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ab LuceXVieKal.pchnrxcmv
anrvo LXXV2 oetexfis suoe

,AS raflBLSf

ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY ;

LIVES OF EMINENT MEN,

CONNECTED WITH THE

HISTORY OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND;

FROM THE

COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION
TO THE REVOLUTION ;

SELECTED AND ILLUSTEATED WITH

NOTES,

BY

CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH, D.D.

LATE MASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,
AND RECTOR OF BUXTED, WITH UCKFIELD, SUSSEX.

tfonvtlj (Jftrttton,

WTTH MANY ADDITIONAL HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.

IN FOUR TOLUMES.

VOL. III.

LONDON:
FKANCIS & JOHN KIVINGTON,

ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD, AND WATERLOO PLACE.
1853,

LONDON :
UT AND RIVINOTON,
ST. JOHN'S

CONTENTS OF VOL. IIT.

PAGE

I. BISHOP RIDLEY Fox. 1

II. ARCHBISHOP CRANMER Fox. 129

III. THOMAS MOUNTAIN Strype. 283

IV. BISHOP JEWEL Anonymous. 315

V. BERNARD GILPJN Bishop Carleton. 375

VI. RICHARD HOOKER Isaac Walton 441

VII. ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT Sir George Paul. 555

VIII. DOCTOR JOHN DONNE . Isaac Walton. 631

The Church of England, having with great deliberation reformed itself in
a lawful Synod, with a care as much as was possible of reducing all things to
the pattern of the first and best times, was interpreted, by such as would have
it so, to desert from the Church Catholic ; though for the manner, they did
nothing but warranted by the continual practice of their predecessors ; and
in the things amended had antiquity to justify their actions : so that nothing is
further off truth than to say that such as reformed this church made a new
religion ; they having retained only that which is truly old and catholic, as
Articles of their faith. Thus was religion reformed, and thus by the Queen
established in England, without seeking any new way not practised by our
ancestors, but using the same courses which had been formerly traced out
unto them, for stopping profaneness and impiety.

SIR ROGER TWISDBN.

BISHOP RIDLEY.

VOL. HI.

The reformation of our church was begun and carried on with so much
. wisdom, and fulness of due authority; that a faithful and exact account
is the best vindication and defence of it.

HENRY WHARTON.

The cause why I do dissent from the Romish religion is not any study of
vayne glory or of singularitie, but of conscience, of my bounden duty
towardes God. and towardes Christes church, and the salvation of myne
owne soule ; for the which, by Goddes grace, I will willingly jeopard here to
lose life, lands and goods, name and fame, and what else is or can be unto
me pleasant in this world.

BlSHOP RlDf.EY.

BISHOP RIDLEY.

AMONG manie other worthy histories and notable acts of such as
of late daies have been turmoiled, murthered and martyred for
the true gospel of Christ, in queene Maries raigne, the tragicall
story and life of doctour Ridley I thought good to commend to
chronicle, and leave to perpetuall memory : beseeching thee, gentle
reader, with care and studie well to peruse, diligentlie to consider,
and deepelie to print the same in thy brest, seeing him to be a
man beautified with such excellent qualities, so ghostlie inspired
and godlie learned, and now written doubtlesse in the booke of
life, with the blessed saints of the Almightie, crowned and
throned amongst the glorious companie of martyrs.

First descending of a stocke l right worshipfull, he was borne in
Northumberlandshire ; who being a childe, learned his grammar
with great dexteritie in Newcastle, and was removed from thence

1 Descending of a stocle.'} " He was born in the beginning of the sixteenth
century," says Dr. Glocester Ridley, in his accurate and well-written life of
this great prelate, p. 2, from which it is to be inferred, that the exact year of
his birth is not ascertained. Dr. Turner, who knew him well, in a letter to
Fox, the martyrologist, among other particulars, communicates the following.
" He was born in my native county of Northumberland, and sprung of the
gentile pedigree of the Ridleys. One of his uncles was a knight, and another
was doctor of divinity, who, by the name of Robert Ridley, was famous, not
only at Cambridge, but at Paris, where he long studied ; and throughout
Europe, by the writings of Polydore Virgil. At the charges of this doctor
was our Nicholas long maintained at Cambridge, afterwards at Paris, and
lastly at Louvain. After his return from the schools beyond the seas, he
lived with us for many years in Pembroke Hall : but at length was called
away from us to the bishop of Canterbury, whom he served faithfully : and
lastly, was raised to the dignity of a bishop. The town where he was born
was called Willowmontiswich, now Willowmont." — Strype's Eccles. Memor.,
vol. iii. p. 229.

B 2

4 BISHOP RIDLEY.

to the university of Cambridge *, where he in short time became
so famous, that for his singular aptnes, he was called to hyer
functions, and offices of the universitie, by degree attaining there-
unto, and was called to bee head of Pembroke hall, and there
made doctour of divinitie. After this, departing from thence, he
11' (1 to Paris, who at his returne was made chaplaine to
kiiiLC Henrie the eight, and promoted afterwards by him3 to the
bishopricke of Rochester : and so from thence translated to the
see and bishopricke of London in king Edwards daies.

In which calling and offices he so travelled and occupyed hiin-
selfe by preaching and teaching the true and wholesome doctrine
of Christ, that n.-ver good childe was more singnlarlie loved of his
deare parents, than he of his flocke and dioces. Every holieday
ami sundaie he lightlie preached in some one place or other,
except he were otherwise letted by weightie affaires and busines :
to whose sermons the people resorted, swarming about him like
bees, and coveting the sweet flowers and wholesome juice of the
fruitfull doctrine, which hee did not onelie preach, but shewed the
same by his life, as a glittering lanterne, to the eies and senses of
the blinde, in such pure order and chastitie of life (declining from
ovill desires and concupiscences) that even his verie enemies
could not reproove him in any one jote thereof.

Besides this, he was passinglie well learned, his memorie 4 was

9 University of Cambridge.'] Dr. Richardson, in the notes to his edition of
bishop Godwin's book, De Prasulibiis, p. 192, gives us the following dates,
in the Life of Ridley. "Fellow A.D. 1524; A.M. 1526; B.D. 1534; D.I).
1 540. Also in 1 533 Proctor of the University, and in 1 54? Rector of Soham."
He was elected Master of Pembroke Hall in 1540— Le Neve's Fasti, p. 424 —
consecrated bishop of Rochester, Sept. 5, 1547 ; Le Neve, p. 251 ; and trans-
lated to London April 1, 1550.— Ibid. p. 180. There is little doubt but that
his studying at Paris must have been anterior, and not subsequent to his
taking the degree of D.D. See Ridley's Ufe, p. 94. In the Life of Latimer
we saw his notice of the di-onl* rly disputations which he had witnessed at
the Sorbonne, above, vol. ii. p. Cos.

'iflerwards by him.] Not by Henry, but by king Edward VI.
See Le Neve's fasti, p. 251 ; and Ridley's Life of Bishop Ridley, p. 21 1.

4 His memorie.'] But we saw above, Life of [jatimer, vol. ii. p. 57S, note (7),
that he himself speaks with great diffidence of his powers of memory. — The
following circumstances, communicated by Dr. William Turner to Fox, must
not be oti < 'oncrrning his memory, and his manifold knowledge of

tongues and arts, although I am able to be an ample witness (for he further
instructed me in a knowledge of the Greek tongue), yet without my testimony,
almost all Cantabridgians, to whom he was sufficiently knowen, can and will

BISHOP RIDLEY. 5

great, and he of such reading withall, that of right he deserved
to bee comparable to the best of this our age ; as can testifie as
well divers his notable workes, pithie sermons, and sundrie his
disputations in both the universities, as also his verie adversaries,
all which will say no lesse themselves.

Besides all this, wise he was of counsell, deepe of wit, and verie
politike in all his dooings. How mercifull and carefull he was to
reduce the obstinate papists from their erroneous opinions, and
by gentlenes to win them to the truth, his gentle ordering and
courteous handling of doctour Heath, late archbishop of Yorke,
being prisoner with him in king Edwards time in his house one
yeare, sufficientlie declareth. In fine, he was such a prelate, and
in all points so good, godlie and ghostlie a man, that England
may justlie rue the losse of so worthie a treasure. — And thus
hitherto concerning these publike matters.

Now will I speake something further particularlie of his person
and conditions. Hee was a man right comelie and well pro-
portioned in all points, both in complexion and lineaments of the
bodie. He tooke all things in good part, bearing no malice nor
rancor from his heart, but straightwaies forgetting all injuries
and offences done against him. He was very kinde and naturall
to his kinsfolke, and yet not bearing with them anie thing other-
wise then right would require ; giving them alwaies for a generall
rule, yea, to his owne brother and sister, that they doing evill
should seeke or looke for nothing at his hand, but should be as
strangers and aliens unto him, and they to bee his brother or
sister, which used honestie, and a godlie trade of life.

testify. How able he was in confuting or overthrowing any thing, yet with-
out any boasting or noise of arms, not only I, but all with whom he dis-
puted, easily perceived : unless he understood that they thirsted more after
glory than was fit ; for this he used to set himself more vigorously to crush.
His behaviour was very obliging, and very pious, without hypocrisy or
monkish austerity ; for very often he would shoot at the bow, and play at
ten nice with me. If there were no other witness of his beneficence to the poor,
I will testify this to all, that before he was advanced to any ecclesiastical pre-
ferment, he carried me along in company with him to the next hospital, and
when I had nothing to give to the poor, besides what he himself, according
to his estate, gave liberally, he often supplied me, that I might give too.
Whilst he was himself in prison, what aid he sent out of England to us in
our exile in Germany, that learned man, his faithful Achates, Dr. Edmund
Grindal, now bishop of London, can testify ; and many others, who were
assisted by his liberality." — Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. iii. p. 229.

6 BISHOP RIDLEY.

Hee using all kiudes of waies to mortifie himselfe, was given to
much praier and contemplation. For duelie everie morning, so
soone as his apparell was done uppon him, he went forthwith to
hi> bedchamber, and there upon his knees praied the space of
halie an houre ; which being done, immediatelie he went to his
>tndie (if there came no other busines to interrupt him), where
he continued till ten of the clocke, and then came to common
praier, dailie used in his house. The praiers being done, he went
to dinner where he used little talk, except otherwise occasion by
some had beenc ministered, and then it was sober, discreet, and
wise, and sometime merie, as cause required.

Th<- dinner done, which was not verie long, he used to sit an
hnuiv or thereabouts talking or playing at the chesse. — That
done, he returned to his studie, and there would continue, except
suters or busines abroad were occasion of the contrary, untill
five of the clocke at night, and then would come to common
I .rail T. a- in the forenoone : which being finished, he went to
supper, behaving himselfe there as at his dinner before. After
supper, recreating himselfe in playing at chesse the space of an
liomv. lie would then returne againe to his studie: continuing
there till eleven of the clocke at night, which was his common
houre to go to bed, then saying his praiers upon his knees as in
the nmrniiiLC when he rose. Being at his manor of Fulham. a-
divers times he used to be, he read dailie a lecture to his familie
at the common praier, beginning at the Actes of the Apostles,
and so going throughout all the Epistles of S. Paule, giving to
M man that could reade a New Testament, hiring them
besides with money to learne by heart certain principall chapters,
but especially the thirteenth chapter5 of the Actes, reading
also unto his household oftentimes the 101st Psalme, b
marveling carefull over his familie, that they might be a spec-
tacle of all vertne and hnnestie to other. — To be short, as he was
godlic and vertuous himselfe, so nothing but vertue and godlines
reigned in his house, feeding them with the foode of our Saviour
Jesus Chri-t.

Now remain, th a \\«»rd or two to be declared of his gentle

• The thirteenth chapter.} The reader will be interested in noticing this
eminent prelate's judgment of the domestic uses of certain portions of the
sacred volume.

We had before us, above, under the Life of Rogers, some account of certain
chapters, psalms, &c.f in special use with the Martyrs, at their executions.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 7

nature and kindly pitie in the usage of an olde woman called
mistris Boner, mother to doctour Boner, sometime bishop of
London ; which I thought good to touch, as well for the rare
clemencie of doctour Ridley, as the unworthie immanity and
ingratefull disposition againe of doctour Boner. Bishop Ridley
being at his manor of Fulham, alwaies sent for the saide mistres
Boner, dwelling in an house adjoyning to his house, to dinner
and supper, with one mistres Mungey, Boners sister, saying, Go
for my mother Boner ; who comming, was ever placed in the
chaire at the tables end, being so gentlie intreated, welcommed,
and taken, as though hee had beene borne of her owne bodie ;
being never displaced of her seate, although the kings councel
had beene present, he saying, when any of them were there (as
divers times they were) By your lordships favour, this place of
right and custome is for my mother Boner. But how well he
was recompenced 6 for this his singular gentlenes, and pitifull
pitie after, at the hands of the said doctour Boner, almost the
least childe that goeth by the ground can declare. For who
afterward, was more enemie to Ridley, then Boner and his ?
Who more went about to seeke his destruction then he ? recom-
pensing his gentlenes with extreame crueltie. As well appeared
by the strait handling of Ridleys owne naturall sister 7, and George
Shipside her husband 8, from time to time : whereas the gentlenes

6 How well he was recompenced.^ See above, Life of Latimer, vol. ii. p.
668—671, and 678.

7 Naturall sister.^ Alice.

8 Shipside her husband.~\ Bishop Burnet, in his Hist, of the Reformation,
vol. ii. book ii. no. 7, Records, has published a letter of Bonner, which I am
tempted to transcribe, as it will serve to show how low-minded a man this
was, who had so powerful and fatal an influence at this period.

" To my loving and dearly beloved friends, my cousin Thomas Shirley, the
worshipful Richard Leechmore, &c. In most hearty wise I commend me
unto you, ascertaining, that yesterday I was, by sentence, restored again to
my bishoprick, and reposed in the same, even as fully as I was at any time
before I was deprived ; and by the said sentence, my usurper Dr. Ridley is
utterly repulsed ; so that I would ye did order all things at Kidmerley and
Bushley at your pleasures, not suffering Sheepshead, or Shipside, to be any
medler there, or to sell or to carry away any thing from thence ; and I trust,
at your coming up now at the parliament, I shall so handle both the said
Sheepsheads, and the other Calves-heads, that they shall perceive their sweet
shall not be without sour sauce. This day is looked that Mr. Canterbury
must be placed where is meet for him. He is become very humble, and
ready to submit himself in all things ; but that will not serve ; in the same

8 BISHOP RIDLEY.

of the other did suffer Boners mother, sister, and other his
kindred, not onelie quietlie to enjoy all that which they had of
Boner, but also entertained them in his house, shewing much
courtesie and friendship, dailie unto them : whereas on the other
side, B. Boner being restored againe, would not suffer the brother
and naturall sister of B. Ridley, and other his friendes, not onelie
not to enjoy that which they had by the said their brother bishop
Ridley, but also currishlie without all order of law or honesty,
by extort power wrasted from them all the livings they had.

And yet being not therewith satisfied, hee sought all the
meanes he could, to work the death of the foresaide Shipside,
saying that he would make twelve godfathers to go upon him :
which had beene brought to passe indeed, at what time hee was
prisoner at Oxford, had not God otherwise wrought his deli-
verance by meanes of doctour Heath bishop then of Worcester.

Whereby all good indifferent readers notoriously have to
understand, what great diversitie was in the disposition of these
two natures. Whereof as the one excelled in mercie and pitie,
so the other againe as much or more excelled in churlish ingra-
titude, and despitefull disdaine. — But of this matter enough.

Now concerning Gods vocation, how doctor Ridley was first
called to the savouring and favouring of Christ and his gospell ;
partlie by his disputation before, and other his treatises it may
appeare, that the first occasion 9 of his conversion was by reading
of Bertrams 10 booke of the sacrament, whom also the conference
with bishop Cranmer, and with Peter Martyr did not a little
confirme in that behalfe. Who now by the grace of God, being
throughly woon and brought to the true way, as he was before
blinde and zealous in his olde ignorance, so was he as constant
and faithfull in the right knowledge which the Lord had opened
unto him, (as well appeared by his preachings and doings during

predicament is Dr. Smith, my friend, and the dean of Pauls, with others.
Commend me to your bed-fellows most heartily, and remember the liquor
that I wrote to you for. This bearer shall declare the rest, and also put you
in remembrance for beeves and muttons for my house-fare. And thus our
blessed Lord long and well keep you all. Written in haste this 6th of Sep-
tember (}Sb3).

" Assuredly all your own,

" EDMUND LONDON."

• The first occasion.] Sec above, Life of Latimer, vol. ii. p. 583.

10 Of Bertrams.] See vol. ii. p. 668.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 9

all the time of king Edward) and so long he did much good,
while authoritie of externe power might defend and hold up the
peace of the church, and proceedings of the gospell. But after
that it pleased so the heavenlie will of the Lord our God, to
bereave us of our stay, and to call from us king Edward that pre-
cious prince ; as the whole state of the church of England was
left desolate and open to the enemies hand, so this bishop Ridley,
after the comming in of queene Mary, eftsoone and with the
first l was laid hands upon and committed to prison, first in the
Tower ; then after translated from thence a with the archbishop of

1 With the first.'} July 23, 1553, a letter was dispatched by the council to
Sir Thomas Cheyney and Sir John Gage, directing them to confine Ridley
close prisoner in the Tower. — Haynes's Burghley State Papers, p. 160. It is
not difficult to show why he was particularly obnoxious. As the learned Mr.
Baker says, " There needed no colours ; he had given too just offence. In a
MS. of Corp. Chris. Coll. Cambridge, miscell. P., this account is given.

Sunday, July 16. Dr. Ridley, bishop of London, preached at Paul's cross;
where he declared in his sermon — the lady Mary and Elizabeth to be illegiti-
mate and not lawfully begotten, &c., according to God's law;— and so found
both by the clergy, and acts of parliament in Henry the Vlllth's time;
which the people murmured at." — Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. iii.
p. 409. Appendix.

Fox has given a fuller relation of the same sermon. " Doctor Ridley in
time of q. Jane had made a sermon at Pauls crosse, so commanded by the
council, declaring there his mind to the people, as touching the lady Mary,
and dissuading them, alledging there the incommodities and inconveniences
which might arise by receiving her to bee their queene, prophesying as it
were before, that which after came to passe ; that shee would bring in foreign
power to reign over them : besides the subverting also of Christian religion
then alreadie established : shewinge moreover that the same Mary being in
his diocesse, he, according to his duty, being then her ordinary, had travailed
much with her to reduce her to this religion ; and notwithstanding in all
other points of civilitie, she shewed herselfe gentle and tractable, yet in mat-
ters that concerned true faith and doctrine, she shewed herselfe so stiff and
obstinate, that there was no other hope of her to be conceived, but to disturb
and overturn all that which with so great labours had been confirmed and
planted by her brother afore. — Shortly after this sermon, queene Mary was
proclaimed ; whereupon hee speedily repairing to Fremingham [in Suffolk]
to salute the queene, had suche cold welcome there, that being despoiled of
all his dignities, he was sent backe uppon a lame halting horse to the Tower."
Fox's Acts, p. 1280.

2 From thence.'] "According to Machyn, Thursday, March 8th, 1554,
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer came out of the Tower, and so to Brentford,
where Sir John Williams received them, and so to Oxford. — p. 57. Fox says
that the letter for their delivery was sent to the lieutenant of the Tower on
the 10th, and that they were conveyed from the Tower to Windsor on

10 BISHOP RIDLEY.

Canterburie, and maister Latiraer, to Oxford, he was with them
inclosed in the common gayle and prison of Bocardo ; while at
length being dissevered from them, hee was committed to custodie
in the house of one Irish 3, where he remained till the last day of
his death and martyrdome *, which was from the yere of our Lord
1554, till the yeare 1555, and 16. day of October. Further-
more, as touching his disputations had at Oxford, inough hath
beene said already (in the life of Hugh Latimer). — \\e now
cmm; to relate his travels in persuading and instructing the ladv
Mary, before she was queene : his reasons and conference like-
\\isehad in the Tower at the lieutenants board; and certain
other conferences he had in prison with master Latimer, as here
followeth to be read.

About the eight of September5, 1552, doctor Ridley th«-n

the 10th of April, and thence to Oxford. — Fox, vi. 439. Burnet says the
order was sent on the 8th. — Part iii. book v. p. 226." Maitland, Essays on
the Reformation, p. 431.

2 One Irish.'] — Irish, mayor of Oxford.

4 Death and martyrdome.'] Ridley appears to have had forebodings of the
kind of death by which he should die. Laurence Humphrey, in his Life of
Bishop Jewell, records the following anecdote :

•• Similiter et D. Ridlaeus, tametsi indignante in tempestate jactatus, suos
jam territos cohortans, ' Bono,' inquit, ' animo estote, et remis incumbite :
hacc cymba fert episcopum, quern non mergi sed comburi oportet." P. 258,
259, A.D. 1573.

5 The eight of September.'] In king Edward's journal, published [from the
autograph MS. now in the British Museum] by bishop Burnet, in the Ap-
pendix to his History of the Reformation, we have the following inter*
notice of proceedings with his sister, concerning her religion, about a year
and a half before.

" March 18, 1550. The lady Mary, my sister, came to me at Westminster;
where, after salutations, she was called with my council into a chamber, when.-
was declared how long I had suffered her mass, in hope of her reconciliation;
and now being no hope, which I perceived by her letters, except I saw some
short amendment, I could not bear it. She answered, That her soul was
God's, and her faith she should not change, nor dissemble her opinion with
contrary doings. It was said, I constrained not her faith, but willed her not
as a king to rule, but as a subject to obey ; and that her example might breed
inconvenience.

" 19. The emperor's ambassador came in with a short message from his
master., of war,— if I would not suffer his cousin, the princess, to use her
mass. To tlu> no answer was given.

•• -Jo. The bishops of Canterbury, London, and Rochester did con
that to give licence to sin, was sin. To suffer and wink at it for a time might
be borne, — so all possible haste might lie used."

BISHOP RIDLEY. 11

bishop of London, lying at his house at Hadham in Hartford-
shire, went to visit the lady Mary then lying at Hunsden 6 two
miles off; and was gently entertained of Sir Thomas Wharton 7,
and other her officers, till it was almost eleven of the clock. About
which time the said lady Mary came forth into her chamber
of presence, and then the said bishop there saluted her grace,
and said, that hee was come to doe his duetie to her grace. Then
she thanked him for his paines, and for a quarter of an houre
talked with him very pleasantly 8 : and said, that she knew him

6 Hunsden.'] "Anno 23 Henry VIII. The king having erected a palace
royal here at his great cost and charge, where he was pleased to resort for
the preservation of his health, did annex the manors of Royden and Stansted,
and other lands to this palace, and made them an honour, and this palace
the capital place of the honour ; and the king made choice of this seat for
the breeding and education of his children in respect of the benefit of the
air. King Edward VI., by patent dated the 17th of May, 2 regni sui,
assigned this honour of Hunsden to the lady Mary, eldest daughter to king
Henry VIII., who resided here until the lady Jane Dudley was proclaimed
queen of England : and upon that news she removed to her castle of
Framingham in Suffolk, where she gathered to her assistance such noblemen
and friends in that county as she could get." Chauncy, Antiquities of
Hertfordshire, p. 197.

7 Sir Thomas Wharton.] Son of Thomas, first lord Wharton, whom he
succeeded in 1568.

8 Very pleasantly .] William Thomas has given us a very attractive picture
of the lady Mary at this period.

" If I shold say that the lady Mary, the kynges daughter, deserveth not an
husband, I should surely prove a wyttye yonge man, and therefore wyll I
now make you my judges. When for the stature of a woman's body she is
neither too highe nor too low, for bewtie of face she hath few fellowes that I
know ; and in proporcion of membres, my penne cannot paint her. Butt
what is all this ? Nothinge, for when I come to considre her vertue, her
shadow maketh me tremble. All the prudence, all the modesty, all the
curtesy, and all the sober smylyng chere, that may be in a woman, is suerly
in her. Prompt in invention, awares in speach, learned in the tongues, perfect
in musick, to syng and play ; and on the lute and virginalles, without master
in the world. Yea, she is gratefull to all persons, so that I wote not what
livyng creature were sufficient worthely to descry ve her. So, if a husband
might be a reward unto the bountye of so gracious a lady, I wyll say she is,
and ever hath bene worthy to have the worthiest husband of the world."
Apology for King Henry V11I , p. 111.

" There are some points in English history, or rather in English feeling
upon English history, which have become part of the national belief,— they
may have been hastily or superficially assumed — they may be proved by as
good evidence as the case admits of, to be erroneous ; but they are fondly
clung to — screwed and dovetailed into the mind of the people, and to attack

12 BISHOP RIDLEY.

in the court when hee was chaplaine to her father, and could well
remember a sermon that he made before king Henry her father,
at the marriage of my lady Clinton9 that now is, to Sir Anthony
Browne, &c. and so dismissed him to dine with her officers.

After dinner was done, the bishop being called for by the said
lady Mary, resorted againe to her grace, betweene whom this
communication was. First the bishop beginneth in manner as
followeth.

Bishop. Madame, I came not onely to do my duty to see

them is a historical heresy. It is with these musings that I approach her
who is so generally execrated as the ' bloody Mary/ The idea of exciting a
feeling in her favour, will appear a chimerical, perhaps a blameable one ; yet,
having examined the point with some care, let me say, for myself, that I
believe her to have been naturally rather an amiable person. Indeed, until
she was thirty-nine, the time of her marriage with Philip, nothing can be said
against her, unless we agree to detest her because she remained faithful to
the Roman Catholic Church ; nor can there, I think, be any doubt that she
has been treated by Fox, Strype, Carte, and other Protestant writers, with
injustice. The few unpublished letters of hers which I have met with, are
simple, unaffected, and kindhearted ; forming, in this respect, a remarkable
contrast to those of Elizabeth, which are often inflated, obscure, and pedantic.
The distinguishing epithets by which the two sisters are commonly known,
the ' bloody Mary,' and the * good queen Bess,' have evidently a reference to
their times ; yet we constantly employ them individually. These observations
apply, however, more to Mary the princess, than Mary the queen. After her
marriage with Philip, we can trace a gradual change in her feelings and
public conduct. Her devoted attachment to Philip, and the cold neglect with
which he treated her, could not fail to tell upon a kind and ardent heart :
blighted hope and unrequited affection will change the best dispositions ; and
she whose youthful years had undoubtedly given a good promise, became
disgusted with the world, suspicious, gloomy, and resentful. The subsequent
cruelties of her reign were deplorable ; yet it is but fair to ascribe much of
them rather to her ministers than to herself: she believed it to be a point of
her religion to submit her judgment to the spiritual dictation of Pole, Gar-
diner, and Bonner; and they burnt men upon principle. This was a miserable
mistake, bigotry in its worst sense ; but we can imagine it existing in a mind
rather distorted and misled, than callously cruel. No one ever accused
(' nuuner of cruelty; yet he insisted on burning Joan of Kent." Tytler,
England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, i. 49, 50.

• Lnily ( /i/i/on.] Elizabeth Garrett or Fitzgerald (the "fair Geraldine" of
Ixird Surrey) daughter of Gerald, earl of Kildare, was married first, when
about sixteen years old, in 1543, to Sir Anthony Browne, l\ < i lather of the
first Viscount Montacute), who died in 1549; and secondly, to Kdu-ard.
lord Clinton, afterwards, in i:.7-'. created earl of Lincoln. She was his third
wife. A letter from lit r ' iterwards lord Burghley. written in 1547,

in favour of her brother, is printed in '1 \ tier, vnl i |

BISHOP RIDLEY. 13

your grace, but also to offer my self to preach before you on
Sunday next, if it will please you to heare mee. At this her
countenance changed, and after silence for a space, she answered
thus.

Mary. My lord, as for this last matter, I pray you make tha
answere to it your selfe.

Bishop. Madame, considering mine office and calling, I am
bound of duetie to make to your grace this offer, to preach before
you.

Mary. Well, I pray you make the answere (as I have said)
to this matter your selfe : for you know the answer well enough.
But if there be no remedy but I must make you answere ; this
shalbe your answere ; The doore of the parish church adjoining
shall be open for you if you come, and ye may preach, if you list,
but neither I, nor none of mine shall heare you.

Bishop. Madame, I trust you will not refuse Gods word.

Mary. I cannot tell what yee call Gods worde. That is not
Gods word now, that was Gods word in my fathers daies.

Bishop. Gods word is all one in all times, but hath been better
understanded and practised in some ages, then in other.

Mary. You durst not for your eares have advouched that for
Gods worde in my fathers daies, that now you doe. And as for
your new bookes, I thanke God I never read none of them : never
did, nor never will doe.

And after many bitter words against the forme of religion then
established, and against the government of the realme, and the
lawes made in the young yeares of her brother, which shee said
shee was not bound to obey, till her brother1 came to perfect

1 Till her brother. .] This idle pretence, totally unconstitutional, suggested
perhaps by the sophistry of Gardiner or Bonner (see Fox, p. 1201), was a
very prevalent one, and occasioned great uneasiness to the friends of the
young king. Hence it was, that Latimer was under the necessity of shewing
in his sermons, that " kinges though they be children, yet are they kinges not-
withstanding." " For," says he, " there be some wicked people, that will say :
Tush, thys geare will not tarry. It is but my lord Protectours, and my lord of
Canterburies doing: the king is a childe, and he knoweth not of it. What
people are they that saye, the kinge is but a childe ? Have not we a noble
king ! Was there ever king so noble, so godly brought up with so noble
counsellors, so excellent and well-learned schoole-maysters ? I wyll tell you
this, and speake it even as I thinke. His majesty hath more godly wit and
understanding, more learning and knowledge, at thys age, than twenty of hys
progenitours, that I could name, had at any time of theyr life." Latimer's

14 BISHOP RIDLEY.

age, and then affirmed she would obey them ; she asked the
hishop whether he were one of the councell : he answered, No.
You might well enough, said shee, as the councell goeth now
adaies.

And so she concluded with these words ; My lord, for your
gentlenes to come and see me, I thanke you ; but for your
offering to preach before me, I thanke you never a whit.

Then the said bishop was brought by Sir Thomas Wharton to
the place where they dined, and desired to drinke. And after he
had drunke, hee paused a little while, looking very sadly, and
sodainly brake out into these wordes, Surely I have done amisse.
Why so, quoth Sir Thomas Wharton ? For I have dronke (said
he) in that place where Gods worde offered, hath beene refused :
whereas if I had remembered my duetie, I ought to have departed
immediately, and to have shaken off the dust of my shooes for a
testimonie against this house. — These words were by the said
bishop spoken with such a vehemency, that some of the hearers
afterward confessed their hair to stand upright on their heads.
This done, the said bishop departed, and so returned to his house.

Sermons, fol. 36. edit. 1584. And in like manner the council, with becoming
dignity and wisdom, instructed the lady Mary's chaplain to say to his mis-
tress, in reply to a declaration that she would defer her obedience to a newly
enacted law, till his majesty were of sufficient years, " That she could in no
one saying more disallowe the authoritie of the king, the majestic of his
crowne, and the state of the realme. For herein she suspendeth his king-
dome, and esteemeth his authoritie by his age, not by his right and title. Her
grace must understand hee is a king by the ordinance of God, by descent of
royall bloud, not by the numbring of his yeeres. As a creature subject to
mortalitie, he hath youth, and, by Gods grace, shall have age : but as a king
he hath no difference by daies and yeares. The Scripture plainely declareth it
not only young children to have bin kings by Gods special ordinance, but
also," &c. Fox's Acts, p. 1212. Compare Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. iii.
p. 23, 4. 160. Strype's Cranmer, p. 191. Hence it was, as we may conjec-
ture, that the loyalists devised a means of showing their attachment to their
youthful prince, which we collect from an incidental mention of it by a zeal-
ous popish writer in the succeeding reign. " Doth not a lively image, I ho-
seche you, make folkes remember the man, that is represented by it, better than
a bare nak'-d white wall ? or when a man cometh into a house, and findeth the
image of kinge Kdwarde, whether doth he there more remember hym, or win -n
he g.eth into another house, and findeth no image of hym at all? It was
wonte to be sayd, that such as were the kinges very frendes wold hav<
kinges image in their houses, bothe to make them remember their dueties
toward hym, and ;il-> to declare their good wil, that they bare him." ( ":
t. .pliers. n ,,,,mnst Rebellion, signat. 1

BISHOP RIDLEY. 15

It was declared a little before2, how doctor Ridley was had
from Fremingham to the Tower ; where being in durance, and
invited to the lieutenants table, he had certaine talke or conference
with secretary Bourne3, M. Fecknam, and other, concerning the
controversies in religion : the summe whereof, as it was penned
with his owne hand, hereafter ensueth.

Here followeih the summe and effect of the communication between
D. Ridley, and secretary Bourn, with others, at the Lieutenants
table in the Tower.

Maister Thomas of Bridges 4 sayde at his brother maister lieu-
tenants boorde, I pray you M. Doctours, for my learning tell
mee what an hereticke is ? M. secretarie Bourne said, I will
tell you who is an hereticke : whoso stubbornly and stiffely main-
taineth an untruth, he is an heretike. Ye meane, syr, sayd I,
an untruth in matters of religion, and concerning our faith. Yea
that is true, said he : and in this we are soone agreed. Then
said maister Fecknam 5, sitting at the upper end of the table,
whome they called M. deane of Paules, I will tell you by S. Au-
gustine who is an heretick : Qui adulandi principibus vel lucri
gratia falsas opiniones gignit vel sequitur, hcereticus est, saith
S. Augustine 6. And then he englished the same. Sir, said I,
I ween S. Augustine addeth the third member, which is, vel vanw
glorice causa. Ye say even true M. doctor, sayd he ; and thus farre
we did agree all three.

M. Fecknam began againe to say, Whoso doth not beleeve
that the Scripture affirmeth, but will obstinately maintaine the

2 A little before.'] See note, p. 9.

3 Secretary Bourne.'] Sir John Bourn, secretary to queen Mary, one of her
privy council, and a commissioner against heretics and conjurers. He was
deprived under Elizabeth.

4 Thomas of Bridges.'] Thomas Bruges or Brydges, younger brother of
John Bruges, first lord Chandos, lieutenant of the Tower. He held some
place at court under Henry VIII., at whose funeral he bore the dragon
standard. He was sheriff of Gloucestershire 3 Edw. VI., who, in 1553,
granted to him the priory of Keinsham, co. Somerset. In 3 and 4 Phil, and
Mary, he was sheriff of Oxfordshire and Berkshire. He died 14th Nov. 1559.

5 Maister Fecknam.'] See note, vol. ii. p. 551, note (3).

6 Saith S. Augustine.'] " Quandoquidem hasreticus est, ut mea fert opinioj
qui alicujus temporalis commodi, et maxime glorise principatusque sui gratia'
falsas ac novas opiniones vel gignit vel sequitur ; ille autem qui hujusmodi
hominibus credit, homo est imaginatione quadam veritatis ac pietatis illusus."
Augustini de utilitate credcndi Liber, cap. 1 .

16 BISHOP RIDLEY.

contrary, he is hcereticus. As in the sacrament of the aultar,
Mathew doth affirme there to be Christs bodie, Marke doth
affirme it, Luke affirmeth it, Paul affirmeth it, and none denieth
it : therefore to holde the contrary it is heresie. It is the same
bodie and flesh that was borne of the virgine : and this is con-
firmed by unitie, antiquitie, and universalitie. For none before
Berengarius did ever doubt of this, and he was an hereticke, as
M. doctor there knoweth full well : I do testifie his owne con-
science, said he.

Mary sir, said maister secretary, master Fecknam hath spoken
well. These be great matters, unitie, antiquitie, and universalitie.
Doe yee not thinke so, maister doctor ? sayd hee to mee.

Heere while I strained curtesie and pretended as nothing to
talke, saide one of the commissioners, peradventure maister Ridley
doth agree with M. Fecknam, and then there needs not much
debating of the matter.

Sir, saide I, in some things I do and shall agree with him, and
in some things which he hath spoken, to be plaine, I do not agree
with him at all. — Maisters, said I, ye be (as I understand) the
queenes commissioners here, and if yee have commission to examine
me in these matters, I shall declare unto you plainely my faith ;
if ye have not, then I shall pray you eyther give mee leave to
speake my minde freelie, or else to holde my peace.

There is none here, said M. secretary, that doth not favor you :
— and then everie man shewed what favor they bare towards me,
and how glad they would be of an agreement.

But as I strained to have licence of them in plaine words to
speake my minde, so me thought they granted mee it, but vix
or cegrb. Well at the last T was content to take it for licenced,
and so began to talke.

To M. Fecknams arguments of the manifold affirmation where
no deniall was, I answered, where is a multitude of affirmations
in Scripture, and where is one affirmation, all is one concerning
the truth of the matter : for that anie one of the evangelists spake
inspired by the Holy Ghost, was as true as that which is spoken
of them all. It is as true that John sayth of Christ, I am the
dore of the sheepe, as if all had said it. For it is not in Scrip-
ture as in witnes of men, where the number is credited more then
one, because it is uncertaine of whose spirit he dooth speake. And
where M. Fecknam spake of so manie, affirming without anie
negation, &c. Sir, sai<l<- I. all they doe affirme the thing which
they meant. Now if yee take their words, to leave their meaning.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 17

then doe they affirme what ye take, but not what they meant.
Sir, said I, if in talke with you, I should so utter my minde in
words, that ye by the same do, and may plainely perceive my
meaning, and could, if ye would be captious, cavill at my words,
and writhe them to another sense, I would think ye were no
gentle companion to talke with : except yee would take my words
as ye did perceive that I did meane.

Mary, quoth M. secretary, we should else doe you plain injury
and wrong.

M. Fecknam perceiving whereunto my talke went, why, quoth
hee, what circumstances can yee shewe me that should move to
thinke of anie other sense, then as the words plainely say ; Hoc
est corpus meum, quod pro wois tradetur ? This is my bodie which
shall be betraied for you.

Sir, said I, even the next sentence that folio weth ; Hocfacite
in meam commemorationem, Do this in my remembrance. And
also by what reason, yee say the bread is turned into Christs car-
nail bodie ; by the same I may say, that it is turned into his
mysticall bodie. For as that saith of it, Hoc est corpus quod pro
vobis tradetur ; so Paule which spake by Christs spirit saith, We
being many are all but one bread, and one bodie, in as much as
we are partakers of one bread.

Here he calleth one bread, one loafe, sayd M. secretaire.

Yea, sayd I, one loafe, one bread, all is one with me.

But what say ye, quoth master secretary, of the universalitie,
antiquitie, and unitie, that master Fecknam did speak of?

I ensure you, said I, I think them matters weightie, and to be
considered well. As for unitie, the truth is, before God, I do
beleeve it and embrace it, so it be with veritie, and joyned to our
head Christ, and such one as Paul speaketh of, saying, One faith,
one God, one baptisme. And for antiquity I am also perswaded
to bee true that Irenseus saith, Quod primum verum, That is first
is true. In our religion Christs faith was first truely taught by
Christ himselfe, by his apostles, and by many good men that from
the beginning did succeede next unto them ; and for this con-
troversie of the sacrament, I am perswaded, that those old
writers which wrot before the controversie and the usurping of
the see of Rome, do all agree, if they be well understanded, in this
truth.

I am glad to heare, said master secretarie, that ye doe so well
esteeme the doctors of the church.

VOL. TTI. c

18 BISHOP RIDLEY.

Now as for universalitie, it may have two meanings: one
to understand that to be universal which from the beginning
in all ages hath beene allowed; another, to understand uni-
versalitie for the multitude of our age or of any other singu-
lar age.

No, no, saith master secretary, these three do alwaies agree,
and where there is one, there is all the rest ; and heere hee and I
changed many words. And finally, to bee short, in this matter
we did not agree.

There was none, quoth maister Fecknam, before Berengarius,
Wickliffe, and Hus, and now in our dayes Carolostadius, and
Oecolampadius. And Carolostadius sayth, Christ pointed to his
n\\ne body and not to the sacrament, and said, Hoc est corpus
meum. And Melancthon writeth to one Micronius (Miconius7
said I) these or like words : Nullam satis gravem rationem inve-
nire possum, propter quam a fide majorum in hac materia dissen-
tiam. I can find no grounded reason to cause me to dissent from
the beliefe of our foreelders.

Thus when he had spoken at length with manie other words
mo : Sir, said I, it is certaine that other before these have writ-
ten of this matter ; not by the waie onely, and obiter, as do for
the most all the old writers, but even ex professo, and their whole
bookes intreat of it alone, as Bertram.

Bertram, said the secretary, what man was he I and who was
he 8, and how do ye know 2 &c. with many questions.

Sir, quoth I, I have read his booke. He proponeth the saint •
which is now in controversie, and answereth so directly that no
man may doubt but that hee affirmeth, that the substance of
bread remaineth still in the sacrament ; and he wrote unto Carolus
Magnus.

Mary, quoth hee, marke, for there is a matter. He wrote,
quoth he, ad Henricum 9, and not ad Carolum, for no authour
makcth any such mention of Bertramus.

7 Miconius.] Friedrich Mecura or Myconius, who had been in England in
1538, and was probably personally known to Ridley. His account of his
visit has been printed; his epistles, including his correspondence with Me-
lancthon, were printed in 1593.

1 \\'ho was he.] See vol. ii. note, p. 668.

9 Ad Henricum] That is, to Henry the eighth : meaning to insinuate, that
this book of Bertram's, which bore too strongly against the Romish corrup-
tions in the doctrine of the cucharist, to admit easily of any fair and <
answer, was a modern forgery of the protestants. Stephen Gardiner, with less

BISHOP RIDLEY. 19

Yes, quoth I, Trithemius in catalogo ittustrium scriptorum,
speaketh of him. Trithemius was but of late time * : but he
speaketh, quoth I, of them that were of antiquitie. Here, after
much talke of Bertram, What authors have ye, quoth M. seere-
tarie, to make of the sacrament a figure ?

Sir, quoth I, ye know (I thinke) that Tertullian in plaine words
speaketh thus 2, Hoc est corpus meum, id est, figura corporis mei,
this is my bodie, that is to say, a figure of my body. And Gela-
sius sayth plainely 3, that substantia panis manet, the substance of
bread remaineth. And Origine 4 sayth likewise, Quod sanctificatur,
secundum materiam ingreditur stomachum et vadit in secessum, that
which is sanctified, as touching the matter or substance, passeth
away in the draught. This when I had englished, M. secretary
sayd to mee, you know very well as any man, &c. and here, if I
would, I might have been set in a foolish paradise of his commen-
dation of my learning, and quod essem vir multce lectionis, a man
of much reading. But this I would not take at his hand. He

confidence, in his book against Cranmer, endeavours to cast a like suspicion
upon the credit of that writer; "one Bertram" (says he) : "if the booke set
forth in hys name be his." See Cranmer's Answer to Gardiner, p. 6, edit.
1580. It is but right, however, to remark, that other Roman catholics have
not betrayed the weakness of their arguments by this impolitic hardihood ; but
have spoken of Bertram's book in terms much more creditable to their own
character, and their cause. Mabillon, for instance, expressly states his having
discovered a manuscript of it eight hundred years old. Cave's Histor. Literar.
vol. ii. p. 28.

1 Of late timeJ] John of Trittenheim or Trithemius finished his work in
1494.

'2 Tertullian in plaine words.'] " Professus itaque se concupiscentia concu-
pisse edere Pascha ut suum (indignum enim ut quid alienum concupisceret
Deus) acceptum panem, et distributum discipulis, corpus ilium suum fecit,
hoc est corpus meum dicendo, id est, figura corporis mei. Figura enim non
fuisset, nisi veritatis esset corpus." Tertullianus adversus Marcionem, lib.
v. § 40.

3 Gelasius sayth plainely, ,] " Certa sacramenta quse sumimus corporis et
sanguinis Christi, divina res est, propter quod et per eadem divinae efficimur
consortes naturae, et tamen esse non desinit substantia vel natura panis et
vini : Et certe imago et similitude corporis et sanguinis Christi in actione
mysteriorum celebrantur." Gelasius Ep. Rom. de duabus naturis in Christo,
adversus Eutychen et Nestorium.

4 And Origins J] Ei St TTCLV TO eiGTroptvonevov eig TO (7ro//a, tig KoiXiav xw/ofT,
KOI £/g a0£$jcwra tKjSaXXerai, icai TO a^ia^ofievov /3pw//a Sid \6yov Qeov Kal
tvT£v%t<i)Gt /car' avTo ptTa TO V\IKOV dq rr\v KoiXiav xwpa Kal a£ afyicp&va
l(c/3aX\erat. Origenes in Matthaum, torn. iii. 499, ed. Dela Rue, Paris, 1740.

c 2

20 BISHOP RIDLEY.

set me not up so high, but I brought myselfe as low againe : and
here was much adoe.

As for Melancthon (quoth I) whom M. Fecknam spake of, I
marvell that yee will alledge him, for we are more nie an agree-
ment heere in England, then the opinion of Melancthon to you :
for in this point we all agree here, that there is in the sacrament
but one materiall substance : and Melancthon as I weene, sayth
there are two.

Ye say truth, quoth M. secretary : Melancthons opinion is so.
But I pray you, ye have heard that the sacrament was in olde
time so reverenced, that many were then forbidden to bee pre-
sent at the ministration thereof, catechumeni, quoth hee, and
many moe.

Truth sir, quoth I, there were some called audientes, some
poenitentes, some catechumeni, and some energumeni, which were
commanded to depart.

Now, quoth he, and how can ye then make but a figure or a
signe of the sacrament, as that book doth which is set forth in
my lord of Canturburies name 3 ; I wisse, ye can tell who made
it, did not ye make it ? and here was much murmuring of the rest,
as though they would have given me the glorie of the writing of
that booke, which yet was sayde of some there, to containe most
hainous heresie that ever was.

8 Lord of Canturburies name.'] Fox, in the margin, calls this " the booke
of Catechisme ;" by which must be meant, either the catechism, commonly
called the Catechism of king Edward, or the Short Instruction into Christian
Religion. But the book in question could be neither of these. The former
was never published in Cranmer's name ; and, as to the latter, there could be
no dispute, who its author was ; for it was avowedly a translation, from the
Latin of Justus Jonas. But the contents too, if any one were disposed to
examine the two books for that purpose, would establish the same conclusion.
And a similar investigation would show, that the book intended by secretary
Bourn was, either " a Defence of the True and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacra-
ment," A.D. 1550, or else (which also contains the preceding), his "Answer
unto a crafty and sop his tic all Cavillation" &c., A.D. 1551, and 1580. In the
process against Cranmer, preserved in the archiepiscopal library at Lambeth
(MS. no. 1136) of which more will be said under the life of that prelate,
Robert Ward, master of arts, deposes, that he did not think Cranmer had
learning sufficient to write the books on the eucharist, &c. which were put in
evidence against him. " Ad septimum dicit, quod credit praefatum Thomam
vix adeo eruditiim, ut possit ipse, ejus proprio ingenio, hujus modi libros
componere ; certo tamen scit ejus nomine et auctoritate eos circumferri."

BISHOP RIDLEY. 21

Maister secretary, quoth I, that booke was made of a great
learned man, and him which is able to do the like againe ; as for
me I ensure you (be not deceived in me) I was never able to do
or write anie such like thing. He passeth mee no lesse, then the
learned master his young scholler.

Now, here every man would have his saying, which I passe
over, not much materiall for to tell. But sir, quoth I, me thinks
it is not charitably done, to beare the people in hand that anie
man doth so lightly esteeme the sacrament, as to make of it but
a figure. For that (but) maketh it a bare figure without anie
more profit, which that booke doth often denie 6, as appeareth to
the reader must plainly.

Yes, quoth he, that they do.

Sir, no quoth I, of a truth : and as for me, I ensure you I
make no lesse of the sacrament then thus: I say whosoever
receiveth the sacrament, hee receiveth therewith either life or
death.

No, quoth M. secretary, Scripture saith not so.

Sir, quoth I, although not in the. same sound of words, yet it
doth, in the same sense ; and S. Augustine saith, in the sound
of words also : for Paul sayth, the bread which we breake, is it
not the partaking or fellowship of the bodie of Christ ? and S.
Augustine 7, Manduca vitam, bibe vitam, eate life, drinke life.

Then said maister Pope, what can ye make of it when yee say,
there is not the reall bodie of Christ I which I do beleeve, and I
pray God I may never beleeve other. How can it bring (as yee
say) either life or death, when Christs bodie is not there ?

Syr, quoth I, when you heare Gods word truely preached, if
ye doe beleeve it and abide in it, yee shall and do receive life
withall : and if yee doe not beleeve it, it dooth bring unto you
death : and yet Christs bodie is still in heaven, and not carnall in
every preachers mouth.

6 Doth often denie.'] See p. 4. 10. 34, &c. &c. &c.

7 S. Augustine^] " Manducent ergo qui manducant, et bibant qui bibunt ;
esuriant et sitiant : vitam manducent, vitam bibant. Illud manducare, refici
est ; sed sic reficeris, ut non deficiat unde reficeris. Illud bibere quid est,
nisi vivere ? Manduca vitam, bibe vitam : habebis vitam et integra est vita.
Tune autem hoc erit, id est, vita unicuique erit corpus et sanguis Christi ; si
quod in sacramento visibiliter sumitur, in ipsa veritate spiritaliter manducetur,
spiritaliter bibatur." Augustini Sermo cxxxi. De verbis Evangelii Johannis 6,
Nisi manducaveritis, &c., contra Pelagianos.

22 BISHOP RIDLEY.

I pray you tell me quoth he, how can you answer to this, Quod
pro vobis tradetur, which shall be given for you \ Was the figure
of Christs bodie given for us ?

No sir, quoth I, but the verie bodie it selfe, whereof the sacra-
ment is a sacramentall figure.

How say yee then, quoth he, to quod pro vobis tradetur, which
shall be given for you ?

Forsooth, quoth I, Tertullians exposition maketh it plaine, for
he sayth, Corpus est figura corporis, the bodie is a figure of the
bodie. Now put to quod pro vobis tradetur, which shal be given
for you, and it agreeth exceeding well.

In faith, quoth he, I would give forty pound that ye were of a
good opinion. For I ensure you, I have heard you, and had an
affection to you.

I thank e you master Pope, for your heart and niinde, and ye
know, quoth I, I were a verie foole if I would in this matter dis-
sent from you, if that in my conscience the truth did not inforce
me so to do. For I wis (as ye do perceive, I trowe) it is some-
what out of my waie, if I would esteeme worldly gaine.

What say ye, quoth he, to Cyprian ? Doth he not say plainly,
Panis, quern dedit Dominus, non effigie, sed natura mutatus, o,
potentia verbifactus est caro*, the bread which the Lord did deliver,

8 Omnipotentia verbifactus est caro.~\ This passage is taken from a treatise,
falsely attributed to Cyprian, entitled De ccena Domini et prima institutions
consummantis omnia sacramenti, which is condemned as spurious by cardinal
Bellarmin and by Labbe (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. 128) and which is printed by the
Benedictine Prudent Maran amongst the Opuscula vulgo adscripta S. Cypriano,
in an appendix to the edition superintended by him for the congregation of
St. Maur. In that edition (Paris, ex Typ. Reg. 1726), app. col. cxi., the whole
passage is thus given : " Hoc sacramentum aliquando carnem et sanguinem,
aliquando panem, aliquando corpus suum Christus appellat ; panis dicitur
propter nutrimentum vitac, caro et sanguis propter veritatem naturae, corpus
propter unit at em substantiae. Corpus suum, se et ecclesiam suam, cujus
caput ipse est, intelligi voluit, quam carnis et sanguinis sui communione
univit. Et nos quidem cum caro essemus et sanguis, corrupta et infirma cor-
poris animaeque natura, reformari non poteramus, neque ad similitudinem
Dei reverti, nisi morbo inveterate imponeretur malagma conveniens, et in
curatione desperate infirmitatis contraria removerentur contrariis, et similia
similibus convenirent. Panis iste quern Dominus discipulis porrigebat, non
rjfiyic, sed natura mutatus, omnipotenlia verbi factus est caro : et sicut in
persona Christi humanitas videbatur, et latebat divinitas ; ita sacramento
visiliili ineffabiliter divina se infudit cssentia, nt esset religioni circa sacramenta
devotio, et ad veritatem cujus corpus et sanguis sacramenta sunt, sincerior

BISHOP RIDLEY. 23

being changed, not according to the forme, but according to the
nature thereof, by the omnipotent word is made flesh.

True syr, so he doth say, and I answere even the same which
once by chance I preached at Paules crosse in a sermon, for the
which I have beene as unjustly and as untruelie reported 9 as any
poore man hath beene. For there, I speaking of the sacrament,
and inveying against them that esteemed it no better then a
peece of bread, tolde even the same thing of pcenitentes, audientes,
catechumeni) energumeni, that I spake of before ; and I bade them
depart as unworthie to heare the mysterie ; and then I said to
those that be sancti, Cyprian the martyr shall tell you how it is
that Christ calleth it, saying, Bread is the bodie, meate, drinke,
flesh, because that unto this materiall substance is given the pro-
perty of the thing whereof it beareth the name : and this place
then tooke I to utter as the time would then suffer, that the
materiall substance of bread doth remaine. M. Fecknam (which
as is reported to me) did belie me openly in the same matter at
Paules crosse, heard all this my talke (as red as skarlet in his
face), and herein answered mee never one word *.

You do know well, quoth M. secretary, that Origen and Ter-
tullian were not catholicke, but erred.

Syr, quoth I, there is none of all the doctors that are holden
in all points, but are thought to have erred in some things. But
yet I never heard that it was either layde to Origens charge or
to Tertullian, that ever they were thought to have erred in this
matter of the sacrament.

What, quoth M. Chomley2, late chief justice, doth not Christ

pateret accessus, usque ad participationem spiritus : non quod usque ad con-
substantialitatem Christi, sed usque ad societatem germanissimam ejus hsec
unitas pervenisset." It will be seen that bishop Brookes, in his oration
against Cranmer, makes use of the same passage.

9 As untruelie reported.'] See above, Life of Latimer, vol. ii. p. 630.

1 Never one word.'] And yet Fecknam, after Ridley's death, repeated the
same calumny again in a set oration, spoken in the House of Lords, in the
year 1559. See Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 76.

2 M. Chomley. ~\ Sir Roger Cholmley was a natural son of sir Richard
Cholmley or Cholmondeley, lieutenant of the Tower, who died in 1522. We
have before heard of him in the memorable pig case. See Life of Cromwell,
in vol. ii. p. 263. On the 21st March, 1552, 6 Edward VL, he was appointed
chief justice, K.B., but on the 26th July, 1553, soon after the accession of
Mary, he, together with Montagu, chief justice of C.P., was imprisoned in the
Tower as an adherent of lady Jane Grey. He had in fact assisted to draw up
the will which Edward VI. had made in her favour, and had subscribed it.

24 BISHOP RIDLEY.

say plainely, that it is his very flesh, and his very bloud, and we
must needs eate him, or wee can have no life ? Syr, quoth I, if
you will heare how S. Augustine expoundeth that place, you shall
perceive that you are in a wrong boxe. And when I began to
tell S. Augustines minde in his booke, de Doctrina Christiana,
Yea, yea, quoth M. secretary, that is true. S. Augustine doth
take it figuratively in deed.

Forty yeares agoe, quoth M. Fecknam, all were of one opinion
in this matter.

Forty yeares agoe, quoth I, all held that the bishop of Rome
was supreme head of the universall church.

What then \ was maister Fecknam beginning to say, &c. but
M. secretary tooke the tale, and sayd, that was but a positive
la we.

A positive law \ quoth I, no syr, he would not have it so : for
it is in his decrees, that hee challenged it by Christs owne word.
For his decree s saith, the church of Rome was advanced above all
other churches in the world, not by any synodicall constitutions,
nor yet any councels, but by the lively voice of the Lord, accord-
ing as the Lord sayd to Peter : Thou art Peter, &c. And in an
other place 4 he intreateth, Tu es Cephas, id est, capwt, thou art
Cephas, that is to say the head.

Gloucester Ridley supposes Cholmley to have been appointed a commissioner
to examine Ridley (Life of bp. Ridley, pp. 433 — 444), whereas they were
merely fellow- prisoners, and fellow-guests at lord Chandos's table. Cholmley
was discharged from the Tower on the 6th Sept. 1553, but he did not recover
his place as chief justice, that office being given to sir Thomas Bromley on the
6th Oct. in the same year. Sir Roger Cholmley lived afterwards in comparative
privacy in the Old Bailey, and also at Highgate, where he established a noble
grammar school, which after centuries of mismanagement is now revived and
flourishing. Part of its endowment consists of his house at Ludgate (now
known as the London Coffee House). He died in 1565. Strype (Annals 1. i.
57, Oxf. ed.) calls Sir Roger "a turncoat and covetovs man." Strype and
others have confounded him with his relative and contemporary Ranulph or
Randle Cholmley : both were readers of Lincoln's Inn, both serjeants-at-law,
both recorders of London, &c. But Randle Cholmley held office during
Mary's reign, which Roger Cholmley did not, and throughout her reign Randle
Cholmley was M.P. for London. Randle died in 1563, Roger in 1565.

8 His decree.] Decreti pars I. Can. Quamvis. 3. dist. 21. " Quamvis
universe? per orbem catholicae ecclesiae unus thalamus Christi sint ; sancta
tarnen Rom ana, catholica et apostolica ecclesia nullis synodicis const:
ceteris ecclesiis pnelata est, sed evangelica voce Domini et Salvatoris nostri
primatum obtinuit, Tu es Petrus et super hanc, <$•<?."

4 In an other place.] Decreti pars I. Can. Sacrosancta J. tiist. 32. " Inter

BISHOP RIDLEY. 25

Tush, it was not counted an article (quoth M. secretary) of
our faith.

Yes, said I, if ye call that an article of our faith, which is to
be beleeved under paine of damnation. For he sayth 5, Wee do
absolutely determine, declare, and pronounce, that every crea-
ture is subject to the obedience of the bishop of Rome upon
necessity of salvation.

And here when we spake of lawes and decrees, M. Roger
Chomley thought himselfe much wronged, that hee could not be
suffered to speake, the rest were so readie to interrupt him : and
then he up and tolde a long tale what lawes were of kings of
England made against the bishop of Rome, and was vehement to
tell how they alwaie of the clergie did flie to him. And here
because he seemed to speake of manie things beside our purpose
whereof we spake before, he was answered of his owne fellowes,
and I let them talke.

Finally, we departed in peace, and master secretary promised
in the end, that of their talke there should come to me no harme.
And after I had made my mone for lacke of my books, he said
they were all once given him : but sith I know (said he) who hath
them now, write me the names of such as yee would have, and I
will speake for you the best I can.

A Conference 6 had betwixt maister Ridley -, and maister Latimer in
prison, upon the objections of Antonian, meaning by that name

beatos Apostolos qusedam fuit discretio potestatis ; et licet omnes essent
Apostoli, Petro tamen a Domino concessum est (et ipsi inter se id ipsum
voluerunt) ut reliquis omnibus prseesset Apostolis et Cephas, id est caput,
et principium teneret Apostolatus, qui et eandem formam suis successoribus
et reliquis episcopis tenendam tradiderunt."'

6 For he saythJ] Extravag. Comm. lib. i. tit. viii. Unam sanctam ecclesiam.
" Porro subesse Romano Pontifici omni humanse creaturse declaramus, dici-
mus, definimus et pronunciamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis."

6 A Confer ence.~\ This conference is here inserted and recommended to the
reader's attentive perusal, as affording a valuable and authentic summary of
part of the grounds upon which the confessors in the reign of Mary were
contented to be led to the stake : and secondly, because it contains the mate-
rials for a solid exposition of several of the articles of the church of England.
" It passed in writing " (says Dr. Gloc. Ridley) " between these venerable
fathers, as I apprehend, in January (1553-4), when they were in separate
apartments, after the mass was publickly restored, which was December 21
(1553), and before Wyatt's rebellion had so crowded the Tower with state pri-
soners, that the three prelates were confined in one apartment together; and

26 BISHOP RIDLEY.

some popish persecutour (as Wine/tester7)^ alluding thereby to the
Story of Victor, lib. 3. de Persecut. Africce.

M. Ridley. In writing againe8 ye have done me an unspeak-
able pleasure, and I pray that the Lord may requite it you in

this rebellion broke out the 26th of January." Ridley's Life, p. 485. That
this date is probably very nearly correct, may be inferred also from a letter of
Ridley to Grindal, given below, in which he says, " I was in the Tower about
the space of two moneths close prisoner, and after that, had granted to me
without my labor the libertie of the Tower, and so continued about halfe a
yeare," &c.

7 Winchester.] Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, who, in the reign
of Edward VI., writing under the pseudonym of Marcus Antonius Constan-
tius, had published a reply to Cranmer with this title, " Confutatio cavilla-
tionum quibus sacrosanctum Eucharistice sacramentum, ab impiis Capemaitis
impeti solet, authore Marco Antonio Constantio, Theologo Lovaniensi. Parisiis,
1552." Another edition, in queen Mary's time (with Gardiner's name), was
printed at Louvain, in 1554. Of this second edition, the presentation copy to
pope Paul IV., bearing the Caraffa arms, with the papal insignia, is in the British
Museum. Gardiner was not allowed to have all the credit of authorship ; he
was said to have been assisted by a Richard Smith and Thomas Watson (after-
wards bishop of Lincoln). " Even when a prisoner, he was so abundantly
furnished with workmen and amanuenses, that as they of old to the building
of the tabernacle, so here to the preparing of this book, a kind of papisticall
tabernacle, all sorts contributed something. For this book was Pandora's box
to which all the lesser gods brought their presents. For every man, were his
learning less or more, that had any arguments for the popish doctrine, brought
them all to him, (many whereof were windy and trivial,) and he, out of the
heap, made his collections as he thought good." Peter Martyr, in Strype.

At the end of the conference, Ridley affects to disclaim any particular ap-
plication of the word Antonian : " As touching this Antonian whom I have
here made mine adversary, lest peradventure any imagination might carry
you amiss, and make you think otherwise than I meant, know you that I
have alluded to one Antony, a most cruel bishop of the Arians, and a very
violent persecutor of them that were Catholick, and of a right judgment.
To whom Hunrick, a tyrant of the Vandals, knowing Antony's fierceness,
committed his whole authority, that he should either turn the Christians,
which beleeved well, unto his false religion ; or else to punish and torment
them at his pleasure. Which thing Antonius took in hand to do, and exe-
cuted the same against two godly bishops, and most constant in the doctrine
which was according to godliness. The name of the one was Eugenius, an
aged man, the other was named Habet Deum."

Fox says " Bishop Ridley, lying likewise the same time in prison, having
there the said book of Marcus Antonius, for lacke of pen and paper, with a
leade of a windowe, in the margent of the booke, wrote annotations, as
straightness of time would serve him, in refutation of the same book.''
f Cranmer, post, pp. 187, 188.

8 In writing oyaine.~] Ridley here refers to a former conference which IK-

BISHOP RIDLEY. 27

that day. For I have received great comfort at your wordes :
but yet I am not so filled withall, but that I thyrst much more
now then before to drinke more of that cup of yours, wherein ye
mingle unto me profitable with pleasant. I praie you good father
let mee have one draught more to comforte my stomacke. For
surelie except the Lord assist mee with his gracious aide, in the
time of his service, I know I shall play but the part of a white
livered knight. But truelie my trust is in him, that in mine
infirmity he should trie himself strong, and that he can make the
coward in his cause to fight like a man.

Syr, now I looke dailie when Diotrephes with his warriours
shall assault me : wherefore I praie you good father, for that you
are an old souldiour, and an expert warriour, and God knoweth
I am but a yong souldiour, and as yet of small experience in
these fits, help me I pray you to buckle my harnesse. — And now
I would have you to think that these dartes are cast at my head
of some one of Diotrephes1, or Antonius" soldiers.

The Objection of the Antonian.

All men marvell greatlie, why you, after the libertie which you
have granted unto you, more then the rest, doe not goe to masse,
which is a thing (as you know) now much esteemed of all men,
yea of the queene herselfe.

The Answere.

Because no man that laieth hand on the plough and looketh
backe is fit for the kingdom of God : and also for the selfe same
cause why saint Paule would not suffer Titus to be circumcised,
which is that the truth of the gospell might remaine with us un-
corrupt. (Galat. the second :) And againe, if I build againe

had carried on in writing with Latimer (and probably with Cranmer), in which
he had stated " the causes that moved him to abstain from the mass." At
the conclusion of his own portion of which he says, " Write againe I beseech
you, fathers and brethren, most dearly beloved in Christ." That conference
is also well worthy of a careful perusal, but is here, with regret, omitted,
through want of room. The " causes " which are there enlarged upon, are
here briefly recapitulated in the answer to the second objection. "They be
these; the strange tongue," &c. Both the conferences, together with
Ridley's treatise against transubstantiation, were first printed in the year
1556, and again in 1574, in one small volume.

28 BISHOP RIDLEY.

the things which I destroyed, I make my selfe a trespasser.
This is also another cause ; least I should seeme by outward
fact to allow the thing, which I am perswaded is contrarie to
sound doctrine, and so should bee a stumbling stocke unto the
weake. But woe be unto him by whome offence commeth : it
were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his necke,
and he cast into the middest of the sea.

M. Latimer. Except the Lord helpe me ye say. Truth it is.
For without me, saith he, ye can doe nothing, much lesse suffer
death of our adversaries, through the bloudie law 9 now prepared
against us. But it followeth, if you abide in me, and my word
abide in you, aske what ye will, and it shall be done for you.
What can be more comfortable ? Syr, you make answer your
selfe so well, that I cannot better it. Syr, I begin now to smell
what you meane : by travelling thus with mee, you use mee as
Bilney did once 10, whence hee converted mee : pretending as
though hee would be taught of me, he sought waies and meanes
to teach me, and so doe you. I thanke you therefore most
heartilie. For indeed you minister armour unto mee, whereas I
was unarmed before and unprovided, saving that I give my selfe
to praier for my refuge.

Anton, object. 2. What is it then that offendeth you so
greatlie in the masse that you will not vouchsafe once either to
heare it, or see it l \ and from whence commeth this new religion
upon you ? have not you used in times past to say masse your
selfe \

M. Ridleys answere. I confesse unto you my fault and ig-
norance : but know you that for these matters I have done

• The bloudie law.~\ See Fox's Acts, p. 1461 . Burnet, vol. ii. p. 275. Com-
pare Life of Rogers in this collection, vol. ii. p. 324, and n.

10 As Bilney did once.'] See above, Life of Latimer, vol. ii. p. 453.

1 Or see it.] From this passage Dr. Gloc. Ridley argues, and with much
apparent reason, that Fox was misinformed, in the story which he tells of the
bishop having once been induced to be present at the mass, and that he for-
bore it afterwards upon the remonstrance and arguments of Bradford.
Ridley's Life, p. 434, 5. See Fox, p. 1457. Compare also p. 1565. 1569.
The account seems no way probable, for the reasons stated by Ridley's bio-
grapher: to which we must observe in addition, that Fox relates precisely the
same particulars respecting Bradford and bishop Ferrar. Acts, &c. p. 1930-
— The nonconformists have occasionally appeared to give implicit credit to
this story against Ridley, and have referred to it in a temper in which, cer-
tainly, sorrow, self-distrust, and a tender compassion for human infirmity,
are not the leading features. See Pierce against Nicholls, p. 3 1 .

BISHOP RIDLEY. 29

penance long agoe, both at Paules crosse, and also openlie in the
pulpit at Cambridge ; and I trust God hath forgiven me this
mine offence: for I did it upon ignorance. But if you be
desirous to knowe, and will vouchsafe to heare what things doe
offend mee in the masse, I will rehearse unto you those things
which be most cleare, and seeme to repugne most manifestlie
against Gods word, and they be these : the strange tongue ; the
want of the shewing 2 of the Lords death ; the breaking of the
Lords commandement of having a communion 3 ; the sacrament
is not communicated to all, under both kindes, according to the
worde of the Lord ; the signe is servilelie worshipped 4, for the
signifyed ; Christs passion is injuried, forasmuch as this masse
sacrifice is affirmed to remaine for the purging of sinnes 5 : — to
bee short, the manifold superstitions, and trifling fondnesse which
are in the masse, and about the same.

2 The want of the skewing.] "What shewing can be there, where no man
heareth, that is to say, understandeth what is said ? No man, I mean, of the
common people ; for whose profit the prayer of the church ought specially to
serve." Ridley in the Former Conference between Ridley and Latimer, in
Ridley's Life of Ridley, p. 445, 6.

" And furthermore : Christ ordained the sacrament in two kinds, the one
separated from the other, to be a representation of his death, where his blood
was separated from his flesh ; which is not represented in one kind alone : so
that the lay people receive not the whole sacrament whereby Christ's death is
represented, as he commanded." Cranmer, in a letter to queen Mary: Letters
of the Martyrs, p. 8, 9.

3 Of having a communion.'] "There is no communion, but it is made a pri-
vate table; whereas indeed it ought to he a communion. For St. Paul saith,
'The bread which we break is the partaking of the body of Christ.' 1 Cor. x.
And Christ brake, distributed, and said, 'Take and eat.' Matt. xxvi. But
they make it a private table : for where there be many priests which will com-
municate, they do it not at one table or altar, but every one of them have
their altars, masses, and tables." Ridley in the Former Conference, in Ridley's
Life of Ridley, p. 446.

4 Is servilelie worshipped.] " They do slavishly serve the holy sign, (as St.
Austin speaketh) instead of the thing signified; whilst the sacramental bread
(by a solemn or common error) is adored and worshipped, for the flesh taken
of the Son of God." Ridley, as above, p. 447.

5 The purging of sinnes.~\ " They pluck away the honor from the only
sacrifice of Christ, whiles this sacramental and mass sacrifice is believed to be
propitiatory, and such a one as purgeth the souls both of the quick and dead :
contrary to that is written in the Hebrews, ' With ONE offering hath he made
perfect for ever them that are sanctified.' " And again : "Where remission
of those things " (that is, where Jesus) " is, there is no more offering for
sin." Ridley, as above, p. 448.

30 BISHOP RIDLEY.

M. Latimer. Better a few things well pondered, then to
trouble the raeraorie with too much. You shall prevaile more
with praying, than with studying, though mixture bee best, for
so one shall alleviate the tediousnes of the other. I intend not
to contend much with them in words, after a reasonable account
of my faith given : for it shall bee but in vaine. They will say,
as their fathers said, when they have no more to say : we have a
law, and by our law he ought to die. Bee yee stedfast and
unmoveable, saith S. Paule: and againe, persistito, stand fast.
And how oft is this repeated, if yee abide^ &c. But wee shall
be called obstinate, sturdie, ignorant, headie, and what not? so
that a man had neede of much patience, having to doe with such
men.

Anton, object. 3. But you know how great a crime it is to
separate your self from the communion or fellowship of the
church, and to make a schisme, or division. You have beene
reported to have hated * the sect of the anabaptistes, and alwaies
to have impugned the same. Moreover, this was the pernitious
error of Novatus, and of the heretikes called Cathari, that they
would not communicate with the church.

M. Ridleys answere. I know that the unity of the church is
to bee retained by all meanes, and the same to be necessary to
salvation. But I do not take the masse, as it is at this day, for
the communion of the church, but a popish devise, whereby both
the commandement and institution of our saviour Christ for the
oft frequenting of the remembrance of his death, is eluded, and
the people of God are miserablie deluded. The sect of the
anabaptists, and the heresie of the Novatians, ought of right to
be condemned, for as much as without anie just or necessary cause
they wickedlie separated themselves from the communion of the
congregation ; for they did not alleadge that the sacraments were
undulie ministered, but turning awaie their eies from themselves,
wherewith according to saint Paules rule they ought to examine
themselves, and casting their eyes ever upon others, eitluT
ministers, or communicants with them, they alwaies reprooved
something for the which they abstained from the communion as
from an unholie tiling.

M. LatinuT. I remember that Calvin beginneth 7 to confute the

6 To have hated.'] See Lewis's Brief History of Anabaptism in England, p.
51 — 4. A.D. 1738. See also above, Life of Latimer, vol. ii. p. 629.

7 Calvin bcyinneth.] Calvini Opp. ed. IG(>7. torn. ix. p.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 31

Interim8 after this sort with this saying of Hillary. " The name
of peace is beautifull, and the opinion of unitie is faire ; but who

8 The Interim.] " In Germany the doctrines of Luther had been adopted by
a large portion of the princes and free towns in the empire; and, in 1530,
they had not only presented to the emperor the noted confession of their
faith, known by the name of the Confession of Augsburg, but had bound
themselves to each other in a covenant of mutual belief and mutual defence,
— the famous league of Smalcald. From the first origin of the union, it was
regarded by Charles with the most jealous eye, and he soon began gradually
to develope those formidable projects for the subjugation of the Protestant
princes, the extirpation of their alleged heresy, and the consolidation of one
great spiritual and temporal dominion, which there is reason to believe he
had been long secretly maturing. At length the leader of the league, John
Frederic, elector of Saxony, was surprised, defeated, and taken prisoner by
Charles, in the famous battle of Mulhberg, April 17, 1547. Having com-
pletely destroyed the league, the emperor entered Augsburg in triumph, as-
sembled a diet, invested his ally Maurice, head of the Albertine branch of the
house of Saxony, with the electorate and duchy forfeited by John Frederic,
and proceeded to the settlement of all religious differences : and here his dic-
tation was as despotic as at the head of his armies. A temporary formulary
of the faith was drawn up, which was named THE INTERIM. It was declared
to be binding on all parties, both Romanist and Protestant, till a general
council should have fixed the articles of religion upon an immoveable foun-
dation. In all essential points, it was agreeable to the doctrines of the
Romish Church, yet such was the power of the emperor, that the majority of
the Protestant princes were compelled to accept it.

" It would appear, from the terms used by Gardiner, bishop of Winchester
(in a letter written to Sir William Petre from Augsburg, 3rd April, 1518),
that Louis Malvenda, a Franciscan friar, and author of a work, entitled LOG
Fidei pro principe Christiana, acted the principal part in drawing up the
'Interim.' Now De Thou and Sleidan have ascribed its composition to
Pflug, the bishop of Nuremberg, Michael H elding (better known as Michael
Sidonius), and John Agricola, preacher to the elector of Brandenburg, whilst
Pallavicino, and Courayer, in his notes to father Paul's History of the Council of
Trent, assert that its real author is unknown. This formulary, although
published as an imperial constitution, and clothed with the authority of law,
was resisted by many, and ridiculed by all. Wolfgang of Bavaria, and John,
the brother of the elector of Brandenburg, refused to subscribe to its doc-
trines, and were ordered by the emperor to leave the diet. Bucer con-
demned it. Melancthon mildly dissented, and John Frederic, the deposed
elector of Saxony, with his sons, not only declined having any thing to do
with it, but promised, if permitted, to refute its articles. Lastly, to complete
the mortification of the emperor, its provisions regarding the marriage of
priests were condemned by the pope ; and, although Charles determined to
enforce it, the whole affair, as a measure of conciliation, proved a complete
failure. I may here mention, to such as may be curious in investigating the
history of the Reformation, that there is preserved in the State Paper Office, a

32 BISHOP RIDLEY.

doubteth that to be the true and onelie peace of the church, which
is Christs?" I would you had that little booke9, there should you
see how much is to be given to unity. Saint Paule when hee
requireth unity, he joyneth straight withall, secundum Jesum
Christum, according to Jesus Christ, no further. Diotrephes l
now of late did ever harpe upon unitie, unitie. Yea sir (quoth I)
but in verity, not in poperie. Better is a diversitie, than an
unity in poperie. — I had nothing againe, but scornefull jeers, with
commandement to the Tower.

Anton, object. 4. But admit there be in the masse that perad-
venture might be amended, or at least made better : yea, seeing
you will have it so, admit there be a fault : if you doe not con-
sent thereto a, whie do you trouble your selfe in vaine ? do not you

manuscript copy of the proem or introduction to the Interim, transmitted by
the English ambassador to the protector, which is different in many of its
passages and provisions from that given by Goldastus in his Imperial Consti-
tutions." Tytler, i. p 85.

9 That little booke.] Of which the title is " Interim Adultero-Germanum,
cui adjecta est Vera Christiana Pacificationis et ecclesia reformanda ratio."

1 Diotrephes.~\ Bishop Gardiner.

2 Not consent thereto.'] Latimer has put some of these cases (certain to be
of frequent occurrence in these unhappy times) very strikingly, in a valuable
letter, published by Strype, dated May 15, 1555, "out of the prison in Oxen-
ford, called Bocardo," and addressed to "all the unfeigned lovers of God's
truth."

" / will be ashamed of him, byfore my Father and hys angels in the heavens. —
Oh, how heavy a sentence is thys to all those that know the masse to be an
abhomynable idoll, full of idolatrie, blasphemy, sacrilege against God, and
the deare sacrifyce of his Christ ! As undoubtedly it is : and that you have
well scene both by disputing of noble clerks, and also by willing sheddyng of
their bloodes agaynst that heynous sacrilege. And yet for feare or favoure
of men, for the losse of lyfe and goods (which is none of theirs, but lent them
of God : as Davyd sayth, ' It is the Lord that maketh ryche and poore :'
and as Paule saythe, * Yf we lyve we ar the Lords, and yf we die \ve ar the
Lords :' therefore, let us gyve him his owne) : yea, some for advauntage and
gaine, will honour with their presence this pernycious blasphemye against
the deathe of our Redeemer; and so dissemble both with God and man, as
their own harts and consciences do accuse them. Oh, vayne men, do you
not remember that God is greater than your conscience ? Yt had bene good
that suche men had never knowen the trewthe, and that the ghospell had
never bene taught amongst them, that thus wittingly and for feare of men,
who are but duste, do dissemble, or rather indede utti-rlyc denye Christe and
his sacrifice, the price of their redemption ; and so bring on themselves the
blonde of us, and all other that have sincerely taught the ghospel, with the

BISHOP RIDLEY. 33

knowe both by Cyprian and Augustine that communion of sacra-
ments doth not defile a man, but consent of deedes ?

M. Ridleys answere. If it were anie one trifling ceremonie, or
if it were some one thing of it selfe indifferent 3 (although I would
wish nothing should be done in the church, which dooth not
edifie the same) yet for the continuance of the common quiet-
nesse I could bee content 4 to beare it. But forasmuch as thinges

adoreing and honouring of that false idol with their bodies, being the temples
of God. The end of suche men is likely to be woorse than the begynnyng. . .
" And let men beware that they play not wylye begile themselves ; as I feare
me they do that go to masse : and bycause they worshipp not, nor knele not
downe, as other do, but syt still in their pewes, therfore they think rather to
do good to other than hurte. But, alas ! yff suche men woold looke on their
own consciences, there they shall see yf they be very dissymulers, and seking
to deceave other, they deceave themselves. For by this meanes the magis-
trates thinke them to be of their sorte. They think that at the elevation-time
all mens eyes ar sett on them, to marke how to do : they think that others
hering of suche mennes going to masse, do see or enquyre of their behaviour
ther ; and thus they play, wyly, bsguylyng themselves. But yf there were in
these men eyther love to God, or to their brethren, then wold they, for one
or for bothe, take Gods parte, admonyshynge the people of their idolatrye.
But they feare men more than God. They halte on bothe sydes. They serve
two masters. — God have mercye on suche men, and anoynte their eyes with
salve, that they may see that they whiche take not parte with God, are agaynst
hym ; and they that gather not with Christe scatter abrode." — Ecclesiastical
Memorials, vol. iii. p. 102, 3 ; Records, No. 36. Compare also Philpot, in
Letters of the Martyrs, p. 168 — 70; and Careless, in ditto, p. 452; and
Ridley, in Strype's Ecclesiast. Memor., vol. iii. p. 249.

3 It selfe indifferent.'] Of the doctrine and question of Things indifferent,
see Christian Institutes, Index, in v. Indifferent things.

4 I could bee content.^ Thus we saw above, vol. ii. p. 528, that Latimer con-
fessed he was loth to sustain death " unless it were for articles necessary of his
belief." From which and the like authorities, it is clear, that our leading
reformers were not actuated by any impulses of vain-glory or enthusiasm, in
seeking martyrdom ; but rested themselves solely on what they deemed to be
a conscientious discharge of imperious duty. In further illustration of this
truth, and some others not less important, I shall cite here a very interesting
account of a visit of Latimer and three other friends, to James Bainham, the
martyr, in Newgate, in the year 1532.

" When they were come into the dungeon, where all things seemed utterly
dark, there they found Bainham sitting upon a couch of straw, with a book
and a wax candle in his hand, praying and reading thereupon.

" And after salutation made, Mr. Latimer began to commune with him in
this sort. — * Mr. Bainham, we hear say, that you are condemned for heresy
to be burnt ; and many men are in doubt, wherefore you should suffer : and
I, for iny part, am desirous to understand the cause of your death ; assuring

VOL. Til. D

34 BISHOP RIDLEY.

done in the masse tend openlie to the overthrow of Christs insti-
tution, I judge that by no meanes either in word or deede I ought

you, that I do not allow any man should consent to his own death, unless he
had a right cause to dye in. Let not vain-glory overcome you in a matter
that men deserve not to dye for ; for therein you shall neither please God, do
good to yourself, nor your neighbour : and better it were for you to submit
yourself to the ordinances of men, than so rashly to finish your life without
good ground. And therefore we pray you to let us understand the articles
that you are condemned for.' * I am content/ quoth Bainham, ' to tell you
altogether, — the first article that they condemne me for is this : that I reported
that Thomas Becket, sometime archbishop of Canterbury, was a traitor, and
was damned in hell, if he repented not : for that he was in arms against his
prince, as a rebel ; provoking other foreign princes to invade the realm, to
the utter subversion of the same.' — Then sayd Mr. Latimer, 'Where read
you this ? ' Quoth Mr. Bainham, ' I read it in an old history/ ' Well/ said
Mr. Latimer, ' this is no cause at all worthy for a man to take his death upon ;
for it may be a lye, as well as a true tale ; and in such a doubtful matter it
were mere madness for a man to jeopard his life. But what else is layd to
your charge ? ' ' The truth is/ said Bainham, ' I spake against purgatory,
that there was no such thing, but that it picked men's purses ; and against
satisfactory masses; which assertions, I defended by the authority of the
Scriptures.' 'Mary/ said Mr. Latimer, 'in these articles your conscience
may be so stayed, that you may seem rather to dye in the defence thereof,
than to recant both against your conscience and the Scriptures also. But yet
beware of vain glory ; for the devil will be ready now to infect you therewith,
when you shall come into the multitude of the people.' And then Mr. La-
timer did animate him to take his death quietly and patiently. Bainham
thanked him heartily therefore. ' And I likewise,' said Bainham, ' do exhort
you to stand to the defence of the truth : for you that shall be left behind,
had need of comfort also, the world being so dangerous as it is/ And so he
spake many comfortable words to Mr. Latimer.

" At the length Mr. Latimer demanded of him, whether he had a wife or
no ? With that question Bainham fell a weeping. ' What/ quoth Latimer,
' is this your constancy to God-wards ? What mean you thus to weep ? '
* O sir,' said Bainham to Mr. Latimer, ' you have now touched me very nigh.
I have a wife, as good a woman as ever man was joined unto. And I shall
leave her now, not only without substance, or any thing to live by ; but also
for my sake, she shall be an opprobrie unto the world, and be pointed at of
every man in this sort, Yonder goeth a heretique's wife ! And therefore she
shall be disdained for my sake, which is no small grief to me.' ' Mary, sir, I
perceive/ quoth Latimer, ' that you are a very weak champion, that will be
overthrown with such a vanity. Where are become all those comfortable
words that so late you alleged unto us, that should tarry here behind you ?
I mervail what you mean. Is not Almighty God able to be a husband to
your wife, and a father unto your children, if you commit them to him in a
strong faith ? I am sorry to see you in this taking, as though God had no

BISHOP RIDLEY. 35

to consent unto it. As for that which is objected out of the
fathers, I acknowledge it to bee well spoken, if it be well under-
standed. But it is meant of them which suppose they are defiled
if any secret vice be either in the ministers, or in them that com-
municate with them, and is not meant of them which doe abhorre
superstition, and wicked traditions of men, and will not suffer the
same to be thrust upon themselves, or upon the church instead
of Gods word and the truth of the gospell.

M. Latimer. The verie marow bones of the masse are altoge-
ther detestable, and therefore by no meanes to be borne withall,
so that of necessitie the mending of it is to abolish it for ever.
For if you take away oblation, and adoration, which doe hang
upon 5 consecration and transubstantiation, the most papistes of
them all will not set a button by the masse, as a thing which they
esteem not, but for the gaine that followeth thereon. For if the
English communion, which of late was used, were as gainefull to
them, as the masse hath beene heretofore, they would strive no
more for their masse : from thence groweth the griefe.

Anton, object. 5. Consider into what dangers you cast your
selfe, if you forsake the church : and you cannot but forsake it,
if you refuse to goe to masse. For the masse is the sacrament
of unitie : without the arke there is no salvation. The church is
the arke and Peters ship. Ye know this saying 6 well enough :

care of his, when he numbereth the hairs of a man's head. If he do not
provide for them, the fault is in us that mistrust him. It is our infidelity
that causeth him to do nothing for ours. Therefore, repent, Mr. Bainham,
for this mistrusting of Almighty God's goodness. And be you sure, and I
do most firmly believe it, that if you do commit your wife, with a strong faith,
unto the governance of Almighty God, and so die therein, she, within this
two years, peradventure in one year, shall be better provided for, as touching
the felicity of this world, then you, with all your policy, could do for her
yourself, if you were presently here.' And so, with such like words, expos-
tulating with him for his feeble faith, he made an end. Mr. Bainham, calling
his spirits to himself, most heartily thanked Mr. Latimer for his good comfort
and counsele ; saying plainly, that he would not for much, but that he had
come thither to him ; for nothing in the world so much troubled him, as the
care of his wife and family. And so they departed. And the next day
Bainham was burnt. Of whose death this wondrous thing is recorded, that
in the midst of the flames he professed openly that he felt no pain."-
Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii. 236 — 8.

5 Which doe hang upon.~\ Compare above, Life of Latimer, vol. ii. p. 594.

6 This saying. .] " Si quis absque ecclesia inventus fuerit, alienus erit a
numero filiorum : nee habebit Deum patrem qui ecclesiam noluerit habere

D 2

36 BISHOP RIDLEY.

" he shall not have God to be his father, which acknowledged! not
the church to be his mother." Moreover, without the church
(saith S. Augustine) be the life never so well spent, it shall not
inherit the kingdome of heaven.

M. Ridleys answere. The holie catholike or universall church,
which is the communion of saints, the house of God, the citie of
God, the spouse of Christ, the bodie of Christ, the pillar and stay
of the truth, this church I beleeve according to the creede. This
church I doe^reverence, and honour in the Lord. But the rule
of this church is the word of God, according to which rule, we
goe forward unto life. And as many as walke according to this
rule, I say with S. Paule, peace be upon them, and upon Israeli,
which pertaineth unto God. The guide of this church is the
Holie Ghost. The marks 7 whereby this church is knowne unto
me in this darke world, and in the middest of this crooked and
froward generation, are these : the sincere preaching of Gods
holy word, the due administration of the sacraments, charitie,
and faithfull observing of ecclesiasticall discipline, according to
the word of God. And that church or congregation which is
garnished with these markes, is in verie deede that hcavenlic
Jerusalem, which consisteth of those that bee borne from above.
This is the mother of us all : and by Gods grace, I will live and
die the childe of this church. Foorth of this (I grant) there is
no salvation: and I suppose the residue of the places objected
are rightly to be understanded of this church onely. — In times
past (sayth Chrysostome) there are many wayes to know the
church of Christ, that is to say, by good life, by miracles, by
chastitie, by doctrine, by ministring the sacraments. But from
that time that heresies did take holde of the church, it is onely
knowne by the Scriptures which is the true church. They have
all things in outward shew, which the true church hath in truth.
They have temples like unto ours, &c. And in the end he con-
cludeth ; wherefore onely by the Scriptures doe we know which
is the true church.

To that which they saie, the masse is the sacrament of unitie ;

matrem: nihilque ei valebit quod credidit vel fecit tanta bona sine fine
suinini boni." Augustini de Symbolo sermo ad Calechumenos, § 13.

^ The marks ] Compare Art. XlXth of the Church of England. r!Tie
marks here mentioned by Ridley are the same which are attributed to the
church in the catechism of kin# Edward VI. Sec Enchiridion Theolog., vol. i,
p. 44, 5.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 37

I aunswere : The bread which we breake, according to the insti-
tution of the Lord, is the sacrament of the unitie of Christs mys-
ticall body. For we being many are one bread, and one body, for
somuch as wee all are partakers of one bread. But in the masse
the Lords institution is not observed : for wee bee not all par-
takers of one bread, but one devoureth all, &c. So that (as it is
used) it may seeme a sacrament of singularitie, and of a certaine
speciall priviledge for one sect of people, whereby they may be
discerned from the rest, rather then a sacrament of unitie,
wherein our knitting together in one is represented.

M. Latimer. Yea, what fellowship hath Christ with antichrist 2
Therefore is it not lawfull to beare the yoke with papists. Come
forth from among them, and separate yourselves from them,
sayeth the Lord. It is one thing to be the church indeed, ano-
ther thing to counterfait the church. Would God it were well
knowne, what is the forsaking of the church. In the kinges
days that dead is, who was the church of England ? The king
and his fautors, or, the massemongers in corners ? If the king
and the fautors of his proceedings, why be not we now the church,
abiding in the same proceedings ? If clanculary massemongers
might be of the church, and yet contrarie to the kings proceed-
ings, why may not we as well be of the church, contrarying the
queens proceedings ? Not all that be covered with the title of the
church, are the church indeed. Separate thy selfe from them
that are such, saith S. Paul : — from whom ? The text hath before,
If any man follow other doctrine, &c. he is puft up, and knoweth
nothing, &c. Weigh the whole text, that yee may perceive what
is the fruit of contentious disputations. — But wherefore are such
men said to know nothing, when they know so many thinges ?
You know the old verses,

" Hoc est nescire, sine Christo plurima scire :
Si Christum berie scis, satis est, si ceetera nescis."

That is, this is to be ignorant, to knowe many thinges without
Christ : if thou knowest Christ well thou knowest inough, though
thou know no more. Therefore would saint Paul know nothing,
but Jesus Christ crucified, &c. As many as are papists and
massemongers, they may well be said to know nothing. For they
knowe not Christ ; for as much as in their massing they take
much away from the benefite and merite of Christ.

Anton, object. 6. That church which you have described unto

38 BISHOP RIDLEY.

me, is invisible, but Christes church is visible and known. For
else why would Christ have said, die Eccksice, Tell it unto the
church. For he had commanded in vaine to goe unto the church
if a man cannot tell which it is.

M. Ridley es answere. The church which I have described is
visible, it hath members which may be scene ; and also, I have
afore declared, by what markes and tokens it may be knowne.
But if either our eies are so dazled, that we cannot see, or that
Sathan hath brought such darknesse into the world that it is hard
to discerne the true church ; that is not the fault of the church,
but either of our blindnesse, or of Sathans darknes. But yet in
this most deep darknes, there is one most cleere candle, which of
itself alone is able to put away all darkenesse ; " Thy word is a
candle unto my feete, and a light unto my steps."

Anton, object. 7. The church of Christ is a catholike or uni-
versall church, dispearsed throughout the whole world : this
church is the great house of God, in this are good men and evill
mingled together, goates and sheep, corne and chaffe : it is the
net which gathereth all kind of fishes. This church can not erre,
because Christe hath promised it his spirit, which shall lead it into
all truth : and that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it :
that hee will be with it unto the end of the world : whatsoever it
shall loose, or binde upon earth, shall be ratified in heaven, &c.
This church is the piller and staie of the truth : this is it for the
which saint Augustine saith, he beleeveth the gospell. But this
universall church alloweth the masse, because the more parte of
the same alloweth it. Therefore, &c.

M. Eidleyes answere. I grant that the name of the church is
taken after three divers maners in the Scriptures. Sometime for
the whole multitude of them which professe the name of Christ,
of the which they are also named Christians. But as saint Paul
saith of the Jew, not everie one is a Jew, that is a Jew outwardly,
&c. neither yet all that be of Israeli, are counted the seede;
even so not every one which is a Christian outwardly, is a Christian
in deede. For if any man have not the spirit of Christ, the same
is none of his.

Therefore that church which is his hodie, and of which Clni-t
is the head, standcth onely of living stones, and true Christians,
not onely outwardly in name and title, but inwardly in heart and
in truth. But forsomuch as this church (which is the- second
taking of the church) as touching the outward fellowship, is con-

BISHOP RIDLEY. 39

tained within the great house, and hath with the same, outward
societie of the sacraments and ministerie of the worde, many
things are spoken of that universal! church (which saint Augus-
tine calleth the mingled church) which cannot truely be under-
standed, but onlie of that pure part of the church. So that the
rule of Ticonius 8 concerning the mingled church, may here well
take place, where there is attributed unto the whole church that
which cannot agree unto the same, but by reason of the one part
thereof ; that is either for the multitude of good men, which is
the verie true church indeed, or for the multitude of evill men,
which is the malignant church and synagogue of sathan ; and is
also the third taking of the church : of the which, although there
be seldomer mention in the Scriptures, in that signification, yet in
the world, even in the most famous assemblies of Christendome,
this church hath borne the greatest swinge. This distinction
pre-supposed of the three sortes of churches, it is an easie matter,
by a figure called synecdoche, to give to the mingled and univer-
sall church, that which cannot truely be understanded but onely
of the one parte thereof.

But if any man will stiffely afnrme, that universall doth so per-
tain unto church that whatsoever Christ hath promised to the
church, it must needes be understanded of that, I would gladly
know of the same man, where that universall church was in the
times of the patriarkes and prophets, of Noah, Abraham and
Moses (at such time as the people would have stoned him), of
Helias 9, of Hieremie, in the times of Christ, and the dispersion

8 Rule of TiconiusJ] " Tichonius quidam qui contra Donatistas invictissime
scripsit, cum fuerit Donatista, et illic invenitur absurdissimi cordis, ubi eos
non omni ex parte relinquere voluit fecit librum quern Regularum vocavit,
quia in eo quasdam septem regulas exsecutus est, quibus quasi clavibus
divinarum Scripturarum aperirentur occulta. Quarum primam ponit de Do-
mino et ejus corpore, secundam De Domini corpore bipartite, tertiam De pro-
missis et lege, quartam De specie et genere, quintam De temporibus, sextam De
recapitulatione, septimam De diabolo et ejus corpore" Augustinus de Doctrina
Christiana, lib. iii. cap. 42. The work of Tichonius is to be found in the
Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. xv. of the Cologne edition, 1622, and vol. vi. of
the Lyons edition, 1677.

9 Of Helias.'] Laurence Saunders, the martyr, writes as follows from his
prison in the Marshalsea, to a friend, who had desired to know what had
passed at a visit which Dr. Weston had made him there.

" Maister Weston came to conferre with Mr. Grimbold ; and what he hath
with him concluded, I know not. I pray that it may be to God's glory !
Amen. ["Maister

40 BISHOP RIDLEY.

of the apostles, in the time of Arius, when Constantius was empe-
ror, and Felix bishop of Rome succeeded Liberius. It is worthie
to be noted, that Lira * writeth upon Mathew 2 : The church
(saith he) doth not stand in men by reason of their power or dig-
nitie, whether it be ecclesiasticall, or secular. For many princes
and popes, and other inferiors have beene found to have fallen
away from God. Therefore the church consisteth in those per-
sons, in whom is true knowledge and confession of the faith, and
of the truth. Evill men (as it is in a glose of the decrees 3) are in
the church in name, and not in deede. And saint Augustine *,
contra Cresconium grammaticum saith : Whosoever is afraide to
be deceived by the darkenesse of this question, let him aske coun-
sell at the same church of it : which church the Scripture dooth
point out without anie doubtfulnesse. — All my notes which I have
written and gathered out of such authors as I have read in this

" Maister Weston, of his gentleness, visited me, and offered me frendship,
in hys worldlye, wilye sort. I had not so much manners as to take it at his
hands, saying that * I was well enough, and ready chearefully to abide the
extremetie, to kepe thereby a good conscience.' ' You be a-sleep in sin,' sayd
he. * I would awake,' quoth I, * and do not forgef Vigilate et orate, &c."
' What church was there,' quoth he, 'thirty yeres past ?' ' What church was
there, in Helias' time ?' quoth I. ' Joane of Kent,' quoth he, ' was of your
church.' * No ;' quoth I, ' we did condemne her as an heretike.' ' Who was
of your church,' quoth he, * thirty yeare past ? ' ' Such,' quoth I, * as that
Romysh Antichrist had reputed and condemned as heretikes.' ' Wickliffe,
Thorpe, Oldcastle,' quoth he. ' Yea,' quoth I, * and many more, as storyes
do tell.' * The byshop of Rome,' quoth he, * long time played a parte in your
rayling sermons ; but now, be sure, he must playe another manner of part.'
* More pitie,' quoth I : ' and yet, some comfort it is, to see how that the best-
learned, the wisest and holiest of you all, have heretofore had hyra to playe a
parte likewyse in your sermons and writings ; though now to please the
world, ye turne with the wethercocke.' — * Did you ever,' quoth he, ' heare
me preach agaynst the byshop of Rome ? ' ' No,' quoth I, ' for I never heard
you preach : but I trow, you have been no wiser than other.' " Martyrs9
Letters, p. 150.

1 Lira.] See vol. ii. note at p. 515.

2 Upon Mathew.'] Comm. in ch. xvi. " Ecclesia non consistit in homi-
nibus, ratione potestatis vel dignitatis ecclesiasticae vel secularis, quia multi
principes, et summi pontifices et alii inferiores inventi sunt apostasse a fide."

3 Of the decrees.] " Nam sunt quidatn in ecclesia, nomine et re, ut boni
Catholici, quidam nomine nee re, ut prsecisi, quidam nomine tantura — quidam
re tantum." Decreti II. Par., can. xxiii. quaest. iii. De p&nit. i. 70.

4 Saint Augustine.] " Unisons falli metuit, hujus obscuritaU- quastionis,
earndcm ecclesiam de ilia consulat, quam sine ulla ambiguitate sancta
Scriptura demonstrat." Augustinus contra Cresconium Donatistam. lib. i. 39.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 41

matter, and such like, are come into the hands of such, as will not
let me have the least of all my written bookes : wherein I am
inforced to complaine of them unto God : for they spoyle me of
all my labours, which I have taken in my studie these manie
yeares. My memorie was never good, for helpe whereof I have
used for the most part to gather out notes of my reading, and so
to place them, that therby I might have had the use of them
when the time required. But who knoweth whether this be Gods
will, that I should be thus ordered, and spoiled of the poore learn-
ing I had (as me thought) in store, to the intent that I now
destitute of that, should from thenceforth learne onelie to knowe
with Paule, Christ, and him crucified ? — The Lord graunt mee
herein to be a good young scholler, and to learne this lesson so
well, that neither death nor life, wealth nor woe, &c. make mee
ever to forget that ! Amen, amen.

M. Latimer. I have no more to say in this matter: for you
your selfe have said all that is to be said. That same vehement
saying of saint Augustine, " I would not beleeve the gospel5," &c.
was woont to trouble many men. As I remember, I have read it
well qualified of Philippe Melancthon : but my memorie is alto-
gether slipperie. This it is in effect ; the church is not a judge,
but a wittnesse 6. There were in his time that lightly esteemed
the testimonie of the church, and the outward ministerie of
preaching, and rejected the outward word it selfe, sticking onely
to their inward revelations. Such rash contempt of the word
provoked and drave saint Augustine into that excessive vehe-
mencie. In the which after the bare sound of the wordes, hee
might seeme to such as do not attaine unto his meaning, that
hee preferred the church farre before the gospell, and that the
church hath a free authority over the same : but that godly man
never thought so. It were a saying worthy to be brought forth
against the anabaptists, which thinke the open ministerie to be a
thing not necessarie, if they any thing esteemed such testimonies.

5 I would not beleeve the gospel.'] " Evangelic non crederem nisi me Ca-
tholicae ecclesise commoveret auctoritas." Augustinus contra epistolam
Manichfsi quam vacant Fundamenti ; § 6.

6 But a witnessed] " Wherefore, although the church be a witness and a
keeper of holy writ, yet, as it ought not to decree any thing against the same,
so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed for neces-
sity of salvation." Art. XX. of the Church of England; Of the authority of
the Church.

42 BISHOP RIDLEY.

I would not sticke to affirme that the more part of the great
house, that is to say of the whole universal! church, may easily
erre. And againe, I would not sticke to affirme that it is one
thing to be gathered together in the name of Christ, and another
thing to come together with a masse of the Holy Ghost 7 going
before. For in the first Christ ruleth, in the latter the divell
beareth the swinge 8 : and how then can any thing be good that
they goe about ? From this latter shall our sixe articles 9 come
forth againe into the light, they themselves being verie darken'
— But it is demanded, whether the sounder or better part of the
catholicke church may be scene of men or no \ Saint Paule saitli,
The Lord knoweth them that are his. What maner of speaking
is this, in commendation of the Lord, if we know as well as he,
who are his ? Well, thus is the text : The sure foundation of
God standeth still, and hath this scale, the Lord knoweth them
that are his, and let everie man that nameth the name of Christ
depart from iniquitie. Now how manie are there of the whole
catholicke church of England, which depart from iniquitie ? How
many of the noble men, how many of the bishops or clergie, how

7 A masse of the Holy Ghost. .] That is, according to the practice of the
church at the opening of councils, convocations, &c. "Therefore, I say, it
is hoth laudable and necessary, that all councels be begon with prayers unto
our mercyfull Father, and in our prayers to open unto him our necessities,
and to call uppon him for ayde to rule oure hartes whollye to seke his glory.
But this must be done ernestly with harty mourning unto him, not slen-
derlye, not for a face and custume only, as hath bene hetherto used, to have
an unholy masse of the Holy Ghost, rolled up with discant, pryksonge, and
organes, whereby mens hartes be ravished cleane bothe from God, and from
the cogitations of al such things as they ought to pray for." Complaint of
Roderyck Mors unto the Parliament House of England, signat. A 5 b. See also
Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. i. p. 50.

8 Beareth the swinge.] " Cardinall Chastillion, as I hear, is a great aider of
Lutherians, and hath been a great stay in this matter, which otherwise had
been before now concluded, to the destruction of any man that had almost
spoken of God's word. Nevertheless, the Protestants here fear that it cannot
come much to a better end, where such a number of bishops and cardinals
bear the swing." Sir William Pickering to the lords of the council, from
Melun, 4th Sept. 1551, in Tytler, i. 420.

" When the time drew nigh that the king's majestic (who was newly
married to that good and virtuous lady, Katherine Parr) should make his
progress abroad, the aforesaid Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, had
so compassed his matters, that no man bare so great a swinge about the king
as he did." Fox, m-w e lit. vol. v. p. 486.

9 Our sixe articles.'] See above, Life of Cromwell, vol. ii. p. 260, and note.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 43

many of the rich men, or marchants, how many of the queenes
counsellors, yea, how many of the whole realme ? In how small
roome then, I pray you, is the true church within the realme of
England I And where is it ? And in what state ? I had a con-
ceite of mine owne well grounded (as they say) when I began, but
now it is fallen by the way.

Anton, object. 8. Generall councels represent the universall
church, and have this promise of Christ. Where two or three
be gathered together in my name, there am I in the middest
of them. If Christ bee present with two or three, then much
more where there is so great a multitude, &c. But in generall
councels masse hath bin approved and used. Therefore, &c.

M. Ridleys answere. Of the universall church which is mingled
of good and bad, thus I thinke l : whensoever they which be
chiefe in it, which rule and governe the same, and to whom the
rest of the whole mysticall body of Christ doth obey, are the
lively members of Christ, and walke after the guiding and rule of
his word, and goe before the flock towards everlasting life, then
undoubtedlie counsels gathered together of such guides and
pastours of the Christian flocke doe indeed represent the universall
church, and being so gathered in the name of Christ, they have a
promise of the gift and guiding of his spirit into all truth. But
that any such counsel hath at any time allowed the masse, such
a one as ours was of late, in a strange tongue, and stuffed with
so many absurdities, errors, and superstitions, that I utterlie
denie. and ainrme it to bee impossible. For like as there is no
agreement betwixt light and darknesse, betweene Christ and
Beliall, so surelie superstition and the sincere religion of Christ,
will-worship, and the pure worshipping of God, such as God
requireth of his, that is, in spirit and trueth, can never agree
together. But ye will say, where so great a companie is gathered
together, it is not credible but there be two or three gathered in
the name of Christ. I aunswere : if there be one hundred good,
and two hundred badde (forsomuch as the decrees and ordinances
are pronounced according to the greater number of the multitude
of voices) what can the lesse number of voices availe ? It is a
knowne thing, and a common proverbe : Oftentimes the greater
part overcommeth the better.

M. Latimer. As touching generall councels, at this present

1 Thus 1 thinke.'] Compare Art. XXI of the Church of England; Of the
authority of General Councils.

44 BISHOP RIDLEY.

I have no more to say, than you have sayd. Only I referre you
to your owne experience, to thinke of our countrey parliaments
and convocations, how and what ye have seene and heard. The
more part in my time did bring forth the sixe articles : for then
the king would so have it, being secured of certaine. Afterward
the more part did repell the same, our good Josias 2 willing to have
it so. The same articles now againe (alas) another great, but
worse part hath restored. O what an uncertaintie is this ! But
after this sort most commonly are mans proceedings : God be
mercifull unto us, who shall deliver us from such tormentes of
mind? Therefore is death the best physitian, but unto the
faithfull, whom she together at once delivereth from all griefes.
You must thinke this written upon this occasion, because you
would needs have your paper blotted.

Anton, object. 9. If the matter should go thus, that in
generall councels men should not stand to the more number of
the whole multitude (I meane of them which ought to give
voices) then should no certaine rule be left unto the church, by
the which controversies in weightie matters might be determined:
but it is not to be beleeved, that Christ would leave his church
destitute of so necessarie a helpe and safegard.

M. Ridleyes answere. Christ, who is ' the most loving spouse
of his espouse the church, who also gave himselfe for it, that he
might sanctifie it unto himselfe, did give unto it abundantly all
thinges which are necessarie to salvation, but yet so, that the
church should declare it selfe obedient unto him in all thinges,
and keep it selfe within the boundes of his commaundements, and
further not to seeke any thing which hee teacheth not, as
necessarie unto salvation. Now further, for determination of
all controversies in Christs religion, Christ himselfe hath left
unto the church not onely Moses and the prophets, whome hee
willeth his church in all doubts to goe unto, and aske counsell at,
but also the gospels, and the rest of the body of the Newe Testa-
ment : in the which whatsoever is heard of Moses and the pro-
pin -ts, and whatsoever is necessarie to be knowne unto salvation,
is revealed and opened.

So that now we have no need to say, Who shall clime up into

2 Good Josias.'] Edward VI.

» Christ, who is.] Compare Art. VI. and XX. of the Church of England :
Of the sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures for salvation; and Of the authority of
the Church.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 45

heaven, or who shall goe downe into the deapth, to tell us what
is needfull to be done I Christ hath done both, and hath com-
mended unto us the word of faith, which also is aboundantlie
declared unto us in his word written, so that heereafter if wee
walke earnestly in this way, to the searching out of the trueth,
it is not to be doubted, but thorow the certain benefit of Christs
spirit, which he hath promised unto his, wee may finde it, and
obtaine everlasting life. Should men aske counsell of the dead
for the living, saith Esay ? Let them go rather to the la we and
to the testimonie, &c. Christ sendeth them that be desirous to
know the truth, unto the Scriptures, saying: Search the Scriptures.
I remember a like thing well spoken of Hierom : Ignorance of
the Scriptures, is the mother and cause of all errours. And in
another place, as I remember in the same author : The know-
ledge of the Scriptures is the food of everlasting life. But now
me thinketh I enter into a very broad sea, in that I begin to
shew, either out of the Scriptures themselves, or out of the
ancient writers, how much the holy Scripture is of force to teach
the truth of our religion. But this is it, that I am now about,
that Christ would have the church his spouse in all doubtes to
aske counsell at the word of his Father written, and faithfully
left, and commended unto it in both Testaments, the olde and
the new. Neither doe wee reade that Christ in any place hath
laide so great a burthen upon the members of his spouse, that
he hath commanded them to goe to the universall church. What
soever things are written saith Paule, are written for our learning.
And it is true that Christ gave unto his church, some apostles,
some prophets, some evangelists, some shepheardes and teachers,
to the edifying of the saintes, till wee come all to the unitie of
faith, &c. But that all men should meete together out of all
partes of the world, to define of the articles of our faith, I neither
finde it commanded of Christ, nor written in the word of God.

H. Latimer. There is diversity betwixt things pertaining to
God or faith, and politike and civill matters. For in the first
wee must stand only to the Scriptures, which are able to make us
all perfect and instructed unto salvation, if they bee well under-
standed. And they offer themselves to bee well understanded
onely to them, which have good willes, and give themselves to
study and prayer. Neither are there any men lesse apt to
understand them, than the prudent and wise men of the world.
But in the other, that is in civill or politike matters, oftentimes

46 BISHOP RIDLEY.

the magistrates doe tolerate a lesse evill, for avoiding of a greater :
as they which have this saying oft in their mouthes : " better an
inconvenience than a mischiefe." And it is the propertie of a
wise man, saith one, to dissemble many thinges ; and he that
cannot dissemble, cannot rule. In which sayinges they bewray
themselves, that they do not earnestly weigh what is just, what is
not. Wherfore forasmuch as mans lawes, if it be but in this
respect onely, that they be devised by men, are not able to bring
any thing to perfection, but are inforced of necessitie to suffer
many thinges out of square, and are compelled sometime to winkc
at the worst things : seeing they k no we not how to maintain*'
the common peace and quiet otherwise, they doe ordaine that the
more part 4 shall take place. You knowe what these kindes of
speeches meane, "I speake after the maner of men:" uyee
walke after the maner of men ;" " all men are lyars." And that
of saint Augustine : " if ye live after mans reason, yee doe not
live after the will of God."

Anto. object. 10. If yee say that councels have sometime
erred, or may erre, how then should we beleeve the catholike
church ! for that counsels are gathered by the authoritie of the
catholike church.

M. Ridleyes answer. From may be to be indeed, is no good
argument : but from being to may be, no man doubteth, but it is
a most sure argument. But now that councels have sometime
erred5, it is manifest. — How many councels were there in the
east parts of the world, which condemned the Nicene councell ?
and all those which would not forsake the same, they called by a
slaunderous name (as they thought) Homoousians. Was not
Athanasius, Chrysostome, Cyrill, Eustachius, men very well
learned, and of godly life, banished and condemned as famous
heretikes, and that by wicked councels ? How many thinges are
there in the canons and constitutions of the councels, which the
papists themselves do much mislike? — But here peradventmv
one man will say unto me : We will grant you this in provinciall
councels, or councels of some one nation, that they may sonic-
times erre, forsomuch as they doe not represent the universal!

4 The more part.] See Christian Institutes, Index, under Majority of votes,
&c., nature and incidents of.

6 Have sometime erred.] See Art. XXI. of the Church of Inland : Of the
authority of Gencrnl Councils.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 47

church : but it is not to be beleeved, that the generall and full
counsels have erred at any time. — Heere if I had my bookes of
the councels, or rather such notes as I have gathered out of
those bookes, I could bring something which shuld serve for this
purpose. But now seeing I have them not, I will recite one
place only out of saint Austen, which (in my judgment) may
suffice in this matter in steed of many. Who knoweth not (sayth
he) 6 that the holy Scripture is so set before us, that it is not
lawfull to doubt of it ; and that the letters of bishops may be
reprooved by other mens wordes, and by councels, and that the
councels themselves which are gathered by provinces and coun-
tries, do give place to the authoritie of the generall and full
councelles : and that the former generall councels are amended
by the latter, when as by some experience of thinges, either that
which was shut up, is opened, or that which was hid is known.
— Thus much out of Augustine. But I will plead with our An-
tonian, upon matter confessed. Heer with us when as papistrie
raigned, I pray you how doth that booke which was called the
Bishops Booke, made in the time of king Henrie the eight,
whereof the bishop of Winchester 7 is thought to be either the
first father or chiefe gatherer : how doth it (I say) sharply

6 Sayth he.~\ De baptismo contra Donatistas, lib. ii. § 4.

7 The bishop of Winchester. .] I own this statement surprises me ; and yet
it may well seem presumptuous to call in question the authority of Ridley on
a point like the present. The " Bishop's Book " unquestionably is that
whose proper title is, "The Institution of a Christian Man, &c." (A.D. 1537.)
Now of this, I confess, I have long been much more inclined to attribute the
main authorship to Cranmer, and others of his party, especially, perhaps, to
Fox, bishop of Hereford, than to Gardiner ; while again, Gardiner no doubt
did exert a great and mischievous influence on the preparation and contents
of that other book, often styled "the King's Book," that is, "A Necessary
Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen Man, set furth by the Kynges
Majesty of Englande, &c." (A.D. 1543), curious and valuable as that work
still, undeniably, is. — I venture to conjecture therefore, that Ridley here inad-
vertently wrote the "Bishop's Booke" instead of the "King's Book:" a
conjecture, which probably may be considered well-grounded, when I men-
tion, that in the latter, there is " a sharp reproof" of the Florentine Council,
(see p. 285 of a useful volume, the Formularies of Faith put forth by autho-
rity during the reign of Henry VIII, published at Oxford, A.D. 1825. and
superintended by bishop Lloyd, then Regius Professor of Divinity in that
university;) while I do not find any such "reproof" in the other work, the
Institution ; or indeed any mention of the council at all. Of this book, some
account may be found in the present collection, in a note to the Life of Crom-
well, vol. ii. p. 261.

48 BISHOP RIDLEY.

reproove the Florentine councell, in which was decreede the
supremacie of the bishop of Rome, and that with the consent of
the emperor of Constantinople, and of the Grecians ? So that in
those daies our learned ancient fathers, and bishoppes of Eng-
land, did not sticke to affirme, that a generall councell might
erre. — But me think I hear another man despising all that I have
brought forth, and saying : these which you have called councels,
are not worthy to be called councels, but rather assemblies, and
conventicles of h^retikes, — I pray you sir, why do you judge them
worthy of so slaunderous a name? — Because (sayth he) they
decreed things hereticall, contrarie to true godlinesse, and sound
doctrine, and against the faith of Christian religion. — The cause
is waightie, for the which they ought of right so to bee calk-d.
But if it be so that all councels ought to be despised, which
decree anie thing contrarie to sound doctrine, and the true worde,
which is according to godlinesse ; for so much as the masse,
such as we had here of late, is openly against the word of God,
forsooth it must folio we of necessitie, that all such councels, as
have approoved such masses, ought of right to bee fled and de-
spised as conventicles, and assembles of men that stray from the
truth.

Another man alledgeth unto me the authentic of the bishop of
Rome, without which, neither can the councels (saith he) be law-
fully gathered, neither being gathered determin any thing con-
cerning religion. But this objection is onely grounded upon the
ambitious and shamelesse mainetainance of the Romish tyrannic,
and usurped dominion over the clergie, which tyrannic wee Eng-
lish men long agoe, by the consent of the whole reahne, have
expulsed, and abjured. And how rightlie we have done it, a little
booke *, sette forth de utraque potestate (that is of both the powers)
doth clearely shewe. I grant that the Romish ambition hath
gone about to challenge to it selfe and to usurpe such a pri-
viledge of olde time. But the councell of Carthage, in the yeare
of our Lord 457, did openly withstand it, and also the counsel at
Milevis, in the which S. Augustine was present, did prohibite any
appellations to be made to bishops beyond the sea.

8 A little booke.'] Intitled De differentia regies potestatis et ecclesiastics, ac
qua sit ipsa veritas ac virtus utriusqne. A.D. 1534, attributed commonly to
Fox, soon after made bishop of Hereford. In the reign of Edward VI. it was
translated into English by Henry Lord Stafford, and published with a dedica-
tion to the Duke of Somerset.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 49

Anto. object. 11. Saint Augustine saith, the good men are
not to be forsaken for the evill, but the evill are to be borne withal
for the good. Ye will not say (I trowe) that in our congregations
all bee evill.

M. Ridley es answere. I speake nothing of the goodnesse or
evilnesse of your congregations : but I fight in Christs quarrell
against the masse, which doth utterly take away and overthrow
the ordinance of Christ. Let that be taken quite away, and then
the partition 9 of the wall that made the strife, shall bee broken
downe. — Now to the place of saint Austen, for bearing with the
evill for the goodes sake, there ought to bee added other wordes,
which the same writer hath expressedly in other places, that is ;
if those evill men doe cast abroad no seedes of false doctrine,
nor lead other to destruction by their example.

Anto. object. 12. It is perillous to attempt any new thing in
the church, which lacketh example of good men. How much
more perillous is it to commit any act, unto the which, the exam-
ples of the prophets, of Christ, and of the apostles are contrary ?
But unto this your fact, in abstaining from the church by reason
of the masse, the examples of the prophets, of Christ, and of the
apostles are clean contrarie. Therefore, &c. The first part of
the argument is evident, and the second part I proove thus. In
the times of the prophets, of Christ, and his apostles, ah1 things
were most corrupt. The people was miserably given to supersti-
tion, the priestes despised the law of God : and yet notwith-
standing, wee neither read that the prophets made any schismes
or divisions, and Christ himselfe haunted the temple, and taught
in the temple of the Jewes. Peter and John went up into the
temple at the ninth houre of praier : Paule after the reading of
the law, being desired to say something to the people, did not

9 And then the partition.~\ It is not unusual for our Reformers to speak of
the regret with which they find themselves separated from their Romanizing
brethren. Thus, Bilney, as we saw above in his Life, "Against whom,
good people, we must preach and teach unto you. For we cannot come to
them : it is great pitie." And archbishop Parker, after the settlement in
favour of the Protestants under queen Elizabeth, speaks with regret of the
mutual provocations to bitterness, and that the Romish writers, by the
temper in which they write, almost constrain things "to be put abrode
in syght, whiche otherwyse myght have been kept in scilence." Defence
of Priests' Marriages, p. 336.

I do not remember to have noticed the expression of similar feelings of
concern from the other side.

VOL. III. E

50 BISHOP RIDLEY.

refuse to do it. Yea further, no man can shew, that either the
prophetes, or Christ and his apostles did refuse to pray together
with others, to sacrifice, or to be partakers of the sacraments of
Moses law.

