused by my
neighbour, &c. How so, good maister N. 2 Wherein \ or how
will you prove it to be true, and when ? So you said that he
had abused you, and given you wrong information ; but the
contrary is found true by good testimony of M. Chamber, which
heard as wel as you, what my neighbour said, and hath testified
the same, both to you, and against you, full like himselfe. —
Master N. to forge and faine (which argueth an ill cause) that
is one thing : but to prove what a man doth say, that is another
thing. As though you were privileged to outface poore men
and beare them in hand what you list, as may seem to make
some maintenance for your naughty cause. Trust mee master
N. I was but very little acquainted with my neighbour when this
matter began : but now I have found him so conformable to
honesty, upright in his dealings, and so true in his talk, that I
esteeme him better, than I do some other whom I have perceived
and found otherwaies. For I will flatter no man, nor yet claw
his back in his folly, but esteeme all men as I find them, allowing
what is good, and disallowing what is bad, among al men either
friends or enemies, according to Paules precept not esteemed of
the children of this world : hate you, saith he, that which is emit,
and cleave to that which is good. And let us not any time for
the favour of men, call good evill, and evill good, as the children
of this world are commonly wont to do, as it is every where to be

536 BISHOP LATIMER.

seene. And now what maner of man doe you make me nmister
N. when you. note me to be so much abused by so ignorant a
man, so simple, so plaine, and so farre without all wrinkles '.
Have I lived so long in this tottering world, and have I been so
many waies turmoiled and tossed up and down, and so much, as
it were seasoned with the powder of many experiences to and
fro, to be now so far bewitched and alienated from my wits, as
though I could not discerne cheese from chalke, truth from false-
hood, but that every seely soule, and base witted man might
easily abuse me to what enterprise he listed at his pleasure ?
Well, I say not nay, but I may be abused. But why do you not
tell me how your brother abused mee, promising before mee, and
many moe, that hee would stand to your awardship, and now
doeth denie it ? Why do you not tell mee, how those two false
faithlesse wretches abused me, promising also to abide your
awarde, and doth it not ? Yea, why do you not tell me, how
you your selfe have abused me, promising me to redresse the
injurie and wrong that your brother hath done to my neighbour,
and have not fulfilled your promise ? These notable abuses be
nothing with you, but onely you must needs burthen me with my
neighbours abusing mee, which is none at all, as far forth as ever
I could perceive, so God helpe me in my need. For if he had
abused me as you and other have done, I should bee soone at a
point with him, for any thing further doing for him.

" Item sir, you said further, that I shall never be able to prove
that either your brother, or the two tenants agreed to stand to
your award. No, sir? Master N. you say belike as you would
have it to be, or as your brother with his adherentes have ]»er-
swaded you to thinke it to be, so inducing you to doe their
request to your owne shame and rebuke, if you persever iu the
same, beside the perill of your soule, for consenting at least way.
to the maintenance by falsehood of your brothers iniquity. For
in that you would your awardshippe should take none effect, you
shew your selfe nothing inclinable to the redresse of your brothers
unright dealing with an honest poore man. which hath been
ready at your request to doe you pleasure with his things, or
he had never come into this wrangle for his «>\vn goods \\ith
your brother.

"Ah maister N. what maner of man doe you sliewe your s< -lie
to be? or what manner of conscience doe you shewe your
to have? For first, as touching your brother, you know ri^ht

BISHOP LATIMER. 537

wel, that sir Thomas Cokin with a letter of his own hand writing,
hath witnessed unto your brothers agreement, which letter he
sent to me unsealed, and I shewed the same to my neighbour
and other mo ere I sealed it, and perchance have a copy of the
same yet to shew. With what conscience then can you say that
I shall never be able to prove it? Shall not three men upon
their othes make a sufficient proofe, trow you ? The Lord him-
selfe saying : in the mouth of two or three, &c. Yea, you thinke
it true I dare saie, in your conscience, if you have any conscience,
though I were in my grave, and so unable to prove any thing.
And as for the two tenants, they be as they be, and I trust to
see them handled according as they be : for there be three men
alive that dare sweare upon a booke, that they both did agree.
But what should we looke for at such mens hands, when you
your selfe plaie the part you do. But God is yet alive, which
seeth all, and judge th justly.

" Item sir, you said yet further, that the justices of peace in
the countrey, thinke you very unnaturall, in taking part with me
before your brother. Ah maister N. what a sentence is this to
come out of your mouth ? For partaking is one thing, and minis-
tring of justice is another thing: and a worthie minister of
justice will bee no partaker, but one indifferent betweene partie
and partie. And did I require you to take my part, I pray you ?
No : I required you to minister justice betweene your brother
and mine neighbour without any partaking with either other.
But what maner of justices bee they I pray you, which would so
faine have you to take part naturally with your brother, when
you ought and should reforme and amend your brother ? as you
yourselfe know, no man better. What? Justices? no, jugglers
you might more worthilie cal such as they be, than justices.
Bee they those justices which call you unnaturall, for that you
will not take your brothers part against all right and conscience,
whome you had picked out and appointed to have the finall
hearing and determining of my neighbors cause after your sub-
stantial and final award making ? Verely I think no lesse. For-
sooth hee is much beholding to you, and I also for his sake. Is
that the wholsome counsell that you have to give your poore
neighbors in their neede ? In deede you shew your selfe a worthy
jugler, oh, I would have said a justicer, among other of your
jugling and partaking justices. Deum lonum, what is this world ?
Mary sir. my neighbour had spun a faire thred, if your partaking

538 BISHOP LATIMER.

justices through your good counsell had had his matter in order-
ing and finishing. I pray God save me and all my friends, with
all Gods flock, from the whole fellowship of your so naturall and
partaking justices, Amen.

" Lord God, who would have thought that there had beene so
many partaking justices, that is to say, unjust justices in War-
wickshire, if maister N. himself one of the same order (but alto-
gither out of order) and therefore knoweth it best, had not tolde
us the tale? But these call you, you saie, very unnatural!. ,v<-.
And why not rather, I pray you, too much naturall ? For we read
of a double nature, sound and corrupt. That was ful of justice.
This, unless it be restored, abideth alwaies unjust, bringing forth
the fruits of wickednes one after an other. So that he that wil not
helpc his brother having a just cause in his need, may be justly
called unnatural!, as not doing according to the instincte of na-
ture, either as it was at the beginning, or as it was n •>£< >r<-< 1.
But he that will so take his brothers parte against right, as to
ratifie his brothers wrong deceiving, he is too much natural!, as
one following the disposition and inclination of corrupt nature
against the will of God: and so to be naturall may seeme t
cater cosin or cosin germaine with, to be diabolicall.

"Item sir, finally and last of all you added these wordes fol-
lowing. Well, quoth you, let maister Latimer take heed how he
medleth with my brother, for hee is like to finde as crabbed and
as froward a peece of him, as ever he found in his life. All >ir :
and is your brother such a one as you speake of indeede • nu-ivi-
full God, what a commendation is this for one brother to give an
other : is this your glorying my friend ? And were it not possible,
trow you, to make him better ? it is written ? Vexation a
undei'*hii"(infi. And againe, It is good, 0 Lord, f/ott llum
/tumbled me. At least way I may pray to God for him a> I )avid
did for such like, after this sort, bind fast asses with bridl
snaffle, that t/tey approache not neere unto ihee. In the mean season
I would 1 had never known neither of you both: for so should 1
have beene without this inwarde sorrow of my heart uch

untowardnesse of you both to godlinesse : for I cannot be but
heavy harted, to see such men so wickedly minded.

u Wherefore knowing so well your brothers cau>e to b< -.
uauj^litio, why have you not indevoured your selfe, as a wo
justice, to n •forme him accordingly, as I required you. and
]>romi>ed me to doe, now almost twelve month* a^or, it' not B

BISHOP LATIMER.

gether ? — Summa Summarum, maister N. if you will not come off'
shortly, and apply yourself thereunto more effectually heareafter
then you have done heretofore, be you wel assured thereof, I shal
detect you to al the friends that I have in England, both hie and
lowe, as well his crabbednesse and frowardnesse, as your colour-
able supportation of the same, that I trust I shall be able thereby,
either to bring you both to some goodnesse, or at least way I
shall so warne my friends and ah1 honest hearts to beware of your
ilnesse, that they shall take either no hurt at all, or at least way,
lesse harme by you through mine advertisement ; in that, knowing
you perfectly, thay may the better avoide and shunne your com-
pany. You shall not stay mee maister N. no though you would
give mee all the lands and goods you have, as rich as you are
noted to be. I wil not forsake such a just cause, neither will I
communicate with other mens sins. For whether it be by de-
testable pride, whether by abominable avarice, or by both two
linked together, it is no small iniquity to keepe any poore man
so long from his right and duty so stifneckedly and obstinately,
or whether ye wil crabbedly and frowardly. And what is it then
any manner of waies to consent to the same ? You know I trow,
maister N. what theft is, that is, to take or detein by any maner of
way, an other mans good against his will that is the owner, as some
define it. If he be a theefe that so doth openly, what shall hee
be that approveth him which is the doer, defendeth, maintaineth
and supporteth him by any manner of colour ? Consider with your
self good maister N. what it is to oppresse and to defraud your
brother in his businesse, and what followeth thereof. It is truely
said, the sin is not forgiven, except the thing bee restored againe
that is taken away. No restitution, no salvation : which is as
wel to be understanded, of things gotten by fraude, guile, and
deceite, as of things gotten by open theft and robbery. Wher-
fore let not your brother maister N. by cavillation continue in
the divels possession. I will doe the best I can, and wrastle with
the divel, omnibus viribus, to deliver you both from him. I will
leave no one stone unmoved to have both you and your brother
saved. There is neither archbishop nor bishop, nor yet any
learned man either in universities or elsewhere, that I am
acquainted withall that shall not write unto you, and in their
writing by their learning confute you. There is no godly man of
lawe in this realme that I am acquainted withall, but they shall
write unto you, and confute you by the lawc. There is neither

540 BISHOP LATIMER.

lord nor lady, nor yet any noble personage in this realine, that 1
am acquainted withall, but they shall write unto you, and godly
threaten you with their authoritie.

" I will do all this : yea, and kneele upon both my knees before
the kings majestie, and all his honourable councell, with most
humble petition for your reformation, rather than the divell shal
possesse you still, to your finall damnation. So that I doe not
despaire, but verily trust, one way or other, to plucke both you,
and also your crabbed brother, as crabbed as you say hee is, out
of the divells claws, maugre the divels heart.

" These premisses well considered, looke upon it, good muister
N. that wee have no farther adoe. Gods plague is present-lie
upon us : therefore let us now diligently looke about us, and in
no wise defend, but willinglie reknowledge, and amend whatso
hath been amisse.

"These were the capitall points of your talke, as I \\as
informed, after you had perused that my nipping and unpleasant
letter : and I thought good to make you some answer to them, if
perchance I might so moove you, the rather to call your si 1;
some better remembrance, and so more earnestly apply your selfe
to accomplishe and performe what you have begun and promised
to doe, namely the thing itselfe being of such sort, as apparantly
tendeth both to your worship, and also to Gods high pleasure.

"Thus loe with a mad head, but yet a good will, aft' r Imi-j;
scribling I wot not wel what (but I know you can reade it and
comprehend it well inough) I bid you most hartily wel to fan in
the Lord, with good health, and long life to Gods pleasure.
Amen. From Barsterley the 15. of June."

It were a large and long processe to story out all the <l<>i
travels and writings of this Christian bishop, neither yet lia\
expressed al that came to our hands : but this I thought sumc-i. nt
for this present.

Thus he continued in this laborious function of a bishop the
space of certaine yeares, till the comming in of the sixo arti<-l.->.
Then being distressed through the straightnesse of time, so that
either he must lose tin- <|iiiet of a good conscience, or el>e must
forsake his bishoprirk, he did of his owne free accord re^ne hi>
pastorship3. At which time Shaxton the hislmp of Sali>hurie

3 Resigne his pastorship.] This was July 1,15 ^. L«- .Vve's F<w/i, ]>

BISHOP LATIMER. r>41

resigned likewise with him his bishoprick. And so these two
remained a great space unbishopped, keeping silence till the time
of king Edward of blessed memorie. — At what time he first put
off his rochet in his chamber among his friends, sodainly he gave
a skip in the floor for joy, feeling his shoulders so light, and being
discharged (as he said) of such an heavy burden. Howbeit neither
was he so lightned, but that troubles and labors followed him
whersoever he went. For a little after he had renounced his
bishoprick, first he was almost slain, but sore brused with the fall
of a tree. Then comming up to London for remedy, he was
molested and troubled of the bishops, whereby he was againe in
no little danger, and at length was cast into the Tower4, where
he continually remained prisoner, till the time that blessed king
Edward entred his crowne, by meanes whereof the golden mouth
of this preacher, long shut up before, was now opened again. And
so he beginning afresh to set forth his plough againe, continued
all the time of the said king, laboring in the Lords harvest most
fruitfullie, discharging his talent, as well in divers other places of
this realm, as in Stamforde, and before the dutches of Suffolke 5

4 Into the Tower. ] "He was contented rather to be cast into the Tower, and
there to looke dayly for death, than to be found a wavering reed, or to de-
ceive his prince. * For they ' (said he) * that do allow any thing disagreeyng
from God's word, in respect to fulfill the appetites of princes, are betrayers
and murderers of their princes, because they provoke the wrath of God to
destroy such princes : and these flatterers become guiltie of the blood of their
princes, and are the chief causes of their destruction." — Dedication prefixed
to Latimer's Sermons, by August. Bernher, hiss faithful servant. It is pro-
bably to this time, and to these six articles, that Latimer himself refers in
one of his sermons before king Edward. " I wyll tell you what a bysshop of
this realme sayd once to me. He sent for me, and marvelled that I would
not consent to such traditions, as were then sette out. And I aunswered
him, that I would be ruled by God's booke ; and rather than I would dissent
one jotte from it, I would be torne with wilde horses, &c." Fol. 37, b.
edit. 1584.

5 Dutches of Suffolke.'] Katharine, daughter and heir of William, lord Wil-
loughby of Eresby, fourth and last wife of Charles Brandon, duke of Suf-
folk. See note at p. 29. At Grimsthorpe in Lincolnshire.— Bernher's Dedi-
cation. " Now I entend, at the request of my most gracious lady, to expound
to you, her household servantes, and other that be willing to hear, the right
understanding and meaning of this most perfect prayer (the Lord's Prayer)."
Sermons, fol. 120, b. They appear to have been preached in the hall of the
mansion.— Ibid. fol. 174, b. As we see, in the paragraph before us, he
preached also at court " in the same place of the inward (privy} garden,
which was before, &c."

542 BISHOP LATIMER.

(whose sermons be extant and set forth in print) as also at Lon-
don in the convocation house 8 : and especiallie before the king at

6 In the convocation house.'] He preached the Concio ad Clerum, at the
opening of the convocation, June 9, 153C, about nine months after he had
been made bishop, appointed to preach, as he tells us, " by commandment of
our primate" (archbishop Cranmer). In this discourse he expresses himself,
with the freedom which might be expected from him. One passage, as it
regards his own history, will be proper for insertion in this place.

" What have you done hitherto, I pray you, these seven yeares and more ?
What have brought forth ? What fruite is come of your long and great
assembly ? What one thinge, that the people of England hath been the better
for an hair ? Or, you yourselves, either accepted before God, or better dis-
charged toward the people, committed unto your cure ? For that the people
is better learned and taught nowe, then they were in time past, to whether of
these ought we to attribute it, to your industry, or to the providence of God,
and the foreseeing of the king's grace? Ought we to thank you; or the king's
highness ? Whether stirred other first ; you, the king, that you might
preach ; or he you, by his letters, that yee should preach after ? Is it un-
knowne, thinke you, how both yee and your curates were in a manner by
vyolence enforced to let bookes, not made by you, but by prophane and lay
persons, to let them, I saye, be solde abroade, and read for the instruction of
the people. — I am bolde with you, but I speake Latine, and not Englishe :"
(We are in possession only of the English copy ; by whom translated, I
think, does not appear); -"to the clergy, not to the laity. I speake to you
being present, and not behind your backes. God is my witnes, I speake
whatsoever is spoken, of the good will that I beare you : God is my witnes,
whiche knoweth my hart, and compelleth me to say, that I say.

"Now I pray you, in God's name, what did you, so great fathers, so
many, so long a season, so oft assembled together ? What went you about ?
What would you have brought to pass, two things excepted ? The one that
ye (whiche I heard) burned a dead man :" (this was William Tracy, Esq. of
Toddington, Gloucestershire. Fox's Acts, p. 951) the other, that ye (which
I felt), went about to burne one" (himself) "being alive. Him, because he
did, I cannot tell how, in his Testament, withstand your profit ; in other
pointes, as I have heard, a very good man ; reported to be of an honest life,
while he lived; full of good workes, good both to the clergy, and also to tin-
laity. This other, whiche truly never hurt any of you, ye would have i
in the coales, because he would not subscribe to certeyne articles, that t
away the supremacy of the king. Take away these two noble actes, and
there is nothing els left, that ye went about that I know : savyng that I
remember, that somewhat ye attempted agaynst Erasmus, albeit as yet nothing
is come to light." Fruitful Sermons, preached by the right rev. father, M.
Hugh Latimer, fol. 10, 11. 4to. 1584.

Towards the close he addresses them in the following extraordinary o
p«»uiul of keen irony, and affectionate impressive sympathy.

"If there be nothing to be amended abroad concerning the whol
every one of us make one better. If there be neyther abroad nor at 1

BISHOP LATIMER. 543

the court, in the same place of the inward garden which was
before applied to lascivious and courtlie pastimes, there hec <li-
pensed the fruitfull word of the glorious gospell of Jesus Christ,
preaching there before the king and his whole court, to the edifi-
cation of manie 7.

any thing to be amended, my lords be ye of good cheare, be merry : and at
the least because we have nothing els to do, let us reason the matter how we
may become richer. Let us fall to some pleasant communication : after, let
us go home, even as good as we came hyther ; that is, right-begotten children
of the world, and utterlye worldlinges. And while we live here, let us all
make bon chare. For after this life, there is small pleasure, little mirth for us
to hope for ; if now there be nothing to be changed in our actions. Let us
say, not as S. Peter did, Our ende approacheth nigh ; this is an heavy hearing :
but let us saye, as the evil servant sayd, It will be long ere my master come.
This is pleasaunt. Let us beate our fellowes : let us eate and drinke with
dronkardes. — But God will come : God will come, he will not tarry long
away. He will come upon such a day, as we nothing look for him ; and at
such an hour as we knowe not. He will come and cut us in peeces. He
will reward us as he doth the hypocrites. He will set us where wayling shall
bee, my brethren; where gnashing of teeth shall be, my brethren. — And let
here be the end of our tragedy, if ye will." Ibid. fol. 16.

7 The edification of manie. .] Among the effects of his preaching may be
mentioned the case of John Bradford, the martyr, as it is related by Dr.
Thomas Sampson, in the preface to Bradford's Sermon on Repentance.

" Even in this mean time he heard a sermon, which the notable preacher,
Mr. Latimer, made before k. Edward VI., in which he did earnestly speak
of restitution to be made of things falsely gotten : which did so strike Brad-
ford to the heart, for one dash with a pen which he had made without the
knowledge of his master, (as full often I have heard him tell with plenty of
tears) being clerk to the treasurer of the king's camp beyond the seas, which
was to the deceiving of the king, that he could never be quiet, till by the
advice of the same Mr. Latimer, a restitution was made. Which thing to
bring to pass, he did willingly forbear and forego all that private and sorry
patrimony which he had upon earth."

Latimer himself mentions several cases of a similar nature.

" I have now preached three Lents.— The first time I preached restitution.
Restitution (quoth some), what should he preach of restitution ? Let him

preach contrition (quoth they), and let restitution alone At my first

preaching of restitution, one man tooke remorse of conscience, and acknow-
ledged himselfe to me, that he had deceived the king, and willing he was to
make restitution : and so the first Lent came to my hands twenty pounds to
be restored to the king's use. I was promised twenty pounds more the same
Lent, but it could not be made ; so that it came not. Well : the next Lent
came 320/. more. I received it myselfe and paid it to the kings council. So
I was asked, what he was that made this restitution. But should I have named
him ? Nay, they should as soon have this wesaunt of mine. Well : now
this Lent came 1 801 ten shillings, which I have paid and delivered this

544 BISHOP LAT1MER.

In this his painefull travell he occupied hi mselfe all k. Edwards
daies, preaching for the most part everie sundaie twise, to no small
shame of all other loy tering and unpreaching prelates, which occu-
pie great roomes and doe little good : and that so much more to
their shame, because he being a sore brused man by the fall of
the tree, mentioned a little before, and above sixty seven yeares
of age, took so little ease, and care of sparing himselfe, to doe the
people good.

Now to speake heere of his indefatigable travell and diligence
in his owne private studies ; who notwithstanding both his yeares,
and other paines in preaching, everie morning ordinarilie, winter
and sommer, about two of the clocke 8 in the morning was at his
booke most diligentlie. How carefull his heart was of the preser-
vation of the church and the good successe of the gospell. his
letters can testifie, wherewith he continually admonished such as
then wer in authority, of their dutie, and assisted them with his
godlie counsell.

As the diligence of this man of God never ceased al the time of
king Edward 9, to profit the church both publikelie and privatelie,
so among other doings in him to be noted, this is not lightlie to
be overpassed, but worthie to be observed, that God not onelie

present day to the kings council. If every man that hath beguiled the king
should make restitution after this sort, it would cough the king 20,000/. I
thinke (quoth I.) Yea, that it would (quoth the other), a whole 100,000/. —
Alack ! alack ! make restitution, for Gods sake, make restitution." Sermon
before k. Edward, A.D. 1550. Sermons, fol 111.

8 Two of the clocke.'] All these particulars of a more private nature, are
authenticated by his faithful servant Augustine Bernher, in his dedication
to the duchess of Suffolk, prefixed to the Sermons.

9 The time of king Edward.] Much of his time, during this reign, was spent
with archbishop Cranmer at Lambeth. See Sermons, fol. 40.

During the whole of this interval, he was a very frequent preacher in Lon-
don, at St. Paul's cross, and other places. And his sermons, as they were
matter of great delight and improvement to the friends of the reformation, so
was their exceeding popularity regarded with much dislike and jealou
the opposite party. " Frend Hoggarde, I can you thanke" (says K
Crowley), " that you have learned somewhat at Father Latimer's sern
though your coming thither were for lyke purpose, as you have heretol't in-
haunted other men's sermons, to hear, and note, and beare tidings you \vot
whither. But I would wish that you hadde learned a little more." Confuta-
tion of the Aunswer to the Ballade called the Abuse of the blessed Sacrament of
the Aultnre, signat. A 3 b. A.D. 1548. It is probable, from other parts of this
tract, that the person for whom Hoggard is insinuated to have acted as a spy,
was bishop ( ianl'mer.

BISHOP LATIMER. 545

gave unto him his spirit plentiouslie and comfortably to preach his
word l unto his church, but also by the same spirit he did so

1 To preach his word.] Latimer has related two or three agreeable incidents
referring to his connexion with Cranmer and Lambeth ; which seem to de-
serve insertion in any narrative of his life ; and I give them therefore a place
in mutual juxta-position here.

" I cannot goe to my booke for poore folkes coming unto me, and desiring
that I will speake that their matters may be heard ; I trouble my lord of
Canterbury ; and, being at his house, I now and then walke in the garden
looking in my book, yet so as I can do but little good at it : but something I
must needes do to satisfy this place. No sooner am I in the garden, and
have read a while, but by and by cometh there some one or other knocking
at the gate. Anon commeth my man and sayth, syr, there is one at the gate
would speake with you. When I come there, then it is some one or other
that desireth me that I will speak that his matter might be heard, and that
he hath layne thus long at great costs and charges, and cannot once have hys
matter come to the hearing ... It is a great pity that such things should so
be." Second Sermon before k. Edward; Sermotis, fol. 40.

" O there is a writer hath a jolly text here, and his name is Dionysius.
I chaunced to meete with his booke in my lorde of Canterburyes library.
He was a monke of the Charter-house. I marvell to finde such a sentence in
that author. What, he asks, taught Christ in this sermon ? Marry, sayth
he, it is not written. And he addeth more unto it, thus : Evangelistae tantum
scripserunt de sermonibus et miraculis Christi, quantum cognoverunt, inspi-
rante Deo, sujficere ad aedificationem ecclesice, ad confirmationem fidei, et ad
salutem animarum. It is true, it is not written. All his miracles were not
written ; so neither were all his sermons written : yet, for all that, the evan-
gelistes did write so much as was necessary." Sixth sermon before k. Edward.
Sermons, fol. 74 b.

" What should be the cause, that our Saviour Christ went into the boate ?
What should be the cause, why he would not stand on the bancke and preach
there, but he desired Peter to drawe the boate somewhat from the shore into
the middest of the water : what should be the cause ? — One cause was, for
that he might sit there more commodiously than on the bancke. Another
cause was, for that he was like to be thrust into the pond by the people that
came unto him. — Why, our Saviour Christ might have withstood them; he
was strong enough to have kept himselfe from thrusting into the water ! He
was stronger than they all ; and, if he had listed, he might have stoode on the
water, as well as he walked on the water !— Truth it is, so he might have done
indeed. But as it was sometimes his pleasure to shew the power of his god-
head, so he declared no we the infirmity and imbecility of his manhood.

" Here he giveth us an example what we shall doe ; we must not tempt
God by any miracles, so long as we may walke by ordinary wayes. As our
Saviour Christ, when the devil had him on the top of the temple, and woulde
have had him cast himselfe downe, he made him this answere, Thou shalt not
tempt thy Lord God. It is no time now to shew any myracles ; there is
another way to go down, by gresings (steps'). Thus he did to shew us an

VOL. ii. N n

546 BISHOP LATIMER.

evidentlie foreshew and prophecie of all those kindes of plagues
afore, which afterward ensued, that if England ever had a prophet
he might seeme to be one. And as touching himselfe, he ever
affirmed that the preaching of the gospell would cost him his life,
to the which he no lesse cheerefullie prepared himself, then cer-
tainly was perswaded that Winchester was kept in the Tower for
the same purpose, as the event did too truelie proove the same.
For after the death of the said blessed k. Edward, not long after
queene Marie was proclaimed, a pursivant was sent downe (by
the meanes no doubt of Winchester) into the countrey, to call
him up, of whose comming although M. Latimer lacked no fore-
warning, being premonished about sixe houres before by one John
Careles, yet so far off was it that he thought to escape, that lie
prepared himselfe towards his journey before the said pursivant
came to his house.

At the which thing when the pursivant marvelled, seeing him
so prepared towards his journey, he said unto him : " My friend,
you be a welcome messenger to mee. And bee it knowne unto
you, and to the whole world, that I goe as willingly to London at
this present, being called by my prince to render a reckoning of
my doctrine, as ever I was at any place in the worlde. I doubt
not but that God, as hee hath made mee worthy to preach his
word before two excellent princes, so hee will able me to witn
the same unto the third, either to her comfort or discomfort eter-
nallie." At the which time the pursivant, when he had delivered

example, that we must not tempt God, except it be in extreme necessity. We
must leave it all to God, and not tempt the majesty of his deity.

" Well; he comes to Symons boate; and why rather to Symons boate than
another ? — I will aunswere, as I finde by experience in my selfe. I came
hither to-day from Lambeth in a wherry : and when I came to take hoate, the
watermen came about, as the manner is, and he would have me, and he would
have me. I tooke one of them. Now ye will aske me why I came in that
boate, rather than in another ? Because I would go into that, that I saw
stand next me : it stode more commodiously for me. And so did Christ by
Simons boate. It stoode nearer for him ; he saw a better seate in it. A good
natural reason.

" Now come the papistes, and they will make a mysterye of it : they will
picke out the supremacye of the byshop of Rome in Peters boate. We may
make allegoryes enough of every place in Scripture : but surely it must

needes be a simple matter that standeth on so weake a grounde I

beseeche God to open their eyes, that they may see the truthe." Sixth ser-
mon before king Edward ; Sermons, fol. 72.

BISHOP LATIMER. 547

his letters, departed, affirming that hee had commandement not
to tary for him. By whose sodaine departure it was manifest
that they would not have him appeare, but rather to have fled out
of the realme. They knew that his constancie should deface them
in their poperie, and confirme the godlie in their truth.

Thus master Latimer being sent for, and comming up to Lon-
don, through Smithfield (where merily he said that Smithfield
had long groned for him) was brought before the councel, where
he patiently bearing all the mockes and taunts given him by the
scornefull papists, was cast again into the Tower 2, where he being
assisted with the heavenlie grace of Christ, sustained most patient
imprisonment a long time, notwithstanding the cruell and unmer-
cifull handling of the lordly papists, which thought then their
kingdome would never fall. Yet hee shewed himselfe not onelie
patient, but also cheerefull in and above all that which they could
or would worke against him : yea such a valiant spirit the Lord
gave him, that hee was able not onelie to despise the terriblenesse
of prisons and torments, but also to deride and laugh to scorn the
doings of his enemies. As it is not unknowne to the eares of
many, what he answered to the lieutenent being then in the Tower.
For when the lieutenants man upon a time came to him, the aged
father, kept without fier in the frostie winter, and well nigh starved
for colde, merilie bad the man tell his master, "that if hee did
not looke the better to him, perchance he would deceive him."
The lieutenant hearing this, bethought himselfe of these words,
and fearing least that indeed he thought to make some escape,
began to look more straitlie to his prisoner, and so comming to
him, beginneth to charge him with his words, reciting the same
unto him which his man had told him before ; how that if he were
not better looked unto, perchance he would deceive him. " Yea
master lieutenant, so I saide," quoth hee, " for you looke I thinke
that I should burne : but except you let me have some fire, I am
like to deceive your expectation, for I am like heere to starve for
colde."

Many such like answers and reasons, merrie, but savorie, com-
ming not from a vaine minde, but from a constant and quiet rea-

2 Into the Tower.-] "This day," Sept. 13, 1553, "Hugh Latymer clerke,
appeared before the lordes, and for his sedicyous demeanor was comytted to
the Towre, there to remaine as close prisoner, having attending upon him
Austeyn his servaunte."— Minutes of Privy Council, in Haynes's Burghley
State Papers, p. 183.

N n 2

548 BISHOP LATIMER.

son, proceeded from that man, declaring a firme and stable hart,
little passing for all this great blustering of their terrible threatus.
but rather deriding the same.

Thus master Latimer passing a long time 3 in the Tower, with
as much patience as a man in his case could do, from thence was
transported to Oxford with doctor Cranmer archbishop of Can-
turbury, and master Eidley bishop of London, there to dispute
upon articles sent downe from Gardiner bishop at Winchester ;
the rnaner and order of which disputations betweene them and the
universitie doctours, is hereafter sufficiently expressed. A V here
also is declared, how and by whom the said Latimer with his other
fellowe prisoners, were condemned after the disputations, and so
committed againe to the prison, and there they continued from
the moneth of A prill, to the moneth of October : where they were
most godlie occupied, either with brotherlie conference, or with
fervent praier, or with fruitfull writing.

How Thomas Cranmer archbishop, bishop Ridley, and M. La?
were sent downe to Oxford to dispute, with the order and mat
and all other circumstances unto the said disputation, and alto 1«
their condemnation, appertaining.

About the tenth of Aprill, 1554, Cranmer archbishop of Cnn-
turburie, Ridley bishop of London, and Hugh Latimer, bishop al-o
sometime * of Worcester, were conveyed as prisoners from the

3 A long time.'] This procrastination in his case, and that of Cranmer and
Ridley, was contrary to what had been at first expected, as we learn from a
letter of Ridley to John Bradford, who intimates also the supposed policy
upon which the delay was grounded.

" What God will do with us, He knoweth. In the mean time wonderful it
is to behold how the wisdom of God hath infatuated the policy of the world,
and scattered the crafty devices of the worldly wise. For when the st
religion was once altered, and persecution began to wax hot, no man doubted
but Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley should have been the first to have been
called to the stake. But the subtle policy of the world, setting us apart .
assaulted them by whose infirmity they thought to have more advantage : but
God disappointed their subtle purpose. For whom the world esteemed
weakest, praised be God ! they have found most strong, sound, and valiant
in Christ's cause, unto the death ; to give such an onset as, I dare say, all the
angels in heaven do no less rejoice to behold in them, than they did in the
victorious constancy of Peter, Paul, Esay, Elias, or Jeremy." — Coven i
Letters of the Martyrs, p. 48.

4 Bishop also sometime.'] See above, p. .">:«».

BISHOP LATIMER. 549

Tower to Windsore ; and after from thence to the university of
Oxford, there to dispute with the divines and learned men of both
the universities, Oxford and Cambridge, about the presence, sub-
stance and sacrifice of the sacrament 5. The names of the univer-

5 Of the sacrament.] It will be satisfactory and useful to the reader to see
all the main points of this grand controversy enumerated and placed before
him in one view, as they are stated with great care, distinctness and ability,
by Ridley, in his valuable Treatise on the Lord's Supper, written in prison
and a very short time before his martyrdom.

"The controversie, no doubt, which at this day troubleth the church
(wherein any meane learned man, either olde or newe, doth stande), is not,
whether the holy sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ is no better than
a peece of common bread or no ; or whether the Lord's table is no more to
be regarded, than the table of any earthly man, or no ; or whether it is but a
bare signe or figure of Christ and nothing else, or no. For, all do graunt,
that S. Paules words do require, that the bread which we break is the par-
taking of the body of Christ ; and also do graunt, hym that eateth of that
bread, or drinketh of that cup un worth elye, to be guiltie of the Lordes death,
and to eate and drinke his owne damnation, because he esteemeth not the
Lordes body ; all do graunt that these wordes of S. Paule, when he sayth,
* If we eate, it avantageth us nothing : or if we eate not, we want nothing
thereby' (1 Cor. viii. 8): are not spoken of the Lords table, but of other
common meates.

" Thus then hetherto yet we all agree. — But now let us see wherein the
dissension doth stande. The understandyng of that wherein it doth chieflye
stande is a step to the true searching forth of the truth : for who can seeke
well a remedye, if he knowe not before the disease ?

" It is neyther to be denied nor dissembled, that in the matter of this
sacrament there be divers pointes, wherein men counted to be learned, cannot
agree : — as, Whether there be any transubstantiacion of the bread, or no ?
Any corporall and carnal presence of Christes substance, or no ? Whether
adoration, onely due unto God, is to be done to the sacrament, or no ? And
whether Christes body be there offered indeede unto the heavenly Father by
the priest, or no ? Or whether the evyll man receyveth the natural body of
Christ, or no ? — Yet nevertheless, as in a man diseased in divers partes, com-
monly the original cause of such divers diseases, which is spread abroad in
the body, do come from one chiefe member, as from the stomacke, or from
the head : even so all those fyve aforesaid poyntes doo chiefely hang upon
this one question, which is, what is the matter of the sacrament ? whether it
is the natural substaunce of bread, or the natural substaunce of Christes owne
bodye ? — The truth of this question truly tried out and agreed upon, no
doubt shall cease the controversy in all the rest. For if it bee Christes owne
natural body, borne of the Virgin, then assuredly (seeing that al learned men
in England, so far as I knowe, both new and old, graunt there is but one
substance), then, I say, they must nedes graunt transubstantiation : that is,
a chaunge of the substaunce of bread into the substaunce of Christes body : —
then also they must graunt the carnal and corporal presence of Christes

550 BISHOP LATIMER.

sitie doctors and graduates appointed to dispute against them,

body : then must the sacrament be adored with the honour due unto Christe
himselfe, for the unitie of the two natures in one person : then if the priest
do offer the sacrament, he doth offer indeede Christ himselfe : and finally,
the murtherer, the adulterer or wicked man, receyvyng the sacrament, must
needes there receive also the natural substaunce of Christes owne blessed body,
both flesh and bloud.

" Now, on the other side, if after the truth shall be truly tried out, it be
founde, that the substaunce of bread is the naturall substaunce of the sacra-
ment, although, for the chaunge of the use, office and dignity of the bread,
the bread indeed is sacramentallye chaunged into the body of Christ, as the
water in baptism is sacramentally chaunged into the fountaine of regenera-
tion, and yet the natural substance thereof remayneth all one, as it was before :
if, I say, the true solution of that former question, whereupon all these con-
troversies do hang, be, that the natural substance of bread is the material
substance in the sacrament of Christes blessed body ; then must it needes
follow of the former proposition (confessed of all that be named to be learned,
so farre as I do knowe, in England), which is, that there is but one material
substance in the sacrament of the body, and one onely likewise in the sacra-
ment of the bloud — that there is no such thing in deede and in truth, as they
call transubstantiation, for the substance of the bread remayneth still in the
sacrament of the body : then also the natural substance of Christes human
nature, which he tooke of the virgin Mary, is in heaven, where it reigneth
nowe in glorie, and not there inclosed under the forme of bread : then that
godly honour which is onely due unto God the Creatour, and may not be done
to the creature without idolatrye and sacrilege, is not to be done unto the
holye sacrament : then also the wicked, I meane the impenitent murtherer,
adulterer or such lyke, doo not receave the natural substance of the blessed
bodye and bloude of Christ : finally, then doth it follow, that Christes blessed
body and bloud, which was once onely offered and shed upon the crosse,
beyng available for the synnes of all the whole world, is offered up no more
in the natural substance thereof, neither by the priest nor any other thing.

" But here before we go any further to search in this matter and to wade,
as it were, to search and try out, as we may, the truth hereof in the Scrip-
ture, it shall do well by the way to know, whether they that thus make
answer and solution unto the former principal question, do take away simply
and absolutely the presence of Christes body and bloud from the sacrament
ordayned by Christ, and duly ministered according to his holy ordinaunce
and institution of the same ? Undoubtedly they do deny that utterly, either
so to say, or so to meane.— Hereof if any man do or wyll doubt, the bookes
which are written already in this matter of them that thus do answer, wyl
make the matter plainc.

" Now then you wyll say, what kynde of presence do they graunt, and what
do they denye ? Briefly they denie the presence of Christes body in the
natural substance of his human and assumpt nature, and graunt the presence
of the same by grace : that is, they affirme and say, that the substance of the
natural body and bloud of Christ is onely remaining in heaven, and so shall

BISHOP LATIMER. 551

were these ; of Oxford, doctor Weston6 prolocutor, D. Tivshaiu7,
D. Cole8, D. Oglethorpe9, D. Pie1, M. Harpsfield', M. Fecknam3'.

be unto the later day, when he shall come agayne in glory, accompanied with
the angels of heaven, to judge both the quicke and the dead. And the same
natural substance of the very body and bloud of Christ, because it is united
unto the divine nature in Christ, the second person of the Trinitie, therefore
it hath not onely life in itselfe, but is also able to geve and doth geve lyfe
unto so many as be or shal be partakers thereof; that is, to all that do beleve
in hys name, whyche are not borne of bloud, as S. John sayth, or of the wyll
of the flesh, or of the wyl of man, but are borne of God ; though the selfe
same substaunce abide stil in heaven, and they for the time of theyr pilgri-
mage dwel here upon earth. By grace, I say, that is, by the gyft of thys
lyfe, mencioned in S. John, and the properties of the same, mete for our pil-
grimage here upon earth, the same body of Christ is here present with us.
Even as for example, we saye, the same sunne, which in substance never
remooveth his place out of the heavens, is yet present here by his beames,
light, and natural influence, where it shineth upon the earth : for Gods word
and his sacramentes be, as it were, the beames of Christ, which is soljustitite,
the sunne of righteousness.

" Thus hast thou heard, of what sort or sect soever thou be, wherein doth
stand the principal state and chiefe point of all the controversies which do
properly pertaine unto the nature of the sacrament. As for the use thereof, I
graunt there be many other thinges whereof here I have spoken nothing at
all." Signat. F 6.— G 2. edit. 1574. 12mo.

The treatise is given entire in the Oxford Enchiridion Theologicum.

6 Doctor Weston.~] Hugh Weston, rector of Lincoln College, afterwards
dean of Westminster, and, at a later time, of Windsor. Tanner's Bibliotkeca,
p. 758.

7 D. Tresham.~] William Tresham, canon of Ch. Ch. and rector of Bug-
brook, in Northamptonshire. Tanner's BibL, p. 720.

8 D. Cole.'] Henry Cole, who had been warden of New College, and after-
wards was provost of Eton, and dean of St. Paul's. Tanner's BibL, p. 189.

9 D. Oglethorpe.'] Owen Oglethorpe, president of Magdalen College, and
dean of Windsor, afterwards bishop of Carlisle. Godwin, De Prcesulibus Anglice.

1 D. Pie.'] William Pye, archdeacon of Berks, and dean of Chichester.
Tanner's BibL, p. 609.

2 M. Harpsfield.~\ John Harpsfield, archdeacon of London, afterwards dean
of Norwich. Wood's account of Harpsfield's presence at these proceedings
is so far incorrect, calling them, " Disputations for the Degree of Doctor
of Divinity, 19 Apr. 1554,"— "in which disputation archb. Cranmer bore a
part," in that he omits all mention of the judicial disputations of the iGth,
17th, and 18th, and leaves his readers to suppose that Cranmer merely took
a part in an academical exercise. — Athence Oxonienses, Bliss's edit. vol. i.
col. 440. See also Tanner's BibL, p. 380.

3 M. Fecknam.'] John de Feckenham, whose real name was Howman,
afterwards dean of St. Paul's, and abbot of Westminster. Tanner's BibL,
p. 274.

.552 BISHOP LATIMER.

Of Cambridge, doctor Yong4 vice-chancellor, D. Glin5, D. Seaton6,
D. Watson 7, D. Sedgewike8, D. Atkinson9, &c. The articles or
questions whereupon they should dispute were these :

1. Whether the natural body of Christ be really in the sacra-
ment, after the words spoken by the priest, or no.

2. Whether in the sacrament, after the words of consecration,
any other substance doe remaine, than the substance of the body
and bloud of Christ.

3. Whether in the masse be a sacrifice propitiatory for the
sinnes of the quicke and the dead.

Touching the order and manner of all things there done, with
the notes, arguments, and circumstances thereunto pertaining, to
deduce the matter from the beginning, first heere is to be under-
stood, that upon Saturday the seaventh day of April, the heads of
the colleges in Cambridge being congregate together, letters
comming downe from Steven Gardiner, lord chancellor, wen-
read with articles therewith annexed, that should bee disputed
uppon at Oxford : the contents of the which three articles are
sufficiently expressed before. Wherupon in the said congrega-
tion of the aforesaid universitie of Cambridge, there was granted
first a grace in this forme proposed by the senior proctor:
Placeat wlis ut instrumentum fiat, quod horum iam prcelect<>
articulorum doctrina sana sit et catholica, atque cum veritate ortho-
doxce fidei consentiem et vestro consensu et suffrages comprobetur?
That is, ' may it please you to have an instrument made that the
doctrine of these foresaid articles may be sound and catholiko.
and consonant with the veritie of the right-meaning faith, and
that the same may be approoved by your consent and voi<
Secondly, in the said congregation, another grace was given and
granted, that D. Yong, being vice-chancellor, D. Glin, D. At-

4 Doctor Yong.~] John Young, master of Pembroke College. Tanner's
BibL, p. 787.

6 D. Glin."] William Glynn, master of Queen's College. He was one of
the first fellows of Trinity College, and had been lady Margaret's professor of
divinity until 1549. He was vice-chancellor of Cambridge for the first part
of lf>54, and, in 1555, was made bishop of Bangor. Cole's Athena Cantab.

6 D. Seaton.'] John Seaton, fellow of St. John's College. Tanner's Bibl.,
p. 664.

7 D. Watson.'] Thomas Watson, afterwards bishop of Lincoln.

8 D. SedgewikeJ] Thomas Sedgwicke, fellow of Trinity College, lady
Margaret's professor of divinity, and afterwards regius professor.

• D Atkinson.] Richard Atkinson.

BISHOP LATIMER. 553

kinson, D. Scot \ and M. Sedgewicke should goc to Oxford to
defend the said articles against Canturburie, London and Lati-
mer : also to have letters to the Oxford men, sealed with their
common seale. Item, another grace was granted to M. Sedge-
wicke, to be actuall doctor, being thereupon immediately ad-
mitted. The foresaid letters being then drawne out, the third
day after (which was the eleventh day of Aprill) were read in the
foresaid congregation house, and there sealed.

Whereupon the next day after (the twelfth of the said moneth)
the foresaid doctors, with the full grace of that universitie, set
forward to Oxford : and comming thither the next day after,
(being Friday, the thirteenth of Aprill) were lodged all at the
Crosse inne, with one Wakecline, being sometime servant to
bishop Boner.

Anon after their comming, I). Crooke 2 presented them with
wine for their welcome, and shortlie after, two of the bedles came
from the vice-chancellor of Oxford, and presented the vice-chan-
cellor of Cambridge with a dish of apples and a gallon of wine.
After whom, next came M. Pie, and Fecknam to welcome them.
Then after consultation concerning the deliverie of their letters
and instrument of grace, (which was in doctor Seton and doctor
Watsons keeping,) they went all to Lincolne colledge to doctor
Weston the prolocutor, and to the vice-chancellor doctor Tre-
sham ; and there they delivered their letters, and declared what
they had done touching the articles, letters and graces. Halfe
an houre after eight they returned to their inne againe : but first
they concluded of a procession, sermon and convocation to be had
the morow following ; and that the doctors of Cambridge should
bee incorporate in the universitie of Oxford, and likewise that
the doctors of Oxford should be incorporate in the universitie
of Cambridge. The same day the forenamed prisoners were dis-
severed, doctor Ridley to alderman Irishes house, rnaister Latymer
to another, and doctor Cranmer remained still in Bocardo.

On Saturday, being the 14. of Aprill, at eight of the clock,
the foresaid vice-chancellor of Cambridge with the other doctors

1 D. Scot.'] Cuthbert Scot, master of Christ's College, afterwards bishop
of Chester. Tanner's BibL, p. 656, and Cole's Athena; Cantab.

2 D. Crooke.'] The famous Dr. Richard Croke, who had been Greek pro-
fessor and public orator at Cambridge, but who was in 1554 a sojourner at
Exeter College upon a yearly stipend. The best life of him is in Sir
Alexander Croke's Memoirs of the Croke Family, vol. i. p. 438.

554 BISHOP LATIMER.

of the same universitie repaired to Lincolne college againe, and
found the prolocutour above in a chappell, with the company of
the house, singing Requiem masse, and tarried there untill the
end. Then they consulting all together in the maisters lodging,
about nine of the clock came all to the universitie church called
S. Maries : and there, after short consultation in a chappell, the
vice chauncellor, the prolocutor, &c. of Oxford, caused the vice-
chauncellor of Cambridge and the rest of the doctors of that uni-
versitie, to sende for their skarlet robes, brought from Cambridge,
save that doctor Seton and Watson borowed of the Oxford nun.
And in this time, the regents in the congregation house, had
graunted all the Cambridge doctors their graces, to be incorpo-
rate there, and so they went up and were admitted immediately,
D. Oglethorpe presenting them, and the proctour reading the
statute, and giving them their othes.

That done, they came all into the quier, and there helde the
convocation of the universitie. They had masse of the Holie
Ghost solemnly sung in pricksong, by the quier men of Christs
church. But first the cause of the convocation was opened in
English, partly by the vice-chancellor, and partly by the prolo-
cutor, declaring that they were sent by the queene, and wherfore
they were sent : and caused master Say the register, openly to
read the commission. That done, the vice-chancellor read the
Cambridge letters openly, and then concluded, that three nota-
ries, master Say for the convocation, a bedle of Cambridge for
that university, and one maister White for Oxford, should testifie
of their doing ; and then willed the said notaries to provide parch-
ment, that the whole assembly might subscribe to the articles,
save those that had subscribed before in the convocation house at
London and Cambridge ; and so the vice-chancellor began first,
after him the rest of the Oxford men as many as could in the
masse time.

The masse being done, they went in procession. First the
quier in their surplices followed the crosse : then the first yeer
regents and proctours : then the doctours of lawe, and their lx die
before them: then the doctors of divinitie of both universities in-
termingled, the divinitie and arte bedles going before them, tin
vice-chauncellour and prolocutour going together. After them
bachelors of divinitie, regents, and non regents, in their arra\ :
and last of al, the bachelers of law and art. A fter whom follow < -d
a great companie of schollers and students not graduate And

BISHOP LATIMER. 555

thus they proceeded through the streete to Christs church, and
there the quier sang a psalme, and after that a collect was read.
This done, departed the commissioners, doctors, and many other
to Lincolne colledge, where they dined with the maior of the
towne, one alderman, foure bedles, maister Say, and the Cam-
bridge notary. After dinner they went all again to S. Maries
church : and there after a short consultation in the chappell, all
the commissioners came into the quier, and sate all on seates
before the aultar, to the number of thirty three persons. — And
first, they sent to the maior, that he should bring in doctor Cran-
mer, which within a while was brought to them with a number of
rustie bilmen.

Thus the reverend archbishop when he was brought before the
commissioners, reverenced them with much humility, and stood
with his staffe in his hand : who notwithstanding having a stoole
offered him, refused to sit. Then the prolocutor sitting in the
middest in a skarlet gowne, began with a short preface or oration,
in praise of unity, and especially in the church of Christ : de-
claring withall Cranmer's bringing up, and taking degrees in Cam-
bridge, and also how he was promoted by king Henry, and had
beene his counsellor and a catholicke man, one of the same unitie,
and a member thereof in times past ; but of late yeares did sepa-
rate and cut off himself e from it, by teaching and setting forth of
erroneous doctrine, making every year a new faith : and therefore
it pleased the queenes grace, to send them of the convocation and
other learned men to bring him to this unitie againe, if it might
be. Then shewed he him how they of the convocation house
had agreed upon certaine articles, wherunto they willed him to
subscribe.

The archbishop answered to the preface verie wittily, modestly
and learnedly, shewing that hee was verie glad of an unitie, foras-
much as it was conservatrix omnium rerum publicarum, tarn
ethnicorum quam Ckristianorum, the preserver of al common-
wealths, as wel of the heathen, as of the Christians : and so he
dilated the matter with one or two stories of the Romanes com-
monwealth. Which thing when he had done, he said, that he
was verie glad to come to an unitie ; so that it were in Christ,
and agreeable to his holy word.

When he had thus spoken his ful mind, the prolocutor caused
the articles to bee read unto him, and asked if he would grant and
subscribe unto them. Then the bishop of Canturburic did read

556 BISHOP LATIMER.

them over three or foure times, and touching the first article he
asked what they meant by these tearmes verum et naturale, true
and naturall. " Doe you not meane saith hee Corpus organic '.'.in.
a sensible body?" Some answered, Idem quod natum est ex cir-
gine, the same that was borne of the virgine ; and so confusedly,
some sayde one thing, some another. Then the bishop of Can-
turburie denied it utterlie, and when he had looked upon the
other two, he said they were all false and against Gods holie
word ; and therefore would not agree, hee sayde, in that unitie
with them. Which done the prolocutor first willing him to write
his minde of them that night, sayde moreover that he should dis-
pute in them, and caused a copie of the articles to be delivered
him, assigning him to answer thereunto on Mondaie next ; and
so charged the maior with him againe, to bee had to Bocardo
where he was kept before : offering moreover unto him, to name
what bookes he would occupie, and hee should have them brought
unto him. — The archbishop was greatly commended of every
bodie for his modesty ; in so much, that some masters of arte
were seene to weep for him, which in judgement were contrary
to him.

Then was doctor Ridley brought in, who hearing the articles
read unto him answered without any delaie, saying, they were all
false ; and sayde further, that they sprang out of a bitter and
sowre roote. His answers were sharpe, wittie, and very learned.
Then did they lay to his charge a sermon that he made * when he
was bishop of Rochester, wherin (they said) he spake -tnlh
transubstantiation. He denied it utterly, and asked whether they
could bring out any that heard him, which would saye and
affirme with them the same. They could bring no proofe of it
at all. After that, he was asked of one whether he desired not *
my lord chancellor that now is, to sticke to the masse, and other
things ? he said, that my lord would say no such things or words
of him ; for if he did, hee reported not the truth of him.

Then he was asked whether hee would dispute or no ? Hee
anwered: that as long as God gave him life, hee should not
onely have his heart, but also his mouth and penne to defend his

3 Sermon that he made.] See Ridley's Life of Bishop Ridley, p. 216, &c.
Fox's Acts, p. 1298. 1596, &c.

* Wether he desired no/.] Gardiner. See also Strype's Ecclcsiast. Memor.,
vol. ii. p. 68— r<».

BISHOP LATIMER. .-,.-> 7

truth : but he required time and bookes. They said he could
not ; and that he should dispute on Tuesday, and till that tinn-
he should have bookes. He said it was not reason that he might
not have his owne bookes, and time also to looke for his disputa-
tions. Then gave they him the articles, and bad him write his
minde of them that night, and so did they command the maior
to have him from whence he came.

Last of all came in M. Latimer in like sort, with a kerchief,
and two or three cappes on his head, his spectacles hanging by a
string at his breast, and a staffe in his hand, and was set in a
chayre : for so was hee suffered by the prolocutor. And after
his deniall of the articles, when he had Wednesdaie appointed
for disputation, he alledged age, sicknesse, disuse, and lacke of
bookes, saying that he was almost as meete to dispute as to be a
captaine of Calice. But he would, he sayd, declare his mynde
eyther by writing or by word, and would stand to all that they
could lay upon his backe ; complayning moreover that hee was
permitted to have neither penne nor inke, nor yet anie booke but
onely the New Testament there in his hand, which hee said hee
had read over seven times deliberately, and yet could not finde
the masse in it, neither the marowbones nor sinewes of the same.
At which wordes the commissioners were not a little offended,
and D. Weston said, that he would make him graunt that it had
both marowbones and sinewes in the New Testament. To whom
M. Latimer sayd againe ; that you will never do M. doctor;
and so forthwith they put him to silence, so that where hee was
desirous to tell what hee meant by those tearmes, he could not be
suffered. There was a very great prease and throng of people :
and one of the bedles swouned by reason thereof, and was caryed
into the vestrie. After this, bringing home the prolocutour first,
the Cambridge men, doctor Yong vice-chancellour, Seton, Glin,
Atkinson, Scotte, Watson, and Sedgewicke, went to the Crosse
inne to supper. And this was on Saterdaie beeing the fourteenth
day of Aprill.

On Sunday after, M. Harpsfield preached at S. Maries, the
universitie church, at nine of the clocke, where were divers of the
doctors of their universitie in their robes, and placed accordingly.
After the sermon they went all to dinner to Magdalen colledge,
and there had a great dinner. They supped at Lincolne colledge
with the prolocutor ; whither doctor Cranmer sent answere of
his minde upon the articles in writing.

558 BISHOP LATIMER.

On Munday beeing the sixteenth of Aprill, maister Say, and
M. White notaries, went about in the morning to the colleges,
to get subscriptions to the articles. And about eight of the clocke
the prolocutour with all the doctours and the vice-chancellour met
together at Exceter college, and so they went into the schooles :
and when the vice-chancellour, the prolocutor, and doctours were
placed, and foure appointed to be exceptores argumentorum, set at
a table in the middest, and foure notaries sitting with them, D.
Cranmer came to the answerers place, the maior and aldermen
sitting by him ; and so the disputation began to be set a worke by
the prolocutor, with a short prceludium. — Doctor Chedsey 5 began
to argue first : and ere hee left, the prolocutor divers times, doctor
Tresham, Oglethorpe, Marshall, vice-chancellour, Pye, Cole, and
Harpsfield did interrupt and presse Cranmer with their arguments,
so that every man sayde somewhat, as the prolocutour would suffer,
disorderly, sometime in Latine, sometime in English, so that
three houres of the time was spent, ere the vice-chancellour of
Cambridge began ; who also was interrupted as before. He
began with three or foure questions subtlely. — Here the bedles
had provided drinke, and offered the aunswerer : but he refused
with thankes. Thus the disputation continued untill almost two
of the clocke, with this applausion audientium ; vicit veritas.—
Then were all the arguments written by the foure appointed,
delivered into the hand of maister Saie, register. And as for the
prisoner, he was had away by the maior : and the doctors dined
together at the Universitie college.

And thus much concerning the generall order and maner of
these disputations, with such circumstances as there happened,
and things there done, as well before the disputation, and in the
preparation thereof, as also in the time of their disputing. Now
followeth to inferre and declare the orations, arguments, and
answers, used and brought forth in the said disputations on both
parts.

The arguments, reasons, and allegations used in this disputation.

On Monday, D. Weston, with all the residue of the visitours,
censors, and opponents, repayring to the divinitie schoole, oadi

* Doctor Chedsey.'] William Cheadsey, canon of Windsor, afterwards canon
of Ch. Ch. and president of C. C. College, Oxon. Tanner's Bibl., p. 171.

BISHOP LATIMER.

one enstalled themselves in their places, D. Cranmer with a
route of rustie bils was brought thither, and set in the answerers
place, with the maior and aldermen sitting by him. Where D.
Weston prolocutor apparelled in a scarlet gowne, after the
custome of the universitie, began the disputation, with this
oration. His words in Latin as hee spake them were these.

" Convenistis hodie fratres profligaturi detestandam ittam hceresin
de veritate corporis Christi in Sacramento, &c. that is : Yee are
assembled hither brethren this day, to confound the detestable
heresie of the veritie of the body of Christ in the sacrament, fee."
At which words thus pronounced of the prolocutor un wares, divers
of the learned men there present, considering and well weying
the words by him uttered, burst out into a great laughter, as
though even in the entrance of the disputations hee had betrayed
himselfe 6 and his religion, that termed the opinion of the veritie
of Christs bodie in the sacrament a detestable heresie. The rest
of his oration tended all to this effect, that it was not lawfull by
Gods word to call these questions into controversie : for such as
doubted of the wordes of Christ, might well bee thought to doubt
both of the truth and power of God. — Whereunto doctor Cran-
mer desiring licence, answered in this wise.

" Wee are assembled," say the he, " to discusse these doubtful
controversies, and to laie them open before the eyes of the world :
whereof yee thinke it unlawfull to dispute. It is indeede no
reason, sayth hee, that we should dispute of that which is deter-
mined upon, before the truth is tried. But if these questions be
not called in controversie, surelie mine answere then is looked
for in vaine." This was the summe and effect of his aunswere :
and this done he prepared himselfe to disputations.

6 Betrayed himselfe] Bishop Jewel, who was present at this disputation,
in the capacity of notary to Cranmer, &c., gives the following account of this
blunder of Weston's in his controversy with Dr. Cole. " This I believe
passed you unawares, and not of purpose. — As your proloquutor in the dis-
putation at Oxford, gave out one truth by chance unadvisedly, as he gave
knowledge to the audience in the divinitie schoole of what matters they would
dispute. For thus he said, and that in your owne hearing ' Virifratres, con-
venimus hue hodie, &c. Brethren, said hee, we come hither this day to dispute
against that horrible heresie, of the veritie of Christes bodie and bloud in the
sacrament.' God would have him utter some truth then, as you do now,
because he was Pontifex illius anni" Jewel's Works, p. 17.

560 BISHOP LATIMER.

Then Chedsey the first opponent began in this wise to dispute.
"Reverend M. doctour, these three conclusions are put forth
unto us at this present to dispute upon.

"1. In the sacrament of the aultar is the natural body of
Christ, conceived of the Virgine Mary, and also his bloud present
really under the forms of bread and wine, by vertue of Gods word
pronounced by the priest.

" 2. There remaineth no substance of bread and wine after the
consecration, nor any other substance, but the substance of God
and man.

" 3. The lively sacrifice of the church is in the masse, pro-
pitiatory as well for the quicke as the dead."

"These be the conclusions propounded, whereupon this our
present controversie doth rest. Now to the end wee might not
doubt how you take the same, you have already given up unto us
your opinion thereof. I tearm it your opinion, in that it dis-
agreeth from the catholicke. Wherefore thus I argue.

" Your opinion differeth from the Scripture.

" Ergo, You are deceived."

Cranmer. " I denie the antecedent."

Ched. " Christ when he instituted his last supper, spake to
his disciples : Take, eate, this is my bodie, which shall be given for
you.

" But his true bodie was given for us.

" Ergo, His true bodie is in the sacrament.

" The right form of this argument is thus to be framed :

u The same which was given for us is in the sacrament.

" But his true bodie was given for us.

" Ergo, His true bodie is in the sacrament. "

Cran. u His true bodie is truly present to them that truly
receive him : but spiritually. And so it is taken after a spiritual!
sort. For when he said, This is my body, it is all one as if In-..-
had sayd, this is the breaking of my bodie, this is the sheading of
my bloud. As oft as you shall do this, it shall put you in renn-in-
brance of the breaking of my bodie, and the sheading of my
bloud: that as truely as you receive this sacrament, so tin- 1\
shall you receive the benefite promised by receiving the -;im<
worthily.'"

BISHOP LATIMER. r>C>\

Ched. " Your opinion differeth from the church, which sayth,
that the true bodie is in the sacrament.

" Ergo, Your opinion therein is false."

Cran. " I say and agree with the church, that the bodie of
Christ is in the sacrament effectually, because the passion of
Christ is effectuall."

Ched. " Christ when hee spake these words, This is my bodie,
spake of the substance, but not of the effect."

Cran. " I grant he spake of the substance and not of the effect
after a sort : and yet it is most true that the bodie of Christ is
effectually in the sacrament. But I denie that hee is there truly
present in bread, or that under the bread is his organicall body."
And because it should be too tedious (he said) to make discourse
of the whole, hee delivered up there his opinion thereof to D.
Weston, written at large, with answers to everie one of their
three propositions ; which hee desired D. Weston, sitting there
on high, to read openly to the people; which he promised to
doe. But it was not the first promise that such papists have
broken.

The copy of this writing although it were not there read, yet
the contents thereof we have drawne out as folio weth.

An explication of Cranmer upon the for esayd conclusions exhibited

in writing.

" In the assertions of the church and of religion, trifling and
new fangled novelties of words, so much as may be, are to be
eschewed, whereof riseth nothing but contention and brawling
about words, and we must follow, so much as we may, the maner
of speaking of the Scripture.

4C In the first conclusion if ye understand by this word (really)
reipsa, in verie deede and effectually, so Christ by the grace and
efficacie of his passion is in deed and truely present to all his true
and holy members.

44 But if ye understand by this word (really) corporaliter, cor-
porally, so that by the bodie of Christ is understanded a naturall
bodie and organicall ; so the first proposition dooth varie, not
onely from the usuall speech and phrase of Scripture, but also is
cleane contrary to the holy word of God, and Christian profession :
when as both the Scripture dooth testifie by these words, and
also the catholicke church hath professed from the beginning,

VOL. IT.

562 BISHOP LATIMER.

Christ to have left the world, and to sit at the right hand of the
Father till he come to judgement.

"And in like wise I answere to the second question : that is.
that it swarveth from the accustomed manner and speech of
Scripture.

" The third conclusion, as it is intricate and wrapped in all
doubtful! and ambiguous words, and differing also much from tin-
true speech of the Scripture, so as the words thereof scenic to
import in open sense, it is most contumelious against our onely
lord and saviour Christ Jesus, and a violating of his precious
bloud, which upon the altar of the crosse is the onely sacrifice
and oblation for the sinnes of all mankinde/1

Ched. " By this your interpretation which you have made upon
the first conclusion, this I understand, the bodie of Christ t
in the sacrament onely by way of participation : in so much as
wee communicating thereof, doe participate the grace of Christ,
so that you meane hereby onely the effect thereof. But our con-
clusion standeth upon the substance, and not the efficacy only,
which shall appeare by the testimony both of Scriptures, and of
all the fathers a thousand yeares after Christ.

" And first to begin with the Scripture, let us consider what is
written in Matth. 26. Marke 14. Luke 22. first to the Corinthians.
11. Matthew sayth, As they sate at supper, Jesus tooke bread. #''•
In Marke there is the same sense, although not the same words :
who also for one part of the sacrament speaketh more plaint -ly.
Jesus taking bread, &c. After the same sense also writeth Luke
22, And when Jesus had taken bread, $c. In the mouth of two
or three witnesses saith the Scripture standeth all truth. Ili-n-
we have three witnesses together, that Christ said that to be his
bodie which was given for manie : and that to be his blond which
should be ahead for manie : whereby is declared the substance
and not only the efficacie alone thereof. Ergo, it is not true that
you say there to be not the substance of his bodie, but the effi-
cacie alone thereof."

Cran. "Thus you gather upon mine answere, as though I did
meane of the efficacie, and not of the substance of the bodie :
but I meane of them both, as well of the efficacie as the suit-
stance. And for so much as all things come not readilie to nn -
niorie, to a man that shall speake extempore^ therefore for tin
more ample and fuller answer in this matter, this writing ln-n- 1

BISHOP LATIMER.

An explication exhibited by Cranmer.

"Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, at the time of his
Maundy 7, preparing himselfe to die for our cause, that he might
redeeme us from eternall death, to forgive us all our sinnes, and
to cancell out the handwriting that was against us : that we
through ingratefull oblivion should not forget his death, therefore
he at the time of his holie supper did institute a perpetual me-
mory of this his death, to be celebrated among Christians in
bread and wine, according as it is sayd, Do this in remembrance of
mee. And so often as you shall eate this bread and drink this cup,
you shall shew forth the Lords death till he come. And this re-
membrance or sacrament of his holy passion, that is, of his body
slaine, and bloud shead, he would all Christians to frequent and
celebrate in bread and wine, according as he said : TaJce, eate :
and drinlce ye all of this. Therfore, whosoever for mans tradi-
tion denieth the cup of Christes bloud to lay men, they manifestly
repugne against Christ, forbidding that which Christ commaundeth
to be done, and be like to those Scribes and Pharisies of whom
the Lord spake : Ye hypocrites, ye have rejected the commande-
tnents of God for your traditions. Well did Esay prophecy of you,
saying : This people honoureth me with their lips, but their heart is
farrefrom me. Without cause do they worship me, teaching the
doctrines and precepts of men. The sacrament and mysticall bread,
being broken and distributed after the institution of Christ, and
the mysticall wine being likewise taken and received, be not
onely 8 sacraments of the flesh of Christ wounded for us, and of
his blodshedding, but also be most certaine sacraments to us, and
(as a man would say) seales of Gods promises and giftes, and
also of that holy fellowship which we have with Christ and all his
members. Moreover, they be to us memorials of that heavenly
foode and nourishment wherewith we are nourished unto eternall
life, and the thirst of our boy ling conscience quenched ; and
finally whereby the hearts of the faithful be replenished with un-
speakable joy, and be corroborated and strengthened unto all
works of godlinesse. Wee are many (say the S. Paul) one bread

7 Of his Maundy. ,] A copy of this paper, in the original Latin, is preserved
in Collier's Ecclesiast. History, vol. ii. p. 82. Records. For the word Maundy,
see the Glossarial Index.

8 Be not onely.'] Compare Arts. XXV. and XXVIII. of the Church of Eng-
land. " Of the Sacraments" and " Of the Lord's Supper."

o o 2

564 BISHOP LATIMER.

and one body, all we which do participate of one bread, and one cup.
And Christ saith, Eate ye, this is my body. And drinke yee, this
is my bloud. And / am the living bread which came downe from
heaven. He that eateth me, shall also live for me. Not as your
fathers did eate manna in the desert and are dead : He that eateth
me, shall also live for me.

" Thus therfore true bread and true wine remaine still in the
Eucharist, untill they be consumed of the faithful!, to be as signes
and scales unto us annexed unto Gods promises, making us cer-
taine of Gods gifts towards us. Also Christ remaineth in tin 'in,
and they in Christ, whiche eate his flesh, and drinke his blond, as
Christ himself hath promised ; They that eate my flesh and dr'uih-
my bloud abide in me, and I in them. Moreover, he abideth also
in them which worthilie receive the outward sacrament, neither
doth he depart so soone as the sacrament is consumed, but con-
tinually abideth, feeding and nourishing us so long as we remaine
bodies of that head, and members of the same. I acknowl
not here the naturall bodie of Christ, which is only spirittiall.
intelligible, and unsensible, having no distinction of members and
parts in it : but that bodie onely I acknowledge and worship,
which was born of the Virgin, which suffered for us, which is
visible, palpable, and hath all the forme and shape and parts of
the true naturall bodie of man. Christ spake not these words
of any uncertaine substance, but of the certaine substance of
bread, which hee then held in his hands, and shewed his disciples,
when he said : Eate ye, this is my bodie: and likewise of the cup.
when he said : Drink ye, this is my bloud : meaning verily of that
bread which by nature is usual and common with us, which is
taken of the fruit of the ground, compacted by the uniting of
manie grains together, made by man, and by mans hand brought
to that visible shape, beeing of round compasse. and without all
sense or life, which nourisheth the bodie, and strengtheneth t!i«i
heart of man. Of this same bread (I say) and not of anie un-
certaine and wandring substance the olde fathers say that Christ
spake these words. Eate yee, this is my bodie. And like\\i>< al><>
of the wine, which is the creature and fruite of the vine j»r
ont of many clusters of grapes, and maketh mans hart merry. <-t
the very same \vine, (I say) Christ spake, drinke yee, this «V /////
/. And so the olde doctors doe call this speaking of Christ
tropicall, figurative, anagogicall, allegorical! : which they do inter-
pret after this sort, that although the substance of hn-.'ul and

BISHOP LATIMER. 565

wine doe remaine and be received of the faithful!, yet notwith-
standing Christ changed the appellation thereof, and called the
bread by the name of his flesh, and the wine by the name of liis
bloud, not that it is so in very deede, but signified in a mystt-ii* .
So that we should consider, not what they be in their owne nature,
but what they import to us and signifie ; and should understand
the sacrament not carnally, but spiritually, and should attend not
to the visible nature of the sacraments neither have respect one-
lie to the outward bread, and cup, thinking to see there with our
eyes, no other things but onely bread and wine, but that, lifting
up our mindes, wee should looke up to the bloud of Christ with
our faith, should touche him with our minde, and receive him
with our inward man, and that beeing like eagles in this life, we
should flie up into heaven in our hearts, where that Lambe is resi-
dent at the right hand of his Father, which taketh away the
sinnes of the world, by whose stripes wee are made whole, by
whose passion we are filled at his table, and whose bloud we
receiving out of his holie side do live for ever, being made the
ghests of Christ, having him dwelling in us through the grace of
his true nature, and through the vertue and efficacie of his whole
passion, being no lesse assured and certified that wee are fed spi-
ritually unto eternall life by Christs flesh crucified, and by his
bloud shead, the true foode of our mindes, then that our bodies
be fed with meat and drink in this life : and hereof this sayd
mysticall bread on the table- of Christ, and the mysticall wine,
being administered and received after the institution of Christ, be
to us a memoriall, a pledge, a token, a sacrament, and a seale.

" And thereof is it that Christ saith not thus ; This is my body,
eate ye : but after he had bidden them eate, then he said ; This is
my body which shall be given for you. Which is to meane, as
though he should say : in eating of this bread, consider you that
this bread is no common thing, but a mysticall matter, neither
doe you attend that which is set before your bodily eyes, but what
feedeth you within. Consider and beholde my body crucified for
you ; that eate and digest in your mindes. Chawe you upon my
passion, bee fed with my death. This is the true meate, this
the drinke that moisteneth, wherewith you being truly fed and
inebriate, shall live for ever. The bread and the wine which b
set before your eies are only declarations of me, but I my selfe am
the eternall food. Wherfore whensoever at this my table you
behold the sacraments, have not regard so much to them, as con-

566 BISHOP LATIMER.

sider ye what I promise to you by them, which is my selfe to be
meate for you of eternall life.

" The onely oblation 9 of Christ (wherewith he offered himselfe
to God the Father once to death upon the aultar of the crosse for
our redemption) was of such efficacie, that there is no more need
of any sacrifice for the redemption of the whole world, but all the
sacrifices of the olde lawe he took away, performing that in very
deede, which they did signifie and promise. Whosoever therefore
shall fixe the hope of his salvation in any other sacrifice, he falleth
from the grace of Christ, and is contumelious against the bloud
of Christ. For he was wounded for our transgressions, and was
broken for our iniquities. All we like sJieepe have wandered astray.
Every man hath turned after his owne waie, and the Lord hath laid
all our iniquities upon him. For Jiee hath entred once for all
the holy place by the bloud, not of goates or calves, but by his owne
bloud, finding eternall redemption : And hath entered into heaven,
to appear e now in the sight of God for us, not to offer himself often-
times (for so should he have suffred many times) but now hath hee
appeared once to put awaie sinne, through his owne oblation. And
as it is appointed to all men once to die, so also Christ once was
offered : Who offering up one oblation for sinnes, sitteth now for
ever on the right hand of God. For by one oblation hath he made
perfect for ever those that be sanctified. For where is remi^ion <f
sinnes, there is now no more oblation for sinne, but this onelie sacri-
fice of Christ. — Whosoever shall seeke any other sacrifice propi-
tiatory for sinne, maketh the sacrifice of Christ of no validitie,
force or efficacie. For if it bee sufficient to remit sinnes, what
neede is there of any other? For the necessitie of another,
argueth and declareth this to be insufficient. Almightie (n.d
grant that we may truly leane to this one sacrifice of Christ, and
that wee to him againe may repay our sacrifices of thankesgiviii'_r.
of prayse, of confessing his name, of true ^amendment, of repent-
ance, of mercifulnesse towards our neighbors, and of all other
good works of charitie. For by such sacrifices wee shall declare
our selves neither ingratefull to God, nor altogether un worth v «»f
this holy sacrifice of Christ.

" And thus you have out of the testimonies of holie Scripture.
and of the ancient doctors of the church, the true and sincen

• The onely oblation.'] Compare Art. XXXI. of the Church of England;
" Of the one oblation of Christ finished upon the cross."

BISHOP LATIMKR. 567

of the Lords holy supper, and the fruite of the true sacrifice «»f
Christ. Which whosoever through captious or \vrested inteq.iv-
tations, or by mens traditions, shall goe about otherwise tlian
Christ ordained them, to alter or transubstantiate, he shall answer
to Christ in the latter day, when he shall understand (but thru
too late) that he hath no participation with the bodie and bloud
of Christ, but that out of the supper of eternal life he hath eaten
and drunken eternal damnation to himselfe."

West. " Because wee will not consume and spende the time
in waste, this your writing which you exhibite, hereafter shall bee
read in his place. In the meane season let us now fall to the
argument."

This disordered disputation, sometime in Latine, sometime in
English, continued almost till two of the clocke. Which being
finished, with the words of Weston the prolocutor, " Thus you
see brethren the trueth stedfast and invincible : you see also the
craft and deceit of heretickes : the trueth may be pressed, but
it cannot be oppressed : therefore cry altogether, Vincit veritas,
The truth overcommeth." And the arguments written and deli-
vered to the hands of M. Say, the prisoner was hadde away by
the Maior, and the doctors dined together at the Universitie
college.

Disputation at Oxford betweene doctor Smith, with his other col-
leagues and doctors, and bishop Ridley.

The next day following, which was the 1 7th of Aprill, was
brought forth doctor Bidley to dispute, against whome was set
doctor Smith * to be principal opponent. — Touching which doctor
Smith, forsomuch as mention heere happeneth of his name, first
the reader is to be advertised what is to be attributed to his
judgement in religion, which so oftentimes before had turned and
returned to and fro, grounded (as it seemeth) upon no firme con-
science of doctrine, as both by his articles by him recanted2 may

1 Doctor Smith.~\ Richard Smith, master of Whittington College, London,
and Regius professor of divinity at Oxford. Tanner's BibL, p. 679.

2 Articles by him recanted.'] See " A playne Declaration, made at Oxforde,
the 24th of July, by mayster Richard Smith, D.D., upon his retractation
made and published at Pauls Crosse in London, May 15, 1547." I'Jmo.
Compare Strype's Cranmer, p. 171. Eccks. Memor., vol. ii p. 35.

568 BISHOP LATIMER.

appeare, and also by his owne letter sent a little before in king
Edwards dayes to the archbishop of Canturburie from Scotland.
Which letter I thought here to exhibite as a certaine preface
before his owne arguments, or rather as a testimonie against
himselfe, whereby the reader may understand how devoutly he
magnified them, and their doctrine a little before, against whom
he now disputeth so busily. Reade, I beseech thee, his epistle,
and judge.

" Most honourable, I commend me unto your lordship, doing
the same to understand, that I wrote letters to your grace in
Januarie last, and the tenth day of February, declaring the causes
of my sodaine and unadvised departing from your grace over the
sea, and desiring your good lordship of your charitie toward them
that repent of their ill acts, to forgive me your selfe all the wrong
I did towards your grace, and to obtaine in writing the kin^s
majesties pardon for mee in all pointes concerning his lawcs:
upon the receite whereof I would returne againe home, and within
halfe a yeare (at the uttermost) afterward write, de Sacerdottun
connubiis, fyc. a Latine booke that should be a just satisfaction
for any that I have written against the same, lleliquaque omnia
dogmata vestra turn demum libenter amplexurum, ubi Deus mentein
meam, ut ea citra conscientice Icesionem agnoscam, doceamque. ... I
wrote not this that I want any good living heere ; but because
mine absence out of the realme is dishonour to the kings highnesse
and realme, and because I must needes (if I tarry heere a quarter
of a yeere longer) write an answere to your graces booke of the
sacrament, and also a booke of Common Places against all the
doctrine set forth by the kings majestie, which I cannot doe with
a good conscience. Wherefore I beseech your grace helpe me
home, as soone as yee may conveniently for Gods sake, and
shall never, I trust in God, repent that fact.

" Ex urbe dim Andrew 14 Feb.
"RicHARDUs SMITHEUS."

And thus much touching the forenamed doctor Richard Smith,
being set here (as is said) to dispute against bishop Ridley, who
was brought now the next day after the archbishop, to aim-
in the divinitie schoole. Against whom also besides doctor Smith,
disputed D. Weston, D. Tresham, D. Oglethorp, I). (Jliu. I).
Seton. and 1). Cole, M. Ward.-. M. Harp.-.-ti.-M. I>. Watson. M.
Pie. M. Harding. M. Curt,, p. M. Fecknam. To all them In-

BISHOP LATIMER. ;,<;ii

answered verie learnedly. Hee made a preface to these questions,
but they would not let him go forth in it, but caused him to make
an ende of the same, and sayde it was blasphemie, and some said
he drave off the time in ambiguous things, nothing to the purpose,
and so they woulde not suffer him to say his minde. D. Smith
could get nothing at his hand ; insomuch that others did take his
arguments and prosecuted them. He shewed himselfe to be learned,
and a great clearke. They could bring nothing, but he knewe it
as well as they.

The Disputation beginneth.