M. Ridleyes answere. I grant the former part of your argu-
ment ; and to the second part I say, that although it containe
many true thinges, as of the corrupt state in the times of the
prophets, of Christ and the apostles, and of the temple being
haunted of Christ and his apostles, yet notwithstanding, the second
part of your argument is not sufficientlie proved. For ye ought
to have prooved, that either the prophets, either Christ or his
apostles did in the temple communicate with the people in anie
kinde of worshipping which is forbidden by the lawe of God, or
repugnant to the word of God. But that can no where be shewed.
And as for the church I am not angry with it, and I never refused
to goe to it, and to pray with the people, to heare the worde of
God, and to do all other things whatsoever may agree with the
word of God. Saint Augustine speaking of the ceremonies of
the Jewes (I suppose in the epistle ad Januarium) although he
grant they greevously oppressed that people, both for the number,
and bondage of the same, yet hee calleth them burdens of the
lawe, which were delivered unto them in the word of God, not
presumptions of men, which notwithstanding, if they were not
contrary to Gods worde, might after a sort be borne withall. But
now, seeing they are contrarie to those thinges, which are in the
word of God written, whether they ought to be borne of anie
Christian or no, let him judge which is spirituall, which feareth
God more than man, and loveth everlasting life, more than this
short and transitorie life. To that which was saide that my fact
lacketh example of the godly fathers that have gone before, the
contrarie is most evident in the historic of Toby. Of whom it is
saide, that when all other went to the golden calves, which Hiero-
boam the king of Israeli had made, he himselfe alone fledde nil
their companies, and got him to Jerusalem, unto the temple nf
the Lord, and there worshipped the Lord God of Israeli. Did
not the man of God threaten greevous plagues both unto the
priestes of Bethell and to the altar which Hieroboam hnddo there
made after his owne fantasie? Which pln^ues kimr -'n-iu- tin
true minister of God did execute at the time appointed. And
where doe wee reade that the prophets or the apnstles did agree
with the people in their idolatry? When as the people went a

BISHOP RIDLEY. 51

whoring with their hill altars, for what cause I pray you did the
prophetes rebuke the people so much, as for their false worship-
ping of God after their owne mindes, and not after Gods word ?
For what was so much as that was ? Wherefore the false pro-
phetes ceased not to maligne the true prophetes of God : there-
fore they beate them, they banished them, &c. How else I pray
you can you understand that saint Paule alleadgeth, when hee
saieth, what concord hath Christ with Beliall 2 either what part
hath the beleever with the infidell ? or how agreeth the temple of
God with images I for yee are the temple of the living God, as
GOD himselfe hath sayde ; I will dwell among them, and will bee
their God, and they shall bee my people : wherefore, come out
from among them, and separate your selves from them (sayeth
the Lord) and touch none uncleane thing : so will I receive you,
and will be a father unto you, and ye shall be my sonnes and
daughters, saith the Lord Almighty.

Judith, that holie woman, would not suffer her selfe to be
defiled with the meates of the wicked. All the saints of God
which truely feared God, when they have beene provoked to doe
any thing which they knew to be contrary to Gods lawes, have
chosen to die, rather than to forsake the lawes of their God.
Wherefore the Maccabees put themselves in danger of death for
the defence of the law, yea and at length died manfully in the
defence of the same. If we doe praise (sayth S. Augustine) the
Machabees, and that with great admiration, because they did
stoutly stand even unto death, for the lawes of their countrey ;
how much more ought we to suffer all things for our baptisme,
for the sacrament of the bodie and bloud of Christ ? &c. But the
supper of the Lord, such a one (I meane) as Christ commandeth
us to celebrate, the masse utterlie abolisheth, and corrupteth most
shamefully.

H. Latimer. Who am I that I should adde any thing to this
which you have so well spoken ? Nay, I rather thanke you, that
you have vouchsafed to minister so plentifull armour to me, being
otherwise altogether unarmed, saving that hee cannot bee left
destitute of helpe, which rightly trusteth in the helpe of God. I
only learne to die in reading of the New Testament, and am ever
now and then praying unto my God, that he will be an helper unto
me in time of need.

Anto. object. 13. Seeing you are so obstinately set against
the masse, that you will affirme, (because it is done in a tongue

E 2

52 BISHOP RIDLEY.

not understanded of the people, and for other causes, I cannot tell
what, therefore) it is not the true sacrament ordained of Christ ;
I begin to suspect you, that you think not catholickely of bap-
tisme also. Is our baptisme which we doe use in a tongue un-
knowne to the people, the true baptisme of Christ or no ? 1 f it
be, then doth not the strange tongue hurt the masse. If it be
not the baptisme of Christ, tell me how you were baptised?
Or whether will yee (as the anabaptists doe) that all which
were baptised in Latin, should bee baptised againe in the English,
tongue ?

M. Ridleyes answer. Although I would wish baptisme to be
given in the vulgar tongue for the peoples sake which are present.
that they may the better understand l their owne profession, and
also be more able to teach their children the same, yet notwith-
standing there is not like necessity of the vulgar tongue in bap-
tisme, and in the Lords supper. Baptisme is given to children,
who by reason of their age are not able to understand what is
spoken unto them, what tongue soever it be. The Lords supper
is, and ought to be given to them that are waxen. Moreover, in

1 The better understand.] Thus in a Supplication of the Poor Commons, pre-
sented to king Henry VIII. in the last year of his reign, the suppliants com-
plain against the clergy : " They baptize our children in the Latin tongue,
bidding us say volo, and credo, when we know not what it is they demand of
us. By this means it is brought to pass, that we know not what we promise
in our baptism ; but superstitiously we think, that the holiness of the words,
which sound so strangely in our ears, and of the water that is so oft crossed,
is the doing of all the matter. Yea, we think that if our children be well
plunged in the font, they shall be healthfull in all their limbs ever after. But
if they suffer by any misadventure, or have any hurt in any of their members,
incontinently we lay the fault, thinking that member was not well christened."
Strype's Eccles. Memor. vol. i. p. 402.

" Aske the people what they understand by their baptisme, and thou shalt
see that they beleve how that the very plunging into the water saveth them :
by the promises, they know not what is signified thereby. Baptism is called
volowing in many places of England, because the priest sayth * Voh, say ye.'
The childe was well volowed (they say) ; yea and our vicar is as fayre a
volower as ever a priest within this twenty miles.

" Beholde howe narrowly the people looke on the ceremony. If ought be
left out, or if the childe be not altogether dipt in the water, or if, because the
childe is sicke, the priest dare not plunge him into the water, but pours
water on his head, how tremble they ! How quake they ! How say yr, Sir
John (say they), is this childe christened enough ? Hath it his full Christen-
dome?" Tindal's Obedience of a Christian Man, Works, p. 153.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 53

baptisme which is accustomed to be given to children in the
Latine tongue, all the substantiall points (as a man would say)
which Christ commanded to be done, are observed. And there-
fore I judge that baptisme to be a perfect and true baptisme : and
that it is not onely not needfull, but also not lawfull for any man
so christened, to be christened againe. But yet notwithstanding,
they ought to be taught the catechisme of the Christian faith,
when they shall come to yeares of discretion : which catechisme
whosoever despiseth, or will not desirously inibrace and willinglie
learne, in my judgement he playeth not the part of a Christian
man. — But in the popish masse are wanting certaine substantiate,
that is to say, thinges commanded by the word of God to be
observed in the ministration of the Lords supper : of the which
there is sufficient declaration made before.

H. Latimer. Where you say (I would wish) surely I would
wish that you had spoken more vehemently, and to have saide it
is of necessitie that all things in the congregation should be done
in the vulgar tongue, for the edifying and comfort of them that
are present, notwithstanding that the childe it selfe is sufficientlie
baptised in the Latine tongue.

Anto. object. 14. Forasmuch as I perceive you are so stiffely,
I will not say obstinately bent, and so wedded to your opinion,
that no gentle exhortations, no wholsome counsels, no other kind
of meanes can call you home to a better mind, there remaineth
that which in like cases was wont to be the onlie remedie against
stiffnecked and stubborne persons, that is, you must be hammered
by the lawes, and compelled either to obey whether ye will or no,
or else to suffer that, which a rebell to the lawes ought to suffer.
Doe you not know that whosoever refuseth to obey the lawes of
the realme, hee bewrayeth himselfe to be an enemie to his
country ? Doe you not know that this is the readiest way to stir
up sedition, and civill warre ? It is better that you should beare
your owne sinne, than that through the example of your breach
of the common lawes the common quiet should bee disturbed.
How can you say, you will be the queenes true subject, when as
you doe openlie professe that you will not keepe her lawes ?

M. Ridley es answer. O heavenly Father, the father of all
wisedome, understanding and true strength, I beseech thee for
thy onlie son our saviour Christes sake, looke mercifully upon mee
wretched creature, and send thine holy Spirit into my breast,
that not onely 1 may understand according to thy wisedome, how

54 BISHOP RIDLEY.

this pestilent and deadlie dart is to be borne off, and with what
answere it is to be beaten backe, but also when I must joyne to
fight the field for the glorie of thy name, that then I being
strengthened with the defence of thy right hand, may manfully
stand in the confession of thy faith, and of thy truth, and continue
in the same unto the ende of my life, through the same our Lord
Jesus Christ. Amen.

Now to the objection. — I grant it to be reasonable, that hee
which by words and gentlenes can not be made to yeeld to that
is right and good, should be brideled by the streit correction of
the lawes : that is to say, he that will not be subject to Gods
word, must be punished by the lawes. It is true that is com-
monlie said : Hee that will not obey the gospell, must be tamed
and taught by the rigour of the lawe. But these thinges ought
to take place against him, which refuseth to doe that is right and
just, according to true godlinesse ; not against him, which cannot
quietlie beare superstitions, but doth hate and detest from his
heart such kind of proceedings, and that for the glorie of the
name of God. To that which ye saie, a transgressour of the
common lawes bewraieth himselfe to be an enemie of his countrey,
surely a man ought to looke unto the nature of the lawes, what
manner of lawes they be which are broken. For a faithful
Christian ought not to thinke alike of all manner of lawes. But
that saying ought onely truely to be understanded of such lawes
as be not contrarie to Gods word. Otherwise, whosoever love
their countrey in truth (that is to say in God) they will alwaies
judge (if at anie time the lawes of God and man be the one con-
trarie to the other) that a man ought rather to obey God than
man. And they that thinke otherwise, and pretend a love to
their countrey, forsomuch as they make their countrey to fight
as it were against God, in whom consisteth the onlie stay <>t
that countrey, surely I doe thinke that such are to be judged
most deadly enemies, and traytors to their countrey. For they
that fight against God, which is the safetie of their count rev.
what do they else but go about to bring upon their countrey a
present mine and destruction ? But they that doe so are worthy
to be judged enemies to their countrey, and betrayers of the
realme. Therefore, &c.

But this is the readiest way (yee saie) to stir up sedition, to
trouble thi' quiet of the common wealth : therefore arc these
thinges to be repressed in time, by force of lawes. Dehold.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 55

Sathan doth not cease to practise his old guiles, and accustomed
subtleties. He hath ever this dart in a readines to hurle against
his adversaries, to accuse them of sedition, that he may bring
them (if he can) in danger of the higher powers. For so hath he
by his ministers alwaies charged the prophets of GOD. Achabe
saide unto Elias, art thou hee that troubleth Israeli 2 The false
prophets also complained to their princes of Jeremie, that his
words were seditious and not to be suffered. Did not the Scribes
and Pharisies falselie accuse Christ as a seditious person, and one
that spake against Caesar ? Did they not at the last cry, if thou let
this man go, you are not Cesars friend 2 The oratour Tertullus,
how doth hee accuse Paule before Felix the high deputie 2 We
have found this man, sayeth he, a pestilent fellow and a stirrer of
sedition unto all the Jewes in the whole world, &c. But I pray
you were these men, as they were called, seditious persons?
Christ, Paul, and the prophets ? God forbid. But they were of
false men falsely accused. And wherefore I pray you, but because
they reprooved before the people their guiles, superstition and
deceits ? And when the other could not beare it, and would gladlie
have had them taken out of the way, they accused them as seditious
persons, and troublers of the common wealth, that being by this
meanes made hatefull to the people and princes, they might the
more easilie bee snatched up to be tormented, and put to death.
But how farre they were from all seditions, their whole doctrine,
life, and conversation doth well declare.

For that which was objected last of all, that he cannot be a
faithfull subject to his prince, which professeth openlie that he will
not observe the lawes which the princes hath made : here I would
wish that I might have an indifferent judge, and one that feareth
God, to whose judgement in this cause 1 promise I will stand.
I answere therfore, a man ought to obey his prince, but in the
Lord, and never against the Lord. For hee that knowingly
obeyeth his prince against God, doth not a dutie to the prince,
but is a deceiver of the prince and an helper unto him to work
his owne destruction. He is also unjust which giveth not to the
prince, that which is the princes, and to God that is Gods. Here
commeth to my remembrance, that notable saying of Valen-
tinianus the emperour for choosing the bishop of Millaine. Set
him 3 (saith he) in the bishoppes seate, to whom if wee (as man)

2 Set him.] S. Ambrose.

56 BISHOP RIDLEY.

doe offend at anie time, wee may submitte our selves. Policarpus
the most constant martyr, when he stoode before the chiefe
ruler, and was commanded to blaspheme Christ, and to sweare
by the fortune of Cesar, &c. hee answered with milde spirite :
Wee are taught saith he, to give honour unto princes, and those
powers which be of God ; but such honour as is not contrarie to
Gods religion *.

3 To Gods religion.'] The plea alleged in this last objection, with some others
to which the Protestants were exposed, whether from the suggestions of their
own minds, the persuasions of friends, or the alternate threats and temptations
of their Romish adversaries, is considered in an interesting letter of the
martyr, John Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester ; from which I shall here
produce some short extracts.

" It is a lamentable thing to behold at this present in England, the faith-
less departing both of men and women from the true knowledge and use of
Christes syncere religion, which so plentifully they have bene taught and do
know, their own consciences bearing witness to the verity thereof. If that
earth be cursed of God, which eftsoons receiving moysture and pleasaunt
dewes from heaven, doth not bryng forth fruit accordyngly, how much more
grevous judgement shall such persons receive, who having received from the
Father of heaven the perfitte knowledge of hys worde by the mynistery
thereof, do not shew forth Gods worshippe after the same ? . . .

" Some fondely thynke that the presence of the bodye is not material!, so
that the hearte doe not consente to their wycked doyngs. But such persons
little consider what S. Paule writeth to the Corinthians, commandyng them
to glorify God as well in body as in soule. (1 Cor. vi.) Moreover we can do
no greater injurye to the true churche of Christe, than to seeme to have for-
saken her, or to disallowe her by cleaving to her adversarye ; wheareby it
appeareth to others whiche be weake, that we allow the same, and so, con-
trary to the word do give a great offence to the churche of God, and doe
outwardly slaunder (as much as men may) the truth of Christ. . . .

" Many will say for their vain excuse, * God is merciful, and his mercy is
over all.' — But the Scripture teacheth us, that cursed is he that synneth upon
hope of forgiveness. Truth it is that the mercy of God is above all his
workes ; and yet, but upon such as feare him ; for so is it written in the
psalme ; the mercy of God is on them that feare hym, and on such as put
theyr trust in him. . . .

" Another sort of persons do make them a cloke for the rayn under the
pretence of obedience to the magistrates, whom we oughte to obey, althoughe
they bee wycked : — But such muste learn of Christe to give to Cesar that is
Cesars, and to God that is due to God, (Luke xx.) and wyth S. Peter
(c. ii.) to obey the hygher powers, in the Lord, albeit they be evil, if they
commaund nothing contrary to Gods worde ; otherwise, we oughte not to
obey theyr commaundements, althoughe we should suffer death therefore : as
we have the apostles for our example herein to follow, who answered the
magistrates as we ought to doe in this case, not obeying their wicked pre-

BISHOP RIDLEY. 57

Hitherunto ye see good father, how I have in words onelie
made as it were a flourish before the fight, which I shortly look
after, and how I have begun to prepare certain kinds of weapons,
to fight against the adversarie of Christ, and to muse with my
selfe how the dartes of the old enemie may be borne off, and
after what sort I may smite him againe with the sworde of the
Spirit. I learne also hereby to be in ure with armour, and to
assaie how I canne goe armed. In Tyndall where I was borne,
not farre from the Scottish borders, I have known my countrie
men to watch night and day in their harnesse, such as they

ceptes, saying, Judge you whether it bee more ryghteous that we shoulde
obeye men rather than God. (Acts iv.) . . .

" Some other there be that for an extreme refuge in their evill doyngs do
run to Gods predestination and election, saying, that if I be elected of God
to salvation, I shall be saved whatsoever I do. — But such be great tempters
of God ; and abhominable blasphemers of Gods holy election, and caste them-
selves downe from the pynacle of the temple in presumption, that God may
preserve them by his aungels by predestination. Such verily may reckon
themselves to be none of Gods elect children, that wil doe evil that good may
ensue, whose damnation is just, as S. Paule saith. (Rom. iii.) . . .

" Manye affirme theyr conscience will beare them well enough, to doe all
that they doe ; and to goe to the idolatrous churche to service, whose con-
science is very large to satisfye man more than God. And although theyr
conscience can beare them so to do, yet I am sure that a good conscience
will not ; whiche cannot be good unlesse it bee directed after the knowledge
of Gods word. And therefore if oure conscience bee ledde of herselfe, and
not after true knowledge, yet we are not so to bee excused." Letters of the
Martyrs, p. 216, &c. edit. 1564.

Robert Glover again, a layman, a gentleman of Gloucestershire, whom we
shall again have occasion to quote, (see below, p. 61) thus describes to his wife
the workings of his mind.

" If I woulde have given place to worldlye reasons, these myghte have
moved me. Fyrste, the foregoing of you and my children ; the consideration
of the state of my children, being yet tender of age and younge, apt and
inclinable to virtue and learning, and so having the more necde of my assist-
ance, being not altogether destitute of gyftes to helpe them withall ; posses-
sions above the common sorte of men : because 1 was never called to be a
preacher or minister ; and (because of my sickenesse),/eare of death in im-
prisonment before I shoulde come to my answere, and so my death to bee
unprofitable.— But these, and such like, I thanke my heavenly Father, (which
of hys infinite mercy inspyred me with hys Holye Ghoste, for hys Sonnes
sake, my only savioure and redeemer) prevayled not in me : but when I had
by the wonderful permission of God fallen into their handes, at the fyrst sight
of the sheriffe, nature a little abashed ; yet, or ever I came to the prison, by
the working of God, and through his goodness, feare departed." Letters of
the Martyrs, p. 531, 2. edit. 1564.

58 BISHOP RIDLEY.

hadde, that is in their jacks, and their speares in their hands
(you call them Northern gads) specially when they had anie privie
warning of the comming of the Scottes. And so doing, although
at everie such bickering some of them spent their lives, yet by
such meanes like prettie men they defended their countrey. And
those that so died, I think that before God they died in a good
quarrell, and their offspring and progenie all the countrey loved
them the better for their fathers sake. And in the quarrell of
Christ our Saviour, in the defence of his owne divine ordinances,
by the which he giveth unto us life and immortalitie, yea, in tin-
quarrell of faith, and Christian religion, wherein resteth our ever-
lasting salvation, shall wee not watch I shall wee not goe alwaies
armed ? ever looking when our adversarie (which like a roring
lyon seeketh whom he may devoure) shall come upon us by
reason of our slothfulness ? Yea, and woe be unto us, if he can
oppresse us unawares, which undoubtedly he will doe, if he finde
us sleeping. Let us awake therefore. For if the good man of
the house knew at what houre the theefe would come, he would
surely watch and not suffer his house to bee broken uppe. Let
us awake therefore I say : let us not suffer our house to be broken
up. Resist the divell, saith saint James, and he will flee from
you. Let us therefore resist him manfully, and taking the crosse
upon our shoulders, let us follow our captaine Christ, who by his
owne bloud hath dedicated and hallowed the way which leadeth
unto the Father, that is, to the light which no man can attaine,
the fountaine of the everlasting joys. Let us follow I say,
whither hee calleth and allureth us, that after these afflictions
which last but for a moment, whereby hee tryeth our faith as
golde by the fire, wee may everlastingly raigne and triumph with
him in the glorie of the Father, and that through the same our
lord and Saviour Jesus Christ ; to whom with the Father, and
the Holy Ghost bee all honor and glorie now and for ever, Amen,
amen.

Good father, forsomuch as I have determined with my selfe, to
powre forth these my cogitations into your bosome, here iiu-
thinketh I see you sodainlie lifting up your head towards h<-:i\vii.
after your manner, and then looking upon me with your pn»-
pheticall countenance, and .speaking unto me, with t IK-SI- or like
wordes, Tru>t not. my sonnc (1 beseech you vouchsafe im- tin-
honour of this name; for in so dnoin^ I .^hall thinkcni\ >«li»- both

BISHOP RIDLEY. 59

honoured, and loved of you,) trust not, I say, my sonne to
these word weapons : for the kingdome of God is not in words
but in power. And remember alwayes the wordes of the Lord,
" doe not imagine aforehand, what and how you will speake.
For it shall be given you, even in that same houre what ye shall
speake ; for it is not ye that speake, but the Spirit of your Father
which speaketh in you." I pray you therefore, father, pray for
me, that I may cast my whole care upon him, and trust upon
him in all perils. For I knowe, and am surely perswaded, that
whatsoever I can imagine or thinke aforehand, it is nothing,
except he assist me with his Spirit when the time is. — I beseech
you therfore father, pray for me, that such a complet harneis of
the Spirit, such boldnesse of mind may bee given unto me, that I
may out of a true faith say with David, " I will not trust in my
bow, and it is not my sword that shal save me. For he hath no
pleasure in the strength of an horse, &c. but the Lords delight is
in them that feare him and put their trust in his mercie." I
beseech you pray, pray, that I may enter this fight onelie in the
name of God, and that when all is past, I being not overcome,
through his gracious aide, may remaine and stande fast in him,
till that day of the Lord, in the which to them that obtaine the
victorie, shall bee given the lively manna to eate, and a triumphant
crowne for evermore.

Now, father, I pray you helpe me to buckle on this geare a
little better. For yee knowe the deepenes of Sathan, being a
knowne souldior, and you have collared with him or now :
blessed be God, that hath ever ayded you so well. I suppose
he may wel hold you at the bay: but truely he will not
bee so willing (I thinke) to joine with you, as with us
yonglings.

Sir, I beseech you, let your servant read this my babling unto
you, and now and then as it shall seeme unto you best, let your
pen run on my booke : spare not to blot my paper. I give you
good leave.

M. Latimer. Sir, I have caused my man not only to read
your armour unto mee, but also to write it out 4. For it is not

4 To write it out.'] Upon an occasion of alarm, and after some writings of
Ridley's, among which was this conference, had fallen into the hands of his
enemies, in a letter to Cranmer, he gives this advice, " Bicause in the book
of N. R and H. L. it is saide in the ende, that H. L. hath caused his servant
to write it, I would Austine " (Bernher) " should have word, if any further

60 BISHOP RIDLEY.

onelie no bare armour, but also well buckled armour. I see not
how it could be better. I thanke you even from the bottome of
my hart for it, and my prayer shall you not lacke, trusting that
you doe the like for me. For indeede there is the helpe, &c. —
Many thinges make confusion in memorie. And if I were as well
learned as saint Paule, I would not bestow much amongst them :
further than to gall them, and spurgall too, when and where as
occasion were given and matter came to minde : for the lawe shall
be their shoot anchor, stay, and refuge. Therefore there is no
remedie, namely, now when they have the maister bowl in their
hand and rule the roste, but patience. Better it is to suffer what
cruelty they will put unto us, than to incurre Gods high indigna-
tion. Wherefore, good my lord, be of good cheere in the Lord,
with due consideration what he requireth of you, and what he doth
promise you. Our common enemie shah1 do no more than God
will permit him. God is faithfull, which will not suffer us to be
tempted above our strength, &c. Be at a point what ye will
stand unto : sticke unto that, and let them both say and do what
they list. They can but kill the body, which otherwise is of it self
mortall. Neither yet shall they do that when they list, but when
God will suffer them, when the houre appointed is come. To use
many wordes with them it shall bee but in vaine, now that they
have a bloudie and deadly lawe prepared for them. But it is verie
requisite that ye give a reasonable account of your faith, if they
will quietlie heare you : else yee knowe, in a wicked place of
judgment a man may keepe silence, after the example of Christ.
Let them not deceive you with their sophisticall sophismes and
fallacies. You know that false thinges may have more appear-
ance of truth, than thinges that bee most true : therefore Paulo
giveth us a watchword ; " Let no manne deceive you with likcli-
nesse of speech.1'1 Neither is it requisite that with the conten-
tious yee should followe strife of wordes, which tend to no ediiira-
tion, but to the subversion of the hearers, and the vaine brai^in^
and ostentation of the adversaries. Feare of death doth most
perswade a great number. Be well ware of that argument : for
that perswadi-d Shaxton* (as many men thought) after that h«v
had oner made a good profession, openly bi-lnn- tlio judgement

serch be, to kepe him out of the way." Coverdale's Letters of the Martyrs,
p. 57. A.D. 1564.

* Persuaded Shaxton.] See Strype's Eccles. Memorials, vol. iii. p. 353.
Also vol. i p. 33-J.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 61

seate. The flesh is weake, but the willingnesse of the spirite shall
refresh the weaknesse of the flesh.

The number of the criers under the aultar must needes bee ful-
filled : if we be segregated thereunto, happy be we 6. That is the
greatest promotion, that God giveth in this world, to be such
Philippians, to whom it is given, not onely to beleeve, but also
to suffer, &c. But who is able to doe these things ? Surely all
our habilitie, all our sumciencie is of God. Hee requireth and
promiseth. Let us declare our obedience to his will, when it
shall be requisite, in the time of trouble, yea, in the middest of
the fire.

When that number is fulfilled which I weene shall be shortly,
then have at the papists ; when they shal say peace, all things are
safe ; when Christ shall come to keep his great parliament to the
redresse of all things that be amisse. But hee shall not come as
the papists faine him, to hide himselfe and to plaie bo peepe, as it
were, under a piece of bread : but hee shall come gloriouslie, to
the terror and feare of all papists ; but to the great consolation
and comfort of all that will here suffer for him. Comfort your
selves one another with these words.

Lo, sir, here have I blotted your paper vainly, and plaied the
foole egregiouslie : but so I thought better than not to doe your
request at this time. Pardon me and pray for me : pray for me
I say, pray for me I say. For I am sometime so fearfull, that I
would creepe into a mouse hole : sometime God doth visite me
againe with his comfort. So he commeth and goeth, to teach me
to feele and to knowe mine infirmitie, to the intent to give thanks

6 Happy be weJ] Robert Glover, the same whom we have mentioned above,
p. 57. note, who suffered at Coventry, Sept. 14, 1555, thus writes, in a letter
to his wife.

" After I came into prison, and had reposed myself there a whyle, 1 wept
for joy and gladness, musing much of the great mercies of God, and as it
were saying to myself, after this sort; O Lord, who am I, on whom thou
shouldest bestowe thus thy great mercie, to be numbered among the saints
that suffer for thy gospel's sake ? And so beholdyng and consideryng on
the one side my imperfection, unableness, sinful misery, and unworthynesse,
and on the other side, the greatnesse of Gods mercy to be called to so high a
promotion, I was as it were amazed and overcome for a whyle with joy e and
gladnesse concluding thus with myself in my heart. O Lord, that shewest
power in weaknesse, wysdome in foolishnesse, mercy in sinfulnesse, who
shall set thee to choose where and whom thou wilt ? As I have zealously
loved the confession of thy word, so ever thought I myself to be most
unworthy to be partaker of affliction for the same." Letters of the Martyrs,
p. 408, 9.

62 BISHOP RIDLEY.

to him that is worthie, least I should rob him of his dutie, as many
doe, and almost all the world. Fare ye well.

What credence is to be given to papists it may appeare by their
racking, writhing, wrinching, and monstrously injuring of Gods
holy Scripture, as appeareth in the popes lawe. But I dwell here
now in a schoole of obliviosnesse. Fare you well once againe,
and be you stedfast and unmoveable in the Lorde. Paule loved
Timothie marvellous well, notwithstanding hee saith unto him,
Be thou partaker of the afflictions of the gospell : and againe,
Harden thy selfe to suffer afflictions. Bee faithfull unto the death,
and I will give thee a crowne of life 7 saith the Lord.

A letter sent from bishop Ridley, and his prison fellowes, unto mais-
ter Bradford and his prison-fellowes^ in the Kinges Bench in
Southwarke, an. 1555.

Well beloved in Christ our Saviour, we all with one heart wish
to you, with all those that love God in deed and truth, grace, and
health, and especially to our dearely beloved companions which
are in Christs cause, and the cause both of their brethren and of
their owne salvation, to put their necke willingly under the yoke
of Christes crosse. How joyfull it was to us to heare the report of
doctor Taylor, and of his godly confession, &c. I insure you, it is
hard for me to expresse.

Blessed be God, which was and is the giver of that, and of all
godly strength and stomache in the time of adversitie. As for
the rumours that have or doe go abroad, either of our relenting
or massing 8, we trust that they which know God and their duetie
towards their brethren in Christ, will not bee too light of credence.
For it is not the slanderers evill tongue, but a mans evill deed
that can with God defile a man : and therefore with Gods graiv.
ye shall never have cause to doe otherwise than ye say ye dor.
that is not to doubt, but that we will, by Gods grace, continue,
&c. Like rumor as yee have heard of our comming to London,
hath been here spread of the comming of certain learned nu-n,

7 A crovme of life.'] " Death for righteousness is not to be abhorred, but
rather to be desired , which assuredly bringeth with it the crowne of everlast-
ing glory. These bloodye executioners doe not persecute Christ*^ man \ rs. but
crowne them with everlastyng felicity." Philpot, in Letters of the Martyrs,
p. 2 is. edit. 1564.

8 Relenting or massing."] Compare above p. 28, note (').

BISHOP RIDLEY. 63

prisoners, hither from London: but as yet we knowe no cer-
taintie whether of these rumours is, or shall be more true. Know
you that we have you in our dayly remembrance, and wish
you and all the rest of our aforesaide companions well in Christ.

It should do us much comfort, if we might have knowledge of
the state of the rest of our most dearely beloved, which in this
troublesome time doe stand in Christes cause and in the defence
of the truth thereof. Somewhat we have heard of maister
Hoopers matter : but of the rest never a deale. We long to
heare of father Crome, doctor Sandes, M. Saunders, Veron, Bea-
con, Rogers, &c. We are in good health, thankes be to GOD,
and yet the maner of our intreating doth change as sowre ale
doth in summer. It is reported to us of our keepers, that the
universitie beareth us heavily. A cole chanced to fall in the night
out of the chimney, and burnt a hole in the floore ; and no more
harme was done, the bayliffes servants sitting by the fire. Ano-
ther night there chanced (as master bailiffes told us) a drunken
fellow to multiply words, and for the same hee was set in Bo-
cardo. Upon these things (as is reported) there is risen a rumor
in the towne and countrey about, that wee should have broken
the prison with such violence, as if maister bayliffes had not
plaied the pretie men, we should have made a scape. We had
out of our prison a wall that wee might have walked upon, and
our servants had libertie to goe abroad in the towne or fieldes,
but now both they and we are restrained of both.

My lord of Worcester 9 passed by through Oxford, but he did
not visite us. The same day began our restraint to bee more,
and the Booke of the Communion was taken from us by the bay-
liffes, at the maiors l commandement, as the bayliffes did report to
us. No man is licensed to come unto us : afore they might, that
would, see us upon the wall, but that is so grudged at, and so
evill reported, that we are now restrained. Sir, blessed be God,
with all our evill reports, grudges, and restraints, we are merie in
God, and all our cure and care is and shall bee (by Gods grace)
to please and serve him, of whom we looke and hope, after these
temporall and momentarie miseries, to have eternal joy and per-
petuall felicitie with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Peter and
Paule, and all the heavenly company of the angels in heaven,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. As yet there was never learned

9 My lord of Worcester.'] Richard Pate.
1 The maiors.'] — Irish. See pp. 10. 82.

64 BISHOP RIDLEY,

man, nor any scholler, or other that visited us since we came into
Bocardo, which now in Oxford may be called a colledge of Quon-
dams. For as ye know, we be no fewer than three, and I dare
say every one well contented with his portion, which I doe reckon
to be our heavenly Fathers fatherly good and gracious gift. Thus
fare you well. Wee shall by Gods grace, one day meet together,
and be merie. The daie assuredly approacheth apace : the Lord
grant that it may shortly come. For before that day come, I
feare me the world will waxe worse and worse. But then all our
enemies shall be overthrowne and troden under foote ; righteous-
nesse and trueth then shall have the victorie and beare the bell
away, whereof the Lord grant us to be partakers, and all that
loveth truelie the truth !

We all pray you, as ye can, to cause all our commendations to
be made to all such as ye know did visite us and you, when we
were in the Tower, with their friendly remembrances and bene-
fites. Mistresse Wilkenson and mistresse Warcup have not
forgotten us, but ever since we came to Bocardo, with their cha-
ritable and friendly benevolence have comforted us : not that else
we did lacke (for God be blessed, he ever hitherto hath provided
sufficiently for us) but that is a great comfort, and an occasion
for us to blesse God, when wee see that he maketh them so
friendly to tender us, whom some of us were never familiarly
acquainted withal! .

Yours in Christ, NICH. RIDLEY.

A Letter of M. Ridley, sent to a Oosin of his.

Gods Holy Spirit be with you now and ever, Amen.

When I cal to remembrance (beloved cosin) the state of tin >^
that for feare of trouble, either for losse of goods, will doe in the
si^ht of the world those things which they know and are assured
are contrarie to the wil of God, I can doe no lesse but lament
their case, being assured the end thereof will be so pittiful (with-
out speedy repentance) that I tremble and feare to h;m.- it in
remembrance. I would to God it lay upon some earthly burden.
so that freedom of conscience might be given unto them. I wn >ti-
(as God knoweth) not of presumption, but onely lann'iitin«r the
state of those, who I thought now in this dangerous time should
have given both you and me comfortable instructions. But alas,
in steed then -of we have instructions to followe (I lament me t<>

BISHOP RIDLEY. 65

rehearse it) superstitious idolatry. Yea, and that worst of all is,
they wil seeke to proove it by the Scriptures. The Lord for his
mercy turne their harts, Amen. Commend me, &c.

Yours, NICHOLAS RIDLEY.

To Maister Bradford.

Brother Bradford, I wish you and your company in Christ, yea
and all the holy brotherhood that now with you in divers prisons
suffereth, and beareth patiently Christes crosse for the maintenance
of his gospell, grace, mercy and peace, from God the Father, and
from our Lord Jesus Christ.

Sir, considering the state of this chivalrie and warfare, wherin
I doubt not but we be set to fight under Christs banner, and his
crosse, against our ghostly enemie the divell, and the old serpent
Satan, me thinke I perceive two thinges to be his most perillous
and most dangerous engines which he hath to impugne Christes
veritie, his gospell and his faith : and the same two also to be
the most massive postes, and most mightie pillers, whereby he
maintaineth and upholdeth his satanical synagogue. These two,
sir, are, in my judgment, the one his false doctrine and idolatricall
use of the Lords supper, and the other, the wicked and abhomi-
nable usurpation of the primacie of the see of Rome. By these
two 2 Sathan seemeth to mee principally to maintaine and uphold

2 By these two.~] Such testimonies as this are of great value towards our
obtaining a correct knowledge, and a solid judgment of the state and history
of these times ; by putting us in possession, from the very best authority, of
those which were indeed the principal points of controversy at the period of
the Reformation, a period which many are much too apt to speak, and think
of, with minds prepossessed by more modern controversies. It is not unlikely
that bishop Ridley offered this remark to Bradford's consideration, by way of
moderating his zeal respecting some disputes on free-will and predestination,
which had arisen among the Protestant prisoners, in consequence of Cole,
Harry Hart, and a few other obscure individuals having imbibed and propa-
gated Pelagianizing notions. Ridley could not sympathize with Bradford's
warmth on this subject (not because he did not think Bradford's sentiments
upon the whole right and true, and Cole's &c. wrong and false ;) but, from
thinking that Bradford over-rated the importance of the controversy, and the
influence of his adversaries ; by which coldness, it is plain, that Bradford
was a little piqued.

With regard to his estimate, however, what were the most important points
then in controversy, it is certain that Ridley was not singular in his judg-
ment. "But what avayleth it" (says Cranmer) "to take away beades,

VOL. III. F

66 BISHOP RIDLEY.

his kingdome : by these two he driveth downe mightily (alas) I
feare me, the third part of the stars in heaven. These two pny
sonfull rotten postes he hath so painted over with such a pretence
and colour of religion, of unitie in Christs church, of the catho-
like faith and such like, that the wily serpent is able to deceive
(if it were possible) even the elect of God. Wherefore John
said not without great cause : If any know not satans subtleties
and the profundities thereof, I will wish him no other burden to
be laden withall. (Apoc. 2.)

Sir, because these be his principall and maine postes where-
upon standeth all his falshood, craft, and trecherie, therefore
according to the poore power that God hath given me, I have
bended mine artillerie to shoot at the same. I know it to be but
little (God knoweth) that I can doe, and of my shot I knowe
they passe not. Yet I will not (God willing) cease to doe the
best that I can, to shake those cankered and rotten postes. The
Lord grant me good successe, to the glorie of his name, and the
furtherance of Christes gospell. I have now already (I thank*-
(MX!) for this present time spent a good part of my powder in
these scriblings, whereof this bearer shall give you knowledge.
Good brother Bradford, let the wicked surmise and say what
they list ; know you for a certaintie, by Gods grace, without al
doubt, that in Christs gospels cause against and upon the foiv-

pardons, pilgrimages, and such other like popery, so long as two chiefe
rootes remayne unpulled up, whereof, so long as they remayne, will spring
agayne all former impediments of the Lord's harvest, and corruption of his
flocke. The rest is but braunches and leaves, the cutting away whereof is
but like topping and lopping of a tree, or cutting downe of weedes, leaving
the body standing and the rootes in the ground ; but the very body of the
tree, or rather the rootes of the weedes is the popish doctrine of transubstan-
tiation of the real presence of Christes flesh and bloud in the sacrament of
the aultar (as they call it), and of the sacrifice and oblation of Christe made by
the priest, for the salvation of the quicke and the dead." Preface to Defence
of the Catholic Doctrine, &c. Again, Philpot, in his examinations, says,
"There be two things principallie, by the which the clergie at this day doth
deceive the whole realme ; that is, the sacrament of the bodie and bloud of
Christ, and the name of the Catholike church, the which both they do usurp,
having indeede none of them both." Fox's Acts, p. 1640. Without ad-
ducing any more, we will close our authorities with bishop Jewel "Two
principal things there be that seeme to beare up the whole brunt of tli
gion that hath been in the world of late time; the one is the masse, and
things thereunto belonging ; the other is the authority of the pope." Sermons,
p. 174. edit. 1609. fol.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 67

said God's enemies, I am fully determined to live and die. Fare
well deare brother, and I beseech you and all the rest of our
brethren to have good remembrance of the condemned heretickes
(as they call them) of Oxford, in your prayers. The bearer shall
certifie you of our state. Farewell in the Lord. From Bocardo.

Yours in Christ, NICHOLAS RIDLEY.

Another Letter ofmaister Ridley, unto maister Bradford and
other his prison-fettowes, an. 1555.

Dearlie beloved, I wish you grace, mercie and peace.

According to your rnind ; I have runne over all your papers 3,
and what have I done (which is but small) therein may appeare.
In two places I have put in two loose leaves. I had much adoe
to read what was written in your great leaves, and I weene some
where I have altered some wordes, because I could not read per-
fectly that which was written. — Sir, what shall best be done with
these thinges, now ye must consider : for if they come in sight at
this time, undoubtedly they must to the fire with their father :
and as for any safegard that your custodie can be unto them, I
am sure you looke not for it. For as you have beene partner of
the worke, so I am sure you look for none other, but to have and
receive like wages, and to drinke of the same cup. Blessed be
God that hath given you libertie in the meane season, that you
may use your penne to his glorie, and the comfort (as I hear say)
of many. I blesse God dayly in you, and all your whole com-
panie, to whome I beseech you commend me heartilie. Now I
love my country-man in deed and in trueth, I meane doctor
Taylour, not for my earthlie countreyes sake, but for our heavenlie
Fathers sake, and for Christes sake, whome I heard saie, hee did
so stoutly in time of perill confesse ; and yet also for our cotm-
treys sake and for all our mothers sake, but I meane of the king-
dome of heaven, and of heavenly Jerusalem : and because of the
spirite, which bringeth forth in him, in you, and in your companie
such blessed fruites of boldnesse in the Lordes cause, of patience
and constancie. The Lord which hath begun this work in you

3 Your papers.'] "This was a treatise of the Lord's Supper, with other
things which M. Bradford sent him to peruse, and to judge thereof." Fox's
Margin. The Treatise on the Lord's Supper was printed, with a Preface, by
Tho. Sampson, A.D. 1581. 12mo.

F 2

68 BISHOP RIDLEY.

all, performe and perfect this his owne deed, untill his owne day
come, Amen.

And yet I perceive ye have not beene baited * ; and the cause
thereof God knoweth, which will let them doe no more to his,
than is his blessed will and pleasure to suffer them to doe for his
owne glorie, and to the profite of them which bee truely his. For
the Father which doth guide them that be Christes to Christ,
is more mightie than all they, and no man is able to pull them
out of the Fathers hands : except I say, it please our Father, it
please our maister Christ to suffer them, they shall not stir one
haire of your heads.

My brother P. the bearer heereof, and maister Hoopers letters
would that we would say what we thinke good concerning your
mind, that is, not for to answere except yee might have somewhat
indifferent judges. Wee are (as ye knowe) separated, and one of
us cannot in anie thing consult with another, and much streight
watching of the bailiffes is about us, that there be no privie con-
ference amongst us. And yet as wee hear, the schollers beareth
us more heavily than the townsmen. A wonderfull thing, among
so manie, never yet scholler offered to anie of us (so farre as I
know) any maner of favour, either for or in Christs cause.

Now as concerning your demaund of our counsell, for my part
I doe not mislike that which I perceive yee are minded to doe.
For I looke for none other, but if yee answere afore the same
commissioners that we did, ye shall be served and handled as we
were, though ye were as well learned as ever was either Peter or
Paule. And yet further I think, that occasion afterward may be
given you, and the consideration of the profite of your auditorie
may perchance move you to doe otherwise.

Finallie, determinately to say what shah1 be best, I am not
able : but I trust he, whose cause ye have in hand, shall put you
in mind to doe that which shall be most for his glorie, the profite
of his flocke, and your owne salvation. This letter must be
common to you and maister Hooper, in whome and in his prison

4 Not beene baited.'] This refers to a projected design of carrying Bradford,
Hooper, Ferrar, Taylor, &c. down to Cambridge to hold a public disputation
there, after the manner of that with Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer at Ox-
ford. Ridley's JAfe of Bishop Riit/cy, p. 521. See also a letter from Hooper
to Ferrar, Taylor, Bradford, and Philpot, in Letters of the Martyrs, p. 101 — 3.
It is the letter, probably, which is here mentioned by Ridley. Tin- date is
May 6, 1554.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 69

fellow good father Crome I blesse God, even from the bottome of
my heart : for I doubt not but they both doe to our maister,
Christ, true, acceptable, and honourable service, and profitable to
his flocke : the one with his pen, and the other with his fatherly
example of patience and constancie, and all maner of true godli-
nesse. But what shall I neede to say to you, let this be common
among your brethren, among whom (I dare say) it is with you as
it is with us, to whome all thinges heere are common, meat,
money, and whatsoever one of us hath, that can or may doe
another good. Although I said the bailiffes and our hostesse
streitly watch us, that we have no conference or intelligence of
anie thing abroad, yet hath God provided for every one of us in
steed of our servants, faithfull fellowes, which will be content to
heare and see, and to doe for us whatsoever they can. It is Gods
worke surely, blessed be God for his unspeakable goodnes. The
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the
communication of the Holy Ghost be with you all, Amen, amen.

As far as London is from Oxford, yet thence we have received 5
of late, both meat, money, and shirtes, not onelie from such as
are of our acquaintance, but of some (whom this bearer can tell)
with whom I had never to my knowledge any acquaintance. I
know for whose sake they doe it : to him therefore bee all honour,
glorie, and due thankes.

And yet I praie you doe so much as to shewe them that wee
have received their benevolence, and (God be blessed) have plenty
of all such thinges. This I desire you to doe : for I know they
be of M. Hoopers and your familiar acquaintance. Maister
Latimer was erased 6 : but I heare now (thanks be to God) that
he amendeth againe.

NICHOLAS RIDLEY.

5 We have received.'] It is a consolation to find that all were not like the
learned men at Oxford. In two others of his letters to Bradford, Ridley
says, " I am sure you have heard of our new apparel, and I doubt not but
London will have their talke of it." And, " Do you not know that we have
victwn et amictum e penario regio ? " Letters of the Martyrs, p. 68, 9. edit. 1 564.

6 Latimer was erased^] I know no other foundation besides this word
(erased) for Dr. Gloucester Ridley's speaking, in his Life of Bishop Ridley,
p. 531, of a "disorder in his brain, which the hard usage in his old age
had brought upon Latimer." I apprehend that his indisposition was only
some aggravation, in consequence of his confinement, of the wounds which
he had received by the fall of a tree, from which he had been "sore
bruised ;" and in consequence of which he complained to the commissioners

70 BISHOP RIDLEY.

AnotJwr Letter of maister Ridley unto maister Bradford.

Oh deare brother, seeing the time is now come wherein it
pleaseth the heavenly Father for Christ our saviours sake, to call
upon you, and to bidde you to come, happy are you that ever you
were borne, thus to be found awake at the Lords calling. Well
good servant and faithful, because thou hast bin trusty in small
matters, he shall set thee over great things and thou shalt enter
into the joy of thy Lord.

O deare brother, what meaneth this, that you are sent into
your owne native countrey ? — The wisedome and policie of the
world may meane what they will, but I trust God will so order
the matter finally by his fatherly providence, that some great
occasion of Gods gracious goodnesse shall be plentifully powivd
abroad amongst his, our deere brethren in that country, by this
your martyrdome. Where the martyrs for Christes sake shed
their bloud, and lost their lives ; oh what wondrous thinges hath
Christ afterward wrought to his glorie, and confirmation of their
doctrine ! If it be not the place that sanctifieth the man, but
the holie man doth by Christ sanctifie the place, brother Bradford,
then happy and holy shal be that place, wherein thou shalt suffer
and shalt be with thy ashes in Christs cause sprinkled over it
withall. All thy countrey may rejoice of thee, that ever it brought
forth such a one, which would render his life againe in His cause,
of whom he had received it. Brother Bradford, so long as I
shall understand thou art in thy journey, by Gods grace I shall
call upon our heavenly Father for Christs sake, to set thee safely
home : and then, good brother, speake you, and pray for the

at Oxford ; '•' I beseech your lordships to set a better order heere at your
entrance : for I am an old man, and have a verie evill backe, so that the press
of the multitude doth me much harme." See vol. ii. p. 660.

That the word erased is not confined solely to intellectual derangements
might, if it were necessary, be established by authorities such as the follow-
ing. " Her body dayly " (says bishop Fisher, speaking of his pious pa-
troness the lady Margaret, countess of Richmond, in a sermon preached on
occasion of her death) " sholde have waxen more unweldy, her syghte sholde
have be derked, and her herynge sholde have dulled more and more, her
legges sholde have fayled her by and by, and all the other partys of her body
waxe more erased every daye," p. 29. edit 1/08; or, this, "Mr. Dran of
Worcester " (afterwards the famous bishop Hall) " is very crazy and sickly
of late, and keeps his chamber, neither hath he been in the synod some of
these last sessions." Hales' Remains, p. 430.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 7]

remnant that are to suffer for Christes sake, according to that
thou then shalt know more clerely.

Wee doe looke now everie day when wee shall be called on :
blessed be God. I weene I am the weakest manie waies of our
companie : and yet I thank our Lord God and heavenlie Father
by Christ, that since I heard of our deere brother Rogers' depart-
ing, and stout confession of Christ and his trueth, even unto the
death, my heart (blessed be God) so rejoiced of it, that since that
time (I say) I never felt any lumpish heavinesse in my heart, as 1
graunt I have felt 7 sometimes before. O good brother, blessed
be God in thee, and blessed be the time that ever I knewe thee.
Farewell, farewell.

Your brother in Christ, NICHOLAS RIDLEY.
Brother farewell.

To Augustine Bernher.

Brother Augustine, I blesse God with all my heart in his
manifold mercifull gifts, given unto our deare brethren in Christ,
specially to our brother Rogers, whom it pleased him to set forth
first, no doubt out of his gracious goodnes and fatherly favor
towards him. And likewise blessed be God in the rest, as Hooper,
Sanders, and Taylor, whom it hath pleased the Lord likewise to
set in the forefront of the battell against his adversaries, and
hath indued them all (so far as I can heare) to stand in the con-
fession of his truth, and to be content in his cause, and for his
gospels sake to lose their life. And evermore and without end
blessed bee even the same our heavenly father for our deare and
entirely brother Bradford, whom now the Lord (I perceive)

7 / graunt I have felt.'] This is perfectly in the course of nature. We saw
above that even Latimer confesses, " I am sometimes so fearful, that I would
creep into a mouse hole ;" and it would be easy to accumulate other examples
of a like description. But it is more to our purpose to remark, that the
subjects of these temporary depressions and desertions seem to have under-
stood for what end, in mercy, they were sent to them ; namely, that they
should understand and feel Where alone their real strength was to be found.
Accordingly they seem, in the hour of their extremest need,, never to have
been forsaken. I do not know that there is a single instance on record, in
either sex, where, at the final hour, any thing was visible of pusillanimous
dejection, or terror. They appear to have approached the stake, and suffered
themselves to be bound to it, in all cases, in a spirit of calmness and resigna-
tion, often of thanksgiving, and always with hopes full of immortality.

72 BISHOP RIDLEY.

calleth for : for I weene he will no longer vouchsafe him to abide
among the adulterous and wicked generation of this world. I
doe not doubt but that he (for those giftes of grace which the
Lord hath bestowed on him plenteously) hath holpen those which
are gone before in their journey, that is, hath animated and
encouraged them to keepe the high waie, et sic currere uti tandem
acciperent prcemium. The Lord be his comfort, whereof I do
not doubt, and I thank God heartily that ever I was acquainted
with him, and that ever I had such a one in my house. And
yet again I blesse God in our deare brother, and of this time
protomartyr Rogers, that he was also one of my calling to bee a
prebendary preacher of London. And now because Grindal is
gone (the Lord I doubt not hath and knoweth wherein he wil
bestow him) I trust to God, it shall please him of his goodnesse
to strengthen mee to make up the trinitie out of Pauls Church,
to suffer for Christ, whom God the father hath anointed, the
holy Spirit doth beare witnes unto, Paul and all the apostles
preached. — Thus fare you well, I had no paper: I was con-
strained thus to write.

A Letter of bishop Ridley answering to a certaine Letter of one
maister West, sometime Ms chaplaine.

I wish you grace in God, and love of the trueth, without the which
truely stablished in mens heartes by the mightie hand of almightie
God, it is no more possible to stand by the trueth in Christ in time
of trouble, then it is for the waxe to abide the heate of the fire. —
Sir, know you this, that I am (blessed bee God) perswaded that
this world is but transitorie, and (as St. John saith) the world
passeth away and the lust thereof. I am perswaded Christes
wordes to be true, Whosoever shall confesse me before men, him
will I confesse also before my father which is in heaven : and I
beleeve that no earthly creature shal be saved, whome the
Redeemer and Saviour of the world shall before his father deny.
This the Lord graunt, that it may be so graffed, established, and
fixed in my heart, that neither things present nor to come, liiu.li
nor low, life nor death be able to remoove me thence. It is a
goodly wish, that you wish nice deepely to consider thinges per-
taining unto Gods glory : but if you had wished nlso. that neither
feare of death, nor hope of worldly prosperitie should let me to
nmintainc Gods worde and his trueth, which is his glory and

BISHOP RIDLEY. 73

true honour, it would have liked mee well. You desire me for
Gods sake to remember my selfe. In deed sir, now it is time so
to doe, for so far as I can perceive, it standeth me upon no lesse
danger, then of the losse both of body and soule : and I trowe,
then it is time for a man to awake, if any thing will awake him.
Hee that will not feare him that threatneth to cast both body
and soule into everlasting fire, whom will he feare ? With this
feare, O Lord, fasten thou togither our fraile flesh, that we never
swarve from thy lawes. — You say, you have made much sute for
mee. Sir, God graunt that you have not in suing for my worldly
deliverance, impaired and hindered the furtherance of Gods worde
and his trueth.

You have knowne me long in deed : in the which time it hath
chaunced me, as you say, to mislike some things. It is true, I
grant : for sodaine changes without substantiall and necessarie
cause, and the headdy setting forth of extreamities, I did never
love. Confession unto the minister8 which is able to instruct, cor-
rect, comfort, and informe the weake, wounded, and ignorant con-
science, in deede I ever thought might doe much good to Christes

8 Confession unto the minister J] Ridley's moderation in religious contro-
versies was truly admirable, like that of the church, of which he was so illus-
trious an ornament, and in the settlement of which at this important time he
bore so large a share. He was "always desirous " (as he expressed himself)
" to set forth the mere truth, and unity " — Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. ii.
p. 25. And to enforce, that " charity woulde, we shoulde, if it be possible,
and so far as we maie, with the safegard of good conscience, and maintenaunce
of the trueth, agree with all menne." — Treatise on the Lord's Supper, signat.
F 6. edit. 1574.

His words to Bradford, in reference to the predestinarian controversy, can-
not be too often inculcated, and deserve to be written in letters of gold. " SIR,

IN THOSE MATTERS I AM SO FEARFUL, THAT I DARE NOT SPEAK FARTHER,
YEA ALMOST NONE OTHERWISE, THAN THE VERY TEXTE DOTHE, AS IT WERE,

LEAD ME BY THE HAND." — Letters of the Martyrs, p. 64. 5. A.D. 1564. It
is greatly to be lamented, that the notes which he had drawn up on this
subject, and which are mentioned in the same letter, were not printed, and
cannot probably now be found.

On the subject of private confession, the curious reader may, perhaps, find
it worth his while (if he have occasion) to consult the following references.
Communion Book of 1547 (Sparrow's Canons, &c. p. 18, 19. edit. 1675);
Second Book of Homilies, p. 457 — 9. edit. 1802; Bradford's Serm. on Repent-
ance, signat. C 1 ; Letters of the Martyrs (Bradford's), p. 416 — 18 ; Sampson's
Letter, signat. B 1. edit. 1554 ; see also the next note.

74 BISHOP RIDLEY.

congregation, and so I assure you, I thinke even at this clay 9.
My doctrine and my preaching you say, you have heard often,
and after your judgement have thought it godly, saving onely for
the sacrament, which thing although it was of me reverently
handled, and a great deale better then of the rest (as you say)
yet in the margent you write (warily, and in this world wisely),
" and yet me thought al sounding not well.11 — Sir, but that I see
so many changes in this world, and so much alteration, else at
this your saying I would not a little marvel. I have taken you
for my friend, and a man whome I fancied for plainenesse and
faithfulnesse, as much, I assure you, as for your learning : and
have you kept this so close in your heart from mee unto this
day ? Sir, I consider moe things then one, and will not say all
that I thinke. But what neede you to care what I thinke, for
any thing I shall be able to do unto you, either good or harm '.
You give mee good lessons, to stand in nothing against my
learning, and to beware of vaine glory. Truely sir, I herein like
your counsell very well, and by Gods grace I intend to follow it
unto my lives end.

To write unto those whome you name, I cannot see what it
will availe me. For this I would have you knowe, that I esteeme
nothing availeable for me, which also will not further the glorie
of God. And now, because I perceive you have an entire zeale and
desire of my deliverance out of this captivitie and worldly
miserie, if 1 should not beare you a good heart in God againe,
me thinke I were to blame. Sir, how nigh the day of my dis-
solution and departure out of this world is at hand, I cannot
tell : the Lord^s will be fulfilled how soone soever it shall come !
I know the Lordes wordes must bee verified on mee, that I shall
appeare before the incorrupte judge, and be countable to him of
all my former life. And although the hope of his mercies is my
shootanker of eternall salvation, yet am I perswaded, that whoso-
ever wittingly neglecteth and regardeth not to cleere his con-
science, hee cannot have peace with God, nor a lively faith in his

9 At this day.] " But to speak of right and true confession, I would to ( J«nl
it were kept in England ; for it is a good thing. And those which find
themselves grieved in conscience might go to a learned man, and there i'eteh
of hym ( -0111 fort. of tin \\orde of God, and so come to a quiet conscience
Surely it grieveth me- uiiuh that such confessions are not kept in England."-
Latimer's Sermons, fol. 314. b.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 75

mercy. Conscience therefore mooveth me, considering you were
one of my family and one of my houshold (of whom then I think
I had a speciall cure, and of all them which were within my
house, which indeed ought to have beene an example of godli-
nesse to all the rest of my cure, not onely of good life, but also
in promoting of Gods word to the uttermost of their power, but
alas, now when the triall doth separate the chaffe from the corne,
how small a deale it is, God knoweth, which the winde doth not
blow away), this conscience (I say) doth moove mee to feare,
least the lightnesse of my family shall be laid to my charge for
lack of more earnest and diligent instruction, which should have
beene done. But blessed be God which hath given me grace to
see this my default, and to lament it from the bottorne of my
heart, before my departing hence !

This conscience doth moove me also now to require both you
and my friend doctor Harvey, to remember your promises made
to me in times past, of the pure setting forth and preaching of
Gods word and his truth. These promises although you shall
not neede to feare to bee charged with them of mee hereafter
before the world, yet looke for none other (I exhorte you as my
friendes) but to be charged with them at Gods hand. This con-
science and the love that I beare unto you, biddeth mee now say
unto you both in Gods name, fear God, and love not the world :
for God is able to cast both body and soule into hell fire. When
his wrath shall sodainly be kindled, blessed are all they that put
their trust in him. And the saying of S. John is true, all that
is in the world, as the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and
the pride of life, is not of the Father, but of the world, and the
world passeth away, and the lust thereof, but hee that doth
the will of God abideth for ever. If this gift of grace, (which
undoubtedly is necessarily required unto eternall salvation) were
truely and unfainedlie graffed and firmely stablished in mens
hearts, they would not be so light, so sodainly to shrinke from
the maintenance and confession of the trueth, as is now (alas)
seene so manifestly of so manie in these daies. — But heere per-
ad venture you would knowe of mee what is the trueth. Sir,
Gods word is the trueth, as saint John saith, and that even the
same that was heretofore. For albeit man doth varie and change
as the moone, yet Gods word is stable and abideth one for ever-
more : and of Christ it is truely sayde, Christ yesterday and to
day, the same is also for ever.

76 BISHOP RIDLEY.

When I was in office, all that were esteemed learned in Gods
word, agreed this to be a trueth * in Gods word written, that the
common prayer of the church should be had in the common
tongue. You know I have conferred with many, and I ensure
you, I never found man (so farre as I doe remember) neither olde
nor new, gospeller nor papist, of what judgement soever he was,
in this thing to be of a contrarie opinion. If then it were a truth
of Gods word, think you that the alteration of the world can make
it an untruth ? if it cannot, why then do so manie men shrinke
from the confession and maintenance of this truth received once
of us all \ For what is it, I pray you, else, to confesse or denie
Christ in this world, but to maintaine the truth taught in Gods
word, or for any worldlie respect to shrink from the same ? This
one thing have 1 brought for an ensample : other things bee in
like case, which now particularlie I need not to rehearse. For
he that will forsake wittingly, either for feare or gaine of the
worlde, anie one open truth of Gods word, if he be constrained, he
will assuredlie forsake God and all his truth, rather then he will
endanger himselfe to lose or to leave that he loveth better indeed,
then he doth God and the truth of his word.

I like verie well your plaine speaking, wherein you say, I must
either agree or dy, and I thinke that you meane of the bodilie
death, which is common both to good and bad. Sir, I knowe I
must die, whether I agree or no. But what follie were it then to
make such an agreement, by the which I coulde never escape this
death which is so common to all, and also incur the gilt of death
and eternall damnation ? Lord grant that I may utterlie abhor
and detest this damnable agreement so long as I live ! And
because (I dare say) you wrote of friendship unto me this short
earnest advertisement, and I thinke verilie, wishing mee to live,

1 This to be a truethj] Compare archbishop Cranmer to queen Mary. " But
when a good number of the best learned men reputed with this realme, some
favouring the old, some the new learning, as they term it (where indeed that
which they call the olde is the newe, and that which they call the new is
indeed the old); but when a great number of such learned men of both
sortes, were gathered together at Winsor, for the reformation of the service
of the church ; it was agreed by both without controversy, not one saying
contrary, that the service of the church ought to be in the mother tongue ;
and that St. Paule, in the 14th chapter to Corinthians, was so to be under-
standed." See Letter subjoined to Cranmer's Answer to Gardiner, edit. 1580.
p. 422 ; or, Letters of the Martyrs, p. 7.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 77

and not to die, therefore bearing you in my heart no lesse love of
God, then you doe me in the world, I say unto you in the word
of the Lord (and that I say to you I say to all my friends and
lovers in God) that if you doe not confesse and maintaine to your
power and knowledge that which is grounded upon Gods word,
but will either for feare or gaine of the world, shrinke, and play
the apostate, in deede you shall die the death : you know what
I meane. And I beseech you all my true friends and lovers in God,
remember what I say, for this may be the last time peradventure
that ever I shall write unto you.

From Bocardo in Oxford, the viii.
day of Aprill. 1555.

M. Grindall, now2 archbishop of Canturburie, beeing in the
time of exile in the citie of Frankford, wrote to doctor Ridley
then prisoner, a certaine epistle 3 wherin first he lamenteth his
captivitie, exhorting him withall to be constant. Secondlie, he
certifieth him of the state of the English exiles, being dispersed
in Germany, and of the singular providence of God in stirring up
the favour of the magistrates and rulers there towards them.
Thirdlie, he writeth to know his minde and will concerning the
printing of his book against transubstantiation, and of certaine
other treatises, and his disputations. Whereunto bishop Ridley
answereth againe in order> as followeth.

The answere of Doctour Ridley to the Letter abovesaide.

Blessed bee God our heavenlie father which enclined your heart
to have such a desire to write unto me, and blessed be hee againe
which hath heard our request, and hath brought your letters safe
unto my hands : and over all this I blesse him thorough our
Lord Jesus Christ, for the great comfort I have received by
the same, of the knowledge of your state, and of other our
dearely beloved brethren and countriemen in those partes beyond
the sea.

Deerely beloved brother Grindall, I say to you and all the rest
of your brethren in Christ with you, rejoyce in the Lord, and as

2 Now.'] Jan. 1570— July 1586.

3 A certaine epistle.'] That letter, bearing date, Frankford, May 6th, 1555,
is preserved in Coverdale's Letters of the Martyrs, p. 49 : and is printed also
by Strype, in his Lnfe of Archbishop Grindal, p. 11 — 13.

78 BISHOP RIDLEY.

ye love me and the other my reverend fathers and concaptivrs
(which undoubtedly are gloria Christi) lament not our state, but
I beseech you and them all to give to our heavenly Father for his
endlesse mercies and unspeakable benefites, even in the middest
of all our troubles given unto us, most hearty thanks. For
knowe yee, that as the weight of his crosse hath increased upon
us, so he hath not nor doth not cease to multiply his mercies to
strengthen us : and I trust, yea by his grace I doubt nothing, but
hee will so doe for Christ our maisters sake, even to the end. —
To heare that you and our other brethren do find in your exile
favor and grace with the magistrates, ministers, and citizens, at
Tigury 4, Frankford, and other where, it doth greatly comfort (I
dare say) all heere that do in deed love Christ and his true word.
I ensure you it warmed my heart, to heare you by chance to name
some, as Scorie, and Coxe, &c. Oh that it had come in ymir
mind to have said somewhat also of Cheek, of Turner, of Leaver 5.
of Sampson, of Chambers ; — but I trust in God they be all well.
And sir, seeing you say, that there be in those partes with you of
students and ministers so good a number6, now therefore care yee
not for us 7 otherwise then to wish that Gods glorie maie bee set

4 Tigury .] Zurich ; Lat. Tigurinum.

5 Leaver.] Thomas Lever, master of Sherborne Hospital, see pp. 101. 402.

6 So good a number.'] " I suppose in one place and other dispersed, there
be well nigh an hundred students, and ministers, on this side the seas."-
Grindal's Letter, p. 50.

7 Care yee not for its.'] The several subdivisions and classes into which their
own respective circumstances and tempers, or rather, we ought to say, the
providence of Almighty God had distributed and cast the lot and condition of
the entire great band of sufferers and confessors at this sorrowful season, are
well described and defined in a few words, by Augustine Bernher, in his dedi-
cation to Latimer's sermons.

"The faythful Lord in all these turmoylynges preserved his servauntes;
giving unto a number of them such a princely spirite, that they were able to
deride and laugh to scorne the threatnynges of the tyrantes ; to despise the
terribleness of prisons and tormentes ; and in the end most joyfully to over-
come and conquer death, to the prayse of God, and their owne endless com-
fort.— Unto other some, the self-same most gracious God gave such a valiant
spirite, that they were able by his grace to forsake the pleasures and commo-
dities of this world, and beyng armed with patience, were content to travi-1
into far and unknowen countreys, with their families and housholdes, having
small worldly provision or none at all, but trusting to His providence, \vlio
never forsaketh them that trust in Him.— Besides this, tin same (;<><! pre-
served a great number even in the midst of their enemies, not onely fro m
bodyly dangers, but also from beyng infected with that pnv-onrd doctrine,

BISHOP RIDLEY. 79

forth by us. For whensoever God shall call us home (as we
looke daily for none other, but when it shall please God to say,
"come") you, blessed be God, are enowe through his aide, to
light and set up againe the lantern of his word in England.

As concerning the copies ye say ye have with you, I wonder
how ever they did and could finde the way to come to you. My
disputation, except yee have that which I gathered my selfe after
the disputation done, I cannot think ye have it truly. If ye have
that, then ye have there withall the whole manner after the which
I was used in the disputation.

As for the treatise in English, contra transubstantiationem, vix
possum adduci ut credam operse pretium fore ut in latinum trans-
feratur. Cseterum, quicquid sit, nullo modo velim 8 ut quicquam
quocunque modo meo nomine ederetur, donee quid de nobis domi-
nus constituerit fieri, vobis prius certb constiterit : and thus much
unto your letters. Now although I suppose yee know a good
part of our state here, (for wee are forth comming, even as when
ye departed, &c.) You shall understand that I was in the Tower
about the space of two moneths close prisoner, and after that had
granted to me without my labor the libertie of the Tower, and
so continued about halfe a yeare, and then because I refused to
allow the masse with my presence, I was shut up in close prison
againe.

The last lent save one, it chanced by reason of the tumult 9
stirred up in Kent, there was so many prisoners in the Tower,
that my lord of Canturbury, M. Latimer, maister Bradford, and
I were put altogither in one prison, where wee remained till al-

that then in all open pulpites, with shamelesse brags and ostentation was set
abroad. — I will not speake of that wonderfull worke of God, who caused his
word to be preached, and his sacramentes to be administered, even in the
midst of the enemies, in spite of the devil and all his ministers. — These things
the Lord wrought most graciously for his people."

8 Nullo modo velimJ] Ridley's solicitude on this subject is illustrated
greatly to the credit of his wisdom and piety, by a short passage in a letter
written by him to bishop Hooper. " I see me thinkes many perils whereby I
am earnestly moved to counsel you not to hasten the publishyng of your
workes, especially under the title of your own name. For I feare greatly
least by this occasion, both your mouth should be stopped hereafter, and al
things taken awaye from the reste of the prisoners, whereby otherwise, if it
so please God, they may be able to doe good to many." — Letters of the Mar-
tyrs, p. 49.

9 The tumult.'] Wyat's rebellion. See above, p. 25, note (fi).

80 BISHOP RIDLEY.

most the next Easter, and then we three, Canturburie, Latimer
and I, were sodainely sent a little before Easter to Oxford, and
were suffered to have nothing with us, but that we carried upon
us. About the Whitsontide following was our disputations at
Oxford, after the which was all taken from us, as pen and inke l,
&c. Our owne servants were taken from us before, and every

1 As pen and inke.~\ Among the privations which our protestant forefathers
had to endure in prison, that was one of the most severe, by which they were,
in great degree, precluded from communicating with their families, and with
one another, and from recording the fruits of their solitary contemplations,
for the further confirmation of their own minds, and for the encouragement,
warning, or edification of the church. Occasionally however, perhaps in part
from the commiseration of their keepers, the order of prohibition failed of its
complete success.

" Let somebodye buye for me a pensill of lead to write withal " (says Lau-
rence Saunders, in a letter to his wife), " for I shall hardely have pen and
inke here, sith all libertye of writing is taken away from us/' — Martyrs' Letters,
p. 195. edit. 1564 : and in the next letter, to the same person : "I speake now
because I doubte whether I maye have wherewith to write hereafter. The
keeper sayeth he must needes see that we write not at all." P. 196.

" Howsoever you doe, beware thys letter come not abroade but into father
Traves hys handes : for if it should be knowen that I have penne and inke in

the pryson, then wold it be worse with me My name I wryte not for

causes : you know it well enough. Lyke the letter never the worse." — Let-
ters of John Bradford, ibid. p. 293. This, as well as what follows, is to his
mother. " Now therefore wyll I make an ende, praying you, good mother,
to looke for no moe letters : for if it were knowen that I have penne and inke,
and did write, then should I wante all the foresayd commodities I have spoken
of concernyng my body, aud be cast into some dungeon in fetters of iron,
which thing I know would greve you. And therefore, for God's sake, see
that these be burned, when thys little prayer in it is copyed out by my brother
Roger."— Ibid. p. 453.

And, to mention no more, John Frith, writing in the Tower, thus con-
cludes his second tract against Rastell. " And yet, the truth to say, we play
not on even hand : for I am in a manner, as a man bound to a post, and
cannot so well bestow me in my play, as if I were at liberty ; for I may not
have such books as are necessary for me, neither yet pen, ink, nor paper, but
only secretly. So that I am in a continual fear both of the lieutenant, and of
my keepers, lest they should espy any such thing by me : and therefore it is
little marvel, though the work be imperfect : for whensoever I hear the keys
ring at the doors, straight all must be conveyed out of the way; and then,
if any notable thing had been in my mind, it is clean lost. — And theref-
beseech thee, good reader, count this as a thing born out of season, which
for many reasons cannot have its perfect form and shape; and pardon me my
rudeness and imperfection." — Works of William Tindall and John Frith, vol.
iii. p. 242. edit. 1831. 8vo.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 81

one had put to him a strange man 2, and we each one appointed
to be kept in several places, as we are unto this day.

Blessed be God, wee three at the writing heereof are in good
health, and (in God) of good cheere. Wee have looked long
ago to have been dispatched, for we were all three on one day,
within a day or two of our disputations, of doctor Weston, being
the head commissioner, condemned for heretickes, and since that
time we remaine as we were of him lefte. The Lordes will be
fulfilled in us, as I doe not doubt but by his grace it shall be, to
his glorie and our endlesse salvation, thorough Jesus Christ our
Lord.

Likewise the Lord hitherto hath preserved above all our expec-
tation our deare brother, and in Christes cause a strong cham-
pion, John Bradford. Hee is likewise condemned, and is alrea-
die delivered to the secular power, and writs (as we have heard
say) given out for his execution, and called in againe.

Thus the Lord, so long as his blessed pleasure is, preserveth
whome he listeth, notwithstanding the wonderfull raging of the
world. Many (as we heare say) have suffered valiantly, confessing
Christes trueth, and nothing yeelding to the adversarie, yea not
for the feare or paines of death.

The names of them which I knowe, and have now suffered, are
these, Farrar, the bishop of S. Davids, Hooper the bishop of
Worcester, Rogers tuus olim comprebendarius, D. Taylor of Had-
ley, M. Sanders, and one Tomkins a weaver ; and now this last
day M. Cardmaker, with another, were burnt in Smithfield at
London ; and many other in Essex and Kent, whose names are
written in the booke of life, whome yet I doe not knowe.

West, your old companion and sometime mine officer (alas)
hath relented (as I have heard) but the Lord hath shortened his
dayes, for anon after hee died and is gone. Grimbold was caught
by the heele and cast into the Marshalsey, but now is at libertie
againe, but I feare me he escaped not without some becking and
bowing (alas) of his knee unto Baal 3.

2 A strange man.] Yet all these, ere long, through God's mercy, became
friendly disposed towards them. "Although I said the bailiffes and our
hostesse streitly watch us, that we have no conference or intelligence of any
thing abroad, yet hath God provided for every one of us, instead of our
servants, faithful fellows, which will be content to hear and see, and do for
us whatsoever they can." See above, p. 69.

3 Unto Baal'] See above, p. 39, note (9).

VOL. in. G

82 BISHOP RIDLEY.

My deere friend Thomas Ridley of the Billhead in Cheape,
which was to me the most faithfull friend that I had in my
trouble, is departed also unto God. My brother Shipside that
hath maried my sister, hath beene almost halfe a yeare in prison,
for delivering (as he was accused) of certaine thinges I weene,
from me : but now thanks be to God, he is at libertie again, but
so that the bishop hath taken from him his parke *.

Of all us three concaptives at Oxford, I am kept most strait,
and with least libertie, Vel quia viro, in cujus sedibus ego custo-
dior, uxor dominatur (licet modo sit prsefectus civitatis) mulier
vetula5, morosa, et superstitiosissima quse etiam hoc sibi laudi
ducit quod me dicatur arctissime et cautissime custodire; vir
autem ipse Irischius nomine, mitis satis est omnibus, uxori vero
plus quam obsequentissimus. Licet uxorem (uti nosti) nunquain
habuerim, tamen ex hac quotidiana consuetudine, quam cum i>tis
conjugibus habeo, videor mihi nonnihil posse intelligere, quam
grave malum et intolerable jugum sit cum mala muliere in con-
jugio collocari. Recte ergo sapiens dixit, uxor bona donum Dei :
et iterum, mulieris bonae beatus vir. Vel hsec inquam causa <-t .
vel quia a magnis magistratibus (nescio quas ob causas) illud est,
ut ita fierit, ipsis mandatum : idque illi si quando de mea nimia
servitute apud eos conqueror, sedulo ssepe rursus mihi inculcant.

At Cambridge (as I heare say) Omnes studiorum et statutorum
reformationes nuper factse, nunc sunt denuo deformatee et deletee,
et omnia sunt in pristinum chaos et in antiquum papismum re-
ducta: omnes collegiorum pnefecti qui synceritati evangelii favc-
bant, vel qui conjugati erant, loco moti sunt, et alii papist icae
factionis in eorum loca surrogati, quod et de sociis catiegkHrmn
qui noluerunt flectere genu Baal factum esse audio. Nee minim,
nam et istud passim factum est in universo regno Anglin-. in
omnibus archiepiscopis, episcopis, decanis, prebendariis, sacer-
dotibus ecclesiarum, et in toto clero : and to tell you much naugh-
tie matter in few wordes : Papismus apud nos ubique in pleno
suo antiquo robore regnat.

The Lord be mercifull, and for Christs sake pardon us our
olde unkindenes, and unthankfulnesse : for when he pmvivd upon
us the gifts of his manifold graces and favour (alas) \\co did not
serve him nor render unto him thankes according to tlu> same.
We pastors many of us were too cold, and l>are too much (alas)

4 Hi* parke.'] See p. 7, note (H). 5 Mulier vetula.] See p. 11'.).

BISHOP RIDLEY. 83

with the wicked world ; our magistrates did abuse to their owne
worldlie gaine 6, both Gods gospell and the ministers of the same.

6 Their owne worldlie gaine.'] There is much evidence remaining (partly in
letters hitherto unpublished), by which it appears how deeply Ridley deplored,
in common with the other principal reformers, and how vigorously, on occa-
sion, he resisted the sacrilegious and profligate havoc which was made of the
scanty remains, spared by Henry, of the church property, by the ministers
and courtiers, under his innocent successor, to the indelible disgrace of the
Protestant reformation. I give, as a specimen, an extract from a letter to
Sir John Cheke, the king's preceptor.

" I have gotten the grant to be with me of three preachers, men of good
learning, and as I am persuaded of excellent virtue, which are able, both with
life and learning, to set forth God's word in London, and in the whole diocese
of the same, where is most need of all parts in England. For from thence
goeth example, as you know, into all the rest of the king's majesty's whole
realm. The men's names be these ; Mr. Grindal, Mr. Bradford. The third
is as poor as either of the other twain.

" Now there is fallen a prebend in Paul's, called Cantrells *, by the death
of one Layton. This prebend is an honest man's living of thirty-four
pounds and better, in the king's books. But, alas ! sir, I am letted, by the

means, I fear me, of such as do not fear God Certain of the council

have written unto me to stay the collation Letters have been pro-
cured unto me, subscribed with certain of the councillors' hands, that the
king's majesty hath determined it unto the furniture of his highness' stables.

" Alas ! sir, this is a heavy hearing. — When papistry was taught, when
the bishop gave his benefices unto ideots, unlearned, ungodly, for kindred,
for pleasure, for service and other worldly respects, all was then well allowed.
Now when a poor living is to be given unto an excellent clerk, a man known
and tried to have both discretion and also virtue, and such an one, as, before
God, I do not know a man yet unplaced and unprovided for, more meet to
set forth God's word, in all England : — when, I say, a poor living, which is
founded for a preacher, is to be given unto such a man, that then an ungodly
person shall procure in this sort letters to stop and let the same." (This
person, alas ! was no other than the William Thomas, whom we have so
often quoted, " one of the clerks of the council, who wanted to have the
said prebend alienated unto him and his heirs for ever.") "Alas! Mr. Cheke,
this seemeth unto me a right heavy hearing. — Is this the fruit of the gospel ?
— Speak, Mr. Cheke, speak for God's sake, in God's cause, unto whomso-
ever you think you may do good withal. — And if you will not speak, then I
beseech you let these my letters speak unto Mr. Gates, to Mr. Worthe, to Mr.
Cecil, whom all I do take for men that do fear God

"The causes of conscience, which do move me to speak and write thus,

* Or Cantlows, comprising the district called Camden Town, in the parish
of St. Pancras. The perpetual lease belongs to the Marquis Camden, to whose
ancestor it descended from the Jeffreys family. By an act of parliament
passed in 1813, the prebendary receives one third of the improved rents.

G 2

84 BISHOP RIDLEY.

The people in many places was wayward and unkinde. Thus of
everie side and of everie sorte wee have provoked Gods anger and
wrath to fall upon us : but blessed might he be that hath not
suffered his to continue in those waies which so wholie have dis-
pleased his secret majestic, but hath awaked them by the father-
lie correction of his own sonnes crosse, unto his glorie and our
endlesse salvation, thorough Jesus Christ our Lord.

My dailie praier is (as God doth know) and by Gods grace
shall be so long as I live in this world, for you my deere brethren
that are fled out of your owne country, because you will rather
forsake all worldlie things then the truth of Gods word. It is
even the same that I use to make to God, for all those churches
abroad through the worlde, which have forsaken the kingdome of
antichrist, and professed openlie the purity of the gospell of Jesus
Christ : that is, that God our eternall Father for our saviour
Christs sake, will dailie increase in you the gracious gift of his
heavenlie Spirit, to the true setting forth of his glory and of his
gospell, and make you to agree brotherlie in the truth of the
same, that there arise no root of bitternes 7 among you that may

are not only those which I declared once in the case of this prebend before
the king's majesty's council, which I now let pass ; but also now the man
Mr. Grindal, unto whom I would give this prebend, doth move me very much.
For, he is a man, &c." — Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii. Records,
No. 25.

7 No root of bitternes.'] There is reason to conjecture that these words
were suggested to Ridley by the sorrow which he had felt at the intelligence
of the lamentable divisions which had already broken out abroad, and espe-
cially at Francfort, among the exiles, respecting the usage or discontinuance
of the English Liturgy. Knox, Goodman, and others, supported by the
countenance of Calvin, quarrelled with the English reformation, as not suffi-
ciently purified from popery ; and, urged on by the heat of controversy, de-
clared themselves against the common prayer book, with a degree of vehe-
mence and zeal almost incredible: and this at the very time, when the original
compilers of that book were shedding their blood in its cause. Dr. Covell,
in his Answer to the Apology of Mr. John Surges, A.D. 1606, has printed an
extract of a letter from Ridley to Grindall, written about this time, and upon
this subject, which I shall here insert. It is much to be regretted that the
letter has never (as far as I know) been given entire. "Alas! that our
brother Knox could not beare with our booke of common prayer, in matters,
against which, although (I grant) a man, as he is, of wit and learning, may
finde to " (Q. or ?) " make apparent reasons, but I suppose he cannot be
able soundly to disprove by Gods word, the reason he maketh against the
Litany, and the fault, per sanguinem et sudorem, he findeth in the same. I
doe marveile how he can or dare avouch them before the learned men that be

BISHOP RIDLEY. 85

infecte that good seede which God hath sowne in your hearts
alreadie, and finallie that your life maie be so pure and so honest,
according to the rule of Gods word, and according to that voca-
tion, whereunto we are called by the gospell of Christ our
saviour, that the honestie and purity of the same may provoke all
that shall see or know it, to the love of your doctrine, and to love
you for your honestie and vertues sake, and so both in brotherlie
unitie of your true doctrine, and also in the godlie vertue of your
honest life, to glorifie our father which is in heaven.

Ex nostratibus magni aliquot magistratus, cancellarius Win-
toniensis 8, comes Arundell, et dominus Pachetas jam legatione
funguntur, una cum cardinale Polo, in partibus transmarinis, ad
componendam (ut aiunt) pacem inter imperatorem, regem nos-
trum, et Francorum regem. Post illorum magistratuum nostro-
rum reditum, et partum reginae °, quern jam quotidie expectamus,
et jam aliquandiu expectavimus, quemque Deus pro sui nominis
gloria dignetur bene illi fortunare, nos tune statim nihil aliud quam

with you. As for private baptisme, it is not prescribed in the booke : but
where solemne baptisme for lacke of time, and danger of death cannot be
had, what would he in that case should be done ? Peradventure he will say,
it is better then to let them die without baptisme. For this his better, what
word hath he in the Scripture ? And if he have none, why will he not rather
follow that, that the sentences of the old ancient writers doe more allow ?
from whom to dissent, without warrant of God's word, I cannot thinke it any
godly wisdome. And as for purification of women, I ween the word purifica-
tion is changed, and it is called thanksgiving. Surely maister Knox, in my
mind, is a man of much good learning, and of an earnest zeale : the Lord
grant him to use them to his glorie ! " P. 69. These unhappy disputes
abroad, being the well-spring, as it were, of a fresh and most important con-
troversy, a controversy which was revived at the accession of Elizabeth, and
which subsists even to this day, a knowledge of their history is very material
to the theological student. An interesting account of this particular topic of
the history, though very partial to the Puritans, was published in the year
1575, intitled, A brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Francfort in Ger-
many, Ann. Dom. 1554, about the Book of Common Prayer and Ceremonnies.
This scarce tract was reprinted in the second vol. of the Phenix, A.D. 1708,
and a separate edition has been printed in London, in 1846.

8 WintoniensisJ] Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, lord-chancellor,
Henry Fitz Alan, earl of Arundel, and William lord Paget, were sent to Calais,
18 May, 1555.

9 Partum regince.'] On Tuesday, the 28th of November, 1554, the council
had written a formal letter to Bonner, bishop of London, announcing the
pregnancy of queen Mary, and desiring that thanks should be given, and Te
Deum sung in all the churches of the diocese. Ridley wrote at the end of
May, or beginning of June, 1555.

86 BISHOP RIDLEY.

nostrse confessionis de hoste nostro antique triumphales in domino
coronas expectamus.

Omnium vestrum precibus me humillime ex toto corde com-
mendo : in primis, tuis, o charissime in Christo frater, et dilectis-
sime Grindalle, et charissimorum fratrum et unice mihi in domino
dilectorum, Checi, Coxi, Turneri, Leveri, Sampsonis, Chamberi
et omnium fratrum nostrorum et conterraneorum qui apud vos
degunt, et diligunt dominum nostrum, Jesum Christum in veri-
tate. Commendo etiam vobis reverendissimos patres et concap-
tivos meos in domino Thomam Cranmerum, jam vere magni
pastoris et archipresulis nomine dignissimum, et veteranum ilium
Christi et nostrse gentis Anglicanae verum apostoluin Hugonem
Latimerum. Condona mihi, frater, harum prolixitatem, non cnim
posthac credo, charissime frater, meis literis jam amplius aliquando
turbaberis. Oxonii. N. R.

A treatise or letter written by doctour Ridley, instead of his last
Farewell, to all Ms true and faithfull friendes in God, with a
sharpe admonition withall unto the papists.

" At the name of Jesus let every knee bow, both of thinges in
heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth, and let
every tongue confesse that Jesus Christ is the Lord, unto the
glorie of God the Father, Amen.

" As a man minding to take a farre journey, and to depart
from his familiar friends, commonly and naturally hath a desire to
bid his friends farewell before his departure ; so likewise now I
looking daily, when I should be called to depart hence from you
(0 all ye my dearelie belooved brethren and sisters in our saviour
Christ that dwell here in this worlde) having a like minde towards
you all (and blessed be God for such time and leisure, whereof I
right heartily thanke his heavenlie goodnes :) to bid you all, my
deare brethren and sisters (I say in Christ) that dwell upon the
earth, after such maner as I can, farewell.

" Farewel my deare brother George Shipside, whom I have
ever found faithfull, trustie, and loving in all states and conditions,
and now in the time of my crosse, over al other to me n
friendly and stedfast, and that which liked me best, over all other
things in Gods cause ever harty.

" Farewell my dear sister Alice his wife. I am ^lad to In
of thee, that thou doest take Christes crosse which is lai<U nmv

BISHOP RIDLEY. 87

(blessed be God) both on thy backe and mine, in good part.
Thank thou God that hath given thee a godly and loving hus-
band : see thou honour him, and obey him, according to Gods
lawe. Honour thy mother in lawe his mother, and love all those
that pertaine unto him, being readie to doe them good, as it shall
lie in thy power. As for thy children, I doubt not of thy hus-
band, but that he which hath given him an heart to love and feare
God, and in God them that pertain unto him, shal also make him
friendly and beneficiall unto thy children, even as if they had
beene gotten of his owne bodie.

" Farewell my welbeloved brother John Ridley of the Waltoun,
and you my gentle and loving sister Elizabeth ; whom besides the
naturall league of amitie, your tender love, which you were said
ever to beare towards me above the rest of your brethren, doth
binde me to love. My minde was to have acknowledged this your
loving affection, and to have acquitted it with deeds, and not with
words alone. Your daughter Elizabeth I bid farewell, whome I
love for the meek and gentle spirit that God hath given her,
which is a precious thing in the sight of God.

" Farewell my belooved sister of Unthank, with all your chil-
dren, nephewes, and neeces. Since the departing of my brother
Hugh, my minde was to have bene unto them instead of their
father, but the Lord God must and will be their father, if they
would love him and feare him, and live in the trade of his law.

" Farewell my welbeloved and worshipfull cosins, master Rich.
Ridley of Willimountswike, and your wife, and I thank you for
all your kindnes shewed both to me, and also to al your owne
kinsfolke and mine. Good cosine, as God hath set you in our
stocke, and kinred (not for any respect of your person, but of his
aboundant grace and goodnesse) to be as it were the belweather
to order and conduct the rest, and hath also indued you with his
manifold giftes of grace, both heavenlie and worldlie, above others ;
so I pray you good cosin (as my trust and hope is in you) con-
tinue and increase in the maintenance of the truth, honestie,
righteousnes, and all true godlinesse, and to the uttermost of your
power withstand falshood, untruth, unrighteousnes, and al ungod-
linesse, which is forbidden and condemned by the word and lawes
of God.

" Farwell my young cosin Rafe Whitfield. Oh your time was
verie short with me. My mind was to have don you good, and

88 BISHOP RIDLEY.

yet you caught in that little time a losse ; but I trust it shall be
recompenced, as it shall please almighty God.

u Farewell all my whole kindred and countrimen, farewell in
Christ altogether. The Lord which is the searcher of secrets,
knoweth that according to my harts desire, my hope was of late
that I should have come among you, and to have brought with
mee aboundance of Christes blessed gospell, according to the
dutie of that office and ministerie, whereunto amongst you I was
chosen, named and appointed by the mouth of that our late peere-
lesse prince king Edward, and so also denounced openlie in his
court, by his privie councell.

u I warne you all my welbeloved kinsfolke and countrimen, that
ye be not amazed or astonied at the kind of my departure and
dissolution : for I insure you, I thinke it the most honor that ever
I was called unto in all my life, and therefore I thank my Lord
God heartilie for it, that it hath pleased him to call me of his
great mercie unto this high honour, to suffer death willinglie
for his sake, and in his cause : unto the which honour hee
hath called the holie prophets and dearelie beloved apostles,
and his blessed chosen martyrs. For knowe yee that I doubt
no more but that the causes wherefore I am put to death, are
Gods causes, and the cause of the truth, then I doubt that the
gospell which John wrote, is the gospell of Christ, or that
Paules epistles are the verie word of God. And to have a
heart willing to abide, and stand in Gods cause, and in Christs
quarrell even unto death, I ensure thee (O man) it is an inestim-
able and an honourable gift of God, given onelie to the true elects
and dearlie beloved children of God, and inheritors of the king-
dome of heaven. For the holie apostle and also martyr in Christes
cause, saint Peter saith, If ye suffer rebuke in the name of Christ,
that is, in Christs cause, and for his truthes sake, then are ye
happie and blessed, for theglorie of the spirit of God resteth upon
you. If for rebukes sake suffered in Christs name, a man is pro-
nounced by the mouth of that holie apostle, blessed and happie ;
how much more happie and blessed is he that hath the grace to
suffer death also ? Wherefore, all ye that bee my true lovers and
friends, rejoice, and rejoice with me again, and render with me
heartie thankes to God our heavenlie Father, that for his Sonnes
sake my saviour and redeemer Christ, he hath vouchsafed to call
mee, being else without his gracious goodncs. in my selfe but a

BISHOP RIDLEY. 89

sinful and a vile wretch, to call me (I say) unto this high dignity
of his true prophets, of his faithfull apostles, and of his holie elect
and chosen martyrs, that is, to die and to spend this temporall life
in the defence and maintenance of his eternall and everlasting truth.

" Yee know that be my countriemen dwelling upon the borders,
where (alasse) the true man suffereth oftentimes much wrong at
the theeves hand, if it chance a man to be slaine of a theefe (as it
often chanceth there) which went out with his neighbour to helpe
him to rescue his goods againe, that the more cruellie he be slain,
and the more stedfastlie he stuck by his neighbour in the fight
against the face of the theefe, the more favour and friendship shall
all his posteritie have for the slaine mans sake, of all them that be
true, as long as the memorie of his fact, and his posterity doth
indure : even so yee that be my kinsfolke and country men know
yee (howsoever the blinde, ignorant, and wicked world hereafter
shal raile upon my death, which thing they cannot do worse than
their fathers did, of the death of Christ our saviour, of his holy
prophets, apostles, and martyrs :) know ye, I say, that both
before God and all them that be godlie, and that truelie know, and
follow the lawes of God, ye have, and shall have by Gods grace
ever cause to rejoice, and to thanke God highlie, and to thinke
good of it, and in God to rejoice of me your flesh and bloud, whome
God of his gracious goodnes, hath vouchsafed to associate unto
the blessed companie of his holie martyrs in heaven : and I doubt
not in the infinite goodnes of my Lord God, nor in the faithfull
feUowship of his elect and chosen people, but at both their hands,
in my cause, yee shall rather finde the more favour and grace :
for the Lord saith, that he will be both to them and theirs that
love him, the more loving againe in a thousand generations : the
Lord is so full of mercie to them (I say) and theirs which do love
him indeed. And Christ saith again, that no man can shew more
love then to give his life for his friend.

" Now also know ye, all my true lovers in God5 my kinsfolke
and countrymen, that the cause wherefore I am put to death, is
even after the same sort and condition, but touching more neere,
Gods cause, and in more waightie matters, but in the generall
kinde all one. For both is Gods cause, both is in the maintenance
of right, and both for the common wealth, and both for the weale
also of the Christian brother ; although yet there is in these two
no small difference both concerning the enemies, the goods stolne,
and the maner of the fight. For know ye all, that like as there

90 BISHOP RIDLEY.

when the poore true man is robbed by the theefe of his ovvne
goods truelie gotten (whereupon he and his household should live)
hee is greatlie wronged, and the theefe in stealing and robbing
with violence the poore mans goods doth offend God, doth trans-
gresse his la we, and is injurious both to the poore man, and to the
common-wealth : so I say, know yee that even here in the cause
of my death it is with the church of England, I meane the con-
gregation or the true chosen children of God in this realme of
England, which I acknowledge not onelie to be my neighbours,
but rather the congregation of my spirituall brethen and sisters
in Christ, yea members of one bodie, wherein by Gods grace 1 am
and have beene grafted in Christ. This church of England had
of late of the infinite goodnesse, and aboundant grace of almightiV
God, great substance, great riches of heavenlie treasure, great
plentie of Gods true and sincere word, the true and wholesome
administration of Christs holie sacraments, the whole profession
of Christs religion, truelie and plainelie set forth in baptisme, the
plain declaration and understanding of the same taught in the
holie catechisme, to have beene learned of all true Christians.

" The church had also a true and sincere forme and maner of
the Lords supper, wherein according to Jesus Christs own ordi-
nance and holie institution, Christs commandements were exe-
cuted and done. For upon the breade and wine set uppon the
Lords table, thankes were given, the commemoration of the Lords
death was had, the bread in the remembrance of Christs bodie
tome upon the crosse, was broken, and the cup in the remem-
brance of Christs bloud shed, was distributed, and both were
communicated unto all that were present and would receive them ;
and also they were exhorted of the minister so to doe.

" All was done openlie in the vulgar tongue, so that everie
thing might be most easilie heard and plainelie understood of all
the people, to Gods high glorie and the edification of the whole
church. This church had of late the whole divine service, all
common and publike praiers ordained to be saide and heard in
the common congregation, not onelie framed and fashioned to the
true vein of holy Scripture, but also set forth according to the
commandment of the Lord, and S. Paules doctrine, for tin-
peoples edification, in their vulgar tongue.

" It had also holie and wholcsom homilies, in commendation
of the principall vertucs. which are commended in Scripture, ami
likewise other homilies against the most pcrnitious and capitall

BISHOP RIDLEY. 91

vices that useth (alas) to raigne in this realme of England. — This
church hadde in matters of controversie, articles so penned and
framed after the holie Scripture and grounded upon the true
understanding of Gods word, that in short time if they had beene
universallie received, they shoulde have been able to have set in
Christs church much concord and unitie in Christs true religion,
and to have expelled many false errors and heresies, wherewith
this church, alas, was almost overgone.

"But alas, of late1 into this spirituall possession of the

1 But alas, of late.~\ The different condition of the contrary under the two
reigns of Edward and Mary, in matters of religion, Ridley has again very
strikingly contrasted in his piece entitled, A Lamentation for the change of
religion in England. The treatise is of considerable length. It opens as
follows :

" Alas, what miserie is thy church brought unto, O Lord, at this day ! —
Where of late the word of the Lord was truly preached, was read and heard
in everie towne, in everie churche, in everie village, yea and almost in everie
honest mans house : alas, now it is exiled and banished out of the whole
realme !

" Of late, who was not taken for a lover of Gods words, for a reader, for a
readie hearer, and for a learner of the same ? And now, alas ! who dare
beare anie open countenance toward it, but such as are content in Christs
cause, and for his words sake, to stand to the danger and losse of all that
they have ?

" Of late there was to be found of everie age, of everie degree and kinde
of people, those that gave their diligence to learne, as they could, out of Gods
word, the articles of the Christian faith, the commandements of God, and the
Lords prater. The babes and young children were taught these things of
their parents, of their masters, and weekely of their curates in every church :
and the aged folke, which had beene brought up in blindnesse and in igno-
rance of those thinges, which every Christian is bound to know, when other-
wise they could not, yet they learned the same by often hearing their children
and servants repeating the same : — but now alas ! and alas agayne ! the false
prophets of antichrist which are past all shame, do openly preach in pulpittes
to the people of God, that the catechisme is to be counted heresie ; whereby
their old blindnesse is brought home againe : for the aged are afraid of the
higher powers, and the youth is abashed, and ashamed even of that which
they have learned, though it be God's word, and dare not more meddle.

" Of late in everie congregation throughout all Englande was made prayer
and petition unto God, ' to be delivered from the bishop of Rome, and all his
detestable enormities ;' ' from all false doctrine and heresie :' and now alas !
Satan hath persuaded England by his falshoode and craft, to revoke her olde
godly prayer, to recant the same, and to provoke the fearful wrath and indig-
nation of God upon her owne head.

" Of late, by strait lawes and ordinances, with the consent of the nobles
and commonaltie, and full agreement and counsell of the prelates and clergie,

92 BISHOP RIDLEY.

heavenlie treasure of these godlie ritches, are entred in theeves
that have robbed and spoiled all this heavenlie treasure awaie. I

was banished hence the beast of Babylon ; with lawes, I say, and with othes
and all meanes that then could be devised for so godly a purpose : but now,
alas ! all these lawes are trodden under foote : the nobles, the commonaltie,
the prelates and clergy are quite changed, and all those othes though they
were made in judgment, justice, and truth, and the matter never so good, do
no more hold than a bond of rushes, or of a barley strawe ; and publicke
perjurie no more feareth them, than a shadow upon the wall.

" Of late it was agreed in England of all handes, according to Paules
doctrine, and Christes commaundement, that nothing ought to be done in the
church, in the publicke congregation, but in that tongue which the congre-
gation could understand, that all might be edified thereby : whether it were
common prayer, administration of the sacraments, or any other thing belong-
ing to publicke ministerie of Gods holy and wholesome word : but alas ! all
is now turned upside down, Paules doctrine is put apart, Christes commande-
ment is not regarded : for nothing is hearde commonly in the church, but in
a straunge tongue, that the people doeth nothing understand.

" Of late, all men and women were taught after Christes doctrine, to pray
in that tongue which they could understand, that they might pray with the
heart, that which they should speake with their tongue. Now, alas ! the un-
learned people is brought into that blindness again, to think that they pray,
when they speak with their tongue they cannot tell what; whereof their
heart is nothing mindful at all, for that it canne understand never a whit
thereof.

" Of late, the Lordes supper was duly ministered and taught to be made
common to all that were true Christians, with thanksgiving, and setting
forthe of the Lordes death and passion, until his returning againe, to judge
both quicke and dead. But now alas ! the Lordes table is quite overthrowne,
and that which ought to be common to all godlie, is made private to a few
ungodly ; without any kinde of thankesgiving, or any setting forth of the
Lordes death at all, that the people is able to understand.

" Of late, all that were endued with the light and grace of understanding
of Gods holy mysteries, did blesse God, which had brought them out of that
horrible blindness and ignorance, whereby in times past being seduced by
Sathans subtleties, they believed that the sacrament was not the sacrament,
but the thing itself whereof it is a sacrament; that the creature was the
Creator ; and that the thing which hath neither life nor sense, (alas ! such
was the horrible blindnesse) was the Lorde himselfe which made the eye to
see, and hath given all senses and understanding unto man. But now alas !
England is returned agayne like a dog to her own vomitte, and is in worse
case than ever shee was. For it had been better never to have knowne the
trueth, than to forsake the trueth once received and knowne. And now, not
onlye that light is turned into darkenesse, and Gods grace is received in
vaine, but also lawes of death are made by high court of Parliament, master-
fully to maintaine by sword, fire, and all kinde of violence, that ruinous
idolatrie, wherein that adoration is given to the lifelesse and dumbe creature,

BISHOP RIDLEY. 93

may well complaine on these things, and cry out upon them with the
prophet, saying, (Psal. 72,) O Lord God, the Gentiles, heathen

which is only due unto the everlasting God. Yea, they say they can and do
make of bread both man and God, by their transubstantiation. — O wicked
men, and Satans owne broode !

" Of late, was the Lords cuppe at his table distributed, according to his
owne commandement by his expresse words in his gospel, as well to the
laitie as to the clergie : which order Christes church observed so many hun-
dred yeares after, as all the ancient ecclesiastical writers do testifie, without
contradiction of any one of them that can be shewed, unto this day. But
now, alas ! not only the Lords commandement is broken, his cup is denied
to his servants, to whom he commanded it should be distributed ; but also
with the same is set up a newe blasphemous kinde of sacrifice, to satisfie and
pay the price of sinnes, both of the dead and of the quicke, to the great and
intolerable contumely of Christ our Saviours death and passion, which was
and is the one only sufficient and everlasting availeable sacrifice satisfactorie
for all the electes of God, from Adam the first, to the last that shall be borne
in the ende of the world.

" Of late, the commandement of God, Thou shalt not make to thyselfe
any graven image, &c. was graven almost everie where in churches, and was
learned of everie bodie both young and olde : whereupon images that pro-
voked the simple and ignorant people unto idolatry, as the wise man saith,
were taken out of the churches, and straightly forbidden that none should
any where, either bow downe to them or worship them. But now, alas !
Gods holy word is blotted and rased out of churches, and stockes and stones
are set up in the place thereof. God commanded his word so to be ordered,
that it might be had in continual remembrance at all times, and in everie
place : and, on the other side, hee forbadde images and idolles, so to be
either made or set in any place, where any should bowe downe to or wor-
shippe them. But now, alas ! that which God commanded is not passed
upon, and that which he forbiddeth is maisterfully maintained by falshood
and craft, and wickedly upholden.

" Of late, all ministers that were admitted to the publicke office and
ministery of Gods holy word, in their admission made a solemne profession
before the congregation that they should teach the people nothing, as doc-
trine necessary to attaine eternall salvation, but that which is Gods own holy
word, or may be thereof grounded without any doubt : whereby vanished
and melted away of themselves many vain, yea wicked traditions of men, as
waxe before the fire. But now at one brunt they are revived, and are in full
hope to returne again, in as great strength as ever they have beene .... an
innumerable rabblement of abominations and wicked abuses : as popish par-
dons, pilgrimages, purgatorie Romish masses, placebo and dirige, with trentalls
and scala c&li; dispensations and immunities from all godlie discipline,
lawes, and good order. Now shall come in the flattering friers and the false
pardoners, and play their olde pranks and knaverie as they were wont to do.
Now you shall have (but of the see of Rome onelie, and that for money)
canonizing of such saints as have stood stout in the popes cause ; shrining

94 BISHOP RIDLEY.

nations are come into thy heritage : they have defiled thy holie
temple, and made Jerusalem a heape of stones : that is, they
have broken and beaten downe to the ground thy holie citie. This
heathenish generation, these theeves of Samaria, these Sabei and
Chaldei, these robbers have rushed out -of their dens, and have
robbed the church of England, of all the aforesaide holie treasure
of God : they have carried it away, and overthrowne it, and
insteade of Gods holie word, the true and right administration of
Christes holie sacraments, as of baptisme and others, they mix
their ministerie with mens foolish fantasies, and many wicked and
ungodlie traditions withall.

Instead of the Lords holie table, they give the people with
much solemne disguising a thing which they call their masse,
but indeed, and in truth, it is a verie masking and mockery of
the true supper of the Lord, or rather I may call it a craftie
jugling, whereby these false theeves and juglers have bewitched
the mindes of the simple people, that they have brought them
from the true worship of God, unto pernitious idolatry, and make
them to beleeve that to be Christ our Lord and Saviour, which
indeed is neither God nor man, nor hath anie life in it selfe, but
in substance is the creature of bread and wine, and in use of the
Lords table, is the sacrament of Christs bodie and blond : and
for this holie use, for the which the Lord hath ordained them in
his table, to represent unto us his blessed bodie torne upon the
crosse for us, and his bloud there shed, it pleased him to call
them his body and bloud ; which understanding Christ declaivtli
to be his true meaning when he saith, Do this in remembrance of
me. And againe, saint Paule likewise doth set out the same
more plainlie, speaking of the same sacrament, after the words of
consecration, saying, As often as ye shal eat of this bread and
drinke of this cup, ye shal set forth (he meaneth with the same)
the Lords death until his comming again. And here againe
these theeves have robbed also the people of the Lords cup.
contrarie to the plaine words of Christ, written in his gospel I.

" Now for the common publike praiers which were in the
vulgar tongue, these theeves have brought in againe a strange
tnno-ur. whereof the people understand not one word. Whrn-in
what doe they else, but rob the people of their divine sen i< •<•.

of relikes ; and from anie kinde of wickednesse, if you will pay well for it,
cleare absolution // jKnia ct rul/w. with thousands of yeeres." Fox's Ad
p. 1014. edit. ir,;o.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 95

wherein they ought to pray together with the minister 2 ? and to
pray in a strange tongue, what is it, but (as S. Paule calleth it)

2 Together with the minister, .] So we shall find below, in his Life, that
Cranmer urges upon the queen's commissioners, "When the priest giveth
thankes, God would that the people should do so too ; and God will have them
to confess all together : — the pope will not."

And what now could be said on the other side, against the weight of ob-
servations and arguments such as these ? What shall we find is alleged by
Christopherson, for instance, one of the most respectable and learned, as we
have before remarked, of that party ? The priest, he pleads, " saith common
prayer for all the whole multitude." In fairness we must take the entire
passage. " When the people come to churche, and heare the priestes, who
say common prayer for the whole multitude, albeit they understande them not,
yet yf they be occupied in godly e prayer themselves, it is sufficient for them.
And lette them not so greatly passe for under standynge what the priestes saye,
but travayle themselves in fervent praying, and so shall they hyghly please
God. Yea and experience hath playnlye taught us, that it is much better for
them not to understande the common service of the churche, than to under-
stande it; because that when they heare other prayinge with a lowde voyce in
the language that they understand, they are letted from prayer themselves, and
so come they to such a slackness and negligence in prayinge, that they at
lengthe (as we have well seene of late dayes) in a manner pray not at all."
This is as much as applies to the particular point in the argument, which is
immediately before us. But we will give the whole strength of his vindica-
tion on so important a subdivision of the general controversy. Thus there-
fore, he proceeds. " And let them fyrst thynke thys (for it is undoubtedly
true,} that the divine service here in Englande hath ever bene in Latyn since
the fyrst tyme that the fayth was among us receaved, save onlye this six or
seven yeares laste passed. And then (let them thynke), how godly the people
all that while were disposed ; how many vertuous and holy men and women
have bene within this realme, and how God dyd in all thinges prosper us."
Exhortation against Rebellion, signat. X 6. A.D. 1554.

And what now must be our reflexions on reading such a passage as this ?
What can we say, but, alas ! how difficult, how almost impossible is it, for
Popery to reform itself ! Do we not know, did we not see above, on the
authority of dean Nowell (see Index, under Nowell,) and could Christopher-
son himself therefore possibly be ignorant, that even of these very priests,
who were to pray " for all the whole multitude," very many did not under-
stand, and could not even read the prayers they uttered ? " They roll out
their Latin by heart," says Latimer, in his Former Conference with Ridley,
" but in so doing they make the poor people of Christ altogether ignorant."
— Was ignorance therefore in them also the mother of devotion ? Was it
" much better for them too (the priests) not to understand the common service
of the churche, than to understand it ?" Much better to have an implicit
faith that the prayers put into their mouth by the church must be good, and
could not fail to be effectual for her sake, and in virtue of the mere work
wrought; the simple, unmixed, unmedicated, effort of lip-service, the bare

96 BISHOP RIDLEY.

barbarousnesse, childishnesse, unprofitable follie, yea and plaine
madnesse ?

" For the godlie articles of unitie in religion, and for the
wholesome homilies, what doe these theeves place in the steed of
them, but the popes lawes and decrees, lying legends, fained
fables, and myracles to delude and abuse the simplicitie of the
rude people ? thus this robbery and theft is not onlie committed,
nay, this sacriledge and wicked spoile of heavenlie things, but

opus operatum ? Yes indeed 1 Why may we not take up Christopherson's
argument, if it be good in the case of the people, and carry it a little further,
and apply it in that of the priests also ? Why should not they too severally
have each an under-current of his own prayers, and this be " sufficient " for
them too as well as that for the people ; or even " much better than under-
standing " the Latin which they rolled out, and the " loud voices " which
they uttered ? — Thus shall we not indeed have introduced into the church
a rare " concert of heart and voice ;" with one thing severally in their mouth,
but all with another, and that often, alas ! how different a thing, in their
hearts ?—

No ! Popery had of old, even in the church of England, so tied herself up,
hand and foot, with the indissoluble bonds of statutes and canons, now in
great measure, by one hasty and impatient effort, revived and restored, that
she could not arise to shake off her thraldom and slavery : she could not re-
form herself; she could not be relieved even in so universally confessed and
palpable a point as that of the service in an unknown tongue : but that too
again must be asserted and vindicated, by arguments such as we have seen :
and if another Colet shall arise, even to translate merely the Lord's Prayer into
his native tongue, he will be in danger, (after so much light dispensed in
mercy ; but of which the world was not worthy, he will be in danger) of
incurring all the tremendous penalties of heresy.

I say nothing of Christopherson's daring assertions at the close of the
extract : unless it be, for the gross falsehood of the first, to refer, in one word,
for instance to Archbishop Ussher's Historia Dogmatica de Scripturis et sacris
vernaculis, 1690, 4to ; and to leave the frivolousness and fallacy of the other
two, to the slightest possible reflexion on the part of my reader.

The melancholy results of such a species of policy, even on the clergy alone,
are thus stated by William Tindal ; in the Preface to his Obedience of a
Christian Man :

" But alas ! the curates themselves, for the most part, wot no more what
the new or the olde Testament meaneth, than do the Turkes : neither know
they of any more than that which they read at masse, mattins, and evensong,
which yet they understande not ! neyther care they but even to mumble up
so much every day, as the pye and popinjay speake they wot not what. If
they will not let the lay man have the woorde of God in hys mother tongue,
yet let the priests have it, which, for a great parte of them, do understande no
Latine at all ; but sing, and say, and patter all day with the lips only, that
which the hart understandeth not." Works, p. 102.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 97

also in the stead of the same, is brought in and placed the
abhominable desolation of the tyrant Antiochus, of proud Sena-
cherib, of the shamelesse faced king, and of the Babylonicall
beast. Unto this robberie, this theft and sacriledge, for that I
cannot consent, nor (God willing) never shall so long as the
breath is in my body, because it is blasphemie against God, high
treason unto Christ our heavenly king, lord, master, and our
only savior and redeemer, it is plaine contrarie to Gods word,
and to Christes gospell, it is the subversion of all true godlines,
and against the everlasting salvation of mine owne soule, and of
all my brethren and sisters, whom Christ my savior hath so
dearly bought, with no lesse price, then with the effusion and
sheading forth of his most precious bloud : therefore, all yee my
true lovers in God, my kinsfolke and countreymen, for this cause
(I say) know ye that I am put to death ; which by Gods grace
I shal willingly take, with harty thanks to God therefore, in
certaine hope without any doubting, to receive at Gods hand
againe of his free mercy and grace, everlasting life.

" And thus much dear lovers and friends in God, my coun trie-
men and kinsfolke, I have spoken for your comfort, lest of my
death (of whose life you looked peradventure sometimes to have
had honesty, pleasures and commodities) yee might be abashed or
thinke any evill : whereas ye have rather cause to rejoyce (if ye
love me indeed) for that it hath pleased God to cal me to a
greater honour and dignity, than ever I did enjoy before, either
in Rochester, or in the sea of London, or ever should have had
in that sea of Durham, whereunto I was last of al elected and
named : yea I count it greater honour before God indeed to die
in his cause (whereof I nothing doubt) then is any earthly or
temporal promotion or honor that can be given to a man in this
world. And who is he that knoweth the cause to be Gods, to be
Christs quarrell, and of his gospell, to bee the common weale of
all the elect and chosen children of God, of all the inheritors of
the kingdom of heaven, who is he (I say) that knoweth this
assuredly by Gods word, and the testimonie of his own con-
science (as I thorough the infinite goodnesse of God, not of my
selfe, but by his grace acknowledge my selfe to do) who is he
(I say) that knoweth this, and both loveth and feareth God
indeed and in truth, loveth and believeth his master Christ and
his blessed gospel, loveth his brotherhood the chosen children of
God, and also lusteth and longeth for everlasting life, who is he
VOL. nr. H

98 BISHOP RIDLEY.

(I say againe) that would not or cannot finde in his hart in this
cause to be content to die 3 ? the Lord forbid that any such should

3 Be content to dic.~] " When I was a child," says Fuller, in his Holy and
Profane State, p. 279, 80, " I was possessed with a reverend esteem of them
as most holy and pious men, who died martyrs in the days of queen Mary, for
the profession of the truth : which opinion having, from my parents, taken
quiet possession of my soul, they must be very forcible reasons which
eject it.

" Since that time, they have been much cried down in the mouths of many,
who making a coroner's inquest upon their death, have found them little
better than/<?Zones de se, dying in their own blood, for a mere formality, de
modo, of the manner of the presence, and of the sacrifice in the sacrament,
who might easily, with one small distinction, have knocked off their fetters,
and saved their lives. By such the coronet of martyrdom is plucked off from
their memories : and others, more moderate, equally part their death betwixt
their enemies' cruelty, and their own over-forwardness. . . .

*' Thus the prices of martyrs' ashes rise and fall in Smith-field market.
However, their real worth floats not with the people's fancies, no more than
a rock in the sea rises and falls with the tide. S. Paul is still S. Paul, though
the Lycaonians now would sacrifice to him, and presently after would sacrifice
him."

Thus Fuller puts this point with his characteristic clearness and vivacity.
Objections of the same nature have never been entirely banished from society
and literature ; and since we occasionally see or hear them hinted at, or pro-
pounded in our own day, with more or less distinctness and confidence,
according to the quarter from which they arise, and that for which they are
intended, it cannot be improper in a work like the present to add a remark or
two in illustration of the grounds on which our martyrs were " content " " to
give their bodies to be burned :" they who

" . . . . constrained to wield the sword
Of disputation, shrunk not, though assailed
With hostile din, and combating in sight
Of angry umpires partial and unjust ;
And did, thereafter, bathe their hands in fire,
So to declare the conscience satisfied :
Nor for their bodies would accept release ;
But, blessing God, and praising Him, bequeathed,
\Yith their last breath, from out the smouldering flame,
The faith which they by diligence had earned,
And through illuminating grace received,
For their dear countrymen, and all mankind.
O high example, constancy divine ! "

(Excursion, book vi )

The first main ground of argument on which they rested, was that many
doctrines and practices of the church of Rome, adopted and enforced by the
church of England, as necessary articles of faith and of obedience, were either

BISHOP RIDLEY. 99

be that shuld forsake this grace of God. I trust in my Lord
God, the God of mercies and the Father of all comfort through

unwarranted by the word of God, or were actually contrary to it. Such were
the service in an unknown tongue, the celibacy of the clergy, communion in
one kind only, the sacrifice of the mass for the remission of sins, the ubiquity
and the worship of Christ's bodily presence in the Eucharist, and some
others. When these matters, unscriptural or antiscriptural, were demanded
at their hands, though with unceasing threats and relentless importunity,
how could they teach or practise them ? How could they do otherwise
than reason, instruct, petition, and supplicate against them ? And if the
consequence of so doing must be death, well (since they will not and cannot
resist the supreme power), they are still bound to obey God rather than man ;
and must therefore be content to give their bodies to be burned, as an offering
and sacrifice in His cause, who, one day, sooner or later, will arise (and the
sooner for this their testimony) in behalf of His own insulted rights and
cause.

It was under this department of the controversy, that our confessors often
came forward to defend themselves against the suspicion or imputation of
wilful obstinacy, and a perverse contention about trifles. No ! had the things
required been of that description ; matters in their own nature indifferent,
and enforced upon them only as such ; and where undeniable reason and
Scripture did not interpose ; then, under such circumstances, their sense of
the duty of submission to the civil or the ecclesiastical magistrate, was suffi-
cient for their satisfaction, and they would obey. And hence we find they
did not scruple to disclaim all participation and sympathy with those, who, in
such cases, for the mere indulgence of their own private judgment, or under
the influence of enthusiasm, insubordination, affected singularity, or ambi-
tion, would rush upon death, where the finger of God did not itself distinctly
point the way. Thus we saw above (vol. ii. p. 528), that, in his own case,
Latimer was " loath to sustain the cruel sentence of death, unless it were for
articles necessary of his belief." And Strype has preserved an interesting me-
morial of a visit which he made to John Bainham, in prison, in the year 1532,
where with great freedom he counsels B. ; " Let not vain-glory overcome you
in a matter, that men deserve not to die for : for therein you shall neither
please God, do good to yourself, nor your neighbour. And better it were for
you to submit yourself to the ordinances of men, than so rashly to finish your
life without good ground ; and therefore we pray you to let us understand
the articles that you are condemned for." — See this extract in full, above
p. 34, note. And, to mention no more, Ridley, in the like spirit, declares,
" The cause why I do dissent from the Romish religion is not any study of
vainglory or of singularity, but of conscience, of my bounden duty towards
God, and towards Christ's church and the salvation of mine own soul."

But they had also another ground of action not less imperative, and per-
haps to ordinary capacities more readily intelligible and more easy of appli-
cation than the preceding. This related to the whole category of things
indifferent : that is, of matters neither forbidden nor prescribed by God's
word. Many that were confessedly of this kind were purposely taken up by

H 2

100 BISHOP RIDLEY.

Jesus Christ our Lord, that he which hath put this mind, will, and
affection by his Holy Spirit in my hart, to stand against the face

the church of Rome (in which she was followed by the church of England,)
and elevated, by virtue of the pretended authority of the church, into neces-
sary articles of faith and obedience, the impugners of which therefore they
denounced as hereticks, and, as such, guilty of all the dread penalties of
heresy, a death by temporal fires here, and in eternal fire hereafter.

What therefore were the circumstances of our fathers, under this second
department of their trials ? They were required to believe, whether they
could or no, and to profess their belief, and to live and act day by day accord-
ing to that belief, where the things required, and that as of necessity to sal-
vation, were not exacted as being in themselves either reasonable or scriptural,
but only as grounded on the despotic and infallible decrees and authority of
the church : and which authority, therefore, in so doing, they must further
submit to accept, without, or contrary to, the warrant both of scripture and
reason, not only as despotic and infallible in any particular case, but as a
power, on the same grounds, illimitable, and capable of extension indefinitely
to all cases, and with no bounds but those of its own supreme and arbitrary
will.