West. Prolocutor. " Good Christian people and brethren, wee
have begunne this day our schoole, by Gods good speed I trust,
and are entering into a controversie, whereof no question ought
to be moved, concerning the veritie of the bodie of our Lord Jesu
Christ in the eucharist. Christ is true, which sayd the wordes.
The words are true which hee spake, yea truth it self that cannot
faile. Let us therefore pray unto God to send downe unto us his
holy Spirite, which is the true interpreter of his word ; which may
purge away err ours, and give light, that verite may appeare. Let
us also aske leave and libertie of the church to permit the truth
received, to be called this day in question, without any prejudice
to the same. Your partes therefore shall be to implore the
assistance of almightie God, to pray for the prosperitie of the
queenes majesty, and to give us quiet and attentive eares. — Now
go to your question."

Doct. Smith. " This day (right learned M. doctor) three
questions are propounded, whereof no controversie among Chris-
tians ought to be mooved, to wit :

" 1 . Whether the natural body of Christ our saviour, conceived
of the virgine Marie, and offered for mans redemption upon the
crosse, is verily and really in the sacrament by virtue of Gods word
spoken by the priest, &c.

" 2. Whether in the sacrament, after the words of consecration,
be any other substance, &c.

" 3. Whether in the masse be a sacrifice propitiatorie, &c.

" Touching the which questions, although you have publikely
and partly professed your judgement and opinion on Saturday last.

570 BISHOP LATIMER.

yet being not satisfied with that your answere, I will assaie againe
to demaund your sentence in the first question : Whether the true
body of Christ, after the words pronounced, be really in the eucha-
rist, or else onely the figure. In which matter I stand here now to
hear your answere."

The Preface or Protestation of D. Ridley, before his Disputation.

"I received of you the other day right worshipfull M. Prolo-
cutor, and ye my reverend maisters, commissioners from the
queenes majestic, and her honourable counsaile, three proposi-
tions ; whereunto ye commanded me to prepare against this day.
what I thought good to aunswere concerning the same.

" Now whilest I weied with my selfe, how great a charge of the
Lords flocke was of late committed unto me, for the which I am
certain I must once render an accompt to my Lord God, (and
that how soone, hee knoweth) and that moreover by the com-
mandement of the apostle Peter, I ought to be ready alway to
give a reason of the hope that is in me with meekenesse and re-
verence, unto everie one that shall demaund the same : besides
this, considering my duetie to the church of Christ, and to your
worships being commissioners by publike authoritie: I deter-
mined with myselfe to obey your commaundement, and so openly
to declare unto you my mind touching the foresaid propositions.
And albeit plainely to confesse unto you the truth in these things
which ye now demaund of me, I have thought otherwise s in times
past, than now I do, yet (God I call to record unto my soule, I
lie not) I have not altered my judgement, as now it is, either by
constraint of any man, or lawes, either for the dread of any dan-
gers of this world, either for any hope of commodity; but only
for the love of the truth, revealed unto me by the grace of ( Jod
(as I am undoubtedly perswaded) in his holy word, and in the
reading of the antient fathers.

" These thinges I doe the rather recite at this present, bec.i
it may happen to some of you hereafter, as in times past it hath

3 I have thought otherwise.'] So below, we shall see, that Latimer was asked
by Weston, " How long have you been of this opinion ?" To which he re-
plied, " It is not long, Sir:" and Weston proceeding, "The time hath
when you have said masse full devoutly." " Yea," says Latimer, " I crie
God mercie heartily for it. ... I have long sought for the truth in this mutter
of the sacrament, and have not beene of this mind past seven yeeres. My
lord of Canterburies book hath especially continued my judgment herein."

BISHOP LATIMER. ;,71

done to mee : I meane, if yee thinke otherwise of the matters
propounded in these propositions, than I now doe, God may open
them unto you in time to come.

" But howsoever it shall bee, I will in fewe wordes doe that
which I thinke ye all looke I should doe : that is, as plainly as I
can, I will declare my judgement herein. Howbeit of this I
would yee were not ignorant : and I will not indeede wittingly
and willingly speake in any point against Gods word, or dissent
in any one jote from the same, or from the rules of faith, and
Christian religion: which rules the same most sacred word of
God prescribeth to the church of Christ, whereunto I now and
for ever submit my selfe, and all my doings. And because the
matter I have now taken in hand is waighty, and ye all well know
how unreadie I am to handle it accordingly, as well for lacke of
time, as also lacke of bookes : therefore here I protest that I will
publickly this day require of you, that it may be lawfull for me
concerning all mine answeres, explications, and confirmations, to
adde or diminish whatsoever shall seeme hereafter more conve-
nient and meet for the purpose, thorough more sound judgement,
better deliberation, and more exact triall of everie particular
thing. — Having now by the way of preface and protestation,
spoken these fewe words, I will come to the aunswering of the
propositions propounded unto me, and so to the most brief expli-
cation and confirmation of mine answeres."

West. "Reverend maister doctor, concerning the lacke of
bookes, there is no cause why you should complaine. What
bookes soever you will name, ye shall have them : and as con-
cerning the judgement of your answeres to be had of your self
with farther deliberation, it shall, (I say) be lawfull for you untill
Sunday next to adde unto them what you shall thinke good your
selfe. My minde is that wee should use short arguments, least
we should make an infinite processe of the thing.11

Rid. " There is another thing besides, which I would gladly
obtaine at your handes. I perceive that you have writers and
votaries here present. By all likelihood our disputations shall be
published 4, I beseech you for God's sake let mee have libertie to

4 Shall be published:] However this might be intended by the Romish
party, yet the design was never executed; for reasons which it requires no
(Edipus to conjecture. They were challenged by the protestants to make

572 BISHOP LATIMER.

speake my minde freelie, and without interruption, not because I
have determined to protract the time with a soleinne preface, but
least it may appeare that some bee not satisfied. God wote I am
no oratour, nor I have not learned rhetoricke to set colours on
the matter."

West. " Among this whole companie, it shal be permitted
you to take two for your part."

Rid. " I would chuse two, if there were any heere with whome
I were acquainted."

West. " Here are two 5 which maister Cranmer had yester-
day. Take them if it please you."

Bid. " I am content with them : I trust they are honest
men."

The first Proposition.

" In the sacrament of the altar, by the vertue of Gods word
spoken of the priest, the natural body of Christ borne of the vir-
gine Marie, and his naturall bloud is really present under the
formes of bread and wine."

The Answere ofN. Eidley.

" In matters appertaining to God, we may not speake accord-
ing to the sense of man, nor of the world. This proposition or
conclusion is framed after an other maner of phrase or kinde of
speech, than the Scripture useth. Againe, it is verie obscure
and darke, by meanes of sundrie wordes of doubtful signification.
And being taken in the sense which the schoolemen teach, and
at this time the church of Rome doth defend, it is false and erro-
neous, and plaine contrary to the doctrine which is accordin
godlinesse."

The Explication.

" How far the diversitie and newnesse of the phrase in all this
first proposition, is from the phrase of the holy Scripture, and

them public. "And yet for all this, I warrant you they be not hasty in
puttyng forth the disputations in print. As much as they bragge, I dare say
they will never put them forth." Trewe Mirrour, wherein we may behoide the
wofull State of thy s our Realme of England, A.D. 1556. Signat. A 4. b.

6 Here are two'] "These two notaries were M. .luell. sometime bishop of
Salisburie, and M. Gilbert Mounson." Fox's margin.

BISHOP LATIMER.

that in everie part almost, it is so plain e and evident to any that
is but meanly exercised in holy writ, that I need not now (LSJH--
cially in this company of learned men) to spend any time therein,
except the same shall be required of mee hereafter.

" First. There is a double sense in these wordes (by the vertue
of Gods word). For it is doubtfull what word of God this is :
whether it be that which is read in the evangelists, or in Paule,
or any other. And if it be that which is in the evangelists or in
S. Paule, what that is. If it be in none of them, then how it may
be knowne to be Gods word, and of such vertue, that it should be
able to worke so great a matter.

" Againe, There is a doubt in these words (of the priest)
whether no man may be called a priest, but hee which hath au-
thority to make propitiatorie sacrifice for the quick and the dead :
and how it may be proved that this authoritie was committed of
God to any man, but to Christ alone.

"It is likewise doubted, after what order the sacrificing priest
shall be, whether after the order of Aaron, or else after the order
of Melchisedech. For as farre as I know, the holy Scripture
doth allow no mo."

West. " Let this be sufficient."

Rid. " If we lacke time at this present, there is time enough
hereafter."

West. " These are but evasions or starting holes : you con-
sume the time in vaine."

Rid. " I cannot start far from you, I am captive and bound."
West. " Fall to it my maisters."

Smith. " That which you have spoken, may suffice at this
present."

Bid. " Let me alone I pray you, for I have not much to say
behinde."

West. " Goe forward."

Rid. " Moreover, there is ambiguitie in this word really,
whether it be to be taken as the logicians tearme it, transcen-
denter, that is, most generally, (and so it may signifie any maner
of thing which belongeth to the bodie of Christ, by any meanes :
after which sort we also graunt Christs bodie to be really in the
sacrament of the Lords Supper, as in disputation, if occasion be
given, shall be declared) or whether it be taken to signifie the
verie same thing, having body, life and soule, which was assumed
and taken of the word of God, into the unitie of person. In

574 BISHOP LATIMER.

which sense, sithe the body of Christ is really in heaven, because
of the true manner of his body, it may not be said to bee here in
the earth. — There is yet a further doubtfulnesse in these words,
under the formes of bread and wine, whether the formes be there
taken to signifie the onely accidentall and outwarde shewes of
bread and wine ; or therewithall the substantiall natures thereof,
which are to bee scene by their qualities, and perceived by
exterior senses.

" Now the error and falsenes of the proposition, after the sense
of the Romish church and schoolemen, may hereby appeare, in
that they affirme the bread to be transubstantiated and changed
into the flesh, assumed of the word of God, and that (as they
say) by the vertue of the word, which they have devised by a
certaine number of words, and cannot be found in any of
the evangelists, or in Paule, and so they gather that Christes
bodie is really contained in the sacrament of the aultar. Which
position is grounded upon the foundation of transubstantiation :
which foundation is monstrous, against reason, and destroyeth
the analogic or proportion of the sacraments : and therefore this
proposition also, which is builded upon this rotten foundation, is
false, erroneous, and to be counted as a detestable heresie of the
sacramentaries."

West. " Wee lose time."

Rid. " You shall have time enough."

West. " Fall to reasoning. You shall have some other day
for this matter."

Rid. " I have no more to say concerning my explication. —
If you will give me leave and let me alone, I will but speak a
word or two for my confirmation."

West. " Go to : say on."

The Confirmation of the foresaid Answere.

"There ought no doctrine to be established in the church ot'
God, which dissenteth from the word of God, from the rule <>t
faith, and draweth with it many absurdities, that cannot be
avoided.

"But this doctrine of the first proposition is such.

"Ergo, it ought not to l>e established and maintained in the
clmreh of God.

BISHOP LATIMER.

•' The major or first part of my argument is plaine, and tin-
minor or second part is proved thus.

"This doctrine maintaineth a reall, corporall, and carnall
presence of Christes flesh, assumed and taken of the word, to be
in the sacrament of the Lords supper, and that not by vertue
and grace onely, but also by the whole essence and substance of
the body and flesh of Christ.

" But such a presence disagreeth from Gods word, from the
rule of faith, and cannot but draw with it many absurdities.

" Ergo, the second part is true.

" The first part of this argument is manifest, and the second
may yet further be confirmed thus."

West. " Thus you consume time, which might bee better
bestowed on other matters. Maister opponent, I pray you to
your arguments."

Smith. " I will here reason with you upon transubstantiation,
which you say is contrarie to the rule and analogy of faith. The
contrarie whereof I proove by the Scriptures and the doctors. —
But before I enter argumentation with you, I demaund first
whether in the sixth chapter of John, there be any mention made
of the sacrament, or of the reall presence of Christ in the sacra-
ment?"

Rid. "It is against reason that I should be impeached to
prosecute that which I have to speake in this assembly, being not
so long, but that it may be comprehended in few words."

\Vest. " Let him read on."

Rid. " First of all, this presence is contrary to many places
of the holy Scripture.

" Secondly, it varieth from the articles of the faith.

" Thirdly, it destroyeth and taketh away the institution of the
Lords supper.

" Fourthly, it maketh pretious thinges common to prophane
and ungodly persons : for it casteth that which is holy unto dogs,
and pearles unto swine.

" Fifthly, it forceth men to maintaine many monstrous miracles,
without necessitie, and authoritie of God's word.

"Sixthly, it giveth occasion to the heretickes which erred
concerning the two natures in Christ, to defende their heresies
thereby.

" Seventhly, it falsifieth the sayinges of the godly fathers : it
falsifieth also the catholicke faith of the church, which the

576 BISHOP LATIMER.

apostles taught, the martyrs confirmed, and the faithful (as one
of the fathers saith) do retaine and keepe untill this day. Where-
fore the second part of mine argument is true."

The Probation of the antecedent or former part of this argument by
tJie parts thereof.

" This carnall presence is contrarie to the word of God, as
appeareth. (John 16.) / tell you the truth: It is profitable to
you that I go away, for if I go not away, the Comforter shall not
come unto you. (Acts 3.) Whom the heavens must receive until
the time of restoring of all things which God hath spoken. (Matth. 9.)
The children of the bridegrome cannot mourne so long as the bride-
grome is with them : but now is the time of mourning. (John
16.) But I will see you againe, and your hearts shall rejoice.
(John 14.) / will come againe and take you to my selfe. (Mattli.
24.) If they shall say unto you, Behold, here is Christ, or there is
Christ, beleeve them not : for wheresoever the dead carcase is, thither
the eagles will resort.

" It varieth from the articles of the faith : Hee ascended into
heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father. From
whence (and not from any other place, saith S. Augustine), he
shall come to judge both the quicke and the dead.

" It destroyeth and taketh away the institution of the Lords
supper, which was commanded only to be used and continued un-
till the Lord himselfe should come. If therefore he bee now
really present in the bodie of his flesh, then must the supper
cease : for a remembrance is not of a thing present, but of a thing
past and absent. And there is a difference betweene remem-
brance and presence, and (as one of the fathers saith) A figure is
in vaine where the thing figured is present.

" It maketh pretious things common to prophane and ungodly
persons, and constraineth men to confesse many absurcli
For it affirmeth that whoremongers and murtherers, yea, and (as
some of them hold opinion) the \\icked and faithlesse, misc.
rattes, and dogges also may receive the verie reall and corporal 1
bodie of the Lord, wherein the fulnesse of the spirite of light
and grace dwelleth : contrarie to the manifest words of Christ in
sixe places and sentences of the sixt chapter of S. John.

w' It confirmeth also and maintaineth that beastly kinde of
rnicltie of the Anthropophagi, that is, the devourers of man*

BISHOP LATIMER. 577

flesh : for it is a more cruell thing to devoure a quicke nmn than
to slay him."

Pie. " He requireth time to speake blasphemies. Leave your
blasphemies.''''

Rid. " I had little thought to have had such reproachfull words
at your hands."

West. " All is quiet. Go to the arguments M. Doctor."

Rid. i; I have not many mo things to say."

West. " You utter blasphemies with a most impudent face :
leave off (I say) and get you to the argument."

Rid. " It forceth men to maintaine many monstrous miracles,
without all necessitie and authoritie of Gods word. For at the
comming of this presence of the bodie and flesh of Christ, they
thrust away the substance of bread, and affirme that the acci-
dentes remaine without any subject, and in the stead thereof,
they place Christes bodie without his qualities and the true maner
of a body. And if the sacrament be reserved so long untill it
mould, and wormes breede, some say that the substance of bread
miraculously returneth againe, and some denie it. Other some
affirme that the reall bodie of Christ goeth downe into the sto-
macke of the receivers, and doth there abide so long onely as
they shall continue to be good : but another sorte holde that the
body of Christ is carried into heaven, so soone as the formes of
bread be bruised with the teeth. O works of miracles ! Truely
and most truely I see that fulfilled in these men, wherof, S. Paul
prophesied (2 Thess. 2) Because they have not received the love of
the truth, that they might le saved, God shall send them strong delu-
sions, that they should beleeve lies, and be all damned which have not
beleeved the truth. This gross presence hath brought forth that
fond phantasie of concomitance 6, whereby is broken at this daie
and abrogated the commandement of the Lord, for the distri-
buting of the Lordes cup to the laitie.

" It giveth occasion to heretickes to maintaine and defende
their errours : as to Marcion, which saide that Christ had but a
phantasticall bodie ; and to Eutiches, which wickedly confounded
the two natures in Christ.

" Finally, it falsifieth the sayings of the godly fathers and the
catholick faith of the church, which Vigilius a martyr, and grave
writer saith was taught of the apostles, confirmed with the blond

r> Of concomitance^] See Index in v.
VOL. ii. H P

578 BISHOP LATIMRR.

of martyrs, and was continually mainetained by the faithful], im-
till his time. By the sayings of the fathers, I mean of Justine.
Irenee, Tertullian, Origene, Eusebius Emisene, Athanasius, Cy-
rill, Epiphanius, Hierome, Chrysostome, Augustine, Vigilius,
Fulgentius, Bertram, and others most ancient fathers. All those
places, as I am sure I have read, making for my purpose, so am I
well assured that I could shew the same, if I might have tin
of mine owne bookes7, which I will take on mee to doe, even
upon the perill of my life, and losse of all that I may lose in this
world.

" But now (my brethren) thinke not, because I disallow that
presence which this first proposition maintaineth as a pre^
which I take to be forged, fantastical!, and besides the authoritie
of Gods word, perniciously brought into the church by the lu>-
manistes, that I therefore go about to take away the true pre-
sence of Christes body in his supper rightely and duely ministered.
which is grounded upon the word of God, and made more plaine
by the commentaries of the faithfull fathers. They that think so
of me, the Lord knoweth how farre they are deceived. — And to
make the same evident unto you, I will in fewe words declare what
true presence of Christes body in the sacrament of the Lords
supper I hold and affirme, with the word of God and the aunt-lent
fathers.

" I say and confesse with the evangelist Luke, and with the
apostle Paule, that the bread on the which thanks are given, is

7 Mine owne bookesJ] The books which Ridley here, and in the beginning
of this disputation, complains of being in want of, were his own manuscript
collections, and common-place books ; of which he thus speaks more at large.
in his conferences with master Latimer. " All my notes, which I have
written and gathered out of such authors as I have read in this matter,
the church,) " and such like, are come into the handes of such, as will not
let me have the least of all my written bookes; wherein I am enforced to
complayne of them unto God, for they spoile me of all my labours, which I
have taken in my studye these many yeares. My memorie was never good :
for helpe whereof, I have used for the most part, to gather out notes of my
reading and so to place them, that thereby I might have had the use of tin in.
when the time required. But who knoweth whether this be Gods will, that
I should be thus ordered, and spoiled of the poore learning I had (as me
thought) in store, to the intent that I now, destitute of that, should from
henceforth learne onely to knowe with Paul, Christ and him crucified • " ( rm-
ferences of Ridley and Latimer, signat. C s. edit. l.~>7 4, or Fox's Acts, p. l
given below in the Life of Ridley,

BISHOP LATIMER.

the body of Christ in the remembraunce of him and of his death.
to be set forth perpetually of the faithfull imtill his coimnini;.

"I say and confesse the bread which we breake to be the
communion and partaking of Christes bodie, with the auncient
faithfull fathers.

" I say and beleeve that there is not onely a signification of
Christes bodie set forth by the sacrament, but also that there-
with is given to the godly and faithfull, the grace of Christes
body, that is, the foode of life and immortalitie. And this 1
hold with Cyprian.

" I say also with S. Augustine, that we eate life, and we drinke
life : with Emisene, that we feele the Lord to be present in
grace : with Athanasius, that we receive celestiall foode, which
commith from above : the propertie of naturall communion, with
Hillarius : the nature of flesh and the benediction which giveth
life in bread and wine, with Cyrill : and with the same Cyrill, the
vertue of the verie flesh of Christ, life and grace of his body, the
propertie of the onely begotten, that is to say, life, as he himself
in plaine words expoundeth it.

" I confess also with Basil, that we receive the mystical advent
and comming of Christ, grace, and the vertue of his verie nature:
the sacrament of his verie flesh, with Ambrose : the body by
grace, with Epiphanius : spiritual flesh, but not that which was
crucified, with Hierome : grace flowing into a sacrifice, and the
grace of the spirit, with Chrysostome ; grace and invisible veri-
tie, grace and societie of the members of Christes body, with
Augustine.

" Finally, with Bertram (which was the last of all these) I
confesse that Christes bodie is in the sacrament in this respect ;
namely (as hee writeth) because there is in it the spirite of Christ,
that is, the power of the word of God, which not onely feedeth
the soule, but also cleanseth it. — Out of these I suppose it may
clearely appeare unto all men, how farre we are from that opinion,
whereof some go about falsly to slander us to the world, saying
wee teach that the godly and faithfull should receive nothing els,
at the Lords table, but a figure of the body of Christ.

" The second Proposition.

u After the consecration there remaineth no substance of bread
and wine, neither any other substance, then the substance of (iod
and man.

p p 2

580 BISHOP LATIMER.

" The Answere.

" The second conclusion is manifestly false, directly against
the word of God, the nature of the sacrament, and the most evi-
dent testimonies of the godly fathers : and it is the rotten foun-
dation of the other two conclusions propounded by you, both of
the first, and of the third. I will not therfore now tarie upon
any further explication of this answere, being contented with
that which is already added afore to the answere of the first
proposition.

" The fast argument for the confirmation of this aunswere.

" It is verie plaine by the worde of God, that Christ did oi\«-
bread unto his disciples, and called it his body.

" But the substance of bread is another manner of substance,
than is the substance of Christs body, God and man :

" Therefore the conclusion is false,

" The second part of mine argument is plaine, and the first is
prooved thus :

" The second argument.

" That which Christ did take, on the which he gave thankes,
and the which he did brake, he gave to his disciples, and called
it his bodie :

" But he tooke bread, gave thanks on bread, and brake bread :
"Ergo, The first part is true. And it is confirmed with tin-
authorities of the fathers, Irene, Tertullian, Origene, Cyprian.
Epiphanius, Hierome, Augustine, Theodoret, Cyrill, Kal minis,
and Bede. Whose places I will take upon me to show most
manifest in this behalfe, if I may be suffered to have my book. >.
as my request is.

" The third argument.

11 As the bread of the Lords table is Christes naturall bndi.
it is his mystical body.

"But it is not Christes mysticall body by transubstantiation.

"Ergo, It is not his naturall body by transubstantintion.

" The second part of my argument is plaine. and tin- fir-
prooved thus: As Christ who is the veritir. spake of tin- liivad.

BISHOP LATIMER.

This is my body which shal be betraiedfor you, speaking there of
his natural body; even so Paule mooved with the same spirit nf
truth, said, Wee though we be many, yet are wee all one bread, and
one body, which be partakers of one bread.

" We may no more beleeve bread to be transubstantiate into
the body of Christ, than the wine into his bloud.

" But the wine is not transubstantiate into his bloud :

" Ergo, neither is that bread therefore transubstantiate into his
bodie.

" The first part of this argument is manifest, and the second
part is prooved out of the authoritie of Gods word in Mathew and
Marke : I will not drink ofthefruite of the vine, &c. Now the
fruit of the vine was wine, which Christ drank and gave to his
disciples to drinke. With this sentence agreeth plainely the
place of Chrysostome on the xx chapter of Mathew. As Cyprian
doth also, affirming that there is no bloud, if wine be not in
the cup.

" Thefift argument.

" The words of Christ spoken upon the cup and upon the bread,
have like effect and working.

" But the words spoken upon the cup have not vertue to tran-
substantiate :

" Ergo, it folio weth that the words spoken upon the bread, have
no such vertue.

" The second part of the argument is prooved, because they
should then transubstantiate the cup, or that which is in the cup
into the New Testament : but neither of these things can bee
done, and very absurde it is to confesse the same.

" The sixth argument.

" The circumstances of the Scripture, the analogic and propor-
tion of the sacraments, and the testirnonie of the faithfull fathers
ought to rule us in taking the meaning of the holy Scriptures
touching the sacrament.

" But the words of the Lords supper, the circumstances of the
Scripture, the analogic of the sacraments, and the saying of the

582 BISHOP LATIMER.

fathers doe most effectually and plainely proove a figurative speech
in the wordes of the Lords supper.

" Ergo, a figurative sense and meaning is specially to bee re-
ceived in these words : This is my bodie.

" The circumstances of the Scripture : Doe this in the remem-
brance ofmee. As oft as yee shall eate of this bread and drinke of
this cup, yee shall shewe forth the Lordes death. Let a man proove
himself e, and so eate of this breade, and drinke of this cup. They
came together to breake bread : and they continued in breaking of
bread. TJie bread which we break, &c. For we being many, are
all one bread, and one bodie, fyc.

" The analogic of the sacraments is necessarie : for if the sacra-
mentes had not some similitude or likenesse of the things whereof
they be sacraments, they coulde in no wise bee sacraments. And
this similitude in the sacrament of the Lords supper, is taken three
maner of wayes.

"1. The first consisteth in nourishing, as ye shall read in
Rabane, Cyprian, Augustine, Irenee, and most plainly in Isidore
out of Bertram.

"2. The second, in the uniting and joining of many into one,
as Cyprian teacheth.

"3. The third is a similitude of unlike thinges, where, like as
the bread is turned into one bodie, so we, by the right use of this
sacrament, are turned through faith into the body of Christ.

" The sayinges of the fathers declare it to be a figurative speech,
as it appeareth in Origen, Tertullian, Chrysostome in opere imper-
fecto*, Augustine, Ambrose, Basill, Gregorie Nazianzene, Hilary.
and most plainly of all, in Bertram. Moreover, the sayinges and
places of all the fathers, whose names I have before recited against
the assertion of the first proposition, doe quite overthrow tran-
substantiation. But of all other, most evidently and plainly,
Irenee, Origen, Cyprian, Chrysostome to Cesarius the Monke.
Augustine against Adamantus, Gelasius, Cyrill, Epiphanius,
Chrysostome againe on the xx. of Mathew, Rabane, Damascene,
and Bertram.

" Here right worshipfull M. prolocutor, and ye the rest of the
commissioners it may please you to understand, that I do not

8 In opere imperfecto."] A commentary upon St. Matthew, falsely attributed

in, uinl known by the name of the Opus Im/m-fic 'mn.
Fabricius' tiibl. Gitft-a, tom. iii. p. 046.

BISHOP LATIMER. -,83

leane to these thinges onely, which I have written in my former
answeres and confirmations, but that I have also for the pn><>r<> of
that I have spoken, whatsoever Bertram, a man learned, of sound
and upright judgement, and ever counted a catholicke for tin •><•
seven hundreth yeares untill this our age, hath written. His
treatise whosoever shall reade and wey, considering the time of
the writer, his learning, godlinesse of life, the allegations of tin-
auncient fathers, and his manifolde and most grounded arguments,
I cannot (doubtlesse) but much marvell, if he have any feare of
God at all, how hee can with good conscience speake against him
in this matter of the sacrament. This Bertram was the first B

9 This Bertram was the first.'] See Ridley's Life of Bishop Ridley, p. 165.
173. Strype's Cranmer, p. 257. It is supposed, that Ridley first met with
this book in the year 1545 or 1546. It was first printed in English, in 1548.
See note at p. 668 . Dr. Glocester Ridley, after giving a description of its
contents, proceeds to make the following very just and valuable observations.
" Few books have drawn after them such salutary consequences as this has
done. This first opened Ridley's eyes, and determined him more accurately
to search the Scriptures in this article, and the doctrine of the primitive
fathers, who lived before the time of this controversy betwixt Bertram and
Paschasius. And how zealous soever Cranmer might be for transubstantia-
tion, and how dangerous soever it might be to doubt of that article, yet
Ridley very honestly communicated his discoveries and scruples to his good
friend and patron the archbishop j who knowing the sincerity of the man,
and his cool judgment, gave a more open ear to him, than he had formerly
done to Joachim Vadianus, when he wrote to him on this subject from Ger-
many, and was prevailed upon to examine this doctrine with the utmost
care. The event was the conviction of both of them. This was the great
and important point of the reformation in doctrine. This was laying the axe to
the root of the tree ; for, as Cranmer expresses himself, ' the taking away of
beads, pilgrimages, pardons, and such like popery, was but lopping off a few
branches ; which would soon spring up again, unless the roots of the tree,
which were transubstantiation and the sacrifice of the mass, were pulled up.'
And this he acknowledges was owing to conference with Dr. Ridley, who by
sundry persuasions, and authorities of doctors, drew him quite from his old
opinion. And in the following year, by Cranmer's means, old Latimer was
brought to a conviction of the same truth." P. 169- The progress of the
reformation, as to a considerable part of it, is thus described by a zealous
and eloquent adversary. " The Arians, to be short, and not the Arians only,
but all other kinde of miscreaunts, misbeleevers, and heretiques (for the
moste parte) intendyng to induce and bring in, the highest heresie of all,
they used commonly to make induction thereunto by other meaner matiers.
—And hath not the like practise been used of late years here with us also ?
Have not our new Christians, intending at lengthe to shoote at the highest
marke of all, shotte first at the lower markes ? Yes certainly. For first
butted they at holie water, at holie bread, at ashes, at palme, at tenebringe,

584 BISHOP LATIMER.

that pulled mee by the eare, and that first brought me from the
common errour of the Komish church, and caused me to searche
more diligently and exactly, both the Scriptures and the writinges
of the old ecclesiasticall fathers in this matter. And this I pro-
test before the face of God, who knoweth I lie not in the things
I now speake.

" The third Proposition.

" In the masse is the lively sacrifice of the church, propitiable
and availeable for the sins, as well of the quicke as of the dead.

" The aunswere to this Proposition.

" I answere to this third proposition, as I did to the first. And
moreover I say, that being taken in such sense as the wordes
seeme to import, it is not onely erronious, but withall so much to
the derogation and defacing of the deathe and passion of Christ,
that I judge it may and ought most worthily to be counted wicked
and blasphemous l against the most precious bloud of our saviour
Christ.

" The Explication.

"Concerning the Romish masse which is used at this day, or
the lively sacrifice thereof, propitiatory and avaylable for the
sinnes of the quicke and the dead, the holy Scripture hath not so
much as one syllable.

at knockynge, at knelyng, and other lyke lytle ceremonials. Then roaved
they abrode at verities unwrytten, at doctoures expositions, at man's tradi-
tions, at prescripte meates, at fastyng dayes, at holie dayes, at praying dayes,
at bodilie service, and at such other meane matiers, as uncertaine markes.
Afterwarde pricked they full, and whollye, most blasphemously at the cross
of Christ, at the image of Christ, at the sainctes of Christ, at the mother of
Christ, at the spouse of Christe, at the sacrifice of Christ, at the sacramentes
of Christ : and therein at last at the most preciouse body and bloud of Christ,
as the highest marke of al, the chiefest mistery of our faith, and the greatest
comfort man hath in al this mortal life." Sermon at Pauls Cross, Novemb.
12. (1553) by James Brokes, D.D. and master of Baliol College. Signat.
E4.

1 Wicked and blasphemous.'] " The sacrifices of masses, in the which it was
commonly said, that the priest did offer Christ for the quick and the dead, to
have remission of pain and guilt were blasphemous fables and dangerous tle-
i-f-its." Art. XXXI. of the Church of England; Of the one oblation of Christ,
finished upon the cross.

BISHOP LATIMER. ;,v,

" There is ambiguitie also in the name of masse, what it signi-
fieth, and whether at this day there bee any such indeed as the
auncient fathers used ; seeing that now there be neither Cate-
cJiistes nor pcenitentes to be sent away.

"Againe touching these wordes (the lively sacrifice of the
church), there is doubt whether they are to be understanded
figuratively and sacramen tally, for the sacrament of the lively
sacrifice (after which sort we denie it not to bee in the Lords
supper) or properly and without any figure : of the which manner
there was but one only sacrifice, and that once offered, namely
upon the aultar of the crosse.

" Moreover, in these words (as well as) it may bee doubted
whether they be spoken in mockage, as men are wont to say in
sport, of a foolish and ignorant person, that he is apt as well in
conditions as in knowledge : being apt indeede in neither of them
both.

" There is also a doubt in the worde (propitiable) whether it
signifie here, that which taketh away sinne, or that which may
be made availeable2 for the taking away of sin : that is to say,
whether it is to be taken in the active or in the passive sig-
nification.

" Now the falsenes of the proposition, after the meaning of the
schoolemen and the Romish church, and impietie in that sense
which the words seeme to importe, is this : that they leaning to
the foundation and their fond transubstantiation, would make the
quicke and lively bodie of Christs flesh (united and knit to the
divinitie) to lie hid under the accidents, and outward shewes of
bread and wine. Which is verie false, as I have sayd afore : and
they building upon this foundation, do hold that the same body is
offered unto God by the priest in his daily massings to put away
the sins of the quick and the dead, whereas by the apostle to the
Hebrewes it is evident, that there is but one oblation, and one
true and lively sacrifice, of the church offered upon the aultar of
the crosse, which was, is and shall be for ever the propitiation
for the sinnes of the whole world : and where there is remis-

2 Made availeable,'] The wordes in Latin are, " an quod potest reddi pro-
pitium;" and therefore, the translation does not reach the sense of the original.
The meaning of the clause is, " whether it signify here, that which propitiates,
or that which may be propitiated ; that is to say, whether it is to be taken in
the active, &c."

586 BISHOP LATIMER.

sion of the same, there is (saith the apostle) no more offering
for sinne.

" Arguments confirming Ms Answere.

" No sacrifice ought to be done but where the priest is meet to
offer the same.

" All other priests be unmeete to offer sacrifice propitiator!'
for sinne, save onely Christ :

" Ergo, no other priests ought to sacrifice for sinne, but Christ
alone.

" The second part of my argument is thus prooved.

" No honour in Gods church ought to be taken, whereunto a
man is not called, as Aaron.

" It is a great honour in Gods church to sacrifice for sinne :

tc Ergo, No man ought to sacrifice for sinne, but onely they
which are called.

" But only Christ is called to that honour.

" Ergo, no other priest but Christ ought to sacrifice for sinne.
That no man is called to this degree of honour but Christ alone,
it is evident: for there are but two only orders of priesthood
allowed in the word of God ; namely, the order of Aaron, and the
order of Melchisedech. But now the order of Aaron is conic to
an end by reason that it was unprofitable, and weak, and of tin-
order of Melchisedech there is but one priest alone, even Christ
the Lord, which hath a priesthood that cannot passe to any
other.

"An Argument.

" That thing is in vain and to no effect, where no necessitie is
wherefore it is done.

" To offer up any more sacrifice propitiatorie for the quick and
the dead, there is no necessitie, for Christ our saviour did that
fully and perfectly once for all.

" Ergo, to doe the same in the masse, it is in vaine.

" Another Argument.

"After that eternal redemption is found and obtained, fc]
needeth no more daily offering for the same :

" But Christ coinming an high bi>lmp. \T. found and obtained
for us eternall redemption:

BISHOP LATIMER. 537

" Ergo, there needethnow no more daily oblation for the siniu-s
of the quicke and the dead.

" Another Argument.

"All remission of sinnes commeth onely by shedding of
bloud.

" In the masse, there is no shedding of bloud.

" Ergo, in the masse there is no remission of sinnes : and so it
followeth also that there is no propitiatorie sacrifice.

" Another Argument.

" In the masse the passion of Christ is not in veritie, but in a
mystery, representing the same : yea even there where the Lords
supper is duely ministered.

" But where Christ suffereth not, there is he not offered in
veritie : for the apostle saith, Not that he might offer up himselfe
oftentimes (for then must he have suffered oftentimes sith the be-
ginning of the world) now where Christ is not offered, there is no
propitiatorie sacrifice.

" Ergo, in the masse there is no propitiatorie sacrifice : For
Christ appeared once in the latter end of the world, to put sin 1o
flight by the offering up of himself. And as it is appointed to all
men that they shall once die, and then commeth the judgement ; even
so Christ was once offered to take away the sinnes of many. And
unto them that lookefor him, shall hee appeare again without sinne,
unto salvation.

" Another Argument.

" Where there is any sacrifice that can make the commers
thereunto perfect, there ought men to cease from offering any mo
expiatorie and propitiatorie sacrifices.

" But in the New Testament there is one onely sacrifice now
alreadie long since offered, which is able to make the commers
thereto perfect for ever.

"Ergo, in the New Testament they ought to cease from offer-
ing any moe propitiatorie sacrifices."

588 BISHOP LATIMER.

" Sentences of the Scripture tending to the same ende and purpose,
out of which also may be gathered other manifest arguments, for
more confirmation thereof.

" By the which will (saith the apostle) we are sanctified, by the
offering up of the body of Jesus Christ, once for all. And in the
same place ; But this man after that he had offered one sac,
for sin, sitteth for ever at the right hand of God, &c. For with
one offering hath he made perfect for ever them that are sanctified,
and by himselfe hath he purged our sinnes. I beseech you to
marke these words (by himselfe) the which well wayed, will
without doubt cease all controversie.

" The apostle plainely denyeth any other sacrifice to remaine
for him that treadeth under his feete the bloud of the testament
by the which he was made holie. Christ will not be crucified
againe, he will not his death to be had in derision.

"He hath reconciled us in the body of his flesh. Marke I
beseech you, he saith not, in the mysterie of his bodie ; but in
the body of his flesh.

"If any man sinne, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus
uhrist the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sinnes, not for
ours only, but for the sinnes of the whole world.

" I knowe that ah1 these places of the Scripture are avoydcd
by two maner of subtle shiftes : the one is by the distinction of
the bloudie and unbloudie sacrifice3, as though our unbloudy
sacrifice of the church were any other than the sacrifice of prai>u
and thankesgiving, than a commemoration, a shewing forth, and
a sacramentall representation of that one only bloudy sacrifice
offered up once for all.

" The other is by depraving and wresting the sayings of tln»
auncient fathers unto such a strange kinde of sense, as the
fathers themselves indeede never meant. For what the meaning
of the fathers was it is evident by that which Saint
writeth in his epistle to Boniface, and in the eighty-third
of his ninth booke against Faustus, the Maniclu < . l>oi<lrs many
other places ; likewise by Eusebius, Emisene, Cyprian. (In
tome, Fulgentius. Ucrtrain. and others, which do wlioK
and agree together in this unitie in the Lord, that the n •<Kiinj>-

3 Unbloudie sacrifice.'] See Index, under Sacrifice bloody, &c.

BISHOP LATIMER.

tion once made in veritie for the salvation of man, continueth in
full effect for ever, and worketh without ceasing unto the end of
the world ; that the sacrifice once offered cannot be consumed ;
that the Lords death and passion is as effectual!, the vertue of
that bloud, once shed, as fresh at this day for the washing a\v,-i y
of sinnes, as it was even the same day that it flowed out of tin-
blessed side of our Saviour : and finally, that the whole substance
of our sacrifice which is frequented of the church, in the Lords
supper, consisteth in prayers, praise, and giving of thankes, and
in remembring and shewing forth of that sacrifice once offered
upon the aultar of the crosse ; that the same might continually
be had in reverence by mysterie, which once onely, and no more,
was offered for the price of our redemption.