Here then, at least, we may well ask, how was obedience and submission
possible : and how then could any thing but flight, or the dungeon, or the
stake, possibly ensue ? There might perhaps, under the former head, have
been some room for question, whether, and how far, this or that particular
article required, was, or was not, expressly contrary to God's word ; but when
now both this criterion and that of reason were purposely slighted, and even
perhaps studiously depreciated and disparaged, and all was rested solely on
that special pretended church-authority, itself being usually nothing more
than the usurped dominion and supremacy of the bishop of Rome— how was
it possible to admit into the life such obedience, and into the mouth such
a confession, and into the heart such a thraldom, degradation, and slavery as
this ; and, in the lack of these, " who was he that would not, or could not, find
in his heart in this cause to be content to die?"

What imagination can paint the countless and miserable conflicts and
agonies of mind which must have been undergone in secret, during the pre-
valence of such a dominion and despotism as we have described ! " I knew a
certain master of arts in Oxford," says John Frith (Works, p. 150), "which
confessed upon his death-bed, that he had wept, lying in his bed, an hundred
nights, within one year's space, because he could not believe it ;" viz. the
carnal presence of Christ's body in the Eucharist. But, in further illustration
of this second division of argument, I must content myself with saying,
that I do not remember any where to have seen the grounds of our martyrs'
justification, under this second head, more clearly and pertinently laid down,
than in a few sentences by this same John Frith, in his own case ; who, thus
armed and animated, suffered by fire about the 3 1st year of his age, July 4,
1533.

Thus, in the account which he gives of " the articles for which he died,"
" They examined me," he says, " but of two : First, whether I thought there

BISHOP RIDLEY. 101

of the enemie in his cause, and to chuse rather the losse of all
my worldly substance, yea, and of my life too, then to deny his

were no purgatory to purge the soul after this present life ? And I said that
I thought there was none ; for man is made but of two parts, the body and
the soul. And the body is purged by the cross of Christ, which he layeth
upon every child which he receiveth ; as affliction, worldly oppression, per-
secution, imprisonment, &c., and death finisheth sin : and the soul is purged
by the word of God, which we receive through faith, unto the health and
salvation both of body and soul.

" Now and if I did know any third part whereof we are made, I would also
gladly grant the third purgatory : but seeing I know none such, I must deny
the pope's purgatory. Nevertheless, I count neither part a necessary article
of our faith, necessarily to be believed under pain of damnation, whether there
be such a purgatory or not." — Works of Tindal, Frith, and Barnes, p. 170.

The second article upon which he was tested was, " Whether he thought
that Christ's very natural body, both flesh and blood, is really contained
under the sacrament, and there actually present ? " to which his reply was,
" No," said I, " I do not so think. Notwithstanding, I would not that any
should count that I make my saying, which is the negative, any article of the
faith : for, even as I say, that you ought not to make any necessary article of
the faith of your part, which is the affirmative, so I say again, that we make
no necessary article of the faith of our part, but leave it indifferent for all
men to judge therein, as God shall open his heart, and no side to condemn
or despise the other, but to nourish in all things brotherly love, and to bear
each other's infirmities." — Ibid. p. 170.

After these statements the part follows which is more particularly pertinent
to our present purpose.

' ( I think," says he, " many men wonder how I can die in this article, seeing
that it is no necessary article of our faith ; for I grant that neither part is an
article necessary to be believed under pain of damnation.

" The cause of my death is this j because I cannot in conscience abjure and
swear that our prelates' opinion of the sacrament, (that is, that the substance
of bread and wine is verily changed into the flesh and blood of our saviour,
Jesus Christ) is an undoubted article of the faith, necessary to be believed,
under pain of damnation.

" Now, though this opinion were indeed true (which thing they can neither
prove true by Scripture nor doctors), yet could I not in conscience grant that
it should be an article of the faith necessary to be believed, &c. : for there
are many verities, which yet may be no such articles of our faith. It is true that
I lay in irons when I wrote this : howbeit, I would not have you to receive
this truth for an article of our faith ; for you may think the contrary without
all jeopardy of damnation. . . .

" I will not bind the congregation of Christ by my example, to any neces-
sary article beside our Creed, and especially none such as cannot be proved
true by Scripture. And I say that the church, as they call it, cannot
compel us to receive any such articles to be of necessity under^ pain of
damnation. ... "1

102 BISHOP RIDLEY.

known truth ; that he will comfort me, aide me, and strengthen
me evermore even unto the end and to the yeelding up of my
spirit and soule into his holy hands, whereof I most hartily
beseech his most holy sacred majesty of his infinite goodnes and
mercy, through Jesus Christ our Lord, Amen.

" Now that I have taken my leave of my countreymen and
kinsfolke, and the Lord doth lend me life, and giveth me leasure,
I will bid my other good friends in God of other places also
farewell. — And whom first or before other, then the universitie
of Cambridge, whereat I have dwelt longer, found more faithfull
and hearty friends, received more benefits (the benefits of my
naturall parents only excepted) then ever I did even in mine
owne native countrey wherein I was borne 2

" Farewell therefore Cambridge, my loving mother and teridi-r
nurse. If I should not acknowledge thy manifold benefits, yea
if I should not for thy benefites at the least love thee againe,
truely I were to bee counted too ungrate and unkinde. What
benefites hadst thou ever, that thou usest to give and bestowe
upon thy best beloved children, that thou thoughtest too good
for me ? Thou didst bestow on me all thy schoole degrees ; of
the common offices, the chaplaineshippe of the university, the
office of the proctorshippe, and of a common reader ; and of thy

" I dare not be so presumptuous in entering into God's judgment, as to
make the prelates' in this point a necessary article of our faith ; for then I
should damnably condemn all the Germans and Almains with infinite woe,
which indeed do not believe nor think that the substance of bread and wine
is changed into the substance of Christ's natural body. And surely I cannot
be so foolish-hardy as to condemn such an infinite number, for our prelates'
pleasures."— Ibid. p. 172.

After all this, can we say more, to characterize the deplorable condition of
things into which England had been subdued for centuries, and in which it
was still lying, than by reminding our readers, that even Cranmer himself
was brought in to be an instrument towards the condemnation of such a
young man as this to the stake ? Or how shall we be sufficiently thankful,
in calling to mind that God in his mercy was now preparing speedily, by
the instrumentality of this same Cranmer and others, to break in pieces
these chains, never again, we trust and pray, to be inflicted on the people of
England ?

The church of Rome, at the aera of the Reformation, instead of availing
herself of the providential occasion and call for asserting her own liberty, did
alas ! do little more, than, in its very crisis, rivet afresh her chains, —
(OLordJ how long?) — by solemn and formal re-enactments in the decrees
of the Council of Trent. Sec the Editor's Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 248.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 103

private commodities and emoluments in colledges, what was it
that thou madest me not partner of ? First to be scholler, then
to be fellow, then after my departure from thee, thou calledst
me againe to a mastership of a right worshipful colledge. — I
thank thee, my loving mother, for all this thy kindnes, and I pray
God that his lawes and the sincere gospell of Christ, may ever
bee truely taught and faithfully learned in thee.

" Farewell Pembroke Hall, of late mine owne colledge, my
cure and my charge : what case thou art in now God knoweth,
I knowe not well. Thou wast ever named sithens I knew thee,
which is now thirty years, agoe, to be studious, well learned, and
a great setter forth of Christes gospell, and of Gods true word :
so I found thee, and blessed be God so I left thee indeede. Wo
is me for thee mine owne deare colledge, if ever thou suffer thy
selfe by any meanes to be brought from that trade. In thy
orcharde * (thy wals, buts and trees, if they could speake, would

4 In thy orcharde.'] We are here reminded of, and may compare with the
above, the account of some similar particulars respecting our historian, John
Fox, then student at Magdalen college, Oxford, as they are detailed in the
Life purporting to be written by his son, prefixed to some of the later editions
of the Acts and Monuments. With regard, however, to the authorship of
this life, and the truth of many of the statements in it, see Dr. Maitland's
Notes " On the Memoir of Fox ascribed to his son," 8vo. 1841.

" By report of some who were fellow students with him, he used over and
above his dayes exercise, to bestow whole nights at his study, or not till it
were very late to betake himself to rest. Near to the college was a grove,
wherein for the pleasantness of the place, the students took delight to walk,
and spend some idle hours for their recreation. This place, and the dead
time of the night, had master Fox chosen, with the horror of solitude and
darkness, to confirm his mind ; which, as a fresh water soldier, trembled at
the guilt of a new imagination.

" How many nights he watched in these solitary walks ; what combats,
and wrestlings he suffered with himself; how many heavy sighs, and sobs,
and tears he poured forth with his prayers to Almighty God ; I had rather
might be spared from this discourse, than touched with opinion of ostenta-
tion : but therefore of necessity was it to be remembered, because from hence
sprang the first opinion of his alienated affections. For no sooner was the
fame spread of his nightly retirements, but that the more understanding sort
out of their own wisdom, and others according as they stood inclined towards
him, were apt to interpret all to the worst sense. At length those with whom
he was intimate being drawn into suspicion of him, there were some em-
ployed, who under pretence to admonish him, might observe his walks, and
pry with more curiosity into his words and actions : and there wanted not
others, who comparing his customs formerly used with the present course he

104 BISHOP RIDLEY.

beare me witnes) I learned without booke almost all Paules
epistles, yea, and I weene all the canonicall epistles, save only the
Apocalyps : of which studie, although in time a great part did
depart from me, yet the sweet smell thereof, I trust, I shall
carie with me unto heaven : for the profitte thereof I thinke I
have felt in all my life time ever after. And I ween of late
(whether they abide now or no, I cannot tell) there was that did
the like. The Lord grant that this zeale and love toward that
part of Gods word, which is a key and true commentary to all
holy Scripture, may ever abide in that colledge, so long as the
world shal endure.

" From Cambridge I was called into Kent by the archbishop
of Canturbury Thomas Cranmer, that most reverend father and
man of God, and of him by and by sent to bee vicar of Herne 5
in East Kent. Wherefore farewel Herne, thou worshipfull and
wealthy parish, the first cure whereunto I was called to minister
Gods word. Thou hast heard of my mouth oft times the word
of God preached, not after the popish trade, but after Christs
gospell : Oh that the fruit had answered to the seed ! And yet
I must acknowledge mee to be thy debter for the doctrine of the
Lords supper, which at that time I acknowledge God had not
revealed unto me : but I blesse God in all that godly vertue and
zeale of Gods word, which the Lord by preaching of his word
did kindle manifestly both in the hart and in the life and works
of that godly woman there, my lady Phines 8 : the Lord grant that
his word tooke like effect there in many other moe.

" Farewell thou cathedrall church of Canturbury, the metro-

now took, did with more bitterness aggravate the fact. Why should he not
come to church so often as in former times he had accustomed ? why should
he shun the company of his equals, and refuse to recreate himself after his
wonted manner, unless he had felt in his mind some sudden alteration ? nor
if that alteration were for the better would he conceal it.

" Being thus reported of, surrounded by treacheries, and by every one
accused ; when the matter came to more severe scanning, and that he could
neither hide his resolution longer, nor, being a man of plain dealing, thought
fit to excuse himself by forging a lie ; by the judgment of the college, he was
convicted, condemned as an heretick, and removed the house."

5 Vicar of Herne.'] He was collated, April 30th, AD. 1538. Cranmer's
Register, fol. 364.

8 My lady PhinesJ] Meaning Fridswide, daughter of Sir John Norton, of
NOrtluvood, in Milton by Gravesend, wife of William Fineux, Ksq. of Herne,
son of Sir John Fineux, Knt., lord chief justice, K.B.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 105

politike sea, whereof once I was a member. To speak things
pleasant unto thee, I dare not for danger of conscience, and dis-
pleasure of my Lord God ; and to say what lyeth in my hart,
were now too much, and I feare were able to doe thee now but
little good. Nevertheles, for the friendship I have found in some
there, and for charity sake I wish thee to be washed clean of al
worldlines and ungodlines, that thou maist be found of God after
thy name Christs church in deed and in truth.

"Farewell Rochester, sometime my cathedrall sea, in whom
(to say the truth) I did finde much gentlenesse and obedience,
and I trust thou wilt not say the contrary, but I did use it to
Gods glorie and thine own profite in God. Oh that thou hadst
and mightst have continued and gone forward in the trade of
Gods law, wherin I did leave thee : then thy charge and burden
should not have beene so terrible and dangerous, as I suppose
verily it is like to be (alas) in the latter day.

" To Westminster other advertisement in God I have not now
to say, then I have sayd before to the cathedrall church of Can-
turbury, and so God give thee of his grace, that thou maist learne
in deed and in truth to please him after his owne lawes ; and thus
fare you well.

" Oh London, London, to whom now may I speake in thee, or
whom shall I bid farewell \ Shall I speake to the prebendaries of
Paules ? Alas, all that loved Gods word, and were the true set-
ters forth thereof, are now (as I heare say) some burnt and
slaine, some exiled and banished, and some holden in harde
prison, and appointed daily to be put to most cruel death for
Christs gospel sake. As for the rest of them, I knowe they
could never brooke me well, nor I could never delight in
them.

" Shall I speake to the sea thereof, wherein of late I was
placed almost, and not fully, by the space of three yeares ? But
what may I say to it, being (as I heare say I am) deposed and
expulsed by judgement as an unjust usurper of that roume. O
judgement, judgement ! Can this be just judgement to condemne
the chiefe minister of Gods worde, the pastour and bishop of the
diocesse, and never bring him into judgement, that he might have
heard what crimes were laid to his charge, nor never suffer him
to have any place or time to answer for himself? Thinkest thou
that hereafter when true justice shall have place, this judgment
can ever be allowed either of God or of man ? Wei, as for the

106 BISHOP RIDLE\.

cause and whole matter of my deposition, and the spoile of my
goods which thou possessest yet, I referre it unto God which is a
just judge : and I beseech God, if it be his pleasure, that that
which is but my personall wrong, be not laide to thy charge in
the latter day ; — this onely can I pray for.

" O thou now wicked and bloudy sea, why doest thou set up
again many altars of idolatry, which by the word of God were
justly taken away ! Why hast thou overthrowen the Lords table '
Why doest thou dayly delude thy people, masking in thy m;«
in steede of the Lords holy supper, which ought to bee common
aswell (saith Chrysostome, yea the Lord himself) to the peo-
ple as to the priest ? How darest thou denie to the people of
Christ, contrary to his expresse commandement in the gospell,
his holycuppe? Why bablest thou to the people the common
praier in a strange tongue, wherein saint Paule commandeth in
the Lords name, that no man should speak before the congrega-
tion, except it should be by and by declared in their common
tongue, that all might be edified? Nay, harken thou wicked
limme of antichrist, thou bloudy wolfe, why slayest thou downe,
and makest havocke of the prophets of God ? Why murtherest
thou so cruelly Christs poore seely sheepe which will not heare
thy voice, because thou art a stranger, and will follow none other
but their owne pastour Christ his voice? Thinkest thou to
escape, or that the Lord wil not require the bloud of his saints
at thy hands? Thy god, which is the worke of thy hands, and
whom thou saiest thou hast power to make, that thy deaf and
dumbe god (I say) will not in deede, nor cannot (although thou
art not ashamed to call him thy maker7) make thee to escape the

7 To call him thy maker.'] " The people beleeve that they see the body
of Christ, nay rather Christ himself, betweene the handes of the priests : for
so is the common oath they sweare, By him whom I saw this day betweene the
priest's hands." Walter Brute in Fox's Acts, p. 456. In the year 1520,
John Southwike was compelled to abjure, it being objected against him, that
when " one Rivelay, coming from the church of the Gray Friars, in London,
had said to his wife, asking where he had beene, that he had heard masse,
and had seen his Lord God in forme of bread and wine over the priest's head,
the foresaid John Southwike there present answered againe and said, '
William, thou sawest not thy Lord God : thou sawest but bread, wine, and
the chalice.' And when the said William answered againe in the same
wordes, as before, saying, * I trust verily, that I saw my Lord God in forme
of bread and wine, and this I doubt not :' the other replying again answt-ml
and said, as before, ' Nay, I tell thee, thou sawest but onely a figure or sa-

BISHOP RIDLEY. 107

revenging hand of the high and almighty God. But be thou as-
sured that the living Lord our saviour and redeemer, which sit-
teth on the right hand of his Father in glorie, he seeth all thy
wicked waies and cruelty done to his deare members, and he will
not forget his holy ones, and his handes shalt thou never escape.
Insteede of my farewell to thee now I say fie upon thee, fie upon
thee, and all thy false prophets 2

" Yet thou 0 London, I may not leave thee thus. Although
thy episcopall sea, now being joyned in league with the seat of
Sathan, thus hath now both handled me and the saints of God ;
yet I doe not doubt but in that great city there be many privie
mourners which do dayly mourne for that mischiefe, the which
never did nor shall consent to that wickednes, but doe detest and
abhorre it as the wayes of Satan. But these privy mourners here
I will passe by, and bid them farewell with their fellowes here-
after, when the place and occasion shall more conveniently re-
quire.— Among the worshipfull of the city, and specially which
were in office of maioralty, yea and in other citizens also (whom
to name now it shall not be necessarie), in the time of my minis-
terie, which was from the latter part of Sir Rowland Hils yeer
unto Sir George Barnes 8 yeer and a great part thereof, I doe
acknowledge that I found no small humanitie and gentlenes, as
me thought : but (to say the truth) that I doe esteeme above all
other for true Christian kindness which is shewed in Gods cause
and done for his sake. Wherefore O Dobs, Dobs9, alderman

crament of him, the which is in substance, bread and wine/ J) Fox's Acts,
&c. p. 745. Cranmer, in his Catholic Doctrine, has given a lively description
of the customs of the people, in reference to this very material part of the
devotion of that day. *< What neade the people to runne from their seates to
the aultar, and from aultar to aultar, and from sakering (as they called it) to
sakering, peeping, tooting, and gasing at that thing which the priest held up
in his handes, if they thought not to honour that thing which they saw ?
what moved the priests to lift up the sacrament so hye over theyr heades ? or
the people to cry to the priest, ' Hold up, hold up :' and one man to say to
another, * Stoup down before :' or to say, ' This day have / seene my Maker.1
And, * I cannot be quiet, except I see my Maker once a day.' What was the
cause of all these, and that as well the priest, as the people, so devoutly did
knocke and kneele at every sight of the sacrament, but that they worshipped
that visible thing, which they saw with theyr eyes, and tooke it for very
God ?" &c. Cranmer's Answer to Gardiner, p. 238, 9. edit. 2nd.

8 Barnes.'] Sir R. Hill was lord mayor in 1549, Sir G. Barnes in 1552.

9 O Dobs, Dnbs.~] Thomas Lever, in a sermon preached before king Ed-
ward, in the year 1550, enlarges upon the distresses of the poor, and in con-

108 BISHOP RIDLEY.

and knight, thou in thy yeere diddest winne my heart for ever-
more, for that honourable acte, that most blessed worke of God,
of the erection and setting up of Christs holy hospitalles and
truely religious houses, which by thee, and through thee were be-
gunne. For thou like a man of God, when the matter was
mooved for the reliefe of Christes pdore seely members to bee
holpen from extreame miserie, hunger and famine, thy heart, I
say, was mooved with pity, and as Christes high honourable offi-
cer in that cause, thou calledst together thy brethren the alder-
men of the citie, before whom thou brakest the matter for the
poore : thou diddest pleade their cause, yea, and not onely in
thine owne person thou diddest set forth Christes cause, but to
further the matter thou broughtest me into the councell chamber
of the citie before the aldermen alone, whom thou haddest assem-
bled there together to heare me speake what I could say as an
advocate by office and duety in the poore naens cause. The Lord
wrought with thee, and gave thee the consent of thy brethren ;
whereby the matter was brought to the common councell, and so
to the whole bodie of the citie : by whome with an uniforme con-
sent, it was committed to be drawne, ordered, and devised by a
certaine number of the most wittie citizens and politique, endued
also with godlinesse, and with readie hearts to set forward such
a noble acte, as could be chosen in all the whole citie : and they
like true and faithfull ministers both to their citie and their
master Christ, so ordered, devised, and brought forth the matter,
that thousandes of seely poore members of Christ, which else
for extreame hunger and miserie should have famished and pe-
rished, shall be relieved, holpen and brought up, and shall have
cause to blesse the aldermen of that time, the common councell
and the whole body of the city, but specially thee 0 Dobbes, and
those chosen men, by whom this honourable worke of God was
begun and wrought, and that so long throughout all ages, as that
godly vvorke shall endure : which I pray Almighty God may bee
ever unto the worldes ende. Amen.

" And thou O Sir George Barnes, the truth is to be confessed

elusion, alluding to bishop Ridley, says, "These seelie soules have been
neglected throughout all Englande, and especially in London and West-
minster, but now I truste, that a good overseer (a godlie bishop, I meane)
will see that they in these two cities, shall have their neede relieved, and their
faultes corrected, to the good ensample of all other townes and cities."
Signat. G 3. edit. 15/2. Sir Richard Dobbes was lord mayor in 1551.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 109

to Gods glory, and to the good example of other, thou wast in
thy yeere not onely a furtherer and continuer of that which before
thee by thy predecessour was well begunne ; but also diddest
labour so to have perfited the worke, that it should have beene an
absolute thing and perfect spectacle of true charity and godli-
nesse unto all Christendome. Thine endevour was to have set
uppe an house of occupations, both that all kind of poverty being
able to worke, should not have lacked, whereupon profitably they
might have been occupied to their owne reliefe and to the profite
and commoditie of the common wealth of the citie, and also to
have retired thither the poore babes brought up in the hospitals,
when they had come to a certain age and strength, and also all
those which in the hospitalles aforesaide had beene cured of their
diseases. And to have brought this to passe, thou obtainedst,
not without great diligence and labour, both of thee and of thy
brethren, of that godly king Edward, that Christian and peere-
lesse princes hand, his princely place of Bridewell1, and what other

1 Place of BridewellJ] See Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. ii. p. 425. But
we have a much more interesting account of this transaction, (in which
we shall further see that the bishop himself bore no mean part,) in Sir John
Hayward's Life of Edward VI. p. 407, &c. edit. 1636; or p. 169—71. edit.
1630.

" It happened during his sickness, that Dr. Ridley, bishop of London,
preached before him, and in his sermon much commended works of charity,
which, as they were a duty for all men to perform, so most especially for men
in especial dignity and place; as well in regard of their large abilities, as that
they were much obliged to give examples of goodness to others. The same
day, after dinner, the king sent for him privately into the gallery at White-
Hall ; chused him to sit in a chair by him ; would not permit him to remain
uncovered ; and then, after courteous thanks, he reported all the principal
points of the bishop's sermon. And further added, I took myself to be
especially touched by your speech, as well in regard of the abilities which
God hath given me, as in regard of the example which from me he will re-
quire. For, as in the kingdom, I am next under God, so must I most nearly
approach to him in goodness and in mercy. For, as our miseries stand most
in need of help from him, so are we the greatest debtors ; debtors to all that
are miserable ; and shall be the greatest accountants of our dispensation
therein. And therefore, my lord, as you have given me, (I thank you) this
general exhortation, so direct me, I intreat you, by what particular actions I
may this way best discharge my duty.

" The bishop, partly astonished, and partly over-joyed with these speeches,
was struck into a sad silence for a time. At last, tears and words breaking
forth together, he declared to the king, that as he little expected such a ques-
tion, so was he not furnished with a present answer. For this matter had a
great mixture of a civil government, wherein he conceived that the citizens of

110 BISHOP RIDLEY.

things to the performance of the same, and under what condition,
it is not unknown. That this thine endevor hath not had like
successe, the fault is not in thee, but in the condition and state of
the time, which the Lord of his infinite mercy vouchsafe to amende
when it shall be his gracious will and pleasure.

" Farewell now all yee citizens, that be of God, of what state

London had best experience, as over-burthened with multitudes of poor, not
only of their own, but from all parts of the realm besides : and therefore, as
they best knew both the quality of such people, and the inconveniences which
they occasion, so could they best advise what remedies were fittest. Where-
fore, if the king were pleased to afford his letters to that effect, he would
confer with them, and in very short time return with answer. The king
forthwith caused his letters to be written, and would not suffer the bishop to
depart until he had firmed them with his hand and signet ; and enjoined
the bishop to be the messenger, imposing great charge for expedition. The
bishop hasted with his letters to the lord mayor, who presently assembled
certain aldermen, and four and twenty commissioners, by whose advice the
poor were cast into three companies and sorts. Some were poor by impo-
tency of nature ; as young fatherless children; old decrepit persons; idiots,
cripples, and such like. Others were poor by faculty ; as wounded soldiers,
diseased and sick persons, and the like. The third sort were the poor by
idleness or unthriftiness ; as riotous spenders, vagabonds, loiterers, lewd
strumpets, and their companions. That the first of these were to be educated
and maintained ; the second to be cured and relieved ; and the third to be
chastised and reduced to good order.

" When this was presented to the king, he gave to the city for education
and maintenance of the first sort of poor the Grey- Friars Church near New-
gate Market, with all the revenues thereto belonging. For cure and relief of
the second sort, he gave St. Bartholomews near Smith-field. For correction
of the third, he appointed his house at Bridewell, the ancient mansion of
many English kings. — For increase of maintenance of these places, together
with the new re-edified Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark, the king gave
seven hundred and fifty marks yearly out of the rents of the Hospital of
St. John Baptist, or the Savoy, with all the bedding and furniture at that time
belonging to that place. And when the charter of this gift was presented
unto him, with a blank space for lands to be afterwards received in mortmain,
to a yearly value, without further licence ; the king presently with his own
hand filled up the void space with these words — Four thousand marks by year.
This done with reverent gesture and speech, he thanked God for prolonging
his life to finish that business. And so he was the first founder of those
three pious works, which by many additions are now grown to be the most
absolute and famous of that kind in Europe."

" I like," says Fuller in his Holy State, (b. iv. c. 11. p. 282) "that emblem
of charity, which one hath expressed" (Francis Quarlcs, Enchirid., p. 1)
" in a naked child, giving honey to a bee without wings ; only I would have
one thing added, namely, his holding a whip in the oth(r hand, to drive
away the drones ; so that king Edward's bounty was herein perfect and
complete."

BISHOP RIDLEY. Ill

and condition so ever yee be. Undoubtedly in London yee have
heard Gods word truely preached. My hearts desire and dayly
prayer shal be for you, as for whom, for my time, I know to my
Lord God, I am countable, that yee never swarve, neither for losse
of life nor worldly goods, from Gods holy word, and yeeld unto
antichrist : whereupon must needs follow the extreame displeasure
of God, and the losse both of your bodies and soules into perpe-
tuall damnation for evermore.

" Now that I have gone through the places where I have dwelt
any space in the time of my pilgrimage here upon earth, remem-
bring that for the space of king Edwards raigne, which was for
the time of mine office in the seas of London and Rochester, I
was a member of the higher house of the parliament : therefore
(seeing my God hath given me leisure and the remembrance
thereof) I will bid my lordes of the temporaltie farewell. They
shall have no just cause (by Gods grace) to take it that I intende
to say, in ill part. As for the spirituall prelacie that now is, I
have nothing to say to them, except I should repeate againe a
great part of that I have saide before now already to the sea of
London. — To you therefore my lordes of the temporaltie will I
speak, and this would I have you first to understand, that when I
wrote this, I looked dayly when I should be called to the change
of this life, and thought that this my writing should not come to
your knowledge, before the time of the dissolution of my body and
soule should be expired, and therefore knowe yee, that I had
before mine eyes onely the feare of God, and Christian charitie
towards you, which mooved mee to write : for of you hereafter I
looke not in this world, either for pleasure or displeasure. If my
talke shall doe you never so much pleasure or profit, you cannot
promote me, nor if I displease you ye cannot hurt me or harme
me, for I shal be out of your reach. Now therefore if you feare
God, and can be content to hear the talke of him that seeketh
nothing at your hands, but to serve God and to do you good ;
harken what I say. — I say unto you, as S. Paule saith to the
Galatians, I wonder my lords what hath bewitched you, that yee
so sodainely are fallen from Christ unto antichrist, from Christes
gospel unto mans traditions, from the Lord that bought you, unto
the bishop now of Rome. I warne you of your perill : be not
deceived, except you will be found willingly consenters unto your
owne death. For if yee thinke thus ; " We are laie men ; this

112 BISHOP RIDLEY.

is a matter of religion, we follow as wee are taught and led ; if
our teachers and governors teach us and lead us amisse, the fault
is in them, they shall beare the blame V My lords this is true
(I grant you) that both the false teacher, and the corrupt govern-
our, shall be punished for the death of their subject, whome they
had falsely taught and corruptly led, yea and his bloude shall be
required at their hands : but yet nevertheles shall that subject die
the death himself also ; that is, he shall also be damned for his
owne sinne : for if the blind lead the blinde, Christ sayeth, not the
leader onely, but he saith, both shall fall into the ditch. Shall
the synagogue, and the senate of the Jewes (trowe yee) which
forsooke Christ and consented to his death therefore be excused,
because Annas and Cayphas, with the scribes and pharisies and
their cleargie did teach them amisse ? yea and also Pilate their
governour and the emperours lieutenant by his tyranny, did with-
out cause put him to death ? For sooth no my lords, no. For
notwithstanding that corrupt doctrine, or Pilates washing of his
handes, neither of both shall excuse either that synagogue and
seigniory, or Pilate : but at the Lords hand, for the effusion of
that innocent bloud, on the latter day all shall drinke of the deadly
whippe. Ye are witty and understand what I meane : therefore
I will passe over this, and returne to tell you how yee are fallen
from Christ to his adversarie the bishop of Rome.

" At least, my lords, ye may perad venture thinke, thus barely
to call the bishop of Rome Christes adversary, or (to speake in
plaine tearmes) to call him antichrist, that it is done in mine

2 Shall beare the blame.'] These self-deceiving pretences were not unfre-
quent, being partly the suggestions to the laity of their own minds, and
partly, no doubt, from the clergy, as one of their most prevailing arguments.

Tindal protests against them, thus :

" Is it excuse good enough to say, God will not let so great a multitude
erre ? I will follow the most part, and beleve as my fathers dyd, and as the
preachers teach, and will not busie myself. Choose them ; the fault is theirs,
and not ours. God shall not lay it to our charge, if we erre." — Works,
p. 245. Exposition upon the viith chap, of S. Matthew. Compare Latimer's
Sermons, fol. 244. b.

Latimer also adverts shortly to a somewhat different pretext. " There be
some men in England which say, * No,' say they, ' I will heare none of them
all, till they agree amongst themselves.' Such fellows truely shall never
come to the gospel : for there shall be contentions as long as the devil is
alive : he cannot suffer God's word to be spread abroad. Therefore he doth,
and will, till the worlds end, do what he can to let the word of God." —
Sermons, fol. 149. Fourth Sermon on the Lord's Prayer.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 113

anguish, and that I do but rage, and as a desperate man do not
care what I say, or upon whom I doe raile : therefore, that your
lordshippes may perceive my minde, and thereby understand that
I speake the words of the truth and sobriety (as S. Paule said
unto Festus), be it knowne unto your lordships all, that as con-
cerning the bishop of Rome, I neither hate the person nor the
place. For I ensure your lordshippes (the living Lord beareth
me witnesse, before whome I speake) I doe thinke many a good
holy man, many martyrs and saintes of God have sitte and taught
in that place Christs gospell truely, which therefore justly may be
called apostolici, that is, true disciples of the apostles ; and also
that church and congregation of Christians to be a right aposto-
licke church, yea and that certain hundredth years after the same
was first erected and builded upon Christ, by the true apostolicall
doctrine taught by the mouthes of the apostles themselves. If
yee will know how long that was and how many hundredth yeares,
to be curious in pointing the precise number of the yeares I will
not be too bold, but thus I say : so long, and so many hundredth
yeares as that sea did truely teach and preach that gospel, that
religion, exercised that power, and ordered every thing by those
lawes and rules which that sea received of the apostles, (and as
Tertullian saith) the apostles of Christ, and Christ of God ; so
long (I say) that sea might well have beene called Peter and
Paules chaire and sea, or rather Christs chaire, and the bishoppe
thereof apostolicus, or a true disciple and successour of the apos-
tles, and a minister of Christ.

" But since the time that that sea hath degenerated from the
trade of truth and true religion, the which it received of the apos-
tles at the beginning, and hath preached another gospell, hath set
uppe another religion, hath exercised another power, and hath
taken upon it to order and rule the church of Christ by other
strange lawes, canons and rules than ever it received of the apos-
tles, or the apostles of Christ, which things it doth at this day,
and hath continued so doing (alas, alas) of too, too long a time :
since the time (1 say) that the state and condition of that sea
hath thus beene changed, in truth it ought of dutie and of right
to have the names changed both of the sea, and of the sitter
therein. For understand my lords, it was neither for the privi-
lege of the place or person thereof, that that sea and bishoppe
thereof were called apostolicke ; but for the true trade of Christs
religion which was taught and maintained in that sea at the first,

VOL. III. I

114 BISHOP RIDLEY.

and of those godly men. And therefore as truely and justly a-
that sea then, for that true trade of religion, and consanguinitie
of doctrine with the religion and doctrine of Christes apostles,
was called apostolicke ; so, as truely and as justly, for the contra-
rietie of religion, and diversitie of doctrine from Christ and his
apostles, that sea and the bishoppe thereof, at this day both ought
to be called, and are indeed antichristian.

" I know, my lords, and foresaw when I wrote this, that so
many of you as should see this my writing, not being before
endued with the spirite of grace and the light of Gods word, so
many (I say) would at these my wordes lordlike stampe and
spurne, and spitte thereat. But sober your selves with patience
and be still, and knowe yee that in my writing of this, my minde
was none other, but in God (as the living God doth beare mee
witnes) both to do you profite and pleasure. And otherwise, as
for your displeasure, by that time this shal come to your know-
ledge, I trust by Gods grace to be in the hands and protection
of the Almighty, my heavenly Father and the living Lord, which
is, (as S. John saith) the greatest of all : and then I shall not
neede (I trowe) to feare what any lord, no nor what king or
prince can doe unto me.

" My lords, if in times past yee have beene contented to li-
me sometimes in matters of religion before the prince in the } nil-
pit, and in the parliament house, and have not seemed to have
despised what I have saide (when as els if yee had perceived just
occasion, yee might then have suspected me in my talke, though
it had beene reasonable, either of desire of worldly gaine, or
feare of displeasure) how hath then your lordshippes more cause
to hearken to my word and to heare me patientlie, seeing now
yee cannot justly thinke of mee, (being in this case appointed to
die, and looking dayly when I shall be called to come before the
eternall judge,) otherwise, but that I only studie to serve my
Lord God, and to say that thinu; which I am perswaded :i>sure<lly
by Gods word shall and doth please him, and profite all t IK-HI to
whom God shall give grace to heare and beleeve what I doe say !
And I doe say even that I have said heretofore both of the sea <»f
Rome and of the bishoppe thereof, I meane after this their pre-
sent state at this day ; wherein if yee will not beleeve the minis-
ters of God, and true preachers of his word, verily I denounce
unto you in verbo doming except yee doe repent bet hue. it shall
turne to your confusion, and to your smart on the latter day.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 115

Forget not what I say my lords, for Gods sake forget not, but
remember it upon your bed. For I tell you moreover, as I know
I must be countable of this my talk and of my speaking thus, to
the eternall judge (who will judge nothing amisse) so shall you
be countable of your duetie in hearing, and you shal be charged,
if yee wil not hearken to Gods word, for not obeying to the
truth. Alas my lords, how chanceth this, that this matter is
now anew againe to be perswaded unto you \ Who would have
thought of late, but your lordships had bin perswaded indeed
sufficiently, or that yee could ever have agreed so uniformely with
one consent to the abolishment of the usurpation of the bishop
of Borne? If that matter were then but a matter of policie
wherein the prince must be obeyed, how is it now made a matter
wherein (as your clergy saith now, and so saith the popes lawes
indeed) standeth the unitie of the catholicke church, and a mat-
ter of necessitie of our salvation 3 ? Hath the time, being so
short since the death of the two last kings, Henry the 8. and
Edward his son, altered the nature of the matter ? If it have not,
but was of the same nature and daunger before God then as it is
now, and be now (as it is said by the popes lawes, and the instruc-
tions set forth in English to the curates of the diocese of Yorke)
indeed a matter of necessitie to salvation : how then chanced it
that yee were all (0 my lords) so light, and that ye so little
passed upon the catholicke faith and the unitie thereof (without
the which no man can be saved,) as for your princes pleasures,
which were but mortall men, to forsake the unitie of your catho-
licke faith, that is, to forsake Christ and his gospell \ And fur-
thermore, if it were both then and now is so necessarie to salva-
tion, how chanced it also that yee, all the whole body 4 of the

3 Necessitie of our salvationJ] Compare above, p. 25.

4 The whole body.~\ The whole of this dishonourable contrast, and instant
headlong fall of a great people, at least in the persons of its representatives,
is clearly and strikingly described by Sir John Cheke, in the Preface to the
Defensio verts et Catholicce Doctrines, before mentioned.

"Quam enim plausibili successu sancta et vere apostolica religio sub
Edvardo sexto Angliee rege, nunquam satis laudato, annis superioribus floruit,
tarn nunc omnia ibi, propter summam gentis nostrse ingratitudinem, cum
nimia securitate animi conjunctam, deformata sunt, ut superioris illius eccle-
siae vestigium vix ullum amplius ibi appareat. Etenim cum illustrissimi
regis Henrici octavi, qui Edvardi sexti pater erat, temporibus, omnes totius
regni proceres, archiepiscopi, episcopi, reliquique ordinis ecclesiastici viri,

116 BISHOP RIDLEY.

parliament agreeing with you, did not onely abolish and expell
the bishoppe of Rome, but also did abjure him in your owne per-

ad haec duces quoque omnes, comites, barones, equites, et tarn legum muni-
cipalium quam juris ecclesiastic!, ut vocant, administri, et judices ; deinde
civitatum quoque, urbium, pagorum, et municipiorura omnium rectores,
praefecti, omneque genus magistrates, denique cujuscunque conditionis,
status, aut ordinis viri, qui modo decimum sextum aetatis suae annum exces-
serant, juramento verbis conceptis praestito, sancte fidem dedissent, se quidem
nunquam consensuros, ut vel ipse Romanus Pontifex, vel ullus alius civili
potestate praeditus homo, supra regiam in regno Angliae potestatem evectus,
supremum regni caput agnosceretur. Prodierunt turn quidem in medium
nonnulli primi nominis apud Anglos viri, qui libris publice editis, et habitis
super ea re frequentibus concionibus, pro confirmatione ejusdem juramenti,
et idoli illius Romani ejectione, fortiter laborantes dimicarent : in quorum
numero facile primos fuisse accipio (ut plerosque alios taceam melioris notae
atque nominis homines), Stephanum ilium Gardinerum Wintoniensem epis-
copum, Cutbertum Tonstallum Dunelmensem, et Edmundum Bonerum Lon-
dinensem episcopos, qui tamen postea, mutatis cum rege animis, ex Paulo
facti sunt Pauli.

"Ab hoc publico totius regni decreto, consensu omnium inito, cum in
suscepta religione animi popularium magis atque magis confirm arentur, et
patri optimo rebus humanis exemplo Edvardus films, optimae et indolis et
spei juvenis, qui religionis causam prae multis aliis non tenebat modo, sed
ardebat etiam, succederet, factum est ut omnia altaria Baalitica, omnis
superstitiosus cultus, omnes adulterini ritus, et idola summo omnium quoque
ordinum consensu abrogata tollerentur, crenae quoque Dominicae usus, ad
praescriptum ipsius Christi, et primitivae Ecclesiae formam revocatus (ha-
bita tamen super ea re in Parlamento quod vocant publico, et multa et libera
disputatione) restitueretur. Verum enimvero, cum jam annos aliquot sub
ejusdem Edvardi regis auspiciis bono loco stetisset reformata religionis
causa, evenit, proh dolor ! ut e medio sublato, atque in beatorum numerum
ex generatione hac prava et adultera recepto pientissimo rege, (quemadmo-
dum et in Israelitico regno, extincto pio Josia rege, olim factitatum legimus,)
totius ecclesiae simul et regni facies mutaretur in pejus. Ibi enim statim
non sine magno grassantium in bonos omnes impetu, et regni antea bene
constituti turbatione, Baalitica quae diximus altaria, omnis adulterinus cultus,
omnia idola, et superstitiosi, qui jam exoleverant, ritus et caerimoniae, in
pristinam abominationem restituebantur, non sine magno piorum omnium
dolore. Quid ? quod ibi turn translate ad alium successorem Angliae imperio,
omnes omnium ordinum homines, posthabita prorsus juramenti in contrarium
praestiti religione, de nunquam amplius admittenda Papisticae religionis im-
pietate, Antichristo Romano nomen dare non sine perjurii crimine nihil
quicquam erubuerunt. — Adeo verum est quod ille ait, * Mobile nam vulgus
mentem cum principe mutat.' "

But what then had the Romanists to allege in arrest of judgment against
charges of so solemn a character ? Two expedients they had, such as they

BISHOP RIDLEY. 117

sons, and did decree in your actes great othes to be taken of both
the spiritualitie and temporaltie, whosoever should enter into any

were. The first was that universal specific for remedy of all sins, a pope's
pardon : and the second was a denial of the fact. They were not perjured,
because the oath they had taken against the Pope, and to the king, was not a
lawful oath ; they dared to say, even that they knew this at the time ; and
that they had been constrained to take it in their own persons, and to impose
it on others, through violence and intimidation. We are indebted to Strype
for a MS. document, in which both these pleas are handled by an able un-
known writer, in the terms which they well deserved. Of this " bold and
notable paper," Strype, in his text, has given the following abstract :

" This writing shewed, how the whole popish clergy, according to their
own confession, lay perjured for twenty years : and that they compelled all
the people, many against their consciences, to profess the same ; and also
compelled all that in twenty years past had been admitted priests to perjure
themselves in like manner : inasmuch as they were required to swear never
to receive the bishop of Rome, nor no other power, to be head over the
people of England under God, but only the king and his successors : and so
were all the young men required to do every law-day in their respective
hundreds.

" Now, if this oath were unlawful, saith this writer, as the clergy now say,
then might all the nobles of the realm, of that opinion, have great cause of
displeasure against all the bishops that so led them, and knew otherwise :
and so might all magistrates and gentlemen, against the clergy, who were the
cause of their perjury. And that perjury they caused all the rest of the sub^
jects and common people to commit : insomuch that all ranks of people had
reason to be angry at this wickedness of the clergy. — But to help and heal
this, they had authority from the pope to pardon this national perjury, by
the sacrament of penance, by ministering it to the people, and to themselves
also : and God must needs forgive all them that submitted to it : and with-
out this they must needs be damned.

"But the writer wondered that no one priest, during the last twenty
years, had enjoined his people penance for their perjury ; but suffered them
to die in that black curse and excommunication that they knew was upon
the people, as they now say they did. So that, he concludes, this clergy was
none of Christ's clergy, but the pope's, who sat in God's seat, even in the
consciences of the people.

" He proceeded to blame two sorts of people, that in effect made up the
whole nation. One, that received the pope's pardon with penance for their
perjury that thought they were perjured, and made amends, and were for-
given : the other, that knew they were not perjured, and yet received pardon,
and did penance : this latter sort, in his judgment, were worse than the former;
doing contrary to their knowledge and conscience. — He concludes with his
prayer for a third sort that knew they were not perjured, but lawfully sware
the oath to the king, and were contented rather to die by the pope's sword,
than to slander the truth." Ecclesiastical Memoirs, vol. iii p. 247, 8, and
Records, No. xliv. The title of the Paper is, *' All sorts of people of England
have just cause of displeasure against the bishops and priests of the same."

118 BISHOP RIDLEY.

weighty and chargeable office in the common wealth \ But on
the other side, if the lawe and decree 5 which maketh the supre-
macy of the sea, and bishop of Rome over the universall church
of Christ, be a thing of necessity required unto salvation, be an
antichristian law, (as it is indeed) and such instructions as are
given to the diocesse of Yorke, be indeede a setting forth of the
power of that beast of Babylon, by the craft and falshood of his
false prophets (as of truth, compared unto Gods word, and truely
judged by the same, it shall plainely appeare that they be) then
my lords never thinke other, but the day shall come when yee
shall bee charged with this your undoing of that, that once yee
had well done, and with this your perjurie and breach of your
oath, which oath was done in judgement, justice, and truth
agreeable to Gods law. The whore of Babylon may well for a
time dally with you, and make you so drunken with the wine of
her filthie stewes and whoredome (as with her dispensations and
promises of pardon a pcena et culpa) that for drunkennesse and
blindnes yee may thinke your selves safe. But be yee assured,
when the living Lord shall trie the matter by the fire, and judge
it according to his word, when all her abhominations shall appeare
what they be ; then yee my lordes, (I give your lordships warning
in time, repent if yee be happy, and love your owne soules health,
repent I say, or els without al doubt, yee shall never escape the
hands of the living Lord, for the guilt of your perjury and breach
of your oath) as ye have banquetted in her abhominations, so
shall yee drinke with her (except yee repent betime) of the cuppe
of the Lords indignation and everlasting wrath, which is prepared
for the beast, his false prophets, and all their partakers. For
hee that is partner with them in their abhominations, must also
be partner with them of their plagues, and in the latter day shall
be throwne with them into the lake burning with brimstone and
unquenchable fire. Thus fare yee well my lords all. I pray God
give you understanding of his blessed will and pleasure, and make
you to beleeve and embrace the truth. Amen."

Ridley now prepared himself8 for his approaching death, which

5 Lawe and decree. ,] Extravag. comm. lib. i. tit. viii. Unam sane tarn eccle-
siam. See p. 25, note.

8 Now prepared himself. ~] The remaining part of this narrative is tran-
scribed from the valuable Life of Bishop Ridley, written by Doctor Glocester
Ridley, pp. 662—73.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 119

a sound judgment and a good conscience made him look upon as
a matter of joy and triumph. He called it his marriage, and in
the evening washed his beard and his legs, and behaved with as
much ease and chearfulness as ever ; at supper he invited Mrs.
Irish 7 to his marriage the next morning. And wishing his sister
to be there, he asked her husband whether she could find in her
heart to be there or no ? Mr. Shipside answered, he believed she
would with all her heart. At which the bishop expressed great
satisfaction. The discourse melted even the obdurate Mrs. Irish
into tears, who had before made a merit and boasted of her seve-
rity towards him. On seeing her in tears, the good bishop com-
forted her, and said, " 0 Mrs. Irish, you love me not now, I see
well enough. For in that you weep it doth appear you will not
be at my marriage, neither be content therewith. Indeed you
be not so much a friend as I thought you had been. But quiet
yourself, though my breakfast shall be somewhat sharp and pain-
full, yet I am sure my supper shall be more pleasant and sweet V

When they arose from the table, his brother offered to watch
all night with him. But he would not suffer him, saying, that he
minded (God willing) to go to bed, and to sleep as quietly that
night, as ever he did in his life.

Orders had been sent by the queen to lord Williams l and the
householders of Oxford to attend the next morning, sufficiently
provided to prevent any tumult that might arise in favour of the
prisoners, and obstruct their execution ; who came accordingly to

7 Mrs. Irish.'] Wife of the mayor of Oxford, in whose house he had been
confined for a time. See p. 82.

3 The particulars of the supper which he had the night before he suffered
when this conversation passed, I find in a manuscript book of expenses for
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer,now in Bennet (Corp. Christi) College Library,
Cambridge. It shews at once their manner of living, and the price of pro-
visions at that time.

£ s. d.

Bread and ale ... 0 0 3
Shoulder of mutton .009

A pig 0 0 11

A plover 004

Wine 0 0 1£

Cheese and pears ..002

0 2 6£
1 Lord Williams.'] John, first Lord Williams of Thame.

120 BISHOP RIDLEY.

the place appointed ; which, unfortunately for the memory of
bishop Brookes2, was in a ditch over against Baliol College, of
which he was master. An humane man, who felt for the miseries
of others, had rather used his interest to have removed so shock-
ing a spectacle out of view. But he was indulged in his savage
pleasure, and every thing being in readiness, the mayor and
bailiffs brought forth their prisoners.

First came bishop Ridley, dressed in a handsome black gown,
furred, faced with points, such as he used to wear in his episcopal
character ; about his neck was a tippet of velvet, furred likewise,
his head covered with a velvet night cap, and his square cap upon
that, walking to the stake in a pair of slippers, between the mayor
and one of the aldermen. As he passed toward Bocardo, Mr.
Irishe^ house being near that prison, he looked up to the chamber
where the archbishop lay, in hope of seeing him at the window,
and to have spoken to him : but Cranmer was at that time busily
engaged in disputation with friar Soto 3 and others, so that he
happened not to be at the window at that time. Ridley then
looked back to see if his brother Latimer were coming ; whom he
spied hasting after him in a Bristol freeze frock all worne, with
his cap buttoned, an handkerchief on his head, and a new long
shroud hanging down to his feet, all ready for the fire. O you be
there, said Ridley ; yes, returns Latiraer, I come after as fast I
can follow. They preserved their distance in walking, and Ridley
arriving first at the stake, there earnestly lifted up his hands and
eyes to heaven, till he saw, shortly after, Latimer descending to
the spot : upon which, with a most cheerful countenance, he ran
to him, embraced and kissed him, and comforted him, saying, be
of good heart brother, for God will either asswage the fury of the
flame, or else strengthen us to abide it. Then moving to the
stake, he kneeled down and kissed it, prayd earnestly, as did
Latimer likewise. Then rising, they conferred together a little
while.

Dr. Smith, who had recanted in king Edward^s time, \\a>
appointed to preach before them, who chose for his text these
words of St. Paul, 1 Cor. xiii. 3. Though I give my body to be
burned and have not charity, it proftteth me nothing. In which

- Bishop Brookes.'] James Brookes, who was consecrated bishop of Glou-
cester, April 1554.

3 Friar Soto.~\ Pedro de Soto, a Spaniard, high in favour with queen Mary.

BISHOP RIDLEY. 121

short sermon, which was scarce so long as a quarter of an hour,
he gave the holy martyrs frequent occasion to lift up their hands
and eyes to heaven as protesting against the falshood of his
assertions. For, in stating the diversity of opinions concerning
the sacrament of the altar, he mentioned only three among those
whom he called hereticks : 1. Luther and his followers, who held
that the natural body and blood of Christ was present together
with the elements of bread and wine : 2. The opinion of Oecolam-
padius, and his disciples, who held, that the natural body of Christ
was not in the sacrament, but in heaven, yet by grace effectually
received of the worthy communicants. 3. That of Zuinglius and
his followers, who held that Christ's body was not present either
naturally or spiritually in the sacrament, which was only a mere
figure of his body. Of this last opinion, he said, were the two
men who stood before them. In which representation he was
twice mistaken ; for neither were Ridley and Latimer, nor Zuin-
glius himself, of the opinion with which he charges them. Ridley
always believed and maintained a real presence by grace to faith,
and not a mere figure only : and although there were some
English fanaticks, such as John Webb, George Roper, and Gre-
gory Paske, who believed that the sacrament was only a bare sign
of Christ's body, and nothing more than a remembrance of it :
yet this was not the opinion of our martyrs, who, induced by the
same authority, the word of God, held with Oecolampadius and
Zuinglius too, if we may believe their own confession ; for they
say, " Although we distinguish, as we ought, betwixt the signs
and the things thereby signified, yet we divide not the reality
from the signs, but confess that all who by faith embrace the pro-
mises there made, do spiritually receive Christ with his spiritual
gifts, and that they who were before made partakers of Christ, do
continue and renew that communication."

The other frontless assertion was, "that the old church of
Christ and the catholick faith believed far otherwise." If he
meant otherwise than what he falsely charged Zuinglius and the
martyrs, it was nothing to the purpose : if, that the manner of
the presence defined by the church of Rome was always held by
the primitive church, that contradicts all history, and even their
own Tonstal admits that before Innocent III. the manner was not
defined.

When the sermon was finished, Ridley asked Latimer whether
he would first answer it : but Latimer desiring Ridley to begin,

122 BISHOP RIDLEY.

then both of them kneeling down, Ridley addressing himself to
the lord Williams, Dr. Marshall the vice chancellor and other
commissioners appointed for that purpose, said, I beseech you my
lord, even for Christes sake, that I may speak but two or three
words. And while the Lord Williams was inclining his head to
ask the mayor and vice chancellor whether he might permit him
to speak, the vice chancellor and bailiffs ran up hastily to him, and
with their hands stopping his mouth, said, master Ridley, if you
will revoke your erroneous opinions, and recant the same, you
shall not only have liberty to do so, but also the benefit of a sub-
ject, that is your life. Not otherwise ? said he. No, returned
Dr. Marshall ; therefore if you will not do so, then there is no
remedy, but you must suffer for your deserts. " Well," replied
the noble martyr, " so long as the breath is in my body, I will
never deny my Lord Christ, and his known truth. God's will be
done in me." And with that he rose up, and said with a loud
voice, Well, then I commit my cause to Almighty God, who will
judge all indifferently. Latimer added his wonted saying, Well
there is nothing hid but it shall be opened. And withal signified,
that he could answer Dr. Smith well enough, if he might be
suffered.

Immediately they were commanded to make them ready, which
they with all meekness obeyed. Bishop Ridley taking off his
gown and his tippet, gave them to his brother Shipside. Some
part of his apparel that was little worth, he gave elsewhere, and
some the bailiffes took.

He likewise gave away several other small things to gentlemen
standing by ; many of them were greatly affected, and weeping :
as to sir Henry Lee he gave a new groat, and to my lord Wil-
liams^ gentlemen, he gave to some napkins, to some nutmegs,
and races of ginger, his dial, and other such things as he had
about him, to every one that stood next him. Some plucked the
points of his hose. Happy was he who might get any rag of
him.

Latimer gave nothing, but very quietly suffered his keeper to
pull off all his dress but his shrowd ; in which he, who before in
his old freeze coat and buttoned cap, seemed a withered and
crooked old man, negligent of himself, now rouzed to play
the man, stood bolt upright, and appeared a venerable comely
person.

Dr. Ridley being stripped to his shirt and truss would have

BISHOP RIDLEY. 123

been burnt in them : but his brother Shipside prevailed on him
to pull off the latter, as it would else encrease his pain, and might
do a poor man good. Then standing at the stake upon a stone,
lifting up his hands towards heaven he prayed, " 0 heavenly
Father, I give unto thee most hearty thanks, for that thou hast
called me to be a professor of thee, even unto death. I beseech
thee Lord God, take mercy upon the realm of England, and
deliver the same from all her enemies." It was not long before
the realm happily experienced, as it continues to do to this day,
how much the effectual fervent prayer of this righteous man
availed.

Next the smith took an iron chain, and brought it round the
middles of both the martyrs, and as he was driving in the staple,
Dr. Ridley shook the chain, and said to the smith, good fellow,
knock it in hard, for the flesh will have its course. And now his
brother brought him some gunpowder in a bag, and would have
tied it about his neck. The bishop asked what it was : and
being informed, said, I take it to be sent of God, therefore I
will receive it as sent of him. And have you any for my brother ?
meaning Latimer. And being answered in the affirmative, he
bad him give it to him betime, lest it should be too late ; which
was done accordingly.

Then Dr. Ridley said to my lord Williams, " My lord, I must
be a suitor to your lordship in the behalf of divers poor men, and
specially in the cause of my poor sister. I have made a sup-
plication to the queen's majesty in their behalf. I beseech your
lordship for Christ's sake to be a mean to her grace for them.
My brother here, hath the supplication, and will resort to your
lordship to certify you thereof. There is nothing in all the world
that troubleth my conscience (I praise God) this only excepted.
Whilst I was in the see of London divers poor men took leases
of me, and agreed with me for them. Now I hear say the
bishop who now occupieth the same room will not allow my
grants unto them made, but, contrary unto all law and con-
science, hath taken from them their livings, and will not suffer
them to enjoy the same. I beseech you my lord be a mean for
them : you shall do a good deed, and God will reward you."

We shall seldom meet with an instance, except in the great
Exemplar, whose steps our blessed martyr followed, of one who in
the very article of death, though sensible that his breakfast would
be sharp, and the flesh have its course, yet was so regardless of

124 BISHOP RIDLEY.

his own sufferings, and so recollected for the good and happiness
of others. Let the delicate, the selfish, and the uncharitable,
read and wonder !

Then they brought a faggot ready kindled, and laid it at Dr.
Ridley's feet: to whom Latimer said, "Be of good comfort,
master Ridley, and play the man. We shall this day light such
a candle by God's grace in England, as I trust shall never be put
out/1

The fire being given to them, when Ridley saw it flaming up
towards him, he cried with an exceeding loud voice, " Into thy
hands, 0 Lord, I commend my spirit, O Lord receive my spirit."
Latimer on the other side as earnestly praying, " O Father of
heaven receive my soul ;" who received the flame as it were
embracing it. After he had stroaked his face with his hand, he
soon died, to appearance with little or no pain.

But on the other side the fire was so ill managed by piling too
great a quantity of faggots over the furze, that the fire first
burnt beneath, being kept down by the wood. Which when Dr.
Ridley felt, he desired them for Christ's sake to let the fire come
unto him. His brother hearing his earnest request, but not under-
standing well the reason of it, with an ill advised kindness to rid
him out of his pain, heaped more faggots upon him, quite covering
him with them : which made the fire smouldering beneath, so
intense, that it burnt all his nether parts before it once touched
the upper : this made him leap up and down under the faggots,
and often desire them to let the fire come to him, saying, " I
cannot burn/' Which indeed appeared too true : for after his
legs were consumed, he shewed that side towards the spectators,
clean, shirt and all untouched with flame. Yet in all this tor-
ment he forgot not to call upon God, having still in his mouth,
" Lord have mercie upon me;" intermingling between whiles.
" Let the fire come to me, I cannot burn." Thus he continued
crying out without relief, till one of the standers-by, with his bill
pulled off the faggots above ; and when the tortured martyr saw
the fire flame up, he wrested himself to that side. And when
the flame touched the gunpowder, he was seen to stir no more,
but burned on the other side ; and either from the chain loosing.
or by the overpoise of his body after his legs were consumed, fell
over the chain down at Lat MIHT'S feet.

Thus died this worthy martvr of God, and the tflory °* tnL>
English reformat inn ; nor did he die in vain. The fruit of hi-

BISHOP RIDLEY. 125

prayers for this realm we now enjoy ; and his constant sufferings
as they drew teares from most eyes, so doubtless by the grace of
God they wrought in the hearts of many a persuasion of the
truth to which both these prelates bore so noble a testimony.

One of these we know, Julius Palmer, an ingenious young
man, and fellow of Magdalen College, in Oxford. He had been
all through king Edwards reign a warm and zealous papist, and
for his taunts against the governors of his college, and his un-
conformable behaviour was expelled the society, and lost his
fellowship. He was persuaded that either vanity, or the baits
of preferment had influenced the reformers ; affirming that should
the times change, they would change too, and none of them
would stand to death for their religion. He owned indeed, in
confidence, to another like zealous fellow of his own college, that
they did not taste such an inward sweetness in the profession of
their religion as the gospellers made a shew of ; and that they
had not a clear knowledge of their religion, only as the church
had decreed : yet with a true papistical spirit resolved, that he
would sooner beg his bread, than yield to the reformers. And
though he was sometimes staggered in the conferences he had
with some into whose company he fell during his expulsion, yet
all through king Edward1 s reign, he continued determinedly blind.
In queen Mary's reign he was restored to his fellowship ; and
though surprized, that the reformers submitted so patiently to
the loss of their preferments, he doubted not, as Gardiner also
had declared, but that severities would reclaim them. He there-
fore made their suffering death voluntarily the test of their faith.
For this reason he sent at his own expense some of his pupils to
Gloucester, to observe and report to him the manner of bishop
Hoopers death. He was still willing to believe that either the
report was exaggerated, or that some enthusiastick heat had
impelled him to bear his torments with such constancy. But
here he was himself the spectator and jealous observer : he had
attended the martyrs examination, and been a witness of the
sobriety of his answers, and with what greatness of mind he had
disdained the offers of life, honours, preferments, and the favour
of the queen, rather than sacrifice the truth, and deny his faith.
He now saw him lay down his life in testimony that what he
taught he believed. Not borne up with a spirit of pride or mad-
ness, but with meekness, charity and resolution: not with an
enthusiastick callousness and insensibility of pain, but with a cool

126 BISHOP RIDLEY.

choice persisting to endure those severe tortures which his flesh
knew not well how to bear, and from which he had the liberty of
escaping if he would only sign a recantation. Perhaps for the
conviction of such unbelievers God permitted his death to be so
lingering and acute. Palmer rose a convert from this bloud
of the martyrs, and went away publickly exclaiming against the
tyranny and cruelty of his old allies. And having suffered loss
of fortune for his intemperate zeal in popery under king Edward,
was now so convinced of his error as boldly to suffer martyrdom
for protestantism under queen Mary.

Yet the severity of Ridleys sufferings, which wrought so power-
fully on the ingenuous mind of Palmer, were not judged suffi-
cient to satisfy the malice of another of his spectators, who seems
to grudge him the benefit of his gunpowder. This was Dorman
(or Pierson) who was fellow of another college in Oxford, who
speaking of the gunpowder applied to put them the sooner out of
their pain, says, " A practice among Christs martyrs, never, I
trow, heard of, the sooner to dispatch themselves, as with mine
own eyes I saw Ridley and Latimer burned." Observing in the
margin, " That it agreed not with the martyrdom of Polycarp !"
O Dorman, could you recall that dreadful sight to your memory,
and speak of it with such a spirit of inhumanity ? You saw his
agonies, your ears were pierced with his repeated cries, your eyes
were feasted with looking on his limbs consumed piecemeal before
his vital parts were touched, and all was not enough to satiate
your thirst for blood. Had the gunpowder, which was so long
before it had any effect on Ridley, dispatched him as soon as it
did Latimer, who but a ruffian could have grudged him that
relief? And Nowel, in a reply to Dorman, takes notice that Ig-
natius said he would provoke and anger the beasts, to whom he
was to be cast to be devoured, that they might the more speedily
tear him to pieces. And asks, why may not the heat of fire be
provoked as well as the fury of beasts? And Donnan might ha\v
remembered, that when Polycarp was burned, his persecutors,
seeing that the fire came not near enough to destroy him, with
more compassion than this popish spectator had, put an end to
his sufferings by piercing him with a sword.

Others wedded to the world, may perhaps think the sufferings
of these martyrs were a prodigality of life ; and that what-
they privately thought, the subscription of their hands to doc-
trines contrary to that belief, and an outward )>mf<>ssion of them

BISHOP RIDLEY. 127

had been far more prudent : and that therefore Gardiner was the
wiser man, who by returning to the pope, whom he had abjured,
kept his preferments, preserved his life, and escaped tortures.
Few of us have faith enough to take our Saviours advice, Be not
afraid of them that kill the body, and after that, have no more that
they can do : but I will forewarn you whom ye shall fear : fear
him, which after he hath killed hath power to cast into hell : yea, 1
say unto you, fear him. Luke xii. 4, 5. But an event imme-
diately connected with this execution may help our unbelief, and
convince us of the wisdom of our Saviours advice.

Dr. Gardiner, the lord chancellor, in the midst of all his splen-
dor, secure in the favor of the pope and his royal mistress, and
having in view a cardinals hat and legatine power from the one,
and the throne of Canterbury from the other, triumphed over the
weakness of the two martyrs at Oxford, for whose deaths he was
impatient. His dignity and employment would not permit him
to be a spectator and enjoy the sight ; but what he could he did ;
he dispatched messengers on purpose to Oxford to be present at
their execution, and to speed back to give him the earliest intel-
ligence when the fire was set to them. And though the duke of
Norfolk was his guest that day, he would not go to dinner till the
return of the messenger had given him the satisfaction he so
hungered after. At four o'clock the wretch was made happy
and went to dinner : he was not disappointed of his lust, but while
the meat was yet in his mouth, the heavy wrath of God came upon
him. He was seized with a suppression of urine, and though he
went five days after to the parliament, which met October 21st,
and again on the 23d, he could go out no more. A foul leprosy
and dropsy encreased upon him, contracted (as was reported) by
drunkenness, or whoredom, both which vices he had indulged
much in his life : so that his body was greatly distended, his eyes
distorted, and his breath too offensive to be endured. He felt all
the bitter remorse of conscience, without being able to mingle
with it that salutary sorrow which can alone make it supportable.
" I have erred," says he, " with Peter, but I have not wept with
him." The bishop of Chichester 4 visiting him, would have com-
forted him with the assurance of justification through the blood
of Christ. Gardiner acknowledged the truth in private, and

4 The bishop of Chichester.'} John Scory, the deprived bishop of Chichester.
Mary had deposed him in 1553. In 1559, Elizabeth made him bishop of
Hereford.

128 BISHOP RIDLEY.

thereby assented to the reformers, but desired him politically to
suppress it, saying, " he might speak of that to him or others in
his condition, but if he opened that gap again, and preached that
to the people, then farewell altogether." He suffered this pro-
tracted execution for four weeks, during which, as one wrote out
of England at that time, " he spake little but blasphemy and
filthiness, and gave up the ghost with curses in his mouth, in ter-
rible and inexpressible torments." He was called to his account
that very day month that Ridley and Latimer suffered, at two
o^clock in the morning, November 13. — Compare the lives of
Kidley and Gardiner together, and compare their deaths ; whose
character was most amiable, whose conduct most prudent, whose
condition most eligible ? Let us cultivate those truths in our
hearts and lives which had such supernatural power as to admi-
nister comfort in the midst of burning flames. What afflictions
are there in this world, that a practical belief in those truths will
not enable us to bear up under them ? Let us not think that
those errors can be even politically useful, or in this present
world prudent, which can give no ease upon beds of down,
amidst the pomp of power and affluence of wealth. What a
blessing did these martyrs recover to their country, when they
restored to it the knowledge of these primitive truths ! What a
glorious legacy did they bequeath to it when at their deaths, they
lit up such a candle in England, as by Gods grace shall never be
put out !

J

Znyravtd. by

THOMAS C 3* A If EC £21, ID . £>
/

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER,

VOL. III.

The Reformation that was made in the Church by the succeeding king
(Edward VI.) was done with all the deliberation and order imaginable, with
the advice and consent of a national synod, and the concurrence and appro-
bation of all the nobility and commons of the kingdom ; in which Reforma-
tion, all that is of the essence of Catholic religion, or had unquestionable
foundation in antiquity, was still reserved and preserved, and is still practised ;
which needs no other manifestation, than that whoever contradicts whatsoever
is determined in the four first general councils, is at this day declared a
heretick, and to suffer accordingly : so that this being done without the least
appearance of force and compulsion, and with that regularity and solemnity
that no alteration, with reference to church or state, was ever made in any
state or kingdom of Europe more warrantably ; hence, all the king's subjects
are bound to pay the same obedience to his laws as the subjects of other
princes do to those established in their dominions : and to have the same
reverence and submission to the constitutions of their own church, as others
have to what is enjoined by the state and church under which they live,
without condemning or censuring those who differ from them in opinion ;
which the church of England doth not presume to do. And as the Gallican
church doth challenge and require, and enjoy many extraordinary privileges,
immunities, and exemptions, which the Roman church denies to be its due,
and would deprive them of, if it were in their power ; so the church of Eng-
land hath as large rights, and owes no subjection or submission to any foreign
judicatory or power under heaven.

LORD CLARENDON.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

As concerning the life and estate of that most reverend father in
GOD, and worthy prelate of godly memorie, Thomas Cranmer
late archbishop of Canterbury, and of the originall cause and
occasion of his preferment unto his archiepiscopall dignitie, who
of many hath been thought to have procured the same by friend-
ship only, and of some others hath been esteemed unworthy of so
high a vocation : it is first therefore to bee noted and considered,
that the same Thomas Cranmer comming of an ancient parentage,
from the conquest to bee deducted, and continuing sithence in the
name and familie of a gentleman, was born l in a village called

1 Was born.~\ The second day of July, in the year 1489, was the day of his
birth. Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, p. 1. "Our youth (says
the same historian) was put to learn his grammar of a rude parish-clerk in
that barbarous age. Under whom he learned little, and endured much from
the harsh and curst disposition of his school-master. Though his father were
minded to have his son educated in learning, yet he would not he should be
ignorant of civil and gentlemanlike exercises ; insomuch that he used himself
to shoot; and many times his father permitted him to hunt and hawk, and
to ride rough horses ; so that when he was a bishop, he feared not to ride the
roughest horses that came into his stables ; which he would do very comely ;
as otherwise at all times there was not any in his house that would become
an horse better. And after his studies, when it was time for recreation,
he would both hawk and hunt, the game being prepared for him. And
sometimes he would shoot in the long-bow, and many times kill the deer
with his cross-bow, though his sight was not perfect ; for he was pore blind.

" But to return to his younger days. He lost his father early : but his
mother, at the age of fourteen years, anno 1503, sent him to study at Cam-
bridge : where he was nursled in the grossest kind of sophistry, logick,
phylosophy moral and natural, not in the text of the old philosophers, but
chiefly in the dark riddles of Duns, and other subtle questionists ; and in
these he lost his time, till he came to two-and-twenty years of age. After

K 2

132 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Arsalacton in Nottinghamshire, of whose said name and familie
there remaineth at these daies one manour and mansion house in
Lincolneshire, called Cranmer hall, sometime of heritage of the
said stocke and familie. Who being from his infancie kept at
schoole, and brought up not without much good civilitie, came in
processe of time unto the universitie of Cambridge, and there
prospering in right good knowledge, amongst the better sort of
students, was chosen fellow of Jesus college, in Cambridge. And
so being maister of arts, and fellow of the same college, it chanced
him to marry a gentlemans daughter a : by meanes whereof hee
lost and gave over his fellowship there, and became the reader in
Buckingham college : and for that hee would with more diligence
apply that his office of reading, he placed his said wife in an inne,
called the Dolphin in Cambridge, the wife of the house being of
affinitie unto hir. By reason whereof, and for his often resort
unto his wife in that inne, he was much marked of some popish
marchants : whereupon rose the slanderous noise and report
against him, after he was preferred to the archbishoprick of Can-
terbury, raised up by the malicious disdain of certaine malignant
adversaries to Christ and his truth, bruting abroad every where,
that he was but an hostler, and therefore without all good
learning. Of whose malicious reports, one of their practises
in that behalfe shall hereafter be declared, as place and time shall
serve.

But in the meane time to returne to the matter present.
Whilest this said maister Cranmer continued as a reader in Buck-
ingham college, his wife died in childbed. After whose death,
the maister and fellowes of Jesus college desirous againe of their
old companion, namelie for his towardnesse in learning, chose him
againe fellow of the same college. Where he remaining at his
studie, became in fewe yeares after, the reader of divinitie lecture
in the same college, and in such speciall estimation and reputa-
tion with the whole universitie, that being doctor of divinity, he
was commonly appointed one of the heads (which are two or

that, he gave himself to the reading of Faber, Erasmus, good Latin authors,
four or five years together, unto the time that Luther began to write. And
then considering what great controversy was in matters of religion, not only
in trifles, but in the chiefest articles of our salvation, he bent himself to try
out the truth herein." Life of Cranmer, p. 2. Compare Fox's Latin edition,
p. 708, &c.

a A gentlemans daughter.] Joane — .

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 133

three of the chiefest learned men) to examine such as yearely pro-
fesse in commencement, either bachelers, or doctors of divinitie,
by whose approbation the whole universitie licenseth them to pro-
ceed unto their degree : and againe by whose disallowance the
universitie also rejecteth them for a time to proceed, until they be
better furnished with more knowledge.

Now D. Cranmer ever much favouring the knowledge of the
Scripture, would never admit any to proceed in divinity, unless
they were substantially seene in the storie of the Bible : by meanes
wherof certaine friers, and other religious persons, who were prin-
cipally brought up in the study of schoole authors, without regard
had to the authoritie of Scriptures, were commonly rejected by
him, so that he was for that his severe examination, of the reli-
gious sort much hated, and had in great indignation ; and yet it
came to passe in the end, that divers of them being thus compelled
to study the Scriptures, became afterwards very well learned and
wel affected, in so much, that when they proceeded doctors of
divinitie, they could not overmuch extoll and commend M. Dr.
Cranmer's goodness towards them, who had for a time put them
back, to aspire unto better knowledge and perfection. Among
whom D. Barret a white frier, who afterwards dwelt at Norwich,
was after that sort handled, giving him no lesse commendation
for his happy rejecting of him for a better amendment. Thus
much I repeate, that our popish sort of ignorant priests may well
understand that this his exercise, kinde of life, and vocation, was
not altogither hostler like.

Well, to go forwards : like as he was neither in fame unknowne,
nor in knowledge obscure, so was hee greatly solicited by doctor
Capon, to have been one of the fellowes in the foundation of car-
dinall Wolseis college in Oxford (which he utterly refused, not
without danger of indignation.) Notwithstanding foreseeing that
which after chaunced, to the utter confusion of many well affected
learned men 3 there, without consideration (because mans glorie
was there more sought for, than Gods) he stood to the danger of
the said indignation, which chanced more prosperously unto him
within fewe yeares after than hee looked for. For whiles he thus

3 Well affected learned men.'] " All these " (as Strype tells us, after naming
several of them) " were cast into prison, for suspicion of heresy : and divers
through the hardships thereof died ; so that well it was for Cranmer that he
went not." Life of Cranmer, p. 3.

134- ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

continued in Cambridge, the great and waighty cause of king
Henry the viii. his divorce with the lady Katherine dowager of
Spain, came into question, which being many waies by the space
of two or three yeres amongst the canonists, civilians, and other
learned men diversly disputed and debated, it came to passe that
this said doctor Cranmer, by reason that the plague was in Cain-
bridge, resorted to Waltham Abbey, to one M. Cresseys house
there, whose wife was of kinne to the saide M. Cranmer. And
for that he had two sonnes of the said Cressey with him at Cam-
bridge as his pupilles, he rested at Waltham Crosse, at the house
of the said maister Cressey, with the said two children, during
that summer time whiles the plague reigned.

In this summer time cardinall Campeius and cardinall Wol
being in commission from the pope, to heare and determine that
great cause in controversie betweene the king and the queenc his
pretended wife, dalied and delayed all the sommer time untill
the moneth of August * came in, hearing the said cause in contro-
versie debated. When August was come, the said cardinals,
little minded to proceed to sentence given, tooke occasion to
finish their commission, and not further to determine therein,
pretending not to bee permitted by the lawes to keepe courts of
ecclesiastical matters in harvest time; which sodain stay and giv-
ing over of the said commission by both cardinalls, being unknowne
to the king, it so much mooved him, that he taking it as a mock
at the cardinalles hands, commanded the dukes of Norfolke and
Suffolke to dispatche forthwith cardinall Campeius home againe
to Rome, and so in haste remooved himself from London to Walt-
ham, for a night or twaine whiles his householde remooved to
Greenewich : by meanes whereof it chanced that the harbengers
lodged doctor Stephens 8 secretary, and D. Foxe ' almosiner (who
were the chief furtherers, preferrers and defenders on the kin^
behalfe of the said cause) in the house of the said M. Cr<-
\vln.-re the said doctor Cranmer was also lodged and resident.
When supper time came, they all three doctors met t<>uritlx T.
doctor Stephens and doctor Foxe much marvelling of D. Cran-
mers being there. Who declared to them the cause of his tin r<
being, namely, for that the plague was in Cambridge. And as

4 August.'] 1529. See note 7 in the next page.

5 Doctor Stephens."] Stephen Gardiner. See vol. i. p. 557, n.

r> D. Foxe."] Edward Fox, afterwards bishop of Hereford. See vol. ii.
p. 256, n.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 135

they were of old acquaintance, so the secretary and the almosiner
right well entertained D. Cranmer, minding to understand part of
his opinion touching their great businesse they had in hand.
And so as good occasion served, whiles they were at supper,
they conferd with doctor Cranmer concerning the kings cause,
requesting him of his judgment and opinion what he thought
therein.

Wherefore D. Cranmer answered, that he could say little to
the matter, for that hee had not studied nor looked for it. Not-
withstanding hee said to them, that in his opinion they made
more adoe in prosecuting the law ecclesiasticall, than needed.
" It were better as I suppose," quoth D. Cranmer, " that the
question, whether a man may marry his brothers wife or no, were
decided and discussed by the divines, and by the authoritie of the
word of God, whereby the conscience of the prince might bee
better satisfied and quieted, than thus from yeare to yeare by
frustratorie delaies to prolong the time, leaving the very truth of
the matter unboulted out by the word of God. There is but one
truth in it, which the Scripture will soon declare, make open and
manifest, being by learned men well handled ; and that may be
as well done in England in the universities here, as at Rome or
elsewhere in any forain nation, the authority whereof will compell
any judge soone to come to a definitive sentence : and therefore
as I take it, you might this wray have made an ende of this matter
long sithens." When D. Cranmer had thus ended his tale, the
other two well liked of his devise 7, and wished that they had so
proceeded afore time ; and thereupon conceived some matter of
that devise to instruct the king withall, who then was minded to
send to Rome againe for a new commission.

Now, the next day when the king removed to Greenwich, like

7 His devise.'] Collier, in his Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 52, and
Fiddes in the Life of Wolsey, p. 444, assign very strong reasons against the
possibility of Cranmer's being the first to suggest the expedient of resorting
to the universities for a solution of the grand question in the divorce. The
universities in fact had been consulted on that point, before the date of this
interview at Waltham, and Wolsey, it seems, was the first adviser of that
measure. It is further worthy of remark, that the writer of the Life of
Bishop Fisher (who calls himself Thomas Bailey, D.D.) affirms that the ar-
ticle opened and maintained by Cranmer at this meeting with the courtiers
was that of the King's Supremacy, p. 96, &c. edit. 3.

This interview at Waltham was about August 1529. Strype's Life of
Cranmer, p. 4.

136 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

as hee tooke himselfe not well handled by the cardinalls in thus
deferring his cause, so his minde being unquieted, and desirous
of an end of his long and tedious suite, he called to him these
his two principall doers in his said cause, namely, the said D.
Stephens and D. Foxe, saying unto them, " What now my
maisters," (quoth the king) " shall we doe in this infinite cause
of mine I I see by it there must be a new commission procured
from Rome, and when we shall have an end, God knoweth, and
not I."

When the king had said somewhat his mind herein, the almo-
siner D. Fox said unto the king againe, " Wee trust that there
shall be better waies devised for your majestie, then to make tra-
vell so farre as to Rome any more in your highnesse cause, which
by chance was put into our heads this other night being at
Waltham." The king being very desirous to understand his
meaning, said, " Who hath taken in hand to instruct you by any
better or shorter way to proceede in our said cause I" Then said
D. Fox, " It chanced us to be lodged at Waltham in M. Cres-
seis house this other night, your highnes being there, where we
met with an olde acquaintance of ours, named D. Cranmer, with
whom having conference concerning your highnes cause, he
thought that the next way were, first to instruct and quiet your
majesties conscience by trying your highnesse question out by
the authoritie of the word of God, and thereupon to proceede to
a finall sentence." With this report the secretarie was not con-
tent with the almosiner, for that hee did not utter this devise as
of their owne invention. And when the secretarie would have
seemed by colourable wordes to make it appeare to the king, that
they of themselves had devised that meanes : the king then said,
" where is that doctor Cranmer ; is he still at Waltham ?" They
answered that they left him there. " Mary," said the king, " I
wil surely speake with him, and therfore let him be sent for out
of hand. I perceive," quoth the king, " that that man hath the
sow by the right eare 8. And if I had knowne this devise but
two yeare ago, it had been in my waie a great peece of money,
and had also ridde me out of much disquietnesse."

8 The sow by the right eare.~\ It is often curious to observe what appear
trifling differences. In the Life of Bishop Fisher just referred to, this pas-
sage is thus given, p. 90. " The king swore, by his wonted oath, Mother of
God, that man hath the right sow by the ear." This also is the version of the
well known story of queen Elizabeth and the mayor of Salisbury.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 137

Whereupon doctor Cranmer was sent for, and beeing removed
from Waltham to Cambridge, and so towards his friends in Not-
tingham shire, a poste went for him. But when hee came to
London, he began to quarrell with these two his acquaintances,
that he by their meanes was thus troubled, and brought thither
to be cumbered in a matter wherein he had nothing at all tra-
velled in studie, and therefore most instantly intreated them,
that they would make his excuse in such sort, that he might bee
dispatched away from comming in the kings presence. They pro-
mised and tooke the matter upon them so to doe, if by any
meanes they might compasse it. But all was in vaine ; for the
more they began to excuse doctor Cranmers absence, the more
the king chid with them, for that they brought him not out of
hand to his presence, so that no excuse serving he was feine
undelaiedly to come to the court unto the king, whom the gentle
prince benignely accepting, demanded his name, and said unto
him, " Were you not at Waltham such a time, in the company
of my secretarie and my almosiner ?" Doctor Cranmer affirming
the same, the king said againe : " Had you not conference with
them concerning our matter of divorce now in question after this
sort," repeating the maner and order thereof. " That is right
true, if it please your highnesse," quoth doctor Cranmer. " Well,"
said the king, " I wel perceive that you have the right scope of
this matter. You must understand" (quoth the king) "that I
have been long troubled in conscience, and now I perceive that
by this meanes I might have beene long ago relieved one way or
other from the same, if wee had this way proceeded. And there-
fore maister doctour, I pray you, and neverthelesse because you
are a subject, I charge and commaund you (all your other busi-
nesse and affaires set apart) to take some paines to see this my
cause to be furthered according to your devise, as much as it
may lie in you, so that I may shortly understand whereunto I
may trust. For this I protest before God and the world, that
I seeke not to be divorced from the queene, if by any meanes I
might justly be perswaded that this our matrimonie were inviola-
ble, and not against the lawes of God : for otherwise there was
never cause to move mee to seeke any such extreamitie. Neither
was there ever prince had a more gentle, a more obedient and
loving companion and wife than the queene is, nor I never fan-
sied woman in all respects better, if this doubt had not risen :
assuring you that for the singular vertues wherewith she is en-

138 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

dued, besides the consideration of her noble stock, I could be
right well contented still to remain with her, if so it would stand
with the will and pleasure of almightie God." And thus greatly
commending her many and singular qualities, the king said, " I
therefore pray you with an indifferent eie, and with as much dex-
teritie as lieth in you, that you for your part doe handle the mat-
ter for the discharging of both our consciences."

Doctor Cranmer much disabling9 himselfe to meddle in so
weightie a matter, besought the kings highnesse to commit the
triall and examining of this matter by the word of God, unto the
best learned men of both his universities, Cambridge and Oxford.
" You say well," said the king, " and I am content therewith.
But yet neverthelesse, I will have you especially to write your
minde therein." And so calling the earle of Wiltshire l to him,
he said, " I pray you, my lord, let doctor Cranmer have enter-
tainement in your house at Durham place 2 for a time, to the intent
he may be there quiet to accomplishe my request, and let him
lacke neither bookes, ne any thing requisite for his studie." And
thus after the kings departure, doctor Cranmer went with my
lord of Wiltshire unto his house, where he incontinent wrote

9 Much disabling.] See vol. ii. p. 59, n.

1 Earle of Wiltshire.'] The father of Anne Boleyn.

3 Your house at Durham place.] The ancient palace of the see of Durham,
built originally by bishop Beck, in the reign of Edw. I. Its site now forms
part of the Adelphi in the Strand, and the name is still preserved in Durham
yard. Bishop Tunstal exchanged it with Henry VIII. who made it a palace.
" Be it known to all whom it concerns, that the word [place, i. e. palace] is
only applicable to the habitations of princes, or princely persons, and that
it is with all the impropriety of vanity bestowed on the houses of those who
have luckily acquired money enough to pile on one another a greater quan-
tity of stones or bricks than their neighbours. How many imaginary parks
have been formed within precincts where deer were never seen ! and how
many houses misnamed halls, which never had attached to them the privi-
lege of a manor!" Pennant's Hist, of London, p. 193. 8vo. ed. Henry
appears to have granted Durham place to the earl of Wiltshire, and after-
wards to have resumed it; for in 1540 a tournament in honour of his nuptials
with Anne of Cleves was held there. Under Edward VI. it was at first the
mint, afterwards the residence of the duke of Northumberland, and in it
lady Jane Grey was married in May, 1553. Durham house was reckoned
one of the royal palaces belonging to queen Elizabeth, who granted the use
of it to sir Walter Raleigh. The see of Durham once more regain*
ancient dwelling, which, however, was finally alienated in 1640 to the earl of
Pembroke, who pulled it down and built houses on the site.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 139

his mind concerning the kings question: adding to the same,
besides the authoritie of the Scriptures, of generall councells,
and of auncient writers, also his opinion which was this, That
the bishop of Rome had no such authoritie, as whereby he might dis-
pense with the word of GOD and the Scripture. When doctor
Cranmer had made this booke 3, and committed it to the king,
the king said to him, " Will you abide by this, that you have
here written, before the bishop of Rome ?" " That will I doe by
God's grace," quoth doctor Cranmer, " if your majesty do send
me thither." " Mary," quoth the king, " I will send you even
to him in a sure ambassage."

And thus by meanes of doctor Cranmers handling of this mat-
ter with the king, not only certaine learned men were sent abroad
to the most part of the universities in Christendome, to dispute
the question, but also the same beeing by commission disputed
by the divines in both the universities of Cambridge and Oxford,
if was there concluded that no such matrimonie was by the worde
of God lawfull.

Whereupon a solemne ambassage was then 4 prepared and sent
to the bishop of Rome, then beeing at Bononie, 6 wherein went
the earle of Wiltshire, doctour Cranmer, doctour Stokesly, doc-
tour Carne, doctour Bennet,6 and divers other learned men and
gentlemen.

And when the time came that they should come before the
bishop of Rome to declare the cause of their ambassage, the
bishop sitting on high in his cloth of estate, and in his rich ap-
parell, with his sandales, on his feete, offering as it were, his foote
to be kissed 7 of the ambassadours, the earle of Wiltshire dis-

3 This booke.~\ " They made exception also generally against all such as
had allowed Dr. Cranmer's Book, inasmuch as they had already declared
their opinion." Gardiner and Fox's Letter to the King from Cambridge, Feb.
1530. Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. i. Records, No. 32. p. 79.

4 Then."] In 1529-30.

5 Bononie.~\ Bologna.

6 Bennet.'] John Stokesley, afterwards bishop of London, Carne, who was
afterwards sir Edward Carne, and Dr. William Bennet. With them were
joined Edward Lee, archbishop elect of York, and Dr. Tregonwell.

7 Foote to be kissedJ] Bishop Tonstall, in his famous sermon against the
pope's supremacy, preached before king Henry, on Palm Sunday, 1539,
says, " Christ offered his fete being bare to be washed with tears and kissed,
as appeareth by the gospel of Luke — but the bishop of Rome offreth his fete
to be kyssed, shod with his shoes on : for I saw myself, being then present,

140 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

darning thereat, stoode still and made no countenance thereunto,
so that all the rest kept themselves from that idolatry.

Howbeit, one thing here is not to be omitted, as a prognos-
ticate of our separation from the see of Rome, which then
chaunced by a spaniell of the earle of Wiltshire. For he having
there a great spaniell which came out of England with him,
stoode directly between the earle and the bishop of Rome.

When the said bishop had advaunced forth his foote to be
kissed, now whether the spaniell perceived the bishops foote of
another nature than it ought to bee, and so taking it to be some
kinde of repast, or whether it was the will of God to shew some
token by a dogge unto the bishop of this inordinate pride, that
his feete were more meete to be bitten of dogges, than kissed of
Christian men : the spaniell (I say) when the bishop extended
his foote to bee kist, no man regarding the same, straightway
(as though hee had beene of purpose appointed thereunto) went
directly to the popes feet, and not only kissed the same unma-
nerly, but as some plainely reported and affirmed, tooke fast with
his mouth the great toe of the pope, so that in haste he pulled
in his glorious feet from the spaniel. Wherat our men smiling
in their sleeves, what they thought, God knoweth. But in fine,
the pontificall bishop, after that, sought no more at that present
for kissing his feet, but without any further ceremonie gave eare
to the ambassadours what they had to say.

Who entering there before the bishop, offered on the kings
behalfe to be defended, that no man jure divino, could or ought
to marrie his brothers wife ; and that the bishop of Rome by no
meanes ought to dispense to the contrarie. Divers promises w« -iv
made, and sundry daies appointed, wherein the question should

thirty-four yere ago, when Julius, then bishop of Rome, stode on his fete, and
one of his chamberlaynes held up his skirte, because it stode not, as he
thought, with his dignitie, that he shulde do it hym selfe, that his shoe might
appere, whiles a noble manne of grate age dyd prostrate hym selfe upon the
grounde and kyssed his shoe : which he stately suffered to be done, as of
dutie; where me thynke I saw Cornelius the centurion submittyng him
selfe to Peter and much honouryng hym ; but I sawe not Peter there to
take hym up, and to byd hym ryse, saying, J am a man as thou arte, as
saynte Peter dyd saye to Cornelius." Signat. B. 8. C. 1. printed by Bar-
thelet; 1539.

On the ceremonial of kissing the Pope's foot, see Lunadoro's Relazionc della
Corte di Roma, part i. cap. xvi

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 141

have beene disputed : and when our part was readie to aunswere,
no man there appeared to dispute in that behalfe. So in the
ende, the bishop making to our ambassadours good countenance,
and gratifying doctor Cranmer with the office of the peniten-
tiariship 8, dismissed them undisputed withall.

Whereupon the earle of Wiltshire, and the other commissioners,
saving doctor Cranmer, returned home againe into England.
And forthwith doctour Cranmer went to the emperour, being in
his journey towards Vienna, in expedition against the Turke,
there to answere such learned men of the emperours councell, as
would or could say any thing to the contrarie part. Where
amongst the rest, at the same time was Cornelius Agrippa 9, an

8 Penitentiariship.'] " Siccome qualunque Vescovo usa di tenere presso
di se continuamente (poiche si voile Innocenzo III. cap. De vffic. ordinar.)
un penitenziere, che assolver possa da que' casi riservati, da' quali non e per-
messo d'assolvere agli ordinarj confessor! ; che anzi devono essi consigliarsi
per tali casi con esso lui ; cosi il Romano Pontefice, qual Vescovo di Roma si
elegge un Card. Penitenziere Maggiore, e piu altri Penitenzieri, e maggiori,
e minori, che alF uopo servono di detto Maggior Penitenziere, perciocche
difficilmente da se solo supplire potrebbe alia multiplicity de' negozj, e de'
ricorsi che a lui vengono fatti per ottenere quelle assoluzioni o dispense, che
dalla Romana Sede possonno esser solo concesse, siccome a lei riservate privati-
vamente." Lunadoro, Relazione, fyc. parte ii. cap. xxiii. Thus there were three
ranks, the p&nitentiarius maximus being a cardinal. The well-known chronicler
of the popes and emperors, Martinus Strephus [Martinus Polonus] archbishop
of Gnesnau, was created major pcenitentiarius by Nicholas III. in 1277, and
it is probable that this is the rank which was now conferred upon Cranmer,
namely, that of the second order alluded to by Lunadoro. Fuller, in his
Church Hist., book v. p. 182, estimates the dignity at its true value. " Only
the pope (who is excellent at making of nothing something by the solemn
giving thereof,) made Cranmer supreme penitentiary (an empty title) through-
out all his dominions. This was only to stay his stomach, in hope of a more
plentiful feast hereafter, if Cranmer had been pleased to take his repast on
any popish preferment."

9 Cornelius Agrippa.'] The celebrated Henry Cornelius Agrippa was, about
this time, in the service of the lady Margaret, regent of the Low Countries,
by whose interest he was made historiographer to her brother, the emperor
Charles V. Fox is perhaps in error in attributing Agrippa's fall to his opi-
nions in Henry's case. His book on the Vanity of Sciences had given great
offence, and it was for his De occulta philosophia libri tres that he was accused
of magic and thrown into prison at Brussels. There however he did not
remain ; after fresh vicissitudes of fortune he died in France in 1534 or 1535.
Of this erratic genius it has been well said, " Nulli hie parcit ; contemnit,
scit, nescit, flet, ridet, irascitur, incitatur, carpit omnia. Ipse philosophus,
dcemon, heros, deus, et omnia."

142 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

high officer in the emperours court, who having private con-
ference with doctour Cranmer in the question, was so fully
resolved and satisfied in the matter, that afterwards there was
never disputation openly offered to doctor Cranmer in that
behalfe. For through the perswasion of Agrippa, all other
learned men there were much discouraged : insomuch, that after
doctor Cranmer was returned into England, Agrippa fell into
such displeasure with the emperour, as some thought, that
because of the hindering and discouraging so much the contrarie
part, he was committed to prison, where he for sorrow ended his
life, as it was reported. In the meane space, while the emperour
returned home from Vienna thorow Germany, doctor Cranmer in
that voyage had conference with divers learned men of Germanic
concerning the said question, who verie ambiguouslie heretofore
conceiving the cause, were fully resolved and satisfied by him.

This matter thus prospering on doctour Cranmer's behalfe,
aswel touching the kings question, as concerning the invaliditie
of the bishop of Romes authoritie, bishop Warham, then arch-
bishop1 of Canturburie, departed this transitorie life, whereby

1 Warham, then archbishop.'] " It was in the month of August 1532, that
William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, died, a wise and grave man, a
great patron of the most learned Erasmus, and once lord chancellor of Eng-
land ; who seemed to foresee and foretel, or at least to conjecture, that
Thomas Cranmer should succeed him, as judging him in his own mind the
fittest person for the king's and church's service, in that juncture to enter
upon that see. For this truth, methinks, we may pick out of those malicious
words of Harpsfield in his Ecclesiastical History, viz. that archbishop War-
ham should say, ' That a Thomas should succeed him, who by a loose and
remiss indulgence of a licentious sort of life granted to the people, and by
unsound doctrines, would more disgrace the church of Canterbury, and all
the rest of the church of England, than Thomas the martyr did amplify it by
his martyrdom. And that he admonished his nephew and namesake, William
Warham, archdeacon of Canterbury, that if any Thomas should succeed in
the see while he lived, he should not by any means enter into his service.'

" It is not unusual, (nay it is seldom otherwise,) for popish historians to
stuff their histories with strange prophecies and falsehoods, mixed with some
truth. And I suppose the matter might be no more than this; this grave
and sober archbishop was sensible of the gross encroachments of the bishops
of Rome upon the authority of the kings of this realm in their own domi-
nions; and his judgment stood for the restoring of this imperial crown to its
ancient right and sovereignty, and for the abridging the papal power,
knowing how learned a man Dr. Thomas Cranmer was, and perceiving what
an able instrument he was like to prove in vindicating the king's right to the
supremacy in his own kingdoms, the archbishop upon these accounts, might

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 143

that dignitie then being in the kings gift and disposition, was
immediately given to D. Cranmer2 as worthy for his travell, of
such a promotion.

Thus much touching the preferment of doctor Cranmer unto
his dignitie, and by what meanes hee atchieved unto the same :
not by flatterie, not by bribes, nor by none other unlawfull
meanes : which thing I have more at large discoursed, to stop
the railing mouthes of such, who being themselves obscure and
unlearned, shame not to detract so learned a man most ignomi-
niously with the surname of an ostler, who for his godly zeale
unto sincere religion, they ought with much humilitie to have
had in regard and reputation.

Now, as concerning his behavior and trade of life towards
God and the world, beeing now entred into his said dignitie ; and
forsomuch as the apostle S. Paul writing to two bishops,
Timothie and Titus, setteth out unto us a perfect description of
a true bishop, with all the properties and conditions belonging to
the same, unto the which exemplare it shall bee hard in these
strange daies to find the image of any bishop correspondent :
yet for example sake let us take this archbishop of Canterburie,
and trie him by the rule thereof, to see either how neere hee
commeth to the description of S. Paul, or else how farre off he
swarveth from the common course of other in his time, of his
calling. The rule of S. Paul is to be found, 1 Tim. iii. also in his
epistle to Titus, chap. i. in these words :

A bishop must be faultless, as becometh the minister of God. Not
stubborne, nor angry, no drunkard, no fighter, nor given to filthy
lucre : but harlorous, one that loveth goodnes, sober minded, right-
eous, holy, temperate, and such as cleaveth unto the true word and
doctrine that he may be able to exhort, &c.

Unto this rule and touchstone, to lay now the life and con-
think him the fittest to succeed in the archiepiscopal chair, and might have
some reason to believe that the king intended him thereunto." Strype's Life
of Cranmer, p. 20, 1 .

2 Given to D. Cranmer.] Warham died Aug. 23, 1532, and Cranmer was
consecrated March 30, 1533. Le Neve's Fasti. P. 8. Of the extreme re-
luctance with which he accepted the archbishopric, and of the protestation
which he put in against receiving it from any authority of the see of Rome,
we shall read the particulars at large, from his own mouth, below.

144 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

versation of the archbishop, we will first begin with that which is
thus written, A bishop must bee faultless, as becommeth the minister
of God. — Like as no man is without sinne, and everie man carietli
with him his especiall vice and fault ; so yet neverthelesse, the
apostle meaneth, that the bishop and minister must be faultles, in
comparison of the common conversation of men of the world,
which seeme more licentiouslie to live at their own liberties and
pleasures, then the bishop or minister ought to do, having small
regard unto good example giving : which a bishop and minister
most carefully ought to consider, least by his dissolute life, the
word of God be slandered and evill spoken of. Which thing to
avoid, and the better to accomplish this precept of the apostlr.
this worthy man evermore gave himselfe to continuall studie, not
breaking that order that he in the universitie commonly used ;
that is, by five of the clocke in the morning at his booke, and so
consuming the time in studie and praier untill nine of the clocke,
he then applied himselfe (if the princes affaires did not call him
away) untill dinner time to heare suters, and to dispatch such
matters as appertained unto his speciall cure and charge, com-
mitting his temporall affaires both of his houshold and other
forraine businesse, unto his officers. So that such things were
never impediments neither to his studie, nor to his pastorall
charge, which principally consisted in reformation of corrupt
religion, and in setting forth of true and sincere doctrine. 1 IT
the most part alwaies being in commission, he associated himself
with learned men for sifting and boulting out of one matter or
other8, for the commoditie and profit of the church of England.
By meanes whereof, and what for his private studie, he was never
idle : besides that that hee accounted it no idle point to bestowe
one houre or twaine of the day in reading over such works and
bookes as daily came from beyond the seas.

3 One matter or other."] The archbishop's various services of a literary
description in connexion with the progress of the Reformation, are enume-
rated, and described chronologically, with great accuracy, perspicuity, and a
masterly knowledge of the subject, in a copious preface by professor Jenkyns,
to his edition of the " Remains " of Cranmer published at Oxford, in 4 vols.
8vo. A.D. 1833 : a work of great value, which at once does adequate justice,
for the first time, to the memory of the archbishop, and the obligations
to him of the Christian world, in this most important department of his
public duties ; and is also in a very high degree honourable to the well-
directed and successful research, the sound judgment, and general abilities of
the learned editor.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 145

After dinner, if any suters were attendant, hee would very
diligently heare them, and dispatch them in such sort as everie
man commended his lenitie and gentlenesse, although the case
required that some whiles divers of them were committed by him
to prison. And having no suters after dinner, for an houre or
thereabout, hee would play at the chesse, or behold such as could
play. That done, then againe to his ordinarie studie, at the
which commonly, he for the most part stood, and seldom sate :
and there continuing untill five of the clock, he bestowed that
houre in hearing the common praier, and walking or using some
honest pastime untill supper time. At supper, if he had no
appetite (as many times he would not sup) yet would hee sit
downe at the table, having his ordinarie provision of his messe
furnished with expedient company, hee wearing on his hands his
gloves, because hee would (as it were) thereby weane himselfe
from eating of meate, but yet keeping the company with such
fruitfull talke as did repast and much delight the hearers : so
that by this meanes hospitalitie was well furnished, and the almes
chest well maintained for reliefe of the poore. After supper hee
would consume one houre at the least in walking, or some other
honest pastime, and then againe untill nine of the clocke, at one
kinde of studie or other. So that no houre of the day was
spent in vaine. But the same was so bestowed, as tended to the
glorie of God, the service of the prince, or the commoditie of the
church. Which his well bestowing of his time, procured to him
most happily a good report of all men, to be in respect of other
mens conversation faultlesse, as it became the minister of God.

That a bishop ought not to be stubborne.

Secondly, it is required, That a bishop ought not to lee stubborne.
With which kind of vice, without great wrong this archbishop in
no wise ought to be charged : whose nature was such, as none
more gentle, or sooner wonne to any honest sute 4 or purpose ;

4 To any honest sute.~\ " Alas, master secretary," (says he, in a letter to
Cromwell, written from Knole, April 22, 1536) "you forget master Smith of
the exchequer " (the father, Dr. Jenkyns conjectures, of the celebrated sir
Thomas Smith, afterwards secretary of state to king Edward VI. and to queen
Elizabeth), " who is near consumed with thought and pensiveness. Even
pity moveth me to serve the man (if I could), for his son's sake chiefly, and

VOL. III. T-

146 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

especially in such things, wherein by his word, writing, counsel,
or deed, he might gratifie either any gentle or noble man, or doe
good to any meane person, or else relieve the needie and poore.
Onely in causes pertaining to God or his prince, no man more
stout, more constant, or more hard to be wonne : as in that part
his earnest defence in the parliament house above three daies
togither, in disputing against the sixe articles of Gardiners device,
can testifie. And though the king would needs have them upon
some politicke consideration to go forward, yet he so handled
himselfe aswel in the parliament house, as afterwards by writing,
so obediently and with such humble behaviour in words towards
his prince, protesting the cause not to be his, but almighty Gods,
who was the author of all trueth, that the king did not only well
like his defence (willing him to depart out of the parliament
house, into the councell chamber, whiles the acte should j
and bee granted, for safeguard of his conscience : which he with
humble protestation refused, hoping that his majestie in processe
of time would revoke them againe) but also after the parliament
was finished, the king perceiving the zealous affection that the
archbishop bare towards the defence of his cause, which many
waies by Scriptures and manifold authorities and reasons hee had
substantially confirmed and defended, sent the lord Cromwell then
vicegerent, with the two dukes of Northfolke and Suffolke, and
all the lords of the parliament, to dine with him at Lambeth :

also for his own. I would give a great part of that I have to help him ; and
where I cannot myself, I make all my friends help for him : so importune I
am upon my friends from my friend's cause ; I suppose more than I would
be for mine own, or ever was. Ruth, and importunity of my friend, maketh
me so vehement against mine own nature. I have sent this bearer, only to
wait upon you until you have an answer of the king, and to put you in con-
tinual remembrance ; for much business maketh you to forget many things,
and yet I wonder that you remember so many things as you do." Cranmer's
Remains, vol. i. p. 162.

Surely the above hardly looks as if Cranmer was "a slow patron of
causes." And yet, it is certain, sir John Cheke so speaks of him to Bucer,
who had written in behalf of his friend Sleidan the historian, whose pension
from England had been some time unpaid, and Bucer therefore had written
(he tells Cheke,) to Cranmer, to induce him to press the payment. " 'llie
archbishop," says Cheke, " is of a benevolent disposition, but a slow patron
of causes. . . . For my part, I do not cease to put the archbishop in mind,
and I will still do further what I can." Strype's Life of Sir John Cheke,
p. 70. edit. 1705.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 147

where it was declared by the vicegerent, and the two dukes, that
it was the kings pleasure, that they all should in his highnesse
behalfe, cherish, comfort and animate him, as one that for his
travell in that parliament, had shewed himselfe both greatly
learned, and also discreete and wise ; and therefore they willed
him not to bee discouraged for any thing that was passed con-
trarie to his allegations. Hee most humbly thanked the kings
majestie of his great goodnesse towards him, and them for all
their paines, saying, " I hope in God, that hereafter my allega-
tions and authorities shal take place, to the glorie of God and the
commoditie of the realme ; in the meane time I will satisfie
myselfe with the honourable consent of your honours and the
whole parliament."

Here is to be noted, that this mans stout and godly defence of
the truth herein, so bound the princes conscience, that hee would
not permit the truth in that man to be clean overthrown with
authoritie and power : and therefore this way God working in the
princes mind, a plain token was declared hereby, that all things
were not so sincerely handled in the confirmation of the said sixe
articles, as it ought to have beene, for else the prince might have
had a just cause to have borne his great indignation towardes the
archbishop. Let us pray that both the like stoutnesse may be
perceived in all ecclesiasticall and learned men where the truth
ought to be defended, and also the like relenting and flexibilitie
may take place in princes and noble men, when they shall have
occasion offered them to maintaine the same, so that they utterly
overwhelme not the truth by selfe will, power and authoritie. —
Now in the ende this archbishops constancie was such towards
Gods cause, that hee confirmed all his doings by bitter death in
the fire, without respect of any worldly treasure or pleasure.
And as touching his stoutnesse in his princes cause, the contrarie
resistance 5 of the duke of Northumberland against him proved

5 The contrarie resistance.^ Ridley in his Lamentation of the state of Eng-
land, referring to Cranmer and himself, says, " I have heard that Cranmer
and another, whom I will not name, were both in high displeasure, the one
for shewing his conscience secretly, hut plainely and fully in the duke of
Somersets cause ; and hoth of late, but especially Cranmer, for repugning, as
they might, against the late spoile of the church goods, taken away only by
commandment of the higher powers, without any law, or order of justice,
and without any request, or consent of them, to whom they did belong."
Fox's Acts, p. 16 16. Concerning the dissolution of the chantries, see Strype's

L 2

148 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

right well his good minde that waie : which chanced by reason
that hee would not consent to the dissolving of chanteries, until
the king came of age, to the intent that they might then better
serve to furnish his royall estate, then to have so great treasure
consumed in his nonage. Which his stoutnes joined with such
simplicitie, surely was thought to divers of the councel, a thing
incredible, specially in such sort to contend with him, who was so
accounted in this realme, as few or none would or durst gainstand
him.

So deare was to him the cause of God, and of his prince, that
for the one he would not keepe his conscience clogged, nor for the
other lurke or hide his head. Otherwise (as it is said) his v» rit
enemies might easily intreat him in any cause reasonable : and
such things as hee granted, hee did without any suspicion of
rebraiding or meede therefore : so that hee was altogether voidc
of the vice of stubbornnes, and rather culpable of over much
facilitie and gentlenesse.

Not angry.

Then followeth, Not angry. Surely if overmuch patience may
be a vice, this man may seeme peradventure to offend rather on
this part then on the contrary. Albeit for all his doings I cannot
say, for the most part, such was his mortification that way, that
few we shall find in whom the saying of our Saviour Christ so
much prevailed as with him, who would not onely have a man to
forgive his enemies, but also to pray for them : that lesson never
went out of his memorie. For it was known that he had manv
cruell enemies, not for his own deserts, but onely for his religion
sake : and yet whatsoever hee was that ever sought his hindram •• .
either in goods, estimation, or life, and upon conference would
seeme never so slenderly any thing to relent or excuse himsi-lfr.
hee would both forget the offence committed, and also evermore
afterwards friendly entertaine him, and shew such pleasure to
him, as by any meanes possible he might performe or declan-.
insomuch that it came into a common proverbe ', Doe unto my L.

Eccles. Memor., vol. ii. p. 63, 5. 135. Fuller's Hist, of Abbeys, p. 349-
See index, under Church Property.

6 A common proverbe.] Morice the archbishop's secretary, (see vol. ii.
p. 267,) among >thcr particulars respecting his master, communicated by
him to archbishop Parker, observes, "As concerning his own regard towards

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 149

of Canturlury displeasure or a shrewd turne, and then you may bee
sure to have him your friend whiles he liveth. Of which his gentle
disposition in abstaining from revengement, amongst many exam-
ples therof, I will repeat here one.

It chanced an ignorant priest and parson in the north partes,
the towne is not now in remembrance, but hee was a kinsman of
one Chersey a grocer, dwelling within London (being one of those
priestes that used more to studie at the alehouse, then in his
chamber or in his studie), to sit on a time with his honest neighbors
at the alehouse within his own parish, where was communication
ministered in commendation of my lord Cranmer, archbishop of
Canturbury. This said parson envying his name onely for religion
sake, said to his neighbors : " what make you of him," quoth he,
" hee was but an hostler, and hath no more learning then the gose-
lings that go yonder on the greene," with such like slandrous and
uncomly words. These honest neighbours of his not well bearing
those his unseemely words, articled against him, and sent their
complaint to the lord Cromwell, then vicegerent in causes eccle-
siastical, who sent for the priest, and committed him to the Fleet,
minding to have had him recant those his slanderous words, at
Paules crosse. Howbeit the lord Cromwell having great affaires

slanders and reproach by any man to him imputed or impinged, such as in-
tirely knew him can testify, that very little he regarded the bruit thereof :
because he altogether travailed evermore from giving of just occasion of de-
traction. Whereupon grew and proceeded that notable quality or vertue he
had, to be beneficial unto his enemies. Whosoever had reported evil of him,
or otherwise wrought to do him displeasure, were the reconciliation never so
mean or simple on the behalf of his adversary, if he had any way at all re-
lented, the matter was both pardoned and clearly forgotten ; and was so
voluntarily cast into the satchel of oblivion behind the back parts, that it was
more clearly now out of his memory, than it was out of his mind, before it
was either commenced or committed. Insomuch that if any such person
should have any suit unto him afterward, he might well reckon and be as
sure to obtain, as any others of his special friends. On a time, I do re-
member that Dr. Hethe, late archbishop of York, partly misliking this his over
much lenity, by him used, said unto him, ' My lord, I now know how to win
all things at your hands well enough.' ' How so,' quoth my lord ? ' Marry,'
saith Dr. H'ethe, ' I perceive, that I must first attempt to do unto you some
notable displeasure ; and then by a little relenting obtain of you what I can
desire.' Whereat my lord bit his lip, as his manner was, when he was
moved, and said, 'You say well : but yet you may be deceived. Howbeit,
having some consideration so to do, I may not alter my mind, and accus-
tomed condition, as some would have me to do.' " Strype's Life of Cranmer,
p. 429.

150 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

of the prince then in hand, forgat his prisoner in the Fleet. So
that this Chersey the grocer, understanding, that his kinsman was
in durance in the Fleet, only for speaking words against my L. of
Canterbury, consulted with the priest, and between them they
devised to make sute rather unto the archbishop for his deliver-
ance, then to the L. Cromwell, before whom hee was accused :
understanding right well that there was great diversity of natures
betweene those two estates, the one gentle and full of clemency,
and the other severe and somewhat intractable, namely against a
papist 7. So that Chersey took upon him first to try my lord of
Canterbury^ benignity, namely for that his cosins accusation
touched onely the offence against him and none other. Wher-
upon the saide Chersey came to one of the archbishop's gentle-

7 Namely against a papistj] Whereas Cranmer, on principle, often acted
with special indulgence and lenity, towards papists ! I shall give the account,
as we have it related by his secretary Morice, to archbishop Parker.

*' Again ; one thing he commonly used, wherein many did discommend
him, which was this : He always bare a good face and countenance unto the
papists, and would, both in word and deed, do very much for them ; pardon-
ing their offences ; and on the other side, he was reckoned somewhat over-
severe against the protestants. Which being perceived not to be done, but
upon some purpose, on a time a friend of his declared unto him, that he
therein did very much harm; encouraging thereby the papists, and also
thereby discouraging the protestants. Whereunto he made this answer and
said, What will ye have a man do to him, that is not yet come to the know-
ledge of the truth of the gospel, nor perchance as yet called, and whose voca-
tion is to me uncertain ? Shall we perhaps in his journey coming towards us,
by severity and cruel behaviour overthrow him, and as it were in his voiage
stop him ? I take not this to be the way to allure men to embrace the doc-
trine of the gospel. And if it be a true rule of our saviour Christ, To do good
for evil ; then let such as are not yet come to favour religion, learn to follow
the doctrine of the gospel by our examples in using them friendly and cha-
ritably.— On the other side, such as have tasted of sincere religion, and as it
were taken hold of the gospel, and seem in words to maintain the true doc-
trine thereof, and then, by the evil example of their lives, most perniciously
become stumbling-blocks unto such as are weak, and not at all as yet entered
into the voyage ; what would you have me do with them ? bear with them
and wink at their faults ; and so willingly suffer the gospel, by their out-
rageous doings, to be trodden under foot ? Using herewith another notable
saying of our Saviour, The servant, knowing his lord and master's pleasure
and commandment, if he regardeth not the same, is, as a roan might say, of
all others worthy of many plagues. — And thus with these two scriptures, or
doctrines of our saviour Christ he answered mine elder brother, who was
earnest with him for his amendment of this quality. Mr. Isaac, yet living, is
a witness of the same." Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 429, 30.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 151

men, (whose father bought yearely all his spices and fruit of the
said Chersey, and so thereby of familiar acquaintance with the
gentleman) who opening to him the trouble wherein his kinsman
was, requested that he would be a meanes to my lord his maister,
to heare his sute in the behalfe of his kinsman.

The matter was mooved. The archbishop, like as he was of
nature gentle, and of much clemencie, so would he never shewe
himselfe strange unto suters, but incontinently sent for the said
Chersey. When hee came before him, Chersey declared, that
there was a kinsman of his in the Fleete, a priest of the north
countrey, "and as I may tell your grace the truth" (quoth
Chersey) " a man of small civilitie and of lesse learning. And
yet he hath a parsonage there, which now (by reason that my
lord Cromwell hath laid him in prison) being in his cure is un-
served, and he hath continued in durance above two monethes,
and is called to no answere, and knoweth not when he shall come
to any ende, so that this his imprisonment consumeth his substance,
and will utterly undoe him, unlesse your grace be his good lord.11
"I knowe not the man "-(said the archbishop) " nor what he
hath done why he should be thus in trouble."

Said Chersey againe, " hee onely hath offended against your
grace, and against no man else, as may well be perceived by the
articles objected against him," the copie wherof the said Chersey
then exhibited unto the said archbishop of Canterbury. Who wel
perusing the said articles, said, " This is the common talk 8 of all
the ignorant papistical priests in England against me. Surely,"
said he, "I was never made privy unto this accusation, nor of his
indurance I never heard before this time. Notwithstanding, if
there be nothing else to charge him withall against the prince or
any of the councel, I will at your request take order with him,
and send him home againe to his cure to doe his duetie :" and
so therupon sent his ring to the warden of the Fleet, willing him
to send the prisoner unto him, with his keeper at afternoone.

Then the keeper had brought the prisoner at the houre ap-
pointed, and Chersey had wel instructed his cousin in any wise
to submit himselfe unto the archbishop confessing his faulte,

8 This is the common tatk.~\ So in pleading for the discharge of another
priest, who had been committed to the Fleet prison for words spoken against
him, the archbishop says, " Surely of all sorts of men I am daily informed
that priests report the worst of me, and therefore, so to be reported of a priest
it should very little grieve me." Remains, vol. i. p. 112.

152 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

where by that way he should most easily have an end and win his
favour : thus the parson being brought into the garden at Lam-
beth, and there sitting under the vine, the archbishop demanded
of the parson what was the cause of his indurance, and who com-
mitted him to the Fleete ? The parson answered and said, that
the lord Cromwel sent him thither, for that certaine malitious
parishioners of his parish had wrongfully accused him of words
which hee never spake nor meant. Chersey, hearing his foolish
cousin so farre out the way from his former instruction, said,
" Thou dastardly dolt and varlet, is this thy promise that thou
madest to me ? Is there not a great number of thy honest neigh-
bors hands against thee, to proove thee a Iyer 2" u Surely my
lord " (quoth Chersey) " it is pitie to do him good. I am sorie
that I have troubled your grace thus far with him.'1

" Wei," said the archbishop unto the parson, u if you have not
offended me, I can doe you no good, for I am intreated to help
one out of trouble that hath offended against me. If my lord
Cromwel hath committed you to prison wrongfully, that lieth in
himself to amend, and not in me. If- your offence only toucheth
me, I will be bold to do somwhat for your friends sake heere.
If you have not offended against me, then have I nothing to do
with you, but that you may go and remain from whence you
came." Lord, what ado his kinsman Chersey made with him,
calling him all kind of opprobrious names ! In the end my lord
of Canturbury, seeming to rise and go his waies, the fond priest
fel on his knees, and said, " I beseech your grace to forgive me
this offence ; assuring your grace that I spake those words being
drunk, and not well advised." " Ah," said my lord, " this is som-
what, and yet it is no good excuse : for drunkennesse evermore
uttereth that which lieth hid in the heart of man when he is
sober," alledging a text or twain out of the Scriptures concerning
the vice of drunkennesse, which commeth not now to remem-
brance.

" Now therfore " (said the archbishop) " that you acknowledge
somewhat your faulte, I am content to commune with you,
hoping that you are at this present of an indifferent sobrietie.
Tell me then (quoth he) did you ever see me, or were you ever
acquainted with me before this day : The priest answered and
said, that never in his liie lie saw his grace. " Why then" (said
the archbishop) "what occasion had you to call me an hostl< r
and that T had not so much learning as the gosclings which tin n

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 153

went on the greene before your face 2 If I have no learning you
may now trie it, and be out of doubt thereof : therefore I pray
you appose me, either in grammar or in other liberal sciences, for
I have at one time or other tasted partly of them. Or else if you
are a divine, say somewhat that waie."

The priest being amazed at my lords familiar talke, made an-
swer and said, " I beseech your grace to pardon me. I am alto-
gither unlearned, and understand not the Latine tongue, but very
simply. My onely study hath been to say my service and masse,
faire and deliberate 9, which I can doe as well as any priest in the
countrey where I dwell, I thank God." " Wei," said the other,
" if you will not appose me, I will bee so bold to appose you, and
yet as easily as I can devise, and that only in the story of the
Bible now in English, in which I suppose that you are daily exer-
cised. Tell me therfore who was king Davids father," said my
lord. The priest stood still pausing a while and saide ; " In good
faith my lord, I have forgotten his name." Then said the other
againe to him, " If you cannot tell that, I pray you tell mee
then who was Solomons father 1 " The fond foolishe priest without
all consideration what was demaunded of him before, made an-
swer, " Good my lord beare with me, I am not further seene in
the Bible, then is daily read in our service in the church."