"These are the things (right worshipful! M. prolocutor, and
ye the rest of the commissioners) which I could presently prepare
to the answering of your three foresaid propositions ; being desti-
tute of all helpe in this shortnesse of time, sodaine warning, and
want of bookes. Wherefore I appeale to my first protestation,
most humbly desiring the helpe of the same (as much as may be)
to be graunted unto me. And because ye have lately given most
unjust and cruell sentence against me, I do here appeale (so far
forth as I may) to a more indifferent and just censure and judge-
ment of some other superiour, competent, and lawfull judge, and
that according to the approved state of the church of England.
Howbeit, I confesse that I am ignorant what that is at this present,
through the trouble and alteration of the state of the realme. —
But if this appeale may not be granted to me upon earth, then
do I flie (even as to my only refuge and alone haven of health)
to the sentence of the eternall judge, that is, of the almightie
God, to whose most mercifull justice towards his, and most just
mercifulnes, I do wholly commit my selfe and all my cause,
nothing at all despayring of the defence of mine advocate and
alone saviour, Jesus Christ, to whom, with the everlasting Father,
and the holy Spirit, the sanctifier of us all, be now, and for ever,
all honour and glorie, Amen."

Albeit this learned bishop was not suffered to read all that is
above prefixed before the disputations, yet because he had it
then readie, and offered it up to the prolocutor after the disputa-
tions and sentence pronounced ; I thought heere the place not
unmeete to annexe the same together witli the rest. — Now let us

590 BISHOP LATIMER.

heare the arguments 4 and aunsweres betweene doctour Smith and
him.

The disputation had at Oxford the 18th Day of Apritt, 1554,
betweene M. Hugh Latimer answerer, and M. Smith and other

After the disputations of bishop Ridley ended, next was
brought out master Hugh Latimer to dispute, upon Wednesday,
which was the eighteenth day of Aprill. Which disputation
began at eight of the clock, in such form as before ; but it
most in English. For master Latimer the answerer alledged
that he was out of use with the Latine, and unfit for that
place.

There replied unto him M. Smith of Oriall college : doctor
Cartwright, M. Harpsfield, and divers other had snatches at him,
and gave him bitter taunts. He escaped no hissings, and scorne-
full laughings, no more than they that went before him. He was
very faint, and desired that hee might not long tarrie. He durst
not drinke for feare of vomiting. The disputation ended before
eleven of the clocke. M. Latimer was not suffered to read that
he had (as he said) painefully written; but it was exhibited up,
and the prolocutor read part thereof, and so proceeded unto the
disputation.

The Preface of Weston unto the Disputation following.

"Men and brethren, we are come together this day (by the
helpe of God) to vanquish the strength of the arguments, and
dispersed opinions of adversaries, against the truth of the real
presence of the Lords bodie in the sacrament. And th< -n ton-.
you father, if you have any thing to answere, I doe admonish that
you answere in short and few words."

Lat. "I pray you, good M. prolocutor, doe imt exact that
of mee, which is not in mee; I have not these tw«-n
much used the Latine tongue."

West. "Take your case, father."

Lat. "I thanke you sir, I am well. — L. t me here j-m

4 Let us heare the arguments.'] These arguments, extending from p. i:',M
to p. i:i'22 are omitted in this edition.

BISHOP LATIMER. r>!)|

my faith for I am not able to dispute : and afterwards doe your
pleasure with me."

The Protestation of M. Hugh Latimer, given up in writing to
Doctor Weston.

" The conclusions whereunto I must aunswere are these.

ul. The first is, that in the sacrament of the altar, by the
vertue of Gods word pronounced by the priest, there is really
present the naturall body of Christ, conceived of the virgine
Marie, under the kindes of the appearances of bread and wine :
and in like manner his bloud.

" 2. The second is, that after consecration, there remaineth no
substance of bread and wine, nor none other substance, but the
substance of God and man.

" 3. The third is, that in the masse there is the lively sacrifice
of the church, which is propitiable, as well for the sinnes of the
quicke, as of the dead.

" Concerning the first conclusion, mee thinketh it is set foorth
with certaine new found termes, that be obscure, and doe not
sound according to the speech of the Scripture. Howbeit, how-
soever I understand it, this I doe answere plainly, though not
without perill. I answere, I say, that to the right celebration of
the Lords supper, there is no other presence of Christ required,
than a spirituall presence : and this presence is sufficient for a
Christian man, as a presence by which we abide in Christ, and
Christ abideth in us, to the obtaining of eternall life, if we per-
sever. And this same presence may be called most fitly, a reall
presence, that is, a presence not fained, but a true and a faithful
presence. Which thing I here rehearse lest some sycophant or
scorner should suppose mee with the Anabaptistes, to make
nothing else of the sacrament but a naked and a bare signe. As
for that which is fained of many concerning their corporall pre-
sence, I for my part take it but for a papisticall invention, there-
fore thinke it utterly to be rejected.

" Concerning the second conclusion, I dare bee bolde to say,
that it hath no stay or ground, in Gods word, but is a thing
invented and found out by man ; and therefore to bee taken as
fond and false : and I had almost sayd, as the mother and nurse
of the other errors. It were good for my lords and maisters of

592 BISHOP LATIMER.

the transubstantiation, to take heed lest they conspire with the
Nestorians ; for I do not see how they can avoid it.

" The third conclusion (as I doe understand it) seemeth sub-
tlely to sowe sedition against the offering which Christ himselfe
offered for us in his owne proper person, according to that pithie
place of Paule, when he sayth, That Christ his owne selfe hath
made purgation of our sinnes. And afterward, That hee ?////////
(saith he) be a mercifull and a faithful bishop, concerning tfiu**.
things which are to bee done with God, for t/te taking away of
sinnes. So that the expiation or taking away of our sinnes, may
be thought rather to depend on this, that Christ was an offering
bishop, than that he was offered, were it not that he was offered
of himselfe : and therefore it is needlesse that he should he
offered of any other. I will speake nothing of the wonderi'ull
presumption of man, to dare to attempt this thing without a
manifest vocation, specially in that it tendeth to the overthrowing
and making fruitles (if not wholly, yet partly) of the crosse of
Christ: for truely it is no base or meane thing, to offer Christ.
And therefore woorthily a man may say to my lords and ma
the offerers : By what authoritie do ye this ? and who gave you
this authority ? Where? when? A man cannot (sayth the Bap-
tist) take anie thing, except it be given him from above : much lesse
then may any man presume to usurpe any honor before he be
thereto called. — Againe, If any man sinne saith S.John, we have
(saith he) not a masser or offerer at home, which can sacrifice
for us at masse, but wee have (saith he) an advocate Jesus Cl
which once offered himself along agoe : of which offering, ih»i
efficacie and effect is perdurable for every, so that it is need!
to have such offerers.

" What meaneth Paule, when he saith : They tha f the

altar, are partakers of the altar ? and so addeth : So the I
hath ordeined that they that preach the gospel, shal live of the g»
Whereas he should have said: The Lord hath ordained, that
they that sacrifice at masse, should live of their sacrificing, that
there might be a living assigned to our sacrifices now, as
before Christes comming, to the Jewish priests. For n<>\\
have nothing to alledge for their living, as they that be preachers
h;i\r. So that it appeareth that the sacrificing priestlxx
changed by Gods ordinance, into a preaching priesthood, and the
sacrificing priesthood should cease uttrrlie. saving in as mm
all Christian men are sacrificing pri«

BISHOP LATIMER.

"The supper of the Lord was instituted to provoke us to
thanksgiving, for the offering which the Lord himselfe did offer
for us, much rather then that our offerers should doe tln-i
they do. Feede (sayth Peter) as much as ye may the flocke of
Christ : nay rather let us sacrifice as much as wee may, for the
flocke of Christ. If so be the matter be as now men make it, I
can never wonder enough, that Peter would or could forget this
office of sacrificing, which at this day is in such a price and esti-
mation, that to feede is almost nothing with many. If thou cease
from feeding the flocke, how shalt thou be taken 2 truely catho-
like enough. But if thou cease from sacrificing and massing,
how will that be taken ! at the least I warrant thee, thou shalt
be called an heretike. — And whence I pray you, come these pa-
pisticall judgements ? Except perchance they thinke a man feedeth
the flocke, in sacrificing for them : and then what needeth there
anie learned pastours ? For no man is so foolish, but soone may
he learne to sacrifice and masse it.

" Thus loe, I have taken the more paine to write, because I
refused to dispute, in consideration of my debilitie thereunto :
that all men may know, how that I have so done, not without
great paines, having not any man to helpe me, as I have never
before beene debarred to have. — O sir, you may chance to live
till you come to this age and weaknesse that I am of. I have
spoken in my time before two kings, more than once, two or
three houres together 5, without interruption : but now, that I
may speake the truth (by your leave), I could not be suffered to
declare my minde before you, no, not by the space of a quarter

5 Houres together.] This, or even more, he mentions elsewhere to have
been the length of his sermons ; and of that of others, occasionally at least,
of that day. " And what if I should say nothing els, these three or foure
houres, (for I know it will be so long, if I be not commanded to the contrary)
but these wordes: Takeheede and beware of covetousness" Sermons, fol. 100 b.
" I let passe to speake of muche other suche like counterfeite doctrine, which
hathe bene blasted and blowne out by some for the space of three hovres to-
gether." Ibid. fol. 6 b. And yet Cranmer had long before given him a hint
to stand no longer in the pulpit, on any condition, than an hour or an hour
and a half at the most; "for by long expense of time, the king and the queen
shall peradventure wax so weary at the beginning (i. e. of his appointed
course of Lent sermons), that they shall have small delight to continue
throughout with you to the end/' Cranmer's Works, vol. i. p. 124. This
was in the reign of king Henry VIII., about the year 1535, and the queen
was Anne Boleyn.

VOL. IT. ft q

594 BISHOP LATIMER.

of an houre, without snatches, revilings, checkes, rebukes, taunts,
such as I have not felt the like, in such an audience, all my life
long. Surely it cannot be, but an heinous offence that I have
given. But what was it ? Forsooth I had spoken of the foure
marrowbones of the masse. The which kinde of speaking, I
never read to be a sinne against the Holy Ghost.

" I could not be allowed to shew what I meant by my meta-
phore. But sir, now, by your favour, 1 will tell your maistership
what I meane.

" The first is the popish consecration : which hath beene called
a Gods body making.

" The second is transubstantiation.
" The third is missall oblation.
" The fourth adoration.

u These chiefe and principall portions, partes and points belong-
ing or incident to the masse, and most esteemed and had in price
in the same, I call the marrowbones of the masse ; which indeede
you by force, might, and violence, intrude in sounde of words in
some of the scripture, with racking and cramping, injuring and
wronging the same : but els indeede, plaine out of the Scripture6,

6 Plaine out of the Scripture.'] In another copy of this protestation, pub-
lished by Strype, in his Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. iii. Records, no. 34, we
find the following additional particulars. After stating that he had read
over the New Testament, seven times, since he was in prison, and could
never find the flesh, blood, or bones of Christ, in the doctrine of the eucharist,
he goes on, "And because, peradventure, my masters myght say, that I doti-d
for age, and my wittes were gone, so that my wordes were not to be credit id :
yet, beholde! the providence of God, which will have his truthe knowen (yea,
if all men helde their tongues, the stones should speake), did bring i
passe, that where these famous men, Mr. Cranmere, archebysshop of Canter-
bury, Mr. Ridley, bishop of London, that holy man Mr. Bradforde, and I,
olde Hugh Latymer, were imprisoned in the Tower of London for Christes
gospel preaching, and for because we wolde not go a massyng, every one in
close prison from the other ; the same tower, being so full of other prisoners,
that we four were thrust into one chamber, as men not to be accounted of,
but, God be thanked ! to our great joy and comforte, there did we together
reade over the Newe Testament with great deliberation, and paynef'ul study.
And I assure you, as I wyll answer before the tribunall throne of Goddes
Majestic, we could fynde in the Testament of Christes body and bloud, none
other presence, but a spiritual presence; nor that the masse was any sa<
for synnes : but in that heavenly boke it appered, that the sacrifice, which
Christ Jesus our Redeemer did upon the crosse, was perfect, holy, and good :

BISHOP LATIMER. 595

as I am thorowly perswaded, although in disputation I could now
nothing doe, to perswade the same to others, being both unapt to
studie, and also to make a shew of my former studie, in such
readinesse as should be requisite to the same.

" I have heard much talke of maister doctor Weston to and
fro, in my time : but I never knewe your person to my knowledge,
till I came before you, as the queenes majesties commissioner. I
pray God send you so right judgement, as I perceive you have a
great wit, great learning, with many other qualities. God give
you grace ever well to use them, and ever to have in remembrance
that he that dwelleth on high, looketh on the lowe things on the
earth : and that there is no counsell against the Lord : and also
that this world hath beene, and yet is a tottering world. And yet
againe 7, that though wee must obey the princes, yet that hath
this limitation, namely, in the Lord 8. For whoso doth obey them

that God the heavenly Father did require none other, nor that never ageyne
to be done." P. 92.

7 And yet againe.'] In the copy mentioned in the preceding note, this pas-
sage stands as follows ; " And yet ageyne, that though we must obey the
princes, yet are we lymyted, howe farre ; that ys, so long as they do not com-
maund things ageynst the manifest truth. But nowe they doe. Therefore
we must say with Peter and John, We must obey God, before man. — I meane
none other resistaunce, but to offer our lives to the death, rather than to com-
mytt any evill ageynst the majestic of God, and his most holy and true worde.
But this I say unto you, if the quene have any pernicious enemy within her
realme, those they be that do cause her to maynteyn idolatry, and to wet her
sword of justice in the blood of her people." P. 93.

8 In the Lord."] "Looke,what lawe and ordinaunces are made by the magis-
trates we ought to obey them. Therefore let us consider ever in all our
doynges what be the lawes of the realme, and according unto the same wee
must live. And this is to be understand as well in spiritual matters as tem-
poral, so farre forth as their lawes be not agaynst God, and his word. When
they will have us to do any thing against God, then we shall say, Oportet
magis obedire Deo quam hominibus .- We must more be obedient unto God,
then unto man. Yet wee may not withstand them with stoutnes, or rise upp
against them ; but suffer whatsoever they shall doe unto us : for wee may for
nothinge in the worlde rebell agaynst the office of God, that is to say, agaynst
the magistrate." Sermons, fol. 293.

In another place, he lays down well the distinction between the claims of
the pope, and of the constitutional monarchy of England, in speaking of the
subject's obligation to obedience.

" I heare say, ye take upon you to judge the judgements of judges.

" I will not make the king a pope : for the pope will have all things that
he doth, taken for an article of our fayth. [" I will

Q 2

596 BISHOP LATIMER.

against the Lord, they be most pernitious to them, and the greatest
adversaries that they have : for they so procure Gods vengeance
upon them, if God be onely the ruler of things.

" There be some so corrupt in minde, the trueth being taken
from them, that they thinke gaine to bee godlinesse ; great learned
men, and yet men of no learning, but of railing, and raging about
questions and strife of words. I call them men of no learning,
because they know not Christ, how much els soever they know.
And on this sort we are wont to call great learned clerkes, being
ignorant of Christ, unlearned men: for it is nothing but plaine
ignorance, to knowe anie thing without Christ: whereas who so
knoweth Christ, the same hath knowledge enough, although in
other knowledge he be to seeke. The apostle Saint Paul con-
fesseth of himselfe to the Corinthians, that hee did know nothing,
but Jesus Christ crucified. Many men babble many things of
Christ which yet know not Christ: but pretending Christ, doe
craftily colour and darken his glorie. Depart from such men,
sayth the apostle Saint Paule to Timothie.

" It is not out of the way to remember what S. Augustine
saith. The place where, I now well remember not, except it be
' against the epistles of Perillian :' Whosoever (saith hee) tea*
any thing necessarily to be beleeved, which is not contained it-
Olde or Newe Testament, the same is accursed. O beware of tin's
curse if you be wise. I am much deceived if Basilius hav<
such like wordes : Whatsoever (saith hee) is besides the holy Scrip-
ture, if the same be taught as necessarily to be beleeved, that i.< *
0 therefore take heede of this sinne !

" There be some that speake many false thinges more probable,
and more like to the truth, than the truth it selfe. Tlier
Paul giveth a watch word : Let no man (saith hee) dect-ico you

" I will not say but that the king and his councell may erre : the parlia-
ment houses, both the highe and lowe, may erre. I pray dayly that they may
not erre.

" It becommeth us whatsoever they decree to stand unto it, and receave it
obediently, as far forth as it is not manifestly wicked, and directly a^
the word of God. It pertayneth unto us to thinke the best, though we cannot
render a cause for the doing of every thinge. For charitas omnia credit ;
omnia sperat ; charity doth beleve and trust all thinges. Wee ought T
pound to the best all things, although we cannot yeald a reason . . . Let us
not therefore judge judges. We are comptable to God, and so be t
Sermons, fol. 50.

BISHOP LATIMER. 597

with probability and perswasions of words. — But what mean you,
saith one, by this talke so farre from the matter ? Well, I hope,
good masters you wil suffer an olde man a little to play the child.
and to speake one thing twise. — 0 Lord God, you have changed
the most holy communion into a private action : and you denie to
the laitie the Lords cuppe, contrary to Christes commandement ;
and you do blemish the annunciation of the Lords death till hee
come : for you have changed the Common Prayer called the divine
service, with the administration of the sacraments, from the vul-
gar and knowne language, into a strange tongue, contrary to the
will of the Lord revealed in his word. God open the doore of
your heart, to see the thinges you should see herein ! — I would as
faine obey my soveraigne as anie in this realme : but in these
things I can never doe it with an upright conscience. God be
merciful unto us. Amen."

Weston. " Then refuse you to dispute 2 Will you heere then
subscribe 2"

Lat. " No good maister, I pray you be good to an olde man.
You may, if it please God, be once olde, as I am : yee may come
to this age, and to this debilitie."

West. u Ye said upon Saturday last, that yee could not finde
the masse, nor the marrowbones thereof in your booke : but we
will finde a masse in that booke."

Lat. " No good M. doctor ye cannot."
West. " What finde you then there 2"
Lat. " Forsooth a communion I finde there 2"
West. " Which communion, the first or the last 9 2"
Lat. " I finde no great diversity in them : they are one sup-
per of the Lord, but I like the last very well."
West. " Then the first was naught belike."
Lat. " I do not well remember wherein they differ."
West. " Then cake bread * and loafe bread are all one with

9 The first or the last.'] " By this first and second communion, he meaneth
the two books of publicke order set forth in k. Edwardes dayes, the one in the
beginning, the other in the latter end of his reign."— Fox's Margin. The
Romish party were never weary of objecting against these alterations and i
provements, as arguments of the necessity for returning again into the qme
bosom of the church, &c. See Hoggard's Displaying of the Protestant*,
1556, fol. 72—76; Brokes's Sermon, 1554, signat. D 7; Strype's Eccles.
Memor., vol. ii. p. 215, 16.

1 Then cake bread.'] "Then touchyng the ministration, whether ]
be leavened or unleavened bread, Oh what a doe there was !

598 BISHOP LATIMER.

you. Ye call it the supper of the Lord a, but you are deceived in
that: for they had done the supper before, and therefore the
scripture saith : Postquam ccenatum est, that is, After they had
supped. For ye know that S. Paul findeth fault with the Corin-
thians, for that some of them were drunken at this supper : and
yee knowe no man can be drunken at your communion.'"

Latim. " The first was called Ccena Judaica, that is, The
Jewish supper, when they did eat the paschal lambe toge-
ther : the other was called Ccena Dominica, that is, The Lord's
supper."

West. " That is false, for Chrysostome denieth that. And
S. Ambrose in cap. lO.prioris ad Corinthios, sayth, that the mys-
tery of the sacrament, given as they were at supper, is not the
supper of the Lord. And Gregorie Nazianzene sayth the same.
— Againe, he kept the holy feast of passover with his disciples
in the dining chamber after the supper, and one day before
his passion. But wee keepe it both in the churches and
houses of prayer, both before the supper and also after the re-
surrection.

" And that first supper was called dyawrj : can you tell what
that is T

Latim. " I understand no Greeke s. Yet I thinke it ineaneth
charitie."

be unleavened, but broader and thicker than the olde maner was, and in any
wyse the print of the name of Jesus left out, which was as odious a sight to
them, as the sygne of the crosse was to Julianus Apostata, who in any wyse
coulde not abyde the sayde sygne, neither in churche, wyndowe, or other
place. Then these Julianistes, to bryng the sacrament to a more profane use,
they devysed, that the bread should be leavened, like to other common
bread ; from the which, though many crumbs did fall, they forced not, so
little they esteemed the matter. For such sacrament, such minister ; such
carpenters, such tooles." — Hoggard's Displaying of Protestants, 1556, fol.
73,4.

2 The supper of the Lore?.] " I will tell you what a byshoppe of this realme
sayd once to me. I chaunced, in our communication, to name the Lordes
Supper. 'Tush,' sayth the byshoppe, * what do ye call the Lordes supper?
AVhat new term is that ? ' There stood by him a dubber, one doctor Duhher,
he dubbed hym by and by, and sayd, that this terme was seldome read in the
doctoures. And I made aunswere, that I would rather follow Paule in using
his termes, than them, though they had all the doctoures on their side. \Vliy
(said the bishop) cannot we without the Scriptures order the people? I low
dyd they before the Scripture was first written ? " — Latimer's Sermons, fol.
37 b.

3 / understand no Greeke. ,] 'Hiis is not to be interpreted to the utr

BISHOP LATIMER. 599

Weston. " Will you have all things done that Christ did th.-u '.
Why then must the priest bee hanged on the morrow. And
where finde you, I pray you, that a woman should receive ih«
sacrament?"

Lat. " Will you give me leave to turne my booke ? I finde it
in the eleventh chapter to the Corinthians, I trowe these be his
wordes : Probet autem seipsum homo, <$cc.

" I pray you good maister, what gender is homo ?"

West. " Marrie the common gender."

Cole. " It is in the Greeke, 6 ayfljowTroe."

Harps. " It is avj)p, that is, vir*"

Lat. " It is in my booke of Erasmus translation, Probet seip-

-, *-

Feck. "It is Probet seipsum indeede, and therefore it itn-
porteth the masculine gender."

Lat. " What then ? I trow when the woman touched Christ
hee said : Quis tetigit me ? ticio quod aliquis me tetigit. That is,
Who touched me ? I know that some man touched me."

West. " I will be at host with you anon. When Christ was
at his supper, none were with him, but his apostles onely.

"Ergo, he meant no woman, if you will have his institution
kept."

Lat. " In the twelve apostles was represented the whole
church, in which you will grant both men and women to be."

West. " So through the whole hereticall translated bible, ye
never make mention of priest 5, till yee come to the putting of

strictness of the letter ; as even the words uttered in the same breath shew.
Moreover, upon one occasion, in his sermons, and that in one preached not
quite two years before the present disputation, he says, " My translation
hath, hcec mando vobis, the plural number. The English goeth as though it
singularly were but one. I examined the Greek, where it is in the plural
number."— Sermons, fol. 266.

4 That is, vir.~] See Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. iii. p. 118.

5 Mention of priest. .] Tindal has fully vindicated himself on this head, in
his Answer to the Dialogue of Sir Thomas More. See Works, p. 251—3.
But Weston and his friends had very little care about listening to reason and
argument. They had the sword in their hands ; and that emboldened them
to set both reason and truth at defiance. One of the most learned of the
party, in relation to the names of priest and minister, and to the changes
which had been made under king Edward in the habits of the clergy, speaks
as follows : " Then was the holy order of priesthode utterly disanulled, so
that the name of a priest should not be any longer used ; but such as should

600 BISHOP LATIMER.

Christ to death. Where finde you then that a priest or mi-
nister (a minstrell I may call him, well enough) should doe it to
necessitie ?"

Lat. " A minister is a more fit name * for that office, for the
name of a priest importeth a sacrifice."

West. " Well, remember that yee cannot finde that a woman
may receive by Scripture. — Master opponent fall to it."

Smith. " Because I perceive that this charge is laide upon my
necke, to dispute with you : to the ende that the same may goe
forward after a right maner and order, I wil propose three ques-
tions, so as they are put forth unto me. And first I aske this
question of you, although the same indeed ought not to be called
in question : but such is the condition of the church, that it is
alwaies vexed of the wicked sort. I aske, I say, whether Chr;
bodie be really in the sacrament ?"

Lat. " I trust I have obteined of M. prolocutour, that no
man shall exact that thing of me, which is not in me. And I
am sorie that this worshipfull audience should be deceived of their
expectation for my sake. I have given up my minde in writing
to M. prolocutor."

Smith. " Whatsoever ye have given up, it shall be registered
among the acts."

Latim. " Disputation requireth a good memorie : Ast abolita
est mihi memoria. My memorie is gone cleane, and marvellouslie
weakened, and never the better, I wis, for the prison."

West. "How long have ye beene in prison ?"

Lat. " These three quarters of this yere."

West. " And I was in prison sixe yeres."

Lat. " The more pitie, sir."

West. " How long have you beene of this opinion ?"

Lat. " It is not long, sir, that I have beene of this opinion."

West. " The time hath beene when you said masse full
devoutly."

Lat. " Yea I crie God mercie heartily for it."

preache and minister sacramentes, shoulde be called ministers, and not priests;
and that they should be apparelled lyke lay men, so that a minister shuld not
be knowen from a lay man, but all shulde be alyke : whyche never was seen
in the churche of God from Christes tyme hitherto, but only amonges here-
tykes." — Christopherson agaynst rebellion, signat. Y 5. 1554.

6 A more Jit nameJ] Compare Christian Institutes, Index, under Mini-
and under Priest.

BISHOP LATIMER. <;<,!

West. " Where learned you this new fanglenesse F

Lat. " I have long sought for the truth in this matter of the
sacrament, and have not beene of this minde past seven y« -.
and my lord of Canturburies booke hath especially confirmed
my judgement heerein. If I could remember all therein con-
tained, I would not feare to answere any man in this matter."

Tres. " There are in that booke sixe hundred errors."

West. " You were once a Lutheran."

Lat. "No, I was a papist: for I never could perceive how
Luther could defend his opinion without transubstantiation. The
Tigurines once did write a booke 7 against Luther, and I oft
desired God that hee might live so long to make them answere."

West. " Luther in his booke De privata missa, said, that the
divell reasoned with him, and perswaded him that the mass was
not good. Whereof it may appeare, that Luther said masse, and
the divell disswaded him from it."

" Lat. " I doe not take in hand here to defend Luthers sayings
or doings. If he were here, he would defend himselfe well enough,
I trow. I tolde you before that I am not meete for disputa-
tions. I pray you read mine answere, wherein I have declared
my faith."

West. '" Doe you believe this, as you have written?"

Lat. " Yea, sir."

West. " Then have you no faith."

Lat. " Then would I be sorie, sir."

Tres. " It is written (John vi.) Except ye shall eate the flesh
of the sonne of man, and drinke his bloud, ye shal have no life in
you. Which when the Capernaites and many of Christes disci-
ples heard, they said, This is a hard saying, &c. Now that the
trueth may the better appeare, heer I aske of you, whether Christ
speaking these words, did meane of his flesh to bee eaten with the
mouth, or of the spirituall eating of the same?"

Lat. " I answer (as Augustine understandeth) that Christ
meant of the spirituall eating of his flesh."

Tresham. " I my selfe have heard you preaching at Greene-
wich, before king Henrie the eight, where you did openly affirm e.
that no Christian man ought to doubt of the true and reall pre-
sence of Christes bodie in the sacrament, forasmuch as he had
the word of Scripture on his side, (videlicet) Hoc est

7 Did write a booke.'] See Lavateri Historia Sacramentaria, fol. 32, 3.

602 BISHOP LATIMER.

meum : This is my body : whereby he might be confirmed. But
now there is the same trueth : the word of Scripture hath the
selfe same thing which it then had. Therefore why do you denie
at this present, that whereof it was not lawfull once to doubt
before, when you taught it?"

Lat. " Will you give me leave to speake ?"

Tresh. " Speake Latine, I pray you, for yee can do it if yee
list, promptly enough.""

Lat. " I cannot speake Latine so long and so largelie. M.
prolocutor hath given mee leave to speake English. And he that
shall answere the doctours, had not neede to be in my case, but
should have them in a readines, and know their purpose. Me-
lancthon sayeth, if the doctours had foreseene that they should
have been so taken in this controversie, they would have written
more plainely."

West. " Because ye can defend your doctors no better, yee
shall see how worshipful men ye hang upon, and one that hath
beene of your minde, shall dispute with you. M. Cartwrighte, I
pray you dispute."

Cart. "Reverend father, because it is given me in com-
mandement to dispute with you, I will doe it gladly. But first
understand ere we go any further, that I was in the same error
that you are in : but I am sorry for it, and doe confesse my self
to have erred. I acknowledge mine offence, and I wish and
desire God that you also may repent with me."

Lat. " Will you give me leave to tell what hath caused M.
doctour heere to recant I It is pcena legis, the paine of the lawe,
which hath brought you backe, and converted you, and many
moe : the which letteth many to confesse God. And this is a great
argument : there are few here can dissolve it."

Cart. " That is not my case : but I will make you this short
argument, by which I was converted 8 from mine errors.

8 By which I was converted."] Perhaps Cartwright was indebted for this
argument, and so for his conversion to the following passage in Dr. Brokes's
sermon. " Whereupon one reason me thinketh, maie be grounded, which
were sufficient to move any harde heart, any stony stomake, any blunt brest,
that is not utterly obcecate, utterly obstinate, utterly indurate. The reason
shall bee this. Other you muste graunte the real presence of our Saviour
Christes owne very bodie, and bloude in the holye and blessed sacrament, as
the truth is, or els must you make us beleve, that all the auncient authors,
and godly persones, al the holy martyres, and confessours, al the holy fathers,

BISHOP LATIMER. 603

" If the true bodie of Christ be not really in the sacrament, all
the whole church hath erred from the apostles time.
" But Christ would not suffer his church to erre :
" Ergo, it is the true bodie of Christ."

Lat. "The popish church hath erred9, arid doth erre. I

and catholike writers, that ever wrote these fifteen hundred yeares and more,
even from the apostles' time hitherto, you muste make us heleve, I saie, that
these, in this moste highe and weightie matier of our faieth, were al most
shamefully blinded ; al most shamefully deceived ; yea al moste undoubtedlye
dampned. For, hadde not they all, as it appereth by their workes wel con-
strued, and wel understande the selfe same faith in the blessed sacramente,
that the catholikes have at this present ? " Signat. F 3. b.

9 Hath erred.'] Art. XIX. of the Church of England. " As the church of
Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch have erred ; so also the church of Rome
hath erred, not only in their living and manner of ceremonies, but also in
matters of faith."

Several of the most considerable incidents connected with this tenet, the
infallibility of the church, so far as respected the condition of England in these
times, and understanding the term " church," as it must always be under-
stood by the Romanists, as " the church of Rome," are exceedingly well stated
in a letter by Cranmer to his royal master, written in or about the year 1536.

" But in mine opinion, if he had spoken nothing else, yet whosoever
sayeth, that the church never erred, maintaineth the bishop of Rome's power.
For if that were not erroneous that was taught of his power, that he is
Christ's vicar in earth, and by God's law head of all the world, spiritual and
temporal; and that all people must believe this de necessitate salutis ; and
that whosoever doeth any thing against the see of Rome is an heretic; and
that he hath authority also in purgatory ; with such other many false things,
which were taught in times past to be articles of our faith : if these things were
not erroneous, yea, and errors in the faith, then must needs your grace's laws
be erroneous, which pronounce the bishop of Rome to be of no more power
by God's law than other bishops ; and them to be traitors that defend the
contrary. This is certain, that whosoever saith that the church never erred,
must either deny that the church ever taught any such errors of the bishop of
Rome's power, and then they speak against that which all the world knoweth,
and all books written of that matter, these three or four hundred years, do
testify ; or else they must say, that the said errors be no errors, but truths.
And then it is both treason and heresy" Cranmer's Remains, vol. i. p. 171.

The origin, progress, and ultimate abuse and bigotry to which this tenet at
length extended itself, is well described in the following passage from Sir
Roger Twisden.

" Before these laws, it is not to be wondered if every one desired to be
joined in communion with some one of those sees, whose bishops were so re-
commended, for conserving the apostolic faith, for the sanctity of their man-
ners, and for keeping schism out of the church ; which, being usually joined
with sedition in the common-wealth, princes seem to have had an especial eye

604 BISHOP LATIMER.

thinke for the space of sixe or seven hundred yeares, there was
no mention made of any eating but spirituallie : for before these
five hundred yeers, the church did ever confesse a spiritual! man-
ducation. But the Romish church begat the error of transub-
stantiation. My lord of Canturburies booke handleth that very
well, and by him I could answere you, if I had him."

Cart. " Linus and all the rest do confesse the body of Christ
to bee in the sacrament : and S. Augustine also upon the 98.
Psalme, upon this place ; Adorate scabellum pedum^ &c. granteth
it to be worshipped."

Lat. " We do worship Christ in the heavens, and we doe
worship him in the sacrament ; but the massing worship is not
to be used."

West. " How say you to the sacrifice for the dead ?"
Lat. " I saie that it needeth not, or it booteth not."
West. " Augustine in his Enchiridion, the 110. chap, saith,
We must not denie, that the soules of the dead are relieved by
the devotion of their friends which are living, when the sacrifice

how it might be avoided ; but after these edicts " (by which the emperors
denied to schismatics and heretics, the privileges which they had granted to
the true believers), "they certainly did it much more: and there being in the
world no bishop more famous than the Roman, nor any other named in these
parts of Europe than he, every one endeavoured to live united to that church :
whose form the council of Nice, 325, approving, in distribution of the eccle-
siastic government, and the emperors now (approving) in point of belief, the
Roman chair became so eminent, as to shew themselves orthodox, many,
especially of the Latins, did hold it enough to live in the communion of that
see, and the fathers to give high expressions of being in union with it: . . .
all which in time bred an opinion that chair could not entertain an error ; and
(so) the beginning of the mark came (to be) absolutely inverted. For those
men who, at first, were, as others, sought unto, because they did conserve the
religion, S. Peter had planted in Rome, must in after ages be only held to
maintain the same doctrine, because they are in that see : so that the doctrine
did not commend the person, but the being in that see: and (if) recommended
from thence, be it what it will, it ought to be received. In so much as car-
dinal Bellarmine doubts not to write, ' Si papa erraret pr&cipiendo vitia, vel
prohibendo virtutes, teneretur ecclesia credere vitia esse bona et virtutes malas,
nisi vellet contra conscientiam peccare :' for which he was afterwards f<
to an apology. Yet is not (this) in my opinion, so absurd as the rule 1«
certain religious persons, 1606, to their confidants at Padua, containing,
ipsi, ecclesiae catholicae ' (understanding the pope) ' omnino unanimes con-
formesque simus : si, quod oculis nostris apparet album, niyrum ilia esse defi-
nierit, debemus itidem quod nigrum sit, pronuntiare.' " Historical Vindica-
tion of the Church of England, p. 138.

BISHOP LATIMER. Go:,

of the mediatour is offered for them. Where he prov<-th tin-
veritie of Christes body, and praying for the dead. And it is said.
that the same Augustine said masse for his mother."

Lat. " But that masse was not like yours, which tiling doth
manifestly appeare in his writings, which are against it in ev<
place. And Augustine is a reasonable man, hee requireth to be
beleeved no further, then he bringeth Scripture for his proofc,
and agreeth with God^s word."

West. " In the same place he proveth a propitiatorie sacri-
fice, and that upon an altar, and no oister boord."

Lat. " It is the Lord's table, and no oister boord. It may
be called an altar \ and so the doctors call it in many places :
but there is no propitiatorie sacrifice, but onely Christ. The
doctors might be deceived in some points, though not in all things.
I beleeve them when they say well."

Cole. " Is it not a shame for an olde man to lie? You say,
you are of the olde fathers faith, where they say well, and yet yee
are not."

Lat. " I am of their faith when they say well. I referre my
selfe to my L. of Canturburies booke wholly herein."

Smith. "Then are you not of Chrysostomes faith, nor of S.
Augustines faith."

Lat. " I have saide, when they say well, and bring Scripture
for them, I am of their faith ; and further Augustine requireth
not to be beleeved."

West. " Fortie yere agone, whither could you have gone to
have found your doctrine?"

Lat. " The more cause wee have to thanke God, that hath
now sent the light into the world."

West. "The light? Nay light and lewd preachers: for you
could not tell what you might have. Ye altered and changed so
often 2 your communions and altars, and all for this one end, to
spoile and rob the church."

Lat. " These things pertaine nothing to me. I must not
answere for other mens deeds, but onely for mine owne."

West. " Well, M. Latimer, this is our intent, to will you

1 May be called an altar.] See Index, under Altar.

2 Altered and changed so often.'] A frequent reproach from the
party. Compare Hoggard's Displaying of Protestants, fol. 72—6. A.D. U
and Brokes's Sermon, signal D 7 b. A.D. 1554.

606 BISHOP LATIMER.

well, and to exhort you to come to your selfe, and remember that
without Noes arke, there is no health. Remember what they
have beene that were the beginners of your doctrine, none but a
fewe flying apostates, running out of Germanic for feare of the
fagot. Remember what they have beene which have set forth
the same in this realme : a sort of flingbraines and light heads,
which were never constant in any one thing, as it was to be scene
in the turning of the table, where like a sort of apes, they could
not tell which way to turne their tailes, looking one day west.
and another day east, one that way, and another this way. They
will be like (they say) to the apostles, they will have no churches.
A ho veil is good enough for them. They come to the commu-
nion with no reverence. They get them a tankard, and one
saith, ' I drinke, and I am thankefull.' ' The more joy of thee,1
saith another. And in them was it true Hillarie saith ; Annuas
et menstruas de Deo fides facimus, that is, We make everie yeere
and everie moneth a faith. A runnagate Scot3 did take away
the adoration or worshipping of Christ in the sacrament : by
whose procurement that heresie was put into the last communion
booke : so much prevailed that one mans authoritie at that
time. You never agreed with the Tygurines or Germaines, or
with the church, or with your selfe. Your stubbornnesse
commeth of a vaine glorie, which is to no purpose : for it will
do you no good when a fagot is in your beard. And we see all
by your owne confession, how little cause you have to bee stub-
burne, for your learning is in feoffers holde. — The quec'i
is merciful], if ye will turne."

Latim. " You shall have no hope in mee to turne. I pray
for the queene daily even from the bottome of my heart, that
shee may turne from this religion.'1'1

West. " Here you all see the weaknes of heresie against
truth : he denieth all truth, and all the old fathers."

3 A runnagate Scot.] Strype referring to these words of Weston, says,
" But there was no Scot that ever I could read or hear of, that assist
the review of 'that Communion Book.'" Eccles. Memor. vol. iii. p. 117
The person alluded to by Weston, I doubt not, was Alexander Aless, a
Scottish exile, of whose good services we met with some account in the life
of Cromwell (see p. 250), and who translated the first liturgy of king Edward
into Latin, preparatory to the review in question, for the use of Martin I
and Peter Martyr, who did not possess a sufficient knowledge of the 1,
language, to qualify them to make their remarks upon the original
Buceri Script a Anglicann.

BISHOP LATIMER. 1,07

Here all good readers may see how this glorious prolocutor
triumpheth: but whether he hath the victorie, or no, that I
suppose that they have not yet neither heard nor seene. And
give that he had the victorie, yet what great marvell \vas it. dis-
puting as he did, Non sine suo Theseo ; that is, not without his
tippling cuppe standing at his elbowe all the time of his disputation,
not without a privie noting and smiling of them that beheld the
matter but specially at that time, when doctour Ridley disputing
with one of the opponents, the said prolocutor tooke the cuppe,
and holding it in his hand sayde to the opponent ; Urge hoc,
urge hoc. Nam hoc facit pro nobis. In which words, as he
moved no little matter of laughter to the beholders thereof, so I
thought heere also not to leave the same unmentioned, somewhat
also to delight the reader withall, after his tedious wearinesse in
reading the story thereof.