The archbishop then answering, said; "this my question may
be found well answered in your service. But I now well per-
ceive, howsoever yee have judged heretofore of my learning, sure
I am that you have none at all 10. But this is the common prac-

9 Faire and deliberate. ,] Compare above, Life of Tindal, vol. ii. p. 191,
and note.

10 Have none at all.'] At first sight, it may seem perhaps matter of some
surprise, that we should find cases of ignorance so gross as the above, in any
of the clergy, after Cranmer was archbishop, and Cromwell vice-gerent in
causes ecclesiastical, and when the reformation was now making very con-
siderable advances. But it must not be forgotten, that, through all the
changes, a great part of the most ignorant of the clergy, were among the
most forward to conform. The progress of improvement also in the training
and education of those intended for the ministry, could only be gradual and
slow ; and meanwhile, in truth, from causes to which the reformation itself
gave birth, the universities themselves were in a fainting and trembling con-
dition; and rapidly falling into decay, were very incompetent to the due
supply of the vacancies which would naturally occur among the parochial
clergy even in the ordinary course of affairs. But, still more, the reformation
itself did again unhappily, through the influence of the daemon of avarice, and
a carnal spirit, tyrannizing in the breasts of patrons, for a time, largely in-

154 ARCHBISHOP CRANMEll.

tise of all you which are ignorant and superstitious priests, to
slander, backbite, and hate all such as are learned and well
affected towards Gods word and sincere religion. Common reason
might have taught you what an unlikely thing it was, and con-
trary to all maner of reason, that a prince having two univer-
sities within his realme of well learned men, and desirous to be
resolved of as doubtfull a question as these manie yeares was not
mooved the like within Christendome, should be driven to that
necessitie for the defence of his cause, to send out of his real me
an hostler, being a man of no better knowledge then is a gosling,
in an embassade to answere all learned men, both in the court
of Rome, and the emperors court, in so difficult a question as
toucheth the kings matrimonie, and the divorce thereof. I say,
if you were men of any reasonable consideration, you ini^ht
think it both unseemely and uncomely for a prince so to doe.
But looke where malice raigneth in man, there reason can take
no place: and therefore I see by it, that you are all at a point

crease the evil ; and led to the placing of men in parochial cures, many of
whom probably would never have attained to that dignity, even in the popish
times. " The number of those who had been regulars," says Henry \Vliar-
ton in his Specimen of Errors, &c. p. 139, "was now very considerable
among the beneficed clergy, by reason that all priests who had been ejected
out of religious houses, were enabled to hold benefices ; and that the king
also, and other patrons did more readily give benefices to them, that so by
that means they might discharge themselves from the obligations of paying
their annual pensions any longer to them." So honest Latimer protests
against this gross abuse in a strain which ought to have brought heart-
rending shame and conviction along with it. It is in his second sermon
preached before king Edward.

" Take away preaching, take away salvation. — But I feare one thing, and
it is, least for safety of a little money, you will put in chauntry priests, to
save their pensions. But I will tell you, Christ bought soules with his blood,
and will ye sell them for gold or silver ? I would not that ye should do with
chauntry priestes, as ye dyd with the abbots when abbeies were put down.
For when their enormities were first read in the parliament-house, they
so great and abominable, that there was nothing but " Downe with tin -in."
But within a while after, the same abbottes were made byshoppes, as there
be some of them yet alive, to save and redeeme their pensions. — O Lord !
thinke ye that God is a foole, and seeth it not ? And if he see it, \\yll lit-
not punish it ? And so now, for safety of money, I would not that ye
shoulde put in chauntrey priestes. I speake not now agaynst such chain
priestes as are able to preach. But those that are not able, I would not
have them put in ; for, if ye doe this, ye shal aunswere for it." Sern
fol. 38. b.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 155

with me, that no reason or authority can perswade you to favour
my name, who never meant evill to you, but your both commo-
ditie and profite. Howbeit, God amend you all, forgive you, and
send you better minds."

With these words the priest seemed to weepe, and desired his
grace to pardon his fault and frailetie, so that by this meanes he
might returne to his cure againe, and he would sure recant those
his foolish words before his parishioners so soone as hee came
home, and would become a new man. " Well," said the arch-
bishop, " so had you neede." And giving him a godly admoni-
tion to refuse the haunting of the alehouse, and to bestow his
time better in the continuall reading of the Scriptures, hee dis-
missed him from the Fleet.

The lord Cromwell perceiving within a fortnight after that his
prisoner was sent home without any open punishment, came to
Lambeth unto the archbishop, and in a great heate said to him :
" My lord, I understand that you have dispatched the northern
priest, that I of late sente to the Fleete, home againe, who unho-
nestly railed of you, and called you an hostler."

" Indeede I have so done " (said he againe) " for that in his
absence the people of his cure wanted their divine service." " It
is verie devout divine service that he saith," quoth the 1. Crom-
well : "It were more meete for him to be an hostler then a curate
who sticked not to call you an hostler. But I thought so much
what you would doe, and therefore I would not tell you of his
knavery when I sent him to prison. Howbeit henceforth, they
shall cut your throate, before that I say any thing more to them
on your behalfe." " Why I What would you have done with him ?"
quoth the archbishop : " there was nothing laid to his charge,
other then wordes spoken against me, and now the man is re-
pentant and well reconciled, and hath been at great charges in
prison : it is time therefore that hee were rid out of his trouble."
" Well," said my lord Cromwell, " I meant that he should have
preached at Paules crosse a recantation before hee had gone
home." " That had binne well done," quo the the other, " for
then you would have had all the world as well to wonder at mee
as at him." " Well, well," said the 1. Cromwell : " we shall so
long beare with these popish knaves, that at length they will
bring us in deed to be wondered at of the whole world."

This example among other, serveth to declare that there re-
mained small desire of revenging in the said archbishop. — But

156 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

what should I say more ? His quietnes and mortification this waie,
was such, that it is reported of all that knew him, that he never
raged so far with any of his houshold servants, as once to call the
meanest of them varlet, or knave in anger, much lesse to reproove
a stranger with any reproachefull words. Much unlike in this
part to the propertie (as it seemeth) of some other inferiour
bishops of this realme, which have not spared to flie in the faces,
to pluck off the beards, to burne the hands, to beat and scourge
with rods the bodies both of gentlemen, maried men and other,
having almost nothing else in their mouth but fooles and knaves,
&c. and yet after all this, thinke themselves good perfect bishops :
after the rule which followeth and saith,

No striker, nor fighter.

No striker, nor fighter. From which kinde of vice, the nature
of this archbishop was so far off, as was his doctrine which he
professed, and death which he suffered, far off from all condition
and example of blinde popery.

After the prohibition of these foresaid vices, succeedeth the
mother of all good vertues necessarily required of all true Chris-
tians, but chiefely of a spirituall prelate, which is,

Not given to filthy lucre, but harborous.

Not given to filthy lucre, but harborous, fyc. The cuntrario
whereof, was so odious unto saint Paul, that he esteemed the
same no lesse than a kind of idolatry, in that it maketh men
forget their dutie to God so farre, and in steade of him to worship
their treasure. How little this prelate we speake of, was inf«
with this vice, and how hee was no niggard, all kind of people
that knew him, as well learned beyond the seas, and on this si do.
to whome yearely hee gave in exhibition no small summes of
money, as other, both gentlemen, meane men, and poore nu-n,
who had in their necessitie, that which hee could conveniently
spare, lend, or make, can well testifie. And albeit such was his
liberalise to all sorts of men, that no man did lacke whom he
could do for, either in giving or lending : yet neverthelesse such
was againe his circumspection, that when he was apprehended
and committed by queene Mary to the Tower, he owed no man
living a penv that could or would dcinaund any due-tic of him. but

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 157

satisfied every man to the uttermost : where els no small summes
of money were owing him of divers persons, which by breaking
their billes and obligations, he freely forgave and suppressed
before his attainder. Insomuch that when he perceived the fatal
end of king Edward should worke to him no good successe
touching his bodie and goods, he incontinently called for his
officers, his steward and other, commanding them in any wise to
pay where any peny was owing, which was out of hand dispatched.
And then he said, " now I thanke God I am mine own man, and
in conscience, with Gods helpe, able else to answere all the world
and worldly adversities ;" which some men supposeth hee might
also have avoided, if he would have been counselled by some of
his friends. It followeth moreover :

ffarborous.

And as touching this word karborous, whereby is meant the
good maintenance of hospitalitie, so little was this propertie
lacking in him, that some men misliking the same, thought it
rather a house of overmuch lavishing and unprofitable expence.
But as nothing can bee so well done which by some other shall
not be maligned and detracted, so neither did this man lacke his
cavillers, some finding fault with his overmuch prodigalitie, some
on the contrarie part repining and complaining of his spare house,
and straight order much under the state of his revenues and
calling. Of which two, the first sort must consider the causes
which mooved him to that liberal and large kind of expenses.
Wherein here commeth to be considered, the time wherein hee
served : which was when reformation of religion first began to be
advanced. In which time the whole weight and care of the
same, most chiefly depended upon his hand. During which season
almost for the space of sixteen yeares togither, his house was
never lightly unfurnished of a number both of learned men and
commissioners from time to time appointed for deciding of eccle-
siastical affaires.

And thus as hee seemed to some over-large and lavishing more
than needed in hospitalitie : so on the other side there wanted
not some, of whom he was much noted and accused againe, yea
and also complained of to k. Henry the eighth, for too slender
and niggardly housekeeping, as not worthy to bee accounted

158 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

the hospitalitie of a meane gentleman ; as here following shall
appeare.

After that the ample and great possessions, revenues, juels,
rich ornaments and other treasures of the abbeies were dissolved
and brought into the kings hands, in the dissolving whereof many
cormorants were fed and satisfied, and yet not so fullie satisfied,
but that within a few yeeres they began to waxe hungry againe :
and for so much as no more could bee scraped now out of abbeies,
they began to seeke how by some other prey to satisfie their
appetites ; which was to tickle the kings eares with the rich
revenue of the bishops lands1. And to bring this devise to

1 Of the bishops lands.'] This base design led to a counter-measure of
policy on Cranmer's side, to secure some better chance of escape for the
rights of his see, and of his successors ; but which afforded, as we shall
immediately see by the context, a fresh pretext for reproach, to the sacrile-
gious and selfish plunderers, sir Thomas Seymour, and the like. This
device is thus explained and justified by Morice, Cranmer's faithful
secretary, in a letter to Cranmer's first protestant successor, archbishop
Parker.

" And here I must answer for my lord Cranmer against certain objections,
which are in divers men's heads, that by his means all preferments, offices,
and farms are so given and let out, that his successors have nothing to give
or bestow upon their friends and servants ; nor that such hospitality can be
kept by reason of his fault, in letting go such things as should have main-
tained provision of his household.

" But to answer this in a few words, before I descend to any particular
declaration. — It is most true, that if he had not well behaved him^-lf
towards his prince and the world, his successors should not have been cum-
bered with any piece of temporal revenues; either lands, woods, or other
revenues. And I pray God they may maintain in this mild and quiet time,
that which he in a most dangerous world did uphold, and left to his suc-
cessors.

" Yet for better declaration, in answering to those objections, it is to be
considered, that when he entered upon his dignity, every man about the king
made means to get some reversion of farms, or of other office of him : inso-
much that the king himself made means to him for one or two things before
he was consecrated ; as for the farm of VVingham- Barton, which was granted
unto sir Edward Bainton knight, for fourscore and nineteen years. When
my lord perceived, that in such suits as he granted to the king and <|>
men would needs have an hundred years save one, he wrote to the ch
of Christ-Church, and willed them in any condition, not to confirm any n
of his grants of leases, which were above one and twenty years. B
means much suit was stopped. So that in very deed he gave out his leases
but for one and twenty years. Which would not satisfy the greedy apj>«

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 159

passe, they procured sir Thomas Seimour 2, knight, of the privy
chamber, to be a promoter of the matter : who not in all points
much favouring the archbishop, having time and a convenient
occasion, declared to the king that my lord of Canturbury did
nothing els but sell his woods and let his leases by great and
many fines, making havocke of all the roialties of the arch-

of some men ; and therefore they found out a provision for it. For when
my lord had let out certain goodly farms at Pinner, Heyes, Harrow on the
Hill, Mortlake, &c. to the number of ten or twelve farms, for one and
twenty years; taking no manner of fine for them, all these farms by and by
were put into an exchange for the king : and the king had them not in pos-
session six days, but they were my lord North's, and other men's. And
they were not past one year in their possessions, but that the reversion of
every one of them was sold for more years ; some for an hundred pounds,
and some for more, some for less ; making sweepstakes of altogethers. And
so was my lord used in all things almost that he did let out for one and
twenty years.

" By means whereof justice Hales, and other of his counsel learned in
the laws, advised him to let out his farms for many years, which might be a
mean, that they should not be so much desired in exchanges as they were :
for those farms which came to my lord, came with years enough upon their
backs. — And so upon this conclusion my lord was fain to alter his purpose
in letting of his farms. Whereupon he did let S. Gregory's in Canterbury,
to Mr. Nevyl, the priory of Dover, Chislet park, and Curleswood park,
with others, for so many years as he did, on purpose to stay them, or else he
had gone without them, one time or other. And as I heard say, since your
grace was elect, Curleswood park was in exchange, and the rent thereof
paid for one half year unto the queen's use : but so soon as they understood
there were so many years to come, it was reversed to the archbishopric
again : — So that hereby partly may be perceived in what state my lord Cran-
mer stood with his lands

"And therefore let men leave off that report of him that he was not bene-
ficial to his successors. Other bishops, some of them lost whole manors and
lordships, without any exchange at all. — Thus much my conscience hath
compelled me to say in defence of my lord and master's good name : whom I
knew to take as nrnch care for his successors in that bishopric, as ever did
archbishop, or shall; and would have as much advanced the same, if the
iniquity of the world would have permitted him." Strype's Life of Cranmer,
p. 434 — 6. Compare Anth. Harmer's Specimen of Errors, &c., p. 100, 1.
and Cranmer's Remains, vol. i. p. 319. Also, for some account of lands
received by Cranmer in exchange, see Strype's Life, b. ii. c. xxix.

2 Sir Thomas Seimour.'] The same who afterwards was lord Seymour of
Sudeley, lord high-admiral, and husband of Henry's widow, queen Catherine
Parr. He was beheaded in 1 549, during the protectorate of his brother, the
duke of Somerset.

160 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

bishopricke, and that onely to the intent to gather up treasure 3
for his wife and his children, keeping no maner of hospitalitie, in
respect of so great a revenewe : advertising the king further, that
it was the opinion of many wise men, that it were more meete
for the bishops to have a sufficient yeerely stipend in money out
of the exchequer, then to bee cumbered with those temporall
affaires of their roialties, being impediments unto their studie,
and pastorall charge, and his highnes to have their lands and

3 To gather up treasure.'] On the contrary there is extant evidence more
than enough to show abundantly, that he was often put to no small difficulty
to provide sufficiently for the wants of the day that was passing over him ;
thus, when he sends a present of a buck to his old college, Jesus, in Cam-
bridge, he is fain to borrow a noble of the master, " towards the baking and
seasoning" of the venison : "And whensoever" (says he) "I have so much
money beforehand, as I am now behindhand, I shall repay your noble again."
Remains, vol. i. p. 34. So he has often occasion in his letters to speak of his
debts. But one passage in reply apparently to some reflection by sir AVm.
Cecil, (then secretary of state, and afterwards the great lord Burghley,) on his
parsimony, and supposed inclination to get rich, will excuse us from all fur-
ther observation on this point. The time of the letter is not less than twenty
years after he was made archbishop.

" As for your admonition I take it most thankfully, as I have ever been
most glad to be admonished by my friends, accounting no man so foolish as
he that will not hear friendly admonishments. But as for the saying of
S. Paul, Qui volunt ditescere, incidunt in tentationem, I fear it not half so much
as I do stark beggary. For I took not half so much care for my living, when I
was a scholar of Cambridge, as I do at this present. For although I have now
much more revenue, yet I have much more to do withal : and have more care
to live now as an archbishop, than I had at that time to live like a scholar."

Cecil's animadversions seem not to have been confined to the archbishop,
but to have extended to other bishops also. Cranmer therefore does not
leave them also, without that defence which the truth of the case demanded

"And if I knew any bishop" (says he) "that were covetous, I would
surely admonish him, but I know none, but all beggars except it be one,"
(probably Robert Holgate, archbishop of York ; see Jenkyns in n.) " and yet
I dare well say, he is not very rich. If you know any, I beseech you to ad-
vertise me, for peradventure I may advise him better than you. — To be short,
I am not so doted to set my mind upon things here, which neither I can
carry away with me, nor tarry long with them." Remains, vol. i. p. 351, 2.

We would hope that the Cecil here received from the calm deportment,
and the modest yet impressive vindication of Cranmer, a rebuke, and convic-
tion, as effectual in his case, as that by which we shall soon have to see a
Seymour was overwhelmed, under the reproaches of the appalling voice, and
of the fiery impassioned flashes of the awful eye of Henry.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 161

roialties converted to his proper use, which besides their honest
stipends, would bee unto his majesty no small commoditie and
profit.

When the king had heard his faire tale, he said little there-
unto, other then this, "Wei" (quoth he) " we will talk more of
this matter at an other time." Now, within a fortnight after or
thereabout, (whether by chance, or of set purpose, it is not
known) it came to passe, that one day his highnesse going to
dinner had washed, (sir Thomas Seimor then holding the ewer)
and said to the said sir Thomas, " Go you out of hand to
Lambeth unto my lord of Canturbury, and bid him to be with
me at two of the clocke at afternoone, and faile not." Sir Thomas
straightwaies went to Lambeth, and as he came to the gate the
porter being in the lodge, came out and conveighed him to the
hall, which was thoroughly furnished and set, both with the
houshold servants and strangers, with four principal head messes
of officers, as daily it was accustomed 4 to be. When Sir Thomas
Seimor sawe that stately large hall so well set and furnished,
beeing therewith abashed, and somewhat guilty of an untruth
told to the king before, hee retired backe, and would needes
have gone to the archbishop of Canturbury by the chappell, and
not through the hall. Richard Nevell gentleman, then steward
of the houshold, perceiving his retire, came by and by unto him,
and after gentle intertainement, demanded of him whether hee
would speak with my lord or no ? Sir Thomas said, that he
must needs do so from the kings highnes, saying unto him, " and
this way I am going to my lords grace." " Sir," said the
steward, " you cannot go that way, for the doore is fast shut, in
the dinner time :" and so by gentle meanes brought him up to
my lords chamber through the hall, who then was at dinner ;
with whom hee dined, after he had done his message, whose
ordinarie fare might alwaies well beseem a right honorable per-

4 It was accustomed.'] " There were generally three tables spread in the
archbishop's hall, and served at the same time : the archbishop's table, at
which ordinarily sate none but peers of the realm, privy-counsellors, and
gentlemen of the greatest quality : the almoner's table, at which sate the
chaplains, and all guests of the clergy, beneath diocesan bishops and abbots :
the steward's table, at which sate all other gentlemen. The suffragan bishops
were wont to sit at the almoner's table." — Hen. Wharton's Observations on
Strype's Cranmer, in the Appendix to that work, p. 258. Compare Strype's.
Life of Parker, p. 155, 6, Appendix.

VOL. III. M

162 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

sonage. When dinner was scarse done, sir Thomas took his
leave of my lord, and went againe to the court.

So soone as the kings highnesse saw him, he saide to him,
" Have you been with my lord of Canturburie ?" Sir Thomas
answered, " That I have if it please your majestie, and he will be
with your highnes straightwaies." " Dined you not with him?"
said the king: u Yes sir" (said he) " that have I done." And
with that word, whether hee espied by the kings countenance, or
by his words any thing tending to displeasure, he straightway
without delay, kneeled down upon his knee, and said, " I be^
your majesty to pardon me : I doe now well remember and
understand, that of late I tolde your highnesse a great untruth
concerning my lord of Canturburies house keeping: but from
henceforth I intend never to beleeve that person which did put
that vaine tale into my head : for I assure your highnesse that I
never sawe so honorable a hall set in this realme, (besides your
majesties hall) in all my life, with better order, and so wel fur-
nished in each degree. If I had not seen it my selfe, I could
never have beleeved it; and himselfe also so honourablie served/"

" Ah sir," quoth the kings highnesse : " Have you now espied
the truth I I thought you would tell me another tale when you
had bin there. He was a very varlet (quoth the king) that told
you that tale: for he spendeth (ah good man, said the kin»-) all
that he hath in house keeping. But now I perceive which \\ ay
the wind bloweth. There are a sort of you to whom I have
liberally given of the possessions and revenewes of the suppressed
monasteries, which like as you have lightly gotten, so have you
more unthriftily spent, some at dice, other some in gay apparel.
and other waies worse, I feare me : and now that all is gone you
would fain have me make an other chevaunce with the bishops
lands, to accomplish your greedie appetites. But let no other
bishops bestow their revenewes worse then my lord of Cantur-
burie doth, then shall you have no cause to complain of their
keeping of house."

And thus the tale being shut up, and ended by the 1%
highnesse, neither sir Thomas Seimor, nor none else on his
behalfe ever after durst renue, or revive that sute any more in
king Henries daies : so that it may be evident to all inditt'ermt
men, the liberalise of the archbishop in house keeping what it
was, which being defended, and commended by the prince him-
selfe, rather may give a good example to his poMeritie to follow.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 163

then was then to be depraved of any private subject, such as
knew him not.

In which archbishop this moreover is to bee noted, with a
memorandum, touching the reliefe of the poore, impotent, sick,
and such as then came from the wars at Bullen 5, and other parts
beyond the seas, lame, wounded, and destitute : for whome he
provided, besides his mansion house at Beckisborne in Kent, the
parsonage barne well furnished with certaine lodgings for the sicke
and maimed souldiors. To whom were also appointed the almo-
siner, a physicion, and a surgeon to attend upon them, and to
dresse and cure such as were not able to resort to their countries,
having daily from the bishops kitchin hot broth and meate ; for
otherwise the common almes of the householde was bestowed
upon the poore neighbors of the shire. And when any of the
impotent did recover and were able to travell, they had convenient
money delivered to beare their charges, according to the number
of miles from that place distant. And this good example of
mercy and liberall benignity, 1 thought here good not in silence
to be suppressed, whereby other may be moved according to their
vocation, to walke in the steps of no lesse liberality, then in him
in this behalfe appeared.

One that loveth goodnes, sober minded, righteous, holy, and tern-

Now followeth together these vertues, One that loveth goodnesse,
sober minded6, righteous, holy, and temperate. As concerning these

6 The wars at Bullen.'] In 1544, Boulogne had been taken by the troops of
Henry VIII., and, in the following year, it was unsuccessfully besieged by
the French under the Marshal Oudart du Bies.

r> Sober minded.'] How free he was from ambition, and the pride of worldly
pomp and station, we may safely take his own testimony as a proof, in a
letter addressed May 12, 1535, to Cromwell. He had been invidiously com-
plained of to the king by his malignant enemy Gardiner, for bearing the
style and title of " totius Angliae primas," which Gardiner pretended was " in
derogation and prejudice of the king's high power and authority as supreme
head of the church." After vindicating the title, from its antiquity, and
exposing the probable motives of Gardiner, he thus proceeds ;

" All this notwithstanding, if the bishops of this realm pass no more of
their names, stiles, and titles, than I do of mine, the kings highness shall soon
order the matter between us all. And if I saw that my stile were against the
king's authority, to which I am specially sworn, I would sue myself unto
his grace, that I might leave it ; and so I would have done before this time.

M 2

164 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

qualities, the trade of his life before joyned with his benigne and
gentle disposition 7, doe testifie that hee could not be void of these
good vertues raigning in him, which was so aboundantly adorned
with the other, which above we have declared.

To cleave fast unto the true word of doctrine, that Tie may be able
to exhort with wholsome learning, and to improve them that say
against it.

Then concludeth S. Paul with the most excellent vertue above
all other to be wished in a prelate of the church. For if this con-
stancy be not in him to this end ; To cleave fast unto the true word
of doctrin, that he may be able to exhort with wholsome learning, and
to improve them that say against it : if he be void (I say) of these
gifts and graces, he is worthy of no commendation, but shal seem
an idol, and a deceiver of the world. Neither shal he deserve the
name of a bishop, if either for dread or meed, affection or favor,

For I pray God never be merciful unto me at the general judgment, if I per-
ceive in my heart that I set more by any title, name, or stile that I write, then
J do by the paring of an apple, further than it shall be to the setting forth
of God's word and will. Yet I will not utterly excuse me herein ; for God
must l>e judge, who knoweth the bottom of my heart, and so do not I my-
self : but I speak forsomuch as I do feel in my heart. . . . But yet I would
not gladly leave any just thing at the pleasure and suit of the bishop of Win-
chester, he being none otherwise affectionate unto me than he is." Cranmer's
Remains, vol. i. p. 137.

On another occasion, such is the way of the world, this same good
was harshly taxed for describing himself by the lowly title of Minister o
church of Christ at Canterbury. " You may perceive how much he is offended
with me, for that, according to God's word, I wrote myself in the subscrip-
tion of my letter, ecclesice Cantuariensis ministrum." Remains, p. 300. His
censor here was Dantiscus, episcopus Varmiensis t. e. Johannes a Cunis
(Flacks-binder) of Dantzig, bishop of Ermeland.

7 Benigne and gentle disposition.'] " He was of such temperance of nature,"
says Morice, in his Memoir for archbishop Parker's use, " or rather so mor-
tified, that no manner of prosperity or adversity could alter or change his
accustomed condition. For were the storms never so terrible or odious, or
the prosperous state of the times never so pleasant, joyous, or acceptable ; —
to the face of the world his countenance, diet, or sleep commonly never
altered or changed. So that they which were most near and conversant
about him, never or seldom perceived, by any sign or token of countenance,
how the affairs of the prince or realm went. Notwithstanding, privately with
his secret and special friends he would shed forth many bitter tears ; lament-
ing the miseries and calamities of the world." Strype's Cranmer, p. 428.

cner's

man
if the

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 165

hee doe at any time or in any point swarve from the truth. — As
in this behalfe the worthy constancy of this saide archbishop
never, for the most part, shrunk for no maner of storm ; but was
so many waies tried, that neither favor of his prince, nor feare of
the indignation of the same, nor any other worldly respect could
alienate or change his purpose, grounded upon that infallible doc-
trin of the gospel : notwithstanding, his constant defence of Gods
truth, was ever joined with such meeknes toward the king, that
he never tooke occasion of offence against him.

To manie which be yet alive, and can testifie these things, it is
not unknowne, how variable the state of religion stood in these
daies : how hardlie and with what difficultie it came forth : what
chances and changes it suffered. Even as the king was ruled,
and gave eare sometime to one, sometime to another, so one while
it went forward, at another season as much backeward againe,
and sometime clean altered and changed for a season, according
as they could prevaile which were about the king. So long as
queene Anne lived, the gospel had indifferent successe.

After that she, by sinister instigation of some about the king
was made away, the course of the gospel began againe to decline?
but that the Lord then stirred up the lord Cromwell, opportunely
to help in that behalfe. Who no doubt did much availe, for the
increase of Gods true religion, and much more had brought to
perfection, if the pestilent adversaries, maligning the prosperous
glorie of the gospel, by contrarie practising had not craftily
undermined him and supplanted his vertuous proceedings. By
the meanes of which adversaries it came to passe after the
taking away of the said Cromwell, that the state of religion more
and more decaied, during all the residue of the raigne of king
Henrie.

Among these adversaries above mentioned, the chiefe captaine
was Stephen Gardiner bishop of Winchester, who with his con-
federates and adherents, disdaining at the state of the lord Crom-
wel, and at the late marriage of the ladie Anne of Cleve (who in
the beginning of the yeare of our Lord 1540, was married to the
king) as also grieved partly at the dissolution of the monasteries,
and fearing the growing of the gospel, sought al occasions how
to interrupt these happie beginnings, and to train the king to
their own purpose. Now what occasion this wilie Winches-
ter found out to worke upon, yee shall heare in order as fol-
loweth.

166 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

It hapned the same time, that the lord Cromwell for the better
establishing of sincere religion in this realme, devised a marriage
for the king to be concluded betweene him and the lady Anne of
Cleve, whose other sister 8 was already married unto the duke of
Saxonie. By this marriage it was supposed that a perpetuall
league, amitie, and allie should be nourished betweene this realme
and the princes of Germanie, and so thereby godly religion might
bee made more strong on both parts against the bishop of Rome,
and his tyrannicall religion. But the divell ever envying the pros-
peritie of the gospell, laide a stumbling blocke in that cleer waie
for the king to stumble at. For when the parents of the noble
lady were communed withall for the furtherance of the said
mariage, among others of her friends, whose good will was re-
quired, the duke of Saxonie her brother in law misliked the mar-
riage, partly for that hee would have had her bestowed upon some
prince of Germany more nigh unto her sister, and partly for other
causes, which he thought reasonable. Whereupon it followeth
that the slacknes of the duke in that behalfe being espied, craftie
Winchester taking good holdfast thereon, so alienated the kings
mind from the amitie that seemed now to begin and grow betweene
the duke and the king, that by the occasion thereof, he brought
the king at length cleane out of credit with that religion and
doctrine which the duke had then maintained many yeares
before.

This wilie Winchester with his craftie fetches partlie upon this
occasion aforesaid, and partly also by other pestilent perswasions
creeping into the kings eares, ceased not to seeke all meanes how
to work his feate and to overthrow religion : first bringing him in
hatred with the Germaine princes, then putting him in feare
the emperor, of the French king, of the pope, of the king of Scots,
and other forrain powers to rise against him, but especially of
civill tumults and commotions here within this realm, which above
all things he most dreaded, by reason of innovation of religion and
dissolving of abbeies, and for abolishing of rites, and other cus-
tomes of the church, sticking so fast in the mindes of the people,
that it was to bee feared, least their hearts were or would bee
shortly stirred up against him, unlesse some speedie reme<li<
to the contrarie provided : declaring moreover what a dangerous

8 Whose other sister.] Sibylla, married, in 1527, to John Frederic, el<
of Saxony.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 167

matter in a common wealth, it is to attempt new alterations of
any thing, but especially of religion. Which being so, hee exhorted
the king for his owne safeguard and publike quiet and tranquillitie
of his realme, to see betime how and by what policie these so
manifolde mischiefes might be prevented. Against which no other
way or shift could be better devised, then if hee would shew him-
selfe sharpe and severe against these new sectaries, anabaptists
and sacramentaries (as they called them), and would also set forth
such articles, confirming the ancient and catholike faith, as
whereby hee might recover againe his credence with Christian
princes, and whereby all the world besides, might see and judge
him to be a right and perfect catholike. By these and such like
craftie suggestions, the king beeing too much seduced and abused,
began to withdrawe his defence from the reformation of true reli-
gion, supposing thereby to procure to himselfe more safetie both
in his owne realme, and also to avoid such dangers, which other-
wise might happen by other princes, especially seeing of late hee
had refused to come to the generall councell at Vincence 9, being
thereto invited both by the emperour, and other forraine poten-
tates. And therefore although hee had rejected the pope out of
this realme, yet because he would declare him selfe neverthelesse
to bee a good catholike sonne of the mother church, and a with-
stander of new innovations and heresies (as the blinde opinion of
the world then did esteeme them) first he stretched out his hand
to the condemning and burning of Lambert ; then after hee gave
out those injunctions above prefixed 10 ; and now further to increase
this opinion with al men, in the yere next following, which was of
the Lord, 1 540. through the devise and practise of certain of the
popes factors about him, he summoned a solemne parliament to
be holden at Westminster the 28 day of April, of all the states
and burgesses of the realme ; also a synode or convocation of all
the archbishops, bishops, and other learned of the clergie of this
realm, to be in like manner assembled.

9 Generall councell at Vincence.'] Vicenza. Paul III. endeavoured in vain
to assemble a general council at Mantua, Vicenza, and Venice successively.
It was upon occasion of a council being summoned to meet at Vicenza that
Henry published a letter, beginning, " Henry the VIII., by the grace of God
kynge of Englande, and of Fraunce, &c., saluteth the emperour, Christen
princes, and all true Christen men." Printed by Berthelet, A.D. 1538. The
letter is in Fox's Acts, p. 1034, 5.

10 Above prefixed.'] Fox's Acts, p. 1035, 6.

168 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

In which parliament, synode, or convocation, certaine articles,
matters, and questions, touching religion, were decreed by cer-
taiiH> prelates, to the number especiallie of six, commonly called
the six articles, to be had and received among the kings subjects,
in pretence of unitie. But what unitie thereof followed, the
groaning hearts of a great number, and also the cruell death of
divers both in the daies of k. Henrie and of queene Mary, can
so well declare, as I pray God, never the like be felt hereafter.

The doctrine of these wicked articles in the bloudie act l con-
teined, although it bee worthie of no memorie amongst Christian
men, but rather deserveth to be buried in perpetuall oblivion, yet
for that the office of historic compelleth us thereunto, for the
more light of posteritie to come, faithfully and truly to comprise
things done in the church, as well one as another : this shall be
briefly to recapitulate the summe and effect of the foresaid six
articles, in order as they were given out, and hereunder doe
follow.

" The first article in this present parliament accorded and
agreed upon, was this : that in the most blessed sacrament of the
altar, by the strength and efficacy of Christs mightie word (it
being spoken by the priest) is present really under the form of
bread and wine, the natural! body and bloud of our saviour Jesu
Christ, conceived of the virgin Mary ; and that after the conse-
cration there remaineth no substance of bread or wine, or any
other substance, but the substance of Christ, God and man.

" Secondly, that the communion in both kindes, is not neces-
sary ad salutem, by the law of God, to all persons : and that it is
to be beleeved and not doubted of, but that in the flesh, under
form of bread, is the verie blood, and with the blood, under form
<>f nine, is the very flesh, as wel apart, as if they were both to-
gether*

14 Thirdly, that priests after the order of priesthood received
afore, may not marrie by the law of God.

" Fourthly, that the vowcs of chastitie or widowhood, by man
or \\mnan made to God advisedly, ought to bee observed by the
law of God : and that it exempteth them from other liberties of
<'liri>rian p"opk«. which without that they might injoy.

1 The bloudie act.'] " It was passed in the parliament which sat in the year
1539, and came into force as law on the 12th day of July in that year.''
Maitland's Essays on the Reformation, pp. 254—264.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 169

" Fiftly, that it is meete and necessarie, that private masses be
continued and admitted in this English church and congregation :
as wherby good Christian people ordering themselves accordingly,
do receive both godly and goodly consolations and benefits : and
it is agreeable also to Gods law.

" Sixtly, that auricular confession is expedient and necessary to
be retained, and continued, used and frequented in the church of
God."

After these articles were thus concluded and consented upon,
the prelates of the realme craftily perceiving that such a foule and
violent act could not take place or prevaile, unlesse straight and
bloudie penalties were set upon them, they caused, through their
accustomed practise, to be ordeined and enacted by the king and
the lords spirituall, and temporall, and the commons in the said
parliament as followeth :

" That if any person or persons within this realm of England,
or any other the kings dominions, after the xii. day of July next
comming, by word, writing, imprinting, ciphring, or any other
wise should publish, preach, teach, say, affirme, declare, dispute,
argue, or hold any opinion, that in the blessed sacrament of the
altar, under forme of breade and wine (after the consecration
thereof) there is not present really, the naturall bodie and bloud
of our saviour Jesus Christ, conceived of the Virgin Mary, or
that after the said consecration, there remaineth any substance of
the bread or wine, or any other substance but the substance of
Christ, God and man : or after the time abovesaid, shall publish,
preach, teach, say, affirme, declare, dispute, argue, or hold opinion,
that in the flesh, under the forme of breade, is not the very bloud
of Christ, or that with the bloud of Christ, under the forme of
wine, is not the very flesh of Christ, aswell apart, as though they
were both together : or by any of the meanes abovesaid, or other-
wise, shall preach, teach, declare, or affirme the said sacrament to
be of other substance then is abovesaid, or by any meane con-
temne, deprave, or despise the saide blessed sacrament : that then
every such person, so offending, their ayders, comforters, coun-
sellers, consenters, and abetters therein, (being thereof con-
victed in forme underwritten, by the authoritie abovesaid) should
bee deemed and adjudged heretikes, and every such offence should
be adjudged manifest heresie : and that every such offender and
offenders should therefore have and suffer judgement, execution,
paine and paines of death by way of burning, without any abjura-

170 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

t ion, benefit of the clergy, or sanctuary, to be therefore permitted,
had, allowed, admitted or suffered: and also should therefore
forfeit and lose to the kinges highnes, his heyres and successors,
all his or their honors, manors, castles, lands, tenements, rents,
reversions, services, possessions, and all other his or their here-
ditaments, goods, and chattels, fermes and freeholds, whatsoever
they were, through any such offence or offences, committed or
done, or at any time after, as in any cases of high treason."

And as touching the other five articles following, the penalty
devised for them, was this : " That every such person or persons,
which doe preach, teach, obstinatelie affirme, uphold, mainteine
or defend, after the 12. day of Julie, the said yeare, any tiling-
contrary to the same : or if any being in orders, or after a vow
advisedlie made did marie, or make marriage, or contract matri-
monie, in so doing they should be adjudged as felons, and
both life, and forfeit goods, as in case of felony, without any benefit
of the clergie, or privilege of the church or of the sanctuary, &c.

" Item, that every such person or persons, which after the day
aforesaid, by word, writing, printing, cyphring, or otherwise, did
publish, declare, or hold opinion contrary to the five articles above
expressed, being for any such offence duly convict or attainted for
the first time, besides the forfeite of all his goods and chattels,
and possessions whatsoever, should suffer imprisonment of his
body at the kings pleasure: and for the second time, being
accused, presented, and therefore convict, should suffer, as in case
aforesaid of felonie.

" Item, if any within order of priesthood, before the time of
the said parliament, had married or contracted matrimony, or
vowed widowhood, the said matrimony should stand utterly void
and be dissolved.

" Item, that the same danger that belonged to priests marrying
tin -ir wives, should also redound to the women married unto the
prieste."

These sixe articles above specified, although they conteined
manile-t »'iTonr>. heresies, and absurdities against all Scripture
ami learning (as all men having any judgment in (iods word may
plainelie nnderst and) yet such was the miserable adversitie of that
time, and tin- |H»\MT of darkenes, that the simple oau>e of truth
and of religion \\a- ntterlie left desolate and foisaken of all friends.
!•'••!• even.- man seeing tin- kings windc HO fully addict upon poli-
t<. lia\r the>e article.- ].a>se forward, few or none in

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 171

all that parliament would appeare, which either could perceive
that was to be defended, or durst defend that they understood to
be true, save onelie Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, who then
being married 2 (as is supposed) like a constant patron of Gods
cause, took upon him the earnest defence of the truth oppressed
in the parliament, three daies togither disputing against those
six wicked articles, bringing forth such allegations and authorities
as might easilie have helped the cause, Nisi pars major vicisset, ut
scepe solet, meliorem. Who in the said disputation, behaved him-
selfe with such humble modesty, and with such obedience in words
towards his prince, protesting the cause not to be his, but the cause
of almighty God, that neither his enterprise was misliked of the
king, and again his reasons and allegations were so strong, that
well they could not be refuted. Wherefore the king (who ever
bare speciall favour unto him) wel liking his zealous defence, only
willed him to depart out of the parliament house into the councell
chamber, for a time (for a safeguard of his conscience) till the act
should passe and be granted ; which he notwithstanding, with
humble protestation refused to doe.

After the parliament was finished, and that matter concluded,
the king considering the constant zeale of the archbishop, in de-
fence of his cause, and partlie also weighing the many authorities,
and reasons, whereby hee had substantially confirmed the same,
sent the lord Cromwell (which within fewe daies after was appre-
hended), the two dukes of Northfolk and Suffolke, and all the
lords of the parliament, to dyne with him at Lambeth, where they
signified unto him that it was the kings pleasure that they all
should in his highnes behalfe, cherish, comfort and animate him,
as one that for his travell in that parliament, had declared him-
selfe both greatly learned, and also a man discreete and wise, and
therefore they willed him not to be discouraged in any thing that
was passed in that parliament, contrary to his allegations. He
most humbly thanked first the kings highnes, of his singular good
affection towards him, and them all for their paines, adding more-
over that hee so hoped in God that hereafter his allegations and
authorities should take place to the glory of God, and commodity
of the realme ; which allegations and authorities of his, I wish

2 Then being married^] He married in Germany, probably in the year 1532,
the niece of an eminent reformer, Osiander. Her name was Anne. She was
his second wife, and survived him. His first wife's name was Joan, who died
in childbirth, the year after their marriage. See above, p. 132, and below,
p. 190.

172 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

were amongst us extant to be scene and reade ; no doubt but
they would stand in time to come in great good stead for the
overthrowe of the wicked and pernicious articles aforesaid.

And now that it may appeare likewise, that after the decay of
the lord Cromwell, yet his constancy in Christs cause did not
decay, you shall heare what followed after.

For after the apprehension of the lord Cromwell, when the ad-
versaries of the gospell thought all things sure now on their side,
it was so appointed amongst them, that ten or twelve bishops,
and other learned men, joined together in commission, came to
the said archbishop of Canturbury for the establishing of certaine
articles of our religion, which the papists then thought to win to
their purpose against the said archbishop. For having now the
lord Cromwell fast and sure, they thought all had beene safe, and
sure for ever : as in deed to all mens reasonable consideration,
that time appeared so dangerous, that there was no maner of
hope that religion reformed, should any one week longer stand,
such account was then made of the kings untowardness thereunto.
In so much, that of all those commissioners, there was not one
left to stay on the archbishops part, but he alone against them
all, stood in the defence of the truth ; and those that he most
trusted to, namely, bishop Heath3 and bishop Skip4, left him in
the plaine field, who then so turned against him, that they tooke
upon them to perswade him to that purpose : and having him
downe from the rest of the commissioners, into his garden at
Lambeth, there by all maner of effectuall perswasions, intreated
him to leave off his overmuch constancy, and to incline unto the
kings intent, who was fully set to have it otherwise then he then
I i;i<l penned, or meant to have set abroad. When those two his
familiars, with one or two others his friends, had used all their
eloquence, and policie, he little regarding their inconstancy and
mnisnesse in Gods cause or quarrel, saide unto them right
notably.

" You make much adoe to have me come to your purpose,
all* (lurinu; that it is the kings pleasure to have the articles in that
sort you have devised them, to proceed; and now that you do
perceive his highnesse by sinister information, to be bint that
way, you thinkc it a convenient thing to apply unto his highnesse
mind. You be my friends both, especially the one of you I did

* Bishop Heath.'] Nicholas Heath, then bishop of Rochester, and almoner;
afterwards bishop of Worcester and archbishop of York, see p. 204.
4 Bithop S*ip.] John Skip or Skyp, bishop of Hereford.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 173

put to his majesty as of trust. Beware I say, what you doe.
There is but one truth in our articles to bee concluded upon,
which if you do hide from his highnesse by consenting unto a
contrary doctrine, and then after in processe of time, when the
truth cannot bee hidden from him, his highnesse shall perceeive
how that you have dealt colourably with him, I knowe his graces
nature so well (quoth the archbishop) that hee will never after
trust or credit you, or put any good confidence in you. And as
you are both my friends, so therefore I will you to beware thereof
in time, and discharge your consciences in maintenance of the
truth." But all this would not serve, for they still swarved;
and in the end by discharging of his conscience and declaring
the truth unto the king, God so wrought with the king, that his
highnesse joined with him against the rest ; so that the booke
of articles passing on his side, he wan the gole from them al, con-
trary to all their expectations, when many wagers would have bin
laid in London, that he should have bin laid up with Cromwel at
that time in the Tower, for his stiffe standing to his tackle. —
After that day there could neither counsellor, bishop, or papist
win him out of the kings favor.

Notwithstanding, not long after that, certain of the councell,
whose names need not to be repeated, by the intisement and
provocation of his ancient enemie the bishop of Winchester, and
other of the same sect, attempted the king against him, declaring
plainly, that the realme was so infected with heresies and here-
tikes, that it was dangerous for his highnesse, farther to permit
it unreformed : least peradventure by 'long suffering, such con-
tention should arise, and ensue in the realm among his subjects,
that therby might spring horrible commotions, and uproares,
like as in some parts of Germanic it did not long ago. The
enormitie whereof they could not impute to any so much, as to
the archbishop of Canturburie, who by his own preaching, and
that of his chapleins had filled the whole realme full of divers
pernicious heresies. The king would needes know his accusers.
They answered that forasmuch as hee was a counsellor no man
durst take upon him to accuse him : but if it would please his
highnesse, to commit him to the Tower for a time, there would
bee accusations and proofes enow against him : for otherwise,
just testimonie and witnesse against him would not appeare :
and therefore your highnesse (said they) must needs give us the
councell liberty, and leave to commit him to durance.

174 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

The king perceiving their importunate sutc against the arch-
bishop (l)iit yet meaning not to have him wronged and utterly
:i OV<T into their hands) granted unto them that they should
the next day commit him to the Tower for his tryall. When
niirht came, the king sent sir Anthony Denie about midnight, to
Lambeth to the archbishop, willing him forthwith to resort unto
him at the court. The message done, the archbishop spedily
addressed himselfe to the court, and comming into the gallerie
where the king walked, and taried for him, his highnesse said,
" Ah my lord of Canturburie, I can tell you newes. For divers
waighty considerations it is determined by me, and the councell,
that you to morrowe at nine of the clocke shall be committed to
the Tower, for that you and your chaplains (as information is
given us) have taught and preached, and thereby sowen within
the realm such a number of execrable heresies, that it is feared,
the whole realm being infected with them, no small contention,
and commotions will rise thereby among my subjects, as of late
daies the like was in divers parts of Germanic : and therefore
the councell have requested me, for the triall of the matter, to
suffer them to commit you to the Tower, or else no man dare
come forth, as witnesse in these matters, you being a coun-
sellor."

When the king had said his mind, the archbishop kneeled
downe and said, " I am content if it please your grace, with all
my hart, to go thither at your highnesse commandement ; and I
most humbly thank your majesty that I may come to my trial,
for there be that have many waies slandered mee : and now tin's
way I hope to trie my selfe not worthy of such report/1

The king perceiving the mans uprightnesse, joined with such
simplicitie, said, "Oh Lord, what maner a man bee you 5 '. What

* Oh Lord, what maner a man bee you f\

'*.... Now, by my holy-dame,
What manner of man are you ? My lord, I look'd
^ «ni would have given me your petition, that
I should have ta'en some pains to bring together
Yourself and your accusers; and to have heard you
Without indurance, further.
Cranmtr. Most dread liege,

The good I stand on is my truth, and honesty ;
If they shall fail, I, with mine enemies,
Will triumph o'er my person; which I weigh not, [Being

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 175

simplicitie is in you \ I had thought that you would rather have
sued to us to have taken the paines to have heard you and your
accusers together for your triall, without any such indurance.
Doe not you know, what state you be in with the whole world,
and how manie great enemies you have I Do you not consider
what an easie thing it is, to procure three or foure false knaves
to witnesse against you 2 Think you to have better lucke that
waie, than your master Christ had ? I see by it, you will run
head long to your undoing, if I would suffer you. Your enemies
shall not so prevaile against you, for I have otherwise devised
with my selfe to keepe you out of their hands. Yet notwith-
standing to morrow when the counsel! shall sit, and send for you,
resort unto them, and if in charging you with this matter, they do
commit you to the Tower, require of them, because you are one
of them, a councellor, that you may have your accusers brought
before them without any further indurance, and use for your selfe
as good perswasions that way as you may devise : and if no in-
treatie or reasonable request will serve, then deliver unto them
this my ring 6," (which then the king delivered unto the arch-
bishop) " and say unto them, if there le no remedie my lords,
hut that I must needs go to the Tower, then I revoke my cause
from you, and appeale to the kings owne person, by this his token

Being of those virtues vacant. I fear nothing
What can be said against me.
K. Henry. Know you not how

Your state stands i' the world, with the whole world ?

Your enemies

Are many, and not small; their practices

Must bear the same proportion : and not ever

The justice and the truth o' the question carries

The due o' the verdict with it."

Henry VIH.ActV.sc. 1.
6 This my ring.'] On the ring as a token of authority ; see above, p. 151.

" this morning see

You do appear before them ; if they shall chance,
In charging you with matters, to commit you,
The best persuasions to the contrary
Fail not to use, and with what vehemency
The occasion shall instruct you : if intreaties
Will render you no remedy, this ring
Deliver them, and your appeal to us
There make before them."

Henry VIII. Act V. sc. 1.

17C ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

unto you all : for," (sayd the king then unto the archbishop)
" so soon as they shall see this my ring, they knowe it so well
that they shall understand that I have resumed the whole cause
into mine owne hands and determination, and that I have dis-
charged them thereof."

The archbishop perceiving the kings benignitie so much to
himwards, had much ado to forbeare teares. u Well," said the
king, " Go your waies my lord, and do as I have bidden you."
.N I y lord humbling himselfe with thankes, tooke his leave of the
kings highnesse for that night.

On the morrow about nine of the clock before noone, the
councell sent a gentleman usher for the archbishop, who when
hee came to the councell chamber doore, could not be let in, but
of purpose (as it seemed) was compelled there to wait among the
pages, lackies, and serving men al alone. Doctor Buts, the
kings physicion, resorting that way, and espying how my lord of
Canturbury was handled, went to the kings highnesse and said.
" My lord of Canterbury, if it please your grace, is well pro-
moted 7 : for now he is become a lackey or a serving man ; for
yonder he standeth this half hower at the councell chamber doore
amongst them." "It is not so" (quoth the king) "I trowe;
nor the councell hath not so little discretion as to use the metro-
politane of the realm in that sort, specially being one of their own
number. But let them alone" (sayd the king) " and we shall
heare more soone."

7 Is well promoted.']

" Butts. I'll show your grace the strangest sight, —
K. Hen. What's that, Butts ?

Butts. I think, your highness saw this many a day.
K. Hen. Body o* me, where is it ?
Butts. There, my lord ;

The high promotion of his grace of Canterbury ;

Who holds his state at door, 'mongst pursuivants,

Pages and foot-boys.
K. Hen. Ha! Tis he, indeed :

Is this the honour they do one another ?

TIB well, there's one above them yet. I had thought,

They had parted so much honesty amongst them,

(At least, good manners,) as not thus to suffer

A man of his place, and so near our favour,

To dance attendance on their lordships' pleasures,

And at the door too, like a post with packets.

By holy Mary, Butts, there's knavery."

y VIII. Act V. sc. 2.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. J 77

Anone the archbishop was called into the connsaille chamber,
to whome was alledged as before is rehearsed. The archbishop
answered in like sort as the king had advised him : and in the
end, when he perceived that no maner of perswasion or intreatie
could serve, he delivered them the kings ring, revoking his cause
into the kings hands. The whole councell being thereat some-
what amazed, the earle of Bedford with a loud voice confirming
his wordes with a solemn othe 8, said, " When you first began the
matter my lords, I tolde you what would come of it. Do you
thinke that the king will suffer this mans finger to ake ? Much
more (I warrant you) will hee defend his life against brabling
varlets. You doe but cumber your selves to heare tales and
fables against him." And so incontinentlie upon the receipt of
the kings token, they all rose, and caryed to the king his ring,
surrendering that matter as the order and use was, into his own
hands.

When they were all come to the kings presence, his highnes,
with a severe countenance, said unto them ; " Ah my lords, I
thought I had wiser men of my councell than now I find you.
What discretion was this in you, thus to make the primate of
the realm, and one of you in office, to waite at the councell
chamber doore amongst serving men ? You might have consi-
dered that he was a counsellor as wel as you, and you had no
such commission of me so to handle him. I was content that
you should trie him as a councellor, and not as a mean subject.
But now I well perceive that things be done against him mali-
ciously, and if some of you might have had your minds, you
would have tried him to the uttermost. But I doe you all to wit,
and protest, that if a prince may bee beholding unto his subject"
(and so solemnly laying his hand upon his brest, he said) " by
the faith I owe to God, I take this man here, my lord of Canter-
bury, to be above all other a most faithfull subject unto us, and
one to whome wee are much beholding ;" giving him great com-
mendations otherwise. And with that one or two of the chiefest
of the councell, making their excuse, declared, that in requesting
his indurance, it was rather meant for his triall and his purgation,
against the common fame, and slander of the world, than for any
malice conceived against him. " Well, well, my lords" (quoth

8 With a solemn othe.~\ The earl of Bedford appears to have been somewhat
notorious for swearing. See Fraser Tytler's England under the Reigns of
Edward VI. and Mary, vol. i. pp. 142. 145.

VOL. III. N

178 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

'In kin"-) taU« him and well use him as he is worthy to be,
and make no more adoe." And with that every man caught him
by the hand, and made faire weather of altogethers ; which might
easily be done with that man.

And it was much to be marvelled, that they would go so far
\\itli him, thus to seeke his undoing, this well understanding
before, that the king most entirely loved him, and allwaies would
stand in his defence whosoever spake against him : as many other
times the kings patience was by sinister informations against him
tried. Insomuch that the lord Cromwell was evermore wont to
say unto him : " my lord of Canterbury, you are most happy of
all men : for you may doe and speake what you list ; and say
what all men can against you, the king will never beleeve one
word to your detriment or hindrance. I am sure I take more
paines than all the councell doth, and spend more largely in the
kings affaires, as well beyond the seas as on this side : yea I
a ->ure you, even very spies in other forreine realmes, at Rome
and else where 9, costeth me above one thousand marks a yeere :
and do what I can to bring matters to knowledge, for the com-
moditie of the king and the realme, I am every day chidden and
many false tales now and then beleeved against me: and there-
fore you are most happy, for in no point can you be discredited
with the king." To this the archbishop againe answering, " If
the kings majestic were not good to me that way, I were not
able to stand and indure one whole week ; but your wisdome
and policy is such, that you are able to shift well enough for
your selfe."

Now when the kings highnes had thus benignly and mercifully
dispatched the said archbishop from this sore accusation by the
councell laid against him, all wise men would have thought that it
had l>een mere folly afterwards to have attempted any matter

9 At Rom* and else where.'] " He (Henry VIII.) maintained many learned
youths on great cost and charges, in all foreign courts and countries. I "or,
this was the fashion in his reign, — to select yearly one or more of the most
promising pregnancies out of both universities, and to breed them beyond
the seas on the king's exhibitions to them. Sir Thomas Smith, bred in
Queen's Coll. in Cambridge, and afterward principal secretary to queen
Elizabeth, was one of the last educated in this manner. These young men
proved afterwards the picklocks of the cabinet councils of foreign princes;
no king having better intelligence than king Henry from beyond the seas."—
Fuller's Church Hist., bonk vi. sec. iv. (v. 10, 11).

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 179

against him : but yet looke where malice raigneth, there neither
reason nor honesty can take place. Such therefore as had con-
ceived deepe rancor and displeasure against him, ceased not to
persecute him by all possible means. — Then brought they against
him a new kinde of accusation, and caused sir John Gostwike l
knight, a man of a contrary religion, to accuse the archbishop
openly in the parliament house, laying to his charge his sermons
preached at Sandwich, and his lectures read at Canterbury,
wherein should bee contained manifest heresies against the sacra-
ment of the altar, &c. which accusation came to the kings eare.
" Why," (qiioth the king) " where dwelleth Gostwick ? As I
take it, either in Bedfordshire or Buckinghamshire : and hath he
so open an eare that he can heare my lord of Canterbury preach-
ing out of Kent? This is very likely," said the king. " If he had
bin a Kentishman, there had been something worthie of considera-
tion : but as for Gostwike, I know him well enough, and what
good religion he is of. Go to him and tell him,"" said the king to
one of his privy chamber, "if he go not to my lord of Canterbury,
and so reconcile himselfe to him that he may become his good
lord, I will pull the Goslings fethers so, that hereafter hee shall
have little lust to slander the metropolitane, or any other learned
man." When sir J. Gostwicke heard these words, it was no need
to bid him haste himselfe to Lambeth unto the metropolitane,
making to him as many friends as possible hee might. When he
came to the archbishop, he was faine to disclose unto him, by
what meanes he was procured to doe that he did, requesting his
clemencie to be his good lord, or else he tooke himself utterly
undone, being so in the kings indignation, as he understoode he
was by that afore declared ; which sute was soone won at his
hand : and so the archbishop casting into the satchell behind him
all those sir John Gostwickes ingratitudes, went to the king, and
wan to sir John his princes favour againe. And thus the king
made a short end of this accusation.

Wei, here you may perceive that malicious invention went not
the wisest way to worke, to procure a stranger dwelling a far off,
to accuse the archbishop of his doctrine preached in his diocese :
and therefore hath blinde malice learned some more wisdome now
to accuse the archbishop in such sort as hee shall never be able

1 Sir John Gostwike.'] Member of parliament for the county of Bedford.
This took place in the session of Jan. — March, 1544.

N 2

180 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

to avoid it. And therefore it was procured by his ancient
raies, that not onely the prebendaries of his cathedrall church in
Canterbury, but also the most famous justices of peace in the
shire should accuse him, and article against him : which in very
deede was moste substantially brought to passe, and the articles,
both well written and subscribed, were delivered to the kings
highnesse, as a thing of such effect, that there must needs follow
to the said archbishop both indignation of the prince and condigne
punishment, for his greevous offence committed by him ami his
chaplaines, in preaching such erroneous doctrin as they did within
his diocesse of Canterbury, wherof they being such witnesses of
credit, no man had cause to doubt of their circumspect doings.
This accusation particularlie set out, was delivered to the king
by some of the counsailes meanes. When the king had perused
the booke, hee wrapt it up, and put it into his sleeve : and finding
occasion to solace himselfe upon the Thames, came with his bar^e
furnished with his musitions a long by Lambeth bridge towards
Chelsey. The noise of the musitions provoked the archbishop to
resort to the bridge to doe his duetie, and to salute his prince.
Whom when the king had perceived to stand at the bridge, eft-
soones he commanded the watermen to draw towards the slmr<>.
and so came straight to the bridge.

" Ah my chaplaine," said the king to the archbishop, " come
into the barge to me." The archbishop declared to his highn<
that he would take his owne barge and waite upon his majestie.
" No," said the king, " you must come into my barge, for I have
to talk with you." When the king and the archbishop all al«me
in the barge were sit togither, said the king to the archbishop;
" I have newes out of Kent for you my lord." The archbishop
answered, "Good I hope, if it please your highnesse." '• M;:
said the king, "they be so good, that I now know the greatest
hereticke in Kent;" and with that pulled out of his sleeve the
booke of articles against both the said archbishop and his pr< ml
and gave the book to him, willing him to peruse the same. When
the archbishop had read the articles, and saw himselfe so uncourte-
ously handled of his own church, wherof he was head. I meane of
the prebendaries of his cathedrall church, and of such hi> nej'Ji-
bours as he had many waies gratified, I mean the justices of the
l»eare. it much grie\e<l him. Nnt withstanding he kneeled downe
to the king, and besought his majesty to grant out a commission
to whomsoever it pleased his highnesse. for them to try out the

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 181

truth of this accusation. " In very deed" (said the king) " I do
so mean, and you your selfe shah1 bee chiefe commissioner, to
adjoyne to you such two or three more as you shall thinke good
your selfe." " Then it will be thought" (quoth the archbishop to
the king) a that it is not indifferent, if it please your grace, that I
should bee mine owne judge, and my chaplains also." " Well,"
said the king, " I will have none other but your selfe, and such as
you will appoint. For I am sure that you will not halt with me
in any thing, although you be driven to accuse yourself; and I
know partlie how this geare proceedeth, and if you handle the
matter wisely, you shall find a pretty conspiracie devised against
you. Whom will you have with you ?" sayde the king. " Whom
it shall please your grace to name," quoth the archbishop. " I
will appoint doctor Bellhouse for one, name you the other," said
the king, " meete for that purpose." " My chancellor, doctor
Coxe, and Hussey, my register," said the archbishop, " are men
expert to examine such troublesome matters." " Well," said
the king, "lett there be a commission made forth, and out
of hand get you into Kent, and advertise me of your doings."

They came into Kent, and there they sate about three weekes
to boult 2 out who was the first occasion of this accusation, for
thereof the king would chieflie be advertised. — Now the inquisi-
tion being begun by the commissioners, every man shrunk in his
horns, and no man would confesse any thing to the purpose. For
doctor Coxe and Hussey, being friendly unto the papists, handled
the matter so, that they would permit nothing material to come
to light. This thing beeing well perceived by one of the arch-
bishops servants, his secretary 3, he wrote incontinently unto doc-
tor Buttes, and maister Deny, declaring that if the kings majestic
did not send some other to assist my lord, than those that then
were there with him, it were not possible that any thing should
come to light : and therefore wished that doctor Lee 4 or some
other stout man that had beene exercised in the king's ecclesias-
tical affaires in his visitations, might be sent to the archbishop.
Upon these letters doctour Lee was sent for to Yorke by the
king, and having the kings farther mind declared unto him, when
he came to the court, hee resorted incontinently into Kent, so

Boult.] i. e. sift.

His secretary. ] Ralph Morice. See vol. ii. j>. 267. n.

Lee.~\ Edward Lee, archbishop of York.

182 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

that on Alhallows even, he delivered to the archbishop the kings
ring, with a declaration of his highnesse farther pleasure : and by
and by upon his message done, he appointed the archbishop afore-
said to name him a dosen or twelve of his officers and gentlemen,
such as had both discretion, wit, and audacitie, to whom he gave
in commission from the king, to search both the purses, chests,
and chambers, of all those that were deemed or suspected to be
of this confederacy both within the cathedrall church and without,
and such letters or writings as they could find about them, to
bring .them to the archbishop and him.

These men thus appointed went in one houre and instant, to
the persons houses and places, that they were appointed unto :
and within foure houres afterwardes the whole conspiracie was
disclosed by finding of letters, some from the bishop of Winches-
ter, some from doctor London of Oxford, and from justices of the
shire, with other : so that the first beginning, the proceeding and
what should have been the end of their conspiracie was now made
manifest. Certain chambers and chests of gentlemen of the shiiv
was also searched, where also were found letters serving to this
purpose. Amongst all other, came to my lords hands two letters,
one of the suffragan of Dover, and another of doctor Barbar a
civilian, whom continually the archbishop reteined with him in
housholde for expedition of matters in sute before him, as a coun-
sellor in the lawe when need required it. These two men being
well promoted by the archbishop, hee used ever in such familiari-
tie, that when the suffragan being a prebend of Canturburie,
came to him, he alwaies set him at his owne messe *, and the
other never from his table, as men in whom hee had much delight
and comfort, when time of care and pensivenesse chanced. But
that which they did, was altogether counterfaite, and the divell
was turned into the angell of light, for they were both of this con-
federacie.

When my lord had gotten these their letters into his hands,
he on a day, when it chaunced the suffragan to come to him to
his house at Bekisburne, called to him into his studie the said
suffragan of Dover and doctor Barbar, saying, " Coim- your waies

• His owne mcttc.] " The suffragan bishops then were wont to sit at the
almoner's table ; and the archbishop, in admitting his suffragan Thornden to
his own table, did him an unusual honour ; which was therefore noted to
aggravate the ingratitude of the man, conspiring against the archbishop."-
H Wharton, in Strype's Cranmer, p. 258. Appendix. See above, p. 161.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 183

with me, for I must have your advise in a matter." When they
were with him in his studie altogethers, he saide to them,
" You twaine be men in whom I have had much confidence and
trust: you must now give me some good counsel!, for I am
shamefully abused with one or twaine to whom I have showed
all my secrets from time to time, and did trust them as my self.
The matter is so now fallen out, that they not only have dis-
closed my secrets, but also have taken upon them to accuse me
of heresie and are become witnesses against mee. I require you
therefore of your good advice how I shall behave my selfe
towards them. You are both my friends, and such as I alwaies
have used when I needed counsell. What say you to the matter ?"
quoth the archbishop.

" Mary," quoth doctor Barbar, " such vilains and knaves,
(saving your honour) were worthy to be hanged out of hand
without any other law." " Hanging were too good," quoth the
suffragan, " and if there lacked one to doe execution, I would be
hangman my selfe."

At these words, the archbishop cast up his hands to heaven,
and said, " Oh Lord most merciful God, whom may a man trust
now adaies? It is most true which is sayd; Maledictus qui
confidit in homine, et ponit carnem brachium suum. There was
never man handled as I am : but, Oh Lord ! thou hast evermore
defended me, and lent me one great friend and maister, (mean-
ing the king) without whose protection I were not able to stand
upright one day unoverthrowne. I prayse thy holy name there-
fore." And with that he pulled out of his bosome their two letters,
and sayd, "Know ye these letters my maisters?" With that
they fell downe upon their knees, and desired forgiveness, de-
claring how they a yeere before were attempted to do the same ;
and so very lamentably weeping and bewailing their doings, be-
sought his grace to pardon and forgive them. " Well," sayde the
gentle archbishop, " God make you both good men ; I never
deserved this at your hands : but aske God forgivenesse against
whom you have highly offended. If such men as you are not to
be trusted, what should I do alive ? I perceive now that there is
no fidelitie or truth amongst men. I am brought to this point
now, that I feare my left hand will accuse my right hand. I
need not much marveile hereat, for our saviour Christ truly pro-
phesied of such a world to come in the latter days. I beseech
him of his great mercie to finish that time shortly :" and so

184 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

departing, lie dismissed them both with gentle and comfortable
\\nnl. > in such sort that never after appeared in his counte-
nauncc6 or words any remembrance thereof.

Now, when all those letters and accusations were found, they
were put into a chest, the kings majesty minding to have perused
some of them, and to have partly punished the principals of it.
The chest and writings were brought to Lambeth. At what
time began the parliament, lord what ado there was to procure
the king a subsidie, to the intent that thereupon might ensue a
pardon, which indeede followed, and so nothing was done, other
than their falshood known. — This was the last push of the pike
that was inferred against the saide archbishop in king Henry the
eighths daies : for never after durst any man move matter against
him in his time.

And thus have ye both the working and disclosing of this
popish conspiracy against this worthy archbishop and martyr of
Christ, Thomas Cranmer. In the which conspiracy, forsomuch
as complaint was also made unto the king of his chaplaines and
good preachers in Kent, it shall not be out of the storie somthing
likewise to touch therof, especially of Richard Turner, then
preacher the same time in this archbishops diocesse, and curate
to maister Morice the archbishops secretary, in the towne of
Chartham, by whose diligent preaching a great part of this
heartburning of the papists tooke his first kindling against the
archbishop. Touching the description of which story, because
by me nothing shall be said either more or lesse than is the
truth, yee shall heare the very certainty thereof truely compiled
in a letter sent the same time to doctor Butts and sir Anthony
Deny, to be shewed unto the king, and so it was, written by
the foresaid M. Morice, secretary then to the said archbishop,
f armour of the same benefice of Chartham, and patrone to M.
Turner there minister and preacher aforesaid.

A Letter or Apologie of M. Morice, sent to sir William Puts,
and sir Antliony Deny, defending the cause of M. Richard
Turner preacher, against the Papists.

The letter first beginning in these words, " I am certain right
worshipful, that it is not unknown to your discreet wisdoms, &c."

* In his countenaunce.~\ " But lie thought fit no more to trust them : and
so discharged them of his sen-ice."— Strype's Cranmer, p. 121.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 185

And after a few lines, comming to the matter, thus the said
letter proceedeth.

" As your worships wel know it was my chance to be
brought up under my lord of Canterbury, my master, in writing
of the ecclesiastical affaires of this realm, as wel touching refor-
mation of corrupt religion, as concerning the advancement of
that pure and sincere religion received by the doctrine of the
gospell : which I take to bee so substantially handled and builded
upon the doctrine of the prophets and apostles, that hell gates
shall never prevaile against it. The consideration wherof com-
pelled me, being a farmer of the parsonage of Chartham in Kent,
to retain with me one named M. Richard Turner, a man not only
learned in the Scriptures of God, but also in conversation of life
towards the world irreprehensible, whom for discharging of my
conscience I placed at Chartham aforesaid to be curate there.
This man because he was a stranger in the country there, and so
thereby voide of grudge or displeasure of any olde rancor in the
countrey, I thought it had been a mean to have gotten him the
better credit in his doctrine ; but where malice once taketh fire
against truth, no policy I see is able to quench it. Wel, this
man as hee knew what appertained to his office, so hee spared
not weekly both Sundaies and holidaies to open the gospell and
epistle unto his audience after such a sort (when occasion served)
that as wel by his vehement inveying against the bishop of Eomes
usurped power and authority, as in the earnest setting forth and
advancing of the kings majesties supremacy, innumerable of the
people of the country resorting unto his sermons, changed their
opinions, and favored effectually the religion received. The
confluence of the people so daily increased, that the church being
a faire ample, and large church, was not, now and then, able to
receive the number. The fame of this newe instruction of the
people was so blazed abroade, that the popish priests were
wonderfully amased and displeased, to see their pope so to be
defaced, and their prince so highly advanced.

" Now thought they it is high time for us to worke, or else
all will here be utterly lost by this mans preaching : some then
went with capons, some with hens, some with chickens, some
with one thing, some with an other, unto the justices, such as
then favored their cause and faction, and such as are no small
fooles, as sir John Baker 7, sir Christopher Hales 8, sir Thomas

7 Sir John Baker. ,] Of Sissinghurst.

8 Sir Christopher Hales.] Of Hales-place, near Canterbury.

186 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Moile 9, knights, with other justices. The prebendaries of Christs
church in Canturbury were made privy hereof, giving their
succor and aide thereunto : so that in conclusion poore Turner
and other preachers were grievously complained of unto the kings
majesty. Whereupon my lord of Canterbury and certain other
commissioners were appointed at Lambeth to sit upon the
examination of these seditious preachers. Howbeit, before Turner
went up to his examination, I obtained of sir Thomas Moyles,
that he in Easter week was content to heare Turner preach a
rehearsal sermon in his parish church at West well, of al the
doctrin of his sermons preached at his cure in Chartham : which
he most gently granting, heard Turner both before noone and
after noon on the Wednesday in Easter week last past, and (as
it seemed) took all things in good part, remitting Turner home
to his said cure with gentle and favorable words. I supposed
by this meanes to have staied M. Turner at home from further
examination, hoping that sir Thomas Moyle would have aunswered
for him at Lambeth before the commissioners. Notwithstanding,
after maister Moiles comming to London, such information was
laide in against Turner, that hee was sent for to make aunswere
himselfe before the said commissioners: and there appearing
before them, hee made such an honest, perfect, and learned
answere unto the articles objected, that hee was with a good
exhortation discharged home againe, without any manner of
recantation or other injunction.

" Now when the pope-catholic clergie of Kent understood of
his comming home without controlement, so that he preached as
freely as he did before against their blinde and dumrae <
monies, straightway by the help of the bishop of Winchester,
Steven Gardiner, they found a new means to put him to an
utter confusion, devising that he came home from examination
in such glorious pompe by the hie waies side in the \N
adjoyning that five hundred persons met him then with banket-
ting dishes to welcome him home, stirring the people rather to an
u pro re and a commotion, than to keep them in any quiet obe-
dirnce: when in very deede contrary to this surmise (as God
would) on this side Rochester a mile or two, for avoiding all
such light and glorious talke with any of his familiars or acquaint
ance, he of purpose left the lii^li way, and came through the
\\niMls al alone about ri^htron miles together on foote, so \vruri« ,1

9 Sir Tkoma* Moile.l Of Eastwell : ancestor of the earl of Winchilsea.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 187

and megered for want of sustenance, that when he came into my
house at Chartham, he was not well able to stand or speake for
faintnesse and thirst.

" This malicious tale being reported unto the kings highnes,
his majesty was so sore agrieved therewith, that hee sent for the
archbishop of Canterbury, willing him to cause Turner to bee
whipt out of the countrey. By meanes whereof, the archbishop
of Canterbury sent again for Turner. I hearing therof made
incontinently report by my letters with such vehemency prooving
it meere malice, that the archbishop understanding the truth,
pacified againe the kings majesties wrath. Home commeth
Turner once againe to his cure without blot. Which so wrung
the papists, in that they could not prevaile, that they thought it
all in vaine anie further to attempt against him concerning any
accusation for matters in Kent, the archbishop of Canturburie
being his ordinary. — Well, yet would they not thus leave him
undiscredited. Then was there one new matter devised, how that
he had preached erroneous doctrine in other countries before he
came into Kent, laying to his charge that hee had both translated
the masse into English, and said, or ministered the same ; and
that he had preached against purgatory, pilgrimages, and praying
for the dead, &c. By meanes whereof, he was now convented be-
fore the whole councel by the bishop of Winton, who sent Syriacke
Petite gentleman, for him, which brought him up to London
bound (as I heard say), and being examined before the said
bishop of Winchester and other, he was committed to ward for
a season.

" In the which meane time the archbishop of Canturbury, being
in Kent about the trial of a conspiracy purposed against himselfe
by the justice of the shire, and the prebendaries of Christes
church, Turner is now sent down to the archbishop, to the intent
he should recant that doctrine which long ago hee in other places
out of Kent had preached, to the utter subversion and defacing
of all that he had most godly and earnestly here in Kent taught
both to the glory of God, and the furtherance and setting forth
of the kings highnesse proceedings. If his majesty will thus
permit learned honest men thus daily to be overcrowed and troden
under foot with a sort of tyrannous or rather trayterous papists
(who cannot abide to heare his majesties supremacy advanced,
nor the sincere word of God preached) it were better for men to
dwell amongst the infidels and miscreants then in England.

ISs ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

" What reason is this, that Turner should recant here in Kent
the doctrine which in other countries he hath taught, to the
wounding and overthrowing most desperately of five hundred mens
consciences and above, (I dare say) who lately by his sincere
preaching have embraced a right good opinion both of the kinus
supremacy, and also of the reformed religion received ? All good
subjects may well lament the kings majesties estate in this behalfe,
that no man may dare to bee so bolde to advance his highnesse
title, but that every ignorant and malicious papist shall spume
against him, seeking his utter undoing, and that by the aid of
papisticall justices set in authority. I beseech your worships to
pardon mee of my rude and homely tearms. They herein deserve
worse if worse may be devised. For what honest man can beare
with this, that so noble a princes eares shall be thus impudently
abused with manifest lies and fables, as this one is of Turners
comming home in such a triumph as they craftily and falsly had
devised ? It is easily to be spied what they meane and go about,
that, the prince being alive, dare take in hand so uncourteouslv
to abuse both the gentle nature of the prince, and his godly
preacher, the avauncer and extoller of his just authorise.

" What think your worships they would attempt if his majesty
were at God^s mercy (as God forefend that ever any of us should
see that day, without better reformation) that can thus dally with
his highnesse, blinding his eies with mistes, whilest he liveth and
raigneth amongst us in most prosperity. As for my lord of Can-
terbury he dare nothing do for the poore mans delivery, he hath
done so much for him already. And his grace hath tolde me
plainely, that it is put into the kings head, that hee is the main-
tainer and supporter of all the hereticks within the realme; nor
will he permit mee or my neighbours to resort unto the councell
for his purgation while he was at Chartham ; saving only I have
obtained this at his hand, that I may become a suter in writing
to my friends and good masters in the court for his delivery.

" And therfore it is (right worshipfull) that I have now taken
in hand, thus to discourse and open our miser}' unto you con-
< • ruiiiLT tin- cxtream handling of this honest poore man M. Turner.
It it may possibly bee brought to passe by your godly wisdome,
that the poore man may bee released and discharged of his re-
ran tation, you cannot doe to God and your prince a more accept
.il.le serxice in my poore opinion. For other\\i>e it lie *houl»l In
driven In recant (a> 1 am >nre he uill sooner die) both

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 189

cause and the kings shall suffer no small detriment amongst his
poore loving subjects here. For if there be no better stay for
the maintenance of these godly preachers, the kings authoritie
concerning his supremacie, shall lie post alone hidden in the acte
of parliament, and not in the harts of his subjects.

" If they can bring to passe that Turner may recant to the
defacing of his good doctrin preached here, then have they that
for which they have thus long travailed. And yet in effect shall
not Turner recant, but king Henry the eighth in Turners person
shall most odiously recant, to the wounding of all mens con-
sciences here. If the kings majesty do not esteem his authority
given to his highnesse by Gods word and his parliament, it were
wel done, that the preachers had good warning to talk no more
to the people therof, than thus to bee tossed and turmoiled for
doing their dueties by the members of antichrist.

" And now to the intent that they might effectually for ever
slander Turners doctrine here, they have indited him for offending
against the six articles, this last sessions, by the witnes of two
papists of the parish of Chartham his utter enemies, Sanders and
Brown by name, for a sermon preached at Chartham on Passion
Sunday, which chanced on S. Gregories eeven, they both being
absent that day at Wye faire, as it is well proved ; namely, for
that he preached against the masse ; saying, that our savior
Christ was the only sole priest which song masse on the altar of
the crosse, there sacrificing for the sinnes of the world once for
ever, and that all other masses were but remembrances and
thankesgiving for that one sacrifice, or such wordes in effect.

" Wherefore, to conclude (right worshipfull) knowing your
godly zeales, as well towardes the preferment of sincere religion,
as your no lesse affection towards the king his majesties person
and his godly proceedings, I most humbly beseech you in the
bowels of our saviour Christ, so to ponder the weightie consi-
deration of the premises, as by your travailes unto the kings
majesty, or to the honourable councell, we here in Kent that have
now of late our hearts bent towardes the observation of the lawe
of God and the prince, through Turners godly persuasions, may
receive from your worships some comfortable words of his deliver-
ance ; or else certainly many an honest and simple man lately
embracing the truth, may perhaps fall away desperately from the
same, not without danger of their soules. In accomplishing
wherof your worships shall not only doe unto almighty God and

190 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

the prince most true and acceptable service, but also binde the
snido M. Turner, with all other to whom this cause doth apper-
taine, both daily to pray for your prosperities, and also to bee at
your commandements during their lives. From Canturburie the
second daie of November.

" Your worships evermore at commandment,

" R. M."

And thus much containeth the letter sent (as is saide) by M.
Morice to doctor Buts and sir Anthony Deny. Now, what suc-
cesse and speede this letter had, it followeth to bee declared. For
doctour Buts the kings physicion aforesayde, after the receipt of
these letters, considering the weighty contents of the same, as hee
was ever a forward friend in the gospels cause, so he thought not
to foreslacke this matter to the uttermost of his diligence : and
so spying his time, when the king was in trimming and in washing
(as his maner was at certaine times to call for his barbar) doctor
Buttes (whose maner was at such times ever to be present, and
with some pleasant conceits to refresh and solace the kings
minde) brought with him in his hand this letter. The king
asking what newes, D. Buts pleasantly and merrily beginneth to
insinuate unto the king the effect of the matter, and so at the
kings commandement read out the letter : which when the king
had heard, and paused a little with himself upon the same, he
commanded again the letter to be read unto him. The hearing
and consideration wherof so altered the kings minde, that wheras
before he commanded the said Turner to be whipped out of the
countrey, he now commanded him to be reteined as a faithfull
subject. And here of that matter an end. — Let us now rcturnc
to the archbishop againe.

\Vho although he was compassed about (as is sayde) with
mighty enemies, and by many crafty traines impugned, yet through
Gods more mightie providence, working in the kings hart so to
favour him, he rubbed out all king Henries time without blemish
«"• t'"il'-. I'.v im-anes of the kings supportation, who not only
defended the said archbishop against all his conspired ad\
but also extended such special favor unto him in such sort, that
he being not ignorant of his wife, whom hee maried before at
Noremberge (Ix-inir niece to the wife of Osiander) k.-rpiiiLr IHT
also all the sixe articles time contrary to the law, — notwithstand-
ing. In- both i" rmith'd the same, and kept his connsrll.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 191

I will now (the Lord Christ assisting me with his grace) pro-
ceed next to the time and raigne of k. Edward his son, after
that first I shall intermit a few words touching the death of the
said king Henrie, and the maner of the same. Who after long-
languishing, infirmitie growing more and more upon him, lay from
saint Stevens day to the latter end of Januarie *. His physicians
at length perceiving that he would away, and yet not daring to
discourage him with death, for feare of the act past before in par-
liament, that none should speake any thing of the kings death
(the act being made onelie for soothsayers, and talkers of prophe-
sies) mooved them that were about the king to put him in
remembrance of his mortal state and fatall infirmitie. Which
when the rest were in dread to do, master Denie who was speciallie
attendant upon him, boldlie comming to the king tolde him what
case hee was in, to mans judgement not like to live, and therefore,
exhorted him to preparehimselfe to death, calling himselfe to remem-
brance of his former life, and to call upon God in Christ betime for
grace and mercie, as becometh everie good Christian man to doe.

Although the king was loth to heare any mention of death,
yet perceiving the same to rise upon the judgment of his physi-
cians, and feeling his owne weaknesse, hee disposed himselfe
more quietlie to hearken to the words of his exhortation, and to
consider his life past. Which although he much accused, " Yet,"
(said he) "is the mercie of Christ able to pardon me all my sins,
though they were greater than they be." Master Deny being
glad to heare him thus to speake, required to know his pleasure,
whether he would have any learned man sent for to confer
withall, and to open his minde unto. To whome the king an-
swered againe, that if he had any, he would have doctor Cran-
mer, who was then lying at Croydon. And therefore master
Denie asking the king, whether he would have him sent for,
" I will first," said the king, " take a little sleepe, and then as I
feele myselfe, I will advise upon the matter."

After an houre or two, the king awaking, and feeling feeble-
nes to increase upon him, commanded doctor Cranmer to bee
sent for : but before he could come the king was speechlesse,
and almost senselesse. Notwithstanding, perceiving doctor Cran-
mer to bee come, hee reaching his hand to doctor Cranmer did
hold him fast, but could utter no words unto him, and scarse was

1 Januarie.'] 1547.

192 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

aMe to make any signe. Then the archbishop exhorting him to
put his trust in Christ, and to call upon his mercie, desired him,
though he could not speake, yet to give some token with his eies
or with his hand, as he trusted in the Lord. Then the king,
holding him with his hand, did wring his hand in his, as hard as
he could, and so shortly after departed, after hee had raigned in
this land the tearme of 37 yeres and 9 moneths, leaving behinde
him three children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth.

After the death of k. Henry, immediately succeeded his son
king Edward, under whose government and protection the state
of this archbishop, being his godfather, was nothing appaired, luit
rather more advanced.

During all this meane time of k. Henry aforesaid, untill the
entring of k. Edward, it seeineth that Cranmer was scarcely yet
throughly perswaded in the right knowledge 8 of the sacrament,

2 In the right knowledge.'] There are few readers who will not admire the
sober and pious language of this excellent man, on occasion of its being
objected to him, by Dr. Richard Smith, that he had maintained in his Short
Instruction into Christian Religion, printed in 1 548, the doctrine of the carnal
presence. After denying the truth of Smith's allegation, he thus proceeds :
" But this I confesse of myselfe, that not long before I wrot the sayd cate-
chisme, I was in that error of the real presence, as I was many yeares past
in divers other errors, as of transubstantiation, of the sacrifice propitiatory
of the priests in the masse, of pilgrimages, purgatory, pardons, and many
other superstitions and errors that came from Rome, being brought up from
youth in them, and nouseled therein for lacke of good instruction from my
youth ; the outragious floods of papisticall errors at that tyme overflowing
the world. For the which, and other myne offences in youth, I do dayly
pray unto God for mercy and pardon, saying, delicta juventutis mete, et iyno-
rantias meas, ne memineris Domine, Good Lord, remember not mine ignorances
and offences of my youth.

" But after it had pleased God to shew unto me by his holy word a more
perfect knowledge of his sonne Jesus Christ from tyme to tyme as I grew m
knowledge of him, by little and little I put away my former ignorance. Ami
as God of his mercy gave me light, so through his grace I opened myne eyes
to receive it, and did not wilfully repugne unto God, and remayne in dark-
nese. And I trust in God's mercy and pardon for my former errors, bi<

1 but of frailnes and ignorance. And now I may say of my selfe as
S Panic sayd, When I was like a babe or childe in the knowledge
I spake like a childe, and understood like a childe ; but now that I come to
mans estate and growing in Christ through his grace and mercy, I have put
away that childishness."— Answer to Smith's Preface, subjoined to his
Answer to Gardiner, p. 402. edit. 1 580.

It is not to be questioned, but that to Ridley he was indebted for his first
< tions of the true doctrine of Christ's presence in the Holy Eucharist;

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 193

or at least, was not yet fully ripened in the same ; wherin shortly
after he being more groundly confirmed by conference with
bishop Eidley, in processe of time did so profit in more riper
knowledge, that at last hee tooke upon him the defence of
that whole doctrine, that is, to refute and throw down first the
corporall presence; secondly, the phantasticall transubstantia-
tion ; thirdly, the idolatrous adoration ; fourthly, the false error
of the papists, that wicked men do eate the naturall bodie of
Christ; and lastly, the blasphemous sacrifice of the masse.
Whereupon in conclusion he wrote five bookes for the publick
instruction of the church of England, which instruction yet to
this day standeth and is received in this church of England.

Against these five bookes of the archbishop, Steven Gardiner,
the arche-enemie to Christ and his gospel, being then in the
Tower, slubbereth up a certaine answere such as it was, which
he in open court exhibited up at Lambeth, being there examined
by the archbishop aforesaide and other the kings commissioners
in k. Edwards daies, which booke was intituled, An Explication
and Assertion of the true Catholicfc Faith, touching the blessed
Sacrament of the Altar, with a Confutation of a Book written
aaainst the same.

«/

Against this explication, or rather a cavilling sophistication of
Steven Gardiner, doctor of lawe, the archbishop of Canterbury
learnedly and copiously replying againe, maketh answere, which
also he published abroad to the eies and judgements of all men in
print. All which writings and bookes, as well of the one part as
of the other, our present storie would require here to bee inserted :
but because to prosecute the whole matter at length will not be
comprehended in a small roome, and may make too long tariance
in our story, it shall therefore bee best to put off the same unto
the place of the appendix following 3, wherein (the Lord willing)

and that the critical time was the year 1546. See (Cheke's) Preface to the
Defensio verte et Catholicce Doctrines, &c. I2mo. 1557. " Post multam Scrip-
turarum pervestigationem, ex unius beati martyris Ridleei, episcopi Lon-
dinensis, institutione, sero tandem (nimirum anno 46) in earn, quam hie
tuetur, sententiam adductus est." For the other point, his obligation to
Eidley, we shall come to an express testimony to that below, from his own
mouth.

3 The appendix following.} This part of Fox's design was never executed ;

but in the year 1580, John Day printed, I apprehend under the direction of

Fox, a second edition of Cranmer's Answer to Gardiner's Sophistical Cavil-

lation; which book, according to a method of conducting controversies not

VOL. nr. o

194 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

wee intend to close up both these, and divers other treatises of
these learned martyrs, as to this our story shall appertaine.

The unquiet spirit of Steven Gardiner being not yet contented,
after all this thrusteth out another booke in Latine of the like
popish argument, but after another title, named Marcus Antonius
Constantinus 4. Wherunto first the archbishop again intending a
full confutation, had already absolved three parts of his answere
lying in prison. Of the which parts, two perished in Oxford :
the other yet remaineth in my hands readie to be seen and set
forth, as the Lord shall see good. Also bishop Ridley lying like-
wise the same time in prison having there the saide book of
Marcus Antonius, for lacke of pen and paper, with a leade of a
window in the margent of the booke wrote annotations, as straight-
nesse of time would serve him, in refutation of the same book.
And finally because these worthy martyrs had neither liberty nor
leisure to goe through with that travaile, that which lacked in
them for accomplishment of that behalfe, was supplied shortly
after by Peter Martir, who abundantly and substantially hath
overthrown that book in his learned defension5 of the truth
against the false sophisticaton of Marcus Antonius aforesaid.

Besides these bookes above recited of this archbishop, di\
other things there were also of his doing ; as the book of the
Reformation fl, the catechisme, with the book of Homilies, whereof

unusual in those days (the spirit of which, though not the letter, may and
ought to be the subject of applause and imitation to our own, and every age)
contains the whole of his own first work (The Defence), together with the
whole of Gardiner's attack upon it (The Explication and Assertion), as well
as the Answer to the Sophistical Cavillation.

4 Constantinus.] See note to the Life of Ridley, p. 26, ante.

1 Defension.'] " Defensio doctrinae veteris et Apostolicae de sacro-sancio
eucharistia? sacramento adversus Stephani librum."

6 The book of the Reformation.'] By this book is meant the Liturgy, as
sufficiently appears from Bale's Centuries, p. 691, and Strype's Annals, vol. i.
p. 489, 90, edit. 2d. By the " Catechisme," might be intended, either the
Catechism of king Edward, or the Short Instruction into Christian Religion, a
work, notwithstanding its title, in size much surpassing the former, amount-
ing to not less than five hundred pages. Fox is not in the habit of distin-
guishing very accurately between these two books, and therefore, I say either
of them might have been intended by this appellation. Hut there is reason
to think, that, in this place, the former, along with the 42 articles, was
meant to be designated. Of neither, however, can it be properly said, that
they were solely and strictly "of his doing;" though Cranmer was, no
doubt, in good degree, responsible for the contents of both. Of the latter
he was the translator .- the former has been usually attributed to Ponet bishop

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 195

part was by him contrived, part by his procurement approved and
published. Whereunto also may be adjoined an other writing or
confutation of his against eighty-eight articles by the convocation
devised and propounded, but yet not ratified nor received, in the
raigne and time of king Henry the eighth.

And thus much hitherto concerning the doings and travels of
this archbishop of Canterbury during the lives7 both of king

of Winchester ; but it certainly passed through a review by Ridley, and pro-
bably by Cranmer.

Who the authors were of the book of Homilies has never been fully ascer-
tained. WTith regard to the first book, we may, I think, agree with Strype,
who says, " the Homily of Salvation particularly seems to be of Cranmer's
own doing." (Life of Cranmer, p. 149.) And the same may perhaps reason-
ably be conjectured of the second Homily, of the misery of all mankind ; of the
fourth, of the true and lively faith ; and the fifth, of good works. In the
twelfth, against contention and brawling, many, I apprehend, will think that
they see the honest good-humoured pen of Latimer. But of the twelfth in
three parts, against whoredom and adultery, there can be no doubt, but that
it was the work of Thomas Becon, one of Cranmer's chaplains. I do not
recollect that this circumstance has been before noticed. But in Becon's
works, collected together, and published by himself, A.D. 1564, the Homily
in question may be found, vol. ii. fol. 157, &c. [The Homily " Of the Misery
of all Mankind" is by John Harpsfield, and that " Of Christian Love and
Charity " is by Edmund Bonner, and both are included in the volume of
Homilies which Bonner set forth in queen Mary's time. The authorship of
all the others is conjectural, although many unsuccessful attempts have been
made to name writers.] Of the second book, published in the reign of Q.
Elizabeth, I am not aware, that the writer of any single Homily has been
indubitably specified ; but the following extract throws light upon the author-
ship of two of them. "The fact of greatest interest connected with Taver-
ner's Book of Postils is, that two of its discourses, belonging also to two of
the most important services of the Church, were adopted by Archbishop
Parker, and published by the authority of queen Elizabeth in the second book
of Homilies. The Homilies for Good Friday and Easter Day are the same
with the Exhortation upon the Passion of Christ, and the Sermon of the Re-
surrection." Cardwell's Preface to Tavcrner's Postils, p. 14. Oxf. ed. 1841.

It has been shewn (in the British Magazine for April, 1846) that the work
on which Taverner's Postils are founded is a translation (by lord Morley from
some as yet unknown writer) made for the use of Anne Boleyn, whose copy
is preserved in the British Museum.

7 During the lives.'] I take the liberty of borrowing here some very just and
valuable remarks from professor Jenkyns's preface to the " Remains."

" But besides these improvements which were actually accomplished,
others were designed. It was proposed, as we learn from unquestionable
authority," (see Letters, No. ccxvi. cclxvi.) "to revise the service books, to
digest a new code of ecclesiastical law, and to abolish several superstitious

o 2

196 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Henry, and of k. Edward his son. Which two kings so long as
they continued, this archbishop lacked no stay of maintenance
against all his maligners.

customs which had hitherto kept their ground. In all these plans Cranmer
was doubtless a prime mover, and as they had been approved by the king
Henry (VIII.), and were in a state of forwardness, there seemed to be a fair
prospect of success. But they were frustrated for a time by the intrigues of
Gardiner. It was however only for a time: for the death of Henry VIII.
and the accession of Edward VI. in January 1 547, opened the way to their
being resumed, and for the most part happily completed. — And perhaps the
issue might have been the same, if Henry's life had been prolonged. He is
known to have been greatly displeased with Gardiner in 1 546, and he about
the same time declared in such strong terms his resolution to go forward in
' the establishing of sincere religion,' that ' a man,' as the archbishop states,
* would hardly have believed it.' (Fox, Acts, &c. vol. ii. p. 566.)

" But perhaps the progress which Henry had already made is not always
duly appreciated. It is not an uncommon notion, that his ideas of reforma-
tion were limited to the rejection of the papal supremacy for the sake of
effecting his marriage with Anne Boleyn, and to the dissolution of the monas-
teries for the sake of enriching himself with their spoils. But writers who
lived nearer his times, take a very different view of the matter. 'What
organ of Christ's glory,' asks Fox, (Acts, &c. vol. ii. p. 604,) ' did more good
in the church than he, .... in setting up the bible in the church, in explo-
ding the pope with his vile pardons, in removing divers superstitious cere-
monies, in bringing into order the inordinate orders of friars and sects, in
putting chantry priests to their pensions, in permitting white meat in Lent,
in destroying pilgrimage worship, in abrogating idle and superstitious holi-
days ? ' The good deeds here recounted are of very unequal merit, and some
of them perhaps may excite a smile; but when combined, they must be
allowed, both to have wrought a great change, and to have prepared the way
for a still greater. For he not only shook off the yoke of Rome, but he
broke the power of that ' papal militia ' as the religious orders have been
called, which might otherwise have replaced it While too he thus asserted
the right of the national church to reform itself, he laid down also the
rule by which that reformation was to be conducted, namely, the written
word of God. And he followed up this appeal to the Scriptures, ' as the
only touch-stone of true learning,' (Fox, vol. ii. p. 438,) by encouraging
their translation and general use. It may be admitted, that though he at
one time favoured the circulation of the Bible, he at another restricted it ;
that he pressed his own interpretations of it on his subjects, to the violation
of all liberty of conscience; that he retained doctrines and practices, whirli
could not stand the test that he had himself set up ; — it may be admitted, in
short, that though he begun, he did not perfect the reformation : yet the
value of his services may still be incalculable. For it was precisely one of
those cases, where the beginning was at least half of the work ; where it was
not less laborious to clear the ground and lay a firm foundation, than to raise
a goodly building thereon. It may indeed be doubted whether the ft-chlr
efforts of a minor could ever have removed those formidable obstacles, which

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 197

Afterward, this k. Edward, a prince of most worthy to war d-
nesse falling sicke, when he perceived that his death was at
hand, and the force of his painefull disease would not suffer him
to live longer, and knowing that his sister Marie was wholly
wedded to the popish religion, he bequeathed the succession of
this realme to the ladie Jane (a ladie of great birth but of greater
learning, being niece to king Henry the eighth by his sister) by
consent of the councell and lawyers of this realme. To this tes-
tament of the kings when all the nobles of the realme, the states
and judges had subscribed : they sent for the archbishop, and
required him that he also would subscribe. But he excusing
himselfe on this maner, said : " that it was otherwise in the tes-
tament of king Henry his father, and that he had sworne to the
succession of Marie, as then the next heire, by which oath he
was so bound, that without manifest perjury he could not go
from it." The councell answered, " that they were not ignorant
of that, and that they had conscience as well as he, and moreover

were not swept away without difficulty even by the mature and vigorous arm
of Henry VIII.

" But however this may be, it will not be disputed, that his energy in
freeing the kingdom from papal usurpation, materially lightened the task
devolved on his successor. Yet Cranmer felt it to be still too heavy for the
strength of a youthful sovereign. It is evident from the remarkable conver-
sation (Fox, vol. ii. p. 586), already referred to, that he considered the ex-
change from the long established and absolute sway of Henry, to the new
and unsettled authority of Edward, as a loss rather than a gain to the cause
of reformation. e It was better,' said Cranmer to his secretary in 1 547, ' to
attempt such reformation in king Henry VIII. 's days, than at this time, the
king being in his infancy. For if the king's father had set forth any thing
for the reformation of abuses, who was he that durst gainsay it?' He may
perhaps have been mistaken in this view : the flexibility of the son may in
truth have been no less favourable to the construction of a new system, than
the obstinacy of the father to the demolition of an old one. But the inference
is almost unavoidable, that the difficulties of his situation under Henry were
less, and under Edward greater, than is usually supposed. And if we reflect
on the youth of the king, on the struggles of ambitious nobles for power, and
on the unremitting exertions of an able and active religious party to baffle
him, it may well be imagined, that the position in which Cranmer stood was
most embarrassing. To his wisdom and moderation under these critical cir-
cumstances, we are mainly indebted, as is well known, for our present church
establishment. In spite of all impediments, he succeeded in founding it on
so firm a basis as to be proof against the persecutions of the following reign.
He received, it is true, in this great undertaking, valuable assistance from his
own countrymen and from foreigners : but his was the presiding judgment
which directed the whole ; he was the master builder, to whom the symmetry
and beauty of the structure were chiefly due." Preface, p. xli— v.

198 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

that they were sworne to that testament, and therefore he should
not think there was any danger therein, or that he should be in
more perill of perjury than the rest."

To this the archbishop aunswered, " that he was judge of no
mans conscience but his owne : and therefore as he would not be
prejudiciall to others, so hee would not commit his conscience
unto other mens factes, or caste himselfe into danger, seeing that
everie man should give account of his owne conscience and not
of other mens. And as concerning subscription, before he had
spoken with the king himselfe, he utterly refused to doe it."

The king therefore being demanded of the archbishop concern-
ing this matter, saide, " That the nobles and lawyers of the
realme councelled him unto it, and perswaded him that the bond
of the first testament could nothing let, but that this lady Jane
might succeed him as heire, and the people without danger
acknowledge her as their queen." Who then demanding leave of
the king, that he might first talke with certaine lawyers that
were in the court, when they all agreed that by law of the
realme it might be so, returning to the king, with much ado, he
subscribed 8.

8 He subscribed.'] Cranmer in a letter to the queen, gives the following
account of this transaction.

" I am now constrained most lamentably, and with most penitent and
sorrowfull heart, to aske mercy and pardon for my haynous folly and offence,
in consenting and followyng the testament and last will of our late soveraigne
lorde king Edward the sixth your graces brother, which will, God knoweth,
God he knoweth, I never liked, nor never any thing grieved me so much that
your graces brother did, and if by any means it had been in me to have letted
the making of that will, I would have done it, and what I said therein, as
well to his counsell as to himselfe, divers of your majesties counsell can
report, but none so well as the marquis of Northampton, and the lord Darcy
then lord chamberlayne to the kinges majesty, which two were present at the
communication between the kinges majestye and me. I desired to talke with
the kinges majesty alone, but I could not be suffered, so I failed of my pur-
pose, for if I might have commoned with the king alone, and at good leisure,
my trust was that I should have altered hym from that purpose, but they
being present my labour was in vayne. Then when I could not dissuade
him from the sayd will, and both he and his privy counsell also informed
me the judges and the learned counsell sayde, that the acte of entailynge the
crowne made by his father, could not be prejudiciall to him, but he being in
possession of the crowne, might make his will thereof; this seemed
straunge unto me, but being the sentence of the judges, and other learned
his counsell in the lawes of this realme (as both he and his counsell informed
me) methought it became not me being unlearned in the law to stande
against the prince therein, and so at length I was required by the !

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 199

As the time approached when it pleased almighty God to call
this young king from us, which was the sixth day of July in the

majesty himself to set my hand to his will, saying that he trusted that I
alone would not be more repugnant to his will, than the rest of the counsel
were (which words surely greved my hearte very sore) and I graunted him to
subscribe his wii, and to followe the same, which when I had set my hand
unto, I did it unfainedly, and withoute dissimulation : for the which I submit
myselfe most humbly unto your majesty, acknowledging mine offence with
most grevous and sorrowful hart, and beseeching your mercy and pardon,
which my hart giveth me, shall not be denied unto me, being graunted before
to so many which travailed not so much to dissuade the king and his counsell
as I did." Coverdale's Letters of the Martyrs, p. 2. A.D. 1564.

" And by that justice and law, that lately hath been executed in England,
(if it may be called justice and law,) it should appear that the ministers of
civil power do sometimes command that, which the subjects ought not to do.

" When the innocent lady Jane, contrary to her will, yea by force, with
tears dropping down her cheeks, suffered herself to be called queen of Eng-
land; yet you see, because she consented to that which was not by civil
justice lawful, she, and her husband for company, suffered the pains of trai-
tors, both heads buried in one pit.

" When the blessed man of God, Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canter-
bury, did what he might to resist to subscribe to king Edward's will, whereby
his two sisters, the ladies Mary and Elizabeth, should have been wrongfully
disinherited ; yet because he afterward, to content the king's mind and com-
mandment, yet indeed to save the innocent king from the obedience to most
wicked traitorous tyrants " (his council) " did subscribe unto it against his
will ; was it not laid unto him by the wicked judge Morgan, that he ought
not to do any thing unlawful, by commandment of any power ? And so he,
an innocent, picked out among a great number of very evil doers to satisfy
the law, was condemned as a traitor before he suffered as a martyr." Short
Treatise of Politic Power, written by D. John Ponet, D.D. and published in
the reign of queen Mary, 1556, p. 28, 9, edit. 1642.

Ponet had been one of Cranmer's chaplains.

There were evidently no bounds of moderation in the expedients resorted
to by the dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk, to constrain the several
members of the council to be parties in their ambitious designs in behalf of
lady Jane.

" As for sir Edward Montague, lord chief justice, what he did was by
command against his own will, as appears by his written protestation at his
death, still," says Fuller, ('in the hands of his honourable posterity. But
whilst in this army of offenders, the nobility in the front made an escape
for themselves, queen Mary's displeasure overtook the old judge in the
rear, the good old man being not able with such speed to provide for
himself. Yea though he had done nothing but by general consent and
command, the rest of the lords laid load on him, desirous that the queen's
anger should send him on an errand to the prison, and thence to the
scaffold; to excuse themselves from going on the same message. How-
ever, after some imprisonment he was pardoned : a sufficient argument that

200 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

year of our Lord 1553, about three hours before his death,
this godly childe9, his eyes being closed, speaking to himselfe,
and thinking none to have heard him, made this prayer as
followeth :

" Lord God deliver mee out of this miserable and wretched
life, and take me among thy chosen : howbeit not my will, but
thy will be done. Lord, I commit my spirit to Thee. 0 Lord,
thou knoweth how happy it were for me to bee with Thee.
Yet for thy chosen sake send me life and health, that I may
truely serve Thee. O my Lord God, blesse thy people, and save
thine inheritance. O Lord God, save thy chosen people of
England. 0 my Lord God, defend this realme from papistry,
and maintain thy true religion, that I and my people may praise
thy holy name, for thy sonne Jesus Christes sake."

Then turned he his face, and seeing who was by him, said unto
them, " Are ye so nigh ? I thought you had been further off."
Then doctor Owen said, " wee heard you speake to yourselfe, but
what you said we know not." Hee then, after his fashion,
smilingly, said, " I was praying to God." The last words of
his pangs were these, " I am faint. Lord, have mercy upon
me, and take my spirit." And thus he yeelded up the ghost,
being almost sixteen yeeres old, to the great sorrow, but greater
calamitie of the whole realme. After whose decease ! immediately
it was commaunded that the ladie Jane (which was unwilling
thereunto) should be proclaimed queene. Which thing much

the queen conceived him to concur passively in that action." Holy Staff,
p. 255, 6.

9 This godly childe.'] William Thomas, afterwards clerk of the council, and
much employed in assisting the studies of king Edward, thus describes him,
in a work written in the first year of his reign.

" Alas (quoth I) yf you knew the towardnes of that young prince, your
heart would melt to heare him named, and your stomacke ahhorre the malice
of them that would him yll : the beautifullest creature that liveth under the
sunne, the liveliest, the most amiable, and the gentlest thing of all the world ;
such a spirite of capacitie in learning the things taught him by his srli
masters, that it is a wonder to heare say ; and finally, he hath such a grace
of jiorte and gesture in gravitie, when he cometh into any presence, that it
should seeme he were already a father; and yet passeth he not the age of
ten yeares, a thing undoubtedly much rather to bee scene, than beleeved.
Alas ! i quoth I,) nay alas agayne, what cruelties should move these ravening
dragons, to covet the devouring of so meeke and innocent a lambe with the
sedition of such dcvclish rumours!" Apologie for king Henrie (he eighth.
Work* of William Thomas, p. I 16, 7 Bvo, i 774.

1 After whose Hecea$e.] July ml,, 1553.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 201

misliked the common people : not that they did so much favor
Mary, before whom they saw the lady Jane preferred, as for the
hatred conceived against some, whom they could not favor.

Besides this, other causes there happened also of discord be-
tween the nobles and the commons the same time : for what inju-
ries of commons and enclosures wrongfully holden, with other
inordinate pollings and uncharitable dealing betweene the land-
lords, and tenants, I cannot tell. But in fine thus the matter
fell out, that Mary hearing of the death of her brother, and
shifting for her selfe, was so assisted by the commons, that
eftsoones she prevailed. Who being established in the posses-
sion of the realme, not long after came to London, and after shee
had caused first the two fathers, the duke of Northumberland and
the duke of Suffolke to be executed, likewise she caused the ladie
Jane, being both in age tender, and innocent from this crime,
after shee could by no meanes be turned from the constancy of
her faith, together with her husband to be beheaded.

The rest of the nobles paying fines, were forgiven, the arch-
bishop of Canterbury only excepted. Who though he desired
pardon (by means of friends) could obtaine none : insomuch that
the queene would not once vouchsafe to see him. For as yet
the olde grudge against the archbishop for the divorcement of
her mother, remained hid in the bottom of her heart. Besides
this divorce, she remembered the state of religion changed :
all which was imputed to the archbishop, as the chiefe cause
thereof.

While these things were in doing, a rumour was in all mens
mouthes, that the archbishop, to curry favor with the queene,
had promised to say a dirige masse after the olde custome, for
the funerall of k. Edward her brother. Neither wanted there
some which reported that he had already said masse at Cantur-
bury : which masse indeed was sayd by D. Thornton. This
rumour Cranmer thinking speedily to stay, gave forth a writing
in his purgation.

Here ensueth a purgation of Thomas archbishop of Canturbury,
against certaine slanders falsely raised upon him.

"As the divell, Christs ancient adversary, is a Her and the father
of lies, even so hath he stirred up his servants and members, to
persecute Christ and his true word and religion with lying ; which

202 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present time. For
whereas the prince of famous memory, king Henry the eighth,
seeing the great abuses of the Latine masse, refourmed some
things therin in his life time, and after our late soveraigne lord,
k. Edward the sixt, tooke the same whole away for the manifold
and great errors and abuses of the same, and restored in the place
thereof Christs holy supper according to Christes owne institution,
and as the apostles used the same in the primitive church : the
divell goeth about now by lying to overthrow the Lords supper
againe, and to restore his Latine satisfactorie masse, a thing of
his owne invention and devise. And to bring the same more
easily to passe, som have abused the name of me Thomas arch-
bishop of Canturbury, bruting abroad that I have set up the in
again at Canturbury, and that I offered to say masse at the burial
of our late soveraign prince k. Edward 6. and that 1 offered al>o
to say masse before the queenes highnes, and at Pauls church,
and I wot not where. And although I have bin well exercised
these twenty yeares to suffer and beare evill reports and lies, and
have not bin much greeved therat, but have born al things quietly :
yet when untrue reports and lies turn to the hinderance of Gods
truth, they are in no wise to bee suffered. Wherefore these be
to signifie unto the world, that it was not I that did set up the
masse at Canturbury, but it was a false flattering, lying and dis-
sembling monk, which caused masse to bee set up there without
mine advice or counsel : Reddat illi dominus in die illo. And as
for offering my selfe to say masse before the queenes highnes, or
in any other place, I never did it, as her grace well knowetli. "But
if her grace wil give me leave, I shal be ready to proove, against
al that wil say the contrary, that al that is contained in the holy
communion set out by the most innocent and godly princv k.
Edward the 6. in his high court of parliament, is conformable to
that order which our savior Christ did both observe and command
to be observed, and which his apostles and primitive church used
many yeres : wheras the masse in many things not only hath no
foundation of Christ, his apostles, nor the primitive church, but
i> manifestly contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible
abu-r> in it. — And although many, either unlearned m* malicioii-.
doe report that M. lVt«-r Mart\r is unlearned, yet if the qu-
hi^hin - \\il urant therunto. 1 \\itli the said M. IVt«T Martyr, and
<>th«-r four or I'm- which I shall chuse. \\il by <i«»d- irrace take
us to defend, not only tin- common praiers of the church.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 203

the ministration of the sacraments, and other rites and ceremo-
nies ; but also all the doctrine and religion set out by our said
soveraign lord k. Edward the 6. to bee more pure and according
to Gods word, then any other that hath bin used in England these
thousand yeeres ; so that Gods word may be judge, and that the
reasons and proofes of both parties may be set out in writing, to
the intent, as wel that all the world may examin and judge thereon,
as that no man shal start back from his writing. — And where they
boast of the faith, that hath bin in the church these fifteen hun-
dred yeares, we wil join with them in this point, and that the
same doctrine and usage is to bee followed, which was in the
church fifteen hundred yeares past: and we shall prove that
the order of the church, set out at this present in this realme
by act of parliament, is the same that was used in the church
fifteen hundred yeares past ; and so shall they be never able to
prove theirs."

This bill being thus written, and lying openly in a window in
his chamber, commeth in by chance M. Scory, bishop then of
llochester 2, who after he had read and perused the same, required
of the archbishop to have a copy of the bill. The archbishop
when he had granted and permitted the same to M. Scory, by the
occasion therof M. Scory lending it to some friend of his, there
were divers copies taken out therof, and the thing published abroad
among the common people ; insomuch that everie scriveners shop
almost, was occupyed in writing and copying out the same ;
and so at length some of these copies comming to the bishops
hands, and so brought to the councell, and they sending it to the
commissioners, the matter was knowen, and so he commanded to
appeare 3.

2 Bishop then of Rochester."] John Scory, bishop of Rochester, from 30th
August, 1551, till May, 1552, when he was translated to Chichester : he was
deprived of his see by queen Mary in 1553. In 1559, he was made bishop
of Hereford by queen Elizabeth.

3 Commanded to appeare.'] "This present day (14th Sept. 1553). Thomas
archbishop of Canterbury, appearing before the lords, as he was the day
before appoynted, after long and seryous debating of his offence by the whole
boarde, it was thought convenient, that as well for the treason committed by
him agenst the queen's highness, as for the aggravating of the same his
offence, by spreding abrode sedycyous billes, moving tumultes to the dis-
quietnes of the present state, he shulde be committed to the Toure." Pro-
ceedings in the privy council in Haynes's Buryhley State Papers, p. 184.

204 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Whereupon D. Cranmer at his day prefixed, appeared before
the said commissioners, bringing a true inventory, as he was com-
manded, of all his goods. That done, a bishop 4 of the queenes
privy councel, being one of the said commissioners, after the
inventory was received, bringing in mention of the bil, " My lord
(said he) there is a bil put forth in your name, wherin you seeme
to be agreeved with setting up the masse againe : we doubt not
but you are sory that it is gone abroad. "

To whom the archbishop answered againe, saying : " as I do
not deny my selfe to bee the very authour of that bill or letter, so
must I confesse here unto you, concerning the same bil, that I
am sory that the said bill went from me in such sort as it did.
For when I had written it, M. Scory got the copy of me, and it
is now come abroad, and as I understand, the city is full of it.
For which I am sorry, that it so passed my hands : for I had
intended otherwise to have made it in a more large and .ample
maner, and minded to have set it on Pauls church door, and on
the doores of all the churches in London, with mine owne scale
joyned thereto."

At which words when they saw the constantnesse of the man,
they dismissed him, affirming they had no more at that present to
say unto him, but that shortly he should heare further. The
saide bishop declared afterward to one of doctour Cranmers
friends, that notwithstanding his attainder of treason, the queens
determination at that time was, that Cranmer should only have
been deprived of his archbishoprick, and have had a sufficient
living assigned him, upon his exhibiting of a true inventory, with
commandment to keepe his house without medling in matters of
religion. But how that was true, I have not to say. This is
certaine, that not long after this, he was sent unto the Tower, and
soone after condemned of treason5. Notwithstanding, the queene,
when she could not honestly denie him his pardon, seeing all the
rest were discharged, and specially, seeing he last (of all other)
subscribed to king Edwards request, and that against his o\\n<i

« A bishop.] " This bishop was Dr. Heath, bishop after of Yorke." Fox's
Maryin. Nicholas Heath, then bishop of Worcester, to which see he was
translated from Rochester in 1543. He was displaced by Edward VI., and
the see given in commendam to Hooper, bishop of Gloucester. In 1553,
Heath was restored by Mary, and in the same year translated to York. See
p. 172.

* Condemned of treason.'] According to Stow and Grafton he was arraigned
and condemned of treason at Guild-hall, London, on the 13th of Nov., 1553.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 205

will, released to him his action of treason, and accused him only
of heresie : which liked the archbishop right well and came to
passe as he wished, because the cause was not now his owne, but
Christs ; not the queens, but the churches. Thus stood the cause
of Cranmer, til at length it was determined by the queene and the
councell that hee should be remooved from the Tower, where he
was prisoner, to Oxford, there to dispute with the doctors and
divines. And privily word was sent before to them of Oxford to
prepare themselves and make them readie to dispute. And
although the queen and the bishops had concluded before what
should become of him, yet it pleased them that the matter should
be debated with arguments, that under some honest shewe of dis-
putation, the murther of the man might be covered. Neither
could their hasty speed of revengement abide any long delay : and
therefore in all haste he was caried to Oxford.

What this disputation was, and how it was handled, what were
the questions, and reasons on both sides, and also touching his
condemnation by the university and the prolocutor, because suffi-
ciently it hath been declared 6, wee minde now therefore to pro-
ceede to his finall judgement and order of condemnation, which
was the twelfth day of September an. 1555, and seven daies before
the condemnation of bishop Ridley and M. Latimer, as is above
foretouched. The story whereof here followeth, faithfully cor-
rected by the report and narration (comming by chance to our
hands) of one who being both present therat, and also a devout
favorer of the sea and faction of Rome, can lacke no credit (I
trowe) with such, which seeke what they can to discredit what-
soever maketh not with their phantasied religion of Rome.

After the disputations done and finished in Oxford between the
doctors of both universities and the three worthy bishops D.
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, yee heard then how sentence con-
demnatory immediatly upon the same was ministred against them
by doctor Weston and other of the universitie : wherby they were
judged to be here ticks, and so committed to the maior and sheriffs
of Oxford. But forasmuch as the sentence given them, was voide
in lawe 7, (for at that time the authoritie of the pope was not yet
received into the land) therefore was a new commission sent from

6 It hath been declared.'] See Life of Latimer, vol. ii. p. 548.

7 Voide in lawe.'] See above, vol. ii. p. 6 16, n.

206 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Rome, and a new processe framed for the conviction of these
reverend and godly learned men aforesaide. In which commission,
first was doctor James Brooks, bishop of Glocester, the popes sub-
delegate, with doctor Martin ', and doctor Storie 9, commissioners
in the king and queens behalfe, for the execution of the same.
Of the which three commissioners above named, as touching doc-
tor Martin, this by the way is to bee understood, that although
he was used for an instrument of the popes side, to serve a turne
(whose booke also is extant against the lawfull marriage of priest s )
yet notwithstanding neither was he so bitter an enemie in this
persecution, as other commissioners were : and also in this time
of q. Elizabeth where divers other doctors of the arches refused
to be sworne against the pope, he denied not the oath : and yet
notwithstanding he is not altogether here to be excused. — But to
the purpose of this story. Wherof first it shall be requisite to
declare the circumstance, and the whole state of the matter, as in
a general description, before we come to their orations, according
as in a parcell of a certaine letter touching the same, it cam
our hands.

In primis, here is to be understand, that after the camming
down of the foresaid commissioners, which was upon Thursdaie ',
the twelfth of September an. 1555 in the church of S. Mary, and
in the east end of the said church at the high altar, was erect M!
a solemne scaffold for bishop Brookes aforesaide, representing tin*
popes person, ten foot high. The seat was made that he might
sit under the sacrament of the altar. And on the right hand of
the popes delegate beneath him sate doctor Martin, and on the
left hand sate doctour Storie the king and queens commissioners,

8 Doctor Martin.'] Thomas Martin, chancellor of the diocese of Winches-
ter, under Gardiner, and also a master in Chancery, See Tanner's Bib/.

9 Doctor Storie.'] John Story, chancellor of the diocese of London : he
was executed at Tyburn in 1571.

1 Upon Thursdaie.'] There was a previous meeting of the commissioners in
St. Mary's church, on Monday, Sept. 9th, as appears from bishop Brookes 's
official report of this whole process, transmitted by him to Rome, to the car-
dinal De Puteo (see p. 256 infra n.) whose delegate he was. The business of
that day was to open the commission, to cite the archbishop, and to agree
upon other preliminaries. Lambeth MSS., No. 1136. This " Report " has
been printed in the modern edition of Strype's IJfe of Cranmcr, 8vo. Oxford,
1812.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 207

which were both doctors of the civill lawe, and underneath them
other doctors, scribes, and pharisies also, with the popes collect-
our, and a rabblement of such other like.

And thus these bishops being placed in their pontificalibus, the
bishop of Canturbury was sent for to come before them. He
having intelligence of them that were there, thus ordered himselfe.
He came forth of the prison to the church of saint Mary, fetched
forth with billes and gleves for feare least he shold start away,
being clothed in a faire blacke gowne, with his ho ode on both
shoulders, such as doctors of divinitie in the universitie use to
weare. Who after hee was come into the church, and did see
them sit in their pontificalibus, hee did not put off his cap to any
of them, but stood still till that he was called. And anon one of
the proctors for the pope, or else his doctour, called " Thomas
archbishop of Canterburie, appear here and make answere to that
shall be laid to thy charge ; that is to say, for blasphemie, incon-
tinencie, and heresie ; and make answere heere to the bishop of
Glocester, representing the popes person."

Upon this he being brought more neere unto the scaffolde
where the foresaid bishop sate, he first well viewed the place of
judgement, and spying where the king and queenes majesties
proctors were, putting off his cap, he first humblie bowing his
knee to the ground, made reverence to the one, and after to the
other.

That done, beholding the bishop in the face, hee put on his
bonet 2 againe, making no manner of token of obedience towards
him at all. Whereat the bishop being offended, saide unto him
that it might beseeme him right well, weying the authoritie he
did represent, to doe his duetie unto him. Whereunto doctor
Cranmer answered and said, that he had once taken a solemne
othe, never to consent to the admitting of the bishop of Eomes
authoritie into this realme of England againe, and that he had
done it advisedlie and meant by Gods grace to keepe it, and there-
fore would commit nothing either by signe or token, which might
argue his consent to the receiving of the same ; and so he desired
the said bishop to judge of him : and that he did it not for anie
contempt of his person, which hee coulde have beene content to
have honored as wel as any of the other, if his commission had
come from as good an authoritie as theirs. This answered he

- Put on his bonet.'] See above, vol. ii. p. 622.

208 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

both modestlie, wiselie, and patientlie, with his cap on his head,
not once bowing or making any reverence to him that represented
the popes person, which was wonderously of the people marked,
that was there present and saw it, and marked it as nye as could
be possible.