Thus have yee heard in these foresaid disputations, about the
holy supper of the Lord, the reasons and arguments of the
doctors, the answeres and resolutions of the bishops, and the
triumph of the prolocutor, triumphing before the victorie, \vitli
Vicit veritas, who rather in my minde should have exclaimed,
vicit potestas ; as it happeneth alwaies, Ubi pars major vincit
meliorem. For else if potestas had not helped the prolocutor more
than veritas, there had been a small victoria. But so it is :
where judgements bee partiall, and parties bee addicted, there all
things turne to victorie, though it bee never so meane and simple,
as in this disputation might well appeare.

For first, of the opponents part, neither was there almost any
argument in true moode and figure rightly framed : neither coulde
the answerers be permitted to say for themselves : and if they
answered any thing, it was condemned before they began to
speake. Againe, such disturbance and confusion, more like a
conspiration then any disputation, without all forme and order,
was in the schooles during the time of their answering that neither
could the answerers have place to utter their mindes, neither
would the opponents bee satisfied with any reasons.— Concerning
the which disturbance of that misruled disputation, you shall
heare what M. Ridley himselfe reporteth by his owne descrip-
tion, in maner as followeth.

608 BISHOP LATIMER.

The report and narration of M.Ridley concerning the ni'^n,-,
disputation had against him and his fellow prisoners at Oxford.

" I never yet since I was borne sawe, or heard any thing done
or handled more vainely, or tumultuously, than the disputation
which was with me in the schooles at Oxford. Yea verily. I
could never have thought that it had beene possible to have found
amongst men recounted to bee of knowledge and learning in this
realme, any so brazen faced and shamelesse, so disorderly and
vainely to behave themselves, more like stage-players in enter-
ludes, to set forth a pageant, than to grave divines in sch<
to dispute. The sorbonicall clamours (which at Paris I have
seene in time past, when popery most raigned) might be worthily
thought, in comparison of this thrasonicall ostentation, to have
had much modestie. And no great marvell, seeing they which
should have been moderatours, and overseers of others, and which
should have given good ensample in words and gravitie ; they
themselves above all other gave worst ensample, and did, as it
were, blowe the trompe to the rest, to rave, rore, rage, and cry
out. By reason wherof (good Christian reader) manifestly it
may appeare, that they never sought for any truth or verity, but
onely for the glory of the world, and their owne bragging victorie.
But lest by the innumerable railings and reproachfull taunts
wherewith I was baited on everie side, our cause, yea rather
Gods cause and his churches, should be evill spoken of, and
slandered to the world through false reports, and untrue ensamples
given out of our disputation, and so the veritie might sustciiu-
some damage, I thought it no lesse than my duetie to write
mine answeres * : to the intent that whosoever is desirou

4 To write mine answeres.] This account of Ridley's disputation, written by
himself, was at length published at Oxford, (only with a mistake of the day of
disputation, putting April 20th instead of the 1 7th, an error which ha?
copied, and augmented hy another mistake of the year, by Dr. Gl
and also in the first volume of the Enchiridion Theologicum, published at ( )\-
ford, A.D. 1792), in the original Latin, by Dr. Gilbert Ironside, in th<
1688, under the title, " An Account of a Disputation at Oxford, Anno
1554, with a Treatise of the Blessed Sacrament, both written by Biihojt Ridley,
Martyr" 8vo. A copy of it was in Fox's hands, and made use of by him. in
compiling his narrative. See Acts and Monuments, p. 1322. It is '
so large and full as Fox's account (who was aided in drawing up his h
by the copies of the notaries, and other memoranda taken by person-

BISHOP LATIMER. (;,,:i

knowe the trueth thereof, may by this perceive, as well those
things which were chiefely objected, as summarilie that \\lii--h
was answered of mee unto everie of them. Howbeit (good iv;nW)
I confesse this to be most true, that it is impossible to set forth
either all that was, God knoweth, tumultuously and confusedly
objected of their parts beeing so many, speaking many times nil
togither, so thicke that one could not well heare another, either
all that was answered on my behalfe, to them so sundry ami
divers opponents.

" Moreover, a great part of the time appointed for the disputa-
tions, was vainely consumed in opprobrious checks and reviling
taunts, with hissing and clapping of hands, and that in the
English tongue, to procure the peoples favour withall. All
which things, when I with great griefe of heart did behold, pro-
testing openly, that such excessive and outragious disorder, was
unseemely for those schooles, and for men of learning and
gravitie, and that they which were the doers and stirrers of such
things did nothing else but bewray the slendernesse of their
cause, and their owne vanities ; I was so far off by this my
humble complaint from doing any good at all, that I was enforced
to heare such rebukes, checkes, and taunts for my labour, as no
person of honestie without blushing could abide to heare the like
spoken of a most vile varlet, against a most wretched ruffian.

" At the first beginning of the disputation, when I should
have confirmed mine answere to the first proposition in few
words, and that (after the maner and law of schooles) afore I
could make an end of my first probation, which was not very
long, even the doctors themselves cried out, hee speaketh blas-
phemies, Jiee speaJceth blasphemies. And when I on my knees
besought them, and that hartily, that they would vouchsafe to
heare mee to the end (whereat the prolocutor being mooved,
cried out on hie, Let him read it, let him reade it), yet when I
began to read again, there followed immediately such shouting,
such a noise and tumult, and confusion of voices, crying blas-
phemies, blasphemies, as I to my remembrance never heard or

being apparently designed only as a record of the solid and material parts of
the disputation. We shall see below, however, in the Life of Ridley, that there
were copies abroad, which Ridley did not acknowledge. Writing to Grind*!!,
(afterwards archbishop of Canterbury), then an exile at Frankfort, he says ;
" My disputation, except yee have that which I gathered myself after the
disputation done, I cannot think ye have it truly."

VOL. II.

610 BISHOP LATIMER.

read the like, except it be that one which was in the Acts of the
Apostles, stirred up of Demetrius the silversmith, and other of
his occupation, crying out against Paule, Great is Diana of f/te
Ephesians, great is Diana of the Ephesians ; and except it bee a
certaine disputation which the Arrians had against the ortho-
doxes, and such as were of godly judgement in Aphrycn. where
it is said, that such as the president and rulers of the disputation
were, such was the end of the disputations. All were in a liurly
burly, and so great were the slanders which the Arrians cast out.
that nothing could quietly be heard. This writeth Victor in the
second booke of his historie.

" The which cries and tumults of them against me so pre-
vailed, that wild I, nild I, I was inforced to leave off the reading
of my probations, although they were short. If any man doubt
of the truth hereof, let the same aske any one that was there 5,
and not utterly perverted in popery, and I am assured he will
say, I speake the least. But to complaine of these things further,
I will cease."

After the disputation of maister Latymer ended, which
the 18. day of A prill, the Friday following, which was the 20.
day of the said moneth, the commissioners sate in Saint Marirs
church, as they did the Saturday before ; and doctor Weston
used particularly disswasions with every of them, and would not
suffer them to answere in any wise, but directly and peremptorily,
as his words were, to say whether they would subscribe or no. —
A nd first to the bishop of Canturbury hee said, hee was overcome
in disputations : whom the bishop answered, that whereas doctor
Weston said, he hath answered and opposed, and could neither
maintaine his owne err ours, nor impugne the verity, all that he
said, was false. For he was not suffered to oppose as he would,
nor could answere as he was required, unles he would have
brawled with them, so thicke their reasons came one after ano-
ther. Ever foure or five did interrupt him, that hee could not
speake. — M. Ridley, and M. Latymer were asked, what they
would do : they said they would stand to that they had said.—
Then were they all called togither, and sentence read o\vr tln-m.

6 Aske any one that was there.'] How just these complaints were, is c«
borated by the accounts of several persons who were present. See " A '
Mirrour, wherein we maye beholde the wnfull State of this our realme. S
A 3, 4. A.D. I55C." Jewel's Controversy with Cole. JlorA.v, p. 24,

BISHOP LATIMER. ,;i j

that they were no members of the church. And therefore tli< \ .
their fautors and patrones were condemned as heretikes : and in
reading of it, they were asked whether they would turn <>r n..:
and they bade them read on in the name of God, for they \\.-iv
not minded to turne. So were they condemned all three.

After which, sentence of condemnation beeing awarded against
them, they answered againe every one in their turne, in manner
and effect of words, as followeth, the archbishop first bc^iuuin^
thus:

The archbishop of Canturbury.

" From this your judgement and sentence, I appeale to the
just judgement of God Almightie, trusting to be present with
him in heaven, for whose presence in the altar I am thus
condemned."

Doctor Ridley.

" Although I be not of your companie, yet doubt not I but
my name is written in another place, whither this sentence will
send us sooner, than wee should by the course of nature have
come."

M. Latymer.

" I thanke God most heartily, that he hath prolonged my life
to this end, that I may in this case glorifie God by that kindc
of death."

Dr. Westons answere unto Latymer.

"If you go to heaven in this faith, then I wil never come
thither, as I am thus perswaded."

After the sentence pronounced, they were separated one from
the other, videlicet, the archbishop was returned to Bocardo,
doctor Ridley was carried to the shiriffes house, maister Latymer
to the baliffes.

On Saturday following, they had a masse with a general pro-
cession and great solemnitie. Doctor Cranmer was caused to
behold the procession out of Bocardo ; doctor Ridley out of the
shiriffes house ; Latymer also being brought to see it, from the
bayliffes house, thought that he should have gone to burning,
and spake to one Augustine Cooper a catchpoll, to make a

Rr 2

612 BISHOP LATIMER.

fire. But when he came to Karfox e, and saw the matter, he
ran as fast as his olde bones would carry him, to one Spensers
shop, and would not looke towards it. Last of all, doctor V
ton carried the sacrament, and foure doctors caried the canopie
over him.

Immediately after the sentence was given, doctor Ridley writoth
to the prolocutor, in manner, as folio weth :

Dr. Ridley to the Prolocutour.

" Maister prolocutor, you remember, I am sure, how you pro-
mised mee openly in the schooles, after my protestation, that I
should see how my answeres were there taken and written of the
notaries whom ye appointed, (me, fateor, nemine recusanti-} to
write what should be said, and to have had license for to have
added unto them, or to have altered them, as upon more delibe-
ration should have seemed me best. Ye granted me also at the
delivery of my answer unto your first proposition, a copy of the
same : — these promises are not performed. If your sodaine de-
parture be any part of the cause thereof, yet I pray you remember
that they may be performed : for performance of promise is to be
looked for at a righteous judges hands. Now I send you here
my answers in writing, to your second and third propositions.
And do desire and require earnestly a copy of the same, and I
shall by Gods grace procure the paines of the writer to be paid
for and satisfied accordingly. — Maister prolocutor, in the time of
my answering in the schooles, when I would have confirmed my
sayings with authorities and reasons, yee said then openly, that I
should have time and place to say and bring whatsoever I could,
another time, and the same your saying was then and there con-
firmed of other of the commissioners : yea, and (I dare say) the
audience also thought then that I should have had another day,
to have brought and said what I could for the declaration and
confirmation of mine assertions. Now that this was not done, but
so suddenly sentence given before the cause was perfectly heard,
1 can not but marvel, &c."

On Munday next insuing, after these things done and pa-i.

6 To KarfoxJ] " As many copies of his books, as could be found at ()\
were burnt at the cross-way commonly called Quatre-voix, or Carfax." Lewis's
Life of Bishop Pecock, p. 248.

BISHOP LATIMKK. (JKi

being the 23. of the said moneth of Aprill, doctor Weston prolo-
cutor tooke his journey up to London, with the letter certiticatm-i.-
from the universitie unto the queene, by whom the archbishop of
Canterbury directed his letters supplicatorie unto the council I.
The which letters after the prolocutor had received, and had
carried them welnere halfe way to London, by the way hee opened
the same, and seeing the contents thereof, sent them back.
againe, refusing to cary them. Likewise bishop Ridley hearing
of the prolocutours going to London, writeth to him his letters,
wherein hee desireth him to carie his answers up to certainc
bishops in London : the forme of which letters, first of doctor
Ridley, then of the archbishop, and lastly another letter of doctor
Ridley to the archbishop, here in order folio weth.

A Letter of bishop Ridley to the Prolocutor.

" Maister prolocutor, I desire you, and in God's name require
you, that you truely bring forth and shew all mine answers,
written and subscribed with mine owne hand, unto the higher
house of the convocation, and especially to my lord chancellour,
my lords of Duresme, Ely, Worcester, Norwich, and Chichester,
and also to shew and exhibit this my writing unto them, which in
these few lines heere I write unto you : and that I did make this
request unto you by this my writing, know ye that I did take
witnesse of them by whome I did send you this writing, and als(
of those which were then with them present, videlicet, the two
bailiffs of Oxford, and of M. Irish, alderman, then there, calk

to be a witnesse.

"By me NICHOLAS RIDLEY,

23. of April, An. 1554."

The Copie of the Archbishop of Canterbury's Letters to the Councell,
sent by Doctour Weston, who refused to deliver them.

" In right humble wise sheweth unto your honorable lordships,
Thomas Cranmer late archbishop7 of Canterbury beseech^ t
same to be a meanes for me unto the queenes highnes

7 Late archbishop.-] He was arraigned and condemned

tion of the spiritual jurisdiction. Anth.
men of Errors, p. 127.

614 BISHOP LATIMER.

mercy and pardon. Some of you knowe by what meanes8 1 was
brought and trained unto the will of our late soveraigne lord king
Edward the sixt, and what I spake against the same, wherein I
referre me to the reports of your honours and worships. Fur-
thermore, this is to signifie unto your lordships, that upon M un-
day, Tuesday, and Wednesday last past, were open disputations
here in Oxford against me, M. Ridley, and M. Latymer, in three
matters, concerning the sacrament: first of the reall presence,
secondly of transubstantiation, and thirdly of the sacrifice of the
masse : upon Munday against me, upon Tuesday against D. Rid-
ley, and upon Wednesday against M. Latymer. How the other
two were ordered, 1 know not, for we were separated, so that
none of us knoweth what the other said, nor how they were
ordered. But as concerning my selfe I can report. D. Chadsey
was appointed to dispute against me, but the disputation w,-.
confused, that I never knew the like, every man bringing forth
what him liked, without order ; and such hast was made, that no
answer could be suffered to be taken fully to any argument, before
another brought a new argument : and in such waighty matters
the disputation must needs be ended in one day, which can scantly
be ended in three moneths. And when we had answered them.
they would not appoint us one day to bring forth our proofes,
that they might answere us, being required by me thereunto,
whereas I my selfe have more to say, than can be well discus™ -.1.
as I suppose in twenty daies. The meanes to resolve the truth,
had bin to have suffered us to answer fully to all that they could
say, and then they againe to answer us fully to all that we can say.
But why they would not answer us, what other cause can tin re
be, but that either they feared their matter, that they were not
able to answere us ; or else for some consideration they made
such haste, not to seeke the truth, but to condemne us, that it
must be done in poste hast before the matters could be throughly
heard : for in all haste we were all three condemned of her-
Thus much I thought good to signifie unto your lordships, that
you may knowe the indifferent handling of matters, leaving the
judgement thereof unto your wisedomes. And I beseech your
lordships to remember me a poore prisoner unto the qu<
majesty, and I shall pray as I doe daily, unto God for the long

8 By what meanes.'] These he has himself stated very explicitly, in a letter
to the queen. Letters of the Martyrs, p. 1 — 3 : and, for further evidence on
the same subject, see Strype's Life of Cranmer, b. iii. c. 34.

BISHOP LATIMER. ,i| ,

preservation of your good lordships in all godliiu-sso and fdiciti,-
April 23."

Dr. Ridley to the archbishop of Canturbury.

"I wish ye might have seene these mine answeres bH'mv I
had delivered them, that yee might have corrected them. I Jut I
trust in the substance of the matter we do agree fully, both l.-d
by one spirit of truth, and both walking after one rule of (in.U
word. It is reported that sergeant Morgan, the chiofu Justin- ,,f
the common place, is gone mad. It is said also that justice Ilal.-s
hath recanted 9, perverted by D. Moreman. Item, that M . Rogers,
D. Crome, and M. Bradford shall be had to Cambridge, and there
be disputed with as we were here, and that the doctors of Oxford
shall go likewise thither as Cambridge men came hither. When
ye have read mine answeres, send them againe to Austen10,
except ye will put any thing to them. I trust the day of our

9 Hales hath recanted.'] " Sir James Hales of Kent, knight, a pious and
good man, and a just and able judge, under king Henry and king Edward
(whose history is related at large by Fox, p. 1392), was made a prisoner in
the King's Bench last year by the bishop of Winchester, lord chancellour ;
and thence was removed to the Counter in Bread-street, and from thence to
the Fleet. Here one Foster, a gentleman of Hampshire, laboured to persuade
him to embrace the popish doctrine by this argument, that the error was
without danger, but the truth full of peril. When it was known that Hales
was inclinable to relent, Day, bishop of Chichester, and Portman, a judge,
came to him, it being then the month of April, and did so earnestly deal with
him, that they overcame him at last, after his having lain three weeks in that
prison of the Fleet. But the trouble that arose in his conscience for what he
had done, filled him with great terror, and overwhelmed him with sorrow :
so that he attempted, in the absence of his servant, to kill himself with his
pen-knife. For being ill, and lying sobbing and sighing, he sent down his
servant upon an errand, and in the mean time wounded himself in divers
places of his body. But his servant came in on the sudden, and at that time
prevented his death.

" Winchester took occasion upon this, the day after, in the Star-chamber,
to blaspheme the doctrine of the Gospel, calling it the Doctrine of Desperation,
and the professors of it, desperate men. Whereas, indeed, the blame of Judge
Hales's doing was not to be laid upon the true religion, but upon the for-
saking of it : for he did this act after he had, in effect, renounced the reli-
gion. . . . But to return to this unhappy gentleman : sadder yet was his
conclusion. For after his recantation, being dismissed home to his own
country and habitation, conquered with grief and despair, he drowned him-
self in a shallow pond near his own house, which is shewn to this day."-
Strype's Eccles. Memor. vol. iii. p. 173, 74.

10 To Austen.^ Austin Bernher, Latimer's faithful Swiss servant.

BISHOP LATIMER.

deliverie out of all miseries, and of our entrance into perpetuall
rest, and unto perpetuall joy and felicitie, draweth nie. The Lord
strengthen us with his mighty spirit of grace ! If you have not
to write with, you must make your man your friend. And this
bearer deserveth to be rewarded, so he may and will doe your
pleasure. My man is trusty, but it greeveth both him and me,
that when I send him with any thing to you, your man will not
let him come up to see you, as he may to maister Latymer, and
yours to me. I have a promise to see how my answers were
written in the schooles, but as yet I cannot come by it. Pray for
niee I pray you, and so shall I for you. The Lord have mercy
of his church, and lighten the eies of the magistrates, that Gods
extreame plagues light not on this realm of England.

" Turne, or Burner

These disputations l being thus discoursed and ended, which

1 These disputations.] After their sentence of condemnation (which was
passed April 20, 1554), these illustrious confessors were all remanded to
prison ; where they were detained, without any further public proceedings
against them, until the latter end of Sept. in the following year. The reason
of this delay was, that in the vehemence of their zeal their adversaries had
forgotten that they had no law to proceed upon, for the authority of the pope
had not yet been received. The sentence therefore which they passed was
void : a new commission was to be procured from Rome, and a fresh process
instituted.

*' On the third of May (1554) the council sate, and resolved that the judges
and queen's highness' council learned, should be called together, and their
opinions demanded, what they think in law her highness may do touching
the causes of the said Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, being already by both
the universities of Cambridge and Oxford judged to be obstinate hereticks :
which matter is the rather to be consulted upon, for that the said Cranmer is
already attainted. Thus sensible were they that their zeal had carried them
some lengths beyond the point which law and equity would reach. The
prisoners had been committed, Cranmer for high treason, Ridley and
I^atimer for sedition ; the former had been attainted in parliament; the other
two had never been called to any account. And now all three were excom-
municated for offences of another nature, by an authority that had no sup-
port ; for the queen claimed no supremacy in ecclesiastical matters, nor did
she insert that title in her directions to Bonner to summon this convocation.
Bonner, who summoned it, as he could have no authority from the queen,
so neither from the pope : he was neither legate a latere or legatus natus ;
nay, had he been either, the pope himself had as yet no authority here, and
therefore Bonner omitted in his summons to the convocation those customary
words legitime suffultus, conscious that he called it without any authority at
all. They therefore desired aid from the judges and the queen's learned
counsel to extricate them out of this difficulty, in which they had too hastily

BISHOP LATIMEll. 617

were at Oxford in the month of Aprill, as is aforesaid : now let
us returne againe to the prosecuting of our storie.

Albeit M. Latimer by reason of the feeblenesse of his age
wrote least of them all in this latter time of his imprisonment ; yet
in praier he was ferventlie occupied, wherin oftentimes so long he
continued kneeling, that he was not able to rise without helpe :
and among other things, these were three principall matters he
praied for.

First, that as God had appointed him to be a preacher of
his word, so also he would give him grace to stand to his
doctrine untill his death, that he might give his heart bloud for
the same.

Secondlie, that God of his mercie would restore his gospell to
Englande once againe ; and these words once againe, once againe,
he did so inculcate, as though he had seene God before him, and
spoken to him face to face.

The third matter was, to pray for the preservation of the

entangled themselves. We may guess at the lawyers' opinion by the event ;
none of them were put to death till another parliament had been called, and
the pope's supremacy restored. And even then, when they had proceeded to
burn some protestants, one in the convocation moved a question by what law
could they justify themselves in doing so ? The prolocutor Weston answered,
* It forceth not for a law ; we have a commission to proceed with them, and
when they be dispatched let their friends call for a law.' " Ridley's Life of
Bishop Ridley, p. 513. Compare Letters of the Martyrs, p. 67, as follows,
from a letter of Ridley to Bradford. " We hear that the parliament is dis-
solved." (That took place Jan. 16, 1554-5.) " Before the parliament began,
it was a rumour here, that certain from the convocation house were appointed,
yea, ready to have come to Oxford ; and then there was spied out one thing
to lack, for want of a law to perform their intent. Now, seeing they can want
no law, we look for them shortly. I trust to God's glory.

" But it was not a case, in which an able defence was of any avail. As he
(Cranmer) persisted, together with Ridley and Latimer, in denying the three
articles, they were all declared guilty of heresy. It was soon however dis-
covered that this sentence was invalid. The nation had not yet been reconciled
to the pope : and the convocation consequently being itself out of the pale of
the church, could not presume to sit in judgment on others. This obstacle
was removed towards the end of 1554, when absolution was formally pro-
nounced by cardinal Pole. Yet the commission for a new trial of Cranmer
was not issued till Sept. 1555. It proceeded, not as before, from the president
of the convocation, but from the pope : and it was directed to the cardinal de
Puteo, who nominated for his subdelegate, James Brokes, bishop of Glou-
cester." Jenkyns's preface to The Remains of Archbishop Cranmer, vol. i.
p. cxv.

(518 BISHOP LATIMER.

queenes majesty that now is 3, whom in his praier he was wont
accustomablie to name, and even with teares desired God to make
her a comfort to his comfortless realme of England. — These were
the maters he praied for so earnestly. Neither were these things
of him desired in vaine, as the good successe thereof after follow-
ing did declare : for the Lord moste graciouslie did grant all those
his requests.

First concerning his constancy, even in the most extremitie the
Lord graciously assisted him. For when he stood at the stake
without Bocardo gate at Oxford, and the tormenters about to set
the fire to him, and to the learned and godlie bishop master Kid-
ley, he lifted up his eies towards heaven with an amiable and com-
fortable countenance, saying these words, Fidelis est Deus qiil
sinit nos tentari supra id quod possumus, God is faithful, which
dooth not suffer us to be tempted above our strength: and so
afterward by and by shed his bloud in the cause of Christ, the
which bloud ran out of his hart in such abundance that all those
that were present, being godlie, did marvell to see the most part
of the bloud in his body to be gathered to his heart, and with
such violence to gush out, his body being opened by the force of
the fire : by the which thing God moste graciouslie granted his
request, which was, that hee might shed his heart bloud in the
defence of the gospell.

How mercifully the Lord heard his second request, in restoring
his gospel once again unto this realm, these present daies can bean-
record. And what then shal England say now for her defem -e.
which being so mercifully visited and refreshed with the word of
God so slenderly and unthankfully considereth either her <»\\n
miserie past, or the great benefit of God now present I The Lord
be mercifull unto us ! Amen.

Againe, concerning his third request, it seemeth likewise most
effectuously granted, to the great praise of God, the furtherance
of his gospell, and to the unspeakable comfort of this n aline.
For whether at the request of his praier, or of other Gods holy
saints, or whether God was moved with the cry of his whole church.
the truth is, that when all was deplorate and in a desperate- case,
and so desperate that the enemies mightily flourished and
umphed, Gods word was banished, Spaniards received, no j
left for (.'hrists servants to cover their heads, aodainelie the L«»nl

- That now is.] Queen Elizabeth.

BISHOP LATIMER. 619

called to remembrance his mercy, and forgetting our former
iniquitie, made an end of all these miseries and wrought a mar-
vellous change of things ; at the chaunge whereof the saide queene
Elizabeth was appointed and anointed, for whome this grey-headed
father so earnestlie praied in his imprisonment ; thorough whose
true, naturall, and imperial crowne, the brightnesse of Gods word
was sette up againe to confound the darke and false visoured king-
dome of antichrist, the true temple of Christ re-edified, the cap-
tivity of sorrowfull Christians released, which so long was wished
for in the praiers of so many good men, specially of this faithfull
and true servant of the Lord, maister Latimer.

The same God which at the requests of his holie and faithfull
saintes, hath poured upon us such benefits of his mercie, peace
and tranquillitie, assist our most vertuous and Christian princesse,
and her subjects, that wee may everie one in his state and calling
serve to his glorie, and walke in our vocation, that we lose not
that which they have obtained, but may proceede in all faithfull-
nesse, to build and keepe uppe the house and temple of the Lord,
to the advancing of his glorie, and our everlasting comfort in
him !

During the time that the said M. Latimer was prisoner in
Oxford, wee reade not of much that hee did write, besides his
conference with doctour Ridley, and his protestation at the time
of his disputation. Otherwise, of letters wee finde verie fewe or
none, that he did write to his friends abroad, save onely these few
lines, which he wrote to one mistres Wilkinson of London, a
godly matron, and an exile afterward for the gospeFs sake. Who
so long as she remained in England, was a singular patronesse
to the good saints of God, and learned bishops, as to maister
Hooper, to the bishop of Hereford, to maister Coverdale, M.
Latimer, doctor Cranmer, with manie other. The copy and
effect of which his letter to mistres Wilkinson here followeth :

" If the gift of a pot of cold water, shall not be in oblivion
with God, how can God forget your manifold and bountifull gifts,
when he shall say to you, / was in prison and you visited mee ?
God grant us all to doe and suffer while we be here, as may be
to his will and pleasure, Amen.

" Yours in Bocardo, HUGH LATIMER."

Touching the memorable actes and doings of this worthie man,

620 BISHOP LAT1MKR.

among many other this is not to be neglected, what a bold enter-
prise hee attempted, in sending to king Henry a present, the
maner whereof is this. There was then and yet remaineth stil,
an olde custome received from the olde Romans, that upon new-
yeares day being the first of Januarie, everie bishop with some
handsome newyeares gift, should gratifie the king : and so they
did, some with golde, some with silver, some with a purse full of
money, and some one thing, some an other : but master Latiiner
being bishop of Worcester then, among the rest presented a
New Testament, for his newyeares gift: with a napkin ha\in<j
this posie about it, Fornicatores et adulteros judicabit Dominus.

And here hast thou gentle reader, the whole life, both of ma is-
ter Ridley and of maister Latimer, two worthy dooers in the
church of Christ, severally and by themselves set forth and •!.•-
scribed, with their doings, writings, disputations, sufferings, their
painfull travailes, faithfull preachings, studious service in Chi i
church, their patient imprisonment, and constant fortitude in
that which they had taught, with other their proceedinges from
time to time, since their first springing yeares, to this present
time and month of qtieene Mary, beeing the moneth of October,
anno 1555. In the which moneth they were both brought forth
together, to their finall examination and execution. Wherfore
as we have here declared both their lives severally, and distinctly
one from the other, so now jointly to couple them both together,
as they were togither both joined in one societie of cause and
martyrdome, we will by the grace of Christ prosecute the rest
that remaineth, concerning their latter examination, degrading,
and constant suffering, with the order and maner also of tin-
commissioners, which were master White bishop of Lincoln, mas-
ter Brookes bishop of Gloucester, with others ; and what v
their wordes, their objections, their orations there used, and what.
againe were the answers of these men to the same, as in th«>
processe here followeth to be scene.

The order and maner of the examination of D. Ridley, and M .
Latimer, had the 30. day of Septemb. 1555.

First after the appearing of Thomas Oranmer archbishop <»f
Canturburie, before the popes delegate, and the quecno coinmi.--
iii S. Mario church at Oxford, about tin- twelfth dn\ ..I'

BISHOP LATIMER. 621

September, whereof more shall be said (by the Lordes grace)
when we come to the death of the said archbishop ; shortlie
after upon the twenty-eighth day of the saide moneth of Septem-
ber, was sent downe to Oxford an other commission from cardinall
Poole legate a latere, to John White bishop of Lincolne, to
doctour Brookes bishop of Glocester, and to doctour Holiman,
bishop of Bristowe. The contents and vertue of which commis-
sion was, that the said John of Lincolne, James of Glocester, and
John of Bristowe, they or two of them, should have full power
and authoritie, to ascite, examine, and judge master Hugh Lati-
mer, and master doctor Ridley, pretensed bishops of Worcester,
and London, for divers and sundrie erroneous opinions, which the
said Hugh Latimer, and Nicholas Ridley, did hold and maintaine
in open disputations had in Oxford, in the moneths of May, June,
and Julie, in the yeare of our Lord, 1 554, as also long before in
the time of perdition and si then. The which opinions if the
named persons would nowe recant, giving and yeelding themselves
to the determination of the universall and catholicke church,
planted by Peter in the blessed sea of Rome, that then they de-
puted judges by the saide authoritie of their commission, should
have power to receive the sayde penitent persons, and forthwith
minister unto them the reconciliation of the holy father the pope :
but if the sayde Hugh Latimer, and Nicholas Ridley would
stoutly and stubbornly defend and maintaine these their erroneous
opinions and assertions, that then the said lords by their commis-
sion, should proceede in forme of judgment, according to the
la we of heretickes ; that is, degrading them from their promotion
and dignitie of bishops, priests and all other ecclesiasticall orders,
they should pronounce them as heretickes, and therefore cleane
to cut them off from the church, and so to yeeld them to receive
punishments, due to all such heresie and schisme.

Wherefore the last of September, the sayd two persons, Nicho-
las Ridley, and Hugh Latimer, were ascited to appeare before the
sayde lordes, in the divinity schoole at Oxford, at eight of the
clocke. At what time thither repaired the lords, placing them-
selves in the high seate, made for publick lectures and disputa-
tions, according to the usage of that schoole, being then faire set,
and trimmed with cloth of tissue, and cushins of velvet : and
after the sayde lords were placed and set, the said Latimer and
Ridley were sent for : and first appeared master doctor Ridley,
and anone M. Latimer. But because it seemed good severally to

622 BISHOP LATIMER.

examine them, M. Latimer was kept backe, untill doctor Ridley
was throughly examined. — Therefore, soone after the commir.
doctor Ridley into the schoole, the commission was published by
an appointed notarie, and openly read. But doctour Ridhv
standing bare headed, humbly expecting the cause of that his
appearance, eftsoones as he had heard the cardinall named, and
the popes holinesse, put on his cap 3. Wherefore after the com-
mission was published, in forme and sense above specified, the
bishop of Lincolne spake in sense following.

"Master Ridley, although neither 1, neither my lordes hen-.
in respect of our owne persons, doe looke for cap or knee,
because we beare and represent such persons as we do, th
my lord cardinals grace, legate a latere from the popes holin
as well in that he is of a notable parentage (and therewith m,
Ridley moved his cappe with lowly obeisance), descending from the
regall bloud, as in that he is a man worthy to be reverenced with
all humility, for his great knowledge and learning, noble vert in •*
and godly life, and especially in that hee is here in England
deputie to the popes holinesse, it should have becommed you at
his name, to have discovered your head. Wherefore except you
will of your owne selfe, take the paines to put your hand to your
head, and at the nomination, as well of the sayde cardinall as
of the popes holinesse, uncover the same, least that this your
contumacie exhibited now before us, should be prejudiciall to the
saide most reverend persons (which thing we may in no case
suffer) you shall cause us to take the paine, to cause some man
to plucke off your cappe from you." To whome maister Ridley
making his petition for lycence, aunswered.

" As touching that you saide (my lord) that you of your owin-
person desire no cap nor knee, but onely require the same, in
consideration that you represent the cardinalls graces person, I
doe you to wit, and thereupon make my protestation, that 1 did
put on my cap at the naming of the cardinalls grace, neither for
any contumacy that I beare towards your owne per irlu-r

for anie derogation of honour towarde the lord cardinal- gi
For I knowe him to be a man worthie of all humilitie, reven
and honour, in that he came of the most regall bloud, and in
he is a man indued with manifolde graces of learning and \rrtur :

8 Put on his rap."} The s;unr species of j» ->hall see lu-lnv, .

udnptrd :ilsu l»y Cniniiicr.

BISHOP LATIMER. 623

and as touching these vertues and pointes, I with all humilitie "
(therwith he put off his cap, and bowed his knee), " and obey-
sance that I may, will reverence, and honour his grace : but in
that he is legate to the bishop of Rome " (and therewith put on
his cappe) " whose usurped supremacie, and abused authoritie, I
utterlie refuse and renounce, I may in no wise give any obey-
sance, or honour unto him ; least that my so doing and behaviour,
might be prejudiciall to mine othe, and a derogation to the veritie
of Gods word : and therefore that I might not only by confes-
sion, professe the veritie in not reverencing the renounced autho-
rity, contrarie to Gods word, but also in gesture, in behaviour,
and all my doings expresse the same, I have put on my cap, and
for this consideration onely ; and not for anie contumacie to
your lordships, neither contempt of this worshipfull audience,
neither derogation of any honour due to the cardinall his grace,
both for his noble parentage, and also his excellent qualities."

Lincolne. " M. Ridley, you excuse your selfe of that, with
the which we pressed you not, in that you protest you keepe on
your cap, neither for anie contumacie towards us (which looke
for no such honour of you) neither for anie contempt of this
audience, which although justly they may, yet (as I suppose) in
this case do not require any such obeysance of you ; neither in
derogation of anie honour due to my lord cardinals grace, for his
regall descent" at which word M. Ridley moved his cap "and
excellent qualities : for although in all the premisses honour be
due, yet in these respects we require none of you, but onely in
that my lords cardinals grace is here in England, deputie of the
popes holiness " at which word the lords and others put off their
caps, and maister Ridley put on his, " and therefore we say unto
you the second time, that except you take the paines your selfe,
to put your hand to your head, and put off your cap, you shall
put us to the pain, to cause some man to take it from you,
except you alleadge some infirmitie and sickenes, or other more
reasonable cause, upon the consideration whereof, we may doe as
we thinke good."

Ridley. " The premisses I said only for this end, that it might
as well appeare to your lordships as to this worshipful audience why
and for what consideration, I used such kind of behaviour, in not
humbling my selfe to your lordships with cap and knee : and as
for my sicknes I thanke my Lord God, that I am as wel at ease,
as I was this long season : and therefore I doe not pretend that

624 BISHOP LATIMER.

which is not, but onely this, that it might appeare by this my
behaviour, that I acknowledge in no point that usurped supre-
macie of Rome, and therefore contemne and utterly despise all
authoritie comming from him. In taking off my cap, do as it
shall please your lordships, and I shall be content."

Then the bishop of Lincolne, after the third admonition, com-
maunded one of the bedles (that is an officer of the universitie)
to plucke his cappe from his heade. Maister Ridley bowing
his head to the officer, gently permitted him to take away his
cap.

After this, the bishop of Lincolne in a long oration exhorted
M. Ridley to recant and submit himselfe to the universall faith of
Christ, in this manner.

" M. Ridley, I am sure you have sufficientlie pondered with
your selfe, the effect of this our commission with good advise-
ment, considering both points thereof, how that authoritie is
given to us, if you shal receive the true doctrin of the church
(which first was founded by Peter at Rome immediatelie a
the death of Christ, and from him by lineall succession hath
beene brought to this our time), if you will bee content to
renounce your former err ours, recant your hereticall and -
tious opinions, content to yeeld your selfe to the undoubted faith,
and truth of the gospell, received and alwaies taught of the
catholicke, and apostolike church, the which the king and
queene, all the nobles of this realme, and commons of the
same, al Christian people have and doe confesse, you onelie
standing alone by your selfe ; — you understand and perceive. I
am sure, that authoritie is given us to receive you, to reconcile
you, and upon due penance to adjoyne and associate you air-iin
into the number of the catholikes and into Christs church, from
the which you have so long straied, without the which no man
can bee saved ; the which thing I and my lords here, yea and
all, as well nobles and commons of this realm most heartilie d<
and I for my part " wherewith he put off his cap, "most earnestly
exhort you to doe.

" Remember maister Ridley, it is no strange countrey whither
I exhort you to return. You were once one of us. You ha\e
taken degrees in the schoole. You were made a priest, and
became a preacher, setting forth the same doctrine, which
doe now. You were made bishop according tn our Iaw.-s: ami
to her short, it is not so long ai^me. sith you separated your

BISHOP LAT1MER. 625

from us, and in the time of heresie, became a setter forth of that
divellish and seditious doctrine, which in these latter daies was
preached amongst us. For at what time the newe doctrine of
onelie faith began to spring, the counsaile, willing to winne my
lord chauncellour * sent you to him (I then being in my lords
house unknowne as I suppose to you) and after you had talked
with my lord secretly, and were departed, immediately my lord
declared certaine pointes of your talke, and meanes of your per-
swasion, and amongst other this was one, that you should say,
"tush my lord, this matter of justification is but a trifle, let us
not sticke to condescend herein to them : but for Gods love my
lord, stand stoutly in the veritie of the sacrament : for I see they
wil assault that also.11 If this be true (as my lord is a man cre-
dible enough in such a matter) hereby it is declared of what
minde you were then, as touching the trueth of the most blessed
sacrament.

" Also in a sermon of yours at Paules crosse, you as effectually
and as catholickly spake of that blessed sacrament, as any man
might have done ; whereby it appeareth that it is no strange
thing, nor unknown place whereunto I exhort you. I wish you
to returne thither from whence you came : that is, together with
us to acknowledge the truth, to acknowledge the church of God,
wherein no man may erre, to acknowledge the supremacy of our
most reverend father in God the popes holinesse, which (as I
sayd) lineally taketh his descent from Peter, uppon whome Christ
promised before his death, to build his church : the which supre-
macy or prerogative, the most auncient fathers in all ages, in all
times did acknowledge.111 — And here hee brought a place or two
out of the doctours, but especiallie staied upon a saying of Saint
Augustine, which writeth in this manner, Totus orlis Christianus
in transmarinis, et longe remotis terris, Romanes ecclesics subjectus
est, that is, all the Christian countries beyond the sea are subject
to the church of Rome. " Here you see maister Ridley, that all
Christendome is subject to the church of Rome. What should
staie you therefore to confesse the same with Saint Austen, and
the other fathers?11

Then maister Ridley desired his patience, to suffer him to
speake somewhat of the premisses, least the multitude of things

4 Lord chauncellour.'] Gardiner, bishop of Winchester. See p. 629, infra.
VOL. n. s s

626 BISHOP -LATIMER.

might confound his memory : and having graunt thereunto, said in
this manner.

Ridley. " My lord, I most heartily thanke your lordship, as
well for your gentlenesse, as also for your sobrietie in talke, and
for your good and favorable zeale in this learned exhortation ; in
the which I have marked especially three pointes, which you used
to perswade me to leave my doctrin, and religion, which I per-
fectly knowe and am throughly perswaded to be grounded not
upon mans imaginations and decrees, but uppon the infallible truth
of Christes gospell ; and not to looke backe, and to returne to
the Romish sea, contrarie to mine othe, contrarie to the prero-
gative and crowne of this realme, and especially (which mooveth
me most) contrary to the expressed worde of God.

" The first point is this, that the sea of Rome taking his be-
ginning from Peter, upon whorae you saie Christ hath builded
his church, hath in all ages lineally from bishop to bishop beene
brought to this time.

" Secondly, that even the holy fathers from time to time, have
in their writings confessed the same.

" Thirdly, that in that I was once of the same opinion, and
together with you, I did acknowledge the same.

" First, as touching the saying of Christ, from whence your
lordship gathereth the foundation of the church upon Peter,
truelie the place is not so to be understood as you take it, as the
circumstance of the place will declare. For after that Christ had
asked his disciples whom men judged him to be, and they had
answered, that some had said he was a prophet, some Hclias.
some one thing, some another, then he saide, whome say ye tl
am ? Then Peter said, / say that thou art Christ the son of God.
To whome Christ answered, Thou art Peter, and upon this stone I
will build my church; that is to say, upon this stone", not
meaning Peter himselfe, as though he would have constitute a
mortall man, so fraile and brickie a foundation of his stable ami
unfallible church ; but upon this rocke stone, that is, this con-
fession of thine, that I am the son of God, I will build my church.

6 Upon this stone.'] Compare Tindal's Works, p. 357. Nowell's Confutation
of Dorman, p. 445, &c. Jewell's Answer to Harding, p. 165. 184. Fox's Acts,
j>. lf>37, &c., all (with others which might be cited) concurring in this inter-
pretation.

BISHOP LATIMER. 627

For this is the foundation and beginning of all Christianity, with
word, heart, and minde, to confesse that Christ is the sonne of
God. Whosoever beleeveth not this, Christ is not in him ; and
hee cannot have the marke of Christ printed in his forehead,
which confesseth not that Christ is the sonne of God.

" Therefore Christ said unto Peter, that upon this rocke, that
is upon this his confession, that he was Christ the son of God, he
would build his church ; to declare that without this faith, no
man can come to Christ : so that this belief, that Christ is the
sonne of God, is the foundation of our Christianitie, and the foun-
dation of our church. Heere you see upon what foundation Christs
church is built, not upon the frailty of man, but upon the stable
and infallible word of God.

" Now as touching the lineall descent of the bishops in the sea
of Rome, true it is, that the patriarke of Rome in the apostles
time, and long after, was a great maintainer, and a setter forth of
Christs glorie, in the which above all other countries and regions
there especiallie was preached the true gospell, the sacraments
were moste dulie ministered ; and, as before Christs comming, it
was a citie so valiant in prowesse, and martiall affaires, that all
the world was in a manner subject to it, and after Christs passion,
divers of the apostles there suffered persecution for the gospels
sake ; so after that the emperours, their hearts being illuminated,
received the gospell, and became Christians, the gospell there, as
well for the great power and dominion, as for the fame of the
place, flourished most : whereby the bishops 6 of that place were
had in more reverence and honour, most esteemed in all councels
and assemblies : not because they acknowledged them to bee their
head, but because the place was most reverenced and spoken of,
for the great power and strength of the same. As now here in
England, the bishop of Lincolne in sessions and sittinges hath the
preheminence of the other bishops, not that hee is the head and
ruler of them, but for the dignitie of the bishopricke" (and there-
with the people smiled7). "Wherefore the doctours in their

6 Whereby the bishops.'] Compare Barrow On the Pope's Supremacy,
Works, vol. vi. p. 292, &c , or Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 200, &c.

7 The people smiled.'] Ridley's remark probably applied to the recent foun-
dation of the sees filled by the two coadjutors of the bishop of Lincoln in this
commission, viz., Gloucester and Bristol, which were two of the six bishop-
ricks erected in 1541 by Henry VIII., and endowed either with part of the
spoils of the dissolved monasteries, or with portions of other sees. He pro-

s s 2

028 BISHOP LAT1MER.

writings, have spoken most reverentlie of this sea of Rome, and
in their writings preferred it : and this is the prerogative which
your lordship did rehearse, the ancient doctors to give to the sea
of Rome.

" Semblablie, I cannot nor dare not but commend, reverence,
and honour the sea of Rome, as long as it continued in the pro-
motion, and setting forth of Gods glorie and in due preaching of
the gospell, as it did many yeares after Christ. But after that
the bishops of that sea, seeking their own pride, and not Gods
honour, began to set themselves above kinges and emperours,
challenging to them the title of Gods vicars, the dominion and
supremacie over all the world, I cannot but with S. Gregorie, a
bishop of Rome also, confesse that the bishop of that place is the
very true antichrist, whereof S. John speaketh by the name of
the whore of Babylon, and say with the sayd S. Gregorie : he
that maketh himselfe a bishop over all the world, is worse than
antichrist.

"Now whereas you say that Saint Augustine should seem<>.
not onely to give such a prerogative, but also supremacie to the
sea of Rome, in that he sayth, all the Christian world is subject
to the church of Rome, and therefore should give to that sea a
certaine kinde of subjection: I am sure that your lordship
knoweth, that in S. Austens time, there were four patriarkes 8,
of Alexandria, Constantinople, Antioche and Rome, which pa-
triarkes had under them certaine countries, as in England the
archbishop of Canturburie hath under him divers bishoprickes in
England and Wales, to whome he maie be sayde to be their
patriarche. Also your lordship knoweth right well, that at what
time Saint Austen wrote this booke he was then bishop in Africa.
Farther you are not ignorant, that betweene Europe and Africa
lieth the sea called Mare Mediterraneum, so that all the count n'i^
in Europe to him which is in Africa may be called Trai-
countries beyond the sea. Hereof S. Austen saith, all the Chris-
tian countries beyonde the seas and far regions, are subject to th«-
sea of Rome. If I should saie all countries beyond the sea, I <1«
except England, which to me now being in England, is not beyond

bably wished to remind the bishop of Lincoln of the secular origin of these
sees. In the following page he alludes to the see of Oxford, another of the
six new bishopricks, which was carved out of the bishop of Lincoln's own
see.

8 Foure patriarkes.'] Compare above, vol. i. p. 12 — 16. In

BISHOP LATIMER. 629

the sea. In this sense S. Austen saith, all the countries beyond
the sea are subject to the sea of Eome, declaring thereby that
Rome was one of the seas of the foure patriarches, and under it
Europe. By what subjection I praie you ? onely for a pre-
eminence, as we here in England say, that all the bishoprics in
England, are subject to the archbishopricks of Canturbury and
Yorke.

" For this preeminence also the other doctors (as you recited)
say, that Eome is the mother of churches, as the bishopricke of
Lincolne is mother to the bishopricke of Oxford, because the
bishopricke of Oxford came from the bishopricke of Lincolne,
and they were both once one 9 ; and so is the archbishoprick of
Canturbury, mother to the other bishoprickes, which are in her
province. In like sort the archbishopricke of Yorke, is mother
to the north bishoprickes : and yet no man will say, that Lin-
colne, Canturbury, or Yorke, is supreme head to other bishop-
rickes : neither then ought we to confesse the sea of Eome to be
supreme head, because the doctors in their writings, confesse the
sea of Eome to be mother of churches.

" Now where you saie, I was once of the same religion, which
you are of, the truth is, I cannot but confesse the same. Yet so
was Saint Paule a persecutor of Christ. But in that you say,
that I was one of you not long agone, in that I doing my message
to my lord of Winchester ', should desire him to stand stout in
that grosse opinion of the supper of the Lord, in verie deede I
was sent (as your lordship said) from the counsaile to my lord of
Winchester, to exhort him to receive also the true confession of
justification ; and because he was verie refractorious, I said to
him, Why my lord, what make you so great a matter herein ? You
see many anabaptists rise against the sacrament of the altar : I
pray you my lord be diligent in confounding them ; for at that
time my lord of Winchester and I had to do with two anabaptists
of Kent. In this sense I willed my lord to be stiffe in the defence
of the sacrament, against the detestable errours of anabaptistes 2,

9 Both once one.] The see of Oxford was erected out of part of the ancient
diocese of Lincoln in 1541. See the note at p. 628.

1 Message to my lord of Winchester.'] See p. 625.

2 Errours of anabaptistes."] " All doe also condemne these wicked anabap-
tistes which putte no difference between the Lordes table and the Lordes
meate, and their own." Ridley, against Transubstantiation. Enchiridion
Theologicum, vol. i. p. 116. edit. 1792.

630 BISHOP LATIMER.

and not in the confirmation of that grosse and carnall opinion
nowe maintayned.

" In like sort, as touching the sermon, which I made at Pauls
crosse, you shall understand that there were at Pauls, and divers
other places, fixed railing billes against the sacrament, terming it
Jacke of the boxe, the sacrament of the halter, round RolUn, with
like unseemlie tearms : for the which causes, I, to rebuke the
unreverent behaviour of certaine evill disposed persons, preached
as reverently of that matter as I might, declaring what estima-
tion and reverence ought to bee given to it, what danger ensued
the mishandling thereof, affirming in that sacrament to be truely
and verily the bodie and bloud of Christ, effectuously by grace
and spirite : which words the unlearned understanding not, sup-
posed that I had ment of the grosse and carnal being, which the
Romish decrees set forth, that a body having life and motion,
should bee in deede under the shapes of bread and wine."

With that the bishop of Lincolne, somewhat interrupting him,
said,

" Well M. Ridley, thus you wrest places to your owne plea-
sure: for wheras S. Augustine saith that the whole Christian
world is subject to the sea of Rome without any limitation, and
useth these wordes, In transmarinis, et longe remotis terris, only
to expresse the latitude of the dominion of the sea of Rome, will-
ing therby to declare that all the world, yea countries far distant
from Rome, yet neverthelesse are subject to that sea, yet you would
wrest it, and leave it only to Europe. I am sure yee will not denie,
but that totus mundus is more than Europe."

Rid. " In deed my lord, if S. Austen had said simpliciter totus
mundus, and not added in transmarinis, it had been without limi-
tation : but in that he said totus mundus in transmarinis p<trti-
bus, all the countries beyond the seas, hee himselfe dooth limit
the universall proposition, declaring how farre he meant by totus
mundus.^

The bishop not staying for his answere, did proceede, saying,

Line. " Wei if I would stay upon this place, I could brin-j,
many mo places of the fathers, for the confirmation thereof: but
we have certaine instructions, according to the which we must
proceede, and came not hither to dispute the matter with you,
but onely to take your answers to certaine articles, and used tin's
in tin.' way of exhortation, in the which you interrupted
wherefore I will returne thither againe.

BISHOP LATIMER. 631

"• Ye must consider that the church of Christ lieth not hidden,
but is a citie on the mountaine, and a candle on the candlestick.
Ponder with your selfe, that the church of Christ is catholica,
catholick, which is deducted of Kara oAov, that is, per omnia ; so
that Christs church is universallie spread throughout the world,
not contained in the alligation of places, not comprehended in the
circuite of England, not contained in the compasse of Germanic
and Saxonie, as your church is.

" Wherfore maister Ridley, for Gods love be ye not singular :
acknowledge with all the realme the trueth. It shall not be (as
you alledge) prejudiciall to the crowne, for the king and queen
their majesties have renounced that usurped power taken of their
predecessors, and justly have renounced it. For I am sure you
knowe that there are two powers, the one declared by the sword,
the other by the keies 3. The sword is given to kings, and rulers
of countries : the keies were delivered by Christ to Peter, and of
him left to all the successours. As touching our goods, posses-
sions, and lives, wee with you acknowledge us subjects to the king
and queene, who hath the temporall sword : but as concerning
matters of religion, as touching Gods quarrell and his word, we
acknowledge an other head : and as the king and the queene
their highnesses doe in all worldlie affaires, justly challenge the
prerogative and primacie, so in spiritual and ecclesiastical mat-
ters they acknowledge themselves not to be heades and rulers, but
members of Christ's bodie. Why therefore should yee sticke
at that matter, the which their majesties have forsaken and
yeelded ?

" Wherefore master Ridley, you shall not onely not doe injurie
to the crowne, and be prejudiciall to their majesties honour, in
acknowledging with all Chr,istendome the popes holinesse to bee
supreme head of Christs church here militant in earth, but doe
a thing most delectable in their sight, and most desired of their
highnesses. Thus if you will doe, revoking together all your
errours, acknowledging with the residue of the realme, the com-
mon and the publicke fault, you shall doe that all men most
heartily desire : you shall bring quietnesse to your conscience, and
health to your soule : then shall wee with great joy, by the autho-
ritie committed to us from the cardinalls grace, receive you into

3 By the keies.'] Of the power of the keys, see Barrow's Works, vol. vi.
p. 476 — 90; or Christian Institutes, vol. iii. p. 168 — 85.

652 BISHOP LAT1MER.

the church again, acknowledging you to bee no longer a rotten,
but a livelie member of the same. But if you shal stil be singular,
if you shall still and obstinatelie persever in your errours, stub-
bornely maintaining your former heresies, then we must against
our will, according to our commission, separate you from us, and
cut you off from the church, least the rottennesse of one parte in
processe of time, putrifie and corrupt the whole bodie : then must
we confesse and publish you to be none of ours : then must we
yeeld you up to the temporal judges, of whom except it otherwise
please the king and queenes highnesse, you must receive punish-
ment by the lawes of this realme, due for heretickes.

" Wherefore maister Ridley consider your state, remember
your former degrees, spare your body, especially consider your
soule, which Christ so dearely bought with his precious bloud, do
not you rashly cast away that which was precious in (Jods si^ht :
enforce not us to doe all that we may doe, which is onlie to pub-
lish you to be none of us, to cut you off from the church ; for we
doe not, nor cannot condemne you to die 4 (as most untruelie hath
been reported of us) but that is the temporall judges office
onely declare you to be none of the church, and then must you,
according to the tenour of them, and pleasure of the rulers, abide
their determination ; so that we, after that we have given you up
to the temporall rulers, have no further to do with you.

"But I trust master Ridley, we shall not have occasion to doe
that wee maie. I trust you will suffer us to rest in that point of
our commission, which wee most heartilie desire, that is, upon
recantation and repentance to receive you, to reconcile you, and
againe to adjoine you to the unitie of the church."

Then maister Ridley, with often interruption, at length .-pake.

" My lord, I acknowledge an unspotted church of Christ, in
the which no man can erre5, without the which no man can he
saved, the which is spread throughout all the world, that is, the
congregation of the faithfull : neither do I alligate or bind the
same to any one place, as you said, but confesse the same to be
spread throughout all the world : and whcras Christs sacraments
are duely ministred, his gospell truely preached and followed,

4 Condemne you to rfi>.] Compare under Life of Rogers, above, p. 330,
and note.

5 No man can erre."] " He meaneth, in which no general errour can be
finally." Fox's margin.

BISHOP LAT1MER. 633

there doth Christs church shine 6 as a citie upon an hill, and as a
candle in the candlesticke. But rather it is such as you, that
would have the church of Christ bound to a place, which appoint
the same to Borne, that there and no where else is the foundation
of Christs church. But I am fully perswaded that Christs church
is every where founded, in every place where his gospell is truely
received, and effectually followed. And in that wherein the
church of God is in doubt, I use the wise counsaile of Vincentius
Lyranensis, whom I am sure you will allowe, who giving preceptes
howe the catholicke church may bee in all schismes and heresies
knowne, writeth in this manner : When (saith hee) one part is cor-
rupted with heresies, then preferre the whole world before that one
part : but if the greatest part be infected, then preferre antiquitie.

" In like sort now, when I perceive the greatest part of Chris-
tianity to be infected with the poyson of the sea of Rome, I
repaire to the usage of the primitive church, which I finde cleane
contrary to the popes decrees : as in that the priest receiveth
alone ; that it is made unlawfull to the laitie to receive in both
kinds, and such like. Wherfore it requireth that I prefer the
antiquity of the primitive church, before the novelty r of the
Romish church."

Line. " Maister Ridley, these faultes which you charge the
sea of Rome withall, are indeede no faultes. For first it was
never forbid the laity 8, but that they might, if they demaunded,

6 Christs church shine."] See Art. XIX. of the Church of England ; Of the
Church.

7 Before the novelty.'] " Ye say, it is the new learning. Now, I tell you,
it is the old learning. Yea, ye say, it is old heresy new scoured. Now,
I tell you, it is the old truth, long rusted with canker, and now new made
bright and scoured." Latimer, Serm. on 21st Sund. after Trinity.

" Our faith and doctrine have as many yeeres on their backes, as have the
Scriptures whereon they are grounded, as hathe the primitive church, and old
auncient doctours, wherewith in all necessary pointes of religion they agree
throughly. It is the pope and his supremacie and other popery, that is
builded upon a late and sandie foundation, and therefore shortly to be sub-
verted and rooted up." Novell's Reproof of M. Dorman's Proof, fol. 105. 6.
1565. 4to.

8 Forbid the laity. ,] The bishop can mean only that the cup had never been
forbidden to the laity by any special decree of a provincial council, or other-
wise, in England. But even here, by the constitutions of archbishop Peck-
ham, A.D. 1281, it is declared, that in small churches, it is allowed to none
but the officiating priest to receive the blood under the species of consecrated
wine. See Johnson's Ecclesiastical Laws, vol. ii. Wilkins, &c. And it is

634 BISHOP LATIMER.

receive under both kindes. You know also, that Christ after
his resurrection, at what time hee went with his apostles to Galile,
opened himselfe by breaking of bread. You knowe that Saint
Paule, after his long sayling towardes Rome, brake bread, and
that the apostles came together in breaking of bread, which
declareth that it is not unlawfull to minister the sacrament under
the forme of bread only : and yet the church hadde just occasion
to decree, that the laitie should receive in one kinde onelie, there-
by to take away an opinion of the unlearned, that Christ was not
whollie both fleshe and bloud under the forme of bread. There-
fore to take awaie their opinion, and to establish better the peoples
faith, the Holie Ghost in the church thought good to decree, that
the laitie should receive onely in one kinde: and it is no n«
for the church upon just consideration, to alter rites and cere-
monies. For you reade in the Actes of the Apostles, that S.
Paule writing to certaine of the Gentiles, which hadde received
the gospel, biddeth them to abstaine from thinges stifled, and
from bloud, so that this seemeth to be an expresse commaunde-
ment : yet who will saie but that it is lawefull to eate bloudings ?
ho we is it lawefull, but by the permission of the church T'

Ridley. " My lord, such things as S. Paul enjoyned to the
gentiles for a sufferance, by a little and little to win the Jewes to
Christ, were only commandementes of time, and respected not
the successors: but Christs commaundement, Do this (that 18,
that which he did) in remembrance, which was not to minister in
one kinde onely, was not a commandement for a time, but to per-
sever to the worlds ende."

But the bishop of Lincolne, not attending to this aunswe
without any stay proceeded in this oration.

" So the church seemeth to have authoritie by the Holy Ghost,
whom Christ saide hee woulde send after his ascension, which
should teach the apostles al truth, to have power and jurisdiction
to alter such points of the Scripture, ever reserving the founda-
tion.— But we came not, as I saide before, in this sorte to reason

certain, that the council of Constance, in the year 1415, had declared, that
the denial of the cup ought to be deemed as a law, which no person is at
liberty to disapprove or alter; or if he does, he is to be disowned as u lure-
tick. Lenfant's History of the Council of Constance, vol. i. p. 367, I
Barnes's Works, p. 301, &c. Jewel's Works, p. 32. 54. The council of T
after much debate, in the year 1 562, referred the matter to the sole decision
of the pope. Sec Canones et Decreta Concilii TVidentini, Sess. xxii.

BISHOP LATIMER. 635

the matter with you, but have certaine instructions ministered
unto us, according to the tenour of the which we must proceed,
proposing certaine articles, unto the which we require your an-
swere directly, either affirmatively, either negatively, to every of
them, either denying them, either granting them without farther
disputations or reasoning : for we have already stretched our
instructions, in that we suffered you to debate and reason the
matter, in such sort as we have done : the which articles, you
shal heare now, and to morrow at eight of the clock in S. Maries
church we wil require and take your answers ; and then according
to the same proceede : and if you require a copie of them, you
shall have it, pen, inke, and paper, also such books as you shall
demand, if they be to be gotten in the universitie."

The Articles.

1 We do object to thee Nicholas Ridley, and to thee Hugh
Latimer, jointly and severally, first that thou Nicholas Ridley in
this high universitie of Oxford, Anno 1554, in the moneths of
Aprill, May, June, July, or in some one or mo of them, hast
affirmed, and openly defended and maintained, and in many other
times and places besides, that the true and naturall bodie of
Christ, after the consecration of the priest, is not really present
in the sacrament of the altar.

2 Item, that in the yeare and moneths aforesaid, thou hast
publickly affirmed and defended, that in the sacrament of the
altar, remaineth still the substance of bread and wine.

3 Item, that in the said yeare and moneths, thou hast openly
affirmed, and obstinately maintained, that in the masse is no
propitiatory sacrifice for the quicke and the dead.

4 Item, that in the yeare, place, and moneths aforesaid, these
thy foresaid assertions solemnly have been condemned, by the
scholasticall censure of this schoole, as hereticall and contrarie
to the catholicke faith, by the worshipfull M. doctor Weston,
prolocutor then of the convocation house, as also by other learned
men, of both the universities.

5 Item, that all and singular the premisses be true, notorious,
famous, and openly knowne by publike fame, as well to them
neere hand, and also to them in distant places farre off.

636 BISHOP LATIMER.

Examination upon the sayd A rticles.

All these articles I thought good here to place togither, that
as often as hereafter rehearsall shall be of any of them, the reader
may have recourse hither, and peruse the same, and not to trouble
the storie with severall repetitions thereof.

After these articles were read, the bishops tooke counsaik'
togither. At the last the bishop of Lincoln said ; " These are
the very same articles which you in open disputation here in the
universitie did maintaine and defend. What say you unto the
first ? I pray you answere affirmatively, or negativelie."

Rid. " Why my lord, I supposed your gentlenesse had beene
such, that you would have given mee space untill to morrow, that
upon good advisement, I might bring a determinate answere."

Line. " Yea M. Ridley, I meane not that your answeres now
shall be prejudiciall to your answeres to morrow. I will take
your answers at this time, and yet notwithstanding it shall be
lawful to you to adde, diminish, alter, and change of these ans\\ ITS
to morrow what you will.""

Rid. " Indeed, in like manner at our last disputations I had
many things promised, and few performed. It was saide that
after disputations I should have a copie thereof, and licence to
change mine answers, as I should thinke good. It was meete
also that I should have seene what was written by the notaries at
that time. So your lordship pretended great gentlenes in giving
mee a time : but this gentlenesse is the same that Christ had of
the high priests. For you, as your lordship saith, have no power
to condemne me, neither at any time to put a man to death : so
in like sort the high priests said, that it was not lawfullfor them
to put any man to death, but committed Christ to Pilate, neither
would suffer him to absolve Christ, although he sought all the
meanes therefore that he might." Then spake D. Weston, one
of the audience.

West. " What ! doe you make the king Pilate?"

Rid. " No, master doctor, I doe but compare your deedrs with
Cayphas his deedes and the high priests, which would cond<>nm<>
no man to death, as ye will not, and yet would not -ufl« r I'ilatr
to absolve and deliver Christ."

Line. " M. Ridley, wee mind not but that you shall on joy tlu
bcnefite of answering to morrow, and will take your answers n«»w

BISHOP LATIMER. 637

as now ; to morrow you shall change, take out, adde, and alter
what you will. In the meane season wee require you to answere
directly to everie article, either affirmatively or negatively.1'

Kid. " Seeing you appoint me a time to answer to morrow,
and yet will take mine answeres out of hand ; first, I require the
notaries, to take and write my protestation 9, that in no point I
acknowledge your authority, or admit you to be my judges, in
that point you are authorised, from the pope. Therfore whatso-
ever I shall say or do, I protest, I neither say it, neither do it
willingly, thereby to admit the authoritie of the pope : and if your
lordship will give me leave, I wil shew the causes, which moveth
me thereunto."

Line. "No M. Ridley, we have instructions to the contrary.
We may not suffer you.1'

Rid. " I will be short : I pray your lordships suffer mee to
speak in few words."

Lincolne. " No master Ridley, we may not abuse the hearers
eares."

Rid. " Why my lord, suffer me to speake three words."

Line. " Well M. Ridley to morrow you shall speake forty. The
time is farre past : therefore we require your answere determi-
nately. What say you to the first article 2 " and thereupon re-
hearsed the same.

Rid. " My protestation alwaies saved, that by this mine answer
I do not condescend to your authoritie, in that you are legate to
the pope, I answere thus : In a sense the first article is true, and
in a sense it is false : for if you take really for veri, for spiritually
by grace and efficacie, then it is true that the naturall bodie and
bloud of Christ is in the sacrament vere et realiter, in deed and
really : but if you take these tearmes so grosselie, that you would
conclude thereby a naturall bodie having motion, to be contained
under the formes of bread and wine vert et reatiter, then really is
not the bodie and bloud of Christ in the sacrament, no more then

9 Write my protest at ion. ~\ "And yet I will doe it under this protestation:
Call meprotestant who liste,— I doe not passe thereof: my protestation shall
he this." Ridley ayainst Transubstantiation, in Enchirid, TheoL, vol i. p. 126.
" Hitherto all do agree, whether they be newe or olde (and to speake plaine,
and as some of them odiously either do call other), whether they be protest-
antes, papistes, pharisees, or gospellers." Ibid. p. 116. See also Christian
Institutes, Index, under Protestant Religion, name of.

638 BISHOP LATIMER.

the Holy Ghost is in the element of water l in our baptism."
Because this answer was not understood, the notaries wist not
how to note it : wherefore the bishop of Lincolne willed him to
answere either affirmatively, or negatively, either to grant the
article, or to denie it.

Ridley. " My lord, you knowe that where anie (Equivocation
(which is a word having two significations) is, except distinction
bee given, no direct answere can be made : for it is one of Aris-
totles fallacies, containing two questions under one, the which
cannot be satisfied with one aunswere. For both you and I a _
herein, that in the sacrament is "the verie true and naturall bodie
and bloud of Christ, even that which was borne of the virgine
Mary, which ascended into heaven, which sitteth on the right
hand of God the Father, which shall come from thence to jml'^v
the quicke and the dead, only we differ in modo, in the way and
maner of being : we confesse all one thing to be in the sacrament.
and dissent in the manner of being there. I, being fully by Gods
word thereunto perswaded, confesse Christs naturall bodie to be
in the sacrament in deede by spirit and grace, because that who-
soever receiveth worthilie that bread and wine, receiveth effectu-
ously Christs body and drinketh his blood, that is, he is made
effectually partaker of his passion : and you make a grosser kinde

1 In the element of water.'] Some have maintained, that by virtue of the
word of God, and of prayer, the water in baptism, was in a sort transub-
stantiated into the Holy Ghost ; or at least that the Holy Spirit was con-
comitant with, lurking in, brooding upon, the water, in such a manner, as ex
opere operato, and in the nature of & physical operation, to be applied to the
baptized person by the action of dipping or sprinkling. " Plures item ab aliis
cumulantur errores in baptismo, quern aliqui," &c. See Reformatio Itgum
ecclesiastic, : Tit. ii. cap. 18. "As therefore in baptisme is given unto us the
Holy Ghost, and pardon of our sinnes, which yet lye not lurking in the water;
so in the Lordes supper is given unto us the communion of Christes body and
blood, without any transubstantiation, or including of the same in the bread.
By baptisme, the olde man is put off, and the newe man put on, yea Christe
is put on, but without transubstantiating the water. And even so it is in the
lordes supper." Bradford's Sermon on the Lordes Supper, signat. G 5. edit.
1561. "I meane that he is present in the ministration and receaving of that
holy supper, according to his own institution and ordinaunce : like as in
baptisme Christ and the Holy Ghost be not in the water, or fonte, but be
given in the ministration, or to them that be duely baptized in the w;i
Cranmer's Answere to Gardiner, p. 172. edit. 1551.

BISHOP LATIMER. 639

of being, enclosing a natural!, a lively and a mooving bodie under
the shape or forme of bread and wine.

" Now, this difference considered, to the question thus I
answere ; that in the sacrament of the aultar is the naturall bodie
and bloud of Christ vere et realiter, in deed and really, if you take
these tearmes in deede and really for spiritually by grace and
efficacie ; for so everie worthie receiver receiveth the verie true
bodie of Christ : but if you meane really and in deed, so that
thereby you would include a lively and a moveable body under the
formes of bread and wine, then in that sense is not Christs body
in the sacrament really and in deed."

This answer taken and penned of the notaries, the bishop of
Lincolne proposed the second question or article. To whom he
answered.

Rid. " Alwaies my protestation reserved, I answer thus : that
in the sacrament is a certaine chaunge, in that that bread which
was before common bread, is now made a lively representation of
Christs bodie : and not only a figure, but effectuously representeth
his bodie ; that even as the mortall bodie was nourished by that
visible bread, so is the internall soule fed with the heavenly foode
of Christs bodie, which the eye of faith seeth, as the bodily eie
seeth only bread. Such a sacramentall mutation I grant to bee
in the bread and wine ; which truely is no small chaunge, but
such a chaunge as no mortall man can make, but onelie that
omnipotency of Christs word."

Then the bishop of Lincolne willed him to answere directly,
either affirmatively or negatively, without further declaration of
the matter. Then he answered :

Rid. " That notwithstanding this sacramentall mutation of the
which he spake, and all the doctors confessed, the true substance
and nature of bread and wine remaineth, with the which the bodie
is in like sort nourished, as the soule by grace and spirite, with
the bodie of Christ. Even so in baptisme the bodie is washed
with the visible water, and the soule is clensed from al filth by the
invisible Holie Ghost, and yet the water ceaseth not to be water,
but keepeth the nature of water still. In like sort in the sacra-
ment of the Lords supper the bread ceaseth not to bee bread."

Then the notaries penned, that he answered affirmativelie to
the second article. The bishop of Lincolne declared a difference
betweene the sacrament of the altar and baptisme, because that

(J4U BISHOP LATIMER.

Christ said not by the water, this is the Holie Ghost, as he did
by the bread, This is my body.

Then master Ridley recited saint Austen which conferred both
the sacraments the one with other : but the bishop of Lincolne
notwithstanding thereupon recited the third article, and required
a direct answere. To whome Ridley said,

" Christ as S. Paule writeth, made one perfect sacrifice for the
sins of the whole world, neither can any man reiterate that sacri-
fice of his ; and yet is the communion an acceptable sacrifice to
God of praise and thanksgiving : but to say that thereby sinnes
are taken awaie (which wholie and perfectlie was done by Cli
passion, of the which the communion is onelie a memorie) that is
a great derogation of the merits of Christs passion : for the sacra-
ment was instituted that we receiving it and therby recognizing
and remembering his passion, should be partakers of the merits of
the same. For otherwise dooth this sacrament take upon it the
office of Christs passion, whereby it might follow that Christ died
in vaine."

The notaries penned this his answere to be affirmativelie. Then
said the bishop of Lincolne :

" Indeed as you alleadge out of S. Paule, Christ made one per-
fect oblation for all the whole world, that is, that bloudie sacrifice
upon the crosse : yet neverthelesse he hath left this sacrifice, but
not bloudie *, in the remembrance of that, by the which sinnes are
forgiven : the which is no derogation of Christes passion."

Then recited the bishop of Lincolne the fourth article. To tin-
which M. Ridley answered :

" That in some part the fourth was true, and in some part fa!
true in that those his assertions were condemned as In T.
although unjustlie ; false in that it was saide they were condemned
scientia scholastic^ in that the disputations were in such sorte
ordered, that it was farre from anie schoole acte."

3 Sacrifice, but not bloudie.'] See Fox's Acts, p. 1322.

" Pie. What say you to that council, where it is sayde that the priest dm-th
offer an unbloudie sacrifice of the body of Christ ? "

" Ridley. I say it is well said, if it be rightly understood."

" Pie But he offereth an unbloudie sacrifice."

" Rid. It was called unbloudy ; and is offered, after a certaine manner. :m<l
in a mysterie, and as a representation of that bloudie sacrifice : and lit* doth
not lie which saith Christ to be offered."

BISHOP LATIMER. 641

This answere penned of the notaries, the bishop of Lincolne
rehearsed the fift article. To the which hee answered :

Rid. " That the premisses were in such sort true, as in these
his answers he had declared. Whether that all men spake evill
of them, he knew not, in that he came not so much abroad to
heare what every man reported."

This answere also written of the notaries, the bishop of Lin-
colne said :

" To morrow at eight of the clock you shall appeare before us
in S. Maries church; and then, because we cannot well agree
upon your answere to the first article (for it was long before he
was understood) if it will please you to write your answere, you
shall have penne, inke, and paper, and bookes, such as you shal
require, but if you write any thing saving your answeres to these
articles, we will not receive it :" so hee charging the maior with
him, declaring also to the maior that he should suffer him to have
a penne and inke, dismissed M. Ridley, and sent for master Lati-
mer ; who being brought to the divinitie schoole, there taried till
they called for him.

Master Latimer appeareth before the commissioners.

Now after master Ridley was committed to the maior, then
the bishop of Lincolne commanded the bailiifees to bring in the
other prisoner, who eftsoones as he was placed, said to the
lords.

" My lords, if I appeare againe, I pray you not to send for me
untill you be readie. For I am an old man, and it is great hurt
to mine old age to tarrie so long gazing upon the cold walles."
Then the bishop of Lincolne said :

" M. Latimer, I am sorie you are brought so soone, although
it is the balyffes fault, and not mine : but it shall be amended."

Then master Latimer bowed his knee down to the ground,
holding his hat in his hand, having a kerchiefe on his head, and
upon it a night cappe or two, and a great cap (such as townes
mens use, with two broad flaps to button under the chin) wearing
an old threed bare bristow frise gown girded to his body, with a
penie leather girdle, at the which hanged by a long string of
leather his Testament and his spectacles without case, depending
about his necke upon his breast. After this the bishop of Lin-
colne began on this manner :

VOL. ir. T t

642 BISHOP LATIMER.

u M. Latimer, you shall understand that I and my lords here
have a commission from my lord cardinall Pooles grace, locate a
latere to this realme of England, from our most reverent father
in God the popes holinesse, to examine you upon certaine opinions
and assertions of yours, which you as well heere openlie in dispu-
tations in the yeare of our Lord 1554, as at sundrie and divers
other times did affirme, maintaine, and obstinatelie defend. 1 n
the which commission bee specialie two pointcs : the one which
we must desire you is, that if you shall now recant, revoke, and
disannull these your errours, and togither with all this realmr,
yea all the worlde. confessc the truth, we upon due repentance of
your part should receive you, reconcile you, acknowledge you no
longer a straied sheepe, but adjoine you againe to the unity of
Christs church, from the which you in the time of schisine fell :
so that it is no new place to the which I exhort you : I desire
you to returne thither from whence you went.

" Consider M. Latimer, that without the unitie of the church
is no salvation, and in the church can be no errours. Therefore
what should stay you to confesse that which all the realme eon-
fesseth, to forsake that which the king and queene their niaj.
have renounced and all the realme recanted? It was a common
errour, and it is now of all confessed : it shall bee no more shame
to you, than it was to us all. Consider master Latimer, that
within these twenty yeeres this realme also with all the world
confessed one church ; acknowledged in Christes church an In -ad ;
and by what meanes and for what occasion it cut off it selfc from
the rest of Christ ianitie, and renounced that which in all t
and ages was confessed, it is wel known, and mu»-ht be now
declared upon what good foundation the sea of Rome was f'< >r-
saken, save that we must spare them that are deade, to whomr
the rehearsall would be opprobrious. It is no usurped power, as
it hath been tearmed, but founded upon Peter by Christ, a sure
foundation, a perfect builder, as by divers plac< 11 of the

ancient fathers, as the expresse word of <<od may !•< pn>\ ,•<!."

With that master Latimer, which before leaned his head to
his hand, began somewhat to remove his cappe and ken :
from liis eares.

The bishop proceeded saying: " for Christ spake expn ^>1
IVter saying pasce oves meas, et rcge oves meas, the which word
doth not ondic declare a errtaine ruling of Christ* flock.-, but
includi'th aUu a errtaine preeminence and ir»vennnrnt. and tl

BISHOP LATIMER.

fore is the king called rex a regendo : so that in saying reqe,
Christ declared a power which he gave to Peter, which jurisdic-
tion and power Peter by hand delivered to Clement ; and so in
all ages hath it remained in the sea of Rome. This if you shall
confesse with us ; and acknowledge with all the realme your
errours and false assertions, then shall you doe that which wee
most desire, then shall we rest upon the first part of our com-
mission, then shall we receive you, acknowledge you one of the
church, and according to the authoritie given unto us, minister
unto you upon due repentance the benefit of absolution, to the
which the king and queene their majesties were not ashamed to
submitte themselves, although they of themselves were unspotted,
and therefore needed no reconciliation ; yet least the putrifica-
tion and rottennesse of all the bodie might be noysome, and doe
dammage to the head also, they (as I saide) most humblie sub-
mitted themselves to my lord cardinall his grace, by him, as a
legate to the popes holinesse, to bee partakers of the reconcilia-
tion.— But if you shall stubbornly persever in your blindnes, if
you will not acknowledge your errours, if you, as you stand now
alone, will be singular in your opinions, if by schisme and heresie
you will divide your selfe from our church, then must we proceede
to the second part of the commission, which wee would be loath
to doe, that is, not to condemne you, for that we cannot doe
(that the temporall sword of the realme, and not we, will do)
but to separate you from us, acknowledge you to be none of us,
to renounce you as no member of the church, to declare that you
ttrefitius perditionis, a lost childe, and as you are a rotten member
of the church, so to cut you off from the church, and so to
commit you to the temporall judges 3, permitting them to pro-
ceede against you, according to the tenour of their lawes.

" Therefore master Latimer, for Gods love consider your
estate, remember you are a learned man, you have taken degrees
in the schoole, borne the office of a bishop ; remember you are
an old man, spare your body, accelerat not your death, and espe-
ciallie remember your soules health, and quiet of your conscience ;
consider that if you should die in this state, you shall be a
stinking sacrifice to God, for it is the cause that maketh the
martyr, and not the death : consider that if you die in this state,
you die without grace, for without the church can be no salvation.
Let not vaine glorie have the upper hand, humiliate your selfe,
3 Commit you to the temporall judyes.'] See note at p. 339 of vol. i.