When after manie meanes used, they perceived that the arch-
bishop would not moove his bonet, the bishoppe proceeded in these
wordes following.

" My lord, at this present we are come to you as commissioners,
and for you, not intruding our selves by our own authoritie. but
sent by commission, partlie from the popes holines, partlie from
the king and queenes most excellent majesties, not to your utter
discomfort, but to your comfort, if you will your selfe. We come
not to judge you, but to put you in remembrance of that you have
beene, and shall be. Neither come we to dispute with you, but
to examine you in certaine matters; which being done, to mak<>
relation thereof to him that hath power to judge you. The first
being well taken, shall make the second to be well taken. For if
you of your part be mooved to come to a conformity, then shall
not onelie we of our side take joy of our examination, but also
they that have sent us.

" And first, as charitie doth moove us, I would thinke good,
somewhat to exhort you, and that by the second chapter of saint
John in the apocalypse, Remember from whence thou art fallen,
and doe the first worfces, or if not ; and so as yee know what
followeth : Remember your selfe from whence you have fallen.
You have fallen from the universall and catholick church of Chri>t .
from the verie true and received faith of all Christemlmne. and
that by open heresie. You have fallen from your promise to ( n >d.
from your fidelitie and allegeance, and that by open preaching,
marriage and adulterie. You have fallen from your soveraigne
prince and queene by open treason. Remember therefore from
whence you are fallen. Your fall is great, the danger cannot be
scene. Wherefore when I say, remember from whence you h;m-
fallen, I put you in minde not onelie of your fall, but also of the
state you were in before your fall. You were sometime as I and
other poore men, in a meane estate. God I take to witnesse, I
>|M -akr it to no reproch or abasement of you, but to put yon in
memory, how God hath called you from a lowe to an high de^
from one degree to another, from better to better, and never <ra\e
you over, till lie had appointed ymi leyatum natum, metropolitanum

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 209

A nglice, pastorem gregis sui. Such great trust did he put you in,
in his church. What could he doe more? for even as hee
ordained Moses to be a ruler over his church of Israel, and gave
him full authoritie upon the same ; so did hee make you over his
church of England. And when did he this for you ? forsooth when
you gave no occasion or cause of mistrust either to him, or to his
magistrates. For although it be conjectured, that in al your time,
ye were not upright in the honour and faith of Christ, but rather
set up of purpose as a fitt instrument, whereby the church might
be spoiled and brought into ruine, yet may it appeare by manie
your doings otherwise, and I for my part, as it behooveth each
one of us, shall thinke the best. For who was thought as then
more devout ? who was more religious in the face of the world ?
Who was thought to have more conscience of a vow making, and
observing the order of the church, more earnest in the defence of
the reall presence of Christes bodie and bloud in the sacrament of
the aultar, then yee were ? And then all things prospered with
you : your prince favored you, yea God himselfe favoured you :
your candlesticke was set up in the highest place of the church,
and the light of your candle was over all the church. I would
God it had so continued still.

" But after ye began to fall by schisme, and would not acknow-
ledge the popes holines as supreame head, but would stoutlie
upholde the unlawfull requests of king Henry the eighth and
would beare with that should not be borne withall, then began
you to fansie unlawfull libertie, and when you had exiled a good
conscience, then ensued great shipwracke in the sea ; which was,
out of the true and catholike church, to be cast into the sea of
desperation ; for as hee 3 saith, Extra ecclesiam non est salus, with-
out the church there is no salvation. When yee had forsaken
God, God forsooke you, and gave you over to your owne will,
and suffered you to fall from schisme to apostasie, from apostasie
to heresie, and from heresie to perjurie, from perjurie to treason,
and so in conclusion, into the full indignation of our soveraigne
prince, which you may thinke a just punishment of God, for your
other abhominable opinions.

" After that, ye fell lower and lower, and now to the lowest
degree of all, to the end of honor and life. For if the light of
your candle be as it hath beene hitherto duskey, your candle-

3 Hee saith ] Meaning the Decretum.
VOL. ii j. l1

210 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

st'u-k is like to be remooved, and have a great fall, so lowe, and
so farre out of knowledge, that it shall bee quite out of Gods
favor, and past all hope of recoverie : Quia in inferno nulla est
redemptio^ for in hell there is no redemption. The danger
whereof being so great, very pity causeth me to say, Memor esto
unde excideris, remember from whence thou hast fallen. I adde
also, and whither you fall.

"But heere perad venture you will say to me, what sir, my fal
is not so great as you make it. I have not yet fallen from the
catholike church. For that is not the catholike church that the
pope is head of. There is another church. But as touching that,
I answere : you are sure of that as the Donatists were, for they
saide that they had the true church, and that the name of the
true Christians remained onelie in Aphricke, where onelie their
seditious sect was preached : and as you think, so thought
Novatus, that all they that did acknowledge their supreame head
at the sea of Rome, were out of the church of Christ. But
heere saint Cyprian, defending Cornelius against Novatus, saith
on this wise : Ecclesia una est, quce cum sit una, intus etforis esse
non potest. So that if Novatus were in the true churclfe then
was not Cornelius, who in deed by lawfull succession, succeeded
pope Fabian. Heere S. Cyprian intendeth by the whole processe
to proove, and concludeth thereupon, that the true church was
onelie Rome. Gather you then what will followe of your fall.

" But you will saie peradventure, that ye fell not by heresie ;
and so said the Arrians, alledging for themselves that they had
Scripture, and going about to perswade their schisme by Scrip-
ture, for in deed they had more places5 by two and fortie. which
by their torture seemed to depend upon Scripture, then the
catholikes had. So did the Martians provoke their heresie to
Scripture. But those are no Scriptures, for they are not truelie
alledged, nor truelie interpreted, but un truelie wrested and
wruong, according to their owne fantasies. And therefore were
they all justly condemned, for their wron^ taking of the Scrip-
tures, and the church replieth against them, saying, ; What make
you heer in my heritage? from whence came you? the Scripture
i- my inlM-ritn-.'. I am ri^ht heirc thereof. I holde it by true
succession of the a |>n>tles ; tor as the apostles required m< •<• t.»

5 They had more placet.'] Compare above, Life of Ijolimer, vol. ii. p. 656,
an.l n.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 211

holde, so do I hold it. The apostles have received mee, and put
me in my right, and have rejected you as bastards, having no title
thereunto.**

"Also yee will denie that you have fallen by apostasie, by
breaking your vow ; and so Vigilantius saide, insomuch that he
would admit none to his ministerie, but those that had their
wives bagged with children. What now ! shall we say that Vigi-
lantius did not fall therefore 2 did not Donatus, and Novatus fall,
because they said so, and brought Scripture for their defence ?
then let us beleeve as we list, pretending well, and say so : nay
there is no man so blinde that will say so. For except the
church which condemneth them for their say so, doe approve us
for to doe so, then will shee condemne you also. So that your
deniall will not stand. And therefore I tell you, remember from
whence ye have fallen, and how low yee shall fall, if you hold on
as you doe begin. But I trust you will not continue, but revoke
your selfe in time, and the remedie followeth.

" Age poenitentiam et prima opera fac, repent, and doe thy first
works ; for by such meanes as ye have fallen, ye must rise againe.
First, your hart hath fallen, then your tongue and your penne,
and, besides your own damage, hath caused many more to fall.
Therefore, first your hart must turn, and then shall the tongue
and the pen be quicklie turned : Sin minus, veniam tibi cito, et
movebo candelabrum tuum de loco suo.

" I neede not to teach you a methode to turne : you know
the readie way your self. But I would God I could but exhort
you to the right and truth, then the way should soone be found
out. For if ye remember how many ye have brought by abho-
minable heresie, into the way of perdition, I doubt not but very
conscience would moove you, as much for them, as for your selfe
to come againe. And so would you spare neither tongue nor
penne, if heart were once reformed : for as touching that point,
the Holie Ghost toucheth their hearts very neere by the mouth of
his holie prophet Ezechiell, when he requireth the bloud of his
flocke at the priests hands, for lacke of good and wholesome
foode : how much more should this touch your guiltie heart,
having overmuch diligence to teach them the way of perdition,
and feeding them with baggage, and corrupt foode, which is
heresie. He that shall convert a sinner from his wicked life, shall
save his soule from death, and shall cover the multitude of sinnes.
So that if it be true that he, who converteth a sinner, saveth a

p 2

212 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

soule, then the contrarie must needs be true, that he that per-
verteth a soule, and teacheth him the way of perdition, must
needs be damned.

" Origenes super Paulum adRomanos: The damnation of those
that preach heresie, dooth increase to the day of judgement.
The more that perish by hereticall doctrine, the more grievous
shall their torment bee, that minister such doctrine. Beren-
garius who seemed to feare that danger, provided for it in his
life time, but not without a troubled and disquiet conscience.
He did not onelie repent, but recant, and not so much for him-
selfe, as for them whome he had with most pestilent heresies
infected. For as he lay in his death bed upon Epiphany day, he
demanded of them that were present, Is this (quoth he) the day
of Epiphany, and appearing of the Lord ? They answered him,
yea. Then (quoth he) this day shall the Lord appeare to nu>,
either to my comfort, either to my discomfort. This remorse
argueth, that hee feared the danger of them whome he had
taught, and led out of the faith of Christ. Origenes upon him
saith in this wise : Although his owne bloud was not uppon his
head, for that he did repent, and was sorrie for his former errors,
yet being converted, he feared the bloud of them, whome hee had
infected, and who received his doctrine.

" Let this move you even at the last point. Insomuch as
your case is not unlike to Berengarius, let your repentance be
like also. And what should stay you (tell mee) from this godlie
returne ? feare, that ye have gone so far, yee may not returne I
nay, then I may say as David said : Ye feare where ye have no
cause to feare. For if ye repent and be heartilie sory for your
former heresie and appostasie, yee need not to feare. For as God
of his part is mercifull and gracious to the repentant sinner, so is
the king, so is the queene mercifull, which ye may well perceive
by your own case, since ye might have suffered a great whiles
agoe for treason committed against her highnesse, but that yee
have beene spared, and reserved upon hope of amendment, which
she conceived very good of you, but now as it seemeth is but a
very desperate hope. And what doe you thereby ? according to
the hardnes of your heart yee treasure up to your selfe anger in the
day of wrath.

" Well, is it then, if feare do not hinder you, shame, to unsay
that, that you have said? Nay, it is no shame, imlrssr y<- thinke
it shame to agree with the true and the catholike church of

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 213

Christ. And if that be shame, then blame saint Paul who per-
secuted the disciples of Christ with the sword : then blame saint
Peter, who denyed his master Christ with an othe that he never
knew him. S. Cyprian before his returne being a witch ; S.
Augustine being nine yeeres out of the church ; they thought it
no shame, after their returne, of that they had returned. Shall
it then be shame, for you to convert and consent with the church
of Christ ? No, no.

" What is it then that doth let you ? Grlory of the world I
nay, as for the vanitie of the world, I for my part judge it not in
you being a man of learning and knowing your estate.

"And as for the losse of your estimation, it is ten to one that
where you were archbishop of Canturburie, and metropolitane of
England, it is ten to one (I say) that ye shall be as wel still, yea
and rather better.

u And as for the winning of good men, there is no doubt but
al that be heere present, and the whole congregation of Christes
church also will more rejoice of your returne, then they were
sorry for your fall. And as for the other, yee neede not to
doubt, for they shall all come after : and to say the truth, if you
should lose them for ever it were no force, ye should have no
losse therby at all. I doe not here touch them which should
confirme your estimation. For as saint Paule after his con-
version was received into the church of Christ, with wonderfull
joy to the whole congregation, even so shall you be. The fame
of your returne shall be spreade abroad throughout all Christen-
dome, where your face was never knowne.

" But you will say perhaps, your conscience will not suffer
you. My lord, there is a good conscience and there is a bad
conscience. The good conscience have not they, as S. Paule
declareth to Timothie concerning Hymeneus and Alexander.
The evill and bad conscience is (saith S. Cyprian) well to bee
knowne by his marke. What marke ? This conscience is marked
with the print of heresie. This conscience is a naughtie, filthie,
and a branded conscience, which I trust is not in you. I have
conceived a better hope of you then so, or else would I never goe
about to perswade or exhort you. But what conscience should
stay you to returne to the catholike faith and universall church
of Christ ? what conscience doth separate you to that divelish
and severall church 2 to a libertie which never had grounde in

214 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

the holie Scriptures \ If you judge your libertie to be good, then
judge you all Christendome to doe evill besides you.

" O what a presumptuous perswasion is this, upon this utterlie
to forsake the church of Christ ? Under what colour or pretence
do you this I For the abuses ? as though in your church were
no abuses : yes that there were. And if you forsake the universal!
church for the abuses, why doe you not then forsake your par-
ticular church, and so be flitting from one to another ? That is
not the next way, to slip from the church for the abuses : for if
you had seene abuses, you should rather have endevoured for a
reformation then for a defection. He is a good chirurgeon, who
for a little paine in the toe will cut off the whole leg. He
helpeth well the tooth ache, which cutteth a way the head by the
shoulders ! It is meere follie to amend abuses by abuses. Ye
are like Diogenes : for Diogenes on a time envying the clean-
lines of Plato, said on this wise, Ecce calco fastum Platonis.
Plato answered, Sed alio fastu. So that Diogenes seemed more
faultie of the two.

" But when we have said all that we can, perad venture you
will say, I will not returne. And to that I say, I will not
answer. Neverthelesse heare what Christ saith to such obstinate
and stifnecked people in the parable of the supper. When lie
had sent out his men to call them in that were appointed, and
they would not come, he bad his servants going into the waies
and streetes, to compell men to come in. If then the church
will not leese anie member that may bee compelled to come in,
ye must thinke it good to take the compulsion, least you lose
your part of the supper which the Lord hath prepared for you :
and this compulsion standeth well with charitie.

"But it may be perhaps, that some hath animated you to
sticke to your tackle, and not to give over, bearing you in hand
that your opinion is good, and that yee shall die in a good
quarrel!, and God shall accept your oblation. But heare what
Christ saith of a meaner gift : if tkou come to the aultar to offer
fliy oblation, and knowest that thy brother hath somewhat to say
against thee, leave there thy gift, and goe and be reconciled to thy
brother, and then come and offer up thy gift, or else thy brother
will make thy offering unsavourie before God. Tin's lie said unto
all the world, to tin- cud they should know how their offerings
should bee received, it tin y \\ere not according.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 215

" Remember you therefore before you offer up your offering,
whether your gift be qualified or no. Remember the church of
Rome, and also of England, where not one onelie brother, but a
number have matter against you, so just that they will make
your burnt offering to stinke before God, except you bee recon-
ciled. If you must needes appoint upon a sacrifice, make yet a
meane first to them that have to lay against you. I say no more
then the church hath allowed me to say. For the sacrifice that is
offered without the church, is not profitable. The premisses
therefore considered, for Gods sake, I say, Memor esto unde exci-
deris, et age pcenitentiam, et prima opera fac. Sin minus^ &c.
Cast not your self away, spare your bodie, spare your soule, spare
them also whome you have seduced, spare the sheading of Christs
bloud for you in vaine. Harden not your heart, acknowledge the
truth, yeelde to the prescript word of God, to the catholike
church of Rome, to the received veritie of all christendome.
Wed not your selfe to your owne selfe will. Stand not too much
in your owne conceite, thinke not your selfe wiser then all Chris-
tendome is besides you. Leave off this unjust cavill. How ?
leave what ? leave reason, leave wonder, and beleeve as the Catho-
like church doth beleeve and teach you. Perswade with your
selfe, that without the church there is no salvation. And thus
much have I said of charitie. If this poore simple exhortation of
mine may sinke into your head, and take effect with you, then
have I said as I would have said, otherwise not as I would, but as
I could for this present."

And thus bishop Brooks finishing his oration, sate down.
After whome, doctor Martin taking the matter in hand, beginneth
thus.

The oration of doctor Martin.

u Albeit there bee two governments, the one spirit uall, and
the other temporall, the one having the keies, the other the
sword, yet in all ages we reade that for the honour and glory of
God both these powers have beene adjoyned together. For if we
reade the Old Testament, we shall finde that so did Josias and
Ezekias. So did the king of the Ninivites compell a generall
fast through all the whole citie. So did Darius in breaking the
great idol, Bell, and delivered godlie Daniell out of the den of
lyons. So did Nabuchodonosor make and institute lawes against

216 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

the blasphemers of God. But to let passe these examples, with
a great number moe, and to come to Christs time, it is not un-
knowne what great travaile they tooke to set forth Gods honour :
and although the rule and government of the church did onelie
appertaine to the spiritualty, yet for the suppression of heresies
and schismes, kinges were admitted as ayders thereunto. First,
Constantinus the great called a councell at Nice for the suppres-
sion of the Arrian sect, where the same time was raised a great
contention among them. And after long disputation had, when
the fathers could not agree upon the putting downe of the Arrians,
they referred their judgement to Constantine. God forbid, quoth
Constantine: you ought to rule me, and not I you. And as
Constantine did, so did Theodosius against the Nestorians, so
did Marcianus against Manicheus. Jovinian made a law, that
no man should marry with a nunne, that had wedded her selfe to
the church.

44 So had king Henry the eight the title of defender of the
faith 6, because he wrote against Luther and his complices. So
these 900 yeres the kings of Spaine had the title of catholike T, for
the expulsion of the Arrians : and to say the truth, the king and
queenes majesties doe nothing degenerate from their auncetry,
taking upon them to restore again the title to be defender of the
faith, to the right heyre thereof, the popes holinesse.

" Therefore these two princes, perceiving this noble realnio,
how it hath beene brought from the unitie of the true and catho-

6 Defender of the faith.'] The original bull sent to Henry VIII. by Leo X.,
and having that pope's signature, is kept in the British Museum. The title
was happily chosen to suit a Protestant, as well as a Roman Catholic king.
On the subject of this title see a curious paper, by Alex. Luders, in the
Archaologia of the Society of Antiquaries. Vol. xix. pp. 1 — 10. See also vol.
ii. p. 478, of this collection.

1 Title of cat/u)like.'] Doctor Martin, it would seem, was not well ac-
quainted with history. It is true that Don Alfonso, who reigned from 739
t.» 7">7 was surnamed the Catholic, but he did not expel the Arians, although
he fought against and tried to expel the Moors. Pedro II. of Aragon, who
lived from 1196 to 1213, waa sometimes styled Catholic on account of his
wars against the Albigenses. These were isolated cases on personal grounds.
Nor did the title descend to any of the kings of the several kingdoms into
which Spain was divided. The title of Reaes Catholici, or Los Reyes
Cattilicos, was conferred by the infamous pope Alexander VI., a Spaniard by
birth, by name Rodrigo Borgia, on Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1494. It is
only from that time that the king of Spain has been called his Catholic
Mfjtsty.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 217

like church, the which you and your confederates do, and have re-
nounced ; perceiving also that you doe persist in your detestable
errours, and will by no meanes be revoked from the same, they
have made their humble request and petition to the popes holi-
nesse Paulus the fourth, as supreame head of the church of
Christ, declaring to him, that where you were archbishop of
Canturburie, and metropolitane of England, and at your conse-
cration tooke two solemne othes, for your due obedience to bee
given to the sea of Rome, to become a true preacher, or pastor of
his flocke, yet contrary to your oathe, and alleageance, for unity,
you have sowed discord ; for chastity, mariage and adultery ; for
obedience, contention ; and for faith, yee have been the author of
all mischiefe. The popes holines, considering their request, and
petition, hath granted them, that according to the censure of this
realme, processe should be made against you.

" And whereas in this late time, you both excluded charitie
and justice, yet hath his holinesse decreed, that you shall have
both charitie and justice shewed unto you. He willeth you
should have the lawes in moste ample maner, to answere in your
behalfe, and that you shall heere come before my lorde of Glo-
cester, as high commissioner from his holinesse, to the examina-
tion of such articles, as shall be proposed against you, and that
wee should require the examination of you, in the king and
queenes majesties behalfe. The king and queene as touching
themselves, because by the law they cannot appear personallie,
quia sunt illustrissimce persona?, have appointed as their atturneys
doctor Story and me. Wherefore heere I offer to your good
lordship 8 our proxie, sealed, with the broad seale of England, and
offer my selfe to be proctor in the kings majesties behalfe. I
exhibite here also certaine articles, containing the manifest adul-
tery and perjury : also books of heresie made partlie by him,
partlie set forth by his authoritie. And heere I produce him as
par tie principal!, to answere to your good lordship."

Thus when doctor Martin had ended his oration, the arch-
bishop beginneth, as heere followeth.

Cranm. " Shall I then make my answere ?"
Martin. " As you thinke good, no man shall let you."
And here the archbishoppe kneeling downe on both knees
towards the west said first the Lords praier. Then rising up he

8 Your yood lordship.] Turning himself apparently from Cranmer, whom
he had hitherto addressed, to Brookes as the pope's representative.

218 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

reciteth the articles of the creede. Which done, he entereth
with his protestation in forme as followeth.

The faith and profession of D. Cranmer, archbishop of Canturbury,
before the commissioners.

" This I do professe as touching my faith, and make my pro-
testation, which I desire you to note. I will never consent
that the bishop of Rome shall have anie jurisdiction within this
realme.11

Story. " Take a note thereof.11

Martin. " Marke D. Cranmer how you answere for your selfe.
You refuse and deny him, by whose lawes yee yet do remaine in
life, being otherwise attainted of high treason, and but a dead man
by the lawes of this realme.11

Cran. " I protest before God I was no traitor, but indeede I
confessed more at my arraignment then was true.11

Martin. " That is not to be reasoned at this present. Ye
know ye were condemned for a traitor, and Res judicata pro veri-
tate accipitur. But proceede to your matter.11

Cranmer. u My lord, you have very learnedly and eloquently
in your oration put mee in remembrance of many thinges touch-
ing my selfe, wherein, I doe not meane to spend the time in
answering of them. I acknowledge Gods goodnesse to me in all
his giftes, and thanke him as hartily for this state wherein 1
finde my selfe now, as ever I did for the time of my prosperitie :
and it is not the losse of my promotions that grieve th mee. The
greatest griefe I have at this time is, and one of the greatest
that ever I had in all my life, to see the king and queenes
majesties by their proctors here to become my accusers, and
that in their owne realme and countrey, before a forraine po\\« r.
1 1' I have transgressed the lawes of the land, their majesties have
sufficient authority and power both from God, and by the ordi-
nance of this realme to punish mee, whereunto I both have and
at all times shall be content to submitte my selt< .

"Alas ! What hath the pope to doe in England .' whose juris-
(lictinn is so iarn- difl'cn nt from the jurisdiction of this reahn<\
that it is iinpnssililr to be true to the one, and true to the other.
The lawes also are so divers ', that whosoever sweareth to both,

• The lawes also are so divers.] Compare Cranmer's Letter to the Queen ;
Letters of the Martyrs, p. •», ."».

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 219

must needs incurre perjurie to the one. Which as oft as I
remember, even for the love that I beare to her grace, I cannot but
be hartily sory to thinke upon it, how that her highnesse the day
of her coronation ', at which time shee tooke a solemne othe to
observe all the lawes and liberties of this realm of England, at
the same time also tooke an othe to the bishop of Rome, and
promised to maintaine that see. The state of England being so
repugnant to the supremacy of the pope, it was impossible but
she must needes be forsworne in the one. Wherein if hir grace
had bin faithfully advertised by hir councell, then surely shee
would never have done it.

" The lawes of this realme are, that the king of England is the
supreme and sole governor of all his countries and dominions :
and that he holdeth his crowne and scepter of himselfe, by the
ancient lawes, customes, and descents of the kinges of the realme,
and of none other. The pope sayth, that all emperours and
kings hold their crownes and regalities of him, and that he may
depose them when hee list : which is highe treason for any man
to affirme and thinke, being borne within the kings dominions.

"The lawes of England are, that all bishops and priests
offending in cases of felony or treason, are to bee judged and
tried by the lawes and customes of the realme. The popes lawes
are that the secular power cannot judge the spirituall power, and

1 The day of her coronation."] And accordingly he remonstrates with the
queen herself on this subject, as follows.

" I learned by doctor Martin that at the day of your majesty's coronation
you took an oath of obedience to the pope of Rome ; and the same time you
took another oath to this realm, to maintain the laws, liberties and customs
of the same. And if your majesty did take an oath to the pope, I think it
was according to the other oaths which he useth to minister to princes ;
which is to be obedient to him, to defend his person, to maintain his autho-
rity, honour, laws, lands and privileges. And if it be so (which I know not
but by report) then I beseech your majesty to look upon your oath made to
the crown and realm, and to expend and weigh the two oaths together, to see
how they do agree, and then to do as your grace's conscience shall give you :
for I am surely persuaded that willingly your majesty will not offend, nor do
against your conscience for no thing. But I fear me that there be contradic-
tions in your oaths, and that those which should have informed your grace
throughly, did not their duties therein. And if your majesty ponder the two
oaths diligently, I think you shall perceive you were deceived ; and then your
highness may use the matter as God shall put in your heart." Coverdale's
Letters of the Martyrs, p. 12, 13.

220 . ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

that they are not under their jurisdiction : which robbeth the
king of the one part of his people 3.

2 One part of his people.'] See above, Life of Cromwell, vol. ii. p. 231, and n.

We will again borrow here a passage from Mr. Jenkyns's valuable Preface
to Cranmer's Remains, already noticed.

" Cranrner maintained, that the papal dominion was incompatible with the
royal; and that consequently a king who acknowledged the supremacy of the
pope, was not sovereign in his own realm. It may be said perhaps, that this
line of argument, though well calculated to gratify the arbitrary temper of
his master, in no degree affected the real merits of the case. Even if this be
granted, it still cannot be inferred that Cranmer was actuated in his choice of
it by a corrupt motive ; since he urged it no less strenuously under Mary,
when she was occupied in restoring the papal power, than he had done under
Henry, when that monarch was meditating its overthrow. But in truth this
reasoning was by no means devoid of force. It will scarcely be denied, that
the collision of authorities, which he pointed out, established at least the
necessity of inquiry. If this inquiry had ended in demonstrating that uni-
versal dominion was given to the pope by the word of God, the inconveniences
of such an appointment, however great, must of course have been endured
as inevitable. But a very different result was anticipated by the archbishop.
He was confident that the papal supremacy would be found to depend on
human institutions alone : and then, the same evils which had suggested the
examination into its origin, would also show the expediency of its abolition.
And the right to abolish it would clearly reside in the party by whom it had
been created, namely, the English nation." p. x.

To these last words Mr. Jenkyns subjoins a note, as follows.

"The protestation made in 1537, by the king, the council, and the clergy
of England, against the council of Mantua, states the argument thus : * that
which (the pope) hath usurped against God's law, and extorted by violence,
we by good right take from him again. But he and his will say, We gave
them a primacy. We hear them well : we gave it you indeed. If you have
authority as long as our consent giveth it you, and you evermore will make
your plea upon our consent, then let it have even an end where it begun.
We consent no longer : your authority must needs be gone/ " Fox, Acts and
Monuments, vol. ii. p. 375.

But I may remark, the argument is not nearly so well stated here in the
original, as it is in an alteration proposed in a letter (given by Strype, Ecclesias-
tical Memorials, vol. i. n. l.xxii. Appendix, and referred to by Mr. Jenkyns,)
from sir Kit-hard Moryson to Cromwell, on occasion of a projected new
edition of the Protestation.

" And for the place of the papacy" (says sir Richard) "given by our con-
sent over us, and taken away by our consent, I have thus changed it.

" In time past, we being deceived by false pretence of Scripture, by whose
authority you claimed your prerogative and jurisdiction upon all men, did
acknowledge your primary ; and following the consent, or rather error of the
world, gave you authority upon kings' subjects. Now we will be no longer

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. . 221

" The lawes also of England are, that whosoever hindereth the
execution or proceeding of the lawes of England for any other
forraine lawes, ecclesiasticall or temporall, incurreth the daunger
of a premunire. The popes lawes are, that whosoever hindereth
the proceedinges or executions of his lawes, for any other lawes of
any other king or countrey, both the prince himselfe, his councell,
all his officers, scribes, clearks, and whosoever give consent or
ayde to the making or executing of any such lawes, standeth
accursed. A heavie case 3 (if his curse were any thing worth)

deceived. Now we justly call in again that you have injustly extorted of
our fathers ; and will that truth make an end of your reign, which began by
error. It is lawful; reason will; yea, we are commanded to take from you
that that no man can give you, but he that is deceived."

This, I apprehend, is the true light in which this very important matter
is to be placed. Ail consent and submission to authority may not be with-
drawn and reversed at pleasure, without, and much more it cannot, if against
the will of the party in whose hands we have reposed it, (which is too much
the argument as it is worded in the original Protestation ;) but it is then
amply justified when the consent, at the beginning, was obtained by fraud,
or extorted by unjust violence; and when it is contrary to the will of God,
as revealed by undoubted reason, or the plain words of holy Scripture.

3 A heavie case.'] He has prosecuted the whole of this argument with great
spirit and admirable force of reasoning, in the long and very valuable letter
to queen Mary, before quoted, in which he gives her a full account of this
process before the bishop of Gloucester.

" Another cause why I refused the pope's authority is this, that his authority
as he claimeth it, repugneth to the crown imperial of this realm, and to the
laws of the same, which every true subject is bounden to defend. First, for
that the pope saith, that all manner of power as well temporal as spiritual, is
given first to him of God ; and that the temporal power he giveth unto em-
perors and kings, to use it under him, but so as it be always at his command-
ment and beck.

" But contrary to this claim, the imperial crown and jurisdiction temporal
of this realm is taken immediately from God, to be used under Him only,
and is subject unto none, but to God alone.

" Moreover, the imperial laws and customs of this realm, the king in his
coronation, and all justices when they receive their offices, be sworn, and all
the whole realm is bounden, to defend and maintain. But contrary hereunto
the pope by his authority maketh void, and commandeth to blot out of our
books, all laws and customs being repugnant to his laws ; and declareth
accursed all rulers and governors, all the makers, writers and executors of
such laws or customs : as it appeareth by many of the pope's laws, whereof
one or two I shall rehearse." These he cites, and then proceeds as follows.

" Now by these laws, if the bishop of Rome's authority which he claimeth
by God, be lawful, all your grace's laws and customs of your realm, being
contrary to the pope's laws, be naught : and as well your majesty, as your

ARCHBISHOP CRAXMER.

that the king and queene cannot use their owne lawes, but they
and all theirs must stand accursed." These things and many

judges, justices, and all other executors of the same, stand accursed among
heretics, which God forbid ! And yet this curse can never be avoided, if the
pope have such power as he claimeth, until such times as the laws and
customs of this realm, being contrary to his laws, be taken away and blotted
out of the law books.

" And although there be many laws of this realm contrary to the laws of
Rome, yet I named but a few; as, to convict a clerk before any temporal
judge of this realm for debt, felony, murder, or for any other crime; which
clerks by the pope's laws be so exempt from the king's laws, that they can be
no where sued but before their ordinary.

" Also the pope by his laws may give all bishoprics and benefices spiritual,
which by the laws of this realm can be given but only by the king and other
patrons of the same, except they fall into the lapse.

" By the pope's laws, jus patronatus shall be sued only before the eccle-
siastical judge ; but by the laws of this realm it shall be sued before the
temporal judges.

" And to be short, the laws of this realm do agree with the pope's laws
like fire and water. And yet the kings of this realm have provided for their
laws by the prcemunire : so that if any man have let the execution of the laws
of this realm by any authority from the see of Rome, he falleth into the
prcemunire. But, to meet with this, the popes have provided for their laws
by cursing. For whosoever letteth the pope's laws to have full course within
this realm, by the pope's power standeth accursed. So that the pope's power
treadeth all the laws and customs of this realm under his feet, cursing all that
execute them, until such time as they give place unto his laws

** These things, as I suppose, were not fully opened in the parliament
house, when the pope's authority was received again within this realm : for
if they had, I do not believe that either the king or queen's majesty, or the
nobles of this realm, or the commons of the same, would ever have consented
to receive again such a foreign authority, so injurious, hurtful, and prejudicial,
as well to the crown, as to the laws and customs, and state of this realm, as
whereby they must needs acknowledge themselves to be accursed. But none
could open his matter well but the clergy, and such of them as had read
the pope's laws, whereby the pope hath made himself as it were a god.
These seek to maintain the pope, whom they desired to have their chief head,
to the intent they might have as it were a kingdom and laws within them-
selves, distinct from the laws of the crown, and wherewith the crown may
not meddle ; and so, being exempt from the laws of this realm, they might
live in this realm like lords and kings without damage or fear of any man,
so that they please their high and supreme head at Rome. For this consi-
deration, I ween, some that knew the truth held their peace in the parliament;
whereas if they had done their dutie to the crown and whole realm, they
should have opened their mouths, declared the truth, and showed the perils
and dangers that might ensue to the mwn ami realm." ( 'over-dale's Letter*
of the Martyrs .- or Cranmer's Remain.*, vol. i. p :<7O — 3.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 223

more examples he alledged, which (he sayd) stirred him that hee
could not give his consent to the receiving of such an enemie into
the realm, so subverting the dignitie and ancient liberties of the
same.

" And as for the matter of heresie, and schisme, wherewith
hee was charged, he protested and called God to witnesse, that
hee knew none that he maintained. But if that were an heresie
to deny the popes authoritie, and the religion which the see of
Rome hath published to the world these latter yeares, then all
the ancient fathers of the primitive church, the apostles and
Christ himselfe taught heresie : and he desired all them present
to bear him witnesse, that he tooke the traditions and religion of
that usurping prelate to be most erroneous, false, and against the
doctrine of the whole Scripture, which hee had oftentimes well
prooved by writing; and the author of the same to be verie
antichrist, so often preached of by the apostles and prophetes, in
whom did most evidently concur al signes and tokens wherby he
was painted out to the world to be knowne.

" For it was most evident that he had advanced himselfe
above all emperours and kinges of the world, whome he affirmeth
to hold their states and empyres of him, as of their chiefe, and
to be at his commandement to depose and erect at his good will
and pleasure ; and that the stories make mention of his intoller-
able and insolent pride, and tyranny, used over them in such
sort, as no king would have used to his Christian subjectes, nor
yet a good maister to his servantes; setting his feete on the
emperours necke, affirming that to be verified in him, which was
spoken onely of our Savior Jesus Christ, in these words 4, Super
aspidem et basiliscum ambuldbis, et conculcabis leonem et draconem 5.
Other some had he made to hold his styrrop, others he had dis-
placed and remooved from their empires and seates royall : and
not content herewithall, more insolent then Lucifer, hath occu-
pied not onely the highest place in this world, above kings and
princes, but hath further presumed to sit in the seate of Almighty
God, which onely he reserved to himselfe, which is the conscience
of man : and for to keepe the possession thereof, he hath promised
forgivenesse of sins totiens quotiens.

4 In these words. ~\ See above, Inett, vol. i. p. 71.

5 Draconem.~] Ps. xci. 13, of the English version. Ps. xc. of the Latin
Vulgate.

l'L'4 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

" He hath brought in gods of his own framing, and invented a
new religion, full of gaine and lucre, quite contrary to the
doctrine of the holy Scripture, onely for the maintaining of his
kingdome, displacing Christ from his glory, and holding his
people in a miserable servitude of blindnesse, to the losse of a
great number of soules, which God at the latter day shall exact
at his hand ; boasting many times in his canons and decrees,
that he can dispense* Contra Petrum, contra Paulum, coitfr<t
vetus et novum Testamentum : and that hee, plenitudine potes1«f'i*.
tantum potest quantum Dem: that is, 4 Against Peter, against
Paule, against the Old and New Testament: and of the fulm-s
of power may doe as much as God." — O Lord, who ever heard
such blasphemie ? If there bee any man that can advance him-
selfe above Him, let him be judged antichrist.

"This enemie of God and of our redemption, is so evidently
painted out in the Scriptures by such manifest signes and tokens,
which all so cleerely appeare in him, that except a manne will
shut uppe his eyes and heart against the light, hee cannot but
knowe him : and therefore for my part I will never give my
consent to the receiving of him into this church of England.
And you my lord, and the rest that sit here in commission.
consider well and examine your owne consciences: you have
sworne against him, you are learned, and can judge of the truth.
I pray God you be not wilfully blinde. As for me, I have been -in
discharged mine owne conscience towarde the world, and I will
write also my mind 7 to her grace, touching this matter.

" The bishop of Rome is contrarie to God. and injurious to his
kwes: for God commanded all men to bee diligent in tin* know-
ledge of his law, and therefore hath appointed one holydny in the
week in the least, for the people to come to the church and h<-:nv
the word of God expounded unto them, and that they mi-_rht tin-
better understand it, to heare it in their mother tongue which
they know. The pope doth contrarie ; for he willed the ser\i<«
to be had in the Latine tongue, which they doe not understand.
< MM! would have it to be perceived : the pope will not. AVhon the
priest giveth thankes, God would that the people should doe so

8 He can dispense.'} Compare Sanderson, Dejuramertti obligatione, Prselect. 7,
sect. 3, p. 133—0

7 / will write also my mind.] This letter, which is long and very valuable,
may be found in Coverdale's letters of the Martyrs, p. 3—12, and in Cran-
mer's Remains, by Jenkyns. vol. i. p. 3C9.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 225

too, and God will have them to confesse altogether : — the pope
will not.

" Now as concerning the sacrament, I have taught no false
doctrine of the sacrament of the aultar. For if it canne be
proved by any doctor above a thousand yeares after Christ, that
Christes bodie is there reallie, I will give over. My book was
made seaven yeares agoe, and no man hath brought anye authors
against it. I beleeve that who so eateth and drinketh that
sacrament, Christ is within them, whole Christ, his nativitie,
passion, resurrection and ascension, but not that corporaltie that
sitteth in heaven.

" Now Christ commanded all to drinke of the cup : the pope
taketh it away from the lay men, and yet one saith, that if
Christ had dyed for the divell, that he should drinke thereof.
Christ biddeth us to obey the king. The bishop of Rome
biddeth us to obey him : therefore unlesse he bee antichrist, I
cannot tell what to make of him. Wherefore, if I should obey
him, I cannot obey Christ.

" Now I have declared why I cannot with my conscience obey
the pope. I speake not this for hatred I beare to him that sup-
plieth the roome, for I know him not. I pray God give him
grace not to follow his ancestors. Neither say I this for my
defence, but to declare my conscience for the zeale that I beare
to Gods word trodden under foote by the bishop of Home. I
cast feare apart ; for Christ saide to his apostles, that in the
latter dales they should suffer much sorrow, and be put to death
for his name sake : feare them not (saith he) but feare him which
when he hath killed the bodie, hath power to cast the soule into fire
everlasting. Also Christ saith : That hee that will live shall die,
and hee that loseth his life for my names sake, he shall finde it
againe. Moreover he said, Confesse me before men, and be not
affraide : if you doe so, I will stand with you : if you shrinke
from me, I will shrinke from you. This is a comfortable and a
terrible saying, this maketh mee to set all feare apart. I say
therefore the bishop of Rome treadeth under foote Gods lawes,
and the kings. And therefore say I, that hee* is neither true to
God, neither to the king, that first received the pope. But I
shall heartilie pray for such counsellours as may informe her the
truth : for the king and queene if they be well informed, will do
well."

VOL. III. ft

226 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Mart. "As you understand then, if they maintain*- the
supremacie of Rome, they cannot maintaine England too."

Cran. " I require you, to declare to the king and queene
what I have said, and how their othes do stand with the realms
and the pope. S. Gregory saith, hee that taketh uppon him to
be head of the universal! church, is worse than the antichrist.
If any man can shew me, that it is not against Gods word to
holde his styrop when hee taketh his horse, and kisse his feete
(as kings do) then will 1 kisse his feet also.

" And you for your part my lord are perjured, for now yee sit
judge for the pope, and yet you did receive your bishopricke of
the king 8. You have taken an othe to bee adversary to the
realme: for the popes lawes are contrary to the lawes of the
realme."

Glocester. " You were the cause that I did forsake the pope,
and did sweare that he ought not to be supreame heade, and
gave it to king Henry the eight, that he ought to bee it, and this
you made me to do."

Cranmer. "To this I answere," said hee, "you report mee
ill, and say not the truth, and I will proove it here before you all.
The truth is, that my predecessour bishoppe Wareham gave the
supremacie 9 to king Henry the eight, and said that he ought to

8 Of the king.~\ Professor Jenkyns has shown very successfully, that this
paragraph with its context contains several erroneous statements. (Cranmer's
Remains, vol. iv. p. 87, 8.) It is certain that Brokes was not D.D. till 1546,
nor bishop till 1554, and that he could not therefore receive his bishopric
*' from the king" (Henry VIII.), but did so from queen Mary: neither was
it possible, that "all this " which is told, was "in bishop Warham's time."
Yet it is not only highly probable, but morally certain, that Brokes did twice
swear to Henry's supremacy, and abjure that of the pope, namely in June
1545, when he took his B.D. degree, and in the same month of the following
year, when he took that of D.D. For the Act 28 Hen. VIII. chap. x. § 6.
requires that this shall be done " by all and every person which shall be pro-
moted or preferred to any degree of learning in any university within this
realm:" and to such testimonies of "consent," vouched also probably by
his " hand," Cranmer might, not without reason, appeal. The errors per-
haps need be attributed to no more serious cause than the imperfect hearing
of the narrator, and a misunderstanding of the order of events, or to some
blunder of the transcriber; and do not, I think, materially impugn the
general fidelity of this narrative.

9 Gave the supremacie.'] See Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 725. This was
on Feb. 11, 1530-1. The determinations of the universities, which did not

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 227

have it before the bishop of Rome, and that Gods word would
beare him. And upon the same was there sent to both the
universities of Oxford and Cambridge, to know what the word of
God would doe touching the supremacie, and it was reasoned
upon, and argued at length. So at the last both universities
agreed, and set to their seales, and sent it to king Henry the
eight, to the court, that he ought to be supreame head and not
the pope. Whereupon you were then doctour of divinitie at
that time, and your consent was thereunto, as by your hand doth
appeare. Therefore you misreport me, that I was the cause of
your falling away from the pope ; but it was your selfe. All this
was in bishop Warehams time, and whilst he was alive, so that it
was three quarters of a yeare after ere ever I had the bishopricke
of Canturbury in my hands, and before I might doe anie thing.
So that heere ye have reported of me, that which yee cannot
proove, which is evill done." All this while his cap was on his
head.

Gloc. " We come to examine you, and you, me think, examine
us.11

Doctor Stories Oration.

Story. " Pleaseth it your good lordship, because it hath
pleased the king and queenes majesties to appoint my companion
and me, to heare the examination of this man before your good
lordship, to give me leave somewhat to talke in that behalfe.
Although I know that in talke with heretikes there commeth
hurt to all men, for it wearyeth the stedfast, troubleth the doubt-
ful, and taketh in snare the weake and simple : yet because he
saith he is not bound to answere your lordship sitting for the
popes holinesse, because of a premunire, and the word of God, as
he tearmeth it, I thinke good somewhat to say, that all men may
see how he runneth out of his race of reason into the rage of com-
mon talke, such as heere I trust hath done much good. And as
the king and queenes majesties will be glad to hear of your most
charitable dealing with him, so wil they be weary to heare the
blundering of this stubborne heretike. And where he alledgeth
divinitie, mingling/#s nefasque together, he should not have beene

take place till the year 1534, are given in the same work, p. 771, and p. 775.
Warham died August 23, 1532, and Cranmer was consecrated March 30,
1533.

a 2

228 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

heard. For shall it be sufficient for him to alledge, the judge is
not competent ? Doe we not see that in the common law it is
not lawfull for a man in Westminster Hall to refuse his judge?
And shall we dispute contra eum qui negat principia ? Although
there bee heere a great companie of learned men, that know it
unmeete so to doe, yet have I heere a plaine canon, wherein he
declareth himselfe convicted ipso facto. The canon is this, l Sit
ergo ruinse suo dolore prostratus quisquis apostolicis voluerit con-
traire decretis, nee locum deinceps inter sacerdotes habeat, sed
exors a sancto fiat ministerio, nee de eo ejus judicio quisquam
posthac curam habeat, quin jam damnatus a sancta et apostolica
ecclesia sua inobedientia ac prsesumptione a quoquam esse non
dubitetur. Quin majoris excommunicationis dejectione est abji-
ciendus, cui sanctae ecclesise commissa fuerit disciplina, qui non
solum jussionibus prefatae sanctse ecclesiae parere debuit, sed
etiam aliis ne praeterirent insinuare. Sitque alienus a divinis et
pontificalibus officiis, qui noluerit prseceptis apostolicis obtem-
perare.1

" He hath alledged manie matters against the supremacie, but
malitiously. Ye say that the king in this realme is supreame
head of the church. Well syr, you will grant me that there was
a perfect catholike church, before any king was christned. Then
if it were a perfect church, it must needs have a head, which must
needs be before any king was member thereof: for you know Con-
stantinus was the first christened king that ever was. And
although you are bound (as saint Paule saith) to obey your rulers,
and kings have rule of the people, yet doth it not follow that they
have cure of soules ; for a fortiori, the head may doe that the
minister cannot doe : but the priest may consecrate and the kinu
cannot, therefore the king is not head.

" It was licensed by Christ to every man to bring into the
sheepefold, and to augment the flocke, but not to rule, for that
was onelie given to Peter.

" And where the apostles do call uppon men to obey their
princes, cui tributum, tributum, cui vectigal, vectigal ; they i
ceiving that men were bent to a kind of liberty and disobedience,
were enforced to exhorte them to obedience and ]>aim<>nt of
their tribute, which exhortation extendeth onelie to tonij.orall
matters.

" And arjaiiu'. whore you say that the bishop of Rome maketh

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 229

lawes contrary to the lawes of the realme, that is not true, for
this is a maxime in the lawe : Quod in particular^ eoocipitur, non
facit universale falsum.

" Now as touching that monstrous talke of your conscience,
that is no conscience that ye professe ; it is but privata scientia,
electio and secta. And as yet for all your glorious babble, you have
not prooved by Gods lawes that ye ought not to answer the popes
holinesse.

" The canons which be received of all Christendome compell
you to answer e, therefore you are bound so to do. And althogh
this realme of late time, through such schismatiks as you were,
have exiled and banished the canons, yet that cannot make for
you. For you know your selfe, that Par in parem, nee pars in
totum aliquid statuere potest. Wherefore this ile being in deed
but a member of the whole, could not determine against the
whole. That notwithstanding, the same lawes, being put away
by a parliament, are now received againe by a parliament, and
have as full authoritie now as they had then, and they will now
that yee answere the popes holinesse : therefore by the lawes of
this realme yee are bound to answere him. Wherefore my good
lord, all that this Thomas Cranmer (I cannot otherwise tearme
him considering his disobedience) hath brought for his defence,
shall nothing prevaile with you nor take any effect. Require him
therefore to answere directlie to your good lordshippe : commande
him to set aside his trifles, and to bee obedient to the lawes and
ordinances of this realme. Take witnesse heere of his stubborn
contempt against the king and queenes majesties, and compel
him to answere directlie to such articles, as wee shall heere lay
against him, and in refusall, that your good lordship will excom-
municate him."

As soone as doctor Story had thus ended his tale, beginneth
doctor Martin again to enter speech with the archbishop : which
talke I thought heere likewise not to lette passe, althogh the
report of the same be such, as the author thereof seemeth in his
writing verye partiall : for as he expresseth the speech of doctor
Martin at full, and to the uttermoste of his diligence, leaving out
nothing in that part, that either was or could bee saide more ; so
againe on the other part, how rawe and weak he leaveth the mat-
ter, it is easie to perceive, who neither comprehendeth all that
doctour Cranmer againe answered for his defence, nor yet in those
short speeches which he expresseth, seemeth to discharge the

'230 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

part of a sincere and faithfull reporter. Notwithstanding such
as it is, I thought good the reader to understand, who in
perusing the same, may use therin his own judgment and con-
sideration.

Talke between D. Martin and the archlishop.

" Maister Cranmer, ye have told here a long glorious tale pre-
tending some matter of conscience in appearance, but in veritie
you have no conscience at all. You say that you have sworne
once to king Henry the eight against the popes jurisdiction, and
therefore you may never forsweare the same, and so ye make a
great matter of conscience in the breach of the saide othe. Heere
will I ask you a question or two. What if ye made an ot In-
to an harlot to live with her in continuall adulterie, ought you to
keepeit?"

Cran. " I thinke no."

Mar. " What if you did sweare never to lend a poore man
one penny, ought you to keepe it ?"

Cran. " I thinke not."

Martin. " Herod did sweare whatsoever his harlot asked of
him hee would give her, and he gave her John Baptists head : did
he well, in keeping his othe ?"

Cran. " I thinke not."

Martin. " Jepthe one of the judges of Israeli did sweare unto
God, that if he would give him victory over his enemies, he wold
offer unto God the first soule that came forth of his house : it hap-
pened that his owne daughter came first, and he slue her to save
his othe. Did he welir

Cran. " I thinke not."

Mart. "So saith S. Ambrose de officiis, it is a miserable
necessitie, which is paid with parricide. Then master Cranmer,
you can no lesse confesse by the premises but that you ought not
to have conscience of every othe, but if it be just, lawt'ull. and
advisedlie taken?"

( ran. " So was that othe."

Mart. -'That is not so; for first it was not just, for it
trnd»'d to tin- taking away of another mans ri^lit. It was not
lawfull. for the lawes of (•«»<! ai.d tin- church \\viv against it.
l><--idi •-. it was not voluntary, for every man and woman I
compelled to tak< it '."

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 231

Cran. " It pleaseth you to say so."

Mart. " Let all the world be judge. But sir, you that pre-
tend to have such a conscience to breake an oath, I pray you did
you never sweare and breake the same 2"

Cran. " I remember not."

Mart. " I will helpe your memorie. Did you never swear
obedience to the sea of Rome?"

Cran. " Indeed I did once sweare unto the same."

Mart. " Yea that ye did twise, as appeareth by recordes and
writings heere readie to be shewed."

Cran. " But, I remember 1 saved all by protestation l that I
made by the counsaile of the best learned men I could get at that
time."

Mart. " Hearken good people what this man saith. Hee
made a protestation one day, to keepe never a whit of that which
hee would sweare the next day : was this the part of a Christian
man ? If a Christian man would bargaine with a Turke, and
before he maketh his bargaine solemnlie, before witnesse, readeth
in his paper that he holdeth secretlie in his hand, or peradventure
protesteth before one or two, that hee mindeth not to performe
whatsoever hee shall promise to the Turke ; I say, if a Christian
man would serve a Turk in this maner, that the Christian man
were worse than the Turke. What would you then say to this
man that made a solemne othe and promise unto God and his
church, and made a protestation before quite contrary 2"

Cran. " That which I did, I did by the best learned mens
advise I could get at that time."

Mart. " I protest before all the learned men heere, that there
is no learning will save your perjury herein : for there bee two
rules of the civill lawe cleane contrary against you," and so brought
forth his rules, which being done, he proceeded further. " But
will you have the truth of the matter 1 King Henrie the eight
even then meant the lamentable change which after you see came
to passe : and to further his pittifull proceedings from the divorce-
ment of his most lawfull wife, to the detestable departing from
the blessed unity of Christes church, this man made the foresaid
protestation : and on the other side, he letted not to make two
solemne oathes quite contrarye, and why 2 for otherwise by the

1 By protestation.] Given in Strype's Cranmer, Records, No. v. book i.
Wilkins's Concilia, vol. hi. p. 757, &c. &c.

232 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

lavves and canons of this realme, hee could not aspire to the arch-
bishoprick of Canturbury."

Cran. " I protest before you all, there was never man came
more unwilling to a bishopricke, than I did to that. In so much
that when king Henry did send for me in poste, that I should
come over, I prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the
least, thinking that he would be forgetfull of me in the meane
time."

Mart. " You declare well by the way, that the king took you
to be a man of good conscience, who could not finde within all
his realme any man that would set forth his strange attempts,
but was inforced to send for you in poste to come out of Germany.
What may we conjecture hereby, but that there was a compact
between you beeing then queene Annes chaplein, and the king :
give me the archbishopricke of Canturburie, and I will give you
licence to live in adulterie."

Cran. " You say not true."

Mart. " Let your protestation, joyned with the rest of your
talke, give judgment. Hinc prima mail lobes. Of that your
execrable perjury, and his coloured and too shamefullie suffered
adultery, came heresie and all mischiefe to this realme.

u And thus have I spoken as touching the conscience you niak«-
for breaking your hereticall othe made to the king. But to break
your former othe made at two sundrie times both to God and his
church, you have no conscience at all.

"And now to answere an other part of your oration, wherein
you bring in Gods word, that you have it on your side and no
man else, and that the pope hath devised a new scripture contrary
to the Scriptures of God : yee play herein as the Pharisies did,
which cryed alwaies, Verbum Domini, verbum Domini , 'the word
of the Lord, the word of the Lord/ when they meant nothing so.
This bettereth not your cause, because you say you have Gods
word for you; for so Basilides and Photinus the hereticks said,
that they had Gods word to maintaine their heresie. So K<
rins. MJ Macedonius, so Pelagius, and briefly, all the IK K tik. >
that ever were, pretended that they had (nxls word fur tin -in ;
yea and so the dm-11 IM-I'M^ tin- father of hen-si, s. all« ad-vd (ind*
word for him. saving : NV///////I est, 4 It i> written :" So said he to
Christ, Mitt* te deorsum, 'Cast thy selfe downward." which you
applied most falsely against the pope. But if you marko the
divrls language well, it agreed with your proceedings most truely.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 233

For mitte te deorsum, ' Cast thy selfe downward,1 said hee, and so
taught you to cast all things downeward. Down with the sacra-
ment, downe with the masse, downe with the aultars, downe with
the armes of Christ, and up with a lyon and a dog 2, downe with
the abbeys, downe with chauntreys, downe with hospitals and
colledges, downe with fasting, and prayer, yea downe with all that
good and godly is. All your proceedings and preachings tended
to no other, but to fulfill the devils request, Mitte te deorsum.
And therefore tell not us that you have Gods word. For God
hath given us by his word, a marke to know that your teaching
proceeded not of God, but of the divell, and that your doctrine

2 And a dog.~\ Martin here refers to the taking down of the roods and
rood-lofts in churches, and to the fixing up of the king's arms in their room,
of which the supporters were, temp. Henry VIII. a lion and a greyhound.
(Henry however changed these sometimes.) "The rood was an image of
Christ upon the cross, made generally of wood, and placed on a loft made
for that purpose, just over the passage out of the church into the chancel;
out of this mystery, they say, that the church represents the church militant,
and the chancel the church triumphant ; and those which will pass out of the
former into the latter, must go under the rood-loft, that is, they must go
under the cross, and suffer affliction. This rood was not compleat without
the images of the Virgin Mary and St. John, one of them standing on the
one side, and the other on the other side of the image of Christ; in allusion
to that of St. John in the gospel, Jesus (on the cross) saw his mother, and
the disciple standing by whom he loved. These images were also sometimes
placed without over the entrance into the church : but the places now wher-
ever they stood before, are possessed and filled up generally with the kino's
arms. These holy roods were of great esteem, and many miracles pretended
to have been done at, and by them." Stavely's History of Churches in Eng-
land, p. 199- The removal of these images, which was occasioned by the
manifold superstitions to which they were instrumental, gave great offence
to the patrons of the old religion : and now, in the reign of queen Mary,
when popery was in the midst of her drunken, unruly, and sanguinary
triumph, her partizans did not scruple to set all truth and reason at de-
fiance, by speaking of this salutary measure in such terms as the following :
" If a man shuld entre into a churche whiche is as it were Goddes palaise
in earth, and there plucke downe violentlye Christes owne image, and eyther
breake it, or burne it, and sette up the kinges armes in stede thereof, because he
woulde make him a God (as Caius the emperoure did in the holy temple of
Hierusalem, where he caused his own image to be set up, and would be
called a God, and that the temple there shulde be named the temple of the
goodly newe Juppiter Caius), I beleeve, that no good christen man woulde
judge hym to be Christes frende, but a wretched heretike, and an arrende
traytoure both to our Saviour Jesus Christ, and also to hys blessed spouse
the catholyke churche." Christopherson Against Rebellion. Signat. U. 2.
1554.

234 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

came not of Christ, but of antichrist. For Christ foresaid, there
should come against his church, ravening wolves, and false apos-
tles. But how should wee know them? Christ teacheth us,
saying, By their fruites ye shall knowe them. Why, what be their
fruites? Saint Paule declareth, After the flesh they walke in con-
cupiscence, and uncleannesse ; they contemne potestates. Againe :
In the latter daies there shall be perillous times. Then shal tliere
be men loving themselves, covetous, proude, disobedient to parents,
treasonworkers. Whether these be not the fruites of your gospel 1.
I referre me to this worshipfull audience : whether the said gos-
pell beganne not with perjurie, proceeded with adulterie, N\;I-
maintained with heresie, and ended in conspiracy.

" Now sir, two points more I marked in your raging discourse
that you made heere: the one against the holie sacrament; tin-
other against the popes jurisdiction, and the authoritie of the sea
apostolicke.

" Touching the first, ye say you have Gods word with you,
yea and all the doctors. I would heere aske but one question of
you : whether Gods word be contrary to it selfe, and whether the
doctors teach doctrine contrary to themselves, or no \ For you
master Cranmer, have taught in this high sacrament of the aultar
three contrary doctrines, and yet you pretended in every one,
verbum Domini"

Cran. "Nay, I taught but two contrarye doctrines* in the
same."

Mart. " What doctrine taught you when you condemned Lam-
bert the sacramentary in the kings presence in Whitehall '."

Cran. " I maintained then the papists doctrine."

8 Two contrarye doctrines.] Upon no better authority than the calumnies
of liis adversaries, and the slight presumptions arising from his early fami-
liarity with (ierrnans, and his translating the Latin catechism of Justus
Jonas, it has been affirmed by the protestant historians, Fox, p. 1115, Burnet,
vol. i. p. -J 11, &<•., Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, p. 123, 39(3, &c. from whose
hands the same error has been received by very many modern writers, that
( 'ramner once maintained the Lutheran doctrine of the sacrament.

It is fit I should now state (A. D. 1833), that since the above note was
written, the question of Cranmer's Lutheranism has been largely considered
by professor Jenkyns in his edition of Cranmer's Remains, vol. i. p. Ixxiv —
Ixxvi. and vol. iv. {)"> — 7, and that he inclines strongly to the opinion that, at
one time, Cranmer did hold the Lutheran sentiments : the subject is treated
with the ability and learning which might be expected from the exc<
\\riur. Still, I am obliged to confess, that, for myself, I am not convinced.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 235

Mart. " That is to say, the catholike and universall doctrine
of Christs church. And how when king Henry died ? did you
not translate Justus Jonas booke ?"

Gran. " I did so V

Mart. " Then there you defended another doctrine touching
the sacrament, by the same token, that you sent to Lynne your
printer, that whereas in the first print there was an affirmative,
that is to say, Christs bodie really in the sacrament, you sent
then to your printer to put in a not^ wherby it came miraculously
to passe, that Christs bodie was cleane conveyed out of the sacra-
ment."

Gran. u I remember there was two printers of my said booke,
but where the same not was put in, I cannot tell."

Mart. " Then from a Lutherane, ye became a Swinglian 5,
which is the vilest heresie of all in the high misterie of the sacra-
ment, and for the same heresie you did helpe to burne Lambert
the sacramentary, which you now call the catholike faith, and
God's word."

Cran. " I grant that then I beleeved otherwise than I doe
now, and so I did, untill my lord of London, doctor Ridley, did
conferre with mee, and by sundry perswasions and authorities of
doctors drew me quite from my opinion."

Mart. " Now sir as touching the last part of your oration, you
denied that the pope's holinesse was supreme head of the church
of Christ."

4 I did so.'] See p. 20, note.

5 Swinglian.'] Zuinglian. Barlow, in his Dialogue against the Lutheran
Faction, thus defines their various opinions on the sacrament. " After this
fell a dissention betwene Martin Luther and Carolostadius [A. R. Bodenstein],
aboute the sacramente of the aulter. For Carolostadius denyeth in it the bodelye
presence of Christe, affirmynge that when he spake these words, Hoc est corpus
meum, he ment them of his owne corporall bodye, and not of the sacrament :
whereas M.Luther holdeth the contrarye." Signat. C. 6. b. Again, speaking
of Carolostadius and Zuinglius, he tells us, that they agreed in their doctrine
of the Eucharist, " savynge in this poynte they differed ; whereas Carolostadius
sayd that our Saveour Chreyst spekying these words, Hoc est corpus meum,
meaned his corporall presence there syttinge with his disciples at the table, and
not in forme of bread ; Zuinglius affyrmed that they were not to be under-
standed lytterallye, but by a figure of interpretation, so that est was taken for
significat, and these wordes of Chryste, thys is my bodye, were as muche to
saye, as, This signify eth my body." Signat. C. 8. These extracts will be
valued as illustrative of the literary history of these much celebrated inter-
pretations.

236 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Cran. " I did so."

Mart. " Who say you then is supreame head 2"

Cran. "Christ."

Mart. " But whome hath Christ left heere in earth his vicar
and head of his church?"

Cran. " No bodie."

Mart. "Ah, why tolde you not king Henry this when you
made him supreame head ? and now no body is. This is treason
against his owne person, as you then made him."

Cran. " I meane not but every king in his owne realme and
dominion is supreame head, and so was hee supreame head of the
church of Christ in England."

Mart. " Is this alwaies true ? and was it ever so in Christs
church?"

Cran. " It was."

Mart. "Then what say you by Nero? he was the mightiest
prince of the earth after Christe was ascended : was he head of
Christs church?"

Cran. " Nero was Peter's head."

Mart. " I aske whether Nero was head of the church or no ?
if he were not, it is false that you said before, that all princes be,
and ever were heads of the church within their realmes."

Cran. " Nay, it is true ; for Nero was head of the church,
that is, in worldlie respect of the temporall bodies of men, of
whome the church consisteth : for so hee beheaded Peter and
the apostles. And the Turke too is head of the churcli in
Turkey."

Mart. "Then he that beheaded the heads of the church, and
crucified the apostles, was head of Christs church ; and he that
was never member of the church, is head of the church, by your
new found understanding of Gods word."

It is not to be supposed contrary, but much other matter passed
in this communication between them, especially on the arch-
bishops behalfe, whose answers I doe not thinke to bee so slender,
nor alti»g«'thiT in the same forme of words framed, if the truth, as
it was, might be knownc: but so it pleased the notary thereof,
being too much partiallie addicted to his mother sea of Rome in
favour of his faction, to diminish and drive dmvm- tin- other
either in not sin-wing all. or in reporting the thing ntlier\\i>e than
it was: as the common guise is of moste writer.-, to what side

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 237

their affection moste wayeth, their oration commonlie inclineth. —
But let us proceede further in the story of this matter.

" It followed then (saith this reporter) when the archbishoppe
thus had answered, and the standers by began to murmure against
him, the judges not content with his answeres, willed him to
answere directly to the interrogatories: which interrogatories
articulated against him in forme of lawe, were these under fol-
lowing."

Interrogatories objected to the archbishop, with his answers annexed

to the same.

1. First was objected, that he the foresaid Thomas Cranmer,
being yet free, and before he entred into holie orders, maried
one Joane surnamed blacke or browne, dwelling at the signe of
the Dolphin in Cambridge.

Answere. Whereunto he answered, that whether she was
called black or browne, he knew not, but that he married there
one Joane, that he granted.

2. That after the death of the foresaid wife, hee entered into
holy orders, and after that was made archbishoppe by the pope.

Auns. He received (he said) a certaine bull of the pope,
which he delivered unto the king, and was archbishop by him.

3. Item, that hee being in holy orders, maried an other woman
as his second wife, named Anne 6, and so was twise married.

Answ. To this he granted.

4. Item, in the time of king Henry the eight, he kept the
said wife secretlie, and had children by her.

Ans. Heereunto hee also granted : affirming that it was better
for him to have his owne, than to doe like other priestes, holding
and keeping other mens wives.

5. Item, in the time of king Edward, he brought out the said
wife openly, affirming and professing publikelie the same to bee
his wife.

Ans. He denyed not but he so did, and lawfully might doe the
same, for as much as the lawes of the realme did so permit him.

6. Item, that he shamed not openlie to glorie himselfe to have
had his wife in secret manie yeares.

6 Anne.~] Niece of Osiander, see p. 171.

238 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Ans. And though he so did (he said) there was no cause why
he should be ashamed thereof.

7. Item, that the said Thomas Cranmer falling afterward into
the deepe bottome of errours, did fly and recuse the authority of
the church, did hold and follow the heresie concerning the sacra-
ment of the aultar, and also did compile, and caused to bee set
abroad divers bookes.

Auns. Whereunto when the names of the bookes were recited
to him, he denyed not such bookes which he was the true author
of. As touching the treatise 7 of Peter Martyr, upon the sacra-
ment, hee denyed that he ever saw it before it was abroad, yet
did approve and well like of the same. As for the catechisme,
the booke of articles, with the other book against Winchester,
hee granted the same to bee his doings 8.

8. Item, That he compelled many against their willes to sub-
scribe to the same articles.

Ans. He exhorted (he said) such as were willing to subscribe :
but against their willes he compelled none.

9. Item, for so much as hee surceased not to perpetrate enorme
and inordinate crimes, hee was therefore cast into the Tower,
and from thence was brought to Oxford, at what time it was
commonly thought that the parliament there should be hnldrn.

Auns. To this he said, that hee knew no such enorme and
inordinate crimes, that ever he committed.

10. Item, that in the said citie of Oxford, he did openly
maintaine his heresie, and there was convicted upon the same.

Ans. Hee defended (he said) there the cause of the sacrament,
but to be convicted in the same that he denyed.

7 The treatise.'] See p. 194, note.

9 His doings.] Upon this interrogatory it is material to insert the precise
words which were reported to the cardinal de Puteo (see p. 256, n. infra) by
bishop Brookes in his official dispatch forwarded to Rome.

"Ad septimum fatetur se edidisse librum in hac parte exhibitum, et
in articulo mentionatum, vocatum, A Defence of the true and Catholyke
Feithe, &c. et negat se nliiii-ssr librum in eodem articulo etiam mentionatum,
vocatum, A Discourse nf Peter Marlir, &c. et quoad tertium librum, vocatum.
A Discourse of the Lardcs Su^per, &c. negat se ilium edidisse, tamen credit
quod hujusmodi liber cst bonus et ratbolicus : et quoad catechismum et arti-
culos in eodem fatetur se aclhibuisse ejus consilium circa editionem ejusdem ;
et quoad librum vocatum, An Answer of the moste Reverende Father in <
&c. fatetur se edidisse illam partem ejusdem libri qu;r continet ejus responsa
ad librum etlitum per reverendum piitreru Wmtnniensein BptMOfKlin."
bcth MSS. No. i MI>. p. 7.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 239

1 1 . Item, when he persevered still in the same, hee was by the
publike censure of the university, pronounced an heretike, and his
books to be hereticall.

Auns. That he was so denounced, hee denyed not : but that
hee was an heretike, or his bookes hereticall, that he denyed.

12. Item, that hee was and is notoriously infamed with the
note of schisme, as who not onlie himselfe receded from the
catholike church and sea of Rome, but also mooved the king and
subjects of this realme to the same.

Ans. As touching the receding, that hee well granted : but
that receding or departing (said he) was onlie from the sea of
Rome, and had in it no matter of any schisme.

13. Item, that he had beene twise sworne to the pope: and
withall doctor Martin brought out the instrument of the publike
notary, wherein was contained his protestation made when he
should bee consecrated, asking if hee had anie thing else pro-
tested.

Auns. Whereunto he answered, that he did nothing but by the
lawes of the realme.

1 4. Item, that hee the said archbishop of Canturbury did not
onelie offend in the premisses, but also in taking upon him the
authoritie of the sea of Rome, in that without leave or licence
from the said sea, hee consecrated bishops and priests.

Auns. He granted, that hee did execute such things as were
wont to be referred to the pope, at what time it was permitted
to him by the publike lawes and determination of the realme.

15. Item, that when the whole realme had subscribed to the
authority of the pope, he onely still persisteth in his errour.

Auns. That he did not admit the popes authority, hee con-
fessed to be true. But that he erred in the same, that he denyed.

16. Item, that all and singular the premisses be true.

Auns. That likewise he granted, excepting those things where-
unto he had now answered.

Thus they proceeded to examine him of these divers articles,
whereof the chiefe was : That at the time of his creating arch-
bishop of Canturbury, he was sworne to the pope, and had his
institution and induction from him, and promised to maintain
then the authoritie of that see, and therefore was perjured :
wherefore he should rather sticke to his first othe, and returne to
his olde folde againe, then to continue obstinately in an othe forced
in the time of schisme.

240 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

To that he answered, saving his protestation (which tearme he
used before all his answeres) that at such time as archbishop
Warham died, he was ambassador in Germanie for the king, who
sent for him thereupon home, and having intelligence by some of
his friendes (who were neare about the king) how hee meant to
bestow the same bishopricke upon him, and therefore counselled
him in that case to make haste home, hee feeling in himselfe a
great inability to such a promotion, and very sorie to leave his
study, and especially considering by what meanes he must have
it, which was cleane against his conscience, which he could not
utter without great perill and danger, devised an excuse to the
king of matter of great importance, for the which his longer
abode there should be most necessarie, thinking by that means in
his absence, that the king would have bestowed it upon some
other, and so remained there by that devise, one halfe yeare after
the king had written for him to come home. But after that no
such matter fell out, as hee seemed to make suspicion of, the
king sent for him againe. Who after his returne, understanding
still the archbishopricke to be reserved for him, made meanes
by divers of his best friendes, to shift it off, desiring rather some
smaller living, that he might more quietly follow his booke.

To be briefe, when the king himself spake with him, declaring
his full intention, for his service sake, and for the good opinion
he conceived of him, was to bestowe that dignitie uppon him, after
long disabling of himselfe, perceiving hee could by no perswasions
alter the kings determination, he brake frankly his conscience
with him, most humbly craving first his graces pardon, for that
he should declare unto his highnes. Which obtained, he declared,
that if he accepted the office, then he must receive it at the
popes hand, which he neither would nor could doe, for that his
highnesse was onely the supreame governour of this church of
England, as well in causes ecclesiasticall as temporall, and that
the full right and donation of all maner of bishopricks and
benefices, as well as of any other temporall dignities, and pro-
motions, appertained to his grace, and not to any other forraine
authority. \\hatsoever it was, and therefore if he might serve
God in that vocation, him, and his country, seeing it was his
pleasure ^> to have it, he would accept it, and receive it of his
majestic, and of none other stranger, who had no authoritie
within this reahne. neither in any such ejf't. nor in any other
thin"-. •• Whereat the Kiiiur." >ai«l lie. •• ^tayinir a while and

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 241

musing, asked me how I was able to proove it. At which time I
alledged many textes out of the Scriptures, and the Fathers also^
approoving the supreme and highest authority of kings in their
realms and dominions, disclosing therewithall the intolerable
usurpation of the pope of Rome."

" Afterwards it pleased his highnes" (quoth the archbishop)
" many and sundry times to talke with me of it, and perceiving
that I could not be brought to acknowledge the authoritie of the
bishop of Rome, the king himselfe called doctor Oliver, and other
civill lawyers, and devised with them how he might bestow it
upon me, inforcing me nothing against my conscience. Who
thereupon informed him, that I might doe it by the way of pro-
testation, and so one to be sent to Rome, who might take the
othe, and doe every thing in my name. Which when I under-
stood, I sayd, he should doe it Super animam suam : and I
indeed bond fide made my protestation, that I did not acknow-
ledge his authoritie anie further, then as it agreede with the
expresse word of GOD, and that it might bee lawfull for mee at
all times to speake against him, and to impugne his errours,
when time and occasion should serve mee. And this my pro-
testation did I cause to bee inrolled, and there I thinke it
remaineth."

Then both the doctors 9 confessed it to be true that his protes-
tation was enrolled, but said it was a mere fraud of him. Then
the bishop Cranmer asked them what he could do more in the
case, who thereunto made him no answer at all. Many marvelled
at this declaration of his, that so long ago, in so perillous a time,
he had so sincerely proceeded ; and that even then, when he most
might have advanced himself to honour and rule, which things
chiefly men desire in this world, he chose rather to venture the
loss of his life and all this glorious pomp, than to do any thing,
for ambition sake, that might once spot and distain his conscience.
They charged him further, that he had conspired with the duke
of Northumberland for the disinheriting of the queen. Where-
unto he made answer as is contained in his letter written unto
the queen.

They objected to him also that he was maried l : which he con-

9 Both the doctors.'] I gladly avail myself of the example of professor
Jenkyns (Cranmer's Remains, vol. iv. p. 116), to restore here an important
paragraph, which he obtained from Fox's 1st edit. A.D. 1563.

1 That he was maried.'] " Nowe yf Boniface archbishop of Canterburie had
VOL. III. R

242 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

d. Whereupon doctor Martin said, that his children were
bondmen to the see of Canturbury. At which saying the arch
bishop smiled, and asked him if a priest at his benefice kept a con-
cubine, and had by her bastards, whether they were bondem
the benefice or no, saying, " I trust you will make my children*
causes no worse."

After this doctor Martine demanded of him who was supivanie
head of the church of England 2 " Mary," quoth my lord of ( 'an-
turburie, "Christ is head of this member, as hee is of the whole
body of the universal church." "Why," quoth doctor Martin.
" you made king Henry the eight supreme head of the church."
" Yea," said the archbishop, " of all the people of England, as
well ecclesiasticall, as temporall." "And not of the church,"
saydo Martin? " No," said he, "for Christ is onely head of his
church, and of the faith and religion of the same. The kinu is
head and governour of his people, which are the visible church."
" What," quoth Martin, " you never durst tell the king so." " Yes,
that I durst," quoth hee, " and did, and in the publication of his
stile, wherein hee was named supream head of the church, there
was never other thing meant." A number of other fonde and
foolish objections were made, with repetition wherof I thought not
to trouble the reader.

After he had thus answered to the objections aforesaid, and
the publike notary had entred the same, the judges and commis-
sioners, as having now accomplished that wherefore they came.
were about to rise and depart : but the bishop of Glocestcr, think-
ing it not the best so to dismisse the people, being somewhat
stirred with the words of the archbishop, began in his oration
in the hearing of the people, thus to declaime.

The oration of bishop Brookes, in closing up this examination against
doctor Cranmer archbishop of Canturbury.

" Master Cranmer (I cannot otherwise tearme you, consider

a wyfe ; Richarde bishop of Chichester had a wyfe ; yf Galfride bishop of
Kly was avouched before the pope hymselfe to have maryed a wife ; yf K
of Lincolne had his sonne, besydes other that stories make mention of since
the conquest : as of archdeacons and priestes, munkes and nunnes, by the
popes dispensations, innumerable; howe unadvised be they which write
checkyngly, that of all the bishoppes that ever were in Englande, none were
maryed before Cranmer? Is nothyng to be proved by storie true, but .swh
as they list to agree unto, or have read ?" Archbishop Parker in Defence of
Priests' Marriages, p. 331

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 243

ing your obstinacie) I am right sorrie, I am right hartily sory to
heare such words escape your mouth so unadviselie. I had con-
ceived a right good hope of your amendment. I supposed that
this obstinacie of yours came not of a vaine-glorie, but rather of a
corrupt conscience, which was the occasion that I hoped so well
of your returne. But now I perceive by your foolish babble, that
it is farre otherwise. Ye are so puffed up with vain-glorie, there
is such a cauteria of heresie crept into your conscience, that I am
cleane voide of hope, and my hope is turned into perdition. Who
can save that will bee lost ? God would have you to be saved, and
you refuse it. Thy perdition is onelie upon thy selfe, 0 Israel :
onelie in me is thy salvation, saith the Lord by his prophet. You
have uttered so erroneous talke, with such open malice against
the popes holinesse, with such open lying against the church of
Rome, with such open blasphemy against the sacrament of the
aultar, that no mouth could have expressed more malitiously, more
lyingly, more blasphemously.

" To reason with you, although I would of my selfe to satisfie
this audience, yet may I not by our commission, neither can I
finde how I may doe it with the Scriptures : for the apostle cloth
command that such a one should not onelie not be talked withall,
but also shunned and avoided, saying, An Jiereticall person after
once or twise conferring, shunne, knowing that he is perverse and
sinneth, being of his owne judgement condemned. Ye have beene
conferred withall not once or twise, but oftentimes ; yee have oft
beene lovinglie admonished, yee have beene oft secretly disputed
with. And the last yeare in the open schoole, in open disputa-
tions, ye have been openly convict, ye have beene openly driven
out of the schoole with hisses. Your booke which ye brag you
made seven yeares ago, and no man answered it, Marcus Anto-
nius 2 hath sufficientlie detected and confuted, and yet yee persist
still in your wonted heresie.

" Wherefore being so oft admonished, conferred withall, and
convicted, if ye deny you to be the man whome the apostle noteth,
heare then what Origen saith, who wrote above 1 300 yeares agoe :
and interpreteth the saying of the apostle in this wise (in Apologia
Pamphili 3), Ha?reticus est omnis ille habendus, qui Christo se credere

2 Marcus Antonius.'] Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester. See Jen-
kyns' Cranmer, pref. p. xcvii. and vol. iii. p. 25. See also pp. 26, 193, of
this volume.

3 In Apologia Pamphili.'] Pamphilus of Berytus, who was martyred in the

R 2

244 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

profitetur, et aliter de Christ i veritate sentit quam se habet ecclesias-
tica traditio. Even now ye professed a kind of Christianitie and
holines unto us, for at your beginning you fell downe upon your
knees, and sayde the Lords prayer (God wote like an hypocrite)
and then standing uppon your feete, you rehearsed the articles of
your faith ; but to what ende I pray you else, but to cloke that
inwarde heresie rooted in you, that you might blinde the poore,
simple, and unlearned peoples eyes ? For what will they say or
thinke, if they doe not thus say ? Good Lord, what meaneth these
men to say that he is an heretike : they are deceived, this is a
good Christian, hee beleeveth as we beleeve.

" But is this sufficient to escape the name of an heretike ? To
the simple and unlearned it is sufficient, but for you that have
professed a greater knowledge and higher doctrine, it is not enough
to recite your beleefe. For unlesse (as Origen saieth) yee beleeve
all things that the church hath decreede besides, you are no
Christian man. In the which because you doe halte and will
come to no confonnitie ; from hence-forth ye are to bee taken
for an hereticke, with whome we ought neither to dispute
neither to reason, whome wee ought rather to eschewe and
avoide.

" Nevertheles, although I doe not intend to reason with you,
but to give you up as an abject and outcast from Gods favour, yet
because ye have uttered to the annoying of the people, such pes-
tilent heresies as may doe harme among some rude and unlearnt-d.
I thinke meet and not abs re^ somewhat to say herein : not because
I hope to have any good at your hands, which I would willingly
wish, but that I may establish the simple people which be h»-iv
present, least they being seduced by your diabolicall doctrine, may
perish thereby.

"And first, (as it behooveth every man to purge liiinscH'c first
before he enter with any other,) where you accuse me of an othe
made against the bishop of Rome, I confesse it, and deny it not,
and therefore doe say with the rest of this rcalmr. ^ood and
catholike men, the saying of the prophet, We have sinned with our
fathers : we have done unjustly, and wickedly. The sinnes of my

year 307, wrote an Apology for Origen in five books, to which Eusebius added
a sixth. Nothing remains beyond a Latin version by Rufinus of the first
book, printed with some editions of Origen and also of St. Jerome, and a
few fragments of the other books preserved by 1'hntius.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 245

youth, and my ignorances, 0 Lord doe not remember. I was then
a yong man, and as yong a scholler here in the universitie.

" I knew not then what an othe did meane, and yet to saie the
truth, I didde it compulsed; compulsed I say by you maister
Cranmer, and here were you the author and cause of my perjurie :
you are to be blamed herein, and not I. Now where you say I
made two othes, the one contrary to the other, it is not so, for the
othe I made to the popes holinesse, appertaineth only to spirituall
things. The other othe that I made to the king, pertaineth onely
to temporall thinges : that is to say, that I doe acknowledge all
my temporall livinges to proceede onely from the king and from
none else. But all men may see, as you agree in this, so ye
agree in the rest of your opinions.

" Now sir, as concerning the supremacie which is onelie
due to the see of Rome, a word or two. Although there be
a number of places which doe confirme that Christ appointed
Peter head of the church, yet this is a most evident place.
When Christ demanded of his apostles whom men called him ;
they aunswered, some Elias, some a prophet, &c. But Christ
replied unto Peter, and saide : Whom sayest thou Peter that I am ?
Peter answered, Tu es Christus filius Dei, and Christ replied,
Tu es Petrus, et super hancpetram cedificabo ecclesiam meam. The
doctors interpreting this place, super hanc petram, expounded it,
Id est, non solum super fidem Petri, sed super te, Petre. And why
did Christ change his name from Simon to Peter, which in Latine
is a stone, but onely to declare that hee was onely the foundation
and head of the church !

" Againe, where Christ demanded of Peter being amongst the
rest of his apostles, three times a rew 4. Petre amas me, he gave
him charge over his sheep, Pasce oves meas 5, pasce agnos meos.
Which place Chrysostome interpreting saith, Pasce, hoc est, loco
mei esto prcepositus et caput fratrum tuorum. To conclude, when
they came that required didrachma of Christ, hee commanded
Peter to cast his net into the sea, and to take out of the fishes
mouth that he tooke, stateram, hoc est, duplex didrachma, et da
inquit pro te, et me, Petre. Which words do signifie, that when
he had payed for them two, hee had payd for all the rest. For as

4 Three times a rewJ] " Rew vel row, series." Junius in v.
6 Pasce oves meas.'] See Casaubon's dedication of his Exercitationes contra
Baronium. Christian Institutes, vol. iv. pp. 58 — 60.

246 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

in the olde lawe there were appointed two heads over the people
of Israel, Moyses, and Aaron, Moyses as chief, and Aaron next
head under him : so in the new law there were two heads of the
church, which were Christ and Peter. Christ is head of all, and
Peter next under him. Our saviour Christ (saitli saint Augus-
tine) commanding the tribute to be given for him and for Peter,
meant thereby the same to be given for all other, for hee appointed
him to bee head of them. — What can be more plaine then this '.
But I will not tarry upon this matter.

" Now, as touching the popes lawes, where you say, they be
contrary, because the service which should bee (as you say) in
English, is in Latine : I answere, whosoever will take the paines
to peruse the chapter, which is the 14. of the first to the Corin-
thians, shall finde, that this meaning is concerning preaching 8, and
obiter onely of praying.

" Againe, where you say, that the popes holinesse doeth take
away one part of the sacrament from the laie men, and Christ
would have it under both, ye can say no more but this, Drink ye
al of this: and what folio weth, And all dranke thereof. Now it' a
man would be so proterve with you, hee might say that Christ
gave it onelie to his apostles, in whose places succeeded priestes,
and not laie men.

" And admit that Christ commanded it to be received under
both kinds, yet the church hath authoritie to change that, as\vdl
as other. Yee read, that Christ calling his apostles together,
said unto them, Goe and preach the gospel to every nation, bapt
them in the name of the Father, of the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost.
But the apostles being desirous to publish Christs name every
win re. did baptize onely in Christs name. Againe, Christ betnn
his last .supper washed his apostles feete, saying, If I haw washed
your feet being your lord and master, also you ought to wash tliefeet

6 Concerning preaching.'] In his letter to the queen, Cranmer fully and
satisfactorily disproves this pretence of bishop Brookes ; where after showing
that S. Paul speaks not of preaching only, but of praying, singing, pra;
and thanksgiving to God, and all other things which the priests say in the
churches, whereunto the people say amen; he remarks of the interpretation
which he maintained, that " thus was S. Paule understanded of all interpre-
tours, both the Greekes and Latins, old and new, schoole authors and others,
that I have red, until about thirty yeares past, at which time one Eckius,
with other of his sort, began to devise a new exposition, understanding
S. I'aul- ,,f i>n>aching onely." Fox's Acts, p. 1713, and Letters of the Mar-
tyrs, p. i).

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 247

one of another. I haw given you example. This was a precept, yet
hath the church altered it, least the simple people should not
think a rebaptization in it. So because saith the apostle, / have
received of the lord the same which I have delivered to you, that our
lord the same night in which he was betrayed, &c. Notwithstanding
that this was a precept that the sacrament should bee ministered
after supper, the church hath altered it, and commanded it to bee
received fasting. And where Christ did breake the bread, wee
receive the whole hoste. Christ ministred sitting at the table,
we standing at the altar.

" It was also commanded in the xv. of the Acts that Christian
men should abstaine From strangled and bloud. But the church
perceiving it to bee a precept but for a time, hath altered it.
Christ commaunded to keepe holy the Sabboth day, and the church
hath altered it to Sunday. If then the church may change things
that bee so expressed in the Scriptures, she may also change the
form of receiving of lay men under both kindes, for divers occa-
sions.

" First, because in carrying to the sicke, the bloud may not bee
shed, lost, or misused.

" And next, that no occasion might be given to heretickes to
thinke that there is not so much under one kinde, as under both.

" But why would you have it under both kindes, I pray you
else, but onely to pervert and contrary the commandement of the
church ? For when you had it under both kindes, you beleeved
in neither. And wee having but one, beleeve both kindes. — Now
sir, as concerning the sacrament of the altar, where you say, you
have a number of doctors of your side, and wee none of our side,
that is to say, to confirme the reall presence of Christ in the
sacrament of the altar, indeede one to stoppe your mouth, I thinke
it not possible to finde. Neverthelesse, where your request is to
have one shewed unto you, and then you wil recant, I will shew
you two.

" Saint Augustine super 33. psalm. Ferebatur manibus suis : I
finde not how this is true in David (saith he) litterally, that he
was borne in his owne hands, but in Christ I finde it litterally,
when he gave his body to his apostles at his last supper.

" Againe, saint Cyprian 7 De Ccena Domini, sayth : Panis quern
Dominus noster discipulis suis porrigebat, non effigie, sed natura

7 Saint Cyprian.'] See Ridley's examination, p. 22.

248 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

mutatus, omnipotentia verbifactus est caro. What can be more
plaine then this \ yet to our exposition it is not plaine enough.
But give me your figurative, significative and such other like
tearms, and I will defend that Christ hath not yet ascended : no
nor yet that he was incarnate, &c. Wherefore I can doe no
other but put you in the number of them, whome Chrysostome
spake of in this wise, saying, Hear, O thou Christian man : wilt
thou doe more then Christ could doe \ Christ confuted the Pha-
risies, yet could hee not put them to silence. And art thou
stronger then Christ ? Wilt thou goe about to bring them to
silence that will receive no answere? as who should say, thou
canst not. — Thus much have I sayd, not for you maister Cranm< -r.
for my hope that I conceived of you, is now gone and past, but
in somewhat to satisfie the rude and unlearned people, that they
perceiving your arrogant lying and lying arrogancie, may the
better eschewe your detestable and abhominable schisme."

And thus ended the prelate his worshipfull tale. After whom
doctor Storie taketh the matter, and thus inferreth in words, as
followeth.

" Master Cranmer, you have made a goodly processe concern-
ing your hereticall othe made to the king, but you forget your
othe made to the see apostolicke. As concerning your othe made
to the king, if you made it to him onely, it tooke an ende by his
death, and so it is released : if you made it to his successors, \\cll
sir, the true successors have the empyre, and they will you to
dissolve the same8, and become a member of Christes church
againe, and it standeth well with charity.1'

To this the archbishop answered againe, saith the reporter :

8 To dissolve the same.] " In juraraento promissorio non tantum proximo
fit obligatio quatenus est promissornnn ; sed et Deo, quatenus est juramentum.
Ergo dato sed non concesso, praelatum habere potestatem tollendi obliga-
tionem, qua homo obligatur homini respectu promissionis, praesumptio tamen
non esset ferenda si terra et cinis assumerat sibi potestatem tollendi auctori-
tate sua obligationem, qua homo obligatur Deo, ut testi et vindici. Denique,
quia dispensatio humana res est fori externi : obligatio vero juramenti est
intus in conscientia, quae uni Deo subest ut judici, et in quam homo non
habet imperium : quisquis ergo vendicat sibi jus dispensandi in juramento,
assumit sibi potestatem divinam erigendo sibi tribunal inforo interno, et exer-
cendo dominium in hominum conscientias : et est ipsa dispensatio invalids,
et de jure nulla: sicut sententia prolata a judice inforo non suo, quia prolata
est a non judice, est ad omnem juris effectum invalida." Sanderson, De Jura-
menti obligationc. Prelect, vii. sect. 3. p. 135.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 249

but what his answere was, that he suppresseth, and returneth to
the words of D. Story, who imperiously turning his speech againe
to the archbishop, sayd as followeth.

" Hold your peace sir, and so it shall right well become you,
considering that I gave you licence before, to say your phansie.
Your othe was no othe, for it lacked the three points of an othe,
that is to say, judicium, justitiam, et veritatem"

These with the like words to the same effect being uttered by
doctor Story, seeking to breake up and make an end of that
session, he eftsoones called for witnesses to bee producted, who
should be sworne upon the booke, to utter and declare the nexte
day, whatsoever they knew, or could remember to bee inferred
against doctor Cranmers heresie. The names of the witnesses
were these.

Doct. Marshal 9, commissary, and dean of Christs church.

Doct. Smith *, under commissary.

Doct. Tresham2.

Doct. Crooke3.

M. London4.

M. Curtop5.

M. Warde6.

M. Series7.

After the depositions 8 of which witnesses being taken, doctor

9 Marshal] Richard Marshall, D.D. See Archdeacon Todd's Life of
Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 455.

1 Smith.'] Richard Smith. See vol. ii. p. 567, and Todd's Cranmer, vol. ii.
p. 454.

2 Tresham.'] Wm. Tresham. See vol. ii. p. 551.

3 Crooke. ] Richard Croke. See vol. ii. p. 553.

4 London^] George London, B.D. of Gloucester Hall, Oxford. See Todd's
Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 453.

5 Curtop.~\ See vol. ii. p. 568. James Curthop, dean of Peterborough.
See Tanner's Bibl. p. 214, and Todd's Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 452.

f) Warde.] Robert Ward, fellow of Merton Coll. See Tanner's Bibl.
p. 754.

7 Series.] Robert Series, B.D. See Todd's Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 450.

8 After the depositions] " I know not what the depositions of these wit-
nesses were, given in against him the next day. For Fox relates nothing
thereof, nor any other as I know of." Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, p.
373. It will be gratifying to those who feel an interest in the ecclesiastical

250 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Story admonished the archbishop, permitting him to make lu>
exceptions, if he thought any of the said wii < > bee refus« • 1

Who then would admit none of them all, being men perjured.
and not in Christian religion. For if to sweare, said he, against
the pope were unlawfull, they should rather have given their lives.
then their othe. But if it were lawfull, then are they perjured.
to defend him whom they forsware before. Nevertheles.se, this
answer of the archbishop being lightly regarded, as little to the
purpose appertaining, hee was commanded againe to the place
from whence he came. Who at his departing out, like as at his
first comming in, shewed lowe obedience to doctor Martin, and
to doctor Storie, the queenes commissioners. Then doctor St«u-y
pointing him to the bishop of Glocester, said, that he ought rather
to give reverence unto him. So the reverend archbishop depart
ing without anie obeysance exhibited to the bishop, all the other
rose up and departed everie one to his owne. And thus brake
uppe the session for that day, about two of the clocke at after-
noone.

And thus much hitherto concerning the summary effect of this
action or session, with the orations, discourses, and articles com-
menced against the archbishop of Canturburie, also with the
reasons and answeres of the said archbishop to their objections
and interrogatories.

Thus after they had received his answeres to all their objec-
tions, they cited him9 to appeare at Rome within fourescore

history of their country, to be informed that these depositions are still pre-
served in a MS. (No. 1136) extant in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth.
The MS. which has been already more than once referred to above, is bishop
Brookes's official report of the whole of this process, transmitted to the car-
dinal De Puteo, (see p. 256, n.,) to whom the care of this action at:
Cranmerhad been deputed by the pope, and whose sub-delegate Brookes was.

Since the above note was written, the MS. has been printed entire in the
Oxford edition of Strype's Life of Cranmer, A.D. 1812. 8vo.

9 They cited him.'] Not so. But the citation to Rome took place on Satur-
day, Sept. 7, 1555, before the commencement of this process. See Cran-
mer*s Letter to the Queen, subjoined to the second edition of Cranmer's
Answer to Gardiner, p. 420. Fox, Martyrs1 Letters, &c. Fox is followed in
this mistake by Strype, Burnet, &c. Again : it is not true, that the pope's
letters to degrade and deprive Cranmer were dispatched within twenty days
after the day of his citation. On the 29th of November, by which time the
eighty days were expired, the cardinal de Puteo (see p. 256, n.) in consistory
moved his complaints against the archbishop, in consequence of which, at
another meeting, holden Dec. 4th, he was sentenced to

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 251

dales, to make there his personal! answeres : which he said,
if the king and queene would send him, hee would bee content
to doe, and so thence was caried to prison againe, where he
continually remained, notwithstanding that hee was commanded
to appeare at Rome.

Wherein all men that have eyes to see, may easily perceive the
craftie practise of these prelates, and the visored face of their
justice, as though the court of Rome would condemne no man
before he answered for himselfe, as all law and equity required.
But the very same instant time, the holinesse of that unholy
father, contrary to all reason and justice, sent his letter executory
unto the king and queene to degrade and deprive him of his
dignity : which thing hee did not onely before the eighty dayes
were ended, but before there were twentie dayes spent. Further-
more, whereas the sayde archbishop was fast detained in streit
prison, so that hee could not appeare (as was notorious both in
England and also in the Romish court) and therefore had a
lawfull and most just excuse of his absence by all lawes, both
popish and other ; yet in the ende of the saide fourscore daies,
was that worthy martyr decreed contumax, that is, sturdily,
frowardly, and wilfully absent, and in paine of the same his
absence, condemned and put to death *.

and deprived. And on the eleventh the administration of the see of Canter-
bury, now vacant by the deprivation, &c. was conferred on cardinal Pole.
See Poli Epist. vol. v. p. 139 — 143. Raynaldi Annales Ecclesiast., torn. xxi.
p. 126, and Fox's Acts, p. 1930.

1 Put to death.'] " It were long to shew in particular " (says bishop Jewel)
" what lawes M. Harding's friends used, when they sate upon the bench.
They caused dead men and women to be digged out of their graves, and so
sate upon them solemnly in judgment, and condemned them. Their holy
one of Rome burnt that most reverend father Dr. Cranmer at Rome in a
mummery, before he ever saw him, or heard him speake : and yet notwith-
standing they arraigned him in Oxford, and judged him afterward to be
burnt. They first tooke, and imprisoned the innocent, that had broken no
law, and afterward devised a law to condemne him. And to passe by many
other like disorders, and horrible extremities of that time, first they scattered
and forced their masses thorow the realme against the lawes ; afterward they
stablished the same by a law : last of all, the next yeare following they sum-
moned, and had a solemne disputation in Oxford to try whether their law
were good or no. — In order of nature, the disputation should have been first,
and then the law, and last of all the execution of the same among the people."
Reply to Harding's Answer, p. 358, edit. 1609, fol.

252 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Doctor Thurlby f and doctor Boner comming with a new commis-
sion to sit upon the archbishop the 14. day of Februarle.

This letter or sentence definitive of the pope was dated about
the first 3 day of January, and was delivered heere in England
about the middest of February. Upon the receite of which
letters another session was appointed for the archbishoppe to
appeare the 14. day of February, before certaine commissioners
directed downe by the queene, the chiefe whereof was the bishop
of Ely, doctor Thurlby. — Concerning which doctor Thurlby by the
way here is to be noted, that albeit he was not the sayde arch-
bishops houshold chaplaine, yet he was so familiarly acquainted
with him, so dearely beloved, so inwardly accepted and advanced
of him (not like a chaplaine, but rather like a naturall brother)
that there was never any thing in the archbishops house so dean-.
were it plate, Jewell, horse, maps, bookes or anie thing else, but
if Thurlby did never so little commende it (a subtle kind of
begging) the archbishoppe by and by, either gave it to him, or
shortly sent it after him to his house. So greatly was the arch-
bishop inamored with him, that whosoever would obtaine any
thing of him, most commonly would make their way before by
doctor Thurlby. Which by-matter of the sayde doctor Thurlhy.
I thought here to recite, not somuch to upbraid the man with
the vice of unthankfulnesse, as chiefly and only for this, to
admonish him of olde benefits received, whereby hee may the
better remember 4 his olde benefactor, and so to favour the cause
and quarrell of him whom he was so singularly bounden unto.

2 Thurlby.'] "A.D. MDLXX. 28 August, buried Mr. Th. Thurleby, doctor
of the civil law, horn in Cambridge, and student sometyme of Trinity hall
there, and sometyme bishop of Westminster, afterward bishop of Norwich,
and in queen Maries daies bishop of Ely; who in the tyme of the noble
king Edward professed the truth of the holy Gospel, and afterward in time
of queen Mary returned to papistry, and so continued in the same to his end,
and died the queen's majesties prisoner within my lord grace's house at Lam-
beth." MS. Ashmole, 860, p. 512. Quoted in Tanner's Bibl. p. 7<>D.

3 About the first.'] The date was (decimo nono calend. Januar.) Dec. 14. See
Fox's Acts, p. 1931.

4 The better remember.] Thirlby was still living when these words
written. After his deprivation by queen Elizabeth, he had been confided to
the custody of archbishop Parker, who entertained him kindly, and with him

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 253

With the said doctor Thurlby bishop of Ely, was also assigned
in the same commission doctor Boner bishop of London ; which
two comming to Oxforde uppon saint Valentines day, as the
popes delegates, with a new commission from Eome, by the
vertue thereof commanded the archbishop aforesaid to come
before them, in the quier of Christes church before the high
altar: where they sitting (according to their manner) in their
pontificalibus, first began as the fashion is, to reade their com-
mission ; wherein was contained, how that in the court of Rome
all thinges being indifferently examined, both the articles laide
to his charge, with the answeres made unto them, and witnesses
examined on both partes, and counsell heard as well on the king
and queenes behalfe his accusers, as on the behalfe of Thomas
Cranmer, the partie guiltie, so that he wanted nothing apper-
taining to his necessary defense, &c. Which foresayde com-
mission, as it was in reading, " 0 Lorde," saide the archbishop,
"what lies be these, that I, being continually in prison, and
never could be suffered to have counsell or advocate at home,
should produce witnesse and appoint my counsell at Eome ! God
must needs punish this open and shamelesse lying." They read
on the commission which came from the pope plenitudine potestatis,
supplying all maner of defectes in law or processe, committed in
dealing with the archbishop, and giving them full authoritie to
proceede to the deprivation and degradation of him, and so upon
excommunication to deliver him up to the secular power, omni
appellatione remota.

When the commission was read thus, they, proceeding ther-
upon to his degradation, first clothed and disguised him, putting
on him a surplesse, and then an albe ; after that the vestiment
of a subdeacon, and every other furniture, as a priest ready to
masse.

When they had apparailed him so farre : " What," saide he,
"I thinke I shall say masse?" "Yea," sayde Cosins, one of
Boners chaplaines, " my lord, I trust to see you say masse, for
all this." " Doe you so 2" quoth hee ; " that shall you never see,
nor I will never doe it."

Then they invested him in all maner of robes of a bishop and

he resided till his death, Aug. 26, 15/0.— Strype's Life of Parker, b. ii. c. 16,
p. 140.

254 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

archbishoppe, as he is at his installing, saving that as eYerie
thing then is most rich and costly, so everie thing in this wa- of
canvas and olde cloutes, with a miter and pall of the same suite
doone upon him in mockerie, and then the crosier staffe was put
into his hand.

This done after the popes pontificall forme and maner, Boner,
who by the space of many yeares had borne, as it seemed, no
great good will towards him, and now rejoyced to sec this day
wherin he might triumph over him, and take his pleasure at full,
began to streatch out his eloquence, making his oration to the
assemblie, after this maner of sort.

"This is the man who hath ever despised the popes holines.
and now is to be judged by him. This is the man who hath
pulled downe so many churches, and now is come to be judged in
a church. This is the man that contemned the blessed sacra-
ment of the aultar, and now is come to be condemned before
that blessed sacrament hanging over the aultar. This is the
man that like Lucifer sate in the place of Christ upon an altar
to judge other, and now is come before an altar to be judged
himsclfe."

Whereunto the bishop interrupting him saide that in that he
belied him, as hee did in many other thinges: for that which he
would now seeme to charge him withall, was his own fault, if it
mua any, and none of his. t; For the thing you meane of, wa-
in Paules church" (said he) " where I came to sit in commission ;
and there was a scaffolde prepared for me and others, by you and
your officers ; and whether there were any aultar under it or not,
I could not perceive it, nor once suspected it; wherfore you
doe wittingly evill to charge me with it."

Hut Honor went on still in his rhetoricall repetition, lyiiuj and
railing against the archbishop, beginning every sentence with.

This is the man, this is the man," till at length there was n
a man but was weary of the unmannerly usage of him in that
time and place: insomuch that the bishop of Elie aforesaide.
divers times pulled him by the sleeve to make an end, and said to
him afterward when they went to dinner, that hee had broken
promise with him: tor he had intreatcd him earnestly to Use
him with reverence.

After all this done and finished, they lie-jan then to bustle
toward his degrading, and lir>t t«> Take from him hi- <T,.>i< -r -tall'e

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 255

out of his hands, which he held fast, and refused to deliver, and
withal imitating the example of Martin Luther 5, pulled an ap-
peale out of his left sleeve under the wrist, which he there and
then delivered unto them, saying, " I appeale to the next gene-
rail councell ; and herein I have comprehended my cause and the
forme of it, which I desire may be admitted :" and prayed divers
of the standers by, by name to be witnesses, and especially M.
Curt op, to whom he spake twice, &c.

The copy of which his appellation, because it was not printed
before, I thought here to exhibite, as in forme here followeth.

The tenour of the Appeale of the archbishop of Canturlury from the
pope, to the next generatt councell.

" In the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the
Holy Ghost.

" First, my plaine protestation made, that I intend to speake
nothing against one holy, catholicke and apostolicall church, or
the authoritie therof (the which authoritie I have in great reve-
rence, and to whome my minde is in all thinges to obey) and if
any thing peradventure, either by slippernesse of tongue, or by
indignation of abuses, or else by the provocation of mine adver-
saries be spoken or done otherwise then well, or not with such
reverence as becometh me, I am most ready to amend it.

" Although the bishop of Rome (whom they call pope) beareth
the roome of Christ in earth, and hath authoritie of God, yet by
the power or authoritie hee is not become unsinnable, neither
hath he received that power to destroy, but to edifie the congre-
gation : therefore if he shall commaund any thing that is not
right to be done, he ought to take it patiently and in good part,
in case he be not therein obeyed. And he must not be obeyed,
if he command any thing against the precepts of God : no : rather
he may lawfullie be resisted, even as Paule withstoode Peter.
And if he being ayded by help of princes, deceived perchance by
false suggestion, or with evill counsel, cannot be resisted, but the
remedies of withstanding him be taken away, there is neverthelesse
one remedie of appealing (which no prince can take away) uttered

5 Of Martin Luther.'] Luther first appealed from cardinal Caietan, the
pope's delegate, to the pope himself; and afterwards from the pope to a
general council. — Sleidan. De Stalu, p. 11 — 17.

256 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

by the very law of nature : for somuch as it is a certaine defence,
which is meete for every body by the lawe of God, of nature, and
of man.

" And whereas the lawes doe permit a man to appeale, not
onely from the greefes and injuries done, but also from such as
shall be done hereafter, or threatened to be done, insomuch that
the inferiour cannot make lawes of not appealing to a superiour
power : and since it is openly enough confessed, that a holy gene-
rail counsell, lawfully gathered together in the Holie Ghost, and
representing the holie catholicke church, is above the pope, espe-
cially in matters concerning faith, and that hee cannot make
decrees that men shall not appeale from him to a generall coun-
cell : therefore I Thomas Cranmer, archbishoppe of Canturburie,
or in time past ruler of the metropolical church of Canturburie,
doctor in divinity, doe say and publish before you the publike
notarie, and witnesses here present, with mind and intent to
challenge and appeale from the persons and greefes underneath
written, and to prefer my selfe in place and time convenient and
meet, to proove the articles that folio we. And I openly confesse,
that I would lawfully have published them before this day, if I
might have hadde either libertie to come abroad my selfe, or
licence of a notary and witnesses. But further then I am able
to doe, I knowe well is not required of the lawes.

1. " First I say and publish, that James by the mercy of God
priest, called cardinall of the pit 6, and of the title of our ladie in
the way of the church of Rome, judge and commissary specially
deputed of our most holy lord the pope (as hee affirmed) caused

6 Cardinall of the pit. ] Cardinal Du Pui. This is another of those trans-
lated names and titles (see vol. ii. p. 517, n. 3), in which it is not to be expected
that general readers will easily recognize the original. Jacques du Pui in
Latin De Puteo (see pp. 206. 238. 250.), here Anglicised of the pit, was a
Frenchman, a native of Nice, who having been long under the protection of
cardinal Pietro Accolti, was made at first auditor of the Rota and afterwards
archbishop of Bari. In 1551 he was created priest- cardinal by the title of
S. Simeone, and by Paul IV. he was translated to the title of Santa Maria in
via lata, or, as Fox ludicrously translates it, " oar lady in the way of the
church of Rome." It may be as well to state that (with the exception of the
six cardinal-bishops) all cardinals are the parochial clergy of Rome, and take
their several titles from some one church or basilica in that city, and that
"our ladie in the way of the church of Rome," here means nothing else than
the church of Santa Maria in via lata, at Rome : literally nothing more than
.s/. Mary's in Broad-street ! The cardinal was afterwards deputed as papal
representative to the council of Trent. He died in I

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 257

me to be cited to Rome, there to appeare fourescore dayes after
the citation served on me, to make answer to certaine articles
touching the perill of my state and life : and whereas I was
kept in prison with most streit ward, so that I could in no wise
be suffered to goe to Rome, nor to come out of prison ; and in
so greevous causes concerning state and life, no man is bound to
send a proctor ; and though I would never so faigne send my
proctor, yet by reason of poverty I am not able (for all that ever
I had, wherewith I should beare my proctors costes and charges,
is quite taken from me) neverthelesse the most reverend cardinall
aforesaid doth sore threaten mee, that whether I shall appeare or
not, he wil neverthelesse yet proceed in judgement against me.
Wherin I feel my self so grieved that nothing can be imagined
more mischievous or further from reason.

2. " Secondly, the reverend father James Brooks, by the
mercy of God bishop of Glocester, judge and under deputie (as
hee affirmed) of the most reverend cardinall, caused mee to be
cited at Oxford (where I was then kept in prison) to answere
to certaine articles, concerning the danger of my state and life :
and when I, being unlearned and ignorant in the lawes, desired
counsell of the learned in the law, that thing was most unrigh-
teously denied me, contrary to the equitie of all lawes both of
God and man. Wherein againe I feele me most wrongfully
grieved.

3. " And when I refused the said bishop of Glocester to bee
my judge, for most just causes, which I then declared, he never-
theles went on stil, and made processe against me, contrary to
the rule of the lawes of appealing, which say, A judge that is
refused, ought not to proceede in the cause, but to leave off. And
when hee had required of the answeres to certain articles, I refused
to make him any answere : I said I would yet gladly make answere
to the most renowned kings and queenes deputies or attournie
then present, with this condition notwithstanding, that mine an-
swere should be extrajudiciall ; and that was permitted me. And
with this my protestation made and admitted, I made answer, but
mine answer was sodain and unprovided for: and therefore I
desired to have a copy of mine answeres, that I might put to,
take away, change, and amende them : and this was also per-
mitted me. Neverthelesse, contrarie to his promise made unto
me, no respect had to my protestation, nor licence given to
amend mine answere, the sayde reverend father bishoppe of

VOL. iir. s

258 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Glocester (as I heare) commanded mine answeres to be inacted,
contrarie to the equitie of the law. In which thing againe I feele
me much grieved.

4. " Furthermore, I could not for many causes admit the
bishop of Homes usurped authoritie in this realme, nor consent to
it : first my solemne othe letting me, which I made in the time of
king Henry the eight, of most famous memory, according to the
lawes of England: secondly, because I knowe the authoritie «>{
the bishop of Rome, which hee usurpeth, to bee against the
crowne, customes, and lawes of this realm of England ; in so much,
that neither the king can bee crowned in this realmo. without tho
most grievous crime of perjurie, nor may bishops enjoy their
bishopricks, nor judgements be used according to the lawes and
customes of this realme ; except, by the bishoppe of Romes
authoritie, be accursed both the king and queene, the jiu!
writers, and executors of the lawes and customes, with all that
consent to them : finally, the whole realme shall be accursed.

5. " Moreover, that hainous and usurped authoritie of the
bishop of Rome, through reservations of the bishopricks, provi-
sions, annuates, dispensations, pardons, appellations, buls and
other cursed merchandise of Rome, was wont exceedingly to
spoyle and consume the riches and substance of this realm, which
all things should followe againe by recognising and receiving
of that usurped authoritie unto the unmeasureable losse of this
realme.

6. " Finally it is most evident by that usurped authoritie, not
only the crowne of England to be under yoke, the lawes and cus-
tomes of this realme to be throwne downe and troden under foot ;
but also the most holy decrees of councels, together with the pre-
cepts both of the gospell, and of God.

" When in times past the sunne of righteousnesse being ri>< n
in the world, Christian religion, by the preaching of the ap-
began to be spread very far abroad and to flourish, in so much
that their sound went out into all the world, innumerable people
which walked in darknesse, sawe a great liijht. (iods glory e\.-i-\
where published did flourish, the onely carke :,ii<l care <>}' the
ministers of the church was purely and sincerelytn pn-acli Christ.
the peopled to imbrace and followe Chri>t< -> «l«»rtrine. Then the
church of Rome, as it \\eiv lady of the world, both was. and also
was counted worthily the mother of other chun-h<->. t'nr a^ much
as then she first begatte to Christ, nourished with the food of

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 259

pure doctrine, did helpe them with their riches, succoured the
oppressed, and was a sanctuary for the miserable : she rejoyced
with them that rejoyced, and wept with them that wept. Then
by the examples of the bishops of Rome, riches were despised,
worldly glory and pompe was troden under foote, pleasures and
riot nothing regarded. Then this fraile and uncertaine life, being
full of all miseries, was laughed to scorne, whiles thorough the
example of Romish martyrs, men did every where presse forthward
to the life to come. But after, when the ungraciousnesse of
damnable ambition never satisfied, avarice and the horrible
enormitie of vices had corrupted and taken the see of Rome,
there followed every where almost the deformities of all churches,
growing out of kinde, into the maners of the church their mother,
leaving their former innocency and purity, and slipping into foule
and hainous usages.

" For the foresayd and many other griefes and abuses, (which
I intend to proove, and doe prefer my self in time convenient to
proove hereafter) since reformation of the above mentioned abuses
is not to be looked for of the bishop of Rome, neither can I hope
by reason of his wicked abuses and usurped authoritie, to have
him an equall judge in his owne cause : therefore I do challenge
and appeale in these writings from the pope, having no good
counsel, and from the above named pretences, commissions, and
judges from their citations, processes, and from all other thinges
that have or shall follow thereupon, and from every one of them,
and from all their sentences, censures, paines, and punishments of
cursing, suspension, and interdicting, and from all other whatso-
ever their denouncinges and declarations (as they pretend) of
schisnie, of heresie, adulterie, deprivation, degrading by them or
by any of them, in any maner wise attempted, done, and set for-
ward, to be attempted, to be done, and to be set forth heereafter
(saving alwayes their honors and reverences) as unequall and
unrighteous, most tyrannicall and violent, and from every griefe
to come, which shall happen to me, as well for my selfe as for all
and every one that cleaveth to mee, or will heereafter bee on my
side, unto a free generall councell, that shall hereafter lawfully be,
and in a sure place, to the which place I or a proctor deputed by
mee, may freely and with safetie come, and to him or them, to
whom a man may by the law, priviledge, custome, or otherwise
challenge and appeale.

" And I desire, the first, the second, and the third time, in-

s 2

260 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

stantly, more instantly, and most instantly, that I may have mes-
sengers 7, if there be any man that will and can give me them.
And I make open promise of prosecuting this mine appellation, by
the way of disanulling, abuse, inequalitie, and unrighteousnesse,
or otherwise as I shall be better able : choyse and libertie re-
served to me, to put to, diminish, change, correct, and interpretate
my sayings, and to reforme all things after a better fashion, saving
alwayes to mee every other benefite of the law, and to them that
either be, or will be on my part.

" And touching my doctrine of the sacrament, and other my
doctrine, of what kind soever it be, I protest that it was never
my mind to write, speake, or understand any thing contrary to
the most holy word of God, or else against the holy catholike
church of Christ, but purely and simply to imitate and teach,
those thinges only, which I had learned of the sacred Scripture,
and of the holy catholike church of Christ from the beginning, and
also according to the exposition of the most holy and learned
fathers and martyrs of the church.

" And if any thing hath peradventure chanced otherwise then
I thought, / may em, but hereticke I cannot be, for as much as I
am ready in all things to follow the judgement of the most sacred
word of God, and of the holy catholicke church, desiring none
other thing, then meekly and gently to be taught, if anie where
(which God forbid) I have swarved from the truth.

" And I protest and openly confesse, that in all my doctrine
and preaching, both of the sacrament, and of other my doctrine
whatsoever it be, not only I meane and judge those things, as the
catholike church, and the most holy fathers of old with one accord
have meant and judged, but also I would gladly use the same
words that they used, and not use any other words, but to set my
hand to all and singular their speeches, phrases, waies and forms
of speech, which they do use in their treatises upon the sacrament,
and to keep still their interpretation. But in this thing I only
am accused for an hereticke, because I allowe not the doctrine
lately brought in of the sacrament, and because I consent not to
\\ordes not accustomed in Scripture, and unknowne to tin.1 an< i» nt
fathers, but newly invented and brought in by men, and belonging
to the destruction of soules, and overthrowing of the pure and
old religion. Yeven, &C."

7 May have messengers.'] " Letters of protection and defence." — Fox, in the
margin.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 261

This appeale being put up to the bishop of Elie, he said, " My
lord, our commission is to proceed against you, omni appellatione
remota : and therefore we cannot admit it."

" Why," (quoth he) " then you doe me the more wrong : for
my case is not as every private mannes case. The matter is be-
tweene the pope and me immediate, and none otherwise : and I
thinke, no man ought to be a judge in his owne cause."

" Well," quoth Ely, " if it may be admitted it shall," and so
received it of him. — And then began hee to perswade earnestly
with the archbishop to consider his state, and to weigh it well,
while there was time to doe him good, promising to become a
suter to the king and queene for him : and so protested his great
love and friendship that had been betweene them, hartily weeping,
so that for a time he could not goe on with his tale. After going
forward, he earnestly affirmed, that if it hadde not beene the king
and queenes commandement, whom he could not deny, else no
worldly commoditie should have made him to have done it, con-
cluding that to be one of the sorrowfulst things that ever hap-
pened unto him. The archbishoppe gently seeming to comfort
him sayde, he was verie well content withall : and so proceeded
they to his degradation.

Here then to be short, when they came to take off his pall
(which is a solenme vesture of an archbishop) then sayd he,
" Which of you hath a pall, to take off my pall?" Which im-
ported as much as they, being his inferiors, could not degrade him.
Wherunto one of them said, in that they were but bishops, they
were his inferiors, and not competent judges ; but, being the
popes delegates, they might take his pall : and so they did, and
so proceeding took every thing in order from him, as it was put
on. Then a barbar clipped his haire8 round about, and the
bishop scraped the tops of his fingers where he had bin anointed,
wherein bishop Bonner behaved himselfe as roughly and unmanerly,
as the other bishop was to him soft and gentle. Whiles they
were thus doing, "All this" (quoth the archbishop) " needed not :
I had my selfe done with this geare long agoe." Last of all they
stripped him out of his gown into his jacket, and put upon him a
poore yeoman bedles gowne, full bare and nearely worne, and as
evill favouredly made as one might lightly see, and a townes mans
cap on his head, and so delivered him to the secular power 9.

8 Clipped his haire.] See Life of Taylor, above, vol. ii. p. 430, n.

9 Delivered him to the secular power.'] See vol. i. p. 389.

262 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

After this pageant of degradation, and all was finished, then
spake lord Boner, saying to him, "Now are you no lord anie
more :" and so whensoever he spake to the people of him (as hee
was continually barking against him) ever he used this tearm,
" This gentleman here," &c.

And thus with great compassion and pi tie of every man in this
evill favored gown was he caried to prison. Whom there followed
a gentleman of Glocestershire with the archbishops owne gown,
who standing by, and being thought to be toward one of the
bishoppes, had it delivered to him ; who by the way talking with
him, said, "The bishop of Elie protested his friendship with
teares. Yet" (said he) "he might have used a great deale
more friendship towards me, and never have beene the worse
thought on ; for I have well deserved it :" and going into the
prison up with him, asked him, if he would drinke ? Who an-
swered him, saying ; if he had a peece of saltfish, that he had
better will to eate : for he had been that day somewhat troubled
with this matter, and had eaten little, " but now that it is past,
my heart," saide hee, " is weh1 quieted." Whereupon the gentle-
man said, hee would give him money with all his hart, for he was
able to do it. But hee being one toward the la we, and fearing
maister Farmers case ', durst therefore give him nothing, but gave
monie to the balifes that stood by, and said, that if they were

1 Farmers case.'] " This Farmer had lost all his lands for relieving a priest
in the Tower in king Henries time." Fox, in the margin. " Richard Fermour,
having been bred a merchant of the staple of Calais, raised a noble fortune,
and settled himself at Eston-Neston, juxta To\vcester, in Northamptonshire,
which together with the hundred and manor of Towcester, he had purchased,
as also many fair lands and royalties in that county; at which seat he lived
many years with great splendor and hospitality. But being a very zealous
Romanist, and not complying with the frequent alterations in religion, intro-
duced by Henry VIII. he changed his hospitality into charity for those of his
opinion ; and fell under the king's heavy displeasure, for conveying relief to
one Nicholas Thayne, formerly his confessor, and at that time a close prisoner
in the gaol of Buckingham, although nothing was ever legally proved against
him, except that he had sent him 8d. and a couple of shirts. But his great
wealth, and Thomas Cromwell, earl of Essex, the king's vicar general, were
powerful incentives to his ruin ; and being found guilty of a preemunire, his
whole estate, both real and personal, was seized on for the king's use ; and
executed with such strictness and severity, that nothing was left him or his
family." Collins by Brydges, iv. 19B. Will. Somers, who had been Fermor's
jester, interceded with Henry viii., and the remnant of his estates was at a
future time restored to Fermor : from him descend the earls of Pomfret.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 263

good men, they would bestow it on him (for my lord of Canterbury
had not one peny in his purse to helpe him) and so left him, my
lord bidding him earnestly farewell, commending himselfe to his
prayers and those of all his friendes. That night this gentleman
was staid by Boner and Ely, for giving him this money : and, but
by the helpe of friends, he had beene sent up to the councel.
Such was the cruelty and iniquity of the time, that men could
not doe good without punishment.