T t 2

644 BISHOP LATIMER.

captivate your understanding, subdue your reason, submit your
selfe to the determination of the church, doe not force us to doe
all that we may doe, let us rest in that part which we most
heartilie desire, and I, for my part" (then the bishop put off his
cap) "againe with all my heart exhort you."

After the bishop had somewhat paused, then M. La-timer lift
up his head (for before he leaned on his elbowe) and asked
whether his lordshippe had said : and the bishop answered yea.

Lati. " Then will your lordship give me leave to spcake a
word or two ?"

Line. " Yea master Latimer, so that you use a modest kind
of talke, without railing or taunts."

Lati. " I beseech your lordship, licence me to sit downe."

Line. " At your pleasure master Latimer, take as much <.
as you will."

Lati. " Your lordship gentlie exhorted me in many wordes
to come to the unitie of the church. I confesse (my lord) a
catholicke church, spread throughout all the world, in which no
man may erre, without the which unitie of the church no man
can be saved: but I know perfectly by Gods word that this
church is in all the world, and hath not his foundation in Home
onelie, as you say : and me thought your lordship brought a
place out of the Scriptures to confirme the same, that there was
a jurisdiction given to Peter, in that Christ bade him r>
governe his people. Indeede my lord, saint Peter did well nnd
truelie his office, in that he was bidde regere: but since tho
bishoppes of Rome have taken a new kinde of regere. Indeed.
they ought to regere, but how my lord? not as they will them-
selves: but this regere must be hedged in. and diched in. They
must regere, but secundum verbum Dei: they must rule, but
according to the word of God.

" But the bishops of Rome have turned regere secundum ver*
Dei, into regere secundum voluntatem suam ; they have turned the
rule according to the word of God, into the rule accordi ii'j, to their
owne pleasures, and as it pleaseth them best. There is a booke
-et forth which hath divers points in it. and amongst other, this
point is one, which your lordship went about to prove by this word
regere, and the argument which hee bringeth forth for the proofe
of that matter, is taken out of DeoteroDOmie, where it is said * ;

4 It is said.'] " Veniesque ad sacerdotes Levitici generis, et ad jndicem qui
fuerit illo tern pore : quaeresque ah eis, qui indicahunt tibi judicii verit:.

BISHOP LATIMER. 645

If there riseth anie controversie among the people, as the priests of
the order of Leviticus shall decide the matter according to the law of
God ; so it must be taken. This book perceiving this authoritie
to bee given to the priests of the olde la we, taketh occasion to
proove the same to be given to the bishops, and other the clergie
of the new law : but in proving this matter, where as it was said
there, as the priests of the order of Leviticus should determine
the matter according to Gods law, that (according to Gods law)
is left out, and onelie is recited, as the priests of the order of Levi-
ticus shall decide the matter, so it ought to be taken of the people :
a large authoritie I ensure you. What clipping of Gods coine
is this ? " with the which tearmes the audience smiled. " This
is much like the regere which your lordship talked of. Nay
nay, my lords, we may not give such authoritie to the clergie, to
rule all things as they will. Let them keepe themselves within
their commission. — Now I trust my lord, I do not raile yet."

Line. "No M. Latimer, your talke is more like taunts
then railing : but in that I have not read the book which you
blame so much, nor knowe not of any such, I can say nothing
therein.1'

Lati. " Yes my lord, the booke is open to be read, and is in-
tituled to one which is bishop of Glocester, whom I never knew,
neither did at any time see him to my knowledge." With that
the people laughed, because the bishop of Glocester sate there in
commission.

Then the bishop of Glocester stoode up, and saide it was his
booke 5.

Et facies quodcumque dixerint qui prsesunt loco quern elegerit Dominus, et
docuerint te juxta legem ejus ; sequerisque sententiam eorum; nee declinabis
ad dexteram neque ad sinistram." Deut. xvii. 9 — 11. It is necessary to
give this extract from the Vulgate Latin, in order that the reader may under-
stand Latimer's argument. Our English translation gives a different sense
to the passage in question.

6 Was his booked] The book referred to is the sermon of Brookes, which
we have had occasion more than once to cite in the progress of these notes ;
and is intitled, a " Sermon very notable, fruitful, and godly, made at Pauls
Cross, the 12th day of Novemb. in the first year of the gracious reign of
our sovereign lady Q,. Mary." The place to which Latimer alludes is as
follows :

The catholic church hath " authoritie to judge, and decide all maters of
controversy in religion. For if the Scripture of the olde la we in Moses time
was not made the highe judge of controversies (being a thinge itselfe in divers
pointes called in controversy), but authority in judgemente was given alwaies

646 BISHOP LATIMER.

Lat. " Was it yours my lord 2 In deed I knewe not your
lordship, neither ever did see you before, neither yet see you now,
through the brightnes of the sunne shining betwixt you and me."
Then the audience laughed againe : and M. Latimer spake unto
them saying, " Why my masters, this is no laughing matter. I
answere upon life and death. Vce vobis qui ridetis nunc, quoniam
fiebitis ! "

The bishop of Lincolne commaunded silence, and then said :

" Master Latimer, if you had kept your selfe within your
bounds, if you had not used such scoffes and taunts, this had not
been done."

After this the bishop of Glocester saide in excusing of his
booke,

" M. Latimer, hereby every man may see what learning* you
have."

Then M. Latimer interrupted him saying:

" Loe you looke for learning at my hands, which have gone so
long to the schoole of oblivion, making the bare walles my library,
keeping me so long in prison without booke or pen and hike: and
now you let me loose to come and answere to articles. You deale
with mee as though two were appointed to fight for life and death.
and over night the one through friends and favour is cherished,
and hath good counsaile given him how to encounter with his
enemie : the other for envy or lacke of friends, all the whole night
is set in the stocks. In the morning when they shall meet, the
one is in strength and lustie ; the other is starke of his lin .
and almost dead for feeblenesse. Think you, that to run through
this man with a speare is not a goodly victorie 2 "

by Gods owne mouthe to the learned, and elders of the synagogue, to whose
judgemente all were bounde to stande, and that under pain of present death,
as appeareth in the booke of Deuteronomie (chap. 17); if we Christians will
not be counted in a woorsse state and condition, than the Jewes were, needes
must wee grant to the. catholike church like authoritie of judgemente, for the
decision of all controversies in our religion ; whom if God didde not assist
evermore with the true intelligence of Scripture, then should the Scripture
stande the church in as goode stede, as a paier of spectacles shoulde stande a
blinde frier," &c. Signat. B 4.

In connexion with this extract, and the argument between Brookes and
Latimer, the reader will do well to consult the XXth Article of the Church of
England.

9 What learning.'] The reader will do well to refer to the num«
valuable writers in the Christian Institutes. Index, under Art. Church; Church
Authority, &c.

BISHOP LATIMER. 647

IJut the bishop of Glocester interrupting his answere proceeded,
saying :

" 1 went not about to recite any places of Scripture in that
place of my book : for then if I had not recited it faithfully, you
might have had just occasion of reprehension : but I onely in that
place formed an argument a major e, in this sense : that if in the
olde lawe the priests had power to decide matters of controver-
sies, much more then ought the authoritie to be given to the
clergie in the newe lawe : and I pray you in this point what
availeth the rehearsall, secundum legem Dei ? "

Lati. " Yes my lord, very much. For I acknowledge autho-
ritie to be given to the spiritualty to decide matter of religion, and
as my lord said even now, to regere : but they must doe it secun-
dum verbum Dei, and not secundum voluntatem suam, according to
the word and lawe of God, and not after their owne will, after
their own imaginations and fantasies."

The bishop of Glocester would have spoke more, saving that
the bishop of Lincolne said, that they came not to dispute with
M. Latimer, but to take his determinate answers to their arti-
cles ; and so began to propose the same articles which were pro-
posed to M. Ridley. But M. Latimer interrupted him, speaking
to the bishop of Glocester : u well my lord, I could wish more
faithfull dealing with Gods word, and not to leave out a part, and
snatch a part here and another there, but to rehearse the whole
faithfully."

But the bishop of Lincolne not attending to this saying of
maister Latimer, proceeded in rehearsing the articles in forme
and sense as I declared before in the examination of the articles
proposed to M. Ridley, and required maister Latimers answere to
the first. — Then M. Latimer, making his protestation that, not-
withstanding these his answeres, it should not be taken that
thereby he would acknowledge any authoritie of the bishop of
Rome, saying that he was the king and queene their majesties
subject and not the popes, (neither could serve two masters at one
time, except he should first renounce one of them) required the
notaries so to take his protestation, that whatsoever he should say
or doe, it should not be taken as though he did thereby agree to
any authoritie that came from the bishop of Rome.

The bishop of Lincoln said, that his protestation should be so
taken : but hee required him to answere briefelie, affirmatively or

648 BISHOP LATIMER.

negatively to the first article, and so recited the same againe :
and M. Latimer answered as followeth :

" I doe not deny (my lord) that in the sacrament by spirite and
grace is the verie body and blond of Christ, because that every
man by receiving bodily that bread and wine, spiritually receiveth
the body and bloud of Christ, and is made partaker therby
of the merits of Christs passion : but I denie that the body
and bloud of Christ is in such sort in the sacrament as you would
have it."

Line. " Then maister Latimer, you answere affirmatively."

Lati. " Yea, if you meane of that grosse and carnall beeing,
which you do take."

The notaries tooke his answere to be affirmatively.

Line. "What say you, M. Latimer, to the second article?"
and recited the same.

Lati. " There is, my lord, a change in the bread and wine,
and such a change as no power, but the omnipotencie of God can
make, in that that which before was bread, should now have that
dignity to exhibite Christs body 7, and yet the bread is still bread,
and the wine still wine : for the change is not in the nature, but
in the dignitie, because now that which was common bread, hath
the dignitie to exhibit Christs body ; for where as it was com-
mon bread, it is now no more common bread, neither ouulit
it to bee so taken, but as holie breade sanctified by Gods
word."

With that the bishop of Lincolne smiled, saying :

" Loe master Latimer, see what stedfastnesse is in your doc-
trine : that which you abhorred and despised most, you now most
establish: for whereas you most railed at holie bread, you now
make your communion holy bread.

Lati. "Tush, a rush for holy bread. I say the bread in the
communion is an holy bread indeed."

7 To exhibite Christs bodyJ] " Breead and wine he signes exhibityve, that
is to say, such signes as do give, the things signified." — Martin Buccr, in
Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, p. 131, Appendix. See also p. 133, ibid.
" But in the other signes, which some call exhibitive, is there not only a signi-
fication of the thing, hut also a declaration of a gift, yea, in a certain manner,
a giving also. As baptisme signifieth not onely the cleansing of the con-
science from sinne, by the merits of Christes blood, but also is a
cleansing from sinne." — Sermon on the Lord's Supper, by John Bradford.
Kdit. 1581. Signat. H 1.

BISHOP LATIMER. 649

But the bishop of Lincolne interrupted him and sayd :

" O, you make a difference betweene holy bread and holy bread "
(with that the audience laughed). " Wei master Latimer, is not
this your answere, that the substance of bread and wine remaineth
after the words of consecration ?"

Lati. " Yes verily, it must needs be so. For Christ himselfe
calleth it bread, S. Paul calleth it bread, the doctors confesseth
the same, the nature of a sacrament confirmeth the same ; and I
call it holy bread, not in that I make no difference betwixt your
holy bread and this, but for the holy office which it beareth, that
is, to be a figure of Christs body, and not only a bare figure, but
effectually to represent the same."

So the notaries penned his answere to bee affirmativelie.

Line. "What saie you to the third question 2" and recited
the same.

Lati. " No, no, my lord, Christ made one perfect sacrifice for
all the whole world, neither can any man offer him againe, neither
can the priest offer up Christ againe for the sinnes of man, which
he tooke away ly offering himselfe once for all (as saint Paul saith)
upon the crosse, neither is there any propitiation for our sinnes,
saving his crosse only."

So the notaries penned his answere to this article also to be
affirmatively.

Line. "What say you to the fourth, master Latimer?" and
recited it. After the recitall whereof, when maister Latimer
answered not, the bishoppe asked him whether hee heard him
or no ?

Lati. " Yes, but I doe not understand what you meane
thereby."

Line. " Mary only this, that these your assertions were
condemned by M. doctor Weston as heresie : is it not so M.
Latimer ?"

Lat. " Yes, I thinke they were condemned. But how un-
justly, he that shall be judge of all knoweth,"

So the notaries tooke his answere to this article also to be
affirmatively.

Line. " What say you, maister Latimer, to the fifth article ?"
and recited it.

Lat. " I knowe not what you meane by these tearmes ; I
am no lawyer, I would you would propose the matter plainely."

Line. "In that we proceed according to the lawe, we must

650 BISHOP LATIMER.

use their tcarmcs also. The meaning oncly is this, that these
your assertions are notorious, evill spoken of, and yet common
and frequent in the mouthes of the people."

Lat. u I cannot tell how much nor what men talkc of them.
I come not so much among them, in that I have been secluded
a long time. What men report of them I know not, nor care
not."

This answere taken, the bishop of Lincolne said :

" M. Latimer, we meane not that these your answeres shall
be prejudiciall to you. To morrow you shall appear before us
againe, and then it shall be lawfull for you to alter and chan^-
what you will. We give you respite till to morrow, trusting that
after you have pondered well all things against to morrowe, you
will not be ashamed to confesse the truth."

Lati. "Now my lord I pray you give me licence in tlnve
words to declare the causes why I have refused the authoritic of
the pope."

Line. " Nay M. Latimer, to morrow you shall have liceno
speake forty words."

Lati. " Nay my lords, I beseech you to doe with mee no\\
it shall please your lordships : I pray you let not me be troubled
to morrow againe."

Line. " Yes M. Latimer, you must needes appeare againe
to morrow."

Lati. "Truely my lord, as for my part I require no resj
for I am at a point ; you shah1 give me respite in vaine. There-
fore I pray you let me not trouble you to morrow."

Lincolne. " Yes, for wee trust, God will worke with you
against to morrowe. There is no reinedie, you must n
appeare again to morrow at eight of the clocke in 8. Mail. >
church." And forthwith the bishop charged the maior with M.
Latimer, and dismissed him, and then brake up their session fur
that day, about one of the clocke at afternoone.

Here followeih the second session.

The next daie following (which was the first daie of Octol
somewhat after eight of the clocke, the said lords ivp.-mv.l t..

saint Maries church, and after they \\viv set in a hi^li thruiic

wrll trimmed with cloth of t is.se \\e and *ilke. then appear

l.i llidley. who was set at a framed table a ^ood space from th«-

BISHOP LATIMER. 651

bishops feetc, which table had a silke clothe cast over it, the
which place was compassed about with framed seates in quadrate
forme, partlie for gentlemen which repaired thither (for this was
the session day also of gaile delivery) and heades of the universitie
to sit, and partly to keepe off the prease of the audience : for the
whole bodie as well of the universitie as of the towne, came thi-
ther to see the end of these two persons. After M. Ridleyes ap-
pearance, and the silence of the audience, the bishop of Lincolne
spake in manner following.

" Master Ridley, yesterday when that we challenged you for
not uncovering your head, you excused your self of that wherof
no man accused you, in saying you did not put on your cap for
anie obstinacie towards us, which as touching our own persons
desired no such obedience of you, but onelie in respect of them
whose persons we beare ; neither (you said) for anie contempt
that you beare to this worshipfull audience, which although justlie
maie, yet in this case require no such humilitie of you ; neither
for anie derogation of honour to my lord cardinals grace, in that
he descended from the regall bloud, in that hee is a man most
noble, both for his excellent qualities and singular learning : for
as touching those points, you said you with all humilitie would
honour, reverence, and worship his grace : but in that he is
legate to the most reverent father in God the popes holinesse "
(with that the bishop with all then present put off* their cappes,
but M. Ridley mooved not his) "you sayd you ne could, ne
would by anie meanes be induced to give him honour : but foras-
much as this is the point, as we told you yesterday, why we re-
quire honour and reverence of you, we tell you now as we did
then, except you take the paines to moove your bonet, we will
take the paines to cause your bonet to be taken from you : except
you pretend sicknesse, as yesterdaie you did not."

Ridl. " I pretend now none other cause than I did yesterdaie,
that is, onely that hereby it maie appeare that not only in word
and confession, but also by all my gesture and behaviour, in no
point I agree or admit anie authoritie or power that shal come
from the pope, and not for anie pride of minde (as God is my
judge) neither for contempt of your lordships, or of this worship-
ful audience, neither for derogation of honor due to my lord car-
dinals grace as concerning those points which your lordship spake
of, that is, his noble parentage and singular graces in learning.

652 BISHOP LATIMER.

And as for taking my cappe away, your lordship may doe as it
shall please you, it shall not offend me, but I shall bee content
with your ordinance in that behalfe."

Lin. " Forasmuch as you do answer now as you did yesterdaie,
we must do also as we did then ;" and forthwith one of the bedles
verie hastilie snatched his cap from his head.

After this the bishop of Lincolne began the examination in
sense following.

" Master Ridley, yesterday we tooke your answer to certaine
articles, which we then proposed unto you : but because we could
not be thorowlie satisfied with your answere then to the first
article, neither could the notaries take anie determinate ans\\ ere
of you, we (you requiring the same) granted you licence to briii^-
your answer in writing, and thereupon commanded the maior
that you should have pen, paper, and inke, yea anie books also
that you would require, if they were to be gotten: wee licensed
you then also, to alter your former answers this daie at your plea-
sure : therefore we are come now hither, to see whether you are
in the same minde now that you were in yesterdaie (which
would not wish), or contrarie, contented to revoke al your former
assertions, and in all points content to submit your selfe to the
determination of the universall church ; and I for my part most
earnestlie exhort you" (and therewith he put off his cap) unot
because my conscience pricketh me, as you saide yesterday, but
because I see you a rotten member, and in the way of perdition.

" Yesterdaie I brought forth amongst other Saint Austen, to
prove that authoritie hath alwaies beene given to the see of Koine.
and you wrested the words farre contrarie to S. Austens meaning,
in that you would have totus mundus to bee applied mu-lie to
Europe, which is but the third part of all the world, whereas in
deed the processe of S. Augustines words will not admit that your
interpretation. For he sayth not totus mundus Christ
transmarinis, &c. but first, totus mundus Christianus Romance
Ecclesicc subjectus est ; all the Christian world is subject to the
church of Rome, and afterward addeth in transmarinis part
beyond the sea, but onelie to augment the dominion of the sea
of Rome/1

But maister Ridley still persevered in his former an>\\
>a\ ing : " I am sure my lord you have som skill in cosmographie.
in the which you shall understand that there is a sea call. -d M.I,.

BISHOP LATIMER. 653

mediterraneum, cast betweene Europe and Africa, in the which
he meant Europe beyond the sea, even as I should saie the whole
world beyond the sea, excepting England in the which I stand :"
and here manie words were spent upon the interpretation of the
same place of S. Austen.

After long disceptation, the bishop of Lincolne saide, that the
meaning of S. Augustine might be knowne by the consent of
other the doctors, and rehearsed divers.

But maister Ridley required the rehearsall of the places, and
to reade the very words of the doctors, saying, that perhaps
those which the bishop rehearsed, being proponed in other
tearmes in the doctors, would admit a contrarie meaning and
interpretation : but in that the booke out of the which the
bishop rehearsed them was none of the doctors, but only the
sentences drawne out of the doctors by some studious man, he
could not recite the verie words of the doctors.

Then after he came to Cyrillus, which (as he said) made against
master Ridley in the sacrament, even by Philip Melancthon his
owne alledging in his Common Places ; and forthwith called for
Melancthon, but in vaine, because all such bookes were burned a
little before 8, wherefore he passed it over.

" Cyrillus also in another place prooving to the Jewes that
Christ was come, useth this reason, aultars are erected in Christs
name in Britaine and in farre countreies : Ergo, Christ is come.
But we may use the contrarie of that reason : altars are plucked
downe in Britaine : ergo, Christ is not come. A good argument
a contraries : I will stand to it in the schooles by and with anie
man. Yee see what a good argument this your doctrine maketh
for the Jewes, to prove that Christ is not come."

Doctor Ridley smiling, answered : " your lordship is not igno-
rant that this word altare in the Scripture signifieth as well the
altar whereupon the Jewes were wont to make their burnt sacri-
fices, as the table of the Lords supper. Cyrillus meaneth there
by this word altare not the Jewish altar, but the table of the
Lord, and by that saying (aultars are erected in Christs name,
ergo Christ is come) hee meaneth that the communion is ministred
in his remembrance, ergo, Christ is come : for the strength of his

8 Burned a little before.'] Wood's Hist, and Antiq. of Oxford, vol. ii. p. 132,
edit. 1790. Warton's Life of Sir Thomas Pope, p. 124. Compare Strype's
Cranmer, p. 348; Fox's Acts, p. 1450.

654 BISHOP LATIMER.

argument is, because the remembrance of a thing cannot luv.
except the thing it selfe bee past : then could not all countries
celebrate the communion in the remembrance of Christs passion,
except Christ had been come and suffered. As for the taking
down of the aultars, it was done upon just considerations 9, for
that they seemed to come too nigh to the Jewes usage. Neither
was the supper of the Lord at any time better ministred, or more
duely received, than in these latter daies when all things were
brought to the rites and usage of the primitive church."

Line. " A godly receiving I promise you, to set an oyster table
in steed of an altar, and to come from puddings at Westminster
to receive : and yet when your table was constituted, you could
never bee content, in placing the same nowe east, now north, now
one way, now another, untill it pleased God of his goodncsse to
place it cleane out of the church."

Rid. " Your lordships unreverent tcarms do not elevate l the
thing. Perhaps some men came more devoutly from puddings
than other men now do from other things."

Lin. "As for that M. Ridley, you ought to be judge of no
man : but by this your reasoning you cause us to stretch and
enlarge our instructions. We came not to reason, but to take
your determinate answeres to our articles:" and eftsoones In •<•
read the first article in maner above specified.

" Now M. Ridley, what say you to the first article ? if you
have brought your answere in writing, we will receive it : but if
you have written any other matter, we will not receive it."

Then M. Ridley tooke a sheet of paper out of his bosomc, and
began to reade that which he had written : but the bishop of
Lincolne commanded the bedle to take it from him. Hut lie
desired licence to reade it, saying that it was nothing but his
answers, but the bishop would in no wise suffer him.

Rid. "Why my lord, will you require my answciv. and imi

9 Just considerations.] In Fox's Acts, p. 1211, 12, is printed a letter from
the council to bishop Ridley, to which are subjoined six reasons, transmitted
to him by the same authority, upon which this practice was to be adopted.
Compare Heylin's Hist, of the Reformation, p. 95 — 8; Strype's Eccles. Memor.,
vol. ii. p. 227, 8 ; Strype's Cranmer, p. 227 — 30. In the same year came out a
treatise against Altars, and in vindication oi' Tables, intith-d, " The Bulerie of
the Popes Botereulx, commonly culled the Hiyh Alt are, compiled by M
(William Salisbury) in the year of our Lorde l.>

1 Do not elevate.] " Tn II-MM n by detraction. This sense, thou
deduced from the I^atin, is not now in uj>e." John

BISHOP LATIMER. 655

suffer me to publish it ? I beseech you my lord, let the audience
beare witnesse in this matter. Your lordships may handle it at
your pleasures : therefore let the audience be witnesses to your
doings."

Lin. " Well M. Ridley, we will first see what you have writ-
ten : and then if we shall thinke it good to be read, you shall have
it published ; but except you will deliver it first, wee will take
none at all of you."

With that M. Ridley, seeing no remedie, delivered it to an
officer, which immediately delivered it to the bishop of Lincoln,
who after hee had secretly communicated it to the other two
bishops, declared the sense, but would not read it as it was
written, saying, that it contained words of blasphemie, therefore he
would not fill the eares of the audience therewithall and so abuse
their patience ; notwithstanding M. Ridley desired very instantly
to have it published, saying that except a line or two, there was
nothing contained but the ancient doctors sayings for the confirm-
ation of his assertions.

After the said bishops had secretly viewed the whole, then the
bishop of Lincolne saide ; "In the first part M. Ridley, is no-
thing contained but your protestation, that you would not have
these your answeres so to be taken, as though you seemed there-
by to consent to the authoritie or jurisdiction of the popes
holinesse."

Rid. u No my lord, I pray you read it out, that the audience
may heare it ;" but the bishop of Lincolne would in no wise, be-
cause (he saide) there were contained words of blasphemie.

Then the bishop of Lincolne recited the first article, and
required maister Ridleies answere to it. Then maister Ridley
said, that his answere was there in writing, and desired that it
might be published ; but the bishop would not reade the whole,
but here and there a peece of it. So the notaries tooke his
answere, that hee referred him to his answere in writing exhibited
now, and also before at the time of disputation, M. Doctor
Weston being prolocutor.

In like wise the bishop of Lincoln recited the second article,
and required an answere, and maister Ridley referred him to his
answere in writing, exhibited nowe, and also before at the time of
disputation : and like answeres were taken to all the residue of
the articles.

These answers in this maner rehearsed, taken and penned of

656 BISHOP LATIMER.

the notaries, the bishop of Glocester began an exhortation to
move M. Ridley to turne.

" If you would once emptie your storaacke, captivate your
senses, subdue your reason, and togither with us consider what a
feeble ground of your religion you have, I do not doubt but you
might easily bee perduced to acknowledge one church with us, to
confesse one faith with us, and to beleeve one religion with us.
For what a weak and feeble stay in religion is this, I pray you ?
Latimer leaneth to Cranmer, Cranmer to Ridley, and Ridley to
the singularitie of his owne wit : so that if you overthrowe the
singularitie of Ridleys witte, then must needes the religion of
Cranmer and Latimer fall also. You remember wel M. Ridley.
that the prophet speaketh most truly, saying, wo, wo be to tic m
which are singular and wise in their owne conceites !

" But you will say here, it is true that the prophet saith ; but
how knowe you that I am wise in mine owne conceite? Yes,
maister Ridley, you refuse the determination of the catholicke
church ; you must needs be singular and wise in your own con-
ceit, for you bring Scriptures for the probation of your assertions,
and we also bring Scriptures : you understand them in one s<
and we in another. How will yee know the truth herein ? If you
stand to your owne interpretation, then you are singular in your
own conceit: but if you say you will follow the minds of the
doctors and ancient fathers, semblably you understand them in
one meaning, and we take them in another: how will ye know
the truth herein? If you stand to your own judgement, then are
you singular in your owne conceit, then can you not avoide the
woe which the prophet speaketh of.

" Wherefore, if you have no staie but the catholicke church in
matters of controversie, except you will rest upon the sin^ulnritie
and wisedome of your owne braine, if the prophet most truelie
saith, woe, wo be to them that are wise in their owne conceite ; then
for Gods love maister Ridley stand not singular, bee not you wise
in your owne conceite, please not your selfe over much. How
were the Arrians, the Manicheis, the Eutichians. with other
divers heretikes which have been in the church, how I pray you
were they suppressed and convinced ? by reasoning in dispu-
tations? No, truely the Arrians had mo places* of Scriptures for

* Had mo places."] No sacrifices are to be considered too great, any thing is
to be attempted, if only the authority of the church may thereby be maintained.

BISHOP LATIMER. 657

the confirmation of their heresie, than the catholikes for the de-
fence of the trueth. How then were they convinced ? only by
the determination of the church. And indeed except we do con-
stitute the church our foundation, stay, and judge, we can have
no end of controversies, no end of disputations. For in that wee
all bring Scriptures and doctors for the probation of our asser-
tions, who should be judge of this our controversie ? If we our
selves, then be we singular and wise in our owne conceits, then
cannot we avoide the woe that the prophet speaketh of.

" It remaineth therefore that we submit our selves to the deter-
mination and arbitrement of the church, with whome God pro-
mised to remaine to the worlds end, to whom hee promised to
send the Holy Ghost which should teach it the truth. Where-
fore M. Ridley, if you will avoid the woe that the prophet
speaketh of, be not you wise in your judgement ; if you will not
be wise and singular in your owne judgement, captivate your
owne understanding, subdue your reason, and submit your selfe to
the determination of the church."

This is briefly the sum of the oration of the bishop of Glouces-
ter, by the which he indevoured in many moe words, amplifying
and inlarging the matter eloquently with sundry points of rheto-
ricke, to move affections, to perswade M. Ridley to recant and
forsake his religion.

To whom M. Ridley answered in fewe words, that he saide
most truely with the prophet, wo be to him which is wise in his
owne conceit, but that hee acknowledged no such singularitie in

The Scriptures themselves shall be betrayed, and scandalized. This was no
sudden fanatical flight of the bishop of Gloucester. He was wont to maintain
it in his solemn discourses : and we shall find below that he again repeated it
in the next year, in a set oration addressed to Cranmer. See Sermon made at
Paules Crosse the 12th dale of Novembre, signat. D 2, 3. Watson, afterwards
bishop of Lincoln, touches upon the same argument, but with much more
moderation, in his two famous sermons, preached A.D. 1554, signat. B 7«
Compare Life of bishop Stillingfleet, p. 64. A.D. 1710. "Soon after this
former tract came forth A Dialogue between a new Catholic convert and a Pro-
testant, concerning the doctrines of the Trinity and Transubstantiation. For
so bent were the Romanists upon pursuing their own interest by all methods
whatsoever, that they would chuse rather, as they have too frequently done
since, to undermine the Trinity and other fundamental doctrines of Christ-
ianity, than yield themselves baffled, when all unbiassed readers could not
but see they were so to a great degree. But this wicked and antichristian
pamphlet was in a little time worthily chastised by this great man."

VOL. II. U U

658 BISHOP LATIMER.

him, ne knew any cause why he should attribute so much to hiin-
selfe. And whereas hee sayd M. Cranmer leaned to him, that
was most untrue, in that hee was but a yong scholler in compa-
rison of M. Cranmer : for at what time he was a young scholler.
than was M. Cranmer a doctor ; so that he confessed that M.
Cranmer might have bin his schoolemaster these manie yeeres. Tt
seemed that he would have spoken more, but the bishop of (il<>-
cester interrupted him, saying,

" Why M. Ridley, it is your owne confession ; for M. Latimer
at the time of his disputations confessed his learning to ly in M.
Cranmers books, and M. Cranmer also said, that it was y •un-
doing.'"

Likewise the bishop of Lincolne with many words and gently
holding his cap in his hand, desired him to turnc. But ma;
Ridley made an absolute answere, that he was fullie perswaded.
the religion which he defended to be grounded upon Gods \\.ud.
and therefore without great offence towards God, great perill and
damage of his soule, he could not forsake his maister and Lord
God; but desired the bishop to performe his grant, in that hi^
lordship sayd the day before, that he should have licence to -I
his cause, why hee could not with a safe conscience admit the
authoritye of the pope; but the bishop of Lincolne saide, that
whereas then he had demanded licence to speake three words. IK
was contented then that he should speake fortie, and that grant
he would performe.

Then stepped forth doctor Weston which sate by, and saide.
why my lord he hath spoken foure hundred alreadie.

Maister Ridley confessed he had, but they were not of his pre-
scribed number, neither of that matter. The bishop of Line-nine
bade him take his licence ; but he should speake but fortie. and
he would tell them upon his fingers ; and eftsoones maister Ividl. \
beganne to speake ; but before hee had ended halfe a sent
the doctours sitting by cryed and sayde, that his number was nut.
and with that he was put to silence.

After the bishop of Lincoln which sate in the middest. !>• uan
to speake as followeth :

" Now I perceive M. Ridley, you will not permit ne suffer u
staie in that point of our commission which wee most denn-d ; fur
I ensure you, there is never a word in our commission iimn- true
{\\iu\dolentesetgemente8. For, indeed I for my part. I lake (ind
to witnesse, am sorry for you." Whereuntn M. ltidl< \ ;m-\\

BISHOP LATIMER. 659

u I beleeve it well my lord, forasmuch as one day it will be
burden otis to your soule."

Lin. " Nay not so maister Ridley, but because I am sorry to
see such stubbornesse in you, that by no meanes you may be per-
swaded to acknowledge your errors, and receive the truth ; but
seeing it is so, because you will not suffer us to persist in the first,
we must of necessitie proceed to the other part of our commission.
Therefore I pray you harken what I shall say :" and forthwith he
did reade the sentence of condemnation, which was written in a
long processe : the tenour of which because it is sufficientlie
alreadie expressed before, wee thought meete in this place to
omit, for asmuch as they are rather wordes of course, than things
devised upon deliberation. Howbeit indeed the effect was, that
forasmuch as the saide Nicholas Ridley did affirme, maintaine,
and stubbornlie defend certaine opinions, assertions and heresies,
contrary to the word of God, and the received faith of the church,
as in denying the true and naturall body of Christ, and his
naturall bloud to bee in the sacrament of the altar : Secondarilie,
in affirming the substance of breade and wine to remaine after
the words of the consecration : Thirdly, in denying the masse to
be a lively sacrifice of the church for the quick and the dead, and
that he by no meanes would bee perduced and brought from
these his heresies: they therefore the said John of Lincolne,
James of Gloucester, John of Bristowe, did judge and condemne
the said Nicholas Ridley, as an heretike, and so adjudged him
presentlie both by word, and also in deed to bee degraduated from
the degree of a bishop, from priesthood and all ecclesiastical! order:
declaring moreover the saide Nicholas Ridley to bee no member
of the church, and therefore committed him to the secular powers,
of them to receive due punishment according to the tenour of the
temporall lawes : and further excommunicating him by the great
excommunication .

The last appearance and examination of maister Latimer before the
commissioners.

This sentence being published by the bishop of Lincolne,
master Ridley was committed as a prisoner to the maior, and
immediately M. Latimer was sent for; but in the mean season
the carpet or cloth which lay upon the table whereat M. Ridley
stood, was removed because (as men reported) M. Latimer had

u u 2

660 BISHOP LATIMER.

never the degree of a doctor as M. Ridley had. But eftsoones ;»s
M. Latimer appeared as he did the day before, perceiving no
cloath upon the table, he laid his hat, which was an old felt.
under his elbowes, and immediatelie spake to the commissioners
saying,

" My lords, I beseech your lordships to set a better order here
at your entrance ; for I am an old man, and have a verie cvill
backe, so that the prease of the multitude doth me much harme."

Line. "I am sorrie M. Latimer for your hurt. At your
departure we will see to better order."

With that M. Latimer thanked his lordship making a v< Tie
low curtesie. After this the bishop of Lincolne beganne on this
maner.

"Master Latimer, although yesterday after wee had taken
your answers to those articles which we proposed, we murht have
justlie proceeded to judgement against you, especiallic in that
you required the same, yet we having a good hope of your
returning, desiring not your destruction, but rather that you
would recant, revoke your errors, and turne to the catholieke
church, deferred farther processe till this day ; and nowe accord-
ing to the appointment, we have called you here before us, to
heare whether you are content to revoke your heretical! asser-
tions, and submit your selfe to the determination of the church.
as we most heartilie desire, and I for my part, as I did yesterday.
most earnestlie doe exhort you; either to know whether you
persever still the man that you were, for the which wee would be
Bone."

It seemeth that the bishop would have further proceeded,
saving that M. Latimer interrupted him, saying,

" Your lordship often doth repeat the catholike church, as
though I should denie the same. No my lord, I confesse there-
is a catholike church to the determination of the which I will
stand, but not the church which you call catholike, which sooner
might be tearmed diabolike. And whereas you joine together
the Romish and catholike church, stay there I pray you. For it
is an other thing to say Romish church, and another thing to
say catholike church. I must use heere in this mine answer, tin-
counsel of Cyprianus, who at what time he was ascited 1»
certaine bishops that gave him leave to take deliberation, and
counsell to trie and examine his opinion, answered them thus, In
sticking and persevering in the truth, there must no coun

BISHOP LATIMER. 661

deliberation lee taken. And again being demanded of them
sitting in judgement, which was most like to bee of the church of
Christ, either he which was persecuted, either they which did
persecute ? Christ, said he, hath foreshewed, that hee that doth
follow him, must taJce up his crosse and follow him. Christ gave
knowledge that the disciples should have persecution and trouble.
How thinke you then my lords, is it like that the sea of Rome,
which hath bin a continuall persecutor, is rather the church, or
that small flocke which hath continually beene persecuted of it
even to death 2 Also the flock of Christ hath beene but few in
comparison to the residue, and ever in subjection ;" which hee
proved, beginning at Noes time even to the apostles.

Lin. " Your cause and saint Cyprian is not one, but cleane
contrarie, for he suffered persecution for Christes sake and the
gospell : but you are in trouble for your errors and false asser-
tions, contrarie to the word of God, and the received truth of
the church."

M. Latimer interrupting him said, " Yes verilie, my cause is
as good as saint Cyprians ; for his was for the word of God, and
so is mine."

But Lincolne goeth forth in his talke.

" Also at the beginning and foundation of the church, it coulde
not be but that the apostles should suffer great persecution.
Further, before Christs comming continually there were very
fewe which truelie served God, but after his comming began the
time of grace, then began the church to increase, and was con-
tinually augmented, untill it came into this perfection, and now
hath justlie that jurisdiction which the unchristian princes before
by tyrannic did resist : there is a divers consideration of the
estate of the church now in the time of grace, and before Christs
comming. But master Latimer, although wee had instructions
given us determinately to take your answer to such articles as we
should propose, without any reasoning or disputations, yet wee
hoping by talke somewhat to prevaile with you, appointed you to
appeare before us yesterdaie in the divinity schoole, a place for
disputations. And whereas then notwithstanding you had licence
to say your minde, and were answered to every matter, yet you
could not be brought from your errors ; we thinking that from
that time ye would with good advisement consider your state,
gave you respite from that time yesterdaie when wee dismissed

662 BISHOP LATIMER.

you, untill this time, and now have called you againe here in this
place, by your answeres to learne whether you are the same man
you were then or no. Therefore we will propose unto you the
same articles which we did then, and will require of you a deter-
minate answere, without further reasoning ?" and eftsoones he
recited the first article.

Lati. " Alwaies my protestation saved, that by these mine
answers, it should not be thought that I did condescend and
agree to your lordships authoritie in that you are legaced by
authoritie of the pope, so that thereby I might seeme to consent
to his jurisdiction ; to the first article I answere now as I did
yesterday, that in the sacrament the worthie receiver receivcth
the very bodie of Christ, and drinketh his bloud by spirit and
grace. But after a corporall being which the Romish church
prescribeth, Christs bodie and bloud is not in the sacrament
under the formes of bread and wine."

The notaries tooke his answere to be affirmativelie. For the
second article hee referred himself to his answeres made before.

After this the bishop of Lincolne recited the third article, and
required a determinate answere.

Lati. " Christ made one oblation and sacrifice for the sins of
the whole world and that a perfect sacrifice, neither needeth there
to be any other, neither can there be any other propitiatory
sacrifice.'"

The notaries tooke his answere to be affirmativelie.

In like maner did he answere to the other articles, not varying
from his answeres made the day before.

After his answers were penned of the notaries, and the bishop
of Lincolne had exhorted him in like sort to recant as he did
master Ridley, and revoke his errors and false assertions, and
master Latimer had answered that he ne could, ne wold di-nii • hi>
master Christ, and his veritie, the bishoppe of Lincolne desin-d
master Latimer to hearken to him : and then master Latimer
harkning for some new mater and other talk, the bishop of Lin-
colne read his condemnation, after the publication of the which,
the said three bishops brake up their session, and dismissed the
audience.

But M. Latimer required the bishop to performc his jimmix-
in saying the daie before, that he should have licence bricflk {<>
declare the cause why he refused the popes authoriti«

BISHOP LATIMER. 663

Hut the bishop said, that now hee could not hcarc him, neither
ought to talke with him 3.