Heere followeth the recantation of the archbishop with his repentance

of the same.

In this meane time, while the archbishop was thus remaining
in durance (whom they had kept now in prison almost the space
of three yeares) the doctors and divines of Oxford busied them-
selves all that ever they could about master Cranmer, to have
him recant, assaying by all craftie practices and allurements they
might devise, how to bring their purpose to passe. And to the
intent they might win him easily, they had him to the deanes
house of Christes church in the said universitie, where he lacked
no delicate fare, played at the bowles, had his pleasure for walk-
ing, and all other thinges that might bring him from Christ.
Over and besides all this, secretly and sleightly they suborned
certaine men, which when they could not expugne him by argu-
ments and disputation, should by intreatie and faire promises, or
any other meanes allure him to recantation : perceiving otherwise
what a great wound they should receive, if the archbishop had
stood stedfast in his sentence ; and againe on the other side, how
great profit they should get, if he as the principall standerd
bearer, should be overthrown. By reason whereof the wily papists
flocked about him, with threatning, flattering, intreating, and
promising, and all other meanes, specially Henry Sydall, and frier
John, a Spaniard, de Villa Garcina, to the end to drive him to
the uttermost of their possibilitie, from his former sentence, to
recantation.

First, they set forth how acceptable it would bee both to the
king and queene ; and especially how gainefull to him, and for his
soules health the same should bee. They added moreover, how
the councell and the noble men bare him good will. They put
him in hope, that he should not only have his life, but also be
restored to his ancient dignitie, saying, it was but a small matter.

264 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

and so easie that they required him to doe, only that he would
subscribe to a few wordes with his owne hand, which if he did,
there should be nothing in the realme, that the queene would not
easily grant him, whether he would have riches or dignitie ; or
else if hee had rather live a private life in quiet rest, in whatso-
ever place hee listed, without all publike ministery, only that he
would set his name in two words to a little leafe of paper : but if
he refused, there was no hope of health and pardon; for the
queene was so purposed, that she would have Cranmer a catholike,
or else no Cranmer at ah1 : therefore he shuld choose, whether he
thought it better to ende his life shortly in the flames and fire-
brands now ready to be kindled, then with much honour to pro-
long his life, untill the course of nature did call him : for there
was no middle way.

Moreover, they exhorted him that hee would looke to his
wealth, his estimation and quietnesse, saying that hee was not so
old, but that many yeares yet remained in this his so lusty age :
and if hee would not doe it in respect of the queene, yet hee
should doe it for respect of his life, and not suffer that other
men should bee more carefull for his health, than hee was hini-
selfe : saying, that this was agreeable to his notable learning and
vertues, which being adjoyned with his life, would bee profitable
both to himselfe, and to many other; but being extincte by
death, should bee fruitfull to no man : that he should take good
heed that he went not too farre : yet there was time enough to
restore all things safe, and nothing wanted, if he wanted not to
himself. Therefore they would him to lay hold upon the occa-
sion of his health while it was offered, least if hee would now
refuse it while it was offered, he might hereafter seeke it when he
could not have it.

Finally, if the desire of life did nothing moove him, yet hee
should remember that to die is greevous in all ages, and especially
in these his yeares and flower of dignitie it were more greevous :
but to die in the fire and such tormentes, is most greevous of all.
— With these and like provocations these faire flatterers ceased
not to solicite and urge him. usin^ all mcanes they could to
dra\v<- him to their side : whose force his manly constancie did a
great while resist. But at last when they made no ende of calling
and crying upon him, the archbishop being overcome, \vlu-t her
thorough their importunitie, or by his owne imhccillitic. or of what
mind I cannot tell, but at I« n-tli ir-m his hand.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 265

It might be supposed, that it was done for the hope of life,
and better daies to come. But as wee may since perceive by a
letter of his sent to a lawyer 2, the most cause why hee desired
his time to be delaied, was that hee would make an end of
Marcus Antonius 3, which hee had already begun : but howsoever
it was, plaine it was, to be against his conscience. The forme of
which recantation made by the friers and doctors, whereto he
subscribed, was this.

The copy and words of Cranmers recantation.

"I Thomas Cranmer late archbishop of Canturbury, do re^
nounce, abhor, and detest, all maner of heresies and errors of
Luther and Zwinglius, and all other teachings which bee contrary
to sound and true doctrines. And I beleeve most constantly in
my hart, and with my mouth I confesse one holy and catholike
church visible, without the which there is no salvation: and
therof I knowledge the bishoppe of Rome to be supreame head in
earth, whom I knowledge to be the highest bishoppe and pope,
and Christs vicar, unto whom all Christian people ought to be
subject.

" And as concerning the sacraments, I beleeve and worshippe
in the sacrament of the altar, the very body and bloud of Christ,
being contained most truely under the formes of bread and wine,
the bread through the mighty power of God being turned into
the body of our saviour Jesus Christ, and the wine into his
bloud.

" And in the other sixe sacraments also (like as in this) I
beleeve and hold as the universall church holdeth, and the church
of Rome judgeth and determineth.

" Furthermore, I beleeve that there is a place of purgatorie,
where soules departed be punished for a time, for whom the
church doth godly and wholsomely pray, like as it doth honor
saintes and make prayers to them.

" Finally in all thinges I professe, that I doe not otherwise be-
leeve, then the catholike church and the church of Rome holdeth
and teacheth. I am sorie that ever I held or thought otherwise.
And I beseech almighty God, that of his mercy hee will vouchsafe

3 To a lawyer.'] See Coverdale's Letters of the Martyrs, p. 16.
3 Marcus Antonius'] Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, see notes at
pp. 26, 194, and 243.

266 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

to forgive meo, whatsoever I have offended against God or his
church ; and also I desire and beseech all Christian people to
pray for inc.

44 And all such as have beene deceived either by mine example
or doctrine, I require them by the bloud of Jesus Christ, that
they will returne to the unitie of the church, that we may be all
of one mind, without schisme or division.

" And to conclude, as I submit myselfe to the catholicke church
of Christ, and to the supreame head thereof, so I submit my s«-lf
unto the most excellent majesties of Philip and Mary, king and
queene of this reahne of England, &c. and to all their lav.vs and
ordinances, being readie alwayes as a faithfull subject ever to
obey them. And God is my witnesse that I have not done this
for favour or feare of any person, but willinglie and of mine o\\ n<>
mind, as well to the discharge of mine owne conscience, as to the
instruction of other."

This recantation4 of the archbishop was not so soone conceived.

4 This recantation. ] " Other historians speak of this archbishop's recanta-
tion, which he made upon the incessant solicitations and temptations of the
popish zealots at Oxford. Which unworthy compliance he was at last pre-
vailed with to submit to, partly by the flattery and terror suggested to him,
and partly by the hardship of his own strait imprisonment in Bocardo.
Our writers mention only one recantation: and that Fox has set down;
wherein they follow him. But this is but an imperfect relation of this good
man's frailty : I shall therefore endeavour to set down this piece of his history
more distinctly. There were several recanting writings to which Cranmer
subscribed one after another : for after the unhappy bishop, by over-per-
suasion, wrote one paper, with his subscription set to it ; which he thought
to pen so favourably, and dexterously for himself, that he might evade both
the danger from the state, and the danger of his conscience too ; that would
not serve, but another was required as explanatory of that. And when he
had complied with that, yet either because writ too briefly or too ambiguously,
neither would that serve, but drew on a third fuller and more expressive
than the former : nor could he escape so ; but still a fourth and fifth paper
of recantation was demanded of him to be more large and particular. Nay,
and lastly a sixth, which was very prolix, containing an acknowledgment of
all the forsaken and detested errors and superstitions of Rome, an abhorrence
of liis own books, and a vilifying of himself as a persecutor, a blasphemer,
and a mischief-maker: nay, and as the wickedest wretch that lived* And
this was not all, but after they had thus humbled and mortified the miserable
man with recantations, subscriptions, submissions, and abjurations, putting
words into his mouth which his heart abhorred: by all this drudgery they
would not permit him to redeem his unhappy life ; but prepared him a renun-

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 267

but the doctors and prelates without delay caused the same to be
imprinted and set abroad in all mens hands. Wherunto for

ciatory oration to pronounce publickly in Saint Mary's church immediately
before he was led forth to burning.

" But here he gave his enemies, insatiable in their reproaches of him, a
notable disappointment. They verily thought that when they had brought
him thus far, he would still have said as they would have him. But herein
their politicks failed them : and by this last stretch of the cord all was undone,
which they with so much art and labour had effected before. For the
reverend man began indeed his speech according to their appointment and
pleasure j but in the process of it, at that very cue when he was to own the
pope and his superstitions, and to revoke his own book and doctrine of the
sacrament, (which was to be brought in by this preface, that one thing above
all the rest troubled his conscience beyond all that ever he did in his life) he on
the contrary, to their great astonishment and vexation, made that preface
serve to his revocation and abhorrence of his former extorted subscriptions,
and to his free owning and standing to his book wrote against transubstan-
tiation, and the avowing the evangelical doctrines he had before taught." —
Strype's Eccles. Memor., vol. iii. p. 232.

Notwithstanding all the researches of the historians, it cannot, I think, be
denied, that this part of Cranmer's story is still involved in great obscurity
and uncertainty. That he made some submission and recantation cannot be
doubted ; but I own, I know not how to reconcile the six several submis-
sions, and the nature of them, then' dates, &c., with other circumstances of
the narrative. We are not told the precise period at which he was removed
to the lodgings of the dean of Christ Church, and plied with the several
topics, and arts of seduction, enumerated in Fox. But, let it be observed,
the 14th of February was the day of his degradation, at which time, surely,
the archbishop's behaviour gave no warnings of his lamentable fall : and yet
the fourth submission, as published by Bonner (and it should seem that they
are ranged Chronologically), is dated on the 16th of the same month, only two
days after. — There are other very suspicious circumstances accompanying
Bonner's publication.— To speak out plainly, I suspect much of it to be
matter of base and profligate forgery. But the above remark, I think, is
alone sufficient to show, that this part of our martyr's history requires further
elucidation.

I subjoin an extract of a letter from H. Zanchius to H. Bullinger, on
account of its reference to this important and interesting point of history.

" De Anglia accepimus haec. Divulgarant Papistee suis falsis sermonibus,
idque procul dubio vel jussu, vel saltern consensu impise Jezabelis, Canthua-
riensem recantasse, et ad Romanam ecclesiam rediisse : et hanc confictam a
se recantationem, falsis etiam quorundam testimoniis confirmari et deinde
excudi curarunt. Ubi hgec sanctus ille vir rescivit, reclamavit aperte, ac
palam toti regno fecit, se prorsus in suo " (Leg. inscio) " hanc palinodiam esse
confictam ; nihil minus, quam talem blasphemam recantationem se unquam
cogitasse ; quam hactenus in eo Angliae regno per gratiam Christi docuit et
promovit, promoverique curavit doctrinam, earn etiamnum constanti fide se

268 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

better credite, was first added the name of Thomas Cranmer,
with a solemne subscription, then followed the witnesses of this
recantation, Henry Sydall, and frier John de Villa Garcina.—
All this while, Cranmer was in no certain assurance of his life,
although the same was faithfully promised to him by the doctours :
but after that they had their purpose, the rest they committed to
all adventure, as became men of that religion to do. The queen
having now gotten a time to revenge her old greefe, received his
recantation very gladly : but of her purpose to put him to death.
she would nothing relent.

Now was Cranmers cause in a miserable taking, who neither
inwardly had any quietnes in his owne conscience, nor yet out-
wardly any helpe in his adversaries.

Besides this, on the one side was prayse, on the other side
scorne, on both sides danger, so that neither he could die
honestly, nor yet unhonestly live. And whereas he sought pro-
fite, hee fell into double disprofite, that neither with good men hee
could avoid secret shame, nor yet with evill men the note of dis-
simulation.

In the meane time, while these things were a doeing (as I said)
in the prison amongst the doctors, the queene taking secret coun-
sell, how to dispatch Cranmer out of the way (who as yet km -w
nothing of her secret hate, and looking for nothing lesse than
death) appointed doctor Cole, and secretly gave him in command* -

credere et confiteri, et ad mortem usque suo etiam sanguine defensurum et
obsignaturum. Igitur decimo septimo Martii, retectis iilorum impostorum
commentis, doctor quidam impiissimus, nomen jam non teneo*, mittitur a
regina Oxonium, ad Canthuariensem ; in quern finem literae quae postea
datae fuerunt Antwerpia ad Dom. Koocumf declarant. Heri itaque literas
Antwerpia D. Koocus accepit, sanctum et pium ilium Canthuariensem, in-
fracto animo, constanti fide, et perpetua confessione Jesu Christi et evan^
doctrinae combustum, vicesimo primo Martii, migrasse ad Dominum. Sunt
hie qui quoniam hse literae sunt Antwerpia, et ex Anglia nulla?, non credunt
certo mortuum : sed tamen et D. Koocus. et alii permulti Angli, et doctor
etiam Petrus noster, quoniam de missione illius doctoris Londino ( ).\onium,
et de commentitia ilia palinodia, literas ex Anglia ipsa acceperunt, credunt
verum esse quod in iis literis Antwerpia missis scribitur. Habemus, optime
vir Dei, pro quo gratias agamus Deo, quod tot tantonimque virorum sanguine,
cum alibi, turn praesertim in illo Anglicano regno, sacrosanctum Filii sui
evangelium quotidie obsignare dignatur." Zanchii Epist. p. 32. A.D. It

* Nomen jam non teneo.] Henry Cole. See also vol. ii. p. 551.

f KoocumJ] Sir Antony Cook, one of the preceptors of Edward V I .

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 269

ment, that against the 21. of March, hee should prepare a fune-
rall sermon for Cranmers burning, and so instructing him orderly
and diligently of her will and pleasure in that behalfe, sendeth
him away.

Soon after, the lord Williams of Tame, and the L. Shandoys 5,
sir Thomas Bridges a, and sir John Browne were sent for, with
other worshipfull men and justices, commaunded in the queenes
name, to be at Oxford at the same day, with their ser-
vantes and retinue, least Cranmers death should raise there any
tumult.

Cole the doctor having this lesson given him before, and charged
by her commandement, returned to Oxford, readie to play his
part, who as the day of execution drewe neer, even the day before,
came into the prison to Cranmer, to trie whether he abode in the
catholike faith wherein before hee hadlefte him. To whom, when
Cranmer had answered, that by Gods grace he would dayly be
more confirmed in the catholick faith ; Cole departing for that
time, the next day following repaired to the archbishop againe,
giving no signification as yet of his death that was prepared : and
therefore in the morning, which was the 21. day of March,
appointed for Cranmers execution, the said Cole comming to him,
asked if he hadde any money. To whom when hee answered that
he had none, hee delivered him fifteene crownes to give the poore,
to whom he would : and so exhorting him so much as hee could
to constancie in faith, departed thence about his busines, as to his
sermon appertained.

By this partly, and other like arguments, the archbishop began
more and more to surmise what they went about. Then because
the day was not farre past, and the lords and knights that were
looked for, were not yet come, there came to him the Spanish
frier, witnesse of his recantation, bringing a paper with articles,
which Cranmer should openly professe in his recantation before
the people, earnestly desiring him that hee would write the said
instrument with the articles with his own hand, and signe it with
his name : which when he had done, the sayd fryer desired that
he would write another copy thereof, which should remaine with
him, and that he did also. But yet the archbishop being not

5 L. Shandoys, &c.] Sir John Bridges, first lord Chandos of Sudeley, lieu-
tenant of the Tower. See vol. ii. p. 390.

6 Sir Thomas EridgesJ] Brother of Lord Chandos. See p. 1 5, note.

270 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

ignorant whereunto their secret devises tended, and thinking that
the time was at hand, in which he could no longer dissemble the
profession of his faith with Christs people, he put secretly in his
bosome his prayer, with his exhortation, written in another paper,
which hee minded to recite to the people, before hee should make
the last profession of his faith, fearing least if they hadde heard
the confession of his faith first, they would not afterward have
suffered him to exhort the people.

Soone after about nine of the clocke, the lord Williams, sir
Thomas Bridges, sir John Browne, and the other justices, with
certaine other noble menne, that were sent of the queenes coun-
cell, came to Oxford with a great traine of waiting men. Also of
the other multitude on everie side (as is woont in such a matter)
was made a great concourse and greater expectation. For first
of all, they that were of the popes side, were in great hope that
day to heare something of Cramner that should stablish the vanitie
of their opinion : the other part which were endued with a better
ininde, could not yet doubt, that he which by continuall studie,
and labour, for so many yeares had set forth the doctrine of the
gospell, either would or could now in the last act of his life for-
sake his part. Brieflie, as every mans will enclined, either to this
part or to that, so according to the diversitie of their desires,
every man wished and hoped for. And yet because in an uncer-
taine thing the certaintie could be knowne of none what would be
the end, all their mindes were hanging betweene hope and doubt.
So that the greater the expectation was in so doubtfull a matter,
the more was the multitude, that were gathered thither to heare
and behold.

In this so great frequencie and expectation, Cranmer at tin*
length commeth from prison Bocardo, unto saint Mario ehurrh.
because it was a foule and rainie day, the chiefe church in the
universitie, in this order. The niaior went before, next him the
aldermen in their place and degree, after them was Oamm-r
brought bi-tweene two friers, which mumbling to and fro eertainc
ji-almes in the streetos. answered one another until they cam
the church doore, and there they began the song of Sinn -..n. I
/tint if fit. and entering into the church, the psalm-saying friers
brought him to his standing, and there left him. There was a
stage set over : lie pulpit, of a mean height from the ground,

where Cranmer had his standinu. waiting untill Cole made him
readie to his s«-nnnn.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 271

The lamentable case and sight of that man gave a sorrowful
spectacle to all Christian eies that beheld him. He that late was
archbishop, metropolitane, and primate of England, and the kings
privie counsellor, being now in a bare and ragged gowne, and ill
favouredlie cloathed, with an old square cap, exposed to the con-
tempt of all men, did admonish men not onelie of his owne cala-
mitie, but also of their state and fortune. For who would not
pitie his case, and bewaile his fortune, and might not feare his
own chance, to see such a prelate, so grave a counsellor, and of
so long continued honour, after so manie dignities, in his old
yeares to be deprived of his estate, adjudged to die, and in
so painefull a death to end his life, and no we presentlie from
such fresh ornaments, to descend to such vile and ragged
apparell ?

In this habite, when hee had stood a good space upon the stage,
turning to a piller neere adjoyning thereunto, hee lifted up his
hands to heaven, and prayed unto God once or twice, til at the
length doctor Cole comming into the pulpit, and beginning his
sermon, entered first into mention of Tobias and Zacharie.
Whome after hee hadde praised in the beginning of his sermon
for their perseverance in the true worshipping of God, he then
divided his whole sermon into three partes (according to the
solemne custome of the schooles) intending to speeke first of the
mercie of God, secondlie of his justice to be shewed, and last of
all, how the princes secrets are not to be opened. And proceed-
ing a little from the beginning, he took occasion by and by to
turne his tale to Cranmer, and with manie hot words reprooved
him, that once he being indued with the favour and feeling of
wholesome and catholike doctrine, fell into the contrarie opinion
of pernicious error, which hee hadde not onelie defended by writ-
ings, and all his power, but also allured other men to doe the like,
with great liberalitie of giftes, as it were, appointing rewards for
errour ; and after hee had allured them, by all meanes did cherish
them.

It were too long to repeate all thinges, that in long order were
pronounced. The summe of his tripartite declamation was, that
he said Gods mercie was so tempered with his justice, that he
did not altogether require punishment according to the merits of
offenders, nor yet sometimes suffered the-same altogether to goe
unpunished, yea though they had repented. As in David, who
when he was bidden choose of three kinds of punishments which

272 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

hee would, and he had chosen pestilence for three daies, the Lord
forgave him halfe the time, but did not release all. And that
the same thing came to passe in him also to whom although par-
don and reconciliation was due according to the canons, seeing
he repented him of his errours, yet there were causes why the
queene and the councell at this time judged him to death ; of
which, least he should marvell too much, he should heare some.

First that being a traitor, he had dissolved the lawful matri-
monie between the king, her father, and mother: besides the
driving out of the popes authoritie, while hee was metropolitane.

Secondly, that he had been an heretick, from whom as from an
author and onely fountaine, all hereticall doctrine and schismati-
call opinions that so many yeeres have prevailed in England, did
first rise and spring : of which he had not been a secret favourer
onely, but also a most earnest defender even to the end of his
life, sowing them abroad by writings and arguments, privately
and openly, not without great ruine and decay of the catholicke
church.

And further, it seemed meet, according to the law of equali-
tie, that as the death of the duke of Northumberland of late,
made even with Thomas More, chauncellour, that died for the
church, so there should be one that should make even with
Fisher of Rochester : and because that Ridley, Hooper, Ferrar,
were not able to make even that man, it seemed, that Cranmer
should be joined to them to fill up this part of equalitie.

Besides these, there were other just and waightie causes, which
seemed to the queene and the councell, which was not meet at
that time to be opened to the common people.

After this, turning his tale to the hearers, he bade all men be-
ware by this mans example, that among men nothing is so high,
that can promise it selfe safetie on the earth, and that Gods venge-
ance is equally stretched against all men, and spareth none :
therefore they should beware and learne to feare their prince.
And seeing the queenes majestic would not spare so notable a
man as this, much lesse in the like cause shee would spare other
men, that no man should thinke to make thereby any defence of
his errour, either in riches or any kinde of authoritie. They had
now an example to teach them all, by whose calamitie every man
might consider his owne fortune : who from the top of dignitir.
none being more honorable than he in the whole realm «. and next
the king, was fallen into so great miserie, as they might now see,

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 273

being a man of so high degree, sometime one of the chiefest pre-
lates in the church, and an archbishop, the chiefe of the councell,
the second person in the realme of long time, a man thought in
greatest assurance, having a king on his side : notwithstanding
all his authoritie and defence to be debased from high estate, to
a low degree, of a councellour to become a caitiffe and to be set
in so wretched a state, that the poorest wretch would not change
condition with him : briefely, so heaped with miserie on all sides,
that neyther was left in him any hope of better fortune ; nor
place for worse.

The latter part of his sermon, hee converted to the archbishop :
whome hee comforted and encouraged to take his death well, by
many places of Scripture, as with these and such like ; bidding
him not to mistrust, but hee should incontinentlie receive that
the thiefe did, to whom Christ said, Hodie mecum eris in para-
diso ; that is, "This day thou shalt be with me in paradise."
And out of S. Paule he armed him against the terrour of the
fire by this, Dominus fidelis est, non sinet vos tentari ultra quam
ferre potestis ; that is, " the Lord is faithfull, which will not suffer
you to be tempted above your strength ;" by the example of the
three children, to whom God made the flame to seeme like a
pleasant dewe ; adding also the rejoicing of S. Andrew in his
crosse, the patience of S. Laurence on the fire, assuring him,
that God, if hee called on him, and to such as die in his faith,
eyther would abate the furie of the flame, or give him strength
to abide it.

He glorified God much in his conversion, because it appeared
to bee onely his worke, declaring what travell and conference had
beene with him to convert him, and all prevailed not, till that it
pleased God of his mercy to reclaime him, and call him home.
In discoursing of which place, he much commended Cranmer, and
qualified his former doings, thus tempering his judgment and
talke of him, that while the time (saide he) hee flowed in riches
and honour, hee was unworthy of his life : and now that he
might not live, he was unworthy of death. But least he should
carry with him no comfort, he would diligentlie labour (hee sayd),
and also he did promise in the name of all the priests that were
present, that immediately after his death, there should be diriges,
masses, and funerals executed for him in all the churches of
Oxford, for the succour of his soule.

Cranmer in all this meane time, with what great griefe of
VOL. nr. T

274 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

minde he stood hearing this sermon, the outward shewes of his
bodie and countenance did better expresse, than any man can
declare : one while lifting up his hands and eies unto heaven, and
then againe for shame letting them downe to the earth. A man
might have seen the very image and shape of perfect sorrow
lively in him expressed. More than twentie severall times the
tears gushed out aboundantly, dropping downe marvellously from
his fatherly face. They which were present, doe testify that they
never sawe in any childe more teares, than brast out from him at
that time, all the sermon while : but specially when he recited
his prayer before the people. It is marvellous what commisera-
tion and pitty mooved all mens harts, that beheld so heavy a
countenance, and such aboundance of tears in an old man of so
reverend dignity.

Cole, after hee had ended his sermon 7, called backe the people
that were ready to depart, to prayers. " Brethren," (sayde hee)
" least any man should doubt of this mans earnest conversion
and repentance, you shall heare him speake before you, and there-
fore I pray you maister Cranmer, that you will now performe that
you promised not long ago ; namely, that you would openly < \-
presse the true and undoubted profession of your faith, that y«»u
may take away all suspicion of men, and that all men may under-
stand that you are a catholicke indeed.'1 " I will doe it (saide the
archbishop), " and that with a good will :" who by and by rising
up, and putting off his cap, began to speake thus unto the people.

" I desire you well beloved brethren in the Lord, that you will
pray to God for mee, to forgive me my sinnes, which above all
men, both in number and greatnesse, I have committed : but
among all the rest, there is one offence, which most of all at tlii>
time doth vexe and trouble me, whereof in processe of my talkr
you shall heare more in his proper place;" and then putting his
hand into his bosome, he drew forth his prayer, which he re<
to the people in this sense.

7 Ended his sermon.] "When Dr. Cole had ended his sermon, he de
all the people to pray for him ; Mr. Cranmer kneeling down with them, and
praying for himself. I think there was never before such a number so
earnestly praying together. For they that hated him before, now loved him
for his conversion, and hope of continuance. They that loved him before
could not suddenly hate him, having hope of his confession again of his fall.
So love and hope encreased devotion on every side." Letter from an eye-
witness, Strype's JAfe nf Cranmer, p.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 275

The Prayer of doctour Cranmer archbishop.

"Good Christian people, my dearely beloved brethren and
sisters in Christ, I beseech you most heartily to pray for me to
almighty God, that he will forgive me all my sins and offences,
which be many without number, and great above measure. But
yet one thing greeveth my conscience more than all the rest,
whereof God willing, I entend to speake more hereafter. But how
great and how many soever my sinnes be, I beseech you to pray
God of his mercy to pardon and forgive them all. And here,
kneeling down, he said :

" O Father of heaven, O Sonne of God redeemer of the world,
0 Holy Ghost, three persons and one God, have mercy upon me
most wretched caitife and miserable sinner. I have offended both
against heaven and earth, more than my tongue can expresse.
Whither then may I go, or whither should I flye ? To heaven I
may be ashamed to lift up mine eyes ; and in earth I finde no
place of refuge or succour. To thee therefore (0 Lord) doe I runne :
to thee doe I humble my selfe, saying, 0 Lord my God, my sinnes
bee great, but yet have mercy upon me for thy great mercy. The
great mysterie that God became man, was not wrought for little
or few offences. Thou didst not give thy Sonne (O heavenly
Father) unto death for small sins only, but for all the greatest
sinnes of the world, so that the sinner return to thee with his
whole hart, as I do here at this present. Wherfore have mercy
on me O God, whose property is alwaies to have mercy, have
mercy upon me O Lord, for thy great mercy. I crave nothing
for my own merits, but for thy names sake, that it may bee
hallowed thereby, and for thy deare Sonne, Jesus Christes sake.
And now therefore, Our Father of heaven, hallowed be thy name,
&c." And then he rising, said :

" Everie man (good people) desireth at the time of their death
to give some good exhortation that other may remember the same
before their death, and be the better thereby : so I beseech God
graunt mee grace, that I may speake something at this my depart-
ing, whereby God may be glorified, and you edified.

" First, it is an heavie case to see that so many folke be so

T 2

276 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

much doted upon the love of this false world, and so careful for it,
that of the love of God, or the world to come, they seeme to care
verie little or nothing. Therefore this shall be my first exhorta-
tion, that you set not your mindes overmuch upon this glosing
world, but upon God, and upon the world to come ; and to learn
to know what this lesson meaneth, which S. John teacheth, that
the love of this world is hatred against God.

" The second exhortation is, that next under God you obey your
king and queene willinglie and gladlie, without murmuring or
grudging ; not for feare of them onelie, but much more for the
feare of God : knowing that they bee Gods ministers, appointed
by God to rule and governe you : and therefore who soever re-
sisteth them, resisteth the ordinance of God.

" The third exhortation is, that you love altogether like brethren
and sisters. For alas, pittie it is to see what contention and
hatred one Christian man beareth to another, not taking each
other as brother and sister, but rather as strangers and mortall
enemies. But I pray you learne and beare well away this one
lesson : to doe good unto all men, as much as in you lieth, and to
hurt no man, no more than you would hurt your owne naturall
loving brother or sister. For this you may be sure of, that who-
soever hateth any person, and goeth about malitiouslye to hinder
or hurt him, surelie and without all doubt God is not with
that man, although hee thinke himselfe never so much in Gods
favour.

"The fourth exhortation shall be to them that have great
substance and riches of this world, that they will well consider
and weigh three sayings of the Scripture. One is of our saviour
Christ himselfe, who saith, It is hard for a rich man to c,
the kingdom of heaven. A sore saying, and yet spoken of him that
knoweth the truth. The second is of S. John, whose saying is
this : He that hath the substance of this world, and seeth his brother
in necessity, and shutteth up his mercy from him, how can he say
that hee loveth God? The third is of S. James, who speaketh to
the covetous rich man after this maner : Weepe you and hou?
the misery that shall come upon you : your riches doe rotte, your
cloathes be moth eaten, your golde and silver doth canker and /
and their rust shal beare witness against you, and consume you
tire: you gather a hoard or treasure of Gods i >n against the

last day. Let them that be rich, ponder well these three sen-

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 277

tences : for if they ever had occasion to shew their charity, they
have it now at this present, the poore people being so many, and
victuals so deere 8.

" And now for as much as I am come to the last ende of my
life, wherupon hangeth all my life past, and all my life to come,
either to live with my master Christ for ever in joy, or else to be
in paine for ever, with wicked devils in hell, and I see before
mine eies presently either heaven readie to receive me, or else
hell ready to swallow me up : I shall therfore declare unto you
my very faith how I beleeve, without any colour or dissimulation :
for now is no time to dissemble, whatsoever I "have said or written
in time past.

" First, I believe in God the Father almightie, Maker of
heaven and earth, &c. And I beleeve every article of the
catholicke faith, every word and sentence taught by our saviour

8 Victuals so deere.'] "These two years since king Edwardes death, the
earth hath not brought furthe such plentie, as it customably did before. And
where before time the countrey fedde London, London contrary wise was and
is forced of her former provision to fede the countrie. And where Dantiske
and other the north east partes were the barnes and garners of corne, for they
had the provision of corne for many yeares before-hand, and nourished all the
lowe parts of Germanic, Denmarke, Frieslande, Holande, Zelande, Brabaunt,
Flanders, Hispaine, and many other; now by reason of their bringing so
muche to releve Englande, onles a staie be made in time, they themselves will
perishe of famine. And whan were ever thinges so deare in Englande, as in
this time of the popish masse and other idolatrie restored ? And who ever
heard or redde before, that a pound of beefe was at four-pence ; a sheepe
twenty shillings ; a pounde of candelles at four-pence ; a pounde of buttur
at four-pence ; a pounde of chese at four-pence ; two eggs a penie ; a quar-
ter of wheat sixty four shillings : a quarter of malt at fifty shillings or above ;
the people driven of hongre to grinde accornes for bread meale, and to drink
water in stede of ale ? And what ? shall this famine awaie before his walking
mate and felowe, pestilence, come ? No surely. Without your earnest spedy
repentaunce, and Goddes exceding miraculous mercie it is not possible."
Treatise (Ponet's) of Politic Power. Signat. K 7, 8. A.D. 1556.

" The scarcity in Oxford was so great, that several societies, being scarce
able to live, had leave from their governors to go into the country to their
respective homes, to remain there till such time that bread-corn was more
plentiful." A. Wood's Annals, vol. ii. p. 130, edit. i. 1796. Compare Strype's
Cranmer, p. 292, and Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. iii. p. 311. 320, 1.

See also a striking description (probably by archbishop Parker) in the
Preface to the Reader prefixed to Defence of Priests' Marriages, 4to. edited
by the archbishop ; given above in the Life of Rogers, vol. ii. p. 345, n.

278 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

Jesus Christ, his apostles and prophets, in the new and olde
Testament.

" And now I come to the great thing, that so much troubleth
my conscience, more than any thing that ever I did or sayde in
my whole life, and this is the setting abroad of a writing con-
trary to the trueth : which now here I renounce and refuse, as
things, written with my hand, contrary to the trueth which I
thought in my hart, and written for feare of deathe, and to save
my life if it might bee, and that is, all such billes and papers
which I have written or signed with my hand since my degrada-
tion : wherein I have written many things untrue. And for
asmuch as my hand offended, writing contrary to my heart, my
hand shall first bee punished therefore : for may I come to the
fire it shall be first burned.

" And as for the pope, I refuse him, as Christs enemie and
antichrist, with all his false doctrine.

u And as for the sacrament, I beleeve as I have taught in my
booke against the bishop of Winchester, the which my book
teacheth so true a doctrine of the sacrament, that it shall stand
at the last day before the judgement of God, where the papis-
ticall doctrine contrarie thereto, shall be ashamed to shew her
face."

Here the standers by were all astonied, marvelled, were amazed,
did look one upon another, whose expectation hee had so notably
deceived. Some began to admonish him of his recantation, and
to accuse him of falshood. Briefly, it was a world to see the
doctors beguiled of so great an hope. I thinke there was never
cruel tie more notablie or better in time deluded and deceived.
For it is not to be doubted but they looked for a glorious victorie*
and a perpetuall triumph by this mans recantation. Who as
soon as they heard these things, began to let downe their cares,
to rage, fret, and fume : and so much the more, because they
could not revenge their griefe : for they could nowe no longer
threaten or hurt him. For the most miserable man in the world
can die but once : and whereas of necessitie hee must needs dy
that day, though the papists had bin never so well ]>!• ';»-< •«! : now
In -ing never so much offended with him. yet could he not be tv
killed of them. And so when they could do nothing else unto
him. yet least they should say nothing, they ceased not to object
unto him his laWiond and dissimulation.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 279

Unto which accusation he answered : " Ah my masters," quoth
he, " doe you not take it so. Alwaies since I lived hitherto, I
have beene a hater of falshood9, and a lover of simplicitie, and
never before this time have I dissembled ;" and in saying this,
all the teares that remained in his body, appeared in his eies.
And when he began to speak more of the sacrament and of the
papacie, some of them began to crie out, yalpe, and baule, and
specially Cole cried out upon him ; " stop the heretickes mouth^
and take him away."

A nd then Cranmer being pulled downe from the stage, was led
to the fire, accompanied with those friers, vexing, troubling, and
threatening him most cruelly. " What madnesse," say they,
" hath brought thee againe into this errour, by which thou wilt
drawe innumerable soules with thee into hell?" To whome he
answered nothing, but directed all his talke to the people, saving
that to one troubling him in the way he spake, and exhorted him
to get him home to his study, and apply his booke diligently,
saying if he did diligently call upon God, by reading more, he
should get knowledge.

But the other Spanish barker raging and foaming, was almost
out of his wits, alwaies having this in his mouth, " Nonfecisti ?
Did thou it not?"

But when he came to the place, where the holy bishops and
martyrs of God, Hugh Latimer and Ridley, were burnt before
him, for the confessing of the truth, kneeling downe hee prayed
to God, and not long tarrying in his prayers, putting off his gar-
ments to his shirt, he prepared himself to death. His shirt was
made long down to his feete. His feete were bare. Likewise
his head, when both his caps were off, was so bare that one hair
could not be seene upon it. His beard was long and thick,

9 A hater of falshood.~] " And here being admonished of his recantation
and dissembling, he said, ' Alas, my lord ' (the lord Williams) ' I have been
a man that all my life loved plainness, and never dissembled till now against
the truth ; which I am most sorry for.' He added hereunto, that for the
sacrament, he believed as he had taught in his book against the bishop of
Winchester. And here he was suffered to speak no more." Letter of an
eye-witness, Strype, p. 388.

" His friends sorrowed for love ; his enemies for pity : strangers for a
common kind of humanity, whereby we. are bound one to another. — Thus I
have enforced myself, for your sake, to discourse this heavy narration, con-
trary to my mind : and being more than half weary, I make a short end ; the
23d of March, yours, J. A." Strype, p. 389.

280 ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.

covering his face with marvellous gravity. Such a countenance
of gravitie moved the hearts both of his friends and of his
enemies.

Then the Spanish friars, John * and Richard, of whom mention
was made before, began to exhort him, and play their parts with
him afresh, but with vaine and loste labour : Cranmer with stead-
fast purpose abiding in the profession of his doctrine, gave his
hand to certaine old men, and other that stoode by, bidding
them farewell.

And when he had thought to have done so likewise to Ely, the
said Ely drew back his hand, and refused, saying, it was not law-
ful to salute heretikes, and specially such a one as falsly returned
unto the opinions that he had forsworne. And if he had knowne
before that he would have done so, he would never have used his
company so familiarly ; and chid those sergeants and citizens,
which had not refused to give him their hands. This Ely was a
priest lately made, and student in divinity, being then one of the
fellowes of Brazen Nose.

Then was an iron chaine tied about Cranmer, whom when they
perceived to be more stedfast, then that he could be moved from
his sentence, they commanded the fire to be set unto him.

And when the wood was kindled, and the fire began to burn
neere him, stretching out his arme, he put his right hand into the
flame, which he held so stedfast and immoveable (saving that
once with the same hand he wiped his face) that all men might
see his hand burned before his body was touched. His body did
so abide the burning of the flame, with such constancie and sted-
fastnesse, that standing ahvaies in one place, without moving his
body, he seemed to move no more than the stake to which he was
bound : his eyes were lifted up unto heaven, and often times he
repeated his "unworthy right hand" so long as his voyce would
suffer him : and using often the wordes of Steven, Lord Jesus
receive my spirit ; in the greatness of the flame he gave up t hi-
ghest.

This fortitude of minde, which perchance is rare and not found
among the Spaniards, wln-n frier John saw, thinking it raim- imt
of fortitude, but of desperation, although such manner of exam-
ples which are of the like constancie, have been common hero in
Kngland, ran to the Lord William** «>f Tamr. eryini: that the

1 John.] De Villa Garcina. See p. 263.

ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 281

archbishop was vexed in minde, and died in great desperation.
But he, which was not ignorant of the archbishops constancie,
being unknowne to the Spaniards, smiled only (and as it were) by
silence rebuked the friars folly.

And this was the end of this learned archbishop, whom lest by
evil subscribing he should have perished, by well recanting God
preserved ; and lest hee should have lived longer with shame and
reproofe, it pleased God rather to take him away, to the glory of
his name, and profit of his church. So good was the Lord both
to his church, in fortifying the same with the testimony and blood
of such a martyr ; and so good also to the man, with this crosse
of tribulation, to purge his offences in this world, not only of his
recantation, but also of his standing against John Lambert, and
doctor Allen, or if there were any other with whose burning and
blood his handes had beene before any thing polluted. But
especially he had to rejoice, that dying in such a cause, he was to
be numbered among Christ's martyrs, much more worthy the
name of saint Thomas of Canterbury, than he whom the pope
falsly before did canonize.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN1.

AND here it may not be amiss to set down what befel one of the
London divines about this time ; Thomas Mountain by name,
parson of St. Michael's the Tower Royal, otherwise called Whit-
tington college ; a man of some figure in those days, and that had
been with the duke of Northumberland in the business of queen
Jane. What troubles he endured from the bishop of Winchester,
for performing his function in his parish church according to king
Edward's laws, which were then in full force, I will declare ; as I
have extracted it out of his own MS. relation. Wherein, among
other things, two are worthy to be observed, viz. the noble confi-
dence of this man, in speaking the truth before this bloody-
minded bishop ; and his lofty, scoffing, contumelious carriage
towards Mountain.

" Queen Mary was crowned queen of England such a day of
the month, being Sunday, [viz. Octob. 1.] The next Sunday
after, I, Thomas Mountayn, did minister all kynd of service,
according to the godly order then set forth by the most gracious
and blessed prince, king Edward the sixth ; and the whole parish
being than gathered together, did than and there most joyfully
communicate together with me the holy supper of the Lord
Jesus ; and many other godly citizens were then partakers of
the same. Who, with bitterness of repentance, did not only
lament their former wicked lyves, but also the lack and loss of
our most dread sovereign lord, king Edward the sixth, whom
we were not worthy of, for our unthankfulness and disobedience

1 Thomas Mountain.'] For this interesting narrative I am indebted to
Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii. p. 67—71, 100— 1, and 184—98.
Folio edit. Strype derived it from Fox's MSS.

286 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

both towards Almighty God and his majestie. Now while I was
even a breking of the bread at the table, saying to the communi-
cants these words, Take and eat this, &c. and Drink this, &c.
there were standing by, to see and hear, certayn serving men,
belonging to the busshop of Wynchester. Among whom one
of them most shamefully blasphemed God, saying, Ye, God's
bloud, standest thou there yet, saying, Take and eat, Take and
drink ? Will not this gear be left yet ? You shall be made to
sing another song within this few days, I trow, or else I have lost
my mark.

"The next Wednesday following [Octob. 11.] the busshop of
Winchester sent one of his servants for me, to come and speak to
my lord his master. To whom I answered, That I would wait
on his lordship after that I had don morning prayer. Nay, saith
his man, I may not tary so long for you. I am commaunded to
take you wheresoever I find you, and to bring you with me.
That is my charge given unto me by my lord's own mouth.
Well then, said I, I will go with you out of hand ; and God be
my comfort, and strengthen me with his Holy Spirit this day, and
ever, in the same truth wherunto he hath called me, that I may
continue therin to the end.

" Now, whan I came to the great chamber at St. Mary Overies,
there I found the bushop standing at a bay window, with a great
company about him, and many sutors, both men and women, (for
he was going to the court.) Among whom there was one Mr.
Sellenger2, [or St. Leger,] a knight, and lord deputy of Ireland,
being a sutor also to my lord. Then the bushop called me unto
him, and said, Thou heretic ! how darest thou be so bold to use
that schismatical service stil, of late set forth, seing that God
hath sent us now a catholic queen ? whose laws thou hast broken,
as the rest of thy fellows have don : and you shal know the price
of it, if I do live. There is such abhominable company of you. as
is able to poyson a whole realm with your heresies. My lord,
said I, I am none heretic. For that way that you count heresy,
so worship we the lyving God : and as our forefathers have don
and believed, I mean Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, with the
of the holy prophets and apostles ; even so do I beleve to be

2 Mr. Sellenger.] Sir Arthur St. Leger, the same who was sent by Mary
immediately on her accession, as ambassador to France, to join Dr. Nicholas
Wotton, and to replace sir William Pickering and sir Thomas Chaloner.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 287

saved, and by no other means. God's passion ! said the bushop,
did not I tel you, my lord deputy, how you should know an he-
retic. He is up with his lyving God, as tho1 there were a dead
God. They have nothing in their mouths, these heretics, but
the Lord liveth, the lyving God : the Lord, the Lord, and nothing
but the Lord. Here he chafed like a bushop ; and, as his man-
ner was, many times he put off his cap, and rubbed to and fro up
and down the fore part of his head, where a lock of hair was
always standing up, and that, as some say, was his grace. But,
to pacify this hasty bushop and cruel man, the lord deputy said,
My good lord chancellor, trouble not your self with this heretic.
I think all the world is full of them. God bless me from them.
But, as your lordship said even now ful wel, having a Christian
queen reigning over us, I trust there wil be shortly a reformation,
and an order taken for these heretics. And, I trust, God hath
preserved your honourable lordship for the very same purpose.
Than said Mr. Sellenger unto me, Submit your self unto my lord,
and so you shall find favour at his hands. I thank you, sir, said
I : ply your own sute, and I pray you let me alone. For I never
offended my lord, neither yet wil I make any such submission as
he wold have me to do. Be assured of that, God willing. Well,
said he, you are a stubborn man.

" Then stood there one by, much like unto Dr. Martyn, and
said, My lord, the time passeth away : trouble yourself no longer
with this heretic : for he is not only an heretic, but also a traitor
to the queers majestie. For he was one of them that went forth
with the duke of Northumberland, and was in open field against
her grace. And, therefore, as a traitor, he is one of them that
are exempt out of the general pardon, and hath lost the benefit
of the same. Is it even so 2 saith the bushop. Fetch me the
book, that I may see it. Than was the book brought him, as
one ignorant what had been don, and yet he being the chief doer
himself thereof. Than asked he of me, what my name was. I
said, My name was Thomas Mountain. Thou hast wrong, saith
he. Why so, my lord ? That thou hast not mounted to Tyburn,
or such like place. Then said I unto him, I beseech your lord-
ship, be so good lord unto me, as to let me know mine accusers,
who they be. For I trust, that I have not deserved, nother to
be hanged as a thief, nor yet to be burned as an heretic. For I
only believe in one God in Trinitie : and as for the laws of the

288 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

realm, I trust I have not offended or broken any of them. No,
sayd the bushop, I wil make thee to sing a new song or thou and
I have don. For these be always linked together, treason and
heresy. And thou hast, like a shameless man, offended in both,
and that shalt thou know. I wil school thee my self.

" Then he called for the marshal, or some of his men, and
there was none of them there. Then called he for one Mr. Hun-
gerford, one of his own gentlemen. Him he rounded in the ear
a pretty while ; and then openly the bushop sayd with a loud
voice, I pray you, Mr. Hungerford, take this traiterous heretic,
and have him to the Marshalsea, and remember well what I have
said unto you. For this is one of our new broched brethren.
that speaketh agaynst al good works. No my lord, said I, I
never preached or spake against any of those good works, which
be commaunded of God in the holy Scriptures to be don. For
in those good works every Christian man ought to exercise him-
self all the days of his life ; and yet not to think himself to be
justified therby, but rather to account himself an unprofitable
servant, when he hath don the best he can. That is true, quoth
the bishop. Your fraternity was, is, and ever wil be altogether
unprofitable in all ages, and good for nothing, but for the fire.
Tel me, I pray thee, what good works were there don other in
king Harry's days, or in king Edward's days ? Truly, my lord,
said I, there were don in the days of these two notable kings, of
most worthy memory, many notable things, most worthy of per-
petual memory to the end.

" First, the bushop of Rome was utterly abolished, with all his
usurped power and authority over al Christian princes ; al ido-
latry, superstition, and hypocrisy suppressed ; al false and feigned
religious men and women discharged of their long loitring in
cloisters, and taught to serve God in spirit and i/i iruih, and no
longer to worship him in vain ; devouring poor widows houses,
under the pretence of long prayers. Also, if it like your lordship.
they did erect many colleges. Also the universities of Camln
and Oxford first by wise men were visited, then purged, well fur-
nished with godly learned masters of every house ; and last of all.
continually releved and maintained, from time to time, by the
good and wel disposed people of this citie of London3; that

s Citie of London.'] See above, p. 336.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 289

learned men might flourish. Al these, my lord, were good works.
Further, they did erect many fair hospitals 4 ; one for orphans and
fatherles children ; wherin they may be taught to know their
duty and obedience both to God and man : having both a school-
master, and also an usher, to teach them their grammar. These,
likewise, have also meat, drink, cloth, lodging, lawnders, surgeons,
and physicians, with al other necessaries. In the other houses,
my lord, there be the blind, the lame, the dumb, the deaf, and all
kind of sick, sore, and diseased people. They have always with
them an honest learned minister 5, to comfort them, and to give
them good counsil, that they might patiently take in good part
God's visitation. This they have, beside meat, drink, lodging,
surgeons, physicians. Are not al these good works, my lord?

" Then the bushop said unto me, in mockage, sir, you have
made a great speke 6. For wheras you have set up one beggarly
house, you have pulled down an hundred princely houses for it :
putting out godly, learned, and devout men, that served God

4 Fair hospitals.'] See above, Life of Ridley, p. 109, 110.

5 An honest learned minister. ,] This great benefit to the unhappy inmates of
these and similar institutions, and to society at large through all succeeding
generations, owed its origin probably, to a suggestion of honest Latimer, in
one of his sermons before king Edward : fol. 63 b. 4to.

" O ! I would ye would resort to prisons ; a commendable thing in a
Christian realme. I would wish that there were curates for prisons, that
we might say the curate of Newgate, the curate of the Fleete : and I would
have them waged for their labour. It is a holy-day worke to visite the pri-
soners; for they be keptefrom sermons."

6 A great speke] One who had opportunities of being well acquainted with
Gardiner, at least personally, namely Ponet, one of Cranmer's chaplains, and
his successor (1551) in the see of Winchester, has given us the following un-
lovely picture of some of the external features of this fearful scourge of the
reformation.

"Albeit this doctor be now (1556), but too late, thoroughly known, yet it
shall be requisite that our posterity know what he was, and by his descrip-
tion see how nature hath shaped the outward parts to declare what was
within. This doctor hath a swart colour, hanging look, frowning brows,
eyes an inch within his head, a nose hooked like a buzzard, nostrils like a
horse, ever snuffing into the wind, a sparrow mouth, great paws like the
devil, talons on his feet like a gripe, two inches longer than the natural toes,
and so fixed with sinews, that he cannot abide to be touched, nor scarce suffer
them to touch the stones. And nature having thus shaped the form of an
old monster, it gave him a vengeable wit." Treatise of Politic Power, by
D. J. P. B. R. W., edit. 1642.

VOL. III. U

290 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

day and night 7, and thrust in their place a sort of scurvy and
lowzy boyes.

" Wei, to be short with thee, what sayest thou to the blessed
sacrament of the altar ? how believest thou in that ? My lord,
not as you beleve ; for I never read in the Scripture of any such
sacrament so called, and so unreverently to be hanged up in a
rope over a heap of stones : and that same to be worshipped of
the people, as God 8. Wo be unto them that so do teach the
people to believe ! for they be false priests : believe them who
will ; for, truly, I will not. Thus have I been taught to believe.
By whom! saith the bushop. Forsooth, even by Jesus Christ.
the high Bushop and Priest of our souls : who, by the offering up
of his own blessed body on the cross once for al, as St. Paul saith to
the Hebrews, and there shedding his most precious blood, hath
cleansed us from al our sins. And, I trust, by his death, to have
everlasting life. But how sayest thou, shameless heretic ! unto
the holy and blessed mass ? My lord, suffer me, I pray you, to
speak my conscience. I nother believe it to be holy, nor yet
blessed, but rather to be abhominable before God and man, and
the same to be accursed. And with that I kneeled down, and
held up my hands, looking up unto heaven, and said, in the pre-

7 Day and nightJ] This passage receives a striking illustration from a sen-
tence or two from William Tindal ; which however we give, in no temper of
harsh judgment against the piety of the distinguished monarch.

" King Henry V. built Syon, and the Charter-house of Shene on the other
side of the water, of such manner that lippe labour may never cease. For,
when the fryers of Syon ryng out, the nunnes beginne. And when the
nunnes ryng out of service, the monkes on the other side beginne. And
when they ring out, the fryers beginne agayne, and vexe themselves night
and day, and take payne for God's sake : for which God must geve them
heaven." Exposition on the 6th chap, of S. Matthew; Works, p. 221. See
also vol. i. p. 444, n.

8 As God.'] "The lady Jane" (Gray), "she whom the lord Guilford mar-
ried, when she was very young, at Newhall in Essex, at the lady Mary's "
(afterwards queen), " was by one lady Anne Wharton desired to walke, and
they passing by the chappel, the lady Wharton made low curtesie to the
popish sacrament hanging on the altar : which when the lady Jane saw, she
marvelled why she did so, and asked her whether the lady Mary were there,
or not. Unto whom lady Wharton answered, No : but she said that she
made her curtesie to Him that made us all. Why, quoth the lady Jane, how
can He be there that made us all, and the baker made him ? — This her an-
swer coming to the lady Mary's eare, she did never love her after, as is
credibly reported." Fox's Acts, vol. iii. 992. edit. 1640.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 291

sence of them all : 0 Father of heaven and of earth, I most humbly
beseech thee to encrease my faith, and to help my unbeliefe, and
shortly cast down for ever that shamefull idol, the mass, even for
Jesus Chrisfs sake, I ask it, Amen. God graunt it for his mercyes
sake, shortly to come to pas. I cry you mercy, sir, said the bushop,
how holy you are now ! Did you never say mass, I pray you ?
Yes, my lord, that I have; and I ask God mercy, and most
heartily forgivenes, for doing so wicked a deed. And will you
never say it again ? said the bushop. No, my lord, God willing,
never while I live, knowing that I do know, not to be drawn
asunder with wild horses. I trust that God wil not so give me
over, and leave me to my self. Then he cryed, Away with him.
It is the stubbornest knave that ever I talked with.

" Then Mr. Hungerford called for three or four of my lord's
men to wait upon him to the Marshalsea : and, by the way, as he
went, he mightily persuaded with me, that I should give over
mine heresies and wicked opinions, as he termed them, and he
wold be a mean for me unto my lord, and offered me to go back
again. I thanked him for his good wil, and desired him, that I
might go forward to the place appointed by my lord. Wei, saith
he, and there be no remedy, come on. I am sory for you. Then
came we to the Marshalsea, and the porter, called Brittain,
opened the door and let us in, saying, What have you brought
here, Mr. Hungerford? An heretic? He sayd, Yea, and a
traitor too. No, said I, I am none. I am even as true a man
both to God and to the crown of England, as any of you both are,
or my lord, your master, either. Wei, said the porter, we shal
hamper you wel enough. Come on with me. Then the gentle-
man rounded him in the ear, and so went his ways. Then was I
brought unto a great block. Set up your feet here, master
heretic, said Brittain the porter; and let me see how these
cramp-rings will become you. I am not too good, said I, to
wear these for the truths sake, seeing that Jesus Christ dyed for
my sake. They are welcome unto me with al my heart. For by
much tribulation we must enter into the kingdom of God. Than
he took a great hammer in his hand, and did set them on, and
that surely. Then he brought me to my lodging, a place called
Boner's colehouse : there he put me in, and locked the door upon
me, saying, he was commanded to keep me as a close prisoner,
and that no man might speak with me. Content, said I, and yet
wil I speak with one, I trust, every day, and ask you no leave.

u 2

292 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

Who is that ? said he : wold I might know him. So wold I,
truly : then were you a great deal nearer to the kingdom of God
than you are now. Repent therefore your papistry, Mr. Brittain,
and believe the gospel ; so shal you be sure to be saved, els never.
So he shook his head at me, and went his ways."

And here, for a while, we leave this poor minister of Christ a
captive in the Marshalsea, where people came in thick and three-
fold for religion. To this prison the bishop of Winchester used
now and then to send his alms. About ten days after Mountain
was cominited, Brooks, the bishop's almoner, came hither with
his masters alms-basket : but with a charge from the bishop to
the porter, that not a scrap of it should be given unto the here-
tics ; and that if he heard they had any share in it, that prison
should never have it again as long as he lived. Brooks, departing
out of the prison, beheld a piece of Scripture, that was painted
over the door in the time of king Edward's reign ; What have we
here ? said he ; a piece of heresy ? I command you, in my lord's
name, that it be clean put out against I come again. For if I
find it here, my lord shall know it, by holy mass.

Let us now look again upon Thomas Mountain, whom we left
in the Marshalsea. To him and the rest that lay there for reli-
gion, Wyat 9, being in South wark, sent his chaplain, offering to
set them at liberty, (but none else,) if they desired it. But either
so ready were they to stand in a good cause, and to maintain the
truth, leaving their cause in God's hand, or so unwilling to do
any thing that might seem to give countenance to his rebellion,
that they sent him a civil refusal with thanks. With which
answer they understood Wyat was well pleased, as report was
afterwards made to them.

This same Lent there came unto Mountain, Dr. Chadsey1, Dr.
Pendleton, Mr. Udal, parson Pyttis, and one Wakelyn, a petty
canon of Paul's. All these laboured Mountain very sore for to
recant : " which if he would do, my lord chancellor," said Chad-
sey to him, " would deliver you, I dare say ; and you shall have
as good livings as ever you had, and better." To whom he an-
swered, " I would not buy my liberty, nor yet my lord's favour,
so dear, as to forsake my good God, as some of you have done :

9 WyatJ] In bis rebellion, A.D. 1553 — 4. Jan. and Feb.
1 Dr. Chadsey. ,] William Cheadsey. See vol. ii. p. 558, n.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 293

the price whereof you are like one day to feel, if you repent not
in time. God turn your hearts, and make you of a better mind.
Fare you well ; you have lost your mark ; for I am not he you
look for. And so we parted." Dr. Martyn also did one time
send for him to come speak with him at the bishop of Winches-
ter's house, offering him many good livings, if he would submit
himself unto the said bishop. To which he answered, " If I
should go about to please men, I know not how soon my Maker
would take me away. For a double-hearted man is unconstant
in all his ways. I trust that your sweet balms therefore shall
never break my head. And seeing that I have begun in the
Spirit, God forbid that I should now end in the flesh." Hearing
this, he parted from him in a great fury ; and going out of his
chamber, he sware a great oath, saying, that he was as crafty an
heretic knave as ever he talked with, and that he did nothing
but mock at my lord. " Thou shalt gain nothing by it, I warrant
thee," said he : " Keeper, have him away, and look straitly to
him, I counsel you, till that you know further of my lord's
pleasure."

These prisoners had got among them an abusive description of
the person of the prince of Spain, and something reflecting also
upon the queen and the match : as indeed there were many libels
dispersed against it, as going against the grain of the English
nation. It was discovered and informed, that a copy of this
description was among the heretic prisoners ; and Mountain was
reported to be the composer of it : whereas he had it from a
friend, and one Stonyng transcribed it. Whereupon sir Tho.
Baker, sir Tho. Moyl, and sir Tho. Holdcroft, kt. marshal, sat in
commission within the Tower, to examine Mountain, and three
more, about it. They utterly denied they were the authors of it.
Then, sir Rich. Southwel, " To the rack, to the rack with them :
serve them like heretics and traitors, as they be :" and suddenly
fell fast asleep as he sat at the board. Afterward, upon examina-
tion, when one of them had asserted whence he had it, and Sto-
nyng acknowledged he wrote it out ; then they were all locked
up every man by himself, and Stonyng stayed behind, and was
had down to the rack, and laid upon it, and so pulled that he
began to crack under the arm-pits, and other parts of his body :
and then was taken off, and put in a brake of iron, his neck,
hands, and feet, and so he stood all night against a wall, and the
next day taken out again. And thus continuing prisoners in the

294 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

Tower a quarter of a year, the council ordered them to be sent to
the Marshalsea again, where they were before. What afterwards
became of Mountain, and of his removal to the gaol at Cambridge,
we shall hear under the next year.

We left Mountain in the Marshalsea. But being reported to
have been with the duke of Northumberland in Cambridge, when
he went to oppose queen Mary, it was thought convenient by
chancellor Gardiner to send him to be tried at the assizes there.
Of whose journey thither, and what befel him, and his deliverance
after much trouble, I had rather the reader should take it from
Mountain's own narration, which was as follows :

"There [in the Marshalsea] I remained, until such tyme as
my lord chancellor sent a writ to remove me from thence to
Cambridge castel. And over night I had warning to prepare my
self against the next day in the morning. Short warning I had,
but there was no remedy. In the morning, I made me ready
betimes, and reckoned with my keeper ; went down and took my
leave of all my fellow-prisoners, with the rest of my friends,
moving them and exhorting them, as the time did serve, to be
constant to the truth, to serve God and fear him, and to be obe-
dient unto the death, and not to resist a the higher powers ; having
always with you the testimony of a good conscience ; believing
that Jesus of Nazareth was crucified for your sins, letting all other
trash and trumpery go : yea, and though an angel should come
from heaven, and preach any other gospel unto you, than that
which we have preached already in the days of king Edward, be-
lieve him not, but hold him accursed. For there is a way which
some men think to be right, but the end thereof leadeth unto
death. Christ is therefore your only way and mean unto God the
Father. He is truth and life. He is alone our mediator and ad-
vocate, sitting at the right hand of his Father. It is he, as St.
Paule saith, that is our only redemption, salvation, justification,
and reconciliation. Take you heed, therefore, my dear brethren.

2 And not to resist.] " My name I wryte not for causes. You know it well
enough. Lyke the letter never the worse. Commend me to all our good
brethren and sisters in the Lord. Howsoever you do, be obedient to the
higher powers ; that is, in no point, either in hand or tongue, rebell ; but
rather, if they command that which with good conscience you cannot obey,
lay your head on the block, and suffer whatsoever they shall do or say. By
pacience possesse your soules." Bradford in Coverdale's Letters of the
Martyrs, p. 293, 4. edit. 1564.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 295

lest you be abused and led away from the truth by false prophets.
Let them not make you to shoot at a wrong mark. For they
only labour to make shipwrack of your faith, and to bring you to
perdition. You see what a sort of grievous wolves are already
entred in among Christ's flock to devour them.

" Stay there, sir, I pray you, and make an end, said theunder-
marshal ; you have talked long enough, I trow, if that be good.
To whom I said, sir, I thank you most heartily for your gentle-
ness, in that you have so patiently suffered me freely thus to
speak, and to take my leave of this house. I trust I have not
spoken any thing here in your presence, that hath offended either
God, or any good man. Wei, said he, dispatch, I pray you ; for
the writ is come, and they tary for you at the door. With that
I fell prostrate to the ground, and said, 0 heavenly Father, if
it be thy blessed will and pleasure, deliver me out of this trouble,
and suffer me not to be tempted above my strength, I beseech
thee ; but in the midst of the temptation, make such a way for
my deliverance, as shall be most to thy glory, my comfort, and
the edifying of my brethren. Nevertheless, thy wil be don, and
not mine. Give me patience, O Father, for Christ's sake. To
this they al said, Amen. So I kissed the earth, and rose up,
bidding them al farewell, desiring them to pray for me, and not
to forget what I had said unto them, as they would answer
afore God.

" Then went I out of the doors, finding there, between the
gates, six tal men in blew coats, with swords and bucklers and
javelins in their hands. And one of them brought unto me a
gelding, desiring me to light on him quickly. For the day is far
spent, said he. Content I am so to do ; and being on horseback,
one, of good wil, brought me a cup of wine to comfort me with.
So I took it, and drank to all the people that were present there,
and thanked them al heartily for their gentlenes. The under-
marshal then took me fast by the hand, and rounded me in the
ear, saying thus, sir, I am commanded by my lord chancellor to
charge you, in the king and queen's name, that you do keep your
tongue as you do ride thorow the city, and quietly to pas the
same, as you wil answer to the contrary before the council.
And thus much more I say unto you, I fear I shal hear of this
day's work for your sake. Nevertheless, God strengthen you in
that same truth whereunto he hath called you : for I perceive,
and also believe, that you are in the right way. Fare you wel,

296 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

for I dare stand no longer with you. Pray for me, and I wil
pray for you. And thus we parted at ix. of the clock in the
forenoon.

"Then three of them rid afore me, and the other three
behind me, till I came to Ware : and then we alighted at the
sign of the crown ; and I was brought into a fair parlar, a great
fire made afore me, and a table covered. They asked me, if that
I were not weary and a hungred? Not greatly, said I. A\Y1,
said they, cal for what you wil, and you shal have it, if it be to be
gotten for gold ; for so are we commaunded ; and be of good
cheer, for God's sake : I trust you shal have none other cause.
So down I sat at the board, said grace, and made, as I thought,
a good meal ; and, so far as I remember, the reckoning came to
an eight or nine shillings, beside our horsemeat. So grace being
said, and the table taken up, the chiefest of these six serving-men
said unto me, sir, how are you minded now ? any otherwise than
you were when you came out of London ? No truly, said I : I
thank God I am even the same man now that I was then ; and I
trust in God so to remain unto the end, or els I would be sory,
and also ashamed. And I tell you true, that / am not ashamed
of the gospel of Jesus Christ ; for it is the power of God unto salva-
tion to as many as do believe. And to tel you further, if this
gospel be hid, it is hid from those that shal perish ; for unto the
good it is the savour of life unto life, and to the wicked and
ungodly it is the savour of death unto death. Take you al heed
therefore, dearly beloved, beware in time, lest both you and your
teachers have their portion in the fiery lake among the hypocrits,
where there is weeping, wayling, and gnashing of teeth ; wheras, the
worm of conscience shall never dy, but you to dwel in pain so long
as God raigneth in glory. O ! what should it profit a man to
have this whole world at wil, and toleese his own soul? and wlu-n
it is lost, wherewithal wil you redeem it again ? I tel you, this is
no massing matter ; neither yet wil any pardons, purgatory, or
pilgrimages serve your turn. No, and my lord chancellor, or the
pope himself should say mas for one of you, and sing trentals
for you, it would not go for payment before God : for, as the pro-
phet David saith in the psalm, there is no man that can make
agreement to God for his brother : he must let that alone ; for it cost
more than so. And, if one man sin against another, days-men
may be judges ; but if a man sin against the Lord, who will be his
days-man? You are dearly bought, saith St. Peter, not with

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 297

corruptible gold and silver, pearl or precious stone, but by the most
precious and innocent blood-shedding of Jesus Christ, the only
begotten Son of God.

" Then said they one to another, Never let us talk any longer
with him. It is but lost labour. You se that he is at a point.
There is no good to be don of him. I perceive that he will dy in
his opinions. Yea, said I, I trust in God so : for it is written,
Happy and blessed are al they that dy in the Lord ; for they shal
be certain and sure of a joyful resurrection. Arise therefore, I
pray you, and let us be going. So to horseback we went ; a great
number of people being in the yard and in the streets, to se and
behold me the poor prisoner, that came from London. Every
man spake their fancy ; and some brought me wine to comfort
me with : for the which I gave them most hearty thanks, de-
siring them al to pray for me, and I would pray for them. And
thus, with tears of all hands, we parted from Ware ; and so came
to Royston to our bed. Wheras they made me great cheer, and
spared for no cost.

" Then they once again did assault me, desiring me to write
my mind to my lord chancellor, or to some other of the council,
whom I would, and they would deliver it with speed : and if that
you wil so do, we wil send one of our company to cary the same,
and we wil tary here stil, while that he bring word again what the
council's pleasure is. To whom I answered, I thank you for your
good wil. I intend never to write unto any of the council, while
I live, for this matter. And therefore, I pray you, content your-
selves, and cease your suite so often attempted, for you do but
strive against the stream : for I se that you are not with Christ,
but against Christ. You savour of earthly things, and not of
heavenly. You go about to hinder my health and salvation laid
up in Christ, and to pluck down what God hath builded. You
know not what you do : and therefore once again I pray you
heartily, leave off, and take in good part what I have said already,
and so judge al to the best. Wei, sayd they one to another, it
were good that my lord chancellor did know al his sayings. One
of us must tel him by word as well as we can. They were not yet
agreed then who should tel the tale. Then desired they me to go
up to my lodging; where there was a great fire made ready
against I came, and al other things very sweet and clean. So, in
the name of God, to bed I went : and al they six watched me
that night at the doors, being fast locked upon me, and they

298 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

keeping the keys themselves. They might go out, but no man
could come in to them without their leave.

" In the morning they called me very early, and willed me with
speed to make me ready to horseback ; for, said they, we must
ride to the high sheriffs to dinner. Who is that, said I, and
where doth he dwel ? Eight miles beyond Huntington, said they,
and his name is sir Oliver Leader, a man of much worship, and
one that keepeth a good house. The poor shal fair the better
therby, said I. So when we came to Huntington, they made
me to drink : and we came to the sheriffs house even as the
tables were covered. Then they hearing the prisoner was come
from London, there was no smal ado. Word was caryed to the
church where sir Oliver was at mass : and it was no need to en-
treat him to come ; for, with speed, both he and my lady his wife
departed out of the church, and the parish followed them like a
sort of sheep, staring and wondering at me. The sheriff gently
took me by the hand, and led me into a fair parlar, desiring me
to stand to the fire, and to warm me : for we were al thorow wet
with raine, snow, and hayle. Then to dinner we went, and great
cheer I had, with many welcomes, and oftentimes drank to, both
by the sheriff himself, and the rest, his friends.

" When dinner was done, into the parlar I was called ; and a
great sort of gentlemen being there set on the one side, and gen-
tlewomen on the other side, with my lady the sheriffs wife, then
Mr. sheriff said unto the knight marshal's men. Where is the
writ that you have brought as touching the receit of this pri-
soner? Here it is, sir, said one of them. So he received it:
and when he had read it, he took me by the hand again, and
said, that I was welcome. I thanked him for his gentle friend-
ship. Then called he for a pair of indentures. So they \v»-iv
brought in and read. That don, one of them was given to the
knight marshal's man, and the other the sheriff kept.

u Then the knight marshal's man took me by the hand, and
said to the sheriff, sir, I do here, in the presence of al these
people, deliver this prisoner unto you, and your mastership from
henceforth to stand charged with him : and my master, sir Tho-
mas Holdcroft, the knight marshal, doth acquit himself of tin-
said prisoner, called Thomas Mountain. And with that he deli-
vered him both me and the indenture. Then the sheriff said
unto him, I do here receive that same prisoner so called, and <li-
el large your master of him ; and so took me by the hand, and

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 299

delivered unto him his indenture. All this was done with great
solemnity. Then was there a cup of wine called for, and the
sheriff began unto me, and willed me to drink to the marshal's
men ; and so I did. Then they took their leave of the sheriff,
and so went their ways ; bidding me farewel ; saying unto me,
There is remedy enough yet, Mr. Mountain, if that you will take
heed in time. God be with you al, said I, and I thank you : have
me commended, I pray you, unto your master, and to the rest of
al my friends. And so we parted.

" Then the sheriff caused four or five horse to be made ready.
In the mean time he caused one of his men to make ready the
warrant to the keeper of Cambridge castel. Nevertheles, my
lady his wife laboured very earnestly to her husband for me, that
I might not go to Cambridge castel, being so vile a prison, but
that I might remain in their own house, as a prison. Madam,
said he, I pray you be contented. If I should so do, I know not
how it would be taken. You know not so much as I do in this
matter. But what friendship I can shew him, he shal surely
have it for your sake, and for his own too ; for I have known him
long, and am very sory for his trouble. So I thanked him for his
gentlenes. By this time al things were in a readiness. Then
he himself, and my lady, brought me to the utter gate : he
willed me to be set on his own gelding ; gave me a cup of wine ;
took me by the hand, and bad me farewel, desiring me to be of
good cheer.

" So to Cambridge I came : and at the town's end there met
me one Kenrick, who a little before had been a prisoner in the
Marshalsea, as I my self was. But our causes not like : his was
plain felony, and so proved ; and mine was treason and heresy, as
they called it. O ! Mr. Mountain, sayd he, with a lowd voice,
what makes you here ? I perceive now that it is true that I have
heard. What is that ? said I. Truly, said he, that you be come
hither to be burned. This is a sharp salutation, Mr. Kenrick,
said I, and it is more than I do know of : and if it be so, God
strengthen me in his truth, and his wil be don upon me, for I
trust that I am his. Then rid we into the town to an inn called
the Griffin, because the keeper was not at home : where I
alighted, and went up to a chamber, my head being than some-
what troubled with Kenrick's sodain salutation afore mentioned.
I called Mr. sheriff's men, and said unto them, Avoyd the people,
I pray you, out of the chamber, and lock the doors, for I have

300 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

somewhat to say unto you. When this was done, I sat down,
and said unto them, Dear friends, a question I have here to move
unto you, wherein I shal desire you to be plain with me, and not
to dissemble, even as you wil answer afore God at the last day ;
afore whom both you and I shal stand, and there to render up our
accounts. Tel me therefore, I pray you, what order hath Mr.
sheriff taken with you, as touching the day and time when I
shall suffer, and what kind of death it is that I shall die : and in
so doing, you shall much pleasure me, and cause me to be in a
great readiness whensoever I shall be called. Then one of them,
whose name was Calton, said unto me, Sir, you need not to fear ;
for if there were any such thing, you should have knowledge of
it, as meet it were : but our master willed us, and also com-
maunded us, that we should gently use you, and also commaunded
the keeper to do the same.

" Then called they for meat and wine ; and when we had wel
refreshed us, we went up to the castel, where they called for the
keeper ; but he was not within. Then delivered they the warrant
unto the keeper's wife, saying thus, Goodwife Charlys, my master
hath sent your husband a prisoner here, and his pleasure is, that
you should entreat him wel, and se that he lack nothing, and also
to have the liberty of the yard. And so took they their leave of
me, and went their ways. Then the keeper's wife led me up
through the sessions hal, and there she locked me up under four
or five locks : and at night, very late, the keeper came home, and
up he came unto me, I being in bed, and said unto me, Sir, you
are welcome hither : are you come to be nursed ? To whom I
said, I am sent hither unto this jayl by the queen's council ; and
what you are, I know not as yet : I think that you be the keeper.
So I am indeed, said he, and that shal you know or it be long.
Wel, I trust, Mr. Keeper, to find favour at your hand ; and I
beseech you be good unto me, for I have lain long in prison.
What is your name? said he. My name is Thomas Mountain,
said I. Nay, said he, you have another name. Not that I do
know of, said I. Then he looked in my purse what mony 1 had,
and took it with him ; also my coat, my boots, and spurs; and
so bad me good night. And I said, Good night, mine host. I
am content, said he, to be your host to night, to morrow you shal
have a new.

" Here I called to my remembrance the salutations given unto
me at the town's end by the aforenamed Kenrick. So I rise up.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 301

cast my cloke about me, and kneeled down, crying out unto
Almighty Grod, desiring him of his great infinite mercy and good-
ness, for Jesus Christ's sake, to comfort me with his holy Spirit
in that agony, and not to forsake me in mine old age, being so
sore assaulted of the subtil devil, flattering world, and the weak
flesh, that I had wel nigh slipt, as David the holy prophet said.
And when the dead time of the night came, nature requiring rest,
and I feeling in my self in short time so great quietnes, through
the mighty mercies of my Lord God, who had sent me so sweet a
calm after so cruel and stormy a tempest, said thus, Soli Deo
honor et gloria : the Lord's name be praised, from the rising up
of the sun until the going down of the same ; and into thy mer-
ciful hands do I commend my soul, trusting not to dy, but to live
for ever in the land of the living. For thy Spirit, O Lord, hath
so certified me, that whether I live or dy, stand or fal, I am
thine ; and therfore thy blessed wil be don upon me. This don,
I layd me down upon my bed, and slept until five a clock in the
morning.

" And then the keeper came and opened the door, bad me
good morrow, and asked me, And I were ready ? Whereunto ?
said I. To suffer death, said the keeper. What kind of death,
said I, and when shal it be ? Your time is neer at hand, said he ;
and that is to be drawn and hanged as a traitor, and burnt as an
heretic : and this must be don even this foornoon. Look wel to
your self therfore, and say that you be friendly used. Your friend-
ship, Mr. Charlys, is but hard and scarce, in giving me this Scar-
borow warning 3 : but give me leave, I pray you, friendly to talk
with you, and be not offended with what I shal say unto you.
This tale that you have told me, is it true indeed ? Yea, said he,
and that you are like for to know : dispatch therfore, I pray you,
with speed. Contented I am with al my heart so to do. Where
is the writ of execution ? let me se it, I pray you. I have none,
said he : this is more than needs ; for I am to be trusted, and it
were for a greater matter than this. Sir, I pray you, be con-

3 This Scarborow warning.'] "That is, no warning at all : but a sudden sur-
prise, when a mischief is felt before it is suspected." Ray's Proverbs, p. 2/2.
edit. 1813. If Ray's account be correct, who assigns the origin of this pro-
verb, to the sudden seizure of Scarborough castle in 1557, it would follow,
that this narrative was not composed till three or four years, at the least, after
the troubles described, or that this particular clause was a subsequent inser-
tion, borrowed from the popular voice of the day.

302 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

tented, for in this thing I will not trust you, because it is a matter
of life and death it standeth me upon. Is the high sheriff, sir
Oliver Leader, come in the town to se execution ? No, said he.
Is the under-sheriff, his deputy, here to se it ? No, said he. Is
there any private commandment come from the queen's council,
or els any letters sent of late for that purpose ? No, said he : but
you do al this for no cause els than to prolong the time. No, said
I : as I am born to dy, contented I am so to do, when God wil ;
but to be made away after such slight, I would be very loth. And
therefore, if that you have nothing to show for your discharge,
according as I have required of you, I tel you true that I will not
dy. Take you good heed therfore to your self, and look that I
miscary not : for if that ought come unto me but good, you and
yours are like to know the price of it ; be you wel assured thereof.
When did you se any man put to death before he was condemned
to dy ? That is true, said he ; and are you not condemned I No,
said I, that am I not, neither yet ever arraigned at any sessions.
Then, said he, I have been greatly misenformed. I cry you
mercy ; for I had thought that you had been both arraigned and
also condemned to dy, being sent hither for to suffer in this place,
because that you were here against the queen with the duke of
Northumberland. Wel, said I, those matters have been already
sufficiently answered before your betters.

" But I pray you, sir, and a man might ask you, whose man
are you, or to whom do you belong ? Mary, said he, I am not
ashamed of my master : I would thou shouldst know it, as thou
art. My lord chancellor of England is my master, and I am his
man. I thought such a matter, said I. The old proverbe is
true, I perceive ; for Such a master, suck a servant. And is tin's
my lord of Winchester's livery that you wear now ? Yea, said
he. And is this the best service you can do my lord your mas-
ter ? Fy, for shame ! Fy ! Wil you follow now the bloudy steps
of that wicked man your master ; who is unworthy, before God I
speak it, both of the name and place that he hath, and is called
unto? What should move you for to handle me after this sharp
sort, as you have don ; so spitefully, being here not yet three
days under your keeping I Wil you become a tormentor of God's
people and prophets? Wil you now cease from killing of bullocks,
calves, and sheep, which is your occupation, being a butcher, and
give over your self most cruelly to serve your master's turn in
shedding of innocent bloud \ O man ! with what a li» aw In-art

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 303

may you lay yourself to sleep at night, if that God of his great
mercy do suffer you to live so long, in this your so wicked
attempt and enterprize ! I speak not this of any hatred that I
bear unto you, as God knoweth my heart; but I speak it of
good wil, that you might be called unto a better remembrance
and knowledge of your duty, both towards God and your Chris-
tian brother.

" Let it therfore repent you, dear brother keeper, and know
how dangerous a thing it is for a man to fal into the hands of the
living God, and how it is said, that bloud requireth bloud. And
if you wil not believe me, set that terrible example of cursed Cain
before your eyes, who slew his own dear brother Abel most unna-
turally, like a beastly man ; and afterward wandered up and down
like a vagabond on the face of the earth, seeking rest, peace, and
quietnes, and could never attain unto it : so that at the last, in
most desperate words, he burst forth and said, 0 ! wretch that I
am ! I said unto the Lord, when he called me to account for my
brother's death, and answered, that I was not his keeper. But
shortly after I perceived that the shedding his bloud cryed to God
for vengeance to fal upon me for so doing : and now I perceive
that my sins be greater than the mercy of God is able to forgive.
If this wil not move your hard and stony heart to repentance, then
think of that traitor Judas, which, for lucre sake, betrayed his
own master, as he confessed himself, when the worm of conscience
troubled him, saying to the high priest, / have betrayed the inno-
cent bloud, take, there is money, for I will none of it. And then it
was too late : so to shorten his own days, he most desperately
went and hung himself; so that he burst asunder in the midst,
his bowels hanging about his belly. 0 most terrible examples !
left written in the holy Scriptures, that we therby might take
heed and beware never to do the like, lest we speed in reward
as they did. From the which God defend us, for Jesus Christ's
sake.

"Amen, said the keeper, with weeping tears. And, sir, I
beseech you once again, even for God's sake, to forgive me ; and
I ask God heartily mercy for the great mischief that I purposed
in my heart against you. I perceive that you, and such other as
you, be other maner of men than we and our betters take you to
be. I perceive that the blind doth eat many a fly. God, and it
be his blessed will, make me one of your sort ; and look that what
I can do for you, you shall be assured of it. Come down with

804- THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

me, I pray you, into the yard. So I went with him ; and when
he came down, al the yard was ful of people. What meaneth this
people ? said I to the keeper. Al these are come, said he, to se
you suffer death. There be some here that are come as far as
Hengston ; but I trust their coming shal be in vain : be you of
good cheer. Then go your way, said I, and gently desire them
for to depart, and tel them, it is no reason any man should suffer
death before that he be condemned ; and so you shall easily avoyd
them, and I wil go up again til you have done.

" When they were al gon, the keeper called me down to dine
with him at his own table. And dinner being ended, we fell in
talk again ; and so, from time to time, had many conferences
together ; and I began to grow in great credit with him ; inso-
much, that whensoever he rid forth about any business, he com-
mitted al the charge of the whole house unto me, prisoners and
al ; and laboured unto the high sheriff for me, that I might be
delivered. Notwithstanding, I remained there prisoner half a
year in much misery, having sometime meat, and sometime none :
yea, and many times glad, when I might get a peny loaf and my
glas ful of fair water up to my lodging, being fast locked up every
night. And at midnight alway, when they searched the pri-
soners'1 rooms, then one should come and knock at my door, and
ask me if I were within. To whom I answered always, Here I
am, Mr. keeper. Good night then, said he : and so they would
go their ways.

" Now on a certain day, being mery, he brought home with him
to se me divers honest men of the town ; among whom there \\a>
one that I never saw before, nor he me, called Mr. Segar, a beer-
brewer, dwelling at Magdalen-bridg; whose heart God had opened
above the rest to shew mercy unto me : for he knew that the
keeper would do much at his request. So that, or ever he went
away, he promised him payment for my diet, desiring him to shew
me favour for his sake, and I wil be bound for him he shal be true
prisoner. Al this pleased Charlys the keeper wel : and it was no
grief at al to me, to hear this bargain made between them : for
otherwise, said I, it was not unlike, but that I shouM have pe-
rished here for lack of comfort. And here is not to be forgot tin
of my part, the mighty and fatherly providence of God, who never
faileth any man that truly puts his trust in him. Who can kil
him, Mr. Charlys, whom God wil keep alive? may I say now:
and who can deliver him whom God wil destroy? His gr<-at

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 305

power delivered me once out of the lions'1 den, as he did his holy
prophet Daniel : so I trust that he wil deliver me here out of al
my troubles, if he so se it good ; if not, his wil be don. And
thus we parted for that time ; my keeper being glad of these
good assurances; I taking patiently mine indurance and my
surety, hoping for my deliverance.

" After this, within short time, the high sheriff sent for me home
to his house beyond Huntington, to se whether I would relent or
no ; telling me, that he had written up to the council for me, and
that it was their pleasure that 1 should be delivered, if that I
would be a conformable man to the queen's proceedings, and for-
sake heresy, or els to remain in prison until the next sessions of
gaol delivery. For your good- will do I thank your mastership
most heartily ; and wel contented I am so to remain as a prisoner,
rather than to give over my faith for this vain life, which is but
short. Wel, said he, I perceive that you are no changeling : you
shal therfore return to the place from whence you came, and there
abide your trial. So we took our leave of him, and came our ways
back again to Huntington; and there we lay al that night, I
having upon one of mine armes a great braslet of iron, of four
fingers broad, fast locked on, and a fine chain of three yards long
joyned thereunto. And being bid to supper of one Thomas
Whype, merchant of London, with others, my keeper was desired
to ease me for the time, and they would be bound for me, and he
to be wel recompenced for so doing. This desire of my friends
was scarce wel liked of my keeper, because they were Londoners ;
and graunt it he would not in no wise. So when supper was don,
to our chamber we went ; and anon comes in a smith, with a
hammer and a great staple. Make* you ready, said the keeper, I
pray you, and go to bed. So I layd me down upon my bed.
Then he called the smith unto him, and said, Make fast the
staple and the chain together, and drive them fast in to some
part of the bedsted: for I have heard saide, Fast Und, fast find.
Then he looked behind al the painted cloths, to se if there were
any mo doors into the chamber than one. That don, he locked
the door, and cast the key out of the window to the good man of
the house, desiring him to keep it safe til the morning. Smal
rest I took that night : I was so sore wrung about my wrist,
that the blood was ready to spin out at my fingers ends. So,
early in the morning we rise, and took our horse, and came to

VOL. III. X

306 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

Cambridge castel to dinner: and then my braslet was taken <>tV
mine arme.

" In August following was the sessions. Unto the which came
my lord chief justice of England ; one that before was recorder of
London, and called Mr. Brook. With him there sat sir Thoma*
Dier, sir Clement Higham, sir Oliver Leader, high sheriff, Mr.
Griffin, the queen's solicitor, Mr. Burgain, and a number of gentle-
men mo. Now when they were come to the sessions hal. and there
set, the keeper was commaunded to bring in his prisoners. I beinu;
first called for by name, then on went my braslet again ; and there
a priest, called Thomas Willyard, vicar of Babram, was fast locked
unto me. We twain went foremost, and stood at the bar. Then
said my lord chief justice unto me, sir, what make you here?
Are you not a Londoner? Yes, and it like your lordship. How
long have you been prisoner? Half a year, my lord. Who s- nt
you hither? Forsooth, my lord, that did the council. Then
said the high sheriff, My lord, this is the man that I told your
lordship of. I beseech you be good lord unto him, for he hath
been as quiet a prisoner as ever came within this jayl, and hath
used himself as honestly towards his keeper. You speak wel for
him, said my lord. Stand aside a while, till you be called. In
the mean time Mr. Griffin had a cast at me, saying thus, Thou
art both a traitor and an heretic. No, and it like your worship,
I am neither of both. Is not thy name Mountain ? Yes, for-
sooth, I will never deny it. And art not thou he that my lord
chancellor sent hither with a writ? I am the same man. Wel.
said he, if thou be not hanged I have marvel : thou wilt scape
narrowly, I believe. Sir, I perceive that thou are my heavy friend :
I beseech you be good master unto me : I have layn this t
[quarters of a] year in prison, in irons. Never was then- any
man that laid any thing to my charge. Then he called for the
writ : to whom the high sheriff said, that he had forgotten to
brin«r it with him. O ! wel, said sir Oliver, you are a good man.
I warrant you. This man was not brought hither for buildii!.
churches, I dare say, nor yet for saying of our lady-psalter.
Indeed, sir, these be things that I cannot wel like of.

"Then my lord chief justice called me to the l»ar a<j;am. and
caused proclamation to be made, that whosoever could lay mi-jlit
to my charge, to come in, and he should be heard. <>r < 1> th<-
prisoner to stand at lii- deliverance. This was don thrice, and

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 307

no man came in to give evidence against me. Then said my
lord chief justice unto the whole bench, I se no cause why but
that this man may be delivered upon sureties, to be bound to
appear at the next sessions, here holden, of gaol delivery : for
you se that there is no man cometh in to lay any thing to his
charge. We cannot but by the law deliver him, proclamation
being once made, and no man coming in against him. What say
you, Mr. Mountain, can you put in sureties here before the
queen's justices to appear before us here at the next sessions ?
And if that you can so do, pay the charges of the house, and God
be with you. If not, then must you needs remain still, until the
next sessions. What say you? have you any sureties ready?
No, and it like your lordship, I have none ready : but if it please
you to be so good lord unto me as to give me leave, I trust in God
to find sureties. Wei, said my lord, go your ways; make as
good speed as you can, for we must away. Then he commanded
the keeper to strike off my irons. That don, I was turned out of
the gate to seek my venture, without any keeper at al, go where
I would. And when I came abroad, I was so sore amazed, that
I knew not where to become. At last I took the way into the
town, and there I met a man unknown to me, who was not a little
joyful when he saw me at liberty, saying unto me, Are you clean
discharged from your bonds ? No, said I, I lack two sureties.
Truly, said he, I will be one, God willing : and I wil se if that 1
can get another to be bound with me. So we met with another
honest man, called Mr. Blunt.

"And having these twain, I gave thanks to God for them, and
with speed returned back again to the castel. And as I went,
there met me two Essex men, which came to seek me themselves,
to enter into bonds for me. I gave them most hearty thanks for
their gentle offer, and told them that God had raised up a couple
for me already. We are glad of it, said they ; yet we will go with
you, lest you do lack. And as I entred into the castel-yard, the
judges were arising ; and they seing me coming, sat down again.
Then said my lord chief justice, Have you brought in your sure-
ties ? Yea, and it like your lordship : here they be. Let me se
them, said he. Then they al four stood forth, and shewed them-
selves unto my lord. He said unto them, Are you contented to
enter into bonds for this man ? Yea, my lord, said they, if it
please you to take us. Wei, said he, two of you shal serve.
There were standing by two brethren, and they hearing my lord

x 2

308 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

say that two would serve, went with speed to him that writ the
bond, and caused him to put in their names in nil. iiiic?. for
each of them: saying thus the one to the other, Let us not
only bayl him out of bonds, but also relieve him with such
part as God hath lent us. And so they did; I praise God
for it.

"And when the people saw and understood that I was clearly
discharged out of bonds, there was a great shout made among
them ; such joy and gladnes was in their hearts, as might right
wel appear, for my deliverance. Then came Mr. Segar, of whom
I have spoken a little before, and he payd al maner of charge that
could be desired of the keeper for the time of my being there :
and that don, had me home to his own house, wheras I had good
entertainment. And after that I had remained there a fortnight,
I took my leave, and so came to London."

Having thus far told the stories of this good man's suffer! i
and brought him unto his delivery out of them, and shewn the
kindness of the common people towards him, who generally loved
the reformation, and the preachers of it, I cannot leave him till
we have heard what further befell him, and have shewn the unsa-
tiable malice of bishop Gardiner against him ; relating, withal, his
great dangers, and his escape beyond sea, and what course he
took there for a livelihood. And all this I shall pursue out of his
own commentaries, as I have done before.

Mountain, being newly arrived in the city, had the satisfaction
of seeing king Philip and queen Mary, the cardinal, and the chan-
cellor, ride in great state through the streets, placing hims< -If at.
Soper-lane end in Cheapside: where some of the said l»i.sln»j»"s
servants espied him ; which created him new troubles, as we shall
see by and by.

" When al this sight was past," (for we now use his own words,)
" I went my ways : for as yet I durst not go home to mine own
house. And at night, when the bishop came home, one of his
spials told him that he saw me stand in Cheapside, when the
queen rid through the city. Here he fel into such a great IM
as was told me by one of his own men, as was unseam ing for a
bishop ; and with unvat speed sent for the knight marshal. And
when he came, he said unto him, Mr. Holcroft, how have you
handled your self in your office? Did not I send unto you one
Mountain, that was both a traitor and an heretic, to this end.

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 309

that he should have suffered death ? And this day the villain
knave was not ashamed to stand openly in the street, looking the
prince in the face. Mine own men saw him. I would counsil
you to look him up, and that there be diligent search made for
him this night in the city, as you wil answer afore the council.
Al this shal be don, and it like your honour ; and I trust there
shal be no fault found in me. Away then, said the bishop, about
your business.

"Then came there one that was secretary unto the knight
marshal, who willed me with speed to depart out of the city. For
this night, saith he, shal the city be searched for you : and if you
be taken, surely ye dy for it. Thus fare you wel. God deliver
you out of their hands, if it be his wil. Then went I over into
Southwark, and there lay al night. In the morning I rose early,
took a boat, and went to Limehouse ; and so from thence to Col-
chester; and there took shipping, thinking to have gon into
Zealand, and so up to the High Country : but we were so weather-
beaten, that of force we were glad to return back again. And
this voyage was thrice attempted, and always put back. And, at
the last time, we were cast aland at St. Osith's : wheras I durst
not long tary, because of my lord Darcy, who lay there, having a
strait commission sent to him from q. Mary, to make diligent
search for one, called, Trudge over the World, and for all such like
as he was. So that I was fain to fly to a little parish called Hem-
sted, thinking there for to have had some rest ; but the search
was so strait, that at midnight, I having almost too short warning,
was fain with great speed to fly unto Dedham Heath, and to take
my coat in my neck, having an honest man with me, who had a
forest bil on his back ; and with the same he cut down a great
sort of brakes, and that was my bed for a time. And whensoever
I might get into an hayloft, I thought my self happy, and wel to
be lodged.

"• At the last I was housed, I thank God, with an honest man ;
but having a wicked servant, not loving the gospel, the said ser-
vant went and complained of his master to the bailif and consta-
bles ; saying unto them, that there was an heretic in his master's
parlor. How know you that, said they ? Take heed of what thou
sayst : thy master is an honest man ; and thou seest how trou-
blesome a time it is; and if we, upon thy report, should go
search his house, and not find it so, what art thou worthy to have
for slaundering thy master ? Tush, saith he, I am sure it is so ;

310 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

for the house is never without one or other ; and most chiefly
when there is a fire in the parlor. And therefore I know by the
smoak, that there is one indeed. So the officers willed him to go
about his business. For, said they, we wil prove it at night. In
the mean time, they did his master to understand what his man
had said unto them, and friendly bad him take heed, for they
would search his house that night : and so they did indeed, but
the birds were flown. The next day the officers took his man,
and set him in the stocks, to teach him to speak good of his
master, and not to accuse him, and bring the smoke for a witness
against him.

" Now while I was seeking a corner to hide my head in, justice
Brown, that dwelleth beside Burntwood, cometh me down to Col-
chester, and there played the devil, by the counsil of one Mr.
Tyrrel and Mr. Colson, inholder of the same town, and Gylbert
the lawyer : who caused divers honest men to be sent for before
the said justice, and sworn upon a book, to bring in the names of
al those that were suspected of heresy 4, as he termed it : and also
gave unto the officers a great charge, that from time to time dili-
gent search should be made in every house for al strangers, and

4 Suspected of heresy.] The queen had issued a commission (Westm.
Feb. 8, 3 & 4 Phil, and Mary,) to the bishops of London and Ely, the lord
North, secretary Bourne, sir Thos. Pope, Cole, dean of St. Paul's, with seve-
ral more, civilians, alleging that divers false rumours, seditious slanders, and
divers heresies, and heretical opinions were very rife, &c., "that therefore
they, the commissioners, or any three of them, were to inquire into those,
either by presentments, by witnesses, or any other politic way they could
devise. And to search after all heresies; the bringers in, the sellers, or
readers of all heretical books. They were to examine and punish, all mis-
behaviours, or negligences, in any church or chapel ; and to try all priests
that did not preach of the sacrament of the altar ; all persons that did not
hear mass, or come to their parish- church to service, that would not go in
procession, or did not take holy bread, or holy water. And if they found
any that did obstinately persist in such heresies, they were to put them in the
hands of their ordinaries, to be proceeded against according to the laws :
giving them full power to proceed, as their discretions and consciences should
direct them ; and to use all such means as they could invent, for the search-
ing of the premises : empowering them also to call before them such wit-
nesses as they pleased, and to force them to make oath of such things as
might discover what they sought after." — This commission I have put in the
collection. It will shew how high they intended to raise the persecution,
when a power of such a nature was put in the hands of any three of a num-
ber so x-leeted. Bumet's Hist, of Reformatinn. vol. ii. p. :5J5. edit. 1715.
Compare Fox, vol. iii. p. 7s I. edit. 1

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 311

to take them and bring them before a justice. For this town,
said he, is an harbourer of all heretics, and ever was. So when
he had bound them all in recognisances, he willed them to depart
every man home to his house.

" Then, upon their return, with speed was I conveyed away to
Londonward forthwith. And when I came there, I went over
into Southwark again ; and there lay two days and two nights.
And the third night, when it was somewhat darke, I entred into
a ship of Antwerp, and so we went down to Gravesend. There
they cast anchor, and went al a land, and left me aboard with a
man and a boy. I fearing the searchers, that they would have
had me to shore, and there being so wel known as I was, I
knew it was the next way to bring me afore a justice to be
examined, and so to be returned back again to London ; and then
sure I am, that I had dyed for it : I looked in my purse, and there
were three pistolets. I took one of them, and gave it unto the
man that was aboard with me, and desired him to go ashore to
the master of the ship, and he to be a mean unto the searchers
for me, when they came a shipboard to search. And truly it
pleased God so to work in their hearts, that I found great favor
at their hands. For when one of them had examined me, and
that very straitly, he asked of me, what my name was ; Thomas
Mountain is my name, said I. I wil never deny it, nor never did,
I praise God for it. Nay, said he, that is not your name ; for
1 knew him wel enough. His father and I were servants to
k. Harry the VIII. and also to k. Edward. And I am sure that
Richard Mountain's son was burnt since this q. Mary came in.
Sir, credit me, I pray you, for I am the very same man, that now
talk with you. Indeed. God hath mightily dealt with me, and
most mercifully hath delivered me from the cruel hands of bloudy
men. And, now, behold ! my life is in your hands. I may not
resist you, nor wil not ; but gently submitting my self unto you,
desire your lawful favour, that I may pass this port, and God, 1
trust, that is the high searcher above, and knoweth the secrets of
al mens hearts, shal one day reward you openly, according as he
hath promised.

" Then began he to water his plants ; saying unto me, sir, I
thought once never to have seen you again : you are grown out
of my knowledg. And seing that it is the will of God, that you
should not dy by their cruelty, I trust that your bloud shall never

312 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

be required at my hands. I wil not molest you : but this I warn
you of in anywise, that you keep yourself as close as you can.
For here is one of the promoters, that goeth in the same ship
that you go in. Who is that ? said I. It is one Mr. Beard, said
he, dwelling in Fleetstreet, a merchant tayler. I know him well,
said I, and he me. Wei, said he, God be with you, for yonder he
cometh, and al the passengers with him, and so we parted, and I
went into the masters cabbin ; and there I lay, til that we were
entred the main sea. Then came I forth to refresh my self: and
Beard seeing me, began to blush, saying unto me, Sir, what make
you here ? Truly, said I, I am of the same mind that you are of.
You know not my mind, said he. Whatsoever yours is, I mean
to go to Antwerp, God willing, said I. And so do you, I trow.
What will you do there? said he: you are no merchant-man, as
I am, and the rest that be here. Mr. Beard, what the rest arc
that be here, I know not ; but as for your merchandize and mine,
in some points I think they be much alike. But when that you
and I shall meet in the English burse together, you shall see what
cheer I can make you. In the mean time let us as friends be
mery together, I pray you. Nay, said he, I would I had met
you at Gravesend, that I might have made you some good
cheer there; but it was not my fortune so to do; and I am
very sory for it, believe me and you will. Sir, I thank God, it is
better as it is : I know your cheer wel enough. And then away
I went.

" With that he went down under the hatches, and told al the
passengers what a rank heretic I was. For it is marvel, said he,
that the ship doth not sink, having so wicked a man in it as he is.
And therfore, good gentlemen, I pray you heartily, take heed, and
beware of him. I had rather than my velvet coat, that he and 1
\\ <•]•<> together at Gravesend again. Then came the merchants up
to me, and called for meat and wine, having good store there of
tht-ir own provision. And they made me great cheer, bidding m<-
in any \\isc to take heed of Beard. These were merchants <>1
1 >anske. and had to do here in London with most of the aldermen.
unto whom they uave a good report.

"Now 1, thinking to prevent Beard of further trouble, that by
him. and his procurement, mijjht hap unto me. upon my arrival
at Antwerp, whispered the master in the ear. and doired him
heartily to land us at Dunkirk. For I will ride the rest by

THOMAS MOUNTAIN. 313

waggon, God willing : and so shall I be rid of Mr. Beard's com-
pany. I am content, saith the master of the ship ; I am weary
already, saith he, of his company. The wJiorson pape shall come
no more in mine schepe. So to Dunkirk we came, and Beard went
first a land, and bad us al welcome. For, said he, I wil be your
steward, and we wil fare wel, if there be any good cheer in the
town. Then came we to our hoste's house; supt al-together.
That being don, we went to our lodging : and so it fel out, that
Beard and I should ly together; and so did. But before he
went to bed, he kneeled him down at the bedside, and made upon
his body, as I think, forty crosses, saying as many A ve- Marias,
but nother creed not pater-noster. Then he shewed us what
mony he had. The which was both gold and silver, and that
plenty.

" At midnight the master of the ship took his tyde, and went
his way. Mr. Beard up in the morning betime, went down to
the waterside to look for the ship, and when he saw it was gon,
he came and told us, swearing and chafing like a madman, saying,
that king Philip should know it, how he was used. Then sent he
al about to know, if any went at the next tyde following. In the
mean time I took my waggon, and went my ways ; and that was
the last time that ever 1 saw him. But afterwards I was in-
formed, by credible persons, that he had spent all his mony, both
his velvet coat, and also his livery coat, that he had of queen
Mary : and so came home poor and bare, being very sick and
weak, and in Holbourn dyed most miserably full of lice. Behold
his end ! God grant he dyed his servant, Amen.

" Now when as I came to Antwerp, being never there afore, I
was amazed, and knew not where to become that night. At last
I found out the English house ; and there I was received for a
time. After that, I took an house in the Ox-mart of a merchant,
called Adam Raner, who shewed me much favor. And there I
taught a school for the space of a year and a half quietly : and
then comes over Mr. Hussy, being then governor of the English
nation ; and it was given out, that he would suddenly ship, and
send away into England, al such as were come over for religion,
he naming me himself for one. So with as much speed as I could
make, I took waggon and went up to Germany, and there was, at
a place called Duisburgh, a free city, being under the duke of
Cleveland, and there remained until the death of queen Mary.

314 THOMAS MOUNTAIN.

And then came back again to Antwerp. And there, when I set
all my doings in order, I returned home again with joy into
England, my native country. In the which God grant his
gospel to have free passage, and by the same our lives -to be
amended, Amen."

BISHOP JEWEL.

Spite of Nabuchodonosor's beard, and maugre his heart, the captive,
thrall, and miserable Jewes must come home againe, and have their citie and
temple builded up againe by Zorobabel, Esdras and Nehemias: and the
whole kingdom of Babylon must go to ruine, and be taken of strangers, the
Persians and Medes — So shall the dispersed English flocke of Christ be
brought againe into their former estate, or to a better, I trust in the Lord
God, than it was in innocent king Edwards dales. — JOHN ROGERS, the
Martyr; written by him in the year 1555.

We hold, profess and maintain so entire and full consent with the ancient
and catholic Fathers, in all things necessary to the being, or well-being of
the church, to the rule of faith, and substance of religion, to the right service
of God, and the salvation of man, that whatever herein they teach and deliver
with consent (assertive),- by way of averring of doctrine, and avouching of
truth (tanquam ex fide], as a matter of faith, grounded in their judgment on
God's word, we willingly receive, embrace and observe.

Neither have we in the public reformation of our church, its doctrine and
service, changed or purged out any thing, thus taught and approved by the
fathers ; but only such errors, superstitions and abuses, as beside and contrary
to this rule have since crept into the church ; by adding of things that
formerly were not, or detracting of them that were : or by otherwise altering
and perverting them from the right sense, meaning and use, wherein they were
instituted, taken and used by the said godly fathers. — BISHOP OVERALL, in
his Dedication to the works of Jewel.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE Life of Bishop Jewel is printed intire from a small octavo
volume in titled, " The Apology of the Church of England ; and
an Epistle to one Seignior Scipio ' a Venetian gentleman, con-
cerning the Council of Trent ; written both in Latin, by the right
reverend Father in God, John Jewel Lord Bishop of Salisbury,
made English by a Person of Quality : To which is added the
Life of the said Bishop, collected and written by the same hand.
London, printed by T. H. for Richard Chiswell, at the Rose and
Crown in St. Paul's Church- Yard. 1685."— This title will suffi-
ciently explain the opening, and the date will illustrate several
other parts of the insuing Preface : which displays that earnest-
ness of zeal against non-conformists, as well as papists, by which,
from the memory of recent evils, and the perilous state of the
times, the reigns of Charles the second, and James the second
were distinguished.

1 Seignior Sdpio.~\ Probably Scipione Biondi, the son of Michel-Angiolo
Biondi.

THE

PREFACE TO THE READER.

THE ensuing discourses are all designed for the good and service
of the religion by law established ; and two of them are so excel-
lently adapted to that end by their author, that if I have not
spoiled them by an ill version, there can be no doubt made, but
they will be of great use. Of the third I beg leave to give
somewhat a larger account, because I am a little more concerned
in it.

The life I have collected, 1. from Mr. Humfrey's, who wrote
bishop Jewel's life at large in quarto. 2. The English life put
before his works which was penned about the year 1609. 3. Mr.
Fuller's Church History. 4. Dr. Heylin's Ecclesia Anglicana
restaumta, and others who wrote any thing that related to those
times, and fell into my hands in that short time I had to finish
it in. Mr. Humfrey's alone would have been sufficient, if he had
observed an exact method in writing this life ; or been altogether
free from affections. But tho he tells us bishop Jewel kept a
diary of his life, and that he had assistance from Dr. Parkhurst *
bishop of Norwich, ^Egidius Lawrence, Mr. John Jewel the
bishop's brother, and one Mr. John Garbrande and others ; and
printed his piece in the year 1573, which was not much above
two years after the death of bishop Jewel, yet he has not ob-
served any exact order or method in the history of his life : and
he no where tells us in what year he was made a fellow, or
received orders, nor from whom ; only he tells us Mr. Harding
took his orders at the same time. Nor has he acquainted us
when Mr. Harding published his first or second Antapologies,

1 Park1turst.~] See p. 332.

320 PREFACE.

nor when the bishop went to Padua, nor how long he staid there,
nor who were his partners in his visitation for the queen. Nor
has he marked almost any of the principal actions of his life
when they were done ; and tho he mentions a sermon at Paul's
Cross, and a conference with the dissenters not long before his
death, yet he neither tells us the time or occasion of either of
them ; but instead of these, runs out into discourses against
Harding and others of that perswasion, which were nothing, or
very little to his purpose.

The English life before his works, is only an extract out of
Mr. Humfrey''s Latin work, but yet was helpful to me in many
particulars, being done by a wise man *, and who doth not seem
to have been biassed as the former was ; who makes it his busi-
ness to represent both the church of England and bishop Jewel
as wondrous friends to the churches of Switzerland, that is, to
the Calvinists, because he, good man, was one himself*, tho not
so mad as those that followed ; and upon this very account I do
suspect he has left out many things that he might have related,
and would have afforded great light to the church history of those
times, and especially to bishop Jewel's life.

Fuller is barren in his relations of those times, the bishop lived
after his consecration, tho he afforded me some good helps. J )r.
Burnet has continued his history but a little way in queen Eliza-

3 Done by a wise man.] The writer was Daniel Featly. " If any desire to
be more familiarly acquainted with Jewel, let him read the story of his life at
large in doctor Humfrey, or at least the abridgment thereof, which I drew in
the year of our Lord 161 1, being then student in Corpus Christi College, at
the command of archbishop Bancroft ; which as soon as it was sent up, was
suddenly printed, and prefixed to Jewel's works." — Featly in Fuller's Abel
redivivus, p. 313, edit. 1651.

3 Was one himself.'] Humfrey, it is certain, though president of a college,
and regius professor of divinity, was, at least till his later years, a very zealous
puritan; and was more than once in some trouble on that account. Indeed,
what wonder that he was unmoved by the arguments and the threats of
theologians, when his flinty breast could withstand the condescending and
courtly flatteries of a virgin queen ? In the year 1 566 Elizabeth visited
Oxford ; and she, in return to the dutiful reception given to her upon her
arrival, offering her hand to kiss, to the vice-chancellor, doctors and masters ;
while Humfrey was receiving that honour, the queen said, " Dr. Humfrey
methinks this gown and habit becomes you very well: and I marvel you are so
straight-laced in this point — but I come not now to chide."
vol. ii. p. 156, edit. 1796.

PREFACE. 321

betli's time ; and Dr. Heylin ended his with the beginning of the
year 1566, which was about five years before the death of bishop
Jewel : and I have neither time nor leisure, nor interest to search
the records of those times, and compare the editions of books
and other things by which this life might have been put into a
better method, as to the timing of things.

And besides all this, it were perhaps indecent to put a long life
before two such small tractates as I am to entertain my reader
with ; but yet I hope the life, such as it is, will give some light
to the discourses, and raise a venerable idea of this good bishop
in the reader's mind ; which were the things I chiefly aimed at in
the writing of it.

As to the pieces, the first of these, the Apology, was written
in Latin in the beginning of the year 1562, or the latter end of
the foregoing year, and was occasioned by pope Pius the fourth
calling the council of Trent, and sending his nuncio Martiningo
to invite the queen to it ; and the interposition of most of the
greatest princes of Christendom, who wrote to the queen to en-
tertain the nuncio and submit to the council. Whereupon it was
thought but reasonable to give the world an account of what we
had done in the preceding parliament, and the reasons of it, and
to retort the many accusations brought against our church by the
papists. And therefore it was but reasonable that it should be
in Latin, that being the most common language, and understood
by the learned men of all nations; and accordingly it found
entertainment in all places, and was read in them : which is more
perhaps than can be said of any other book written for our
church since the Reformation.

Mr. Harding had a great quarrel against it, because it was not
inscribed neither to the pope nor to the council. But there being
no reason to make them our judges, and they having no right to
claim that authority over us, it had been a great oversight to
have made any such inscription, which would have been a kind of
making them what they had neither right nor reason to expect to
be, and from whom we could expect no justice.

The natives had without doubt a great desire to see what was
in this book which then made so great a noise in the world ; and
the learned men being then otherwise imployed, a lady who was
one of the most learned of the age, undertook that task, and
made a very faithful and perhaps elegant version of it for the
time when it was made.

VOL. III. Y

322 PREFACE.

She was then wife to sir Nicholas Bacon lord keeper of the
great seal of England, second daughter to Sir Anthony Cooke
knight, one of the tutors to king Edward the sixth, who being
an excellent scholar, had taken care to improve his five daughters
(Lloyd^s State-worthies, p. 374) so much in learning, that they
became the wonders of the age, and were sought in marriage by
great men, more for their natural and acquired endowments and
beauty, than for their portions, tho they did not want that
neither. Mildred the eldest married William Cecil lord trea-
surer of England ; Anne the second was this lady Bacon ; Kathe-
rine the third married sir Henry Killegrew ; Elizabeth the fourth
married sir Thomas Hobby ; the fifth, whose name is lost, married
sir Ralph Rowlet, all three knights and men of great estates and
esteem.

This version was made soon after the piece was first printed,
tho I cannot tell precisely in what year *, for Mr. Humfrey tells
us Mr. Harding answered the English book, and it is so well
done, that I profess I could never have made so good a version as
1 have, if I had not been assisted by it ; but then our language is
so much refined and exalted since that time (which is above an
hundred years,) that it was perhaps necessary to put it into a
more modish dress, in order to recommend it to the reading of
those who do not much admire excellent sense in a harsh and
obsolete stile, and for this reason only have very many books of
late been new turned : and they of France who put out the elegant
Mons version 5 of the New Testament, give no other reason for it
than this.

The epistle to seignior Scipio was written soon after the
Apology, and to a private Venetian gentleman in a more free and
friendly way, as not being at all intended for the publick. It was
first printed in English and Latin at the end of the Council nf

4 In what year.'] It was sent to Parker, abp. of Canterbury, in manuscript ;
and after a diligent revisal by him, and by bishop Jewel, he returned it
printed, to the translator, with a very handsome introductory letter, in the
year 1564. See Strype's Parker, p. 178, 179-

But, if we may believe bishop Tanner, and Mr. Strype, there had '
already published another translation in 4to, in the year 1362. See Tanner's
Bibliolheca Britan. Hibern. p. 427. Strype's Parker, p. 179.

5 MOM version.] The Jansenist version by the Port-Royalists, begun by
Antoine Le Maitre and finished by his brother J. L. Le Maitre de Sacy and
others. It was first pnhlished at Mons, whence its name, though printed at
Amsterdam by the Elzevirs.

PREFACE, 323

Trent 6. Who made that version I know not, but it is a very
good one, and if I might have had so much liberty, I would only
have altered a very few words in it, and so have re-printed it
again. But not daring to take that liberty with what belonged
to other men, I have done it over again as well as I could,
and perhaps the reader will not be displeased to see it in the same
stile with the Apology, in English as well as Latin.

But now, who can enough deplore the blindness, pride and par-
tiality of those men, who, being led by interest, and hood-winked
by ignorance, did at first imploy all the disingenuous arts that
spite and prejudice could furnish them with, to ruine this most
excellent, apostolical, and primitive church ; or force her to return
back to the state of corruption, out of which with so much labour,
difficulty, and danger, she was then rising ?

But there is some allowance to be made for the misinformation
of strangers, who being separated from us by the ocean, were
forced to take such accounts as were given them by others ; and
1 . being too apt to believe the reports of their own priests, whose
interest it was to blacken her what they could ; and 2. those of
our own fugitives, who made the case much worse than they them-
selves thought it, that they might obtain the more pity, and con-
sequently the better relief and provision abroad, which is wont
to be afforded to all those that fly for religion, amongst those
of the same faith; 3. And also suspecting the fidelity of the
relations made by our ministers in foreign courts ; 4. And of all
our travellers who stuck to, and embraced the religion established
by law.

But then what can be said for those Koman Catholics (as they
will needs be called) who living at home here in England, and
consequently having better means of informing themselves con-
cerning the truth of things, cannot pretend to excuse themselves
by those topics strangers may? It was both their duty and
interest to inform themselves of the affairs of their own country,
and to submit to the laws and customs of it, whilest strangers
that are not under those obligations, may excuse themselves if they
do not make so diligent an inquiry into things, or happen at last
to be mistaken in them. Besides in the settlement under queen
Elizabeth, all the care imaginable was taken to unite the whole

6 Council of Trent.'] i. e. of the English translation of father Paul Sarpi's
work, by sir Nathan. Brent.

XT 9

324 PREFACE.

nation in one religion, if it were possible ; and whatever was in
the former liturgy that might exasperate or offend them 6, was
taken out, by which compliances, (they are the words of the
learned Dr. Heylin 7) and the expunging of the passages before
remembred, the book was made so passable among the papists,
that for ten years they generally repaired to their parish churches,
without doubt or scruple, as is affirmed not only by sir Edward
Coke in his speech against Garnet, and his charge given at the
assizes held at Norwich, but also by the queen her self in a letter
to sir Francis Walsingham, then being her resident or leiger
ambassador in the court of France. The same is confessed 1 >y
Sanders also in his book de ScMsmate. And there is a report
recorded by Camden 8, that the pope offered by his envoy Parapa-
lia to the queen, Liturgiam Anglicam sua authoritate conji,
turum, et usum sacramenti sub utraque specie Anglis permissm
dummodo ilia Romance Ecclesice se aggregaret, Romanceque cathe-
drae primatum agnosceret, &c. " That he would confirm the English
liturgy by his authority, and grant the English the use of the
sacrament under both kinds, provided the queen would unite her
self to the church of Rome, and acknowledge the primacy of the
Roman see." Since that time nothing has been added that might
in the least offend them. Why then do they act contrary to
their ancestors ! Why do they pretend more conscience than
either their fore-fathers or the pope ? Ten years was a sufficient
time for them to have found out the heresie in, if there had been
any in the establishment. And we all know their separation was
not upon any scruple of conscience they had, but in obedience to
the popes bull 9. The pope in the mean time did what he did

7 Or offend them.'] Herbert held that "the sophism used to make people
hate the church prayers was a solid reason to make men of understanding
love them : namely, because they were taken out of the mass-book ; taken out,
but as gold from dross, the precious from the vile. The wise reformers knew
Rome would cry " Schism, schism," and therefore they kept all they could
lawfully keep, being loath to give offence ; as our blessed Saviour, being loath to
offend the Jews at the great reformation, kept divers old elements, and made
them new sacraments and sendees : as the frequent washings he turned into
one baptism, and the service of the passover into the Lord's supper."-
Barnabas Oley's Life of Herbert, signat. L. 6.

^ Dr. Heylin.'] [Hist, of the Reformation, p. 283.] or part 2<1. p. 111. (2nd
edition.)

8 Recorded by Camden.'] Compare also Fuller's Church History, p. 68, 9, and
particularly Twisden's Hist. Vindication, p. 175 — 9.

• Jn obedience to the popes bull.] A.D. 1569. 13 Eliz. c. 2. "This year

PREFACE. 325

purely out of worldly interest and policy, to advance his own
grandeur and wealth at their cost and trouble. If he could have

(1570) Pius V. caused a bull (more privately sent about 1569) to be publickly
set up in London against the queen ; which was daringly done by one Felton,
upon the bishop of London's palace gates. In which bull the pope deprived
her of all title to her kingdoms, and absolved her subjects from their oath
of allegiance, and charged them not to obey her upon pain of his curse and
excommunication." Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 610. This bull was at the
time thoroughly examined and confuted by bishop Jewel, and by Henry
Bullinger : and afterwards by Barlow bishop of Lincoln in his Brutum Fulmen,
Jewel's " View, &c." opens in the following manner :

" Whiles I opened unto you the words of the apostle, That day shall not
come, except there come a departing first, and that man of sinne be disclosed,
even the son of perdition, &c. (2 Thess. c. ii.), there came to my hands a copy
of a bull lately sent into this realme by the bishop of Rome. I read it, and
weighed it thorowly, and found it to be a matter of great blasphemy against
God, and a practise to work much unquietnesse, sedition and treason against
our blessed and prosperous government. For it deposeth the queenes majesty :
(whom God long preserve) from her royall seat, and teareth the crown from
her head : it dischargeth all us her naturall subjects from all due obedience :
it armeth one side of us against another : it emboldeneth us to burne, to
spoile, to rob, to kill, and to cut one another's throat : it is much like that
box which Pandora sent to Epimetheus, full of hurtful and unholesome evils.
Are you desirous to heare it ? It greeveth me to disclose, and your godly
eares will hardly abide his unseemly speeches." And then he proceeds to
expose the malice and falsehoods of which the bull is composed, running
through the whole in a very animated and masterly strain of indignant
eloquence.

The facts of the conformity of the generality of the Roman catholics who
then remained in England, till the sera of the publication of this bull, and
that from thenceforth they began to cease to repair to their parish churches,
are admitted on all hands. — But perhaps there were other causes which con-
tributed to this unhappy event, besides the thunders of the Vatican ; the
declension for example, of that zeal among the Protestants which blazed out
on the re-establishment of their religion at the accession of Elizabeth ; the
lamentable divisions amongst themselves, occasioned by the puritanical con-
troversy, which now began to turn aside the heads and hearts of so great a
portion of the best men of the nation, from real and unfeigned religion, to
the agitation of the merest trifles, in which the folly and the deceitfulness of
man's heart ever led him to be zealously engaged ; and the uncharitable and
unreasonable intolerance in which the Puritans indulged themselves against
every thing which bore any relation to the Romish religion.

The reader will not be displeased to see here a virtual confession by a zeal-
ous Roman catholic, of the general attendance at the reformed service pre-
viously to the promulgation of the papal anathema, even of those who were
still considered to retain an attachment to the old religion, as they called it : and
he will see at the same time, what the spirit and temper was in which their

326 PREFACE.

secured this, the liturgy and doctrine of the church of England
should have been owned for catholic, and have been confirmed by

preachers and controversialists sought to second the effects on the minds of
the people of the pope's denunciations. The authority cited is the famous
treatise of Richard Bristow, entitled A brief Treatise of divers plain and
sure ways to find out the truth in this doubtful and dangerous time of heresie:
or (running title), Motives to the Catholic Faith. It was written in 1574,
four years after the issuing of the hull. Had it not been for this bull,
seconded by efforts such as these, it may fairly be presumed, that in a generation
or two the papal schism in England would have been almost, or altogether
extinguished. This was discerned at Rome, and from these forebodings the
Vatican gave out its thunder.

" And here doth charity compel me, to admonishe certain priestes of their
duetie, who will of us be counted catholiks, and yet doe for the penny give
themselves to the ministerie of this new service, and flatter themselves therein,
as though it were no sin. But that in so doing they damnably deceive them-
selves, they may consider by this little which I have said of such as come only
to heare that service. For the hearers sin being so grievous, who can thinke
how detestable is the sin of the ministers ? If they lived under Turkes or
Jewes, and should there either for worldly feare, or filthie lucre, doe as they
now doe living under heretikes, would they thinke that they did not sinne ?
And most certainely no reason nor colour there is to excuse them more in
this than in the other.

" Howsoever therefore they flatter themselves, or also be flattered of others,
one, or two, or three, that seeme learned, who having a singular opinion in
this matter, contrary to all truth and reason, and learned catholikes of all
nations, and to themselves also, we doubt not, if they lived in the free and
open aire of the catholike churches practice, doe speake placentia unto them,
(Isai. xxx.) doing themselves as they may doe, and yet telling there that they
should doe otherwise, to the heavy judgment both of the counsel-givers, and
the counsel-takers ; yet no doubt for all this, as the lay ministers were figured
in the prieste of Jeroboam, of whom it is written, Fecit fana in excelsis, et
sacerdotes de extremis populi, qui non erant defiliis Levi ; He made loft-houses,
and priests of the rascall people, who were not of the house of Levi;
(I Kings xiii. 33.) so were these ministering priests plainely figured in that
covetous worldly Levite (Judges xvii. 18), that first for a little monie served
new found idoles in the house of Michas, and afterward for more lucre and
honour did the same in the tribe of Dan. Plaine it is that our Saviour in the
Gospel maketh but three kinds of ministers : two, that minister after the
right manner, one for God's glorie, the other for his owne commoditie, which
are there called pastor, and mercenarius, the shepherd and the hireling : the
third, whose ministration is wrong and the shepes destruction, which is there
termed lupus, fur, et latro, the wolfe, the stealer, and the robber.

" Whereby these flatterers of themselves of whome I speake, who seeing
the wolfe come, did neither stand constantly in the right ministration, until
they should have been thrust out of all by the wolfe; or cleane forsaken of
the sheepe, as the shepheard ; nor did not forsake the sheep and runne away,

PREFACE. 327

his holinesses authority. But what is this to them ? Are they
bound to promote his temporal interest with their ruin, and the

as the hireling ; but did, and doe abide still, and joyne with the wolfe, and
minister after his tradition, may see most evidently, in what part of our
Saviours just division they have placed themselves : and therefore if they list,
unsensibly, desperately and damnably to holde on with the wolfe, as they doe,
and to take no charitable holesome warning, the sheep must notwithstanding
mark well this foresaid division made by the good shepheard, and prince of
shepherds, and consider that what he hath said of wolves, the same hee hath
said of these also ....

" By which admonition of our Saviour, the doubt also of certaine shepe
is answered, who thinke it lawful for them to heare the wolves sermon, though
not his service. But our Saviour telleth them, that the true shepe know not
neither the voice of the wolfe, but that they will flee from him. . . .

" And besides that admonition, and this ensample, also very good reason
there is so to do : because those sermons are, as no catholike will denie, most
blasphemous against all persons and thinges most holy and most honorable,
both in earth and heaven . . . and therefore solemnly to heare such sermons
must needes be horrible sinne ....

" Good folke which love Christ, when they see so much as one word about
to be spoken against him, will be readie to swound and to die for feare.
What then are they which will go to the place, where they know that he is
blasphemed, there to stand so quietly, so long, so often, to heare such blas-
phemies ? Certainely they are more senselesse and more dead, than was that
foresaid Lazarus. I pray Christ to call them likewise forth of their stinking
graves, Lazare veniforas, Lazarus, come forth ; and so to give them to his
ministers, to be loosed ; Solvite eum, et sinite abire ; Loose ye him, and let
him goe."

" And againe, let them tell me, whether a sermon be not part of the service ?
which is so evident, that they see the puritans have no other service but a
sermon. And therefore, looke for what causes it is unlawful to heare their
service, for the same unlawful it is also to heare their sermons ! . . .

"No man is so mad, as to let poison into his bodie, be it never so little.
These then that goe to the places where most soules are poisoned, and all in
danger to be poisoned, unlesse they thinke themselves more safe and sure
than was our mother Eve in paradise itselfe, do playnly shew, that they care
lesse for their soules than for their bodies ; and therefore lesse for the world to
come, than for this world ; lesse finally for God, than for ourselves ....

" Much more might be here said to this purpose, in commendation of
catholike and detestation of heretical, both service and sermons. But for my
brevitie thus much shall suffice. — Proceed we therefore to other motives/'
fol. 136—41. edit. 1599. 12mo.

With respect to the facts of the Roman catholics frequenting the Protest-
ant service, see also Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 251 and n.

Lastly : on the authority of sir Robert Naunton, we may here date the
origin and usage of the term " Recusant."

" The name of recusant, began then first to be known in the world. Till
then, the catholics were no more than church-papists j but were commanded
(now) by the pope's express letters to forbeare church-going, as they tender

328 PREFACE.

disquiet of their country ? Or how come they to be more obliged
to separate from the church, than to rebel against the crown, see-
ing the same pope commanded both, and for the same ends, and
is as infallible in the one as in the other ?

But this is not our only calamity. About the same time ano-
ther sort of men separated too upon direct contrary pretences.
Why, it is our antiquity, our decency, our too great resemblance
to the church of Borne that offends them. We are not suffi-
ciently purged for these pure men to join with : we have too little
of the primitive church cryes the one, too much says the other ;
too few ceremonies, too much simplicity say the papists ; too
many of the first, too little of the latter cry the dissenters. Thus
was truth ever persecuted on both sides, Christ crucified betwixt
two thieves, the primitive church persecuted by the Pagans on
one side, and the Jews on the other. I venerate thy truth and
moderation, O dear and holy mother, who dost so exactly
resemble thy God and saviour, and the primitive church, both
in thy truth and piety, and in thy sufferings too, which arc thy
glory !

But what shall I say for our dissenters, who have run into
such horrible crimes as schism and rebellion, only on pretem
avoid that popery, that superstition that was only in their own
fancies and prejudices I How can one and the same church be
persecuted justly for being too much and too little reformed?
Why have you separated from her liturgy and rites, who pretend
to imbrace her doctrines ? Or if you must needs separate, why
yet should you imbrue your hands in the blood of your soveraign
and fellow subjects on that account? Supposing you were in tin*
right, this would not justify you. Christ never propagated
his church by blood and treason, but by sufferings and obe-
dience.

The truth is, this church hath been persecuted because she
alone of all the churches in Europe, has had the blessing and
singular favour of God to reform with prudence, moderation, and
an exact and regular conduct, after great and wise di'lilu-ratiniis.
by the consent of our bishops, convocations, states, and princes,

their holy Father, and the holy catholic church their mother. So that, it
seems, the pope had then his aim to take a true muster of his children. Hut
the queen had the greater advantage ; for she likewise (thus) took talc of her
apostate subjects, their strength, and how many there were that had given up
their names unto Baal." Fraymenta Regn/iu ; ( )hservations on q. Elizabeth,
her times, and favourites. Phcpnir. vol. i. j>. 195.

PREFACE. 329

without tumults or hasty counsels; and accordingly here was
nothing changed but upon good advice, after the most irresistible
conviction that it was contrary to the word of God, the senti-
ments of the holy fathers and councils, and the practice of the
truly primitive and apostolical church. So that the papists
themselves do even envy our primitive doctrine, government, and
discipline ; and both fear and hate us more than any other of the
reformed churches. / could be contented (said a great man of
that perswasion) there were no priests (i. e. popish priests) in
England, so there were no bishops there. This, and our excellent
liturgy, our decent ceremonies, and our excellent order, moves
their envy. They are the same things that have raised the
spleens and animosities of the other side, with whom whatever is
older than Zuinglius and Calvin, is presently popery, and must be
destroyed. Tell them that episcopacy was settled in all churches
in the days of the very apostles, and by them ; and they reply
the mystery of iniquity began then to work, intimating if not
affirming, that this holy order was a part of it. So that they
will rather traduce these holy men, who sacrificed their blood
for Jesus Christ and his church, of pride, ambition, and a too
great love of rule, than allow the establishments of our church.
Nay they will rather root out the monarchy, because supported
by, and upholding episcopacy, than shew any the least reverence
to the church, in obedience to our laws and princes.

So that leaving these implacable self-condemned enemies, give
me leave, 0 ye loyal and religious sons of this holy and ever per-
secuted church, to make my last address and application to you.
You see by whom the church has been ever persecuted ; you see
the reason of it ; you cannot but know also what she has suffered
on both sides ; you have read the one, and your eyes have seen
the other ; rouse up then, and take effectual care of this innocent,
this persecuted spouse of Christ. Stretch out your hands to
heaven by humble and fervent prayers, and implore the assistance
of the most holy God, for her safety and protection against all
her enemies.

Let the virtue, piety, and holiness of your lives, assure the
world that you profess this holy religion in good earnest, and that
you do not dissemble either with God or man in it, but are
sincere and resolved to live and die in this profession.

Put those laws we now have in execution duly and regularly,
and with discretion and mercy, not out of bitterness and passion,

330 PREFACE.

but out of conscience and a true fear of God, and care of his
church ; that all the world may see it is nothing but a sense of
your duties, and a zeal for God, that makes you active and
prudently severe.

And as far as you shall have opportunity, take further care by
new laws, to secure this great and inestimable blessing to your
posterity and the generations to come, that they may rise up and
bless God for you ; and remember your names with eulogies and
honour for ever.

And if any thing in these papers may in any degree be ser-
viceable to, and promote these good ends, I shall for ever be
thankful to God and man for the favour.

BISHOP JEWEL.

THOUGH truth and reason may justly claim the privilege of a kind
reception, whoever brings them ; yet such is the nature of man-
kind, that the face of a stranger is ever surveyed with a little
more than ordinary attention, as if men thought generally that
in it were the most lively characters of what they seek to know,
the soul and temper of a man. Now because this is not to be
expected at the first sight in books where yet it is most eagerly
desired, men have attempted to supply that defect with pictures ;
and (which affords much more satisfaction) by premising the lives
and characters of the authors, which gives the reader a truer
and more lasting idea of men, than it is possible for pencils and
colours to attain to.

The author of the ensuing Tracts ought to be so well known to
all English men, that his name alone should have given a sufficient
commendation to any thing that can claim a descent from him :
but it being now above an hundred years since his death, and
his works which were for a long time chained up in all churches *,
being now superannuated or neglected, it may not be an unsea-
sonable piece of service to the church, to revive the memory of
this great man, the stout and invincible champion of the church
of England; who losing the opportunity of sacrificing his life
for her in the reign of queen Mary, did it with more advantage
to us, and pains to himself, under her glorious successor, when
he so freely spent himself in her service, that having wasted his

1 In all churches .] " Three great princes successively," (viz. queen Eliza-
beth, king James I., and king Charles I.) "the one after the other, and four
archbishops of very eminent parts," (Parker, Grindall, Whitgift, and Ban-
croft,) " have been so satisfied with the truth and learning of this book, that
they have imposed it to be chained up and read in all parish churches through-
out England and Wales."— Holy Table, Name and Thing (Abp. Williams's),
p. 208. 1637.

332 BISHOP JEWEL.

thin body by excessive labour and study, he died young, but full
of good works and glory.

He was born the 24th of May, in the year of our Lord 1522,
at Buden in the parish of Berinber in the county of Devon ; and
tho a younger brother, yet inherited his fathers name. His
mother was a Bellamie, and he had so great an esteem for it and
her, that he engraved it on his signet, and had it always imprinted
in his heart ; a lasting testimony both of her virtue and kindness
to him.

His father was a gentleman, descended rather of an ancient
and good, than very rich family. It is observed that his ancestors
had injoyed that estate for almost two hundred years before the
birth of this great man. And yet such was the number of his
children, that it is no wonder if this, when young, wanted the
assistance of good men for the promoting of his studies ; for it is
said that his father left ten children, between sons and daughters,
behind him.

This John Jewel proving a lad of pregnant parts, and of a
sweet and industrious nature and temper, was from his youth
dedicated to learning2; and with great care cultivated by his
parents and masters, which he took so well, that at the entrance
of the thirteenth year of his age, about the feast of St. James, he
was admitted in Merton College in Oxford, under one Mr. Peter
Burrey, a man neither of any great learning, nor much addicted
to the reformation, which then (in the reign of Henry the eighth)
went on but slowly, and with much irregularity in its motions.
But we are yet beholding to his first tutor for this, that he com-
mitted this Jewel to Mr. John Parkhurst a fellow of the same
college, and afterwards first minister of Cleave, and then bishop of
Norwich, who was a man both of more learning and of a better
faith; and prudently instilled8 together with his other learning.

2 Dedicated to learning.'] " Literis grammaticalibus apud Branton, South-
moulton, et Barnstapliam institutus sub auspiciis Walter! Bowen : Oxoniamque
missus mense Julio anno 1535."— Tanner's Bibliotheca, p. 427. Compare
Humfrey's Life of Jewel, p. 17.

3 Prudently instilledJ] Master Parkhurst being desirous besides all other
wholesome learning, to season his tender yeares with pure religion, tooke
occasion often before him to dispute with Master Burrey about controversial
points : and intending to compare the translations of Coverdale and Tindal
gave him Tindal's translation to reade, himselfe overlooking Coverdale's. In
the which collation of translations Jewel oft smiled : which master Park-
hurst observing, and marvelling that in those yeares he could note barba-

BISHOP JEWEL. 333

those excellent principles into this young gentleman, which after-
wards made him the darling and wonder of his age.

During his continuance in this college, a plague happening in
Oxford, he removed to a place called Croxham4, where being
lodged in a low room, and studying hard in the night, he got a
lameness by a cold which attended him to his grave. Having
spent almost four years in this college, the 19th of August anno
Domini 1539, the one and thirtieth of Henry the eighth, in the
seventeenth year of his age, he was, by the procurement of one
Mr. Slater, and Mr. Burrey and Mr. Parkhurst his two tutors,
removed into Corpus Ohristi college in the same university, where
I suppose, he met with something of an encouragement ; but it
is much more certain he met with envy from his equals, who often
suppressed his ingenious exercises, and read others that were
more like their own.

The twentieth day of October in the following year, he took
his first degree of batchelor of arts, with a great and general ap-
plause; when he prosecuted his studies with more vigor than
before, beginning them at four in the morning, and continuing
them till ten at night, so that he seemed to need some body to
put him in mind of eating.

Being now attained to a great reputation for learning, he began
to instruct others, and amongst the rest Anthony Parkhurst 5 was
committed to his care by Mr. John Parkhurst his tutor, which
was a great argument of his great worth and industry.

Being thus imployed, he was chosen reader of humanity and
rhetoric of his own college, and he managed this place seven

rismes in the vulgar translations, brake into these words, Surely Paul's Crosse
will one day ring of this boy, prophecying as it were of that noble Sermon of
his at Paul's Crosse (ann. 1560), which gave such a blow to the superstitions
of the popish masse, or rather to the whole masse of popish superstitions,
that all the defenders of them have ever since staggered." Jewel's Life,
prefixed to his works, § 4.

4 Called Croxham.] [In the English life before his works it is called
Witney.]

5 Anthony Parkhurst.'] But Robert Series, vicar of St. Peter's Oxford, a
zealous enemy to the new opinions in religion and literature, succeeded, we
are not told through what influence, in dissolving this relation : being filled
with alarm at Jewel's design of instructing his young pupil in the Greek
tongue, the study of which at that time in both our universities, was consi-
dered as little better than synonymous with heresy. See Humfrey's Life,
p. 27.

334 BISHOP JEWEL.

years with great applause and honor. His example taught more
than any precepts could ; for he was a great admirer of Horace
and Cicero, and read all Erasmus" works, and imitated them too,
for it was his custom to write something every day ; and it was
his common saying, that men acquired learning more by a frequent
exercising of their pens, than by reading many books. He affected
ever rather to express himselfe fluently, neatly, and with great
weight of argument and strength of reason, than in hunting after
the flowers of rhetoric, and the cadences of words ; tho he under-
stood them, no man better, and wrote a dialogue in which he
comprehended the sum of the art of rhetoric.

The ninth of February 1544, he commenced master of arts,
the charge of it being born by his good tutor Mr. Parkhurst,
who had then the rich rectory of Cleve in the diocess of Gloces-
ter, which is of better value than some of our smaller bishopricks.
Nor was this the only instance wherein he did partake of this
good mans bounty, for he was wont twice or thrice in a year to
invite him to his house, and not dismiss him without presents,
money, and other things that were necessary for the carrying on
his studies. And one time above the rest, coming into his
chamber in the morning, when he was to go back to the univer-
sity, he seised upon his and his companions purses, saying, What
money, I wonder, have these miserable, and beggarly Oxfordiai is i
And finding them pitifully lean and empty, stuffed them with
money, till they became both fat and weighty.

Edward the sixth succeeding his father the 28th of January
1546, the reformation went on more regularly and swiftly, and
Peter Martyr being by that prince called out of Germany, and
made professor of divinity at Oxford, November 1 548, Mr. Jewel
was one of his most constant hearers; and by the help of cha-
racters which he had invented for his own use, took all his lectures
almost as perfectly as he spoke them.

About this time one Dr. Richard Smith7, predecessor t<» 1*
Martyr in that chair at Oxford, and who was more a sophi
than a divine, made an insult upon Peter Martyr, and int< irnj.i. d
him publickly and unexpectedly in his lecture. The German

6 All Erasmus'.'] " Chiliadas Adagiorum imprimis, et volumen Epistola-
mm." IIiiTiifn-y's Life, p. 24.

7 Richard Smith.'] See vol. ii. 5G7, n.

8 The German.] Peter Martyr was not a German hut an Italian, a native of
Florence. His vernacular name was Pietro Martire Vermigli, but by his

BISHOP JEWEL. 335

not to be baffled by a surprize, but extempore recollected his
lecture, and defended it with a great presence of mind, the two
parties in the schools being just upon the point of a tumult,
the protestants for the present professor, and the papists for the
old one.

Peter Martyr nettled with this affront, challenged Smith to
dispute with him publickly, and appointed him a day : but Smith
fearing to be called in question for this uproar, fled before the
time to St. Andrews in Scotland. But then 9 Tresham * and
Chadsy 2, two popish doctors, and one Morgan entered the lists
against Peter Martyr, and there was a very sharp but regular
dispute betwixt them concerning the LordVsupper. And Mr.
Jewel having then a large share in Peter Martyrs affections, was
by him appointed to take the whole disputation in writing 3, which
was printed in the year 1549. For the regulating this disputa-
tion, the council sent to Oxford, Henry bishop of Lincoln 4, Dr.
R. Cox chancellor of that university, Dr. Simon Haines, Richard
Morrison Esq. and Dr. Christopher Nevison commissioners and
moderators.

In the year 1551, Mr. Jewel took his degree of bachelor of

family name, though it was of some distinction at Florence, he is rarely known.
He was born in 1500, entered the Augustin order at Fiesole, studied for some
years at Padua, and after holding various preferments at Spoleto, Naples, and
Lucca, and also the post of visitor-general of his order, he retired in 1542 to
Zurich and joined the reformers. He came to England in 1547 at Cran-
mer's invitation.

The same fate, that of losing his family name, has attended another well-
known author, also an Italian, and having the same Christian names, viz.
Pietro Martire d'Anghiera. As both men were living partly at the same
time, Anghiera dying in 1526 and Vermigli in 1562, it may not be useless
here to notice the distinction which has not always been observed: their
separate histories and works have been sometimes confounded under the
general name of Peter Martyr. Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, of an illustrious
Milanese family, was born in 1455 at Arona on the Lago Maggiore. He is
the author of the " De rebus oceanicis et orbe novo decades."

9 But then.~\ [This dispute began the 28th of May, anno Christi 1549, and
lasted five days.]

1 Tresham.'] William Tresham; see vol. ii. p. 551, n.

2 Chadsy.'] William Cheadsey; see vol. ii. p. 558, n.

3 Inwriting.~\ He was also one of the notaries attendant upon Cranmerand
Ridley in their famous disputation holden at Oxford, previously to their con-
demnation. See Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 337.

4 Henry, bishop of Lincoln.] Henry Holbeach, who had shortly before
been translated from the see of Rochester.

336 BISHOP JEWEL.

divinity, when he preached an excellent Latin sermon, which is
extant 5 almost perfect ; taking for his text the words of St.
Peter, Ep. 1. cap. 4. v. 11. If any man speak, let him speak as
the oracles of God, &c. Upon which words he raised such excel-
lent doctrines, and made such wise and holy reflections in so pure
and elegant a stile, as satisfied all the world of his great ability
and deserts.

In the same time Mr. Jewel took a small living near Oxford
called Sunningwell, more out of a desire to do good, than for the
salary which was but small, whither he went once a fortnight on
foot, tho he was lame, and it was troublesome to him to walk ; and
at the same time preached frequently both privately in his own
college, and publicly in the university.

Besides his old friend Mr. Parkhurst, amongst others, one Mr.
Curtop *, a fellow of the same college, afterwards canon of Christ-
church, allowed him forty shillings a year, which was a consider-
able sum in those days; and one Mr. Chambers7, who WMS
entrusted with distributing the charity of some Londoners to the
poor scholars 8 of Oxford, allowed Mr. Jewel out of it six pounds
a year for books.

5 Which is extant.] See Humfrey's Life, p. 49—66.

6 Mr. Curtop, .] James Curtop or Courthop. See Tanner's Eibl. p. 214.

7 Mr. Chambers.} Richard Chambers; see p. 341, and 344.

8 To the poor scholars.'] It may be worth while to annex a notice or two
respecting this good practice by old Latimer. The first is from his sermon
of the Plough, preached Jan. 18, (or, whether the 8th, Plough Monday ?}
1548.

" In times past, when any rich man died in London, they were wont to
helpe the poore schollers of the universities with exhibition. When any man
dyed, they would bequeath great summes of money toward the reliefe of the
poore. When I was a scholer in Cambridge myselfe, I heard very good
report of London, and knew many that had reliefe of the rich men of
London, but now I can heare no such good report, and yet enquire of
it, and barken for it ; but nowe charitie is waxen colde, none helpeth the
scholer, nor yet the poore. And in those dayes what did they when they
helped the scholers ? Marry, they maynteyned and gave them livinges
that were very papists and professed the popes doctrine ; and now that
the knowledge of Gods word is brought to light, and many earnestly
study and labor to set it forth, now almost no man helpeth to maynteyn
them." Fol. 18.

Again, from the fifth sermon before king Edward.

" There be few doe study divinity but so many as of necessity must fur-
nish the colleges : for there livinges be so small, and victayles so deare, that
they tarry not there but go otherwhere to seeke livinges, and so they go

BISHOP JEWEL. 337

Edward the sixth dying the sixth of July, anno Domini 1553,
and queen Mary succeeding him, and being proclaimed the seven-
teenth of the same month, Jewel was one of the first that felt the
fury of this tempest, and before any law was made, or so much as
any order given by the queen, was expelled 9 out of the college by

about. ... It is not that, I wis, that will keepe out the supremacy of the
byshop of Rome. — Here I wyll make a supplication ; that ye would bestow
so much to the finding of scholers of poore mens sons to exercise the office
of salvation, in relieving of scholers, as ye were wont to bestow in pilgrimage

matters, in trentalles, in masses, in pardons, in purgatory matters It is

a reasonable petition ; for Gods sake looke upon it : I say no more. There
be none nowe but great mens sonnes in colleges, and their fathers looke not
to have them preachers : so every waye this office of preachyng is pinched
at." Sermons, fol. 63.

It must not be dissembled however, that we have, in their time of ascen-
dancy, very similar complaints from Roman catholic writers, of the zeal and
bounty of the protestants in this department of charity and piety, and of the
neglect and languor of their own party. Thus Christopherson, in a work
published in the reign of queen Mary, A.D. 1554.

" Then was there meanes founde, that there shuld be many such minis-
ters. For exhibition was begged by certain," (he may allude perhaps in
part to these very supplications of Latimer) " to be bestowed in the univer-
sities. Which once gotten, they bestowed it only upon such, as eyther were
infected with heresy, or elles in whom men had good hope, that they would
in tyme be heretikes. And thus was folkes hyred to forsake Christes catho-
lyke fayth, and not only to deceave themselves, but many other beside.
Would to God that men were as willing nowe to give exhibition to set for-
ward godly learninge and virtue, as they were then to set forth vice and
heresye." Exhortation against rebellion, signat. Y 5.

It appears also, that the merchant Chambers, who allowed Jewel six
pounds a year for books (a large sum in those days), imparted his bounty
only to those "qui sana dogmata manus subscriptione approbarent," Hum-
frey, p. 32. Compare also Brokes's (afterwards bishop of Gloucester) Sermon
at Paul's Cross, Nov. 12, 1553. Signat. D 7, 8.

I may mention finally that the crafty Gardiner, in a work published soon
after the accession of king Edward, takes credit to himself for his freedom
from a proselytizing spirit. " I have not kepte one scoler at Cambrydge or
Oxforde, syne I was bysshop to be brought up in the catholique opinion,
which is also myne. I have not gone about to allure by any worldly entise-
ment any man to it : but have followed therein the admonition of the worde
of Scripture. I write Vana salus hominis" Declaration of such true articles
as George Joye hath gone about to confute as false. Fol. 4. 4to.

9 Was expelled.'] [Fuller, in his Church History, saith he was expelled for
refusing to be present at mass.]

VOL. in. %

338 BISHOP JEWEL.

the fellows upon their private authority, who had nothing to object
against him, but, 1. His following Peter Martyr; 2. His preach-
ing some doctrines contrary to popery ; 3. And his taking orders
according to the laws then in force: for as for his life, it was
acknowledged to be angelical and extremely honest, by John
Moren a fellow of the same college ; who yet at the same time
could not forbear calling him Lutheran, Zuinglian, and heretic.
He took his leave of the college in these words, as near as I can
render them in English1.

" In my last lectures I have (said he) imitated the custom of
famished men, who when they see their meat likely to be suddenly
and unexpectedly snatched from them, devour it with the great « -r
haste and greediness. For whereas I intended thus to put an end
to my lectures, and perceived that I was like forthwith to be
silenced, I made no scruple to entertain you (contrary to my
former usage) with much unpleasant and ill dressed discourse.
For I see I have incurred the displeasure and hatred of some,
but whether deservedly or no, I shall leave to their consideration ;
for I am perswaded that those who have driven me hence, would
not suffer me to live any where if it were in their power. Hut as
for me, I willingly yield to the times, and if they can derive down
to themselves any satisfaction from my calamity, I would not
hinder them from it. But as Aristides, when he went into exile
and forsook his country, prayed that they might never more think
of him ; so I beseech God to grant the same to my fellow colle-
gians, and what can they wish for more I Pardon me my hearers,
if grief has seized me, being to be torn from that place against my
will, where I have passed the first part of my life, where I have
lived pleasantly, and been in some honor and imployment. Hut
why do I thus delay to put an end to my misery by one word I
Woe is me, that (as with my extreame sorrow and resentment I
at last speak it) I must say farewel my studies, farewel t<> these
beloved houses, farewel thou pleasant seat of learning, fare\v.-l t<»
the most delightful conversation with you, farewel youn^ men,
farewel lads, farewel fellows, farewel brethren, farewel ye beloved
as my eyes, farewel all, farewel ! "

Thus did he take his leave (saith the author of the English life
before his \\orks) of his lecture, fello\v-shi|) and rnll« •"[••; ami

1 In English.'] For the Latin, see Humfrey, p. 74, 5.

BISHOP JEWEL. 339

reduced at one blow to great poverty and desertion : but he found
for some time a place of harbour in Broadgates-Hall, another
college in the same university. Here he met with some short
gleams of comfort ; for the university of Oxford more kind than
his college, and to alleviate the miseries of his shipwrecked estate,
chose him to be her Orator, in which capacity he curiously penned
a gratulatory letter or address (as the term now is) to the queen,
on the behalf and in the name of the university : " Expressing in
it the countenance of the Eoman senators in the beginning of
Tiberius's reign, exquisitely tempered and composed, to keep out
joy and sadness, which both strove at the same time to display
their colours in it ; the one for dead Augustus ; the other for
reigning Tiberius. And upon the assurance of several of her
nobles, that the queen would not change the established religion,
expressing some hopes she would so do ; which was confirmed
then to them by the promise the queen had made to the Suffolk
and Norfolk gentry, who had rescued her out of the very jaws of
ruin." Fuller saith, that the writing this letter was put upon
him with a design to ruin him, but there is not the least colour
for this surmise ; he being so very lately, seasonably and kindly
chosen Orator, when he was so injuriously expelled out of his own
college ; but it is much more probable the sweetness, smoothness
and briskness of his stile, was both the reason why he was chosen
Orator first and then imployed to pen this letter. The sum of
heads of which are in Mr. Lawrence Humfrey's life 2 of Jewel : but
there is no entire copy extant.

It is observed by the last mentioned author, that whilst Jewel
was reading this letter to Dr. Tresham, Vice-chancellor, the great
bell of Christ-Church (which this doctor having caused to be new
run a few days before, had christened by the name of Mary) tolled,
and that hearing her pleasant voice now call him to his beloved
mass, he burst out into an exclamation. " 0 delicate and sweet
harmony ! O beautiful Mary, how musically she sounds, how
strangely she pleaseth my ears ;" so Mr. Jewel's sweet pen was
forced to give way to the more acceptable tinkling of this
new lady 3. And we may easily conjecture how the poor man
took it.

2 Humfrey's life.] See p. 79, 80.

3 This new lady.] About this time, the same Dr. Tresham, " supplying the
roome of the sub-dean in Christ Church, after hee had called all the students
of the college together, with great eloquence and art persuasorie, began to

7 2

340 BISHOP JEWEL.

Being thus ejected out of all he had, he became obnoxious to
the insolence and pride of his enemies, which he endeavoured to
allay by humility and compliance, which yet could not mitigate
their rage and fury; but rather in all probability heightened
their malice, and drew more affronts upon the meek man. But
amongst all his enemies, none sought his ruin more eagerly than
Dr. Martial *, dean of Christ-church, who had changed his religion
now twice already ; and did afterwards twice or thrice more in
the reign of queen Elizabeth : he having neither conscience nor
religion of his own, was wonderous desirous to make JewePs
conscience or life a papal sacrifice.

In order to this, he sends to Jewel by the inquisitors a bead-
roll of popish doctrines, to be subscribed by him upon pain of
fire and faggot, and other grievous tortures. The poor man
having neither friend nor time allowed him to consult with, took
the pen in his hand, and saying, " Have you a mind to see how
well I can write ?" subscribed his name hastily, and with great
reluctance *.

But this no way mitigated the rage of his enemies against

commend the dignitie of the masse unto them, declaring, that there was
stuffe in Scripture enough to prove the masse good. Then to allure them to
the catholick service of the church, he used these reasons, declaring that
there were a goodlie com panic of copes, that were appointed to Windsore,
but he found the queene so gracious unto him, that they should come to
Christ Church. Now if they, like honest men, would come to church, they
should weare them on holie dales. And besides all this, hee would get them
the Ladie bell of Bampton ; and that should make the sweetest ring in all
England. And as for an holie-water sprinkle, he had already the fairest that
was within the realme. Wherefore he thought that no man would be so mad
to foregoe these commodities.

" Which things I rehearse, that it may appeare what want of discretion is
in the fathers of popery, and into what idle follies such men do fall : whome,
I beseeche the Lord, if it be his pleasure, to reduce to a better truth, and to
open their eyes to see their owne blindness." Fox's Acts, p. 1341.

But the follies here mentioned are nothing comparable in magnitude to
those, deserving indeed a much more solemn name, which took place at the
baptizing of their bells ; an ample account of which, taken from authentic
sources, may be found in Becon's Works, vol. iii. fol. 233, 4. A.D. 1564.
See also Staveley's Hist, of the Churches in England, p. 225—31. Weever's
Funeral Monuments, p. 118, 19. Discourse, edit. 2. Sacra Institutio, juxta
usum Ecclesiee Sarisburiensis, p. 158—62. edit. 1604.

4 Dr. Martial.] Richard Marshall, see vol. ii. p. 664, and p. 249 of this vol.

* The place in which he subscribed was at St. Mary's Church, Oxford. See
Dering's Sparing Restraint, part i. p. 95. A.D. 1567.

BISHOP JEWEL. 341

him. They knew his great love to, and familiarity with Peter
Martyr, and nothing less than his life would satisfy these blood-
hounds, of which turn-coat Martial was the fiercest: so being
forsaken by his friends for this his sinful compliance, and still
pursued like a wounded deer by his enemies ; but more exagitated
by the inward remorses and reproaches of his own conscience, he
resolved at last to flee for his life.

And it was but time ; for if he had staid but one night longer,
or gone the right way to London, he had perished by their fury.
One Augustin Berner6 a Switzer, first a servant to bishop
Latimer, and afterwards a minister, found him lying upon the
ground almost dead with vexation, weariness (for this lame man
was forced to make his escape on foot) and cold, and setting him
upon an horse, conveyed him to the lady Ann Warcupps a widow,
who entertained him for some time, and then sent him up to
London, where he was in more safety.

Having twice or thrice changed his lodgings in London, sir
Nicholas Throgmorton, a great minister of state in those times,
furnished him with money for his journey, and procured him a
ship for his transportation beyond the seas. And well it had
been if he had gone sooner ; for his friend Mr. Parkhurst hearing
of the restoring of the mass fled forthwith ; and poor Mr. Jewel
knowing nothing of it, went to Cleave to beg his advice and
assistance, being almost killed by his long journey on foot in
bitter cold and snowy weather, and being forced at last to return
to Oxford, more dejected and confounded in his thoughts than he
went out ; these miseries were the occasions of his fall, as Gods
mercy was the procurer both of his escape and recovery.

For being once arrived in Frankfort in the beginning of the
second year of queen Mary's reign, he found there Mr. Richard
Chambers his old benefactor7, Dr. Eobert Home afterwards
bishop of Winchester, Dr. Sands 8 bishop of London, Sir Francis
Knowles a privy counsellor, and afterwards lord treasurer, and
his eldest son 9, &c. These received Jewel with the more kindness,
because he came unexpectedly and unhoped for; and advised

6 Augustin Berner.'] See vol. ii. p. 544, and p. 6 15, n., and pp. 59, 71, and
78 of this volume.

7 His old benefactor.'] See p. 336.

8 Dr. Sands.'] Edwin Sandys, afterwards, viz. in 1559, bishop of Wor-
cester; in 1570, bishop of London; and in 1576, archbishop of York.

9 His eldest son.} William Knollys, created Baron Knollys of Grays, 13

:J42 BISHOP JEWEL.

him I0 to make a public recantation of his subscription ; which he
willingly did in the pulpit the next Lords-day in these words.
" It was my abject and cowardly mind, and faint heart that made
my weak hand to commit this wickedness." Which when he
had uttered as well as he could for tears and sighs, he applied him-
self in a fervent prayer, first to God Almighty for his pardon, and
afterwards to the church ; the whole auditory accompanying him
with tears and sighes, and ever esteeming him more for his
ingenuous repentance, than they would (perhaps) have done if he
had not fallen.

It is an easy thing for those that were never tried, to censure
the frailty of those that have truckled for some time under the
shock of a mighty temptation ; but let such remember St. Paul's
advice, Let him that standeth take heed least he fall. This great
mans fall shall ever be my lesson, and if this glistering Jewel wriv
thus clouded and foiled, God be merciful to me a sinner !

Mr. Jewel had not been long at Frankford, before Peter
Martyr hearing of it, often sollicited him to come to Strasburgh,
where he was now settled and provided for ; and all things con-
sidered, a wonder it is that he did not perish in England ; for
there was " no person more openly aimed at than he, because
none of them had given wider wounds than he to the Roman
catholic cause. One Tresham ' a senior canon of Christ church,
who had held some points against him at his first coming thither,
now took the benefit of the times to be revenged on him, and
incited those of Christ church and of other houses to affront him
publicly. So that not finding any safety at Oxford, he retired to
Lambeth to Cranmer, where he was sure of as much as the place
could afford him. A consultation had been held by some of the
more fiery spirits, for his commitment into prison. But he came
thither (as was well known) on the public faith, which was not
to be violated for the satisfaction of some private persons. It
was thought fit therefore to discharge him of all further imploy-

May, 1603, Viscount Wallingford, 14 Nov. 1616, and Earl of Banbury, 18
Aug. 1626. Both father and son were Knights of the Garter.

10 Advised him.'] Jewel himself, in the papers which passed in controversy
between him and Dr. Cole, speaking of the submission which he had made
at Oxford says, " But I have confessed it openlie, and unrequired, in the
midst of the congregation."— Works, p. 30.

11 For there was."] Heylin's Ecclesia Restaurata, p. 1Q6.
1 One Tresham.'] William Tresham. See p. 335.

BISHOP JEWEL. 343

ment, and to license him to depart in peace 3 : none being more
forward to furnish him with all things for his going hence, than
the new lord chancellor, bishop Gardiner, whether in honour to
his learning, or out of a desire to send him packing, shall not
now be questioned ; but less humanity was shewed to him in his
wife, whose body having been buried in the church of St. Frides-
wide, was afterwards by public order taken out of the grave and
buried in a common dunghill : but in the reign of queen Elizabeth
it was removed, and her bones mixed with St. Francis. And
the truth is, the queen (who was a bigotted papist, and too much
priest-ridden) breaking not only her promise to the men of Suffolk,
who had stood by her in her greatest necessity, and treating
them with extream severity for but challenging the performance
of her promise ; (one Dobbe who had spoken more boldly than
the rest, being ordered to stand three days in the pillory ;) but
also her more solemn engagement made the twelfth of August
1553, in the council; " That altho her conscience was staid in
matters of religion, yet she was resolved not to compel or strain
others, otherwise than as God should put into their hearts a per-
swasion of that truth she was in ; and this she hoped should be
done by the opening his word to them, by godly, vertuous, and
learned preachers :"" I say, considering how ill she kept her promise
to her own subjects, it is a wonder she should keep the faith given
to this stranger in her brother's reign, and not by her ; and I
conceive no reason can be given for this, but the over-ruling
providence of God, who governs the hearts of princes as he
thinks fit.

But well it was for Mr. Jewel that there he was ; and as much
of Mr. Jewel's sufferings in England had been occasioned by his
great respects he had shewn to Peter Martyr whilst he lived at
Oxford ; so now Peter Martyr never left solliciting him (as I
said) to come to him to Strasburgh till he prevailed, where he
took him to his own table and kept him always with him. And
here Mr. Jewel was very serviceable to him in his edition of his
commentaries upon the book of Judges, which were all transcribed
for the press by him : and he used also to read every day some

2 Depart in peace.~\ [Peter Martyr also helped himself, for he would not
goe without the queens passport and leave, and when he had it, concealed
himself fourteen days on the English coast, then privately took ship and
arrived at Antwerp in the night, and before day took coach, and so got safe
to Strasburgh, the 30th of October, 1553.]

344 BISHOP JEWEL.

part of a father to him, and for the most part St. Augustin,
with which father they were both much delighted.

At Strasburgh Mr. Jewel found J. Poynet late bishop of Win-
chester, Edmund Grindal archbishop 3 of York, Edwin Sands, sir
J. Cheeke, and sir Anthony Coke, kt. and several other great
men of the English nation, who were fled thither for their reli-
gion. And with these he was in great esteem, which opened a
way for his preferment upon his return into England after the
storm was over.

Peter Martyr having been a long time sollicited by the senate
of Zurick to go thither and take upon him the place of professor
of Hebrew and interpreter of the Scriptures, in the place of
Conrad Pellican, who was almost the first professor of Hebrew in
Christendom, and died about this time near an hundred years of
age ; at last accepted the office, and carried Mr. Jewel (July 13,
1556,) with him to Zurick, where he lived still with Peter
Martyr in his own family. Here he found James Pilkington
bishop of Durham, and several others who were maintained by
the procurement of Richard Chambers, but out of the purses of
Mr. Richard Springham, Mr. John Abel, Mr. Thomas Eton,
merchants of London, and several others ; till at last Stephen
Gardiner finding who were their benefactors, threatened "he
woulcUin a short time make them eat their fingers ends for
hunger :" and it was sore against his will that he proved a false
prophet, for he clapt up so many of their benefactors in England,
that after this there came but a small, if any, supply out of Eng-
land to them. But then Christopher prince of Wittenberg, and
the senators of Zurick, and the foreign divines were so kind to
them, that they had still a tolerable subsistence ; and Mr. Jewel
stood in need of the less, because he lived with Peter Martyr till
his return into England.

So saith Mr. Humfrey, p. 90, in his life ; but it is apparent by
the first lines of his epistle to signior Scipio4, that he studied
some time at Padua, and there being no mention of his travelling
at any time before his exile, nor indeed any possibility of it, I
suppose that whilst he was thus with Peter Martyr at Zurick, he
made a step over the Alps to Padua, which was not very distant.

3 Grindal archbishop.] This should have been written, " Grindal afterwards
archbishop," &c. A similar error is committed above, where Sandys is called
bishop of London; and below, where Pilkington is styled bishop of Durham.

4 Signior Scipio.'] See p. 317 (Advertisement).

BISHOP JEWEL. 345

and there studied some time, and contracted his acquaintance
with the said Venetian gentleman ; for this journey is no where
mentioned by any other author that I have seen, and I can find no
time so likely for it as now.

During ah1 the time of his exile, which was about four years, he
studied very hard, and spent the rest of his time in consolating
and confirming his brethren ; for he would frequently tell them
that when their brethren indured such bitter tortures and horri-
ble martyrdoms at home, it was not reasonable they should expect
to fare deliciously in banishment, concluding always : " Hcec non
durabunt cetatem" These things will not last an age. Which he
repeated so very often 5, and with so great an assurance of mind
that it would be so, that many believed it before it came to pass,
and more took it for a prophetic sentence afterwards.

When the English left their native country, they were all of a
piece 6; but some of them going to Geneva and other places which
had imbraced the model of reformation settled by Calvin, they
became fond of these foreign novelties, and some of them at
Frankford, in the year 1554, began an alteration of the liturgy,
and did what they could to draw others to them ; and to these
men Knox, the great incendiary of Scotland afterwards, joined
himself ; and not long after one Whitehead a zealous calvinist,
but of a much better temper than Knox. Not contented with
this alteration, the fifteenth of November 1554, they writ letters

5 So very often.'] There seems to have existed, especially among the exiles,
a very firm persuasion, that the dominion of popery and cruelty, upon this its
revival in England under queen Mary, would not be of long duration. " I
dare neither affirm, that master Fox foresaw this sudden change of public
affairs, nor yet will I take from him the testimony of the reverend and famous
divine, Dr. Elmare (Aylmer), sometime bishop of London ; who, in presence
of many yet living, was wont to say, that he was himself at a sermon,
wherein master Fox, among many things which he preached, to comfort the
banished English, did with confidence tell them; that now was the time come for
their return into England, and that he brought them that news by commandment

from God. For which words he was then sharply reproved by the graver
divines there present ; but excused afterwards, by the event ; when, by com-
paring of times, it was found that queen Mary died but the day before
master Fox had thus presaged."— Life of John Fox, the Martyrologist, pur-
porting to be written by his Son.

6 All of apiece.'] [English Life. Dr. Peter Heylin saith the contrary, and
that Wittingham, Williams, and Goodman were Zuinglians before they left
England, who were the chief promoters of the disorder at Frankford. —
Ecclesia Restaurata, p. 228.]

346 BISHOP JEWEL.

in open defiance of the English liturgy to them of Zurick, who
defended it in a letter of the 28th of the same month.

Grindal and Chambers were sent from Strasburgh to Frank-
ford to quiet these innovators, but to no purpose ; so returning
back again, the English at Strasburgh wrote to them the thir-
teenth of December, all which procured no other regard for them,
but only to obtain Calvin^s judgment of it, which being suitable
to their own, as there was no wonder it should, things continued
thus till the thirteenth of March following, when Dr. Richard
Cox entered Frankford, drove Knox out, and resettled the liturgy
there. Whereupon in the end of August following, Fox with
some few others went to Basil; but the main body followed
Knox and Goodman to Geneva their mother city (as Dr. Heylin
stiles it), where they made choice of Knox and Goodman for
their constant preachers ; under which ministry they rejected
the whole frame and fabric of the reformation made in England
in king Edward's time, and conformed themselves wholly to the
fashions of the church of Geneva, &c. Thus far Dr. Heylin.

Mr. Jewel being then at Zurick, used his utmost endeavour to
reclaim these men, and put a stop to this rising schism ; exhort-
ing them as brethren to lay aside ah1 strife and emulation, espe-
cially about such small matters ; least thereby they should greatly
offend the minds of all good men : which thing (he said) they
ought to have a principal care of. And doubtless this good man
thought that their gratitude to God for restoring them to their
native country under the auspicious reign of queen Elizabeth of
blessed memory, had for ever put an end to this dispute, and he
seems to speak as much 7 in his Apology for the Church of
England ; but within a few years this fury broke loose again.
and just about the time of Jewel's death became more trouble-
some than ever before; and just about an hundred years att« r its
rise, by a dismal rebellion overturned at once the church and
monarchy of Great Britain.

But to return to Mr. Jewel and our exiles; the seventeenth of
November 1558, God remembered the distressed state of the
church of England, and put an end to her sufferings, by removing
that bigotted lady: the news of which flying speedily8 to our

7 Speak as much.'] Near the end : " Postremo, nos inter nos de omnibus
dogmatis, et capitibus religionis Christiana* convenire ; et uno ore, unoque
spiritu colere Deum et Patrem Domini nostri Jesu Christi."

* Flyiny speedily.'] Her death was known at Rome the ninth day afi

BISHOP JEWEL. 347

exiles, they hasted into England again, to congratulate the suc-
cession of queen Elizabeth of ever blessed memory.

His good benefactor and tutor Mr. Parkhurst, upon the arrival
of this news, made him a visit in Germany; but fearing Mr.
Jewel had not chosen the safest way for his return to England,
left him and went another way, which seeming more safe, in the
end proved otherwise. Mr. Jewel arriving safely in England
with what he had, whilst the other was robbed by the way ; and
so at his landing in England, Mr. Jewel (who was here before
him) very gratefully relieved his great benefactor.

The time of Mr. Jewel's arrival in England, is no where
expressed 9 that I can find, but he being then in Zurick, in all
probability was for that cause none of the first that returned ; so
that when he came back, he had the comfort to find all things
well disposed for the reception of the reformation ; for the queen
had by a proclamation of the thirteenth of December 1558,
ordered that " no man, of what quality soever he were, should
presume to alter any thing in the state of religion, or innovate in
any of the rites and ceremonies thereunto belonging, &c. until
some further order should be taken therein. Only it was per-
mitted, and withall required, that the litany, the lords-prayer,
the creed, and the ten commandments, should be said in the
English tongue, and that the epistle and gospel should be read
in English at the time of the high mass, which was done (saith
Dr. Heylin) in all the churches of London, on the next Sunday
after, being New-years-day; and by degrees in all the other
churches in the kingdom. Further than this, she thought it
not convenient to proceed at the present, only she prohibited the
elevation of the sacrament at the altar of the Chapel Royal ;
which was likewise forborn in all other churches : And she set at
liberty all that had been imprisoned for religion in her sisters
time, and ordered the liturgy to be revised with great care, and
that a parliament should be summoned to sit at Westminster the
25th of January 1559."

happened. See Parker's Antiquitat. Britann. Life of Parker, at the begin-
ning. [The news of the queen's death came to Zurick the last of November.
Martyr's Letters.']

9 No where expressed.] But we may approximate to it pretty nearly. He
was at Strasburgh Jan. 26, 1559; and his first letter to Peter Martyr after
his return to England is dated March 20th in the same year. See Burnet's
Reformat., vol. iii. p. 264 and p. 268. Records.

348 BISHOP JEWEL.

All this I suppose at least was done before Mr. Jewel returned
into England : for whether he was here at the coronation is un-
certain. He was entertained first by Mr. Nicholas Culverwcll
for almost six months ; and then falling into a sickness, was invited
by Dr. William Thames, to lodge at his house ; but this was after
the parliament.

The liturgy being then reviewed, and whatever might give the
popish party any unnecessary exasperation or discontent purged
out l ; in order to the facilitating the passing an act of parlia-
ment for the settling it, and the establishment of other things
that were necessary, a publick disputation was appointed on the
thirtieth of March following, to be holden in the church of West-
minster in the English tongue, in the presence of as many of the
lords of the council, and of the members of both houses, as were
desirous to inform themselves in the state of the questions. The
disputation was also to be managed (for the better avoiding of
confusion) by a mutual interchange of writings upon every point ;
each writing to be answered the next day, and so from day to day
till the whole were ended. To all which the bishops at first con-
sented, tho they would not afterwards stand to it. The questions

1 Purged out.~\ " Great care was taken for expunging all such passages, as
might give any scandal or offence to the popish party, or be urged by them
in excuse for their not coming to church, and joining with the rest of the
congregation in Gods publick worship. In the litany first made and pub-
lished by king Henry the 8th, and afterwards continued in the two liturgies
of king Edward the 6th, there was a prayer to be delivered from the tyrannic
and all the detestable enormities of the bishop of Rome, which was thought fit
to be expunged, as giving matter of scandal and dis-affection to all that party,
or such as otherwise wished well to that religion. In the first liturgie of
king Edward, the sacrament of the Lord's body was delivered with this
benediction, that is to say, The body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given
for the preservation of thy body and soul to life everlasting : The blood of our
Lord Jesus Christ, &c., which being thought by Calvin and his disciples to
give some countenance to the grosse and carnal presence of Christ in the
sacrament, which passeth by the name of transubstantiation in the schools
of Rome, was altered into this form in the second liturgie ; that is to say,
Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in
thy heart by faith with thanksgiving. Take and drink this, &c. But the
revisers of the book now joined both forms together, lest under colour of
rejecting a carnal, they might be thought also to deny such a real presence
as was defended in the writings of the antient fathers. Upon which ground
they expunged also a whole rubrick," £c. &c.— Heylin's Hist, of the Refor-
mation, part ii. p. Ill, second edit. Compare also 1'ulk-r's Moderation of the
Church of England, p. 430, &c.

BISHOP JEWEL. 349

were three, concerning prayers in the vulgar tongue, the power of
the church for the changing rites and ceremonies, and the propi-
tiatory sacrifice of the mass for the living and the dead.

The first use that was made of Mr. Jewel after his return, was
the nominating him one of the disputants for the reformed party ;
and tho he was the last in number and place, yet he was not the
least either in desert or esteem, having made great additions to
his former learning in his four years exile and travel : which is
a great improvement to ingenious spirits. But this disputation
was broken off by the popish party, who would not stand to the
order appointed ; so that Mr. Jewel in all probability had no
occasion to shew either his zeal or learning.

The parliament ended the eighth of May ] 559 ; and by virtue
of an act passed in this parliament, soon after midsummer the
queen made a visitation of all the diocesses in England, by com-
missioners, for rectifying all such things as they found amiss, and
could not be redressed by any ordinary episcopal power, without
spending of more time than the exigencies of the church could
then admit of. And this was done by a book of articles printed
for that purpose ; and the inquiry was made upon oath by the
commissioners. Here Mr. Jewel was taken in again, and made
one of these commissioners for the west. When he visited his
own native country, which till then perhaps he had not seen since
his return from exile ; when also he preached to and disputed with
his country-men, he indeavoured more to win them to imbrace the
reformation by good usage, civility, and reason, than to terrify or
awe them by that great authority the queen had armed him and his
fellow commissioners with.

Eeturning back to London, and giving the queen a good and
satisfactory account of their visitation, the 21st of January follow-
ing, Mr. Jewel who was then only batchelor of divinity, was con-
secrated bishop of Salisbury, which he at first modestly declined,
but at last accepted, in obedience to the queens command. This
see had been void by the death of John Capon his immediate
predecessor, who died in the year 1557, now near three years.
And here the Divine Providence again gave him the advantage in
point of seniority over his tutor Mr. John Parkhurst, who was
not consecrated bishop of Norwich till the fourteenth of July
after ; but then his tutor had the advantage of him in point of
revenue, for Mr. Jewel's bishopric had been miserably impo-
verished by his predecessor ; so that he complained afterwards,

350 BISHOP JEWEL.

that there was never a good living left him that would maintain
a learned man ; for (said he) the Capon has devoured all : because
he hath either given away or sold all the ecclesiastical dignities
and livings. So that the good bishop was forced all his life-time
after to take extraordinary pains in travelling and preaching in all
parts of his diocess, which brought him to his grave the sooner :
whereas his tutor had a much richer bishopric, and consequently,
more ease, and out-lived his pupil Jewel three years.

The Sunday before Easter of this year, bishop Jewel preached,
at Paul's Cross, his famous sermon upon the 1 Cor. xi. v. 23.
For I have received of the Lord that which I also delivered unto you,
that the Lord Jesus the same night in which he was betrayed took
bread, &c. This sermon gave a fatal blow to the popish religion
here in England, which was become very odious to all men, by
reason of the barbarous cruelty used by those of that perswasion
in the reign of queen Mary ; but the challenge which he then
made, and afterwards several times and in several places repeated,
was the most stinging part of this sermon, and therefore tho I am
concerned to be as short as I can, I will yet insert this famous
piece at large.

" If any learned man of our adversaries, (said he) or all the
learned men that be alive, be able to bring any one sufficient sen-
tence out of any old catholic doctor, or father, or general council,
or holy Scripture, or any one example in the primitive church,
whereby it may clearly and plainly be proved during the first six
hundred years, 1. That there was at any time any private masses
in the world. 2. Or that there was then any communion ministred
unto the people under one kind. 3. Or that the people had their
common-prayer in a strange tongue that the people understood
not. 4. Or that the bishop of Rome was then called an universal
bishop, or the head of the universal church. 5. Or that the people
were then taught to believe that Christ's body is really, substan-
tially, corporally, carnally or naturally in the sacrament. 6. Or
that his body is or may be in a thousand places or more at one
time. 7. Or that the priest did then hold up the sacrament over
his head. 8. Or that the people did then fall down and worship
it with godly honour. 9. Or that the sacrament was then, or
now ought to be, hanged up under a canopy. 10. Or that in the
sacrament after the words of consecration, there remained only
the accidents and shows without the substance of lnvad and \\ine.
11. Or that then the |>ri<->N divided the sacranu-nt into thr« •<•

BISHOP JEWEL. 351

parts, and afterwards himself received alone. 12. Or that who-
soever had said the sacrament is a figure, a pledge, a token, or a
remembrance of Christ's body, had therefore been adjudged for
an heretic. 13. Or that it was lawful then to have thirty, twenty,
fifteen, ten, or five masses said in the same church in one day.
14. Or that images were then set up in the churches, to the
intent the people might worship them. 15. Or that the lay
people were then forbidden to read the word of God in their own
tongue. 16. Or that it was then lawful for the priest to pro-
nounce the words of consecration closely, or in private to himself.
17. Or that the priest had then authority to offer up Christ unto
his Father. 18. Or to communicate and receive the sacrament
for another, as they do. 19. Or to apply the virtue of Christs
death and passion to any man by the means of the mass. 20. Or
that it was then thought a sound doctrine to teach the people
that mass, ex opere operato (that is, even for that it is said and
done) is able to remove any part of our sin. 21. Or that any
Christian man called the sacrament of the Lord, his God. 22. Or
that the people were then taught to believe, that the body of
Christ remaineth in the sacrament, as long as the accidents of
bread and wine remain there without corruption. 23. Or that a
mouse or any other worm or beast, may eat the body of Christ,
(for so some of our adversaries have said and taught.) 24. Or
that when Christ said, Hoc est corpus meum, the word hoc pointed
not to the bread, but to an individuum vagum, as some of them
say. 25. Or that the accidents, or forms, or shews of bread and
wine be the sacraments of Christs body and blood, and not rather
the very bread and wine itself. 26. Or that the sacrament is a
sign or token of the body of Christ, that lieth hidden underneath
it. 27. Or that ignorance is the mother and cause of true devo-
tion : The conclusion is, that I shall then be content to yield
and subscribe V

2 Yield and subscribe.'] With this famous challenge the reader may com-
pare the following, given, about the year 1624, by another very learned and
eminent divine, Dr. Richard Montague, afterwards bishop of Chichester, &c.

1 . "If any papist living, or all the papists living, can prove unto me, that
the present Roman church, is eyther the catholique church, or a sound mem-
ber of the catholique church, I will subscribe.

2. " If any papist living, or all the papists living, can prove unto me, that
the present church of England is not a true member of the catholique church,
I will subscribe. [•*• ' "

852 BISHOP JEWEL.

" This challenge " (saith the learned doctor Heylin, Eccles. Re-
staurat., p. 301.) " being thus published in so great an auditory,
startled the English papists both at home and abroad, but none
more than such of our fugitives as had retired to Lovain, Doway,
or St. Omers, in the low-country provinces belonging to the king
of Spain. The business was first agitated by the exchange of
friendly letters betwixt the said reverend prelate and Dr. Henry
Cole the late dean of St. Pauls ; more violently followed in a book
of EastaFs s, who first appeared in the lists against the challenger ;
followed herein by Dorman and Marshall, who severally took up
the cudgels to as little purpose ; the first being well beaten by
Nowel, and the last by Calf hill, in their discourses writ against
them : but they were only velitations, or preparatory skirmishes
in reference to the main encounter, which was reserved for the
reverend challenger himself, and Dr. John Harding, one of the
divines of Lovain, and the most learned of the college. The
combatants were born in the same county, bred up in the same
grammar-school, and studied in the same university also : — both
zealous Protestants * in the time of k. Edward, and both relapsed
to popery in the time of queen Mary ; Jewel for fear, and Hard-
ing upon hope of favour and preferment by it. But Jewel's fall
may be compared to that of St. Peter, which was short and sudden,
rising again by his repentance, and fortified more strongly in his
faith than before he was : but Harding^s like to that of the other
Simon, premeditated and resolved on, never to be restored again
(so much was there within him of the gall of bitterness) to his
former standing. But some former differences had been between

3. " If any papist, &c. can prove unto mee, that all those points, or any of
those points which the church of Rome maintaineth against the church of
England, were, or was, the perpetual doctrine of the catholique church : the
concluded doctrine of the representative church in any general council, or
nationall, approved by a generall : or the dogmatical resolution of any one
father, for 500 years after Christ, I will subscribe." Gagg for the New
Gospel. Address to the Reader. Another elaborate challenge, on the topics
of the pope's pretended temporal and spiritual monarchy, given by Dr.
Thomas Barlow, bishop of Lincoln, may be found in the Prefatory Epistle to
his Brutum Fulmen ; or the Bull of pope Pius V. against queen Elizabeth, &c.
1681. 4to. Signat. C 1—3.

3 Of Rastal's.'] [Rastal was a common lawyer, and published his book in
1563.]

4 Zealous Protestants.] See Jewel's Answer to Master Harding'* Conclusion ;
Works, signat. (Rr) 5.

BISHOP JEWEL. 353

them in the church of Salisbury, whereof the one was prebendary5
and the other bishop, occasioned by the bishops visitation of that
cathedral ; in which as Harding had the worst, so it was a presage
of a second foil which he was to have in this encounter. Who
had the better of the day, will easily appear to any that consults
the writings, by which it will appear how much the bishop was
too hard for him at all manner of weapons. Whose learned
answers as well in maintenance of his challenge, as in defence of
his Apology, (whereof more hereafter) contain in them such a
magazine of all sorts of learning, that all our controversors since
that time, have furnished themselves with arguments and autho-
rity from it."

Thus far that learned man has discoursed the event of this
famous challenge with so much brevity and perspicuity, that I
thought it better to transcribe his words, than to do it much
worse my self.

When queen Mary died, Paul the fourth was pope, to whom
queen Elizabeth sent an account of her coming to the crown
which was delivered by sir Edward Karn 6 her sisters resident at
Borne ; to which the angry gentleman replied, " That England
was held in fee of the apostolick see ; that she could not succeed
being illegitimate ; nor could he contradict the declarations made
in that matter by his predecessors Clement the seventh, and Paul
the Third : he said it was a great boldness in her, to assume the
crown without his consent ; for which in reason she deserved no
favour at his hands ; yet if she would renounce her pretensions,
and refer her self wholly to him, he would shew a fatherly affec-
tion to her, and do every thing for her that could consist with
the dignity of the apostolick see." Which answer being hastily
and passionately made, was as little regarded by the queen. But

6 Was prebendary."] [Harding was then prebendary when Mr. Jewel was
elected, and gave his vote for him. Humf. p. 140.]

6 Sir Edward Karn.~\ Or Game, who never returned to England, but died
a papist at Rome.

"Sir Edward Carne, the queen's leiger at Rome, doctor of civil law,
knighted by the emperor Charles V., pretended that as the queen would not
suffer the pope's nuncio to come into England, so the pope would not permit
him to depart Rome, whereas, indeed, the cunning old man was not detained,
but detained himself, so well pleased was he with the place and his office
therein ; where soon after he died, the last leiger of the English nation to
Rome publickly avowed in that employment." Fuller's Church History,
book ix. § 45.

VOL. in. A a

354 BISHOP JEWEL,

he dying soon after, Pius the fourth an abler man succeeded ; and
he was for gaining the queen by arts and kindness ; to which end
he sent Vincent Parapalia, abbot of St. Saviours, with courteous
letters to her, dated May the fifth 1560, with order to make large
proffers to her under hand : but the queen had rejected the pope's
authority by act of parliament, and would have nothing to do with
Parapalia, nor would she suffer him to come into England. In
the interim the pope had resolved to renew the council at Trent,
and in the next year sent abbot Martiningo his nuncio to the
queen, to invite her and her bishops to the council, and he accord-
ingly came to Bruxells, and from thence sent over for leave to
come into England : but though France and Spain interceded for
his admission, yet the queen stood firm, and at the same time
rejected a motion from the emperor, Ferdinando, to return to the
old religion as he called it. Yet after all these denials given to
so many and such potent princes, one Scipio a gentleman of
Venice, who formerly had had some acquaintance with bishop
Jewel when he was a student in Padua, and had heard of Marti-
ningo's ill successes in this negotiation, would needs spend some
eloquence in labouring to obtain that point by his private letters,
which the nuncio could not gain as a public minister ; and to that
end he writes his letters of expostulation to bishop Jewel his old
friend, preferred not long before to the see of Sarisbury. Which
letter did not long remain unanswered ; that learned prelate (saith
my author, Dr. Heylin, Eccl. Rest., p. 349.) was not so unstudied
in the nature of councils, as not to know how little of a general
council could be found at Trent : and therefore he returned an
answer to the proposition so elegantly penned, and so elaborately
digested, that neither Scipio himself nor any other of that party
durst reply upon him. Which letter7 the reader will find in this
small piece new translated. But this was written some time after
the Apology was printed in England.

In the year following 8 bishop Jewel put out The Apology of
the Church of England in Latin; which though written by him.
was published by the queens authority, and with the advice of
some of the bishops, as the public confession of the Catholic and

7 Which letter.'] It is valuable ; and ought to find a place in any future
edition of Jewel's Works.

8 In the year following.] [A. D. 1562. Humfrey in the Life of Jewel, p.
177.] Peter Martyr's Letter to Bishop Jewel concerning this book is dated
Aug. 24, 1562.

BISHOP JEWEL. 355

Christian faith of the church of England, &c. and to give an ac-
count of the reasons of our departure from the see of Rome, and
as an answer to those calumnies that were then raised against the
English church and nation, for not submitting to the pretended
general council of Trent then sitting.

So that it is not to be esteemed as the private work of a single
bishop, but as a publick declaration of that church whose name it
bears. Mr. Humfrey seems in this place to confound this and
the epistle together, as if they had been written at the same time,
which it is apparent they were not.

This Apology being published during the very time of the last
meeting of the council of Trent, was read there, and seriously
considered, and great threats made that it should be answered ;
and accordingly two learned bishops, one a Spaniard and the other
an Italian, undertook that task, but neither of them did any thing
in it l.

But in the mean time the book spread into all the countries in
Europe, and was much applauded in France, Flanders, Germany,
Spain, Poland, Hungary, Denmark, Sweden and Scotland ; and
found at last a passage into Italy, Naples, and Rome itself; and
was soon after translated into the German, Italian, French,
Spanish, Dutch, and last into the Greek 2 tongue ; in so great
esteem this book was abroad : and at home it was translated into
English by the lady Bacon, wife to sir Nicholas Bacon, lord
keeper of the great seal of England.

It very well deserves the character Mr. Humfrey has given of
it, whose words are these. (Page 187.) " It is so drawn, that
the first part of it is an illustration, and as it were a paraphrase
of the twelve articles of the Christian faith (or creed) : the second
is a short and solid confutation of whatever is objected against
the church. If the order be considered, nothing can be better
distributed ; if the perspicuity, nothing can be fuller of light ; if
the stile, nothing more terse ; if the words, nothing more splendid ;
if the arguments, nothing stronger."

The good bishop was most encouraged to publish this Apology

1 Any thing in it.~\ " Which two notwithstanding, these five whole yeeres,
have yet done nothing, nor, I beleeve, intend any thing to do. Indeed cer-
taine of your brethren have been often gnawing at it ; but such as care no-
thing (not is cared) what they write."— Jewel's Defense of the Apology. Works,
p. 27. fol.

'2 Into the Greek.] And also into Welch, by M. Kyffin, Oxford, 1571. 8vo.

A a 2

356 BISHOP JEWEL.

by Peter Martyr (as appears by Martyr's letter of the 24th of
August) with whom he had spent the greatest part of his time in
exile. But Martyr only lived to see the book which he so much
longed for, dying at Zurick, on the twelfth day of November fol-
lowing, after he had paid his thanks for, and expressed his value
of this piece in a letter which is subjoined to this book in all the
following prints. And Mr. Camden also in his Annals expressly
saith, this Apology was printed first in the year 1562.

In the year 1564, Mr. Harding put out a pretended answer to
bishop Jewel's famous challenge at Paul's Cross, mentioned above,
to which in the year following the bishop made a very learned
reply, the epistle before which bears date at London the 27th of
October of that year. The bishop is said to have spent two
years * in that piece. The same year the university of Oxford
gave him (tho absent) the degree of doctor of divinity; and
certainly he well deserved to have that extraordinary respect and
honour shewn him, who was so eminently imployed then in the
service and defence of the church.

He had no sooner brought this to a conclusion, but Harding
was again upon him, and put out an Antapology, or answer to
his Apology for the Church of England. A defence of which
the bishop forthwith began, which he finished, as appears 1>\
his epistle to Mr. Harding at the end of it, the 27th of October
1567.

The next year after Mr. Harding put out another piece, which
he entitled, A detection of sundry foul errors, &c. which was a
cavilling reply to some passages in his defence of the Apology,
which not seeming to deserve an answer by it self, he ans\\
rather by a preface to a new impression of his former defence,
which he finished the eleventh of December 1569, and dedicated
his works to the queen ; Harding having told the world that

3 Spent two years.'] This could hardly be, if Harding's Answer came out
first in 1 564. But in fact the privilege prefixed to that book bears date Jan,
15, 1563. The epistle prefixed to Jewel's Reply is not dated 27th Oct. 1565,
but 6th August, 1565. The writer has also committed another mistake,
where, a little below, it is said that the Defence was finished Oct. 27, 1567;
that is the date of the Epistle prefixed to the second edition. Humfrey, p.
194, has given occasion to part of these errors. Harding's principal work
against the Apology, intitled, Confutation of a Book called an Apology, &c.
came out in 1565, and not, as bishop Tanner and others have said, in 1563.
The privilege prefixed is dated April 12, 1565. See also Jewel's Letter to
Bulinger, in Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 81. Records.

BISHOP JEWEL. 357

she was offended with bishop Jewel for thus troubling the
world.

The same year pope Pius the fourth having published a bull of
excommunication and deprivation against the queen, bishop Jewell
undertook the defence of his soveraign, and wrote a learned
examination and confutation of that bull ; which was published
by John Garbrand an intimate acquaintance of his, together with
a short treatise of the holy Scriptures, both which, as he informs
us, were delivered by the bishop in his cathedral church in the
year 1570.

Besides these he writ several other large pieces ; as 1 . A para-
phrastical interpretation of the epistles and gospels throughout
the whole year. 21y. Divers treatises of the sacraments, and
exhortations to the readers. Sly. Expositions of the Lord's
prayer, the creed and ten commandments. And also 41y. An
exposition upon the epistle to the Galatians; the first of St. Peter,
and both the epistles to the Thessalonians ; which I suppose were
his sermons : for he was of opinion (Humfrey, p. Ill) that it was
a better way of teaching, to go through with a book4, than to take
here and there a text ; and that it gave the people a more clear
and lasting knowledge.

In the beginning of the next year (April 5, 1571) was a parlia-
ment, and consequently a convocation ; when Thomas Cartwright
and others of that faction, having alarmed the church by their
oppositions to the established religion, it was thought fit to
obviate their bold attempts ; and thereupon command was given
by the archbishop, That all such of the lower house of convocation,
who had not formerly subscribed unto the articles of religion
agreed upon anno 1562, should subscribe them now: or on their
absolute refusal, or delay, be expelled the house : which occasioned
a general and personal subscription of those articles. And it was
also farther ordered, that the book of articles so approved, should
be put into print, by the appointment of the right reverend doctor
John Jewel then bishop of Sarum ; which shews he was there,
and in great esteem.

It was in some part of this year also, that he had his con-
ference, and preached his last sermon at Paul's Cross about the
ceremonies and state of the church, which he mentioned on his
death-bed. But I cannot fix the precise time of either of them,

4 With a book.'] See above, Life of Colet, vol. i. p. 437, and n. (3).

358 BISHOP JEWEL.

or give any further account with whom that conference was.
But, however, this holy man sought nothing but the peace and
welfare of the church, by these gentle and mild ways of correc-
tion ; the dissenters of those times treated him for it with as
little respect as Mr. Harding and his confraternity had before,
as bishop Whitgift assures us. His words are these. "They"
(the dissenters) "will not stick" (saith he) "in commending
themselves, to deface all others yea even that notable JKWI .1..
whose both labour and learning they do envy ; and amongst
themselves deprave, as I have heard with mine own ears, and
a number more besides. For further proof whereof, I do refer
you to the report, that by this faction was spread of him after
his last sermon at Paul's Cross, because he did confirm the
doctrine before preached by a famous and learned man touching
obedience to the prince and laws. It was strange (saith he) to
me, to hear so notable a bishop, so learned a man, so stout a
champion of true religion, so painful a prelate, so ungratefully
and spitefully used by a sort of wavering, wicked and wretched
tongues. But it is their manner, be you never so well learned,
never so painful, so zealous, so virtuous, all is nothing with them,
but they will deprave you, rail on you, back-bite you, invent lies
of you, and spread false rumours, as though you were the vilest
person in the whole earth."

Thus writes s that venerable archbishop in his Defence of ike
Answer to the Admonition, p. 423, upon occasion of a paper
written also about this time by bishop Jewel, upon certain
frivolous objections against the government of the church of
England, made by Thomas Cartwright, which the bishop had
confuted; and Cartwright writing against him, Whit^itt defended
them in this place ; and by the by shews how ill the good bishop
\\as treated for his last sermon at Paul's Cross, by this genera-
tion of vipers; which extorted from him that protestation he
made on his death-bed, of which I shall give an account here-
after.

Being naturally of a spare and thin body, and thus restlessly
trashing it out with reading, writing, preach ins; and travelling,
he hastened his death, which happened before he was full fifty
years of age; of which he had a strange perception* a con-

6 Thus writes.'] Compare also Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 37, 8.
r> A strange perception. ,] Sec Miunfrey's Life, p. 3(i.

BISHOP JEWEL. 359

siderable time before it happened, and wrote of it to several of
his friends, but would by no means be perswaded to abate any
thing of his former excessive labours, saying, A bishop should die
preaching.

Though he ever governed his diocess with great diligence, yet
perceiving his death approaching, he began a new and more
severe visitation 7 of it ; correcting the vices of the clergy and

7 A new and more severe visitation.'] Dr. Thomas James, in his learned and
very valuable Treatise of the Corruption of Scripture, Councils and Fathers
for maintenance of Popery, speaking of a passage of Pope Gregory's Epistles
(lib. 4, epist. 38) says, "The Roman edition with sundry others read most
absurdly, contrary to the faith of the manuscripts, and the circumstance of
the place, sacerdotum est praeparatus exitus " (instead of exercitus] " as if
this did betoken king Henry the eighth which first put priests to death." — By
occasion of citing these words truly, according to St. Gregories meaning, and
the antient copies, a very worthy and learned prelate (bishop Jewel) was here-
tofore traduced and slandered among the papists. I will relate the story, as
it was told me by one that is yet living*, and knoweth it to be true ; that you
may see how the good bishop was used amongst them. It happened, that in
his visitation, he preached at Abingdon a religious town in Barkshire, not far
from Oxford ;. whither went many to hear him from all parts of the country
round about ; and many came from the university of Oxford ; of which num-
ber, some were scholars, that stood not so well affected in religion. In his
sermon, as his text led him, he inveighed sharply against the pope, his pride,
his attendance, priests and clergy : and amongst other places, of which he
had great store, he urged this out of Gregory. The sermon being done,
home they come. And such as were popishly given, seeing that the bishop
insisted upon that place of Gregory, examined it with the printed books :
and finding it not there, presently it is noised about the town, that the bishop
had made a foolish and untrue sermon, built upon weak and false authorities;
as might appear plainly by this one place of S. Gregory. For, he had turned
cat into pan ; alleaged the words otherwise than they were read in S. Gre-
gory. He read exercitus sacerdotum an army of priests ; where it was indeed
in true Gregory, exitus sacerdotum, the killing and murdering of priests,
which should argue the coming of anti-christ ; an argument, said they, of
his false and untrue dealing in all points of doctrine. The words were
spoken ; they could not be denied. At hearing of these words, the pro-
testants were much dismayed, the papists triumphed : but it was before the
victory ; as shortly after appeared. For this party of whom I received this
information, being now a gentleman of good place in the commonwealth, and
ever known to be honest of his word, and very religious, presently bethought
himself of some course to stop their mouths, if it were possible. He turned
divers editions, but still found exitus. In the end, it so pleased God, to put
into his mind, to seek it in the manuscripts : and remembering that they had

* Mr. Fr. Mille, one of the clerks of the signet to his majesty, at that
time of good standing in All-Souls' College, fellow.

360 BISHOP JEWEL.

laity more sharply ; injoining them in some places tasks of holy
tracts to be learned by heart, conferring orders more carefully,
and preaching oftener.

Having promised to preach at Lacock in Wiltshire, a gentle-
man who met him going thither, observing him to be very ill by
his looks, advised him to return home, assuring him it was better
the people should want one sermon, than to be altogether deprived
of such a preacher. But he would not be perswaded, but went
thither and preached his last sermon out of the fifth to the
Galatians, Walk in the Spirit, &c. which he did not finish with-
out great labour and difficulty.

The Saturday following being the 22d of September 1571, he
piously and devoutly rendered up his soul into the hands of God,
having first made a very devout and Christian exhortation to
those that were about him, and expressing much dislike of one of
his servants who prayed for his recovery. He died 8 at Monke-

one in the library, of good antiquity, in that college (All- Souls) whereof he
then was fellow, he did so ; went up into the library, found the words there
as bishop Jewel had reported them : which was no small comfort unto him.
He stayed not long, went to his chamber, caused a note to be set up in public
view, whereby he gave the whole university to understand, that whereas such
a reverend bishop, for a sermon by him lately preached was defamed and tra-
duced, and namely for a sentence by him falsly alleaged, as was given forth,
out of Gregory's Epistles : that this report of theirs was utterly untrue ; the
authority not changed by the bishop, but by them into a sinister sense ; for,
so it was found in an antient manuscript in All-Souls College. Which, if it
pleased not them to credit his report, if they would come and see, they
should have one ready to attend them, with the book. And upon this many
came, were satisfied, and the papists had not a word to say for themselves.
This story, I have presumed to rehearse, that you may see the custom of
hereticks ; which is, to charge others with corruptions, when themselves are
most guilty." P. 230, edit. 1688.

8 He died ] " Unto the end he ceased not to continue in the faith which
he before professed. For, as I, one of many yet living, can testifie, in the day
and night before his departure out of this world, he expounded the Lords
Praier, and gave short notes upon the 71st Psalm, to such as were by him.
He thought good to say somewhat at that time, of his bookes written by him,
and set foorth in print, and also of his preaching. In both which services
done by him to the glory of God, and thy" (the reader's) " comfort, he made
protestation of his good conscience, which even then, as he declared, wit-
nessed and should witnesse with him before God, that hee dealt simply and
plainly, having God only before his eyes, and seeking the defense of the
gospel of Christ, and that the truth thereof might be opened and maintained.
And further gave thankes to God that made him his sen-ant in so great a
worke ; and then visited him by this messenger of death, while hee was doing

BISHOP JEWEL. 361

ton Farla, when he had been a bishop almost twelve years ;
and was buried almost in the middle of the quire of his cathedral
church, and ^Egidius Lawrence preached his funeral sermon.
He was extreamly bewailed by all men ; and a great number of
Latin, Greek and Hebrew verses were made on this occasion by
learned men, which are collected and printed by Mr. Lawrence
Humfrey, regius professor of divinity at Oxford, in the end of his
life written in Latin by the order of that university ; nor has his

the message of God, in visiting his diocesse : that then he called him to rest
from his labours, when his weake body was spent and worne out in setting
foorth the glory of God, for which he many times praied, it would please God
to let him be offered in sacrifice.

" Hee was at that time very fervent in praier ; which he poured out before
the Lord abundantly, and in great faith, crying often : Lord let thy servant
now depart in peace. Lord let thy servant now come to thee. I have not so
lived, that I am ashamed to live : neither am I afraid to die, for we have a gra-
cious Lord. There is laid up for mee a crowne of righteousnesse. Christ is my
righteousnesse. Thy will be done 0 Lord, for mine isfruile: with many other
such godly speeches. In the extremitie of his disease he shewed great pa-
tience, and when his voice failed that he lay speechlesse, he lifted up his hands
and eyes, in witnesse of his consent to those praiers, which were made.
Thus being virtuously occupied, and wholly resting himselfe upon the mer-
cies of God through Jesus Christ our Saviour, he rendered up his soule to
God, the 23 of September 1571.

" Be thou thankfull to God, for giving his church so worthy an instrument
of his glory : and be careful to follow the good doctrine, which he left
behinde him." Garbrand's Preface to Jewel's View of a seditious Bull, &c.
A.D. 1582. Compare Humfrey's Life, p. 254 — 7.

That the memory of this mighty champion of the reformed faith should be
infested by popish calumnies will not be wondered at by those who have a
moderate knowledge of the degree to which such practices have been carried
in similar circumstances, for the purpose of discrediting the protestant, and
upholding the tottering cause of the Romish religion. Sometimes it was
said, that at the hour of death he retracted his heresies, and returned to the
Roman catholic faith. (Humfrey, p. 259.) At other times, having in his
devotions in his last sickness " used the versicle of the hymn Te Deum, O
Lord, in Thee have I trusted, let me never be confounded, hereupon, suppressing
the rest, they published, that the principal champion of the heretics in his
very last words cried he was confounded." Lord Bacon's Works, vol. i.
p. 356. But the most absurd story of all was, (as they told of Bucer, who
walked often into the fields at Cambridge to visit a favourite cow, which had
been presented to him by the dutchess of Suffolk, that he derived his learning
from her,) that Jewel had a favourite and familiar cat, or a devil in that shape,
from which he was inspired with all the powers of eloquence and argument,
of which he was so largely possessed, to the bane of so many good and sound
catholics. Humfrey's Life, p. 259.

362 BISHOP JEWEL.

name been since mentioned by any man, without such elogies
and commendations as befitted so great, so good, so learned and
laborious a prelate.

Having thus brought him to his grave, my reader may be
pleased to permit me to collect some particular things which
could not so well be inserted into the history of his life, without
breaking the thread of it.

He had naturally a very strong memory, which he had strangely
improved by art. Mr. Humfrey gives several examples of this,
but I will instance in two only. John Hooper bishop of Glocester,
who was burnt in the reign of queen Mary, once to try him, writ
about forty Welsh and Irish words ; Mr. Jewel going a little
while aside, and recollecting them in his memory, and reading
them twice or thrice over, said them by heart backward and
forward exactly in the same order they were set down. And
another time he did the same by ten lines of Erasmus's
paraphrase in English, the words of which being read sometimes
confusedly without order, and at other times in order by the lord
keeper Bacon, Mr. Jewell thinking a while on them, presently
repeated them again backward and forward, in their right order
and in the wrong, just as they were read to him 9; and he taught
his tutor Mr. Parkhurst the same art.

Though his memory were so great and so improved, yet he
would not intirely rely upon it, but entered down into common
place books, whatever he thought he might afterwards have occa-
sion to use; which, as the author of his life informs us, were
many in number, and great in quantity, being a vast treasure of
learning, and a rich repository of knowledge, into which lie had
collected sacred, profane, poetic, philosophic and divine notes of
nil sorts; and all these he had again reduced into a small piece
or two, which were a kind of general indexes, which he made use
of at all times when he was to speak or write any thing ; which

9 Read to him.'] The accounts of Jewel's tenacious memory, remarkable as
they are, do not equal what is told, of the same faculty, in others ; and, for
instance, of Fuller, the ecclesiastical historian, it is said that he could repeat
five hundred unconnected words, after hearing them only twice : and that he
would preach a sermon verbatim, which he had heard only once. Also, that
in passing to and fro, from Temple-bar to the furthest end of Cheap-side, he
once undertook to tell at his return every sign, as it stood in order, on both
sides of the way, repeating them either backwards or forwards ; and per-
formed it exactly. Life of Dr. Thomas Fuller, 1661.

BISHOP JEWEL. 363

were drawn up in characters for brevity, and thereby so obscured,
that they were not of any use, after his death, to any other per-
son. And besides these, he ever kept diaries, in which he entered
whatever he heard or saw that was remarkable ; which once a
year he perused, and out of them extracted what ever was more
remarkable.

And from hence it came to pass, that whereas Mr. Harding in
that great controversie they had, abounded only in words, bishop
Jewel overwhelmed him with a cloud of witnesses and citations
out of the ancient fathers, councils, and church historians ; con-
firming every thing with so great a number of incontestable autho-
rities, that Mr. Harding durst never after pretend to a second
perfect and full answer, but contented himself with snarling at
some small pieces : the truth is, as Dr. Heylin observes, all the
following controversies were in this point beholding to the indefa-
tigable industry of this great leader.

Yet he was so careful in the use of his own common place
books, that when he was to write his Defence of the Apology,
and his Reply, he would not trust intirely to his own excerpts or
transcriptions, but having first carefully read Mr. Hardings
books, and marked what he thought deserved an answer, he in
the next place drew up the heads of his intended answer, and
resolved what authorities he would make use of upon each head,
and then by the directions of his common place book, read and
marked all those passages he had occasion to make use of, and
delivered them to some scholars to be transcribed under their
proper heads, that he might have them together under his eye,
when he came to write ; which care and diligence of his speaks
at once both his industry, fidelity, and modesty, in that he would
not trust his own transcripts, and is a just reprehension of the
falshood of those who knowingly make false citations, and of the
supine negligence of those who take them up upon trust from
other men, and use them without any examination ; by which
means great mistakes are made, and controversies spring up to
the disturbance of the world. The truth is, a man ought to re-
examine his own thoughts : for what may seem very pertinent at a
first reading to any purpose, may prove otherwise upon second
thoughts, and a close observation of what goes before, or follows
after in the author: and few men are so exact in their first
excerpts, but through hast, inadvertence or mistake, they may
more or less err and be deceived ; not to say that a mans inten-

364 BISHOP JEWEL.

tion of mind is much exalted by the fixing it upon one particular
object, and the expectation of a conviction from his adversary,
in case he make the least mistake. This account of our venerable
bishop was given by one Mr. John Garbrand, who was intimately
acquainted with him, in an epistle dedicatory before some of his
sermons, printed in octavo, in the year 1 583.

He was an excellent Grecian, and not unacquainted with the
Italian tongue ; and as to the Latin, he wrote and spoke it with
that elegance, politeness, purity and fluency, that it might very
well be taken for his mother tongue : and certainly he took the
right course to be master of it, having made himself in his youth,
perfectly master of Horace, (upon whom he writ a large com-
mentary) Tully and Erasmus, all whose voluminous and excellent
works he read over, excerpted and imitated every day he lived,
especially during his continuance at Oxford ; and he was then
wont also to declaim l extempore to himself in Latin, in the woods
and groves as he walked.

And when the lady Bacon wrote him a letter in Greek, he
replied in the same language. He was excellently read in all the
Greek poets, orators and historians, especially in the ecclesiastical
historians, and above all other, loved Gregory Nazianzen, and
quoted him on all occasions.

His learning was much improved by his exile, in which, besides
his conversation with Peter Martyr and the other learned men at
Strasburgh and Zurick, and his society with Mr. Sands after-
wards archbishop of York, who was his bedfellow almost all the
time they were in exile, his curiosity led him over the Alps into
Italy, and he studied some time in Padua, and by the acquaint-
ance he contracted with seignior Scipio * a great man, s< < m> in
have been very much esteemed there.

He was of a pleasant debonair humour, extreamly civil and
obliging to all; but withal of great gravity, and of so seven .1

1 To declaim.'] " Fertur sestate in sylvam Shotoverianam Oxoniae proxi-
main, aut in alium aliquem secessum proficisci consuevisse, ibique in solitu-
dine quasi in theatre declamitasse, auditores candidissimos oratione Gnrca,
Latina, sua, aliena, Ciceroniana, Demosthenica compellasse : gestura, pronun-
ciationem, vocem, vultum, omnia ad gravitatera et decorum atteraperasse ; ut
non Juellum sed alterum Demosthenem in antro rhetoricantem, et literal n
caninam sonare conantem fuisse affirmares. Curiosara et affectatam tlo-
qiifiitiam in concionatoribus semper damnavit, et ipse devitavit. Rhetor esse
quam haberi maluit." Humirey's Life, p. 24.

- Seiynior Scipio.] See note, p. 317 (Advertisement).

BISHOP JEWEL. 365

probity and virtue, that he extorted from his bitterest enemies a
confession that he lived the life of an angel : and tho he were
lame, yet till his being a bishop, he travelled for the most part
a-foot, both at home and beyond the seas. He was contented in
every condition, and endeavoured to make all others so, by telling
them when he was in exile, that neither would their calamity last
an age, neither was it reason they should bear no share of the
cross of Christ, when their brethren in England fared so much
worse.

He was so extremely grateful to all that had done him good,
that when he could not express his gratitude to Mr. Bowin his
school-master, he paid it to his name, and did good to all that
were so called for his sake, though they were not related to that
good man.

He was a most laborious preacher, always travelling about his
diocess, and preaching where-ever he came ; wherein he laboured
to speak to the apprehensions of the people, hating all light
gingling discourses and phrases, as beneath the dignity of that
sacred place ; yet he was carefull here too in the choice of his
words, and endeavoured to move the affections of his auditory by
pathetic and zealous applications, avoiding all high-flown expres-
sions, and using a grave and sedate, rather than sweet way of
speaking, and never venturing in the meanest auditory to preach
extempore 3.

Mr. Humfrey, who was himself a Calvinist, (as Mr. Camden
informs us in his Annals,) has done what he could, (p. Ill) to

3 To preach extempore.'] This, it should seem, is affirmed on insufficient
authority, unless by preaching extempore the author means preaching
without premeditation. His famous sermon at Paul's Cross A.D. 1560, pur-
ports in the title, to be " set forth, as neere as the author could call it to
remembrance, without any alteration or addition."

" Nam quamvis extemporalis facundiae, et multiplicis doctrinae, et egregiae
memoriae adminiculis confisus, subito ad concionandum potuisset exilire, et
velut Gorgias alter de quovis themate ultra consuetam clepsydram declamare :
tamen ita studiose, ita religiose in hac sacra functione versatus est, ut nun-
quam nisi meditate dixerit. Imo sive in ecclesia sua, sive ruri in parochiis,
sive in suggestu Paulino Londini, sive in aula regia, sive in acadernia, sive
alibi concionaretur, vel longius vel brevius spatium ad deliberandum sum-
sit : et dictanda populo laboriose excerpsit, et observations locorum, et rerum
ipsarum qucedam capita prius in charta delineavit ; quae et disposuit apte, et
statim memoriae commendavit, et leni ac dulci voce, et idoneis verbis pronun-
tiavit. P. 109, 10.

366 BISHOP JEWEL.

represent bishop Jewell as a favourer 4 of our English dissenters :
but it is certain he opposed them in his exile, when they began
the stirs at Frankford ; and the last public act he did in all his
life, was to reprehend them severely, in a sermon preached at
Pauls Cross, which I take to be the last sermon, printed in the
collection of his works in 1 609 ; and to defend the rites and cere-
monies of the church against them ; both which he mentioned on
his death-bed in these words. " My last sermon at Paules Cross
in London, and the conference I held with some brethren con-
cerning the ceremonies and present state of our church, was not
undertaken to please any mortal man, or to exasperate or trouble
those that thought otherwise than I did ; but least either party
should prejudice the other, and that the love of God, through the
operation of the Holy Ghost which is given to us, might be shed
abroad in our hearts." To which he wisely subjoins his opinion,
that these contentions were kindled and fomented by the popish
party ; as is well known now. The truth is, the schism was then
in its rise : and those great impostures Coleman, Button, and
Hallingham, which were nothing but popish priests 5 in the mas-
querade of puritan preachers, being severely corrected in the year
1568, there was no great motion made by that party, till the par-
liament held in the thirteenth year of the queen, April 2, 1570,
had confirmed the articles of the church by act of parliament :
and subscription thereupon being more severely urged than before,
many dissenters kept their private meetings in woods, fields, their
friends' houses, &c. as Fuller from Tho. Cartwrights Second Reply,
p. 38, informs us. These disorders in all probability occasioned
the sermon at Pauls Cross, and the conference at London, which
happened not long before his death, and probably after this session
of parliament, which the bishop survived but six months. So

4 A favourer.'] Yet Humfrey himself fell under the severe displeasure of
Jewel for his puritanical scruples. In 1565, being presented to a living in
the diocese of Sarum by Horn, bishop of Winchester, Jewel refused to give
him institution, writing to the archbishop, "That in respect of his vain con-
tention about apparell, he thought best to make a stay till he understood his
grace's pleasure ; and that unless he should otherwise advise him by his
letter, he minded not in any wise to receive him ; adding that his long suf-
ferance bred great offence." Strype's Annals, vol. ii. p, 464.

6 Nothing but popish priests.'] [The Preface to the first tome of Collections
by Dr. Nalson.] See also Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 521, 2. Strype's Life
of Parker, p. 244—6. Maddox against Neal, p. 181—6. Ussher's Letters,
p. 611, 12, and p. 27, 8. Appendix. Foxes and Firebrands, 1680.

BISHOP JEWEL. 367

that if the bishop " did rarely and unwillingly preach any thing
concerning the rites and indifferent parts or circumstances of
religion," as our author (Humfrey) tells us, it was because he had
no great occasions given him : but what he thought of these men,
will best appear from the sermon I mentioned above ; his words
are these. " By whose name shall I call you ? I would I might
call you brethren ; but alas this heart of yours is not brotherly :
I would I might call you Christians ; but alas you are no Chris-
tians. I know not by what name I shall call you : for if you were
brethren, you would love as brethren : if you were Christians, you
would agree as Christians." So that he could have no good
opinion of those whom he every where in that sermon stiles, proud,
self-conceited, disobedient, and unquiet men, who did not deserve
the title of brethren or Christians. What would he have said if
he had lived in our days ?

Besides confuting 6 some of the seditious doctrines of Thomas
Cart wright, who became famous by his Admonition to the parlia-
ment ; in the year following the bishop said, Stultitia nata est in
corde pueri, et virga disciplines fugabit ittam. (Prov. xxii. 15.)
Which shews he was no encourager of faction by lenity and tole-
ration ; though he was a man of great moderation otherwise, and
expressed a great sense of the frailties of mankind in other in-
stances ; as appears by his letter to Dr. Parkhurst when bishop
of Norwich. " Let your chancellor" (saith he) "be harder, but
you easier ; let him wound, but do you heal ; let him lance, do
you plaister : wise clemency will do more good than rigid severity ;
one man may move more with an engine, than six with the force
of their hands." And accordingly he would often sit in his own
consistory with his chancellor, hearing, considering, and some-
times determining causes concerning matrimony, adultery, and
testaments, &c., not thinking it safe to commit all to the sole
care and fidelity of his chancellor and officials. But though as a
justice of peace he often sate in the courts of quarter sessions,
yet here he very rarely interposed, except his judgment were
desired concerning some scruple of religion, or some other such-

6 Besides confuting.^ [In a short paper written by this good bishop
against certain frivolous objections made against the government of the
church of England, printed at London, 1 641. Bishop Whitgift in the defence
of the Answer to the Admonition, tells us, Cartwright was the man ; and
that hereupon the faction used the bishop most ungratefully and despitefully,
p. 423.]

368 BISHOP JEWEL.

like difficulty. So exact was his care, not to entangle himself
with secular affairs ; and yet not to be wanting to his duty in any
case.

Tho he came to a bishopric miserably impoverished and wasted,
yet he found means to exercise a prodigious liberality and hospi-
tality. For the first, his great expence in the building a fair
library for his cathedral church, may be an instance, which his
successor Dr. Gheast furnished with books, whose name is perpe-
tuated, together with the memory of his predecessor by this
inscription. " Hsec bibliotheca extructa est sumptibus R. p. ac
D.D. JOHANNIS JEWELLI, quondam Sarum episcopi; instructa
vero libris a E. in Christo P. D. Edmundo Gheast, olim ejusdem
ecclesiae episcopo; quorum memoria in benedictione erit. A.D.
1578."

His doors stood always open to the poor, and he would fre-
quently send his charitable reliefs to prisoners ; nor did he con-
fine his bounty to English men only, but was liberal to foreigners,
and especially to those of Zurick, and the friends of Peter Martyr.

But perceiving the great want of learned men in his times, his
greatest care was to have ever with him in his house half a dozen
or more poor lads which he brought up in learning ; and took
much delight to hear them dispute points of grammar-learning in
Latin at his table when he was at his meal, improving them, and
pleasing himself at the same time.

And besides these, he maintained in the university several young
students, allowing them yearly pensions; and when ever they
came to visit him, rarely dismissed them without liberal gratuities.
Amongst these was the famous Mr. Richard Hooker his country-
man, whose parents being poor he must have been bound appren-
tice to a trade, but for the bounty of this good bishop, who allowed
his parents a yearly pension towards his maintenance, well near
seven years before he was fit for the university ; and in the year
1567, appointed him to remove to Oxford and there to attend
Dr. Cole then president of Corpus Christi college, who, according
to his promise to the bishop, provided him a tutor, and a clerk^s
place in that college ; which, with a contribution from his uncle
Mr. John Hooker, and a continued pension of his patron the
bishop, gave him a comfortable subsistance : and in the last year
of the bishops life, Mr. Hooker making this his patron a visit at
his palace, the good bishop made him, and a companion In- li;»«l
with him, dine at his own table with him. which Mr. Hooker

BISHOP JEWEL. 369

boasted of with much joy and gratitude, when he saw his mother
and friends, whither he was then travelling a foot. The bishop
when he parted with him, gave him good counsel and his blessing,
but forgot to give him money ; which when the bishop bethought
himself of, he sent a servant to call him back again, and then told
him, " I sent for you Richard, to lend you a horse which hath
carried me many a mile, and I thank God with much ease." And
presently delivered into his hand a walking-staff, with which he
professed he had travelled many parts of Germany ; and then
went on and said, "Richard, I do not give but lend you my horse ;
be sure you be honest and bring my horse back to me at your
return this way to Oxford ; and I do now give you ten groats
to bear your charges to Exeter; and here is ten groats more
which I charge you to deliver to your mother, and tell her, I
send a bishops blessing with it, and beg the continuance of her
prayers for me. And if you bring my horse back to me, I will
give you ten more to carry you 'on foot to the college ; and so God
bless you good Richard." It was not long after this, before this
good bishop died; but before his death he had so effectually
recommended Mr. Hooker to Edwin Sandys then bishop of Lon-
don, and after archbishop of York, that about a year after he put
his son under the tutelage of Mr. Hooker, and was otherwise so
liberal to him, that he became one of the learnedest men of the
age ; and as bishop Jewel foiled the papists, so this Mr. Hooker
in his books of Ecclesiastical Polity, gave the dissenters such a
fatal defeat, as they never yet could, nor ever shall be able to
recover from. Nor was Mr. Hooker ungrateful; but having
occasion to mention his good benefactor in that piece, he calls
him (bishop Jewel) " the worthiest divine that Christendom hath
bred for the space of some hundreds of years." (Book ii. § 6.)

But to return to bishop Jewel. He had collected an excellent
library of books of all sorts, not excepting 7 the most impertinent

7 Not excepting.'] Cole taxing Jewel in these words, "I see yee write
much, and read little," the bishop replies ; " How are yee so privie to my
reading ? Wise men avouch no more than they know. Yee lackt shift when
yee were driven to write thus. I assure you I have not been so slacke a
student these twenty yeeres " (this is written in the year 1560), "but that
besides other old writers of divers sorts, Greeke and Latin, I have not spared
to read over, even such as have written of your side, as Roffensis, [Fisher]
Pigghius, Hosmasterus, Eckius, Hossius, and such others ; and yet, untill
this day I never set abroad in print twenty lines. But this is your old wont,
to make the people thinke that we reade nothing else but two-pennie doctors,

VOL. TTF. B b

370 BISHOP JEWEL.

of the popish authors ; and here it was that he spent the greatest
and the best part of his time, rarely appearing abroad, especially
in a morning till eight of the clock : so that till that time it was
not easy to speak with him ; when commonly he eat some slight
thing for the support of his thin body ; and then, if no business
diverted him, retired to his study again till dinner.

He maintained a plentiful, but sober table : and though at it
he eat very little himself, yet he took care his guests might be
well supplied, entertaining them in the mean time with much
pleasant and useful discourse, telling and hearing any kind of in-
nocent and diverting stories : for though he was a man of a great
and exact both piety and virtue, yet he was not of a morose,
sullen, unsociable temper ; and this his hospitality was equally
bestowed upon both foreigners and English men.

After dinner he heard causes, if any came in ; and dispatched
any business that belonged to him (though he would sometimes
do it at dinner too) ; and answered any questions, and very often
arbitrated and composed differences betwixt his people, who know-
ing his great wisdom and integrity, did very often refer themselves
to him as the sole arbitrator, where they met with speedy, impar-
tial, and unchargeable justice.

At nine at night he called all his servants about him, examined
how they had spent their time that day, commended some, and
reproved others, as occasion served, and then closed the day with
prayers, as he began it : the time of his public morning prayers
seems to have been eight.

After this he commonly went to his study again, and from
thence to bed, his gentlemen reading some part of an author to
him, to compose his mind ; and then committing himself to his
God and Saviour, he betook himself to his rest.

He was extream careful of the revenues of the church, not
caring whom he offended to preserve it from impoverishing in an
age, when the greatest men, finding the queen not over liberal 8

as yee call them. As in the disputation at Westminster, yee would seeme to
stand in doubt, whether we were able to understand you or no, when ye spake a
little Latin." Jewel's Works, p. 23, 4. See also Humfrey's Life of Jewel, p. 250.

8 Not over liberal.} " My good old mistress was wont to call me her watch-
candle, because it pleased her to say, I did continually burn : and yet she
suffered me to waste almost to nothing." SirF. Bacon to king James, A.D. 1612.

"A company of young courtiers appeared extraordinary gallant at a
tilting, far above their fortunes and estates, giving for their motto, Solvat
Ecclesia. Bishop Bancroft, then of London, hearing of it, finds on enquiry

BISHOP JEWEL. 371

to her courtiers and servants, too often paid themselves out of the
church patrimony, for the services they had done the crown, till
they ruined some bishoprics intirely, and left others so very poor,
that they are scarce able to maintain a prelate.

There is one instance of this mentioned by all that have written
our bishop^s life ; a courtier (who was a lay-man) obtained a
prebend in the church of Salisbury, and intending to let it to
another lay-person for his best advantage, acquainted bishop
Jewel with the conditions between them; and some lawyers
opinion about them. To which the bishop replied ; " What
your lawyers may answer I know not ; but for my part, to my
power, I will take care that my church shall sustain no loss whilst
I live." What was the event of this, none of them have told us.

Nor was he careful of his own church only, but of the whole
English church, as appears by his sermon upon Psalm Ixix. v. 9.
The zeal of thine house hath eaten me up, which he preached before
the queen and court ; as appears by it in several addresses to
her in the body of that sermon. In it he hath this observation.
" In other countries the receiving of the gospel hath always been
the cause that learning was more set by ; and learning hath ever
been the furtherance of the gospel. In England, I know not
how it cometh otherwise to pass, for since the gospel hath been
received 9, the maintenance for learning hath been decayed ; and
the lack of learning will be the decay of the gospel." And a little
after he tells us, " Those that should be fosterers of learning, and
increase the livings, had no zeal. What said I, increased ? Nay
the livings and provisions which heretofore were given to this
use, are (saith he) taken away." And a little after, " Whereas
all other labourers and artificers have their hire encreased double
as much as it was wont to be ; only the poor man that laboureth
and sweateth in the vineyard of the Lord of Hosts, hath his hire
abridged and abated." And he applies himself towards the con-
clusion thus to the great men. " You inriched them which
mocked and blinded and devoured you ; spoil not them now that
feed and instruct and comfort you."

that the queen was passing a considerable parcel of church-lands to them ;
and stops the business with his own and his friends' interest, leaving these
gallants to pay the shot of their pride and prodigality out of their own
purses." Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 766. Compare Bancroft's Survey of the
pretended Holy Discipline, p. 211.

9 Hath been received.'] Compare above, Life of Ridley, p 91, and n.

B b 2

372 BISHOP JEWEL.

I had not taken the pains to transcribe so much of this excel-
lent discourse, which may easily enough be read by any that
desire it in his works, but to raise a little consideration l if it be
possible, in this debauched age. This good man foretold here
that this sacrilegious devastation of the church would in time be
the ruine of the gospel, as he calls the reformation, and so it
came to pass : for whereas he observed then, that by reason of
the impropriations, the vicarages in many places, and in the
properest market towns were so simple, that no man could live
upon them, and therefore no man would take them, but the
people were forced to provide themselves as they might with
their own money ; the consequence of this in a few years was,
that these mercenary men becoming factious, or being such,
crept into such places out of hopes of the greater advantage ;
and so infected the minds of the trades-men, that as the church
became very much weakened and disquieted by their factions ;
so our parliaments in a little while became stuft with a sort of
lay-brethren who were enemies both to the church and crown,
which was a great part of the occasion of the rebellion in IfHO,
in which many of those families whose ancestors had risen by the
spoils of the church were ruined : and tho much care was taken
upon the restitution of his late majesty Charles the second, for
the prevention of such mischiefs for the future, yet no care was
taken of these livings in market towns and corporations ; by
which means it came to pass, that within about twenty years
more, we were very fairly disposed for another change, and
nothing but God prevented it. From whence I conclude, that
till this leak is stopped, both church and crown will be in danger
of a ship wrack.

There is fixed upon the bishop^s grave-stone, a plate of brass
with the arms of his family, and this following inscription.

D.

Johanni Jewello Anglo Devoniensi ex antiqua Juellorum familia

1 To raise a little consideration.'] It is greatly to be regretted, that this
consideration is almost as much wanting in these times, as it was when this
life was drawn up. — In connection with this subject the editor begs leave to
recommend to the perusal of those who may have power and influence to
diminish the evils alluded to, Kennett's Cases of Impropriations and of the
Augmentation of Vicarages and other insufficient Cures, A.D. 1704. See also
Malham's Historical View of the unavoidable causes of the Non-residence of the
Parochial Clergy. A.D. 1801.

BISHOP JEWEL. 373

Budenae oriundo ; Academise Oxoniensis laudatissirno alumno :
Mariana tempestate per Germaniam exuli ; praesuli regnante
Elizabetha regina Sarisburiensis dioeceseos (cui per annos XI.
menses IX. summa fide et integritate praefuit) religiosissimo :
immature fato Monkton-farleae prserepto XXIII. Sept. Anno
salutis humanae Christi merito restitutae 1571, et aetatis suae 49.
Positum est observantiae ergo hoc monumentum.

This epitaph was drawn for him by Mr. Humfrey, and much
more ; which in probability could not be all put upon the brass :
but yet he took care to publish it at large in his life of the bishop,
from whence I have transcribed it, which is in these words :

D.

Joanni Juello Anglo, Devoniensi,

Ex antiqua Juellorum familia Budenae oriundo,

A cademiae Oxoniensis laudatissimo alumno ;

Mariana Tempestate per Germaniam exuli ;

praesuli,
Regnante Elizabetha Regina,

Sarisburiensis dioeceseos,
(Cui per annos XI. menses IX. summa fide

et integritate prsefuit,)

Religiosissimo ; viro singular! eruditione,

Ingenio acutissimo, judicio gravissimo,

Pietate, humanitate egregie

Prsedito ;
Theologiae cum primis cognitione

Instructissimo ;

Gemmae Gemmarum ;

Immature fato Monkton-farleae praerepto ;

Sarisburiae sepulto ;

Coelorum civi ;

Laurentius Humfredus

Hoc monumentum observantiae ergo

Et benevolentiae consecravit,

Anno salutis humanae

Christi Merito restitutae

MDLXXI. ix. Kal. Oct.

Vixit Annos XLIX. menses IV.

Psal. 112.
In memoria aeterna erit Justus.

374 BISHOP JEWEL.

A Letter written to the reverend father in God Dr. John Jewel
lord bishop of Salisbury, ly Dr. Peter Martyr.

By the favour of the bishop of London (most worthy prelate and
my very good lord) there was brought me one of your Apologies
for the church of England ; which neither I nor any others here-
abouts before had seen. It is true in your last letter you rather
intimated that it might come out, than signified that it should ;
but however it came not hither till about the middle of July.
And from hence your lordship may consider how much we suffer
from the distance of places. It hath not only given me an intire
satisfaction, who approve and am strangely pleased with all you
do ; but to Bullinger and his sons, and sons in law : and it seems
so very wise, admirable and elegant to Gualter and Wolphius,
that they can put no end to their commendations of it, as not
thinking there hath been any thing printed in these times of so
great a perfection. I do infinitely congratulate this great felicity
of your parts, this excellent edification of the church, and the
honour you have done your country ; and I do most earnestly
beseech you to go on in the same way ; for tho we have a good
cause, yet the defenders of it are few in comparison of its enemies ;
and they now seem so awakened, that they have of late won much
upon the ignorant multitude, by the goodness of their stile, and
the subtilty of their sophistry. I speak this of Staphylus and
Hosius, and some other writers of that party, who are now the
stout champions of the papal errors. But now you have by this
your most elegant and learned Apology, raised such an hope in
the minds of all good and learned men, that they generally
promise themselves, that whilst you live, the reformed religion
shall never want an advocate against its enemies. And truly I
am extremely glad, that I am so happy as to live to see that day
which made you the father of so illustrious and eloquent a pro-
duction. May the God of heaven of his goodness grant that you
may be blessed in time with many more such.

Zurick, Aug. 24, 1562.

BERNARD GILPIN.

The indisposition of the church of Rome to reform herself, must be no
stay unto us from performing our duty to God ; even as desire of retaining
conformity with them could be no excuse, if we did not perform that duty.
Notwithstanding, so far as lawfully we may, we have held and do hold fellow-
ship with them. For, even as the apostle doth say of Israel, that they are in
one respect enemies, but in another beloved of God; in like sort, with Rome
we dare not communicate concerning sundry her gross and grievous abomi-
nations ; yet, touching those main parts of Christian truth wherein they con-
stantly still persist, we gladly acknowledge them to be of the family of Jesus
Christ; and our hearty prayer unto God Almighty is, that being conjoined
so far forth with them, they may at the length (if it be his will) so yield to
prune and reform themselves, that no distraction remain in any thing, but
that we all may with one heart and one mouth glorify God the father of our
Lord and Saviour, whose church we are.

HOOKER.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The Life of Bernard Gilpin, written in Latin by George
Carleton, bishop of Chichester, who had been one of Gilpin's
scholars at Houghton, was translated into English, and pub-
lished in the year 1 629, under the following title ; The Life of
Mr. Bernard Gilpin, some times parson of Houghton in the bishop-
rich of Durham, a man for his singular piety and integritie
famous, and renowned over all the northerne parts of this king-
dom of England, faithfully collected and written in Latine, by
the right reverend father in God George Carleton, late lord bishop
of Chichester, and published for the satisfaction of his countrimen,
by whom it was long since earnestly desired ; translated by Wil-
liam FreaJce minister. London printed by William Jones, dwelling
in Eed-Crosse-street, 1629. This translation has since passed
through three or four editions. The present, with a very few
slight alterations, where the translator does not appear to have
reached the sense of his author, is printed intire from that of the
year 1629. The original Latin makes a part of Bates's Vitce
Selectorum aliquot Virorum &c. Londin: 1681. 4to.

GEORGE, BISHOP OF CHICHESTER,

TO

WILLIAM BELUSIS ', KNIGHT,

Wisheth Salvation in Christ.

IF in the church of God, there were many such as Mr. Gilpin
was, I should holde it needlesse, to recommend the memorial! of
this man unto the world. But seeing there are so few, or (to
speak freely what I think) none at all, who (following the rule of
so rare a piety, and sanctimony) have propounded so notable an
example, to all those who doe aspire to a blessed life, and con-
stantly walk in the same, I conceive that such a patterne would
kindle the zeale of many good men, to walke in so faire a way,
though happily they were not able to attaine to the perfection
thereof. Examples of the like piety in holy men we have heard
of many in auncient histories, and often read of them in their
writings, but in men of this our age it is not to be found. For so
farre short are we from this zeale in furtherance of piety, that
now it is to be feared, lest religion (so eagerly and joyfully
undertaken, and professed at first) will come to be even loathed,
and rejected of many, and so finally come to confusion : seeing
experience of former times hath confirmed this truth unto us,
that profanesse of life and manners hath drawne withall the ruine
of religion, thereby to give us a taste now of what it is like to doe

1 William Belusis.] Sir William Belasyse, of Morton and Houghton, to
whom this life is dedicated, was the son of Bryan Belasyse of Morton, by
Margaret, daughter of Sir George Selby. Bryan Belasyse, who died in 1607,
and was buried at Houghton, was fourth son of Sir William Belasyse of
Newborough, who was sheriff of Yorkshire in 1574, and whose eldest son, Sir
Henry Belasyse, was ancestor of the earls and viscounts Fauconberg.

380 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.

hereafter. Now we make no doubt, but (in so great a decay of
auncient holines) Mr. Gilpin's name (like the owle amongst other
birds) when it comes abroad will prove hatefull to many ; yet I
held this no sufficient reason why to suppresse it : wherein
though some pick out matter for their derision and scorne, yet
some may meete with matter for their admiration, others for
their imitation to work on. As for you (worthy sir) you hereby
injoy the harvest of your earnest and often desire. Many yeeres
this writing hath lyne by me from the common view ; the edition
whereof I did therefore of purpose defer, to prevent them, who
may seerne to stand at a distance farre off from this forme of
holinesse, from judging themselves prejudized hereby. But as
my purpose is to further all, as much as I might, so it was not
to hurt any. If any good or furtherance redound to any by this
my labour, he must thank you, whose importunity hath extorted
it, such as it is, out of my hands. And seeing you live in the
very place, wherein Mr. Gilpin's whole life and worth are best
knowne, and your selfe have beene so earnest with me for the
same, this very carefull desire of yours to preserve and perpetuate
Mr. Gilpin's memory, is a most pregnant proofe and an undeniable
testimony of the ingenuity and goodnesse of your own minde :
which worthy disposition of yours hath commanded me to dedi-
cate this little work to your name, to stand for ever as a pledge
of your religious affection to Mr. Gilpin, and my true love unto
you. So fare you well.

BERNARD GILPIN.

BERNARD GILPIN was borne at Kentmire, in the county of
Westmorland, in the yeare of our Lord 1517, of an ancient and
honourable family *, being the son of Edwin Gilpin, the elder
brother of which Edwin was slain in the battle of Bosworth,
being heire in the fifth descent to Richard Gilpin, who, in the
raign of king John, was enfeoffed in the lordship of Kentmire
hall by the Baron of Kendall, for his singular deserts both in peace
and warre. This was that Richard Gilpin who slew the wilde
boore, that rageing in the mountaines adjoyning, as sometimes
did that of Erimanthus, had much indammaged the country-
people : whence it is that the Gilpins in their coate armes 2
give the boore. The mother of Bernard Gilbert was Margaret,
the daughter of William Laton, of Delamain in Cumberland, a
man of an ancient house, and a family famous in that warlike
age, as from whence had sprung many right valiant gentlemen.

This Bernard being yet a very childe gave testimony of future
holinesse, upon this occasion. A certaine begging frier3 the
better to dispose the hearts of the people to liberality towards
him, professed himselfe a zealous preacher : howbeit the friers of
those dayes, and that ranke were but a sordid and dishonest
people ; some of them, yea the greatest part labouring for a
forme of holinesse, but denying the power of it in their lives and
conversations, whereas others of them retained not so much as
an outside thereof. This wandering companion was come upon

1 Ancient and honourable family^] Nicolson's and Burn's History of West-
morland and Cumberland, vol. i. p. 135.

2 ArmesJ\ Sable, a boar passant or.

3 A certaine begging frier J] Compare The Vision of Pierce Ploughman,
fol. 65, 6. edit. 1550.

382 BERNARD GILPIN.

the Saturday to the house of this Gilpin's father, as purposing to
preach the next morrow, being the Lords-day, where he was
entertained respectively enough ; for at that time it was a sinne
unpardonable to offend the least of these locusts. The holy frier
at supper time eate like a glutton, and like a beast could not
give over tossing the pot, untill being overcome with drinke he
exposed himselfe a shamefull spectacle to so chast and sober a
family. But in the morning as if he had beene some young saint
lately dropped from heaven, he causeth the bell to towle to the
sermon ; and in the midst thereof blustering out certaine good
words, he presumed to grow hot against some sinnes of the time,
and amongst the rest to thunder loudly against drunkennesse.
Young Gilpin who had but newly got the use of his tongue,
having observed (as it seemed) the hatefull basenesse of the man
by his oversight the night before, and now hearing the beast cry
out so loud against these crimes which himselfe had so lately
beene guilty of, as he was sitting neere to his mothers lap in the
church, sodainly crieth out in these words : " O mother, doe you
heare how this fellow dare speak against drunkennesse, who was
drunke himselfe yesternight at our house !" The mother made
speed to stop the childes mouth with her hand, that he might
speake no further.

After this, the parents of the boy perceiving his disposition, by
many evident testimonies, were diligently careful to make him a
scholler. He had a schoolfellow, one Edwin Airy, whom after-
wards he loved intirely for his good disposition and approoved
honesty : but Gilpin did farre excell the rest in acutenesse of wit.
Having therefore with great approbation passed his time in the
grammar-schoole, he is by his parents (who had now conceived
great hope of their sonne) sent to Oxford.

At that time in Oxford both learning and religion were in all
things out of joynt, and overgrown with the rust of barbarismr.
And now was young Gilpin sixteene yeares of age at his commiiur
to Oxford, being in the yeare of our Lord 1533. Being entred
in Queenes college, he profited wondrously in humane learning.
He became, as almost all the good wits of that time were, very
conversant in the writings of Erasmus. He fell very close to the
study of logic and philosophy, wherein he was observed to grow
excellent, and to beare away the bell in schooles. He added to
this his humane learning, the singular knowledge of the Greeke
and Hebrew, wherein he made use of the assistance and friend-

BERNARD GILPIN. 383

ship of one Neale, betwixt whom and this Gilpin was growne
much familiarity by the affinity of their studies. This Neale4 was
a fellow of New-college, and afterwards professour of the Hebrew
in Oxford.

And now after some few yeares carefully spent in these studies
Gilpin began to be so famous, and so beloved in Oxford, that there
was hardly any place of preferment for a seholler, whereof the
eminency of Gilpin's vertue had not rendred him worthy in the
publick estimation. There was then an enquiry made for men of
more than ordinary learning and fame, who might make up a
number of schollers in Christ-church at that time newly begun,
and honour it with the commendation of learning. Amongst
these was our Gilpin one of the first elected.

At that time he had not fully attained to truth and sincerity in
religion, as having beene alwayes instructed in the traditions of
the church of Rome : for in those dayes the most part of men did
not regulate their relligion and piety by the rule of Gods word,
but according to the traditions of their fathers received from hand
to hand. His minde although disposed to holinesse did for a
while remaine in darknesse, and being overclouded with preju-

4 This Neale.~\ This man is now remembered only for the share he had in
propagating the absurd, and oft-refuted falshood of the consecration of
archbishop Parker, and other the first Protestant bishops in queen Elizabeth's
time, at the Nag's-head tavern in Cheapside. — That story, I say, has been
many times thoroughly examined, and proved as often (by Francis Mason,
bishop Bramhall, bishop Burnet, Thomas Browne, &c. &c.) to be a " late-
invented, inconsistent, self-contradicting, and absurd fable :" and yet a work
has recently been re-published in Ireland, to which between one and two
hundred Roman Catholic priests have suffered their names to be prefixed as
patrons, in which this matter is once more revived, without one word of apo-
logy, exception or retractation ; and the validity of all the ordinances and
offices by all the ministers of the Church of England, is openly and daringly
denied, and that denial is accompanied by an overflow of the grossest and
most virulent invectives against protestantism and protestants, that an un-
christian and malignant temper ever suggested. — What the designs of the
patrons of such a work can be, at this time, it is not for me to say ; but it is
a circumstance which ought to give pain to every good man, protestant or
papist, to find that there are so many individuals, professing to be preachers
of a gospel of truth and love, who have been induced to sanction with the
authority of their names the falsehoods, malignity and intolerance, and all the
manifold outrages against Christian truth and Christian morals, in which the
book in question (Ward's Errata of the Protestant Bible, &c., Dublin, 1807,
4to.) abounds. A reply to this book was made by Richard Grier, and pub-
lished in 1812, 4to.