Then master Latimer asked him whether it were not lawfull
for him to appeale from this his judgement. And the bishop
asked him againe to whom he would appeale. " To the next
generall councell," (quoth M. Latimer) " which shall be truelie
called in God's name." With that appellation the bishop was
content : but he said it would be a long season before such a
convocation as he meant would be called 4.

Then the bishop committed M. Latimer to the maior, saying,
" now he is your prisoner master maior." — Because the prease of
people was not diminished, each man looking for farther processe,
the bishop of Lincolne commanded avoidance, and willed M.
Latimer to tarrie till the prease were diminished, least he should
take hurt at his egression, as he did at his entrance. — And so
continued B. Ridley, and M. Latimer, in durance till the sixteenth
day of the said moneth of October.

A Communication between D. Brookes and D. Ridley, in M. Irish
his house, the fifteenth day of October, at which time he was
degraded.

In the meane season upon the fifteenth daie in the morning,
and the same yeare abovesaid (1555), the bishop of Glocester,

3 To talke with himJ] Because he was now cast out of the church : As the
bishop of Winchester (Gardiner) said to Gibson, " He would not talk with
him because he was an heretic and excommunicate." — Strype's Eccles. Memor.,
vol. iii. p. 412. And, as Bonner "bade Fecknam to hold his peace j and to
call Greene no more Master Greene : for, sayd he, you ought not to call an
hereticke Maister." — Fox's Acts, p. 1683. These excommunications were a
fruitful source of fresh troubles to a vast number of individuals, for actions
in other respects innocent, or virtuous. To mention only one instance.
John, brother of the famous William Tindal, was abjured, in the year 1530.
For what? "For sending five markes to his brother beyond the sea; and
for receiving and keeping with him certaine letters from his brother." — Fox's
Acts, p. 950.

4 Would be called.~] "The popes have now for three centuries governed
the church, without the impediments of a council." — Digest of Evidence
(Phelan and O'Sullivan's) taken before Committees on the State of Ireland,
1824, part ii. p. 104. Again: "Councils, which might have had somewhat
of the air of parliamentary estates, have been discontinued since the Refor-
mation."— Ibid. p. 125.

664 BISHOP LATIMER.

D. Brokes 5, and the vice chancellor of Oxford doctor Marshall,
with divers other of the chiefe and heades of the same univer-
sitie, and manie other moe accompanying them, came unto master
Irish his house then maior of Oxford, where doctor Ridley late
bishop of London was close prisoner. And when the bishop of
Glocester came into the chamber where the said doctor Ridley
did lie, hee tolde him for what purpose their comming was unto
him, saying, that yet once againe the queenes majesty did offer
unto him by them, her gracious mercie, if that he would receive
the same, and come home againe to the faith which he was bap-
tized in, and revoke his erroneous doctrine that he of late had
taught abroad to the destruction of many. And further said,
that if hee would not recant and become one of the catholike
church with them, then they must needs (against their will) pro-
ceed according to the law, which they would be verie loath to due.
if they might otherwise. " But," saith he, " we have been often-
times with you, and have requested that you would recant this
your fantastical and devellish opinion, where hitherto you have
not, although you might in so doing win manie, and do much
good. Therefore good master Ridley, consider with your selfe
the danger that shall insue both of bodie and soule, if that you
shall so wilfully cast your self away in refusing mercie offered
unto you at this time."

"My lord," quoth doctor Ridley, "you know my minde fullie
herein ; and as for the doctrine which I have taught, my con-
science assureth me that it was sound, and according to Gods
word (to his glory be it spoken), the which doctrine, the Lord
God being my helper, I will maintaine so long as my tongue sliail
wag, and breath is within my bodie, and in confirmation thereof
seale the same with my bloud."

Brook. " Well, you were best M. Ridley not to doe so, but
to become one of the church with us. For you know this well
inough, that whosoever is out of the catholike church, cannot
bee saved : therefore I say once againe that whiles you have time
and mercie offered you, receive it, and confesse with us the popes
holinesse to be the chiefe head of the same church."

Rid. " 1 marvell that you will trouble me with any such value

4 D. Brakes.] James Brookes, master of Balliol College, consecrated
of Gloucester, 1 April, 1551. Sec p. 584.

BISHOP LATIMER. 665

and foolish talk. You know my minde concerning the usurped
authoritie of the Romish antichrist. As I confessed openly in
the schooles, so do I now, that both by my behaviour and talk, I
do no obedience at all unto the bishop of Rome, nor to his
usurped authoritie, and that for divers good and godlie considera-
tions." And here D. Ridley would have reasoned with the saide
Brookes bishop of Glocester, of the bishop of Romes authoritie,
but could not be suffered; and yet he spake so earnestlie against
the pope therein, that the bishop told him if he would not holde
his peace, he shold be compelled against his will. " And seeing,"
saith he, "that you will not receive the queenes mercie now
offered unto you, but stubbornlie refuse the same, we must,
against our wils, proceede according to our commission to dis-
grading, taking from you the dignitie of priesthood. For wee
take you for no bishop 6, and therefore we will the sooner have
done with you : so, committing you to the secular power, you
knowe what doth follow."

Rid. " Do with me as it shal please God to suffer you, I am
wel content to abide the same with all my heart."

Brok. " Put off your cap, master Ridley, and put upon you this
surples."

Rid. "Not I truelie."

Brok. " But you must."

Rid. " I will not,"

Brok. " You must, therefore, make no more ado, but put this
surples upon you."

Rid. " Truelie if it come upon me it shall be against my will."

Brok. " Will you not doe it upon you ?"

Rid. " No, that I will not."

Brok. "• It shall be put upon you by one or other."

Rid. " Doe therein as it shall please you. I am well con-
tented with that, and more than that : the servant is not above
his master. If they dealt so cruellie with our Saviour Christ, as
the Scripture maketh mention, and he suffered the same patientlie,

6 For no bishop.~\ This is contrary to the acknowledgment made in Fox's
Acts, p. 1545, or above, p. 624, by another of these commissioners, the
bishop of Lincoln, who says, "You were made bishop, according to our
lawes." See also the abstract of the sentence of condemnation, Fox, 1603.
Compare Ridley's Life of Bishop Ridley, p. 659 — 61; Prideaux's Validity of
the Orders of the Church of England, &c., where this point is discussed at
large.

666 BISHOP LATIMER.

how much more doth it become us his servants?" and in saying
of these words, they put upon the said D. Ridley the surplrs.
with all the trinkets appertaining to the masse. And as they
were putting on the same, D. Ridley did vehemently invey against
the Romish bishop and all that foolish apparell, calling him anti-
christ, and the apparell foolish7 and abhominable, yea too fond for
a vice in a play 8, insomuch that Brokes was exceeding angrio
with him, and bade him holde his peace, for he did but ruilo.
Doctor Ridley answered him again, and said, "so long as his
tongue and breath would suffer him, he would speake against
their abhominable dooings, whatsoever hapned unto him i
doing."

Brok. " Well, you were best to hold your peace, lest your
mouth be stopped." At which words one Edridge ! the rea»l« T

7 The apparell foolish.'} Ridley's conduct upon this occasion has been fre-
quently exulted in by the non-conformists (Xeal's Hist, of the Puritans,
vol. i. p. 190—226. edit. 2. Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters, p. 31,
edit. 2), as demonstrative of a retractation of the former zeal and steadiness
with which, in his controversy with Hooper, and on other occasions, he
maintained the usage of the cap and surplice, and the ceremonial distinctions,
which were so much the abhorrence of the puritans. And a similar inter-
pretation has been put upon the behaviour of other conforming divines in
like circumstances. But the triumph, I apprehend, has no foundation more
solid, than the mistakes, the narrow views, and the imperfect knowledge of
those who indulge in it. They make an outcry, and begin with totally mis-
representing the state of the question. It was the ostentatious and multifa-
rious apparatus of the popish massing-priest, which was disclaimed by Ridley
and the rest; and from which, it having been restored under queen Mary, they
were now to be formally degraded : all which apparatus, how far it differed
from the simple and modest ornaments retained by the English reformation,
we need not go further to show, than by referring to an extract given above,
p. 599, from the work of one who was soon after himself a bishop : the
difference being so great, that Christopherson has hardihood enough to
affirm, that the reformation of king Edward had abolished all ecclesiastical
habits and distinctions. As to Ridley himself, it will appear below, that he
went to his execution in a square cap, and in the gown and tippet of a bishop,
and so gave the last testimony of adherence which he could to the laws of his
country, and also to the wise and worthy part which he had borne in this un-
happy controversy.

8 Vice in a play."] The mimic or buffoon of the old moralities which j in--
ceded the regular drama.

" A vice of kings— a cutpurse of the empire." — Hamlet.
1 One Kdridye.] George Edridge, or Etheridge, from March 15s,
1550, and again from Nov. 1554 to April 1559. He was deprived under
Elizabeth, and died about 1588.

BISHOP LATIMER. (J67

then of the Greeke lecture standing by, saide to doctor Brookes,
"sir, the law is he should be gagged, therefore let him be
gagged." At which wordes doctor Ridley lookeing earnestlie
upon him that so said, wagged his head at him, and made no
answer againe, but with a sigh said, " Oh well, well, well."

So they proceeded in their doings ; yet neverthelesse doctor
Ridley was for ever talking things not pleasant to their eares,
although one or other bad him holde his peace, least he should
be caused against his will.

Whenas they came to that place whereas doctor Ridley should
hold the chalice and the wafer cake (called the singing bread),
they bade him hold the same in his hands. And doctor Ridley
said, " they shall not come in my hands : for if they doe, they
shall fall to the ground for all me." Then there was one appointed
to holde them in his hand, while bishop Brookes read a certain
thing in Latine, touching the degradation of spiritual persons
according to the popes law.

Afterward they put a booke in his hand, and withall read (as
is before said) a certaine thing in Latine, the effect thereof was
" We doe take from you the office of preaching the gospell,
&c." At which words doctor Ridley gave a great sigh, looking
up towards heaven, saying, "Oh Lord God forgive them this
their wickednesse."

And as they put upon him the masse geare, so they beganne
with the uppermoste garment, in taking it awaie againe, reading
a thing in Latine, according to the order contained in the said
booke of the popes law. Now when all was taken from him,
saving onelie the surples left on his backe, as they were reading
and taking it away, doctor Ridley said unto them, " Lord God,
what power be you of, that you can take from a man that which
he never had ? I was never singer in all my life, and yet you will
take from me that which I never had."

So when all this their abhominable and ridiculous degradation
was ended verie solemnlie, D. Ridley said unto doctour Brookes,
" have you done ? If you have done, then give mee leave to talke
with you a little concerning these matters." Brookes answered
and said, " M. Ridley, wee may not talk with you ; you be out of
the church, and our law is that we may not talke with anie that
be out of the church." Then master Ridley said, " Seeing that
you will not suffer me to talke, neither will vouchsafe to heare
me, what remedie but patience ? I refer my cause to my heavenlie

668 BISHOP LATIMER.

Father, who will reforme things that bee amiss, when it shall
please him/'

At which words they would have beene gone, but master
Eidley said, "My lord, I would wish that your lordship would
vouchsafe to read over and peruse a little booke of Bertrams
doings ', concerning the sacrament. I promise you, you shal find
much good learning therein, if you will read the same with an in-
different judgement." Doctor Brookes made no answere to this,
but would have bin gone away. Then M. Ridley saide, " Oh, I
perceive that you cannot away with this manner of talke. Well, it
bootes not, I will say no more. I will speake of worldlie affaires.
I pray you therefore my lord heare me, and be a meane to the
queenes majestie, in the behalfe of a great many poore men, and
especially for my poore sister and her husband which standeth
there. They had a poore living granted unto them by me, whiles
I was in the sea of London, and the same is taken away from
them, by him that now occupieth the same roome, without all
law or conscience. Here I have a supplication to the queens
majestie in their behalfes. You shall heare the same read, so
shall you perceive the matter the better." Then he reade the
same, and when he came to the place in the supplication, that
touched his sister by name, then he wept, so that for a little
space he could not speake for weeping. After that he had left
off weeping, he said, "This is nature that mooveth me. But 1
have now done," and with that read out the rest, and delivered
the same to his brother, commanding him to put it up to the
queens majesty, and to sue, not only for himself, but also for such
as had any leases or grants by him, and were put from the same
by doctor Boner, then bishop of London. Whereunto Brookes
said, " Indeed M. Ridley, your request in this supplication is rerie
lawful! and honest ; therefore I must needes in conscience speake
to the queenes majestie for them."

Rid. " I pray you for Gods sake doe so."

2 Bertrams doings.'} I suppose of Bertram's doinge is meant. It is the
celebrated work of Bertramus, or Ratramnus, de corpore et sanguine Domini ;
of which Cave well says, " in quo quam aperte, quam diserte, de re eucha-
ristica agit, et transubstantiationis dogma, prout in scholis pontificiis expli-
catur, quam dilucide refellit, norunt quotquot vel prima theologize tyrocinia
posuerunt." An English translation by William Hugh had shortly before
this time, viz., in 1548, been printed under the title of "A Boke of Bertram
the Priest," &c. See also p. 579 and p. 583 of this volume.

BISHOP LATIMER. 669

Brooks. u I think your request will be granted, except one
thing let it ; and that is, I feare, because you do not allow the
queenes proceedings, but obstinatelie withstand the same, that it
will hardlie be granted."

Rid. " What remedie I I can doe no more but speake and
write. I trust I have discharged my conscience therein, and
Gods will be done."

Brok. " I will doe what lieth in me."

The copy of the supplication written to the queene heere
folio weth.

Master Ridley to the Queenes Majestie.

" It may please your majestic for Christ our saviours sake, in
a matter of conscience (and now not for myself, but for other
poore men) to vouchsafe to heare and understand this mine
humble supplication. — It is so (honourable princesse) that in
the time whiles I was in the ministery of the sea of London,
divers poore men tenants thereof, have taken new leases of their
tenantries, and holdings, and some have renewed and chaunged
their old, and therefore have paied fines and summes of money,
both to me, and also to the chapter of Paules, for the confirma-
tion of the same.

" Now I heare say that the bishop which occupieth the same
roome now, wil not allow the aforesaid leases, which must re-
dound to many poore mens utter ruine and decay. Wherefore
this is mine humble supplication unto your honourable grace, that
it may please the same for Christs sake to be unto the foresaid
poore men their gracious patronesse and defender, either that
they may enjoy their foresaid leases and yeares renewed, as I
suppose when their matter shall be heard with conscience, both
justice, conscience, and equity shall require, for that their leases
shal be found (I trust) made without fraud or coven, either of
their part, or of mine, and alwaies also the old rents reserved to
the sea without any kind of damage thereof : or if this will not
be granted, then that it may please your gracious highnesse, to
command that the poor men may be restored to their former
leases and yeares, and to have rendred to them againe such
sums of money as they paied to mee, and to the chapter house
for their leases and yeres, so now taken from them. Which
thing concerning the fines paid to me, may be easily done, if it

670 BISHOP LATIMER.

shal please your majesty to command some portion of those
goods which I left in my house when I fled in hope of pardon for
my trespasse towards 3 your grace, which goods (as I have heard)
be yet reserved in the same house. I suppose that halfe of the
value of my plate which I left in mine offices, and especially in an
iron chest in my bed-chamber, wil go nigh to restore al such
fines received, the true sums and parcels whereof, are not set in
their leases : and therfore if that way shal please your hi^lnu's
they must be known by such waies and means, as your majesty
by the advise of men of wisdom and conscience shall appoint : but
yet for Christs sake I crave and moste humbly beseech your
majesty of your most gracious pity and mercy, that the former
way may take place.

" I have also a poore sister that came to me out of the North,
with three fatherlesse children, for her reliefe, whome I mari« <1
after to a servant * of mine own house : she is put out of that I
did provide for them. I beseech your honourable grace, that her
case may be mercifully considered, and that the rather, in contem-
plation that I never had of him, which suffered indurance at my
entrance to the sea of London, not one peny of his moveable
goods ; for it was almost halfe a yeare after his deposition, afore
I did enter into that place : yea, and also if any were left, known
to be his, he had licence to carry it away, or there for his use it
did lie safe, as his officers do know. I paied for the lead which I
found there, when I occupied any of it to the behoofe of the church
or of the house. And moreover, I had not onely no part of his
mooveable goods, but also (as his old receiver and then mi no.
called M. Stanton, can testify) I paid for him towards his servants
common liveries and wages, after his deposition, fifty-three or
fifty-five pounds, I cannot tel whether. In all these matters I
beseech your honourable majesty to heare the advise of ini-n <>t
conscience, and in especiall the archbishop of Yorke, which for
that he was continually in my house5 a yeare or more, bH'mv
mine imprisonment, I suppose he is not altogether ignorant of

3 My trespasse towards.'] That is, in the part he took to promote the suc-
cession of lady Jane Grey; of which some account is given below, in Ridley's
Life, (and in the notes)— near the bc^innin^.

4 To a servant."] "Master Slu-pside." Sir p. 6/5.

5 In my house.'] Dr. Nicholas Heath. He was committed to Kidl< y'
tody, on arc. unit of his popish opinions, and his refusal to submit to tin- pro-
ceedings of kin# Edward. S» •<• R'ull. .. Inu -.

BISHOP LATIMER. 671

some part of these things : and also his grace doth knowe my
sister, for whose succour and some releefe, now unto your highnes
I make most humble sute.

" The 16. of October. An. 1555. N. R."

This degradation being past, and all thinges finished, doctor
Brookes called the bailiffes, delivering to them M. Ridley with
this charge, to keep him safelie from any man speaking with him,
and that he should be brought to the place of execution when
they were commanded. Then M. Ridley in praising God brast
out with these words and said, " God I thanke thee, and to thy
praise be it spoken, there is none of you all able to lay to my
charge any open or notorious crime : for, if you could, it should
surelie be laid in my lap, I see verie well." Whereunto Brookes
said, he plaied the part of a proud Pharisey, exalting and praising
himselfe.

But M. Ridley saide, " No, no, no, as I have said before, to
Gods glorie be it spoken. I confesse my selfe to be a miserable
wretched sinner, and have great need of Gods helpe and mercie,
and doe dailie call and crie for the same : therefore I pray you
have no such opinion in me." — Then they departed, and in going
awaie, a certain warden of a colledge, of whose name I am not
very sure, bade D. Ridley repent him, and forsake that erroneous
opinion. Whereunto M. Ridley said, " Sir, repent you, for you
are out of the truth : and I praie God (if it be his blessed will)
have mercie upon you, and grant you the understanding of his
word." Then the warden being in a chafe thereat, said, " I trust
that I shall never be of your erroneous and divellish opinion, nei-
ther yet to be in that place whether you shal go. He is," saith
he, "the most obstinatest and wilfullest man that ever I heard
talke since I was borne."

The behaviour of D. Ridley at his supper, the night before hi

s

The night before he suffered, his beard was washed, and his
legs, and as he sate at supper the same night at M. Irishes (who
was his keeper) he bade his hostesse, and the rest at the boord,
to his marriage : " for," saith hee, " to morrow I must be maried ;"
and so shewed himselfe to be as merie as ever he was at anie
time before. And wishing his sister at his mariage, he asked his

672 BISHOP LATIMER.

brother sitting at the table, whether shee could finde in her heart
to be there or no : and he answered, yea, I dare say, with all her
heart : at which word hee saide, hee was glad to heare of her so
much therein. So at this talke mistris Irish wept.

But M. Ridley comforted her, and said, " Oh mistresse Irish
you love me not now, I see well enough. For in that you weep,
it doth appeare you will not be at my mariage, neither are con-
tent therewith. Indeed you be not so much my friende, as I
thought you had bene. But quiet your selfe, though my break-
fast shall be somewhat sharpe and painefull, yet I am sure, my
supper shall be more pleasant and sweet."

When they arose from the table, his brother offered him to
watch all night with him. But he said, " No, no, that you shall
not. For I minde (God willing) to go to bed, and to sleepe as
quietlie to night, as ever I did in my life." So his brother
departed, exhorting him to be of good cheere, and to take his
crosse quietlie, for the reward was great, &c.

The behaviour of D. Ridley and M. Latimer, at the time of tin r
death, which was the 16. of October , 1555.

Upon the north side of the towne, in the ditch over against
Baily college, the place of execution was appointed ; and for feaiv
of any tumult that might arise, to let the burning of them, the
lord Williams6 was commanded by the queenes letters, and the
householders of the city to be there assistant, sufficientlie ap-
pointed, and when every thing was in readinesse, the prisoners
were brought forth by the maior and the bayliil'

Master Ridley had a faire blacke gowne furred, and faced with
foines, such as he was wont to weare beeing bishop, and a tippet
of velvet furred likewise about his neck, a velvet night cap upon
his head, and a corner cap upon the same, going in a paire
of slippers to the stake, and going between the maior and an
alderman.

After him came master Latimer in a poor Bristow freeze frock
all worne, with his buttoned cap, and a kerchiefe on his head, all
n-adie to the fire, a newe long shrowde hanging over his h<>-1
downe to the feet : which at the first sight, stirred inens h<;iit>

6 Lord Williams.'] Sir John Williams, recently created lord Williams of
Thame.

BISHOP LATIMER. 673

to rue upon them, beholding on the one side, the honour they
sometime had : on the other, the calamitie whereunto they were
fallen.

Master doctour Ridley, as he passed towards Bocardo, looked
up where M. Cranmer did lie, hoping belike to have seene him at
the glasse windowe 7, and to have spoken unto him. But then
master Cranmer was busie with frier Soto and his fellowes dis-

7 At the glasse windowe.~] We are here reminded of the last parting scene
between two other illustrious friends and fellow-confessors, at a subsequent
period of our history. " The lord Strafford the night before the execution,
sent for the lieutenant of the tower, and asked him, whether it were possible
he might speak with the archbishop (Laud). The lieutenant told him, he
might not do it without order from the parliament. Wherefore the earl
replied, ' You shall hear what passeth between us : for it is not a time now,
either for him to plot heresy, or me to plot treason.' The lieutenant answered,
that he was limited ; and therefore desired, that his lordship would petition
the parliament for that favour. ' No,' said he, ' I have gotten my dispatch
from them ; and will trouble them no more. I am now petitioning an higher
court, where neither partiality can be expected, nor error feared. But my
lord,' said he, turning to the primate of Ireland, whose company he had pro-
cured of the houses in that fatal exigent, ' I will tell you what I should have
spoken to my lord's grace of Canterbury. You shall desire the archbishop to
lend me his prayers this night ; and to give me his blessing when I do go
abroad to-morrow ; and to be in his window, that by my last farewell I may
give him thanks for this, and all other his former favours.' The primate
having delivered the message without delay, the archbishop replied, that in
conscience he was bound to the first, and in duty and obligation to the
second : but he feared his weakness and passion would not lend him eyes to
behold his last departure. The next morning at his coming forth he drew
near to the archbishop's lodging, and said to the lieutenant, 'though I do not
see the archbishop, yet give me leave I pray you to do my last observance
towards his rooms.' In the mean time the archbishop, advertised of his
approach, came out to the window. Then the earl, bowing himself to the
ground, ' My lord,' said he, ' your prayers and your blessing .' The archbishop
lift up his hands, and bestowed both : but overcome with grief, fell to the
ground in animi deliquio. The earl bowing the second time, said, ' Farewell
my lord; God protect your innocency.' And because he feared that it might
perhaps be thought an effeminacy or unbecoming weakness in him to sink
down in that manner, he added, ' That he hoped by God's assistance, and his
own innocency, that when he came to his own execution, which he daily
longed for, the world should perceive he had been more sensible of the lord
Stafford's loss, than of his own. And good reason it should be so (said he),
for the gentleman was more serviceable to the church (he would not mention
the state), than either himself, or any of all the church-men had ever been.'
— A gallant farewell to so eminent and beloved a friend ! " Heylin's Life of
Laud, p. 480.

VOL. II. x x

674 BISHOP LATIMER.

puting together, so that he could not see him through that occa-
sion. Then master Ridley looking backe, espied M. Latimer
comming after. Unto whome he said, " Oh be ye there." " Yea,"
said master Latimer, " have after as fast as I can follow." So he
following a prettie way off, at length they came both to the stake,
the one after the other ; where first doctor Ridley entring the
place, marvellous earnestly holding up both his hands, looked
towards heaven : then shortlie after espying M. Latimer, with a
wondrous cheerful looke, ran to him, imbraced and kissed him,
and as they that stood neere reported, comforted him, saying,
" Be of good heart brother, for God will either asswage the furie
of the flame, or else strengthen us to abide it."

With that went he to the stake, kneeled downe by it, kissed it,
most effectuouslie praied ; and behind him M. Latimer kneeled,
as earnestlie calling upon God as he. After they arose, the one
talked with the other a little while, till they which were appointed
to see the execution remooved themselves out of the sun. What
they said, I can learne of no man.

Then doctor Smith, of whose recantation * in king Edwards
time ye heard before, beganne his sermon to them, upon this text
of St. Paul, in the 13. chap, of the first Epistle to the Corinthians ;
Si corpus meum tradam igni, charitatem autem non habeam, nihil
inde utilitatis capio ; that is, ' if I yeeldc my bodie to the fire to
be burnt, and have not charity, I shall gaine nothing thereby.1
Wherein he alledged that the goodnesse of the cause, and not
the order of death, maketh the holines of the person : which he
confirmed by the examples of Judas, and of a woman in Oxford,
that of late hanged herselfe, for that they and such like as he
recited, might then be adjudged righteous, which desperatelie
sundered their lives from their bodies, as hee feared that those
men that stood before him would doe. But he cried still to tin-
people to beware of them, for they were heretikes, and died out
of the church. And on the other side, he declared their cli\
ties in opinions, as Lutherians, Oecolampadians, Zuinglians, of
which sect they were he said, and that was the worst: but the
old church of Christ, and the catholike faith beleeved far other-
wise. At which place they lifted uppe both their hands and
to heaven, as it were calling God to witnes of the truth. The
which countenance they made in many other places of his sermon.

8 Of whose recantation.'] See above, p. 567.

BISHOP LATIMER. 675

whereas they thought he spake amisse. Hee ended with a verie
short exhortation to them to recant and come home againe to the
church, and save their lives and soules, which else were condemned.
His sermon was scant in all a quarter of an houre.

Doctor Ridley said to M. Latimer, " Will you begin to answer
the sermon, or shall I ?" Master Latimer said, " Begin you
first I pray you." " I will," said master Ridley.

Then the wicked sermon being ended, doctor Ridley and
master Latimer kneeled downe uppon their knees towards my
lord Williams of Tame, the vice-chancellour of Oxford, and divers
other commissioners appointed for that purpose, which sate upon
a forme thereby. Unto whom M. Ridley said, " I beseech you
my lord even for Christs sake, that I may speake but two or
three wordes." And whilest my lord bent his head to the maior
and vice-chancellour, to know (as it appeared) whether he might
give him leave to speake, the bailiffes and doctor Marshall vice-
chancellour, ran hastily to him, and with their handes stopped
his mouth and said, " Maister Ridley, if you will revoke your
erroneous opinions, and recant the same, you shal not onely have
liberty so to doe, but also the benefite of a subject, that is, have
your life." " Not otherwise V said maister Ridley. " No," quoth
doctor Marshall : " therefore, if you will not so doe, then there
is no remedy but you must suffer for your deserts." " Well,"1
(quoth M. Ridley) "so long as the breath is in my bodie, I will
never denie my Lord Christ, and his knowne truth : Gods will
be done in me." And with that he rose up, and said with a loud
voice, " Well, then I commit our cause to Almightie God, which
shall indifferently judge all."

To whose saying, maister Latimer added his soleposie, "Well,
there is nothing hid but it shall be opened :" and hee saide he
could answere Smith well enough if hee might be suffered. In-
continently they were commanded to make them readie, which
they with all meeknesse obeyed. M. Ridley tooke his gowne and
his tippet, and gave it to his brother in lawe Master Shepside,
who all his time of imprisonment, although he might not be
suffered to come to him, lay there at his owne charges to provide
him necessaries, which from time to time, hee sent him by the
sergeant that kept him. Some other of his apparell that was
little worth, hee gave away; other the bailiffes tooke.

He gave away besides, divers other small things to gentlemen
standing by, and divers of them pitifullie weeping : as to sir

xx 2

676 BISHOP LATIMER.

Henry Lea, he gave a new groat, and to divers of my lord
Williams gentlemen, some napkins, some nutmegges, and races
of ginger, his diall, and such other things as he had about him,
to every one that stood next him. Som plucked the pointes of
his hose. Happie was he l that might get any ragge of him.

M. Latimer gave nothing, but very quietly suffered his keeper
to pull off his hose, and his other aray, which to looke unto was
very simple : and being stripped into his shrowd, he seemed as
comly a person to them that were there present, as one should
lightly see : and whereas in his clothes hee appeared a withered
and crooked sillie olde man, he now stood bolt upright, as comely
a father 2 as one might lightly behold.

Then M. Ridley standing as yet in his trusse, sayde to his
brother, "it were best for me to go in my trusse still.1" " No,"
quoth his brother, " it will put you to more paine ; and the
trusse will do a poore man good/'' Whereunto M. Eidley said,

1 Happie was he."] The zeal with which the little remembrancers of these
sufferers were sought after, is insulted and scorned at by the vulgar and
atrocious persecutor Miles Hoggard, in a passage of his Displaying of Pro-
testants, fol. 54 — 6; but it is too disgusting and savage to disengage from its
present obscurity. Compare Fox's Acts, p. 1818.

5 As comely a father.'] With this description of Latimer, the reader may
not be displeased to have an opportunity of comparing the following account
of a humble Welsh fisherman. " It is recorded furthermore of the saide
goode father Rawlines by this reporter, that as he was going to his death, and
standing at the stake, hee seemed in a manner to be altered in nature. For
whereas before he was wont to go stouping, or rather crooked through the
infirmitie of age, having a sad countenaunce, and a very feeble complexion,
and withal very softe in speech and gesture ; now he went and stretched up
himself not onlie bolt upright, but also bare withal a most comfortable coun-
tenance, not without great courage and audacitie both in speech and beha-
viour. Hee had (of which thing I should have spoken before) about his head
a handkerchiefe. The hairs of his head (somewhat appearing beneath his
kerchiefe), and also of his beard, were more inclined to white than to grey ;
which gave such a shewe and countenance to his whole person, that he
seemed to be altogether angelical. It is also said by this reporter, that a little
before the fire flashed up to his bodie (as yee have heard), many of his friends
came to him, and tooke him by the hande ; among whom the reporter of
this storie helde him so long by the hande, till the flame of the fire rose, and
forced them assunder. In the mean time, the priest of whom I spake afore,
fried out and said, that it was not lawful for ;my man to take him by the
hand, because he was an heretike, and condemned by the church. The chiefe
cause of his trouble, was his opinion touching the sacrament of the altar.
Hee was at that time of his death, of the age of three score years or there-
abouts." Fox's Acts, p. 1416.

BISHOP LATIMER. 677

" Be it, in the name of God," and so unlaced himself. Then
being in his shirt 3, hee stood upon the foresaid stone, and held
up his hands and sayde, " Oh Heavenly Father, I give unto thee
most heartie thanks, for that thou haste called mee to bee a pro-
fessour of thee, even unto death. I beseech thee Lord God, take
mercie upon this realme of England, and deliver the same from
all her enemies."

Then the smith tooke a chaine of iron, and brought the same
about both doctor Ridleyes, and maister Latimers middles : and
as he was knocking in a staple, doctor Ridley tooke the
chaine in his hand and shaked the same, for it did girde in his
belly, and looking aside to the smith, said ; " Good fellow knocke
it in hard ; for the flesh will have its course." Then his brother
did bringe him gunnepowder in a bagge, and would have tied
the same about his necke. Maister Ridley asked what it was.
His brother sayde gunnepowder. " Then," sayd he, " I take it
to be sent of God ; therefore I will receive it as sent of him.
And have you any," sayd he, " for my brother," meaning master
Latimer: " Yea sir, that I have" (quoth his brother): "then
give it unto him," sayd he, " betime, least yee come too late."
So his brother went, and carried of the same gunnepowder unto
maister Latimer.

In the meane time doctor Ridley spake unto my lord Williams,

3 Being in his shirt.~\ Whatever might be the case with Latimer, yet I con-
sider it to be certain that a linen shirt was a luxury and distinction which the
circumstances of the country did not in that age permit as the ordinary habit
of persons of the rank of many of the martyrs. Hence the " shirt " often has
an interest and meaning which, at first sight, would not ordinarily appear to us
of these days. It was frequently an offering of friendship, and as such was
reserved and dedicated to occasions the most solemn and festal. " Wyfe,"
says Lawrence Saunders, looking shortly to be despatched, " I would you
sent me my shirte, which you know whereunto it is consecrated. Let it be
sowed downe on both the sydes, and not open." Letters of the Martyrs,
p. 206. Again, to a similar effect, from John Careless. " Commende me unto
my deare and faythful sister Elizabeth B. I thanke her moste hartely for my
napkin, and so I doe you, deare brother," (the letter is addressed to Augus-
tine Bernher.) " for my sherte. Trulye that daye that we were appoynted to
come to oure answeare before the commissioners, whiche had sente worde the
same morning, that they woulde come to the kynges benche by eight of the
clocke, and the house and all thynges were trymmed and made ready for
them ; — I gotte -that sherte on my backe, and that napkin in my hande, and
me thought that they dyd helpe to harnesse me and weapon me well agaynst
that bloody beaste of Babylon." Ibid. p. 610.

678 BISHOP LATIMER.

and said, " My lord, I must be a suter unto your lordshippc in
the behalfe of divers poore men, and speciallie in the cause of my
poore sister : I have made a supplication to the queenes majestic
in their behalfes. I beseech your lordship for Christs sake, to b.-
a mean to her grace for them. My brother here hath the -sup-
plication, and will resort to your lordshippe to certifie you herof.
There is nothing in all the world that troubleth my conscience
(I praise God) this only excepted. Whiles I was in the sea of
London, divers poore men tooke leases of me, and agreed
with me for the same. Now I heare say the bishop that now
occupieth the same roome, will not allow my grants unto them
made, but contrarie unto all lawe and conscience, hath taken
from them their livings, and will not suffer them to injoy the same.
I beseech you my lord, be a meane for them : you shall doe a
good deed, and God will reward you."

Then they brought a fagotte, kindled with fire, and laid
the same downe at doctor Ridleys feete. To whoine M.
Latimer spake in this manner, " Bee of good comfort master
Ridley, and play the man ; wee shall this day light such a
candle by Gods grace in England, as I trust shall never bee
putte out.""

And so the fire being given unto them, when doctor Ridley
saw the fire flaming up towards him, he cried with a wonderful
lowd voice, In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum m»
Domine, recipe spiritum meum, and after repeated this latter part
often in English, Lord, Lord, receive my spirit: M. Latimer
crying as vehementlie on the other side, Oh Father of heaven,
receive my soule: who received the flame as it were imbracii
it. After that he had stroaked his face with his handes, and as
it were, bathed them a little in the fire, he soone died, (as i:
peared) with verie little paine or none4. — And thus much con-
cerning the end of this olde and blessed servant of God, ma>t. i
Latimer, for whose laborious travailes, fruitfull life, and constant
death the whole realme hath cause to give great thanks to
almightie God.

But master Ridley, by reason of the evill making of the tire

4 Little paine or none.] "Though Latimer came after Ridley to the M.-
he got before him to heaven. His body, made tinder by age, was no s.
touched by the fire, but instantly this old Simeon had his nunc dimiltis and
brought the news to heaven that his brother was following after." Fuller's
Holy State, p. 282.

BISHOP LATIMER. 679

unto him, because the wodden fagots were laide about the gosse,
and over high built, the fire burned first beneath, being kept downe
by the wood. Which when he felt, he desired them for Christes
sake to let the fire come unto him. Which when his brother in
law heard, but not well understood, intending to rid him out of
his paine (for the which cause hee gave attendance) as one in
such sorrow, not well advised what hee did, heaped fagots upon
him so that he cleane covered him, which made the fire more
vehement beneath, that it burned cleane all his neather parts,
before it once touched the upper, and that made him leape up
and downe under the fagots, and often desire them to let the fire
come unto him, saying, " I cannot burne." Which indeed
appeared well : for after his legges were consumed by reason
of his struggling through the paine (whereof hee had no release,
but onelie his contentation in God) he shewed that side towards
us cleane, shirt and all, untouched with flame. Yet in all this
torment hee forgate not to call unto God still, having in his
mouth. " Lord have mercie upon mee," intermingling this cry,
"let the fire come unto me, I cannot burne." In which paines
he laboured till one of the standers by with his bill pulled off the
fagots above, and where he saw the fire flame up, he wrested
himselfe unto that side. And when the flame touched the gun-
powder, he was seene stirre no more, but burned on the other
side, falling down at master Latimers feete. Which some said
hapned, by reason that the chain loosed, other said that he fel
over the chain by reason of the poise of his body, and the weak-
ness of the neather lims. Some said that before he was like to
fall from the stake, he desired them to hold him to it with their
bills. Howsoever it was, surelie it mooved hundreds to tears,
in beholding the horrible sight. For I thinke there was none,
that had not cleane exiled all humanitie and mercie, which would
not have lamented to beholde the furie of the fire so to rage
upon their bodies. Signes there were of sorrow on everie side 5.

5 On everie side.'} The following account is given in a letter from cardinal
Pole to king Philip. "A reverendo patre Soto accepi literas Oxonio datas,
quibus me certiorem facit, quid cum duobus illis hsereticis egerit, qui jam
erant damnati, quorum alter ne loqui quidem cum eo voluerit " (this seems to
suit best with the character of Latimer) ; " cum altero est loquutus, sed nihil
profecit ; ut facile intelligatur, a nemine servari posse, quos Deus projecerit.
Itaque de illis supplicium est sumtum, non illubenter, ut ferunt, spectante
populo, cum cognitum fuisset, nihil esse praetermissum, quod ad eorum

680 BISHOP LATIMER.

Some tooke it grievouslie to see their deathes, whose lives they
held ful deare. Some pittied their persons, that thought their
soules had no need thereof. His brother mooved many men,
seeing his miserable case : seeing (I say) him compelled to such
infelicitie, that he thought then to doe him best service, when he
hastened his end. Some cried out of the lucke, to see his
endevor, whoe most dearlie loved him, and sought his release,
turne to his greater vexation, and increase of paine. But whoso
considered their preferments in time past, the places of honour
that they sometime occupied in this common wealth, the favour
they were in with their princes, and the opinion of learning they
had, could not chuse but sorrow with teares, to see so great
dignitie, honour, and estimation, so necessary members some-
time accounted, so many godly vertues, the study of so manic
yeres, such excellent learning, to be put into the fire, and con-
sumed in one moment. — Wei, dead they are, and the reward of
this world they have alreadie. What reward remaineth for them
in heaven, the day of the Lords glorie, when hee comineth with
his saints, shall shortly I trust declare.

salutem pertineret. — Qui olim Cantuariensi ecclesiae prsefuit, cujus damna-
tionis sententia Roma mine expectatur, is non ita se pertinacem ostendit,
aitque se cupere mecum loqui. Si ad poenitentiam revocari possit, non parvum
lucrum ex unius animae salute ecclesia fecerit ; quid autem sperari possit, ex
proximis literis Patris Soti expectamus, et Majestatem vestram certiorem
faciemus." Poli Epist., vol. v. p. 84 and 47 (Westmr. Octob. 26, 1555).

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