384 BERNARD GILPIN.

diciall respects laboured under the burthen of superstition not
without some shadow of antiquity ; being more earnest against
vices and corruptions of the time, then against the traditions of
the fathers. Therefore at that time Gilpin seemed a great up-
houlder of the popish religion. He held disputation publickly
against John Hooper, who was afterwards bishop of Worcester,
and at the last a glorious martyr of Christ. After the death of
king Henry the eight, when Edward the sixt was king, Peter
Martyr induced by the piety and munificence of such a prince
read the divinity lecture in Oxford. Against whom the
sophisters indeavoured to make opposition, Chedsey, Weston,
and Morgan5, who desired also to draw in Gilpin on their
side, that by his advise and help they might the more dis-
tract Peter Martir: and the matter at last came to this
push, that Gilpin was produced to hould disputation against the
positions of Peter Martir. Upon occasion of which dispute
Gilpin, to the end that he might defend his cause in hand adven-
tureth more diligently than ordinary to examine the Scriptures
and the auncient fathers : and by how much the more he studied
to defend the cause which he had undertaken, so much the lesse
confidence he began to have therein, because he supposed that he
ought to stand for the truth, which he strove with all his might
to discover and finde out. But whiles he was zealously searching
for the truth, he began by little and little to have a sight of his owne
errours. Whereupon Peter Martir was wont often to say, that
he was not much troubled either for Weston, Morgan, or the
like, but as for that Gilpin, (saith he) I am very much mooved
concerning him, for he doth and speaketh all things with an up-
right heart. The rest seeme to me to be men, who regard their
bellies most of all, and being most unconstant are carried away as
it were with every blast of ambition and covetousnesse. But
Gilpin resting firmely upon gravity of manners, and the testi-
mony of a most laudable life, seemeth to honour with his owne
goodnesse the cause which he undertaketh. Yea, and he did
often pray unto God that he would be pleased at the last to con-
vert unto his truth the heart of Gilpin, being so inclinable to all
honest desires. And doubtlesse God heard the prayer of Peter
Martir: for from that time forward Gilpin drew neerc to tin-
knowledge of the truth; not upon a sodaine, but as hinis. If'.-
confessed, by degrees.

5 Chedsey, JfV.v/ow, and Morgan.'] See Life of Latimer, in vol. ii.

BERNARD GILPIN. 38,5

Peter Martir had much illuminated Oxford with the truth of
divinity and the knowledge of humane learning. Whereupon
Gilpin resolved more earnestly to apply himselfe both by study
and prayer to search out the truth. To which purpose he deter-
mined to put in writing the disputation which had beene betwixt
himselfe and Hooper. But in the expressing and unfoulding of
the said controversie, while he dwelt for a time upon an accurate
examination of the points which he had resolved to confute, whiles
he searcheth them to the bottome, and regulateth the institutions
of the church to the authority of Scripture, without which he well
understood that there could be no true church at all, he felte him-
selfe easily overcome, and was not sory to be overcome by the truth.
Those draughts, being found amongst Mr. Gilpin's writings re-
served in his private deske, doe testifie his ingenuous and free
confession, together with the power of the truth and Gods great
mercy in his conversion. Whiles he curiously pryeth into the
popish relligion, he was inforced to acknowledge that very many
errors were crept into the church which hinder and obscure the
matter of our salvation, insomuch that they are no small offence
to as many as hunger and thirst after righteousnesse and the
knowledge of the truth. He discovered many corruptions and
changes of sound doctrine : he found not so much as a word
touching seven sacraments before Peter Lumbar d : and that the
use of the supper delivered under one kinde onely was contrary
to expresse Scriptures : that transubstantiation was a devise 6
of the schoole-men: that the doctrine of the worke wrought
called Opus operatum, was newly risen : that the masse was
turned from a sacrament to a sacrifice : that in the church
wherein all things were ordeined for the edification of the people,
all things were now done, to the non-edification of them : that
the adoration of images was instituted against the expresse com-
mandement of God. Demurring for a while, as distracted with
these thoughts, behold the rule of faith lately changed in the
councel of Trent utterly astonished him. For he had observed
out of the auncient writers as well as out of the later ones, Lum-
bard, Scotus, Aquinas, and the rest, that the rule of faith was to
be drawne onely from the holy Scriptures, but in the councel of

6 A devise.] The word transubstantiation is said to have been invented by
Peter of Blois, a contemporary of Peter Lombard. " Primus omnium fuit
qui in re eucharistica Transubstantiationis vocabulum usurpasse dicitur."-
Cave's Hist. Lit., vol. ii. p. 234.

VOL. in.

c C

386 BERNARD GILPIN.

Trent lie beheld humane traditions made equall 7 with the Scrip-
tures. And seeing he understood these traditions to be nothing
else but peevish and crosse expositions of the holy Scriptures,
devised by the bishops of Rome, and thrust in among the decre-
tall epistles, as also that the said decretall epistles were meerely
feigned and suppositious, as is confirmed by the testimonies of
many learned men, and indeed by the confession of the very papists
themselves is acknowledged to be out of all doubt, this so great a
confusion of things being risen in the church in these latter ages
enforced Gilpin, now earnestly desiring nothing so much as true
piety, to begin to doubt whether the pope might not be that anti-
christ foretould in the Scriptures, and the popish church plainly
antichristian. For what is it to exalt and set up himselfe against
all that is called God, insomuch that he sitteth as God in the
temple of God, behaving himselfe as God, if not this, that the
pope is head of the universall church, the lord, the monarch, and
as it were the God thereof? And that the word of the pope is
defended as the very word of God ? For how shall not he whose
word is as the word of God, be as God, opposing himselfe to God,
and shewing himselfe that he is God ? But this word which is
called the unwritten word, or verbum non scriptum, is drawne out
of the stinking puddles of the decretals, that is to say, patched

7 Traditions made e.quall.~\ " Sacrosancta oecumenica et generalis Tridentina

Synodus, in Spiritu Sancto legitime congregata omnes libros tam

veteris quam novi Testament!, cum utriusque unus Deus sit auctor, nee non
traditiones ipsas, turn ad fidem, turn ad mores pertinentes, tanquam vel ore
tenus a Christo, vel a Spiritu Sancto dictatas, et continua successione in eccle-
sia Catholica conservatas, pari pietatis affectu, ac reverentia suscipit, et vene-
ratur. — Si quis .... traditiones prtedictas sciens et prudens content
anathema sit" — Concilii Trident. Canones et Decreta. Sess. 4th.

It may be well to remark here, that of the edition of the Canones et Decreta
Concilii Trideniini, printed at Rome in 1564 by the Aldine family, a few
copies (some say thirty, others twelve only) exist, which are authenticated by
the autograph signatures of the secretary and notaries (see Re'nouard,
Annales des Aides, p. 191. Paris, 1834). In the generality of copies these
attestations are printed. The authority therefore of these certified copies,
in any controversy, must be allowed by any honest disputant of the Roman
Catholic side ; as on ours we should be forced to abide by any quotation
made directly from the sealed book in the Tower of London. Two of these
copies are in the British Museum, one of which has, under the signatures of
the notaries, the seal of Paolo Emilio Veraglio, bishop of Capaccio, who
was present at the council, and to whom it probably belonged. One or two
others are known to be in private libraries in this country.

BERNARD GILPIN. 387

up together out of false and fictitious writings. And this word
which is in no respect worthy to be compared with the word of an
honest man, is the unwritten word of God, and to be enterteined
with the same pious affection as are the holy Scriptures. Can
antichrist when he shall come (if yet there be another to come),
more grievously wrong and blaspheme Christ and the holy Scrip-
tures then the pope doeth ? And here at the last he demurred
as in an exceeding great doubt. For who would have thought
the pope to be antichrist ? Who durst to speake such a word
before Martin Luther ? Therefore, thus he argued with himselfe :
If the pope be antichrist, I see not onely probable but even neces-
sary causes to depart from the popish church. But if the pope
be not antichrist, I see no sufficient ground for such a departure.
It is not lawful to make a separation from the church : but we are
not only enjoined to come out of the church of antichrist, but
we see the fearful anger of the living Grod, and heare his dreadfull
threates thundered out against those who shall remain in Babilon
that synagogue of antichrist. Forasmuch as a voice from heaven
speaketh unto us, (Apoc. 18,) Come out of her, my people : and it
is denounced that they shall receive of her plagues whosoever have
beene partakers of her sinnes. Here therfore he stopped awhile :
because except the pope were manifestly detected to be antichrist,
he did not understand how he might separate from the church :
and therefore he applied himselfe by searching, reading, prayer
and meditation, to be resolved of this truth. He observed out of
the auncient Fathers, Tertullian, Jerom, Ambrose, Augustine,
Chrysostome, Cyrill, and others, that passage, wherein antichrist
is described, 2 Thess. ii. 7, He which now withJwuldeth shall let
till he le taken out of the way, to be so interpreted as understood
of the Romane empire ; that the Romane empire which now held
preheminence should keepe possession untill antichrist shall come,
who shall possesse the seat of the Romane empire. And more-
over whereas it is said in the same place, that Christ shall not
come againe except there be a departure first, he observed this thing
to be fulfilled likewise. He perceived first a very maine departure
of the church of Rome from her primitive simplicity and truth.
And secondly, a second departure or separation no lesse manifest,
to wit, of that of the reformed churches from the church of
Rome.

Mr. Gilpin would often say that the churches of the Protestants
were not able to give any firme and solid reason of their separa-

c c 2

388 BERNARD GILPIX.

tion, besides this, to wit, that the pope is antichrist 8. For he
understood that a departure was commanded from the church of
antichrist by that heavenly injunction, Goe out of her, my people,
and be not partakers of her sinnes, lest ye receive also of her plagues,
Revel, xviii. 4. In which place S. John wisely foretelleth that
the people of God should be called out of the synagogue of anti-
christ : that here was no third thing to be thought upon : that
either the church of Christ was not to be forsaken, or the pope to
be accounted antichrist, out of whose church the church of <md
is called forth by an heavenly voice and command. And now
event, which is the most undoubted interpreter of prophecies,
hath prooved all these things unto us. We have seene already
many ages agoe that kingdome taken away, which ruled over all
in the time of the apostles : and in the roome thereof an eccle-
siasticall kingdome erected, such an one as was never seene in the
church in former ages. We have beheld the fearefull departure of
the church of Rome from the auncient purity and integrity of the
church. We have observed and doe daily the people called as it
were by a voice from heaven, comming out of Babylon, that is to
say, out of the church of antichrist. Our eyes have seene these
things fulfilled, which we have read of as being foretould so many
ages agoe. These things mooved the mind of Mr. Gilpin wonder-
fully to follow that church which was shewed unto him out of the
word of God. The church of Rome kept the rule of faith intire,
untill that rule was changed and altered by the councel of Trent9.

8 The pope is antichrist.] And yet Gilpin, in due time, gradually settled
himself down a conscientious convert to the reformed church of England,
without, it should seem, having ever attained to the previous conviction, that
the pope is antichrist. In truth, no such conviction was necessary to such a
consummation. The process which Gilpin underwent was like that of the
church of England herself. She discovered and discarded one error after
another : and in this, he (Gilpin) had a right, or rather it was his duty to fol-
low her example : and thus he became a reformed member of the church
catholic. The expression immediately below — "the church of Christ was
not to be forsaken," is a grossly erroneous one; whether it is to be attributed
to Gilpin himself, or to his life-writer. There was no forsaking of the catholic
church, on the part of England, in the act of her reformation ; in spirit, it
was exactly the contrary. And even with respect to the church of Rome, if
there was any schism as regarded her, Rome herself, (not England,) by her
excommunication of Henry VIII. and queen Elizabeth, and their sub/
was the guilty party. See Christian Institutes, Index under Church of Eny-
land, charge against of Schism, reply to, &c.

• Of Trent.'] Of these effects of the council of Trent, and of the creed of

BERNARD GILPIN. 389

And from that time it seemed unto him a matter of necessitie to
come out of the church of Rome, that so that church which is
true and called out from thence might follow the word of God.
For this calling out seemed to point out unto us a peculiar estate
of the church. So Abraham was called out from Ur of the
Caldees; the people of Israel were called out of Egypt; the
Jewes out of Babylon, after the captivity of seventy yeeres ; and
at the last after the selfe same manner the reformed church called
out of mysticall Babylon, or the church of Rome. These things
were seene to have beene brought to passe by the wonderfull
providence and powerfull hand of God. Therefore he saw that
there was a necessity of comming out of her, and that that apos-
taticall church was to be forsaken. But he did not these things
violently, but by degrees.

In the meane while Cuthbert Tonstall bishop of Durham had a
purpose to send Mr. Gilpin to visit the churches in forraine parts,
allowing him meanes for his travell. This Tonstall was Mr.
Gilpins mothers uncle. But before he undertooke his voyage,
being commanded to court, he preached before king Edward the
sixth touching sacriledge : which sermon l is publick in print.

pope Pius IV. compare Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 244 — 8. Also Hooker,
Discourse of Justification, c. xi. vol. iii. p. 618 — 20. Keble's edit.

1 Which sermon.] A few particulars arise in the course of the sermon, con-
nected with the manners of the times, or with the religious or civil condition
of the country, which seem not improper for a brief insertion in this place.

" The bishop of Rome abusing always Peter's keys to fill Judas's satchels,
dispensed with all prelates, that brought any money, from obeying of Christ's
commission given to Peter, ' Feed, feed, feed, my lambs and my sheep.' . . .
He brought preaching into such a contempt, that it was accounted a great
absurdity for a cardinal to preach, offer he had once bestrid his mule." A Ser-
mon preached in the Court, the first Sunday after the Epiphany, A. D. 1552,
p. 8. A.D. 1630. 4to.

" But some will say, what should we speak so much of the bishop of
Rome ; is he not gone ; his power taken away ? If preachers would let him
alone, the people would soon forget him. — Truly for my part, if I had that
gift, strength, and calling, I had rather, though I were sure to smart there-
fore, speak against his enormities in Rome, than to speak of them here

But, notwithstanding their faults ought to be chiefly told them in their pre-
sence, yet not there only ; but even here amongst us also, although it come
not to their ears, it is not a little expedient oftentimes to cry and thunder
against their errors and vices." Ibid. p. 10, 11.

" I am come this day to preach to the king, and to those which be in
authority under him. I am very sorry they should be absent, which ought to
give example, and encourage others to the hearing of God's word : and I am

390 BERNARD GILP1N.

Then he applied his mind to thinke upon his travell. Now so it
was that he had a parsonage bestowed upon him by the care of

the more sorry, that other preachers before me complain much of their
absence. But you will say that they have weighty affairs in hand. Alas !
hath God any greater business than this ? If I could cry with the voice of
Stentor, I should make them hear in their chambers : but in their absence, I
will speak to their seats, as if they were present. — I will call unto you, noble
prince, as Christ's anointed." Ibid. p. 15, 16.

" You shall find but a small number of patrons, that bestow rightly their
livings, seeking God's glory, without simony or seeking their own profit. For
first, it is almost general, to reserve the farming1' (of the benefice) "to him-
self or his friend; and to appoint the rent at his own pleasure. But worse
than all this, a great number never farm them at all, but keep them as their
own lands, and give some three-half-penny priest a curate's wages, nine or
ten pounds. . . . They began first with parsonages, and seemed to have
some conscience towards vicarages; but now their hearts be so hardened, all
is fish that cometh to the net. Gentlemen are parsons and vicars both :
nothing can escape them . . . Boys and girls of fourteen or fifteen years
old cannot say the Lord's Prayer. Shall such injury to Christ and his gospel
be suffered in a Christian realm ? That one enormity crieth for vengeance,
till it be redressed. What shall I speak ? Your noble-men reward their
servants with livings appointed for the gospel. . . . Let them not abuse
God's patience." Ibid. p. 19, 20.

" By reason livings appointed for the ministry, for the most part are either
robbed of the best part, or clean taken away, almost none have any zeal or
devotion to put their children to school, but to learn to write, to make them
apprentices, or else to have them lawyers. Look upon the two wells of this
realm, Oxford and Cambridge, they are almost dried up. The cruel Philis-
tines abroad, enemies to Christ's gospel, have stopt up the springs of faithful
Abraham. The decay of students is so great, there are scarce left of every
thousand an hundred ; if they decay so fast in seven years more, there shall
be almost none at all; and then may the devil make a triumph. — This n
requireth speedy redress. The miseries of your people cry upon you noble
prince, and Christ for his flock crieth to you his anointed, to defend his
lambs from these ravenous wolves, that rob and spoil his vine-yard." Ibid.
p. 23.

" Cause every pastor, as his living will extend, to keep hospitality. But,
many think themselves excused for a year or two, because their livings are
taken away the first year " (i. e. by the act for the First Fruits) ; " which
undoubtedly doth not excuse them for their presence. I had rather beg, or
borrow of my friends, to help me to meat and clothes, than suffer the devil to
have such liberty one year. . . . Howbeit, forasmuch as the Scripture doth
allow the minister a living the first year also, ' He that serveth of the altar,
let him live of the altar ;' and again, * Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that
treadeth out the corn/ I do not doubt, but after your grace, with the a
of your honourable councell, have considered, how much it may set forth
(iml*s glory, how many souls may he delivered from the devil, by sending

BERNARD GILPIN, 391

his friends. This parsonage bishop Tonstall persuaded Mr. Gilpin
to keepe still in his hands, as meanes to furnish him with allow-
ance for his travell, that he might demeane himselfe more honestly
and more gentlemanlike therein. But Gilpin who had reteined
this parsonage but a short while, before he would betake himselfe
to travell called unto him a friend, whom he knew to be religious,
and a scholler, and one that would not be idle in the function of
the holy ministry, and unto him he made a resignation of his place
but a little while before bestowed upon himselfe. Which thing
when bishop Tonstall came to know of, he chid with Mr. Gilpin :
"And, I" (saith he) "have a care of thee, and thou rejectest it
as impertinent. But I tell thee this before hand, that by these
courses thou wilt die a begger." At the first Gilpin indeavoureth
with faire language to appease the mind of the bishop his especiall
good friend. Afterwards he added that he had left his parsonage
upon necessity, because he could not keepe it in his hands with
any peace of conscience. " But" (saith the bishop) " thou maist
hould it with a dispensation, and in this case thou shalt be dis-
pensed withall." " But " (answered Gilpin) " the divell will not
be restrained by any bonds of dispensation from labouring in mine
absence the destruction of my people committed to my charge :

pastors to their livings the first month, and suffering them to have no cloak
of absence, you will soon restore the first year's living, which in my con-
science, was wrongfully taken away at the first, as I suppose, by the bishop of
Rome." Ibid. p. 24, 5.

" But yet, it is not heard of all your people, a thousand pulpits in Eng-
land are covered with dust. Some pulpits have not had four sermons these
fifteen or sixteen years, since friers left their limitations, and few of those were
worthy the name of sermons. Now therefore, that your glory may be per-
fect, all men's expectation is that, whatsoever any flatterers or enemies to
God's word should labour to the contrary, for their own lucre, your grace
will take away all such lets and abuses as hinder the setting forth of God's
most holy word, and to withstand all such robbers, as spoil his sanctuary :
travailing to send pastors home to feed their flocks, to feed Christs lambs and
sheep, that all may be occupied in the Father of heaven's business !" Ibid.
p. 25.

" Would to God all that be in the court, that will not vouchsafe, having
so many godly sermons, to come forth of the hall into the chapel, to hear
them, would remember, what a heavy stroke of God's vengeance hangeth
over all their heads that contemne his word : and over those in all places,
which had rather be idle, and many times be ungodly occupied in wanton
and wicked pastimes, than come to the church, profaning the sabbath-day."
Ibid. p. 46.

392 BERNARD GILPIN.

and I feare that when God shall call ine to an account of my
stewardship it will not serve my turne to make answer that I was
dispensed withall whiles the divell made havoc3 of my flock."

2 The divell made havoc.'] " And now I woulde aske a strange question :
who is the most diligentest byshop and prelate in all England ; that passeth
all the rest in doyng his office ? — I can tell, for I know him who it is ; I know
him well. — But now I thinke I see you listening, barkening that I should
name him. There is one that passeth all the other, and is the most diligent
preacher and prelate in all England. And wyll ye know who it is ? I will
tell you : — it is the devill. He is the most diligent preacher of all other.
He is never out of his diocese ; he is never from his cure ; ye shall never
finde him unoccupied ; he is ever in his parishe ; he keepeth residence at all
tymes ; ye shall never finde him out of the waye ; call for him when you will,
he is ever at home, the diligentest preacher in all the realme j he is ever at
his plough ; no lording or loyteryng can hinder him ; he is ever applying his
busyness ; ye shall never finde him idle, I warrant you. — And his office is to
hinder religion, to mayntayne superstition, to set uppe idolatrye, to teach all
kinde of popery. He is ready as can be wished, to set forth his plough; to
devise as many wayes as can be to deface God's glory. Where the devil is resi-
dent and hath his plough going, — there, away with bookes, and up with can-
dels ; away with bibles, and up with beades ; away with the light of the
gospel, and up with the light of candels, yea at noone dayes. Where the
devil is resident, that he may prevayle, — up with all superstition and idolatrye,
censing, paynting of images, candels, palmes, ashes, holy water, and new
service of men's inventing, as though man could invent a better way to
honour God with, than God himselfe hath appoynted. Downe with Christes
crosse, up with purgatory picke-purse, up with him ; the popish purgatory, I
meane. Away with clothing the naked, the poore and impotent, up with
decking of images, and gay garnishing of stockes and stones. Up with
man's traditions and hys lawes, downe with Gods traditions and hys most
holy word. . . . Let all thinges be done in Latin. There must be nothing
but Latin, not as much as Memento homo quodcinis es, et in cinerem reverteris;
Remember man that thou art ashes, and into ashes thou shalt returne :
whiche be the wordes that the minister speaketh to the ignorant people, when
he giveth them ashes upon Ashewensday ; but it must be spoken in Latin ;
Gods words may in no wise be translated into English.— O ! that our prelates
would be as diligent to sow the come of good doctrine, as satan is to sowe
cockell and darnell. And this is the devilish ploughing, the which worketh
to have thinges in Latin, and letteth the fruitful edification.

" But here some man will saye to me, What, sir, are ye so privy of the
devil's counsel, that ye know all this to be true ? — Truely I know him too
well, and have obeyed him a little too much in condescending to some
follies. And I knowe him as other men do, yea that he is ever occupyed,
and ever busy in followyng his plough. I knowe by S. Peter which sayth of
him, Sicut leo rttgiens circuit queerens quern devoret ; He goeth about lyke a
roaring lion, seeking whome he may devour." — Latimer's Sermon of the
Plough, Sermons, fol. 20, 1.

BERNARD GILPIN. 393

At which answer the bishop seemed offended : but having hereby
made triall of the sincerity of Gilpins heart he began to use him
with more and more respect. Yet did he often threaten him, as
Mr. Gilpin was wont to say, that, Fathers soule, (a familiar word
of the bishop's) Gilpin would die a begger.

In his travell abroad he first visited his brother George at
Mechlin, who had written unto him to that purpose : then he
lived for a while at Lovaine, and at Antwerp, and at Paris. After
he was departed out of England, he received letters a second
time from his brother George, whereby he was directed to meet
him at Mechlin, because he had something to deliver unto him by
word of mouth that he could not conveniently write. After they
were met, Mr. Gilpin understood the reasons why he had sent for
him thither to be nothing else, but onely to persuade him to take
upon him a parsonage, which might afford him maintenance while
he should visite forraigne universities. Gilpin now seemed to
himselfe to be in a strait, for he knew that he had lately given the
bishop distast upon this occasion, and he perceived that in this
matter his brother was put upon him by the bishop. At last there-
fore he writes backe to the bishop in these words.

The Letter followeth.

"My very honourable good lord, and most worthy ever to be
honoured by me : I thought it not fitting to conceale from your
lordship that my brother hath written unto me of late, that set-
ting all excuse aside I should give him meeting at Mechlin,
because he had something to say unto me touching very necessary
affaires which could not be dispatched by letters. When we were
met, I understood that his businesse with me was nothing else
but to try me, if I would take upon me a living, whiles my selfe
in the meane while should remaine a student in the university.
But had I knowne before hand that this was the cause of my
journey I should not have thought it necessary to have interrupted
my studies with going to Mechlin. For now I confesse I have
discussed it with all the learned, but especially with the holy pro-
phets, and with the most auncient and most godly writers since
the time of our Saviour ; so that I am fully resolved so long as I
live never to burden my conscience in this case, nor to keepe a
living in mine owne charge with condition to live from it. He
answered that your lordship had written unto him that you would

394 BERNARD GILPIN.

gladly conferre a living upon uie, and that your lordship and mine
other friends, whereof himselfe was one, judged mee too scrupu-
lous in conscience in this case. Whereunto I answered, if I be
somewhat too scrupulous, (as I thinke I am not) yet it is a mat-
ter of that nature, that I had rather be a little too strict, then to
give my conscience too much scope herein. Forasmuch as I am
once perswaded, that I shall not offend God in refusing such a
living as I cannot be resident upon; so long as I doe not censure
evill of other men, as I hope I never shall ; yea I pray daily for
all those who have the care of soules, that they may be able so to
give an account unto God of the charge committed unto them
as may be most for the glory of God and the edification of hi.s
church.

" He tould me also that your lordship would not confer any
charge upon me but such a one as should be served as well, or
perhaps better in mine absence, then if I were there my selfe.
Whereunto I answered, that I doubted not but that there might
be in England a great number of men farre more able then my
selfe to take the cure upon them : and therefore I wish above all
things that they may retaine both the place and the benefit, and
feede both the bodies and the soules, as I suppose all good pastors
bound in conscience to doe. But for mine owne part I cannot in
conscience reape benefit from that place, wherein another man
bestoweth his indeavours. For though any other should teach
and preach for me, as constantly and industriously as ever Saint
Augustine did, yet cannot I thinke my selfe discharged by another
mans paines-taking. But if yet I should be persuaded thus to
offer violence to my conscience, upon condition to remaine either
here or in any other university, my disquiet of conscience would
never permit me to profit in my study.

" At this present, I praise God, I have obtained a comforta Id-
privacy in my studies neere to a monastery of Minorite friers, so
that I have opportunity to make use of an excellent library of
theirs so often as T will. I frequent the company of the b«->t
schollers, nor was I ever more desirous to learne. Hereupon
being given to understand by my brother George, that your lord-
ship had some thoughts of bestowing a living upon me. uhich
thing might interrupt the course of my studies, I emboldened my
selfe (upon the experience which I have had of your lordships !<>M
inwards me) t<» unlock tin- closet of my thoughts unto your ^.MM!-
t'lvrly ; humbly Itcx < diinu that your lordship will In- pl<

BERNARD GILPIN. 395

to permit me to live free from a pastorall charge, that I may the
more quietly apply my studies. And forasmuch as I understand
that your lordship is sollicitous, how I should be provided for, if
God should call your lordship (who are now well in yeares) out
of this world, I beseech you that the thought thereof may no more
disturbe you. For if I shall be brought low in meanes, I doubt
not but in short time to be able to obtaine some lecture either in
this university or else where, where I shall not lose my time,
a course which is much more pleasing unto me, then if I
should take upon me a pastorall charge. I beseech Christ
preserve your lordship. From Lovaine the 22 of November,
1554."

Thus farre Mr. Gilpins letter.

Now tell me, what one of all those gaping rookes of our time
hath indeavoured with more art to acquire then this man to
decline a spirituall living ?

At his first comming over into the parts beyond the seas, he
resided for the most part at Lovaine ; afterwards he went to
Paris. Whiles he abode in Paris, bishop Tonstall was carefull
that a certaine booke 3 which himselfe had written at that time
concerning the truth of the body and blood of Christ our Lord in
the eucharist should be published in print by the diligence of Mr.
Gilpin. I am not ignorant that some papists have objected to
Mr. Gilpin, that the same worke was by him corrupted 4 contrary
to the mind of the author. And even in mine hearing, when after
these things I was a scholler under him at Houghton, Francis
Wickliffe gave notice unto Mr. Gilpin what was muttered touch-
ing the corrupt edition. Whereupon he having disprooved that
suspicion by many reasons, at the last produced the letters of
Cuthbert Tonstall, wherein the bishop gave him very great thankes,
because he had beene both faithfull and diligent in the edition of
that worke. At Paris Mr. Gilpin resided in the house of Vas-

3 A certaine booke.~\ De veritate corporis et sanguinis Domini in Eucha-
ristia. Lutetise, ex offic. M. Vascosani, 1554. 4to.

4 By him corrupted.'] It is most probable, that the papists resorted to this
expedient of calumniating an innocent man, only to elude, what was often
objected and appealed to by the protestant confessors and martyrs in the reign
of Mary, the candid acknowledgment contained in this work, of the novelty
of the name and doctrine of transubstantiation, and the free censure expressed
by this anti-protestant bishop against pope Innocent III. for declaring the
belief of that article to be necessary to salvation.

396 BERNARD GILPIN.

cosanus 5, and conversed with learned men. And whiles he asked
the opinions of learned men concerning these things which had
troubled his minde, for the most part they answered him in that
manner, not as if they regarded the pacification of conscience,
which he aimed at onely, but the establishment of the traditions
of the church.

At that time was Neale at Paris also, with whom Mr. Gilpin
dealt somewhat freely, that both of them together might joyne in
pursuit of the truth. They had by chance some discourse touch-
ing the adoration of images. Mr. Gilpin was much troubled
hearing the papists condemne idolatry in their discourses and yet
permitting to the people every where the adoration of images.
He demaunded with what comfort of conscience any man could
bow himselfe before an image : and is not this (saith he) the
idolatry forbidden in the second commandment? This did Mr.
Gilpin demand of him the rather, because he observed the man a
little too much addicted to the popish opinions. Neale answered
with that usuall distinction of an idol and an image. That the
images of the saints were not idols, and so consequently that the
worshipping of their images was no idolatry. Mr. Gilpin reply* -d.
there is no mention of an idol in the second commandement, but
there is a prohibition of bowing before a graven image, or the like-
nesse of any thing that is in heaven above, or in th# earth beneath, or
in the waters under the earth : wheresoever they are, we are for-
bidden to fall downe before the likenesse of them. And what
(saith he) maketh an idol ? The workeman frameth the similitude
of some man; the graven image is not an idol, but adoration
maketh it an idol. Therefore the apostle saith, that an idol is
nothing, because there is but one God. In the opinion of the per-
son adoring it seemeth to be something, but that whieh tin- fancy
of the party adoring apprehendeth is indeed nothing in the world :
therefore idolatry is when the worship due to God onely is
lx -towed upon the creature. But whosoever in prayer bo\v<th
downe himselfe before any creature whatsoever, givctli unto the
creature the worship due to God alone. The commandemeot of
God forbiddeth us to make unto our selves any graven image, or
the likenesse of any creature. Hut they make it unto tin iii-< 1\. s
who make it for a religious use. We are also forbidden to l»n\v
downe our selves before any such creature ; for those who doe so,

5 Michel Vascosan, the printer of TonstalTs book, was the son-in-law of
Badius Ascensius.

BERNARD GILPIN. 397

doe serve and worship the same creature. And in this place that
distinction of Latria and Doulia 6 is frivolous, which are words of
the same signification, forasmuch as that distinction is taken away
by the express words of the commandement ; Thou shalt not bow
down unto them. So that bowing downe unto them is forbidden,
notwithstanding we see it practised every where. To this Neale
answereth, that the ordinances of the church are not to be altered
without mature deliberation : Gilpin replyeth that it is not in our
power to alter the ordinances of the church. But seeing I cannot
alter things already determined in the church, it remaineth that I
especially indeavour to change my selfe, and to draw neere to the
sincere worship of God, as his grace shall inable me.

Mr. Gilpin did often professe that when he lived amongst the
papists, he had observed many things which had estranged his
heart from that religion. He understood that a mans chiefest
comfort consisted in the article of justification ; which article he
saw so obscured in popery that true consolation was utterly
excluded. Therefore he did with all diligence enquire into the
Scriptures and writings of the fathers.

Eeturning into England in the dayes of queene Mary, he
beheld to his great griefe the church oppressed with blood and
fire : and being placed by bishop Tonstall in the rectory of
Essingdon, he began to preach the word of God, and sharply to
taxe some vices which then raigned in the church. He pro-
pounded the doctrine of salvation plainly and soundly, which
thing procured him many back friends, especially among the
clergy, whose faults he had touched to the quick.

There was at that time among the clergy of the bishoprick of
Durham one Dunstall, parson of a church in that diocesse. This
man was very hot against Gilpin, and accused him often to the
bishop as an heretick, and one that deserved to be burnt as other
hereticks were. But the bishop could not indure to shed blood,
and therefore dealt mildly with him, and preserved him from the
projects of his enemies. I have heard Anthony Carleton relate,
(and he at that time lived in the bishops house) that the bishops
chaplains at a certaine time had some discourse with Gilpin about
Luther : and that one of them had asked him what he thought
of Luther and his writings. Gilpin confessed that he had not
read the writings of Luther. " I propounded unto my selfe,"

(i Distinction of Latria and Doulia.'] See Jewel's Reply to Harding, p. 381—3;
Barnes's Works, p. 352, 3, &o.

898 BERNARD GILPIX.

(said he) " this course ; first of all to search the Scriptures
diligently, and to be acquainted with the expositions of the
fathers upon them. As for the writings of the neoterickes, I
have onely looked upon them : howbeit I refuse them not, when
and where they agree with the auncients." One of them commended
Mr. Gilpins resolution, and said, " it would be well with the
church, if ah1 men would duely respect the writings of the fathers :
for then the upstart opinions of late writers would not so much
disturbe the church, such as are these of Luther." But (iilpin
answered, " if neoterickes and late writers produce the opinions
of the auncient fathers, the novelty of the men is not to be dis-
dained, but the antiquity of the doctrine is to be reverenced."

They hereupon subtilly draw on Gilpin into a disputation con-
cerning the sacrament of the altar; propounding therein two
questions, the one concerning the reall presence, the other con-
cerning transubstantiation. Touching the reall presence Gilpin
confessed that he had no very strong argument wherewith in his
judgment he might oppose the reall presence : " For I suppose,"
(saith he) "that therein lieth hid a great mystery, such a one
as is above my capacity ; rather to be adored than disputed upon."
They asked then " what he thought of transubstantiation?" He
answered, " that there was no necessity why we should beleeve
those things which have no solid foundation in the word of God."
" Doe you not then beleeve," (said they) " as the church
believes?" Gilpin replieth that the church had not always held
that as an article of faith : " I am (saith he) of the catholick
faith, and the catholick faith changeth not. But in this point I
see alterations, such as the catholicke faith is not capable of."
They demanded what alterations in faith he had observed touch-
ing the sacrament of the altar. He replyeth: " I doe not findo
that in the church in former ages, there was any thing spoken or
written about transubstantiation. Peter Lumbard was either tin-
first, or at least one of the first7 that brought in the alteration of
the auncient faith. And what doe you your selves think r ; is
the bread in transubstantiation converted into the tiYsh and blond
of Christ?" They answer, that they beleeve so absolutely.
" Hut," saith (iilpin, "Peter Lumbard who was the first man
that made an alteration of the faith of our forefathers in this
point, himselfe did not belocvc a< you <\<n>. For in his fourth

' Ont of the first.'] Sec p. 38.'>. n.

BERNARD GILPIN. 3.99

booke, the eleventh distinction, F. thus he hath it : there is no
transubstantiation but of bread into flesli, and wine into Hood. And
if that be true, then doubtlesse it followes consequently, that in
the transubstantiation of the bread there is no blood. And now
(saith he) how will you reconcile these thinges?" They stood at
a stand, as having nothing to answer, because the words of
Lumbard plainely deny that in the transubstantiated bread can
be any blood, or in the wine his flesh. Whom when Gilpin had
observed to stagger in this point, " Take notice now (saith he)
of the immutability of the catholicke faith : we see the altera-
tion of transubstantiation. For when Lumbard had broached
this doctrine, that there was a kinde of change, he would have it
none otherwise understood then thus : that the bread onely
should be changed into flesh, and the wine onely into blood 8.
Nor did men at that time dreame of any other conversion in the
sacrament of the altar, until the fiction of concomitancy 9 was
broached by Thomas Aquinas. He was a man that understood
well the difficulty of this point, and therefore he underpropped it
with concomitancy; that forsooth by reason of concomitancy
there is both flesh and blood in the transubstantiated bread.
But these are the inventions of later men, whereas the catholicke
religion abhorreth invented alterations in matters of faith." While
they were houlding this disputation without speakeing aloud,
because they were close at the bishops backe, who at that time
sate before the fire, for it was in the winter season ; the bishop
leaned his chair somewhat backwards, and barkened what they
said. And when they had done speaking, the bishop turning to
his chaplaines, useth these words, " Fathers soule 10, let him alone,
for he hath more learning then you all."

8 Onely into blood.'] " Et licet sub utraque specie idem sumatur totus
Christus, tamen non fit conversio panis nisi in carnem, nee vim nisi in san-
guinem." — Lib. Sentent., lib. iv. distinct. 11. F.

9 The fiction of concomitancy.'] " Sub utraque specie, ex reali concomitaniia
totum Christum contineri certissima fide tenendum est." Aquinas. Tertia
pars. Quaest. 76. art. 2.

" Touching this new fantasie of concomitantia, after they had once devised a
new religion, it was necessary, for aide of the same, to devise also new words.
Whereas Christ saith, This is my body : they say, This is my body and my
blood. Where Christ saith, This is my blood, they say, This is my blood and
my body : and, in either part, they say is whole Christ, God and man. If ye
demand how they know it, they say not by the word of God, but by this new
imagination of concomitantia." — Jewel's Reply, p. 295. edit. 1609.

10 Fathers soule.'] See p. 393.

400 BERNARD GILPIN.

Whilest he lived at Essingdon, he preached the word of (Jod
constantly to the people. Now so it was that the archdeaconry
of Durham was annexed to the rectory of Essingdon. There-
upon Mr. Gilpin for a time supplied both places. And when by
chance he had notice that the bishop was so carefull of him, that
he had a purpose to increase his maintenance, he made answer
that he was provided for sufficiently and even somewhat more
then sufficient already ; and desired the bishop that he might
have his good leave to resigne either the rectory or the arch-
deacons place: "for" (saith he) "the one of them will be sufficient;
me thinkes both together are too heavie a burthen for me."
Hereat the bishop seemed to be mooved with him, and said :
" have I not tould thee before hand, that thou wilt die a begger ?
I found them both combined; and combined I will leave them."

Not long after he bestowed upon Mr. Gilpin the rectory of
Houghton being a very large parish, contayning fourteen villages
with very large possessions. Mr. Gilpin being settled at Houghton
persevered most constantly in the duties of the ministry, and
repaired the decayed houses. His parsonage house seemed like
a bishops pallace : nor shall a man lightly finde one bishops
house amongst many worthy to be compared to this house of his.
if he consider the variety of buildings, and neatnesse of the
scituation.

Whiles Mr. Gilpin lived at Houghton he was touched with a
care not of that parish onely but of many more: for he sa\\e and
was much grieved to see many congregations, through the disease
of impropriation, as they call it, to be even dispersed and destitute
of pastors. For the parsonages being in the possession of layim-n.
there remained not maintenance for a minister: for the laymen
sought out1 for poore base priestes, who were onely able to read
prayers to the people morning and evening : nor did the one
to require, or they take care to performe any more. This d
lation of the church, and ignorance of the common sort much
troubled the holy heart of Mr. Gilpin. He then -fore purposed
with himselfe, with as much care and vigilancy as he could, not
tn make up the breach wholy (for that was a tiling impossible I'm-
him to dooe) but to doe his owne duty to the best of his < nd« -a-
vours, that the truth may In- propagated, and find glorified.

1 The laymen sought out.] See Jewel's Sermons, p. 181 — 90, &c., and the
extracts given above, in this LifV. p. :^P, from Gilpin's sermon at court.

BERNARD GILPIN. 401

This desolation of the congregations appeared most of all in
Northumberland and the parts adjoyning which are called Rid-
desdale, and Tindale. For in these quarters, especially in that
time, the word of God was never heard of to be preached amongst
them but by Mr. Gilpin's ministry. So that once a yeare it was
his custome to make a journey amongst them. For which pur-
pose he would usually take the opportunity of Christmas holi-
dayes, when in respect of frost and snowe other men were loth to
travell. That time he liked best, because then there came many
holy-dayes together, and the people would more usually assemble
upon the holy-dayes, whereas at other times they neither would
come together so easily, nor so often.

He got himselfe a great deale of estimation and respect amongst
this people both by preaching and by distribution of monies to the
poore in his journey, being sometimes benighted before he was
aware, and forced to lodge in the snowe all night. In which ex-
treamity, he commanded William Airy, who for the most part
attended upon him, to trott the horses up and down, and neither
to permit them nor himselfe to stand still, whiles he himselfe in
the mean while did bestirre himselfe, sometimes running, some-
times walking, as not able to stand still for cold.

At home, his daily care was for the discharge of his ministry
and provision for the poore. Now there was in this towne of
Houghton a streete of poore people ; for their reliefe he tooke
order that every Thursday through the yeare a very great pot
should be provided full of boyled meat purposely for the poore.
And not at Houghton alone, but even wheresoever opportunity
presented it selfe, he was carefull for the poore, insomuch that by
the common consent of the country people he was stiled a father
of the poore.

Upon a time as he was returning home upon a journey there
was a certaine husbandman at plow, in whose teame of horses one
upon a sodaine fell downe, whether with being overwrought or
upon some disease it is uncertaine. The husbandman and those
who were with him did their best to raise the horse againe with
all the strength they had : but it was in vaine, for the horse was
dead. Mr. Gilpin passing by accidentally stayed to observe the
issue of the matter : and perceiving that the horse could not be
raised againe, and that the husbandman was exceedingly grieved
for the death of his beast, and that he cryed out he was even
undone by that miserable accident, he commanded his man to

VOL. in. D d

402 BERNARD GILPIN.

alight from the horse he had under him, and patiently to carry
the saddle and bridle to the next towne, and to give to the poore
man the horse whereon he rode. The husbandman thereupon
cryed out, "Alas, sir, I am not able to pay you the price of so
good an horse." " Be of good cheare " (saith Mr. Gilpin) " thou
shalt never pay me for him, till I demand it ; in the meanc while
goe on with thy worke." — Yea, and many a time as he travailed
was he accustomed thus to help poore men. When at any time
he chanced to meete any naked poore, he would put off part of
his apparell to cover their nakedness© : and at his table usually
fed many poore persons.

When that blessed queene Elizabeth of never dying memory,
after the direfull times of her sisters raigne came to the crowne,
the scarcity of learned men who were able to preach the word of
(Jod mooved not onely many religious persons, but even the very
counsell of the queene to seeke a salve for this sore 2 by all the
meanes they could. Mr. Gilpin observing the laudable endea-
vours of many in relieving the church's want in this kinde, him-
selfe also was exceeding studious to doe what good he could
possibly in his own charge. Whereupon he began to con<
thoughts of a seminary of good literature, or a grammar-schoole,
and builded a schoole, allowing maintenance for a master and
usher. Himselfe also made choice out of the same schoole of
such as he liked best to be privately instructed by himselfe.
Which resolution of his much benefited Mr. Gilpin himselfe, and
the whole church of God all England over. For in that schoole
of his were bred very many learned men, who very much graced
the church by their indeavours and uprightnesse of life. There
was great resort of schollers to that schoole of his, many of whom
were boorded in the towne, and many at Mr. Gilpins house. J le
boorded the sonncs of knights, and esquires at a small rate : those
who were of his kindred were free : yea and he had many poore
mens sonnes upon whom he bestowed both meate, and drinke.
and cloth, and education. Whereby Mr. Gilpins schoole was
every where spoken of to his credit, but himselfe much more.
Out of thi»clioole of his he sent from time to time very main t<>
both univer>itii-, unto divers whereof he also allowed maint< -nanee
in the univer>it \ at his owne cost and charges.

3 A ftnlrc for this son?.] Sec Krnnrtt's disc of Iin/im/.tiafions, and of Ihc
Augment u t, i rages, j). l.'i.'J- ~\.

BERNARD GILPIN. 403

And now while he was wholly taken up with these imployments,
glory and reputation which folio weth him that flyeth from it, and
flyeth from him that has pursued it, had made the name of Mr.
Gilpin most renowned, insomuch that he was not onely honoured
among the fathers of the clergy, but amongst all the nobility of
the kingdome. Amongst the nobles at court the earle of Bedford 3
was one that marvellously respected Mr. Gilpin. This earle
earnestly desired of the queene that the bishoprick of Carlisle,
at that time vacant upon the death of Owen Oglethorpe,
should be bestowed upon him Mr. Gilpin, and obtained it.
And thereupon the earle dispatcheth his letters to Mr. Gilpin
to gather that power of election which is termed conge (Teslier.
Mr. Gilpin receiving the letters together with the conge tfeslier,
sent back a messenger out of hand with letters to the earle,
wherein having returned all hearty thankes to the queene and to
the earle, he humbly beseecheth the earle, to be mediatour to the
queene for him and to get him excused as concerning the
bishoprick, alledging that he was best acquainted with his
owne strength, and conscious to himselfe of his owne insuffi-
ciency for the discharge of so great a place ; if in the meanewhile
he could be any other way serviceable to the church, he would be
diligent and carefull in some meaner imployment. At that time
was Edwin Sandes bishop of Worcester, a man venerable for his
approved wisdome, learning, and holinesse of life, who was after-
wards translated to London, and thence to Yorke. This bishop
hapned to be in London at the same time when the earle of Bed-
ford was busy about the preferring of Mr. Gilpin to a bishoprick :
and he, either by the persuasion of the earle, or out of the intire
love which he bore to Mr. Gilpin, (for he was neere a kin unto
him) dispatched letters to Mr. Gilpin, whereby he persuadeth
him to accept of, and to keep the bishoprick thus offered. The
letter was found amongst Mr. Gilpins papers in these words.

" My much and worthily respected coozen, having regard unto
the good of the church of Christ, rather then to your ease, I
have by all the good meanes I could beene carefull to have this
charge imposed upon you, which may both be an honour to your
selfe, and a benefit to the church of Christ. My true report con-
cerning you hath so prevailed with the queenes majesty, that she
hath nominated you bishop of Carlisle.

3 Earle of Bedford.} Francis Russell, second Earl of Bedford.
Dd 2

404 BERNARD GILP1N.

" I am not ignorant that your inclination rather delighteth in
the peaceable tranquility of a private life. But if you looke upon
the estate of the church of England with a respective eye, you
cannot with a good conscience refuse this charge imposed upon
you : so much the lesse, because it is in such a place, as wherein
no man is found fitter then your selfe to deserve well of the
church. In which respect I charge you before God, and as you
shall answer to God herein, that setting all excuses aside, you
refuse not to assist your country, and to doe service to the
church of God to the uttermost of your power. In the meane
while I give you to understand that the said bishoprick is to be
left unto you untouched, neither shall any thing of it be dimi-
nished (as in some others it is a custome) but you shall receive
the bishopricke entire as Doctor Oglethorpe hath left it.
Wherefore exhorting and charging you to be obedient to
God's call herein, and not to neglect the duty of your owno
calling, I commend both yourselfe and the whole businesse to
the divine providence. In hast, at London, the fourth day of
April, 1560.

Your kinsman and brother,
" EDWIN WOECKSTI-.I:."

Mr. Gilpin returneth thankes to the reverend bishop his
kinseman. But as touching the bishoprick, he desireth to be
excused, and in that resolution he became unmooveable. And
many there were who thought him blameworthy, because he had
so stiffely rejected a bishoprick. But amongst some Mr. (Jilpins
reputation seemed to grow greater by this refusal 1, then if ho had
accepted the offer. I remember that I my selfe have heard him
discoursing amongst his friends touching this occasion, when <m<
of them asked him upon what grounds lie had so stiffely refused
a bishoprick : to whom he made answer, that he refused not so
much the bishopricke, as the inconvenience of the place. " For"
(saith he) " if I had beene chosen in this kinde to any bishop-
ricke elsewhere, I would not have refused it; but in that pl;i
have beene willing to avoide the trouble of it, seeing I had there
many of my freinds and kindred, at whom 1 must connixe in
many thinges, not without hurt to my selfe, or else deny them
many thinges not without offence to them: which difficult:
have easily avoided by ivfusall of that bishopricke."

Upon this ivfusall of Mr. (iilpins, doctor John Best, a learned

BERNARD GILPIN. 405

and religious man, was made choice of for the place : but whether
he had it conferred upon him upon the same termes as it was
proffered to Mr. Gilpin, that no diminution should be made of
any part thereof, that I know not.

Not long after this his refusall of that bishoprick, he was set
upon by another request, to witt, that he would take upon
him to be provost of queenes college, in Oxford, whereunto he
was chosen ; or at least that he would be pleased to nominate
som other for that place who might be a good and fitting man
for the same. There was a letter written unto him by Thomas
Francis to this purpose.

" Commendations premised, &c. Seeing I have a resolution
to relinquish this place which I now hould in queens college in
Oxford, being heartily desirous that some vertuous, godly, and
learned man, and such a one as by the statutes of the college
shall be fit, may be chosen to the place, I have thought good
once more to make a tender of the same unto you : which if it
shall please you to accept I shall be ready upon the receit of your
letters to that purpose to advertise the fellowes thereof, whom I
know to be marvaillously well inclined towards you. But if so
great a trouble with so small a maintenance (for so I may truely
terme this burthen) doe not give you content, I intreat your
advice and direction as a friend to nominate me a man unto
whom I may resigne the place, such an one as your selfe shall
know to be a man fitting ; and one who may and ought to be
chosen. I shall gladly be directed by you so soone as I shall
understand your mind by your letters, which I pray you be care-
full to send me with all convenient speed. In hast from Oxford
the 17 of December, 1561."

What answer Mr. Gilpin returned to this message, I doe not
finde, but it is manifest that he refused the offer of that pre-
ferment. For against all the intreaties of friends in these kindes,
he remained constant and unmovable, as the poet 4 spoke of king
Latinus ;

Ilk, velut pelagi rupes immota, resistit.

" Mooved no more
Then rocke on shore."

And all this while Mr. Gilpin seemed even to supply the place
4 Virg. ^En. vii. 586.

406 BERNARD GILPIN.

of a bishop by preaching, by taking care of the poore, and by
making provision for the necessity of other churches, by erecting
of schooles, and by accommodating men learned and fitting for
the holy function of the ministry. As for Mr. Gilpin^s house it
was like unto a very monastery ; if a man consider a monastery
such as were those in the times of Saint Augustine, but not such
as these latter ages have brought forth.

William lord Cecill baron of Burghley, principall secretary to
the queene, being sent into Scotland 6 about affairs of state, in his
returne homewards being drawne with the fame of Mr. Gilpin,
came to Houghton, and visited him. Mr. Gilpin entertayneth
him with all respects and due rites of hospitality. When the
lord Cecill had well observed Mr. Gilpin, and had approoved the
extraordinary curtesie of the man, and had tooke notice of such
diligence, and abundance of all things with so compleat service in
the entertainment of so great a stranger, and so unlocked for a
guest, being now ready to depart thence, he spoke on this wise :
that he had heard much by the report of others touching Mr.
Gilpin, but what he now had seene and tried was much more
then that which he had formerly heard. Therefore speaking in
very friendly manner to Mr. Gilpin, he said : " Sir, if you have
any occasion or suite at court or before the counsell, I pray you
to make use of me as a mediator for you."

The honourable baron being returned towards Durham, when
he came to the hill called Rainton hill, reflecting his eye upon the
whole champain country which he had now passed, he looked
backe very earnestly both upon Mr. Gilpins house and the scitu-
ation thereof, and useth these words, " I doe not blame this man
(saith he) for refusing a bishopricke : for what doth he want that
a bishopricke could more enrich him withall ? Besides that he is
free from the greater waight of cares.11

Mr. Gilpin did not omit to visite the people of Ridsdale and
Tindale once every yeare. Amongst whom he was esteemed a
very prophet, and little lesse than adored by that halfe bar-
barous and rustick people. It happened by chance that whiles
Mr. Gilpin preacht amongst them, a certaine good-fellow had

* Into Scotland.] In June, 15CO, sir William Cecil and Dr. Nicholas
Wotton, dean of Canterbury and York, were sent to Scotland to encourage
the lords of the congregation, in their defence of themselves and the protestant
religion, against the French power. Lansdowne MS. 981. art. 42 and 111.
fol. 37. Cecil was not raised to the peerage till 1571.

BERNARD GILP1N. 407

stolen away Mr. Gilpins horses : upon the missing whereof, there
is hue and cry raised through the country, that Mr. Gilpins
horses were stolne, and must be searched for with all possible
diligence. The fellow who had stolne them, so soone as he
heard that they were Mr. Gilpins horses (for he knew not whose
they were when he took them away) was in great feare and
trembling. The theft did not much trouble his conscience, but
when he heard the name of Mr. Gilpin, it cast him into trouble
and distraction of heart. Therefore in much trembling, and with
all the speede he could, he brought backe Mr. Gilpins horses,
and humbly craved the pardon and benediction of father Gilpin ;
and protested that after it came to his knowledge that they were
Mr. Gilpins horses he was afraid to be thrust downe quicke into
hell, if he should doe him any wrong.

Upon a time when Mr. Gilpin was in these parts at a towne
called Rothbury, there was a pestilent faction amongst some of
them that were wont to resort to that church. The men being
bloodily minded practised a bloody manner of revenge, termed by
them deadly-feod °. If the faction on the one side did perhaps
come to the church, the other side kept away, because they were
not accustomed to meet together without bloodshed. Now so it
was that when Mr. Gilpin was in the pulpit in that church, both
parties came to church in the presence of Mr. Gilpin ; and both
of them stood, the one of them in the upper part of the church;
or chancell, the other in the body thereof, armed with swords
and javelins in their hands. Mr. Gilpin somewhat mooved with
this unaccustomed spectacle goeth on neverthelesse in his sermon,
and now a second time their weapons make a clashing sound,
and the one side drew neerer to the other, so that they were in
danger to fall to blowes in the middest of the church. Hereupon
Mr. Gilpin commeth downe from the pulpit, and stepping to the
ringleaders of either faction, first of all he appeased the tumult.
Next, he labowreth to establishe peace betwixt them, but he
could not prevaile in that : onely they promised to keepe the
peace unbroken so long as Mr. Gilpin should remaine in the

6 Deadly -feod.~] " The people of this country have had one very barbarous
custom among them. If any two be displeased, they expect no law, but
bang it out bravely, one and his kindred against the other and his. They
will subject themselves to no justice, but in an inhuman and barbarous man-
ner fight and kill one another. They run together in clans, as they term it,
or names. This fighting they call their deadly feides"— Survey of Newcastle,
Harleian Miscellany, vol. hi., quoted in Gilpin's Life of Gilpin, p. 273.

408 BERNARD GILPIN.

church. Mr. Gilpin seeing he could not utterly extinguish the
hatred which was now inveterate betwixt them, desired them
that yet they would forbear hostility so long as he should remaine
in those quarters: and this they consented unto. Mr. Gilpin
thereupon goeth up into the pulpit againe (for he had not made
an end of his sermon) and spent the rest of the allotted time
which remained, in disgracing that barbarous and bloody custome
of theirs and (if it were possible) in the utter banishing of it for
ever. So often as Mr. Gilpin came into those parts afterwardes,
if any man amongst them stood in feare of a deadly foe he resorted
usually where Mr. Gilpin was, supposing himselfe more safe in
his company, then if he went with a guard.

Upon a certaine Lords-day Mr. Gilpin comming to a church
in those parts, before the people were assembled, and walking up
and down therein, espied a glove hanged on high in the church.
Whereupon he demanded of the sexton, what should be the
meaning thereof, and wherefore it hanged in that place I The
sexton maketh answer that it was a glove of one of the parish
who had hanged it up there as a challenge to his enemy, signifying
thereby that he was ready to enter into combat with his enemy
hand to hand, or with any one else who should dare to take down
that challendge. Mr. Gilpin requested the sexton by some meai i< s
or other to take it down. " Not I sir," (replied the sexton) " I
dare doe no such thing." "But" (said Mr. Gilpin) "if thou
wilt but bring me hither a long staffe, I will take it downe my
selfe :" and so when a long stafe was brought, Mr. Gilpin tooke
downe the glove and put it up in his bosom. By and by came
the people to church in abundance, and Mr. (Jilpin when he saw
his time went up into the pulpit. In his sermon he took occasion
to reproove these inhuman challenges, and rebuked them sharpely
for that custome which they had of making challenges by the
hanging up of a glove. " I heare," saith he, "that there is one
amongst you, who even in this sacred place hath hanged up a
glove to this purpose, and threatneth to enter into com hat with
whosoever shall take it downe. Behold, I have taken it downe
my selfe;" and at that word plucking out the glove shewed it
openly, and then instructed them how unbeseeming those bar-
barous conditions were for any man that professed himselfe a
Christian; and so laboured to perswad them to a n-rmiciliatioii.
and to the practise of mutual! l«»ve and charity amongst them
selves.

After his sermon it was his custome t«> <li>inlnit< m<>n.-\

BERNARD GILPIN. 409

amongst the poorer sorte ; and many times to visit them who
were imprisoned ; and after he had preached unto them in prison,
to bestow money largely amongst the prisoners ; many of whom
hee brought home to repentance for their former passed life, and
to honest conversation ; and for many who were condemned to
die he procured pardon, and saved their lives.

When we were children, a rebellion 7 was raised in the north
by the earles of Northumberland and Westmorland : which Mr.
Gilpin perceived before hand by certaine evident signes. And
because he understood that in so troublesome a time he should
want power to defend himselfe and his owne, he conceived
thoughts of going aside for a while. Therefore after a speech
made to the maisters and schollers, that they should demeane
themselves carefully and peaceably until his returne, himselfe
went to Oxford : residing there untill the queens army under the
command of the earle of Sussex should make speed to Durham
for discomfiture of the rebels. The rebels were now within Dur-
ham, but at the report of the queens army they dispersed them-
selves and fled. After they were put to flight, there was sharpe
and cruell proceedings against the simpler sort, whom the rebels
had drawne to their faction under pretence of serving the queene :
for the silly people were sollicited as for the queenes service, the
rebels in all places giving it out that they stood for the queene.
During the time that the rebels had possession of Durham with
their army, masse was sung in the cathedrall church day by day.
Some of them flew out as farre as Houghton. There they found
Mr. Gilpins barnes full of corne, young cattell ready fatted, and
many things provided for hospitalitie ; but they make waste of
all, selling the corne, consuming the fatted ware, and basely
making havocke of all those things which Mr. Gilpin had pro-
vided for pious and honest uses. There was among them one
fellow whom Mr. Gilpin had sometimes saved from the gallowes,
and this knave was the wickedest of all the rest in rioting away
Mr. Gilpins goods. Now after the rebels were dispersed, and
proceeding made against the simple people somewhat more
sharply then was fitting by sir George Bowes, who was con-
stituted marshall for that purpose, Mr. Gilpin who was now come

7 A rebellion.'] See Percy's Reliques of Antient English Poetry, vol. i. p. 285.
&c. The Rising of the North. See also The White Doe of Rylstone, by
W. Wordsworth.

410 BERNARD GILPIN.

home againe begged the lives of many by his intercession : for
hee knew well enough that many men were drawne as it were
into the snare, not willfully, but through ignorance, and through
the fraudulent practises of others. And now the whole trouble
being over, Mr. Gilpin returneth to his accustomed indeavours of
studies and charity.

There was betwixt the most learned and reverend James Pil-
kington then bishop of Durham, and Mr. Gilpin, more then
ordinary friendship through their long acquaintance and paritie
of dispositions. The bishop was wont oftentimes to visit! Mr.
Gilpin at his house, and the bishop also incited the rather by
Mr. Gilpins example builded a schoole at Lancaster8, and brought
the statutes of the schoole to be over looked and examined by
Mr. Gilpin. He was also familiarly acquainted with, and mar-
vaylously respected Thomas Lever9 a godly and learned man.
master of Sherborne-hospital.

There was at that time published a booke of Thomas Cart-
wrights touching ecclesiasticall discipline 10, which booke was
exceedingly liked by many in those dayes. William Birch a
canon of Durham, a man learned, but too hastily inclining to
that forme of discipline which Cartwright had proposed, sent one
of these bookes to Mr. Gilpin to read over ; requesting him to
looke over the booke, and that he would be pleased to \\ritc
backe his opinion concerning the same. Birch seemed to hi-
somewhat in hast upon the matter: for very shortly after In-
wrote againe to Mr. Gilpin, requesting him to send over his
book with his censure of it, before Mr. Gilpin had read it all
over. Mr. Gilpin did accordingly send backe the booko, and a
letter to Mr. Birch, and as he had an cxcdlunt veine in \
fying, in the end of his letter he wrote certaine verses, which an
these that follow ;

" Multa quidem legi, sed plura, legenda reliqui ;
Posthac quum dabitur copia, cuncta legam :
Optant ut careat maculis ecclesia cunctis,
Praesens vita negat ; vita futura dabit."

8 Lancaster.'] Of which county the bishop was a native, having been bm n
at Rivington.

9 Lever.'] See pp. 78, 1()7.

10 Discipline.] For many particulars of Cartwright 's life and opinions, see
the Life of Archbishop ll'hitgift, in this volume.

BERNARD GILPIN. 411

Which verses of his I have thus Englished,

" Much have I read, but more remaines behinde,
I'le read the rest when I can leasure finde :
Men wish our church no blemish had at all,
It cannot be so heere, in heaven it shall."

There came unto Mr. Gilpin a certaine Cambridge man, who
seemed a very great scholler, and hee dealt earnestly with Mr.
Gilpin touching the discipline and reformation of the church. Mr.
Gilpin tould him that he could not allowe that an human inven-
tion should take place in the church in stead of a divine institu-
tion. "And how? doe you thinke," saith the man, "that this
forme of discipline is an human invention?1" " I am," saith Mr.
Gilpin, " altogether of that mind. And as many as shall dili-
gently have turned over the writings of the auncient fathers will
be of mine opinion. I suspect that forme of discipline which
appeareth not to have beene received in any auncient church."
" But yet," saith the man, " latter men doe see * many things
which those auncient fathers saw not : and the present church

1 Latter men doe see.~] The puritans seem to have been very little scrupulous
in exalting themselves and their partizans to the disparagement of former
ages. " I have heard it credibly reported (says Dr. Bancroft) that in a cer-
taine college in Cambridge" (St. John's is the college alluded to), "when it
happeneth that in their disputations, the authoritye either of St. Augustine, or
of St. Ambrose, or of St. Jerome, or of any other of the ancient fathers,
nay, the whole consent of them all altogether is alleged ; it is rejected with
very great disdaine ; as, What tell you me of St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, or
of the rest ? I regard them not a rush. Were they not men ? Whereas at
other time, when it happeneth that a man of another humour doth aunswere,
if it fall out that he beinge pressed with the authority either of Calvin or
Beza shall chance to deny it ; you shall see some beginne to smile, in com-
miseration of such the poore mans simplicity ; some grow to be angry in
regard of such presumption ; and some will depart away, accounting such a
kinde of fellowe not worthy the hearing." — Survey of the pretended Holy
Discipline, p. 64. Compare p. 329. And sir F. Bacon, speaking of the same
mal-content party, tells us that they no more scrupled to set themselves above
the first reformers and martyrs, than they did over the ancient fathers. "As
in affection they challenge the virtues of zeal, and the rest ; so in knowledge
they attribute unto themselves light and perfection. They say, the church of
England, in king Edward's time, and in the beginning of her majesty's reign,
was but in the cradle ; and the bishops in those times did somewhat grope
for day-break ; but that maturity and fulness of light proceedeth from them-
selves."— Of Church Controversies. Works, vol. ii. p. 384. edit. 1753. See
also Bancroft's Survey, p. 357.

412 BERNARD GILPIN.

seemeth better provided of many ingenious and industrious men."
Mr. Gilpin seemed somewhat mooved at that word, and reply ed :
"I for my part do not hould the vertues of the latter men worthy
to be compared to the infirmities of the fathers." The other man
made answer that he supposed Mr. Gilpin to be in an errour in
that point. But Mr. Gilpin used these words purposely because
he perceived that this fellow had a strong conceit of I know not
what rare vertues in himselfe, which opinion Mr. Gilpin was desi-
rous to roote out of him.

George Gilpin, who had most elegantly translated out of low
Dutch into English the booke of Philip Marnixius2, earle of
Aldegund, called the Beehive of the Romane Church, came out of
the Low Countries unto Bernard. This man was brother to Ber-
nard, and agent for the queene3 with the states of Holland,
amongst whom he left behind him a famous memory of him
for his singular wisdome. And having lived for some space most
lovingly with his brother Bernard, being about to returne from
Holland, he had advised with the queene and councell of the king-
dome touching the affaires which he had to treat upon with the
states in the queenes name. The carles of Leicester and Bedford
exceedingly favored the two brothers, George for his wisedome in
affaires of state, and Bernard for his holinesse of life. Tin M
requested George to perswade his brother Bernard to declare in
writing the motives and meanes of his conversion from the K< miane
superstition to the light of the gospell. To which request Mr.
Gilpin answered that he would do it plainely and sincerely, without
any dissimulation. The copy of his letter to that purpose I found
among his papers to be thus.

2 Marnixius.'] Philippe de Marnix, baron de Sainte-Aldegonde, author of the
Apiarium sive Alvearium Roinanum, printed at Sylva-Ducis ('s Hergenbosch
or Bois-le Due) in 1571. He was a man of great distinction, much employed
by the prince of Orange, and when Burgomaster of Antwerp bravely sustained
in 1584 and 1585 for a long time the attacks of the duke of Parma. He came
to England in 1590; and in the British Museum are two curious letters from
lord Burghley to Wylde and Bodley, who were then in the Low Countries,
respecting his conduct. See Colt. MS. Galba, D. vii. rol. 120. 159 b.

3 Ayentfor the queeneJ] George Gilpin was employed at various times be-
tween 1570 and l.v.K). Some of his negociations are extant in the British

Harl. MS. 285. art. 20 j Cott. MS. Galba, C. vii. fol. 168,
and C. x. fol. 21, &c.

BERNARD GILPIN. 41:3

The Letter of Bernard Gilpin to Ms brother George in the yeare of
our Lord 1575.

;' YOU doe request (brother) that I should relate unto you
somewhat at large the manner and meanes of my conversion from
superstition to the light of the gospell : a thing, which I suppose,
is not unknowne unto you to have beene a worke of many yeares :
neverthelesse as time and health shall give leave I will conceale
nothing from you herein. I will confesse mine owne shame to the
confusion of the divell ; I will say with the apostle, 1 Tim. 1. 13.
/ was received to mercy, for I did it ignorantly.

" In the dayes of king Edward I was drawne to dispute against
certaine positions of Peter Martirs 4 : howbeit out of a naturall
inclination I have alwayes so farre as I could avoided controver-
sies and disputations. And when I was but a young divine, and
had found out by holding that disputation that the foundation
whereto I trusted was not so solid as I formerly supposed it, I
thereupon began somewhat seriously to read over the Scriptures
and writings of the fathers, that I might confirme my selfe in my
received opinions. But God freed my minde from that prejudicate
conceit by little and little, and the zeale which I had for the
popish religion began to coole in me every day more and more.
But on the other side I felt certaine sparkling desires which urged
me to search out the truth. In the meane while I repaired to
the bishop of Durham, that I might be further instructed ; who
tolde me, that in the matter of transubstantiation, Tnnocentius
the pope, the third of that name, had done unadvisedly, seeing he
had made it an article of faith. And he did further confesse that
the pope had committed a great fault, in that touching indul-
gences and other things he had taken no better order for the
quiet of the church. Afterwards I conferred with doctor Eed-
man 5, in whom I reposed much hope in regard of his eminent
vertues, and great schollership. He affirmed unto me that the
booke of Common Prayer, was an holy booke, and agreeable to
the gospell. These things cast me into many distractive thoughts.

4 Peter Martirs.'] See p. 384.

5 Dr. Redman.~\ John Redman, the first master of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge. See Tanner's Bibl. p. 619. This eminent and amiable man was a
near kinsman of bishop Tonstal ; which may perhaps account for Gil pin's
enjoying the advantage of his society, though they were of different Univer-
sities. See Aschami Epistolce, p. 39.

414 BERNARD GILPIN.

After this one of the feilowes of Queenes colledge in Oxford told
me that he had heard doctour Chedsey 6 saying among his friends,
that it must come to this point, that the protestants must grant
us a reall presence of Christ in the sacrament, and we likewise
give way unto them in the opinion of transubstantiation, and so
we shall accord. Doctor Weston 7 made a long oration touching
the supper of the Lord to bee administered under both kindcs.
Mr. Morgan tolde me that doctor Ware, a man most famous for
life and learning, had affirmed unto him that the principal sacri-
fice of the church of God was the sacrifice of thanksgiving. This
was his answer when I had demanded of him what could be said
for the sacrifice of the masse. The most learned bishops in this
kingdome at that time confuted the primacy of the pope both in
words and writing. Mr. Harding 8 being newly returned home
out of Italy, in a long and famous oration so plainly set out and
painted to the life the friers and unlearned bishops, who had met
at the councell of Trent in their green gownes, that it abated in
me and in very many others a great deale of that opinion and con-
fidence which we had reposed in Generall Councels.

" These things and many others gave me occasion diligently to
search the Scriptures and the writings of the fathers : whence I
had begun to observe very many and very great abuses, and sonic
enormities oftentimes used, and as oft defended in popery, and to
judge reformation necessary on the other part. Whiles I went
on in this manner, I was overruled by the persuasions of some
friends to accept of a parsonage ; whereunto I was drawne against
my will. If I offended God in undertaking the charge before I
was a more sufficient scholler, and better grounded in religion, I
aske God forgivenesse. Nor doe I doubt but I have obtained
mercy in his sight. Before I was entred upon that pars<m;iu.v 1
preacht before king Edward at Greenwich a sermon which had
approbation of many good men.

" The lord treasurer ', being at that time secretary, obtained
for me from the king licence as a ^cm-rail preacher throughout
the kingdome so long as the king lived, which time fell out t«» !•«•
not much above the space of halfe a yeare after. In my sermons
I handled those points wherein I. was best grounded, and wherein

« Dr. Chedsey.] See vol. ii. p. 558, n. (6).

i Dr. Wcsto*.] See vol. ii. p. 551, n. (r<).

8 Mr. Harding.] Jewel's antagonist, p. 352.

9 The lord treasurer.] Wm. Cecil, afterwards lord Ilur^hley, &c.

BERNARD GILPIN. 415

I was undoubtedly resolved out of the Scriptures. I examined
the masse : and the abuse so farre as I was able to observe at
that time consisted in the too much reverence, and grosser
worship of the people ; because I beleeved not transubstantia-
tion. Neverthelesse at some times I said masse, but seldome and
privately.

" Then was I forthwith sent beyond the seas that I might over-
see the printing of my lord bishop TonstalFs booke touching the
eucharist, with two or three books more as you know, at Antwerp :
where I beheld for the space of three yeares at Paris, Antwerp,
and Lovaine, and in some other places, very grosse idolatry. This
thing did more and more estrange me from the popish religion :
most of all because the learneder papists did in their disputations
in schooles 10 deny the adoration of images, yet allowed the into-
lerable abuse thereof in their churches. And now whiles with all
earnestnesse I advised with the holy Scriptures, and writings of
the fathers, I observed many things which alienated mine heart
from the popish church. I observed in that church notable cor-
ruptions of the doctrine of the bible ; many things in the sacra-
ments instituted against Scripture ; some sacraments lately added ;
in the sacrament of the supper the one halfe taken away ; the
fiction of transubstantiation brought in ; traditions of the church
made equall to the word of God, and to the holy Scriptures, and
to be imbraced with the same pious affection ; the worship of
images brought into the church : all things performed in the
church before the people in an unknowne language ; but above all
the rest the question concerning antichrist troubled me most,
because it seemed not to me a safe thing to make a separation
from the popish church, except I were first fully resolved that the
pope is antichrist : and in this point I cannot easily expresse with
how many difficulties and distractions I was daily opposed.

" Afterwards I was sent for home againe by the bishop, who
conferred upon me the rectory of Essingdon : where when I had
indeavoured to be constant in preaching, I observed that I had
upon a sodaine procured to my selfe many and heavy enemies
thereby : for I had preached against plurality of benefices and
non-residency. Mine adversaries cryed out that all such as
broached that doctrine would proove hereticks quickly. Others
were much displeased with me for that I had preached repentance

10 Disputations in schooles .] Compare vol. i. p. 301, and n.

416 BERNARD GILP1N.

and salvation by Christ. They laid to my charge that 1 did not
make whole sermons about transubstantiation, purgatory, holy
water, the worshipping of images, the invocation of saints, and
the like ; which they could never heare come from me. And by
how much the people were more earnest to resort to my ser-
mons, so much the more eagerly they tooke offence at mee and
hated mee.

" A very small matter brought me into danger. An honest
matron n, because in her pangs of child-birth she had often called
upon God, was grievously checked by the other good women,
because she had not called upon the blessed Virgin. To whom
she made answer : c I have heard1 (saith she) ' a certaine famous
preacher, one Gilpin, a man that came lately out of France ; if
he will advise me to call upon the saints, I will take his counsull
in that point/ I tolde them that I durst not persuade any one
to invocate the saints, but that those who call onely upon God for

11 An honest matron.] " Come to the labour of a woman that is a Pharisey,
and thou shalt heare her cry and call for helpe more on the Virgin Mary, than
she will upon the ever-livinge God, who is the only Creatour and Saviour of
the Virgin ; and that most blasphemously sayinge, Our Lady have mercy uj)on
me : and lykewise upon other Gods creatures. Now in these dayes, they \vil
say haply, we teach not to worship them as goddes, but as mediatours. I
tell thee, that is also a false and a develish doctrine." — Complaint of Roderyck
Mors unto the Parlament House of England. Signat. G 3.

" And here we have occasion to speake of midwives. The same office of a
midwife is a necessary office : but I woulde wishe the byshoppes would see
better unto them, that they might be better instruct in Gods worde : for no
doubt these midwives are the occasion of muche superstitions and dishonour-
ing of God. The fault is because they are not instruct in the worde of God :
and therefore when the women be in travailing, and so in peril of theyr lives,
they cause them to call upon our Lady, whiche no doubt is very idolatry and
dishonouring of God : for we ought not to call upon any creature : we must
call onely upon God alone. Unto him onely pertayneth that honour." —
Latimer's Sermons, fol. 283. edit. 1584. Serm. on St. John the Evangelist's
Day.

About the year 1517 it was articled against Joan Sampson, before Fit/-
James, bishop of London, that "being in her labour, what time Joan Samp-
son her predecessor, then being alive, was with her, and after the manner
then of women, called muche upon the helpe of the Virgin Mary, she spitting
thereat, was in such sort aggrieved, that the other partie was compelled to
forsake the house.

" Item; another time in the bearing of one Margaret Anworth, when she
and other women were invocating the blessed Virgin to helpe in womans
labour, she stood against them, and rontumeliouslie spake against the invo-
cators." Fox's Ads, p. 7

BERNARD GILPIN. 417

help in all their dangers, have a commandement from God so to
doe, and a firme promise for the infallible comforting of their con-
science. This occasion stirred me up many foes.

" In the meane while I often conversed with learned men, my
very loving friends and kindred. I demanded how it came to
passe that there was no reformation of so many abuses touching
images, reliques, pilgrimages, buying and selling of masses and
trentalls, with many other errours, which in the time of king
Edward the papists had not onely confessed to be superstitious,
but had promised reformation of them, and professed that it was
meete the church should be purged of them : which thing they
said they would gladly doe, if ever the power came into their
hands againe 12. When I asked of them in which of these points

12 Their hands againe.~] But on the other hand, in what temper some of their
preachers sought to bring the people back to their ancient allegiance to the
church of Rome, we may take, by way of example, one striking, and even
fearful instance, from a sermon preached at Paul's Cross, Nov. 12, 1553,
(about four months after the accession of queen Mary,) by that Brokes, after-
wards bishop of Gloucester, of whose doings we read so much in the process
against Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer.

" Now one worde for a conclusion, and so an ende.

" I reade in Titus Livius, that on a time, when the Romans were grevously
offended with the Carthaginiens for breache of a certeine league, that was
betwene them, one Quintus Fabius, being sent from Rome, as an ambassadour
to Carthage, to expostulate with them for the injuries doen, assone as he was
admitted into the counsail house, gathering his gowne together in maner of
a lap, in few woordes he doth his message after this sort.

" What nede any circumstaunce, tariance or delay (saith he), O you coun-
sailors of Carthage ? In this lap of mine, I have brought you here both
battel and peace : whether you list, chose and have. Chose battel, and have
battel : chose peace, and have peace. Come off at ones.

"When the counsailors of Carthage, setting light of the matter, cried
together with one voice, Sir, geve whether you list ; we passe not on it. No,
(saith Fabius, the ambassador) passe you no more on the matier ? — Then
battel have you, then battail upon you : then open battail do I pronounce,
and bidde unto you. And with that, he cast abrode the lap of his gowne
with suche a vehemencie, terriblenes and horror, even as thoughe he had
brought very battel in his lap indede.

" Even so, good brethren, forasmuch as your Father, God almighty, and
your mother, the holy catholic churche, are both no lesse grevouslie offended
with you at this present, for the breache of the league and promisse every
one of you made to them in your baptisme, (whiche league and promisse you
have sore broken through defection, misbelevinge and mislevinge, I, although
mooste unworthy suche an hie function, being minimus apostolorum, imo
minor minima, et qui non sum dignus vocari apostolus (1 Cor. xv.), yeat am I
VOL. lit. E 6

418 BERNARD GILPIN.

reformation should begin, in expectation of which thing I returned
from Paris the more willingly, answer was made unto me, that no
way must be given to the ignorant multitude. If (say they) we
once confesse any errours at all, they will straightway cry out
that many other things also are worthy to be reformed, besides
those which we shall yeeld unto them, and so they will be still
growing upon us, that we shall never have done reforming. —
These things wounded me grievously, and drave me to seeke out
for peace of conscience.

" After these things, having preached two or three sermons at
Newcastle, I began to explaine my conscience more at large;

come thys day, as sent from them unto you, as a messenger, and as an
imbassader. And, to use few words with you, my message is this, In this
lappe of myne I have brought you here, both benediction and malediction ;
both lyfe and death ; both salvacion and dampnation ; benediction, life and
salvacion, if you retourne, and repayre the league : malediction, death and
dampnation, if you do the contrarie. — Now, whether you list, chose and have.
But if you set light of the matter, as the Carthaginians dyd, passinge not
whether you have ; passing not whether you retourne or no, then, maledic-
tion, death and dampnation have you : then, malediction, death and dampna-
tion upon you ; then, malediction, death and dampnation do I pronounce
unto you : then thus saith our Lord, Nisi conversi fueritis, &c. If you will
not retourne, I have alredie unscabered, sharpned and well scoured my sword.
I have shaken my sword : I have bent my bowe, and I have prepared my
arrowes, even as instruments of death against you. Then, thus saith our
Lord, Maledicti eritis in civitate, &c. (Deut. xxviii.) Cursed shal you be in
the citie ; cursed in the field ; cursed at your out-going ; cursed at your
incomynge : cursed shal be the fruite of your bodie, the fruite of your hande,
the fruite of your catel : cursed shal be your basket, and your store. Then,
thus saith our Lord ; Vce genti peccatrici, &c. (Isai. i.) Woe be to this sinful
nation ; wo be to this frowarde generation : wo be to these unnatural chyl-
dren ; wo, wo, wo be to all the inhabitantes of England. Then, thus saith
our Lord, Ite maledicti, &c. (Mat. xxv.) Go you cursed into the everlastinge
fyre, whiche was prepared for the devell, and his angelles: where, in the
fyrie furnes, and bourning lake, is weping, waylinge, and gnashinge of teeth :
where, fire, brimstone, storme, tempest, and the worme of conscience shal be
part of your tormentes : where, you shall burne in unquenchable fyre, forever
and a day; in ecternum et ultra.1' Sign. L. 8 — K 3.

After this appalling volley of denunciations, the preacher changes his hand,
and proceeds to try the effect of his powers, but precisely for the same end,
in a long strain of expostulations of a soothing and conciliatory" chara
that, where threatenings would not, persuasion might attain the end. " But
I truste, deare brethren, better thinges of you and thinges nere to salvation,
although I thus speake. I trust you wil return, you will repente, you will
repayre the league," &c. &c.

BERNARD GILPIN. 419

where there were gathered twelve or thirteene articles against me,
and sent to the bishop. And now had mine adversaries of the
clergy whom I had grievously provoked, obtained what they had
long looked for. Nor would they give over untill the bishop had
called me before their faces, to examine me in the point of the
sacrament. The bishop shewed me as much favour, I suppose,
as he durst. In transubstantiation he would not trouble me;
onely he inquired concerning the reall presence, which I granted,
and so was freed out of that danger. And as touching the reall
presence, I found not my selfe fully resolved. I supposed that
therein lay hid a mystery above my capacity. Neverthelesse my
conscience did sometimes chide me, for that I had before them
yeelded in expresse words to a point which seemed unto me
doubtfull. But I hoped that Grod would pardon mine ignorance,
and in time bring me to a greater light of knowledge.

" The winter following queene Mary departed this life *, and
then I began to explaine my minde more fully. For before that
time (for I must needes confesse the truth) weaknesse, ignorance,
and the terrours of mine adversaries had somewhat restrained
me. About Easter I was accused to the bishop upon many
articles, both out of the diocesse of Yorke, and of Durham, all
which things neverthelesse hurt me no further then thus, that
the bishop incited thereto by the complaints of mine adversaries
struck my name out of his last will and testament, forasmuch as
the plebeians and ordinary sort of people were extremely offended
with me. Now I, in that I lost the bishops executorship, found
my selfe eased of a great burthen, and was glad thereof. But as
for the favour of the multitude, I hoped in time through the
goodnesse of God to recover it againe, that my preaching might
profit the more to edification : for otherwise I never desired the
love of the vulgar.

"In harvest came the visitors2; and doctor Sandes sent for
me to Aukland, and appointed me both time and place to preach
against the primacy at Durham. But he himselfe preaching the
day before, whiles he seemed utterly to deny a reall presence,
had so wounded my tender conscience, that the night following I
could not sleep at all ; and I was much troubled in my minde,
whether I should preache the next day or not. At the last I
went almost out of my bed into the pulpit, where, I know not

1 Departed this life.'] 17th Nov. 1558.

2 Came the visitors.] See above, Life of Jewel, p. 349.

E e 2

420 BERNARD GILPIN.

how it happened, whether it was through my disquiet of con-
science, or want of sleep, or in that I had offended God to goe up
against my conscience, but me thought I did never feele such a
want of utterance; and yet in my judgement I had provided
matter enough, and waighty reasons.

" The next day all the ministers in the diocesse were met to
subscribe. Now so it was that in a point or two of the articles
my conscience did not appeare to me so well resolved, as I could
have wished. Therefore I stept a little out of the way, hoping
that I might escape from being called. But when my curate
came to the booke, who, I supposed, would never have stood at
it, by reason of some discourse I had formerly with him, he with-
drew himselfe as unwilling to subscribe ; and thereupon I was
called for, and the booke held out unto me ; when straight way es
I had these thoughts in my selfe : i My greatest confidence is
reposed in this religion, because it giveth glory to God, and
authority to the word of God for the rooting out of superstition,
and human doctrines. Onely mine heart doubted in certaine
points of smaller consequence, which God (as I hope) shall in
time reveale unto me. If I shall refuse, I shall be a meanes to
make many others to refuse, and so consequently hinder the
course of the word of God.1 Therefore I subscribed ; and the
night following I sent unto doctor Sandes my protestation toudi-
ing those two points which had troubled me. He being nothing
offended tooke my protestation very courteously : so my curate
subscribed also, and the day following fell sicke. And whiles I
was gone along with the visitors to Kendall and Lancaster, he
dyed before my returne, having not been sicke a whole weeke.
Some supposed that subscription killed his heart ; others said his
infirmity proceeded from excessive drinking. God onely knoweth
what was the cause of his death.

" In processe of time, me thought I grew more and more
strengthened and resolved : but I will confesse the truth. I had
many and grievous temptations, which would not let me sl<
for many nights, and drave me betwixt sleeping and waking into
such dreames, as I thinke few men ever had the like. My nature
did ever desire to avoid controversies. My chit-fi >t comfort am!
indeavour was to preach Christ, ami salvation through Christ
plainly and sincerely, and to comfort my selfe in the most sv
promises of holy Scripture, ami in pouring out my prayer

Tin- insitiaMi- rovrtnusnosr that could In- restrained l.y

BERNARD GILPIN. 421

no bounds of temperance and moderation, together with the pride
and carnall liberty, and other vices of the same ranke, which
raigned among all sorts and degrees of people, but most of all in
us the priests and ministers, who ought to be as we are termed,
the salt of the earth, have oftentimes broke my sleepes. But
recovering I quieted my selfe in God, saying, surely how much
more the iniquity of men doth abound, so much the more glorious
shall God appeare in purging, sanctifying, and preserving his elect
people in the midst of a froward generation.

" I was ever sollicitous and wary either in subscriptions or
oathes not to be catched in a trap. It appeared enough to me,
and ought to be satisfactory to the prelates of the church, that
all men were willing to acquiesce in the Scriptures, and the arti-
cles of the faith ; in other things as they are agreeable to Scrip-
ture : because the holy Scripture ought to holde soveraigne place
and preheminency above all the writings of all men. I remember
when I went to be admitted into orders by the bishop of Oxford,
that the bishops chaplaine did administer an oath unto us that we
should allow the ordinations already made, or hereafter to be
made. Touching which oath when we considered somewhat se-
riously what it was to oblige our selves to ordinations to come,
concerning which we could resolve upon nothing, these things
not only much distracted me but troubled nine or ten more, who
were sworne with me, men farre better schollers then my selfe.
For my part I resolved to be sworne to no writings but with this
exception 3, so farre onely as they are agreeable to the word of
God. Now, how much it distressed my minde that an oath
should be exacted in doubtfull cases, I have explained in another
discourse for the quiet of my conscience. And this I may boldly

3 But with this exception.'] But let us hear on this head another sensible and
considerate writer. " We censure and condemn a subscribing to our articles
with this reservation, viz. As far as they are agreeable with Scripture : this
being a way of eluding these tests of our religious opinions, and in effect no
subscription at all. Are the articles of the church of England really agree-
able with Scripture, or are they not ? If they are not, then every honest man
should decline any subscription to them ; because, by this act, he openly pro-
fesses his belief that they are agreeable with Scripture. But if any persons
will however insist on this reservation, then let them consider that the sub-
scription and the reservation, taken together, amount to this, viz. I do declare,
that these articles are agreeable with Scripture, so far forth as they are agree-
able with Scripture." — Bishop Coneybeare's Sermon on Subscription to Articles
of Religion : given also in the Oxford Enchiridion Theologicum.

422 BERNARD GILP1X.

say, that since I tooke the course to explaine mine infirmities by
writing, not fearing who tooke notice of them, so that it might
benefit myselfe or others, 1 have found exceeding peace and quiet
of conscience, and am day by day more edified and confirmed by
the reading of the Scriptures. And in this case, I praise God,
that when I found my selfe most distressed and weake, my faith
in the mercies of God was so firme, as I assure myselfe, that if at
that very instant I should have died, yet I had and doe retaine
that confidence, that these distractions could nothing hinder my
salvation. I am resolved with St. Paul, / have obtained mercy,
for I did it ignorantly ; and with Job, Although the Lord kill me,
yet will I trust in him. Yet I have full many a time asked God
mercy for these offences, infirmities, ignorances, and all other
things, and will ever doe so whiles I shall live in this world. God
be mercifull unto us all."

Thus farre Mr. Gilpin.

Thou seest (reader) Mr. Gilpins upright dealing. He speaketh
nothing of his owne vertues, but he is wholly taken up with the
acknowledgement and enumeration of his weaknesses. Perhaps
some criticks will laugh at the simplicity of the man, but I herein
admire his apostolick spirit, who after the example of blessed
Paul dare not boast of himself, but boasteth in his infirmities,
that Christ may dwell in him. Neverthelesse, howsoever he is
wholly taken up with declaration of his owne infirmities, and
hath of set purpose spoke nothing of his owne vertues, yet this
is apparent that he was twice accused by his back-friends to
bishop Tonstall in the dayes of queene Mary : but bishop Ton-
stall who abhorred to shed blood was a sweet defence to Mr. < ul-
pin against the divers informations of his enemies. At the last
lie was accused to Bonner bishop of London, who gave order to a
messenger for his apprehension. Mr. Gilpin perceived the immi-
nent danger, (for he had notice that a messenger was dispatched
to attach his body) and perceiving the reliefe which lie had found
in Tonstalls clemency would now faile him, he prepared his holy
soule for martyrdome : commanding William Airy the steward
of his house to provide him a long garment, that ho might goe
the more comely to the stake. But the sodaine death 4 of qu<
Mary freed the man from this danger.

4 But the sodaine death.] "In his way to London, it is said, he broke his
leg, which put a stop for some time to his journey. The persons in whose

BERNARD GILPIN. 423

After the publication of the councell of Trent, when by chance
there happened some discourse betwixt M. Gilpin and Thomas
Lever, and Lever had asked the question, what Mr. Gilpin
thought touching that councell : " The fathers of the councell of
Trent" (saith he) " have done the church a very shrewd turne :
for that which was indifferent before times they leave not so now.
I remember that bishop Tonstall often tolde me that pope Inno-
cent the third had done very unadvisedly, in that he had made
the opinion of transubstantiation an article of faith : seeing in
former times it was free to holde or refuse that opinion. More-
over the bishop tolde me that he did not doubt but that himselfe,
if he had beene in that councell, could have prevailed with the
pope to have let that businesse alone. And what he judged con-
cerning transubstantiation, the same may a man resolve touching
all popery after the publication of the councel of Trent ; for that
which was indifferent before, now they doe not suffer so to be.
Therefore I suppose that the times of our forefathers, though
oppressed with much ignorance, were happier farre then the
ensuing ages can be under the papists : because they have now
altered in the councel of Trent many institutions of the auncient
church. For whereas they have placed a part of the rule of faith
in traditions, that is a thing which was never done in the church
before. Many things which were permitted to be taught in the
church formerly touching justification and the sacraments are
not now tolerated. And upon these occasions the fathers of the
councel of Trent have laid upon other churches a necessity of
making a seperation from the church of Rome : wherein me
thinks that they have not dealt advisedly: for the church is
thereby distracted into differences and factions, and whatsoever
was formerly indifferent 5 in doubtfull points, the fathers of Trent
have made it all necessary, and tooke upon them a very hard
taske."

There were some papists, who perceiving Mr. Gilpin quite

custody he was, took occasion thence, maliciously to retort upon him an
observation he would frequently make, " That nothing happens to us, but
what is intended for our good ;" asking him, whether he thought his broken
leg was so intended ? He answered meekly, " He made no question but it
was." And indeed so it proved in the strictest sense : for before he was
able to travel, queen Mary died, and he was set at liberty." Gilpin's Life of
Bernard Gilpin, p. 216.

6 Formerly indifferent.'] See above, in the same Life, p. 388, n.

424 BERNARD GILPIN.

alienated from the popish religion, which he had first beene of in
the dayes of his ignorance in his youth, tooke many courses to
have recalled him, if they could possibly. Amongst them was
one Thomas Gelthrop, a man well descended, and a kinsman of
Mr. Gilpins. This man wrote a letter to Mr. Gilpin, wherein
he dealt earnestly with him not to forsake the religion of his
forefathers. In that letter Gelthrop amongst other things in-
serted these words. " You have a great and a good report both
at London and in all other places : and I am of this opinion that
either you will doe the church a great deal of good if you adhere
unto it, or else (which God forbid) you will stirre up more mis-
chiefe in the church than ever Arrius did. That sinne aboundeth
it is not the fault of the masse or of the mattins, but the perni-
cious doctrine and filthy life of the clergy, and of others. They
have already reformed the communion, and have published a
book of the reformed leiturgy. But this reformation hath not
removed the evill, because we see the people growne farre
worse then before." These things I found out amongst
Mr. Gilpins papers, but I could not possibly get any im in-
cut of them, the most of them were so exceeding worne and
defaced.

Unto this letter Mr. Gilpin made answer, which I found entire.
The letter had this superscription.

To his Coozen THOMAS GELTHROP.
And thus it was.

" Grace and peace. Your large letter was brought unto UK.
when I had small leisure to answer it, as he can tellyou who bringeth
back this unto you. Howbeit I thought it not fit to let him
come back without an answer, albeit the conclusion of your letter
gave me small incouragement to write. For who would tak>
paines to write unto you, seeing you are fully resolved and <I-
mined, as you affirme, never to be perswaded from your opinions
by any argument a man can bring? It could not dmse but !>••
a most grievous thing to the prophet Jeremy, when he cryed nut
to the people, Hear the word of the Lord, that they should ansurr
with a stiffe necke, we will not heare. But let us leave tl
things to the divine opeiation, which is aide to mollifie \.»ur
heart, and to open tin • an - ••!' the denfe adder that stnpjietli the
same against the voire of the charmer, chanm- lie •

BERNARD GILPIN. 425

wisely. You looke back upon the ages passed : you doe well, if
also you looke back to the times of the patriarkes, the prophets,
of Christ, and his apostles, and other holy men, with whom if you
advise without prejudice of blinded affection, they will lead you
farre from that blindnesse, from that errour, 1 may well say,
from that grosse idolatry, which crept into the church while men
slept. Whereas you are grieved at the fall of monasteries 6 and
suppression of abbeys, I am sorry you should be blinded in this
case. For very many of your owne religion have confessed that
they could not possibly subsist any longer, because the cry of
them like the cry of Sodome was ascended into the eares of God.
Their sodomiticall crimes were so manifest that they could not
be longer concealed ; the Lord could indure those wicked men no
longer. But if you call to minde what enemies those men were
to the ministry of the word of God, taking away most sacrile-
giously 7 the maintenance allowed for the ministers of the word,
hardly leaving in the most countries any one rectory unspoiled,
you would easily judge that those men could not possibly stand
and flourish any longer. This is the fruit of Luthers doctrine,
and the whole word of God truely preached, that God shall
destroy that wicked one with the breath of his mouth.

" Whereas you say that he which commeth to God must
believe ; I wish you would consider that thing rightly, that faith
and religion can never finde peace and quiet but in the sacred
word of God. Faith commeth by hearing, and hearing by the
word of God. Whence it commeth that whoso beleeveth in bulls,
indulgences, images, and many other vaine constitutions of men,
cannot possibly have true faith. All those things vanish away,
wheresoever the word of God hath power and authority. That
rest which you say that you finde in the church of Rome, your

6 Fall of monasteries.'] Compare above, Life of Cromwll, vol. ii. p. 237,
et seqq.

7 Most sacrilegiously .~\ For a learned and interesting historical account of
the origin and progress of the appropriation of churches, and the artifices
used by the monks to get the revenues of benefices into their own hands, the
evil consequences of which have never since ceased to be felt, but are still
operating to a most lamentable degree, see H. Wharton's Defence of Plurali-
ties, p. 113 — 17, edit. 2d; and Kennett on Impropriations, p. 21—37. Also
Kennett's Preface to Two Tracts De non temerandis Ecclesiis by Sir H. Spel-
man, and Dr. Thomas Ryves's Poor Vicar's Plea ; where we are told that the
appropriated churches amount to 3845, and the churches not appropriate are
but 5439, through all England and Wales.

426 BERNARD GILPIN.

catholick church forsooth, if you take not the better heed, will
undoubtedly faile you in your greatest necessity. You say that
you doe not finde in that religion any thing opposite to the
gospell. But if you looke narrowly into it, you may see in that
religion the word of God rejected, the Golden Legends 8 and

8 The Golden Legends.] The evils connected with this sad suhject are for-
cibly described by Henry Wharton, in his Preface to bishop Pecock's Trea-
tise proving Scripture to be the Rule of Faith, 4to, 1C88, as follows :

" Religion had now passed through so many ignorant and barbarous ages,
the means of greater knowledge had been so studiously hidden from the
people, and the ignorance of the laity was so advantageous to the interests of
the clergy, that the true spirit of Christianity seemed to be wholly lost, and
had degenerated into shows and ceremonies, many of which where unlawful,
but almost all unuseful. And not only this fatal stupidity and idle supersti-
tion had generally possessed the minds of men, but all remedies were detested,
and all artifices used to continue the disease

"The incredible fables of legends, and incurable itch of lying for the
honour of their saints and patrons, which then reigned among all the monas-
tic orders, (which was almost the only subject on which they preached,) and
was fondly received by the credulous multitude, were one of the greatest
scandals and most pernicious abuses in the church at that time. The greater
and more necessary articles of faith, and all genuine and rational knowledge
of religion, had generally given place to fabulous legends and romantic
stories : fables which in this respect only differed from those of the ancient
heathen poets, that they were more incredible, and less elegant." P. xxxiv.
xxxvi.

It is some consolation, however, to know, that in the progress of the refor-
mation, the Romish partizans themselves, unable to withstand the remon-
strances of the protestants, gradually grew to be ashamed of these lying
wonders, which in the days of their fathers had almost entirely superseded
the use, and destroyed the taste and relish for the simple and unaffected
truths of the evangelical history. Tims Bristowe in his Motives to the Ca-
tholic Faith, about fifteen years after the accession of Elizabeth, complains of
the protestants for what he calls " their peevish scoffing at some uncertain, or
false miracles, which they read " (says he) " in I know not what Legenda
Aurea, and such other obscure apocryphal writings," fol. 16. edit. 1599. And
even so early as the year 1 530, William Tindal tells sir Thomas More, " As
for your own miracles, of which ye make your boast, ye have feigned them so
grossly throughout all your legends of saints, that ye be now ashamed of
them, and would fain be rid of them, if ye wist how, with honesty." Works,
p. 301. Answer to sir Thomas More's Dialogue.

And yet, after all, if any one would possess, to his heart's content, as
strong an evidence as can easily be given, of the malignant influence upon
the moral perceptions both of priest and people, of an habitual training and
custom of reading and hearing such prodigies as those detailed in the Iv
and the Golden Legend, I need only refer him to the case of this same Hris-
, whom I have just now quoted. Scarcely have those words which I

BERNARD GILPIN. 427

Festivalls, with bulls, indulgencies, and many other things of that
sort for the most part obtruded upon men in stead of the word of
God. But here is a large field and I want leisure. I hope I
shall get opportunity to write unto you more at large concerning
these things. God open your eyes that you may see the abomi-
nation of that citty which is built upon seven hills : (Apoc. 17.)
Looke over Hierome upon that place. If in that church the
sacraments be corrupted, will you reject the grace of God when
he openeth the eyes of his servants to reforme these corruptions ?
Beware of that fearefull sentence of saint John : He that is filthy
let him be filthy still. You alledge that if you should now begin
to drink of another cup, &c. quite forgetting that in the church
of Rome your selfe and all other laymen are utterly excluded
from the cup, contrary to the manifest commandement of God,
Drinke ye all of this. Your learnedest doctors of Lovaine with
many others were not able to defend so great an abuse of the
supper. If you call us hereticks, and fly from us, because we
have forsaken so great abuses, superstitions and errours, to the
end that we might draw neare to the sacred word of God, and
holy institutions of Christ, we can appeale from your uncharitable
prejudice, and are able to say with Saint Paul, / little esteeme to
le judged of you, it is the Lord which judgeth me.

"But you alledge that is a perillous thing to heare our
sermons. So said the persequutours of saint Stephen, (Acts
7,) and stopped their eares. So spoke Amazia touching Amos
the prophet. (Amos 7.) The land is not able to beare all his
words, like unto which are those whom David compareth to the
deafe adder which stoppeth her eares, (Psal. 58.) Like unto
whom were many in the time of the apostles unto whom the
gospell was hid, in whom the God of this world hath blinded the
minds of unbelievers, that the light of the gospell should not
shine upon them.

" Touching those Romane thunder-claps 9 there is no great

adduced passed his lips, before, in the same work, and in the immediate con-
text, as if to take the full advantage of the candour in which he had indulged,
he proceeds to adduce as " true miracles," in that day of keen controversy
and comparative illumination, tales, I will venture to say, as monstrous and
incredible, as any that are contained in any of the lives of the saints, or in
the legends of the very darkest ages. See chap. v. Miracles dogmatical,
chap. vi. Miracles personal, and chap. vii. Visions.

g Those Romane thunder-claps.'] The pope's bull against queen Elizabeth,
&c. &c. See Life of Jewel, p. 324.

428 BERNARD GILPIN.

cause why we should be afraid : those bugbeares were invented
to affright children, they are not to be feared by men of yeares.
Erasmus calleth them Bruta fulmina, foolish false-fires. If there
were in the pope and his cardinalls, who curse us with so much
bitternesse, but the least resemblance of Peter and Paul ; had
they the fervent charity of those holy men, and their exquisite
diligence to feed the flocke of Christ day and night, with other
apostolick vertues; then were their threats to be feared: but
they have changed the humility of Peter into the pride of
Lucifer, the poverty and daily labours of the apostles into the
riches of Cresus, and into the lazinesse and luxury of Sardana-
palus. To conclude, what agreement is there betwixt light and
darknesse I God hath promised in the second of Malachy, that
he will curse their blessings, or turne their blessings into curses,
who consider not in their hearts to give glory unto his name.
See Hierom upon the third of Esay: Those which call you
blessed, seduce you. How many thousands of men are seduced
by indulgencies, which are extended to many thousands of yeares,
if the price be according ? The world seeth and is greeved to
beholde how the brothers of Saint Johns Hospitall, had granted
licences to those who had laid violent hands upon themselves to
enjoy the buriall of other Christians, with many such like flatter-
ing fictions.

" As touching the life of your grandmother, I never heard but
well ; but I suppose she was a superstitious woman. If she
kept you at home with her out of her tender and naturall affec-
tion onely, and not to prevent your knowledge of the gospel 1. 1
shall desire pardon for my mistaking. Yet many men are per-
suaded that she and your uncles withheld both from your selfe
and your sisters a great part of the portion which was left unto
you. But let these things passe ; seeing I have not beene able
to effect, nor have effected as yet any thing for you, that money
which was givi-n to me by legacy, I will bestow upon your sister,
if it please her, with some addition also, because I am persuaded
she hath more need of it.

"As concerning the catholick church, God is my \vitn«
that it is the whole desire of mine heart, and mine assured con-
fidence, that I shall die a member of it. But it' I shall be so
farre misled by the pompous outside of the church of Rome, as
to approve those intolleralde abuses, superstitions, and idnlati
\\hich so many \\ay«^ roll (iod of his honour. I should not 1»« 1

BERNARD GILP1N. 429

my selfe a member of Jesus Christ. If you approve of none
interpretation of Scriptures, but what proceeds from Rome, you
may easily affirme whatsoever you please. There is nothing so
absurd, or so contrary to the truth of the eternall God, which
may not be wrested by their corrupt glosses, as it may seeme to
serve to a wicked cause. With such kinde of men is no disputa-
tion to be held. As for that which you inferre touching Arrius,
and the rest of that ranke, it is nothing to the purpose. For all
the writings of the prophets, together with other manifest Scrip-
tures, whereunto we ought to have recourse in doubts of this
nature, and to be concluded by them, doe evidently confound
Arrius, and all the rest his partakers. Consubstantiality, which
the Greeks call bpovmov, is confirmed by very many evident tes-
timonies of Scripture. But so is not transubstantiation, which
hath so molested the braines of Scotus, Occam, Biel, and all the
schoole divines, that many a time they are shrewdly put to it,
what they had best say for removing the absurdities which arise
therefrom. Therefore it is apparent that it is a meere fiction
without any foundation of Scripture. So that Scotus (as bishop
Tonstall did many times ingenuously confesse) was of opinion
that the church might better, and with more ease make use of
some more commodious exposition of those words in the holy
supper. And the bishop was of the minde that we ought to
speake reverently of the holy supper, as did the auncient fathers,
but that the opinion of transubstantiation might well be let alone.
This thing also the same bishop Tonstall was wont to affirme
both in words and writings, that Innocent the third knew not
what he did when he put transubstantiation among the articles
of faith ; and he said that Innocentius wanted learned men about
him ; and indeed, (saith the bishop) if I had beene of his councell,
I make no doubt but I might have beene able to have disswaded
him from that resolution. When Mr. Chedsey said that the
catholicks should doe well to give way in the article of transub-
stantiation, I heard not himselfe speak the words, but one which
heard him tolde me. Whereas you write touching the imprison-
ment of him and others x, truly I am of the opinion, that as for
this present life, they live most quietly. Nor doe I think that
themselves could have made choice of a more retired kinde of

1 The imprisonment of him and othersJ] Comp. Strype's Annals, vol. i.
p. 142—8, edit. 2. Life of Parker, p. 89- 140—2.

430 BERNARD GILPIX.

life, if the sting of conscience trouble them not, for maintaining
a cause that is not good, but built upon the sand. But if you
will needes have it that man must of necessity connive at the
beastly and abominable lives of so many Romane bishops, above
thirty ; you may also finde fault with our Saviour himselfe, for
discovering so plainly the pernicious enormities, both of the
Pharisees, (who in those times were accounted forsooth the holy
fathers) and also of their fathers then dead : you may blame also
the prophet Esay, who will not have evill men to be called good,
denouncing a curse against that man, who calleth him holy
that is not holy : find fault also with saint Bernard, who calleth
them the ministers of antichrist. Those things which other
godly men have written to this purpose, doe worthily excuse us.
He blameth those things openly concerning which he confesseth
that it is a shame to speake. I reveale not hidden things (saith
he) but I reproove things publickely knowne : unto which thing
we are even obliged by the commandement of God. (Esaia,
58. 1.) Shew my people their sinnes.

" Whereas you say that five sacraments are rejected by us,
you doe not say well, rejected, for wee use them reverently,
according to the word of God ; nor doe we take away 2 the name
of the sacrament, as the word sacrament is generally used, as \vas
the washing of feete, and many other things which may retaine
the name of a sacrament in generall, as also they doe among the
fathers. But the auncient fathers and some schoole-men doe
ainrme, that onely baptisme and the eucharist are properly called
sacraments. It is also the testimony of Bessarion *. l We read '
(saith he) 'of these two sacraments onely manifestly delivered in
the gospell.' I wonder at you that you doe so wrest the words
of saint Paul to such a sence, as that out of those words all tlio

8 Nor doe we take away.'] Thus in the first book of homilies, Against
Swearing and Perjury, p. 59, edit. 1802, matrimony is expressly styled a sacra-
ment ; " By like holy promise the sacrament of matrimony knitteth man and
wife in perpetual love." And again, speaking of the ordering of ministers, it
is said, that " neither it nor any other sacrament else, be such sacraments as
baptism and the communion are. But in a general acceptation, the name of
a sacrament may be attributed to any thing, whereby an holy thing is sig-
nified." p. 299.

8 Bessarion.] It will perhaps be difficult to find this quotation amongst the
mass of cardinal Bessarion's writings. The student will find a copious list of
them in Fabricius's Bibliotheca Grttca, vol. x. p. 402, edit. 1721 ; or in vol. xi.
p. 424 of Harlcs's edition.

BERNARD GILPIN. 431

ceremonies of the masse may be established : whereas you cannot
be ignorant, that the greatest part of them hath ben added many
ages after by the bishops of Rome. Wee reade also that the
apostles consecrated with the words of the gospell, and with the
Lords prayer. Moreover, whereas saint Paul had even at that
time ordayned already, that the people should not only eate the
bread with the minister (as his owne words doe manifestly proove)
but also drinke of the cup, you see how these fellowes have utterly
robbed the church of that ordination of Christ and his apostles :
but how justly, or by what good authority they have done thus,
let themselves looke unto it, I could never in my reading find
out the ground of that authority. I find the contrary; to
wit, that all men are altogether forbidden to alter any thing
touching the word and will of God, delivered in the holy
Scriptures.

u You say that the Scriptures allow prayer for the dead, and
that you know this well enough. Saint Hierom saith, that the
booke of Macchabes is profitable for manners, not to establish
doctrine. You alledge that saint Augustine doubted in many
places whether there be a purgatorie. If that be a doubtfull poynt,
then it is not to be obtruded as an article of faith : but to be left
indifferent. For, faith is a substance: (Heb. 11. 1.) and faith
ought not to waver, saith saint James. The bishop of Rochester *
writeth concerning purgatory, that amongst the auncients, there
was either little or no mention of it. And so long as there was
no care taken for purgatorie, no man sought 5 after indulgences.
And so those innumerable gaynes by pardons were never knowne
before purgatory was found. What shall we now say to bee
meant by those wordes of saint Paul, esteeming gayne godlines, if
this be not it ? This mart hath fed and still doth feed many idle
bellyes, who stoutly drive away the word of God to the best of
their ability, that they may not loose their swine. Howbeit at
the last the truth shall prevail, however these men have conspired
together.

" As touching that which you adde concerning the invocation
of saints, saint Augustine exhorteth us rather to stand to the
Scriptures, then either to his writings, or the writings of others :

4 The bishop of Rochester.] Bishop Fisher.

5 No man sought.'] See Hooker, book vi. c. 5. § 9. Works, vol. iii. p.
87—Q. Keble's edit.

432 BERNARD GILPIN.

and not to build upon his writing without the authoritie of Scrip-
tures. And surely in this poynt my conscience is resolved, that
there is not one poynt of all these which are controverted, that is
proved by more evident testimonyes of Scripture, then this, that
God alone is to be prayed unto, and by one mediator, namely
Jesus Christ. Bom. 10. 13. How shall they call on him in
whome they have not beleeved ? \Ve must beleeve in God onely,
therefore he onely is to bee prayed unto. That distinction touch-
ing invocation and advocation, that albeit you allow not the invo-
cation of saints, at the least you allow their advocation, is
frivolous: because as those men robb Christ of his honour, who
seeke another mediator, so these are no lesse injurious to Christ,
who seeke another advocate, because we have Christ an advocate
with the father. (1 Joh. 2. 1.) and Esai. 63. affirmeth that
Abraham knoiceth us not. Truly I assure my selfe, that Abraham
the father of the faithfull, is no lesse a saint, than any other of the
saints in heaven. You say, you beleeve the communion of saints,
which we also doe all of us beleeve : but you inferre thereupon, that
you understand not how there can be a communion of saints, if the
saints departed doe not pray for us, and we call upon them for
assistance. But the church of Christ understandeth the commu-
nion of saints farre otherwise. For in the usuall phrase of Scrip-
ture, saints are not understood to be those that are departed, and
whose soules are in heaven, but those who are living here on the
earth. Nor shall you almost thorough the whole Scripture of the
Old and New testament find the name of saint given to any man.
but that thereby is understood a saint living heere on the earth.
Yea, sometimes the Scripture speaketh more expressly, as in Psal.
16.3: to the saints which are on the earth : all my delight is in
them. If any man ever had or could have a communion with the
saints in heaven, surely David had it. But he cxpoundeth the
communion wherewith he was acquainted, that is the communion
of saints on earth. So saint John expoundeth this poynt, 1 John
1 . 3. What we have seene and Jcnowne that declare we unto you,
that yee also may have communion with us, and that our communion
may be with God, and with his son Jesus Christ. First, all the
church of Christ have communion with the apostolick church,
that you may have communion with us. Secondly, this communion
of saints shall consist in the preaching tin- word, and in the parti
ripation of diverse gifts for the edification of t he church in puhh'cke
and private prayers. Thirdly, but in powering out of our pra\

BERNARD GILPIN. 433

we have communion with the Father and the Sonne, or with the
Father by the Sonne. Heere is no mention at all, no respect had
to the saints departed. This communion according to the words
of holy Scripture extendeth no further then to the church on
earth. The saints departed are not called in Scripture simply
saints, but the Congregation of the first borne in heaven, and the
spirits of just and perfect men. (Heb. 12. 23.) After this life
we shall have communion with them, but as for those who require
this communion with them in this life, let them either product
from the Scripture what they say, or let them heare that sentence
of our blessed Lord, In vaine doe ye worship me, teaching for doc-
trines the traditions of men. (Math. 15.9.)

" I confesse that if you have respect to the use of this our age,
or some former ones, the deceased are called saints ; but it is not
the custome of this or that age, but the rule of the holy Scrip-
ture that is propounded for our imitation. — But what doe we con-
tending about this point ! Those men who stand so hard for
invocation of saints shall grant it us to be a thing indifferent : for
indeed it is the safest way to goe to the fountaine of mercy it
selfe, and let the streames alone. Nor suffer those men to per-
swade you, who say that they detract nothing from God, by direct-
ing their prayers to the saints : for no man can detract from God
more than he who transferreth the worship due to God alone unto
the creature. For invocation is a part of divine worship : and this
worship hee communicateth to no creature, who will not give his
glory to another.

" As for your arguments touching images, and fasting (which
point of fasting God forbid that either I or any one should deny,
yea rather we exhort all persons to the practice of it, onely we
desire to have the superstition and wicked opinions remooved)
together with those other arguments touching relicks and exor-
cisms in casting out uncleane spirits forsooth, which thing when it
leadeth to idolatry is the signe of a false prophet: (Deut. 13.) ;
although answer might be made to all these with much ease, yet
because I now want leisure, as being over laden with imployments,
in regard that I am destitute of a curate at this time, and have a
very large parish to visite, and also my body is weak, and subject
to faint with wearinesse, being worne out with paynes taking :
therefore in all these respectes, I have thought it fitting to deferre
mine answere to these points untill another time.

" If you be unwilling to come to Houghton upon Sunday next,

VOL. III. F f

434 BERNARD GILPIN.

because you will not be an offence to my parishioners (in which
case you cannot blame me if I appeare very carefull of my pa-
rishioners, in regard of the great charge laid upon me, for it is
apparent in the times of the prophets, and in all succeeding ages
since, that the vulgar people have been too prone to superstition,
and a mischief doth increase easily, and creep further in one day,
then good lessons in a whole moneth,) therefore, Sunday excepted
(unlesse you will come up into the quire, which in my judgment
you ought not to refuse), if you come straightwayes after the
Sabbath day is ended, and depart about Saterday noone, you
shall be heartily welcome : therefore that excuse which you
pretend ought not to retarde your accesse. And although your
last conclusion doe (as I told you already) take away all hope and
confidence from a man who shall conferre with you, yet I will not
cease to hope better things touching your conversion then you
seeme to hope of your selfe. Saint Paul had once a firm resolu-
tion to dye a pharisy, and a persecuter of Christians ; but God
had reserved for him the treasure of power and mercy, to the end
that he might ordayne him to preach that glorious name which
he had formerly persecuted. I commend you to the goodnes of
the almightie God, which is able by the spirit of knowledge, to
leade you into all truth. Fare ye well. From Houghton the 14
of October, 1580

" Your loving uncle,

"BERNARD GILIMX."

So long as bishop Pilkinton lived, Mr. Gilpin had a most kind
friend of him, after whose decease Richard Barnes succeeded ° in
the bishopricke. This man was somewhat offended with Mr.
Gilpin : and hereby hangeth a story which I must fetch some-
what farre. Mr. Gilpin was accustomed sometimes to ride to
Oxford, especially in his younger time when he was able to
endure travell. Now it happened upon a time as he was upon
his way towards Oxford, that he espyed by the way side a youth
one while walking and another while running. Mr. (iilj»in de-
manded of him who he was, whence he came, and whither he was
going. He made answer that he came out of Wales, and that

6 Richard Barnes succeeded.] He was elected to the see of Durham April
5th, 1577. Le Neve's Fasti, p. 347.

BERNARD GILPIN. 435

he was bound for Oxford with intent to be a scholler. Mr. Gilpin
examineth the youth, and findeth him a prompt scholler in the
Latine, and that he had a little smattering in the Greeke. " And
wilt thou" (saith Mr. Gilpin) "be contented to goe with me?
I will provide for thee." The youth was contented : whereupon
Mr. Gilpin tooke him along with him first to Oxford, afterwards
to Houghton, where he profited exceedingly both in Greeke
and Hebrew : whom Mr. Gilpin at the last sent to Cambridge.
And this was that famous Hugh Broughton so exceeding apt in
learning the Greeke and Hebrew, but a man of a most inconstant
nature. For when Mr. Gilpin grew olde, whether it was in ex-
pectation of Mr. Gilpins parsonage, or for some other cause, it is
reported that he procured Mr. Gilpin to be troubled and molested
by the bishop of Durham. Now so it fell out, that whiles the
bishops minde began to be turned from Mr. Gilpin, the bishop
sendeth unto him and giveth him notice that it is his pleasure to
have him to preach at a visitation in time and place appointed.
Which thing fell out at the very same instant when Mr. Gilpin
was preparing for his accustomed northerne journey, to wit,
amongst them of Kiddesdale and Tindale : wherefore he dispatched
his servant unto the bishop to make his excuse unto him, and to
informe his lordship the reason of his purposed journey ; and to
intreat the bishop that he be pleased to appoint some other to
preach at the visitation, seeing there were many who would be
willing enough to preach at the visitation, but that there was not
a man who would performe that duty among those borders if he
neglected it : and that at any other time he would be ready to
performe his duty. The servant having beene with the bishop
returneth to his master, who demanded of him whether hee had
made his excuse to the bishop : "I have," saith he. u Well, and
what" (saith Mr. Gilpin) "was the bishops answer?" Where-
unto the servant answered, the bishop made no reply, but held
his peace. " Qui tacet, consentire videtur" saith Mr. Gilpin :
"He that replyeth not seems to consent." Therefore Mr.
Gilpin went on with his progresse. Which thing so soon as the
bishop understood, he presently suspended Mr. Gilpin from all
ecclesiastical imployment. Mr. Gilpin returning home findeth
himselfe suspended, a thing that he little dreamed of, yet he
tooke it patiently. The bishop having notice that Mr. Gilpin
was returned home, sendeth unto him instantly, warning him to

rf 2

436 BERNARD GILPIN.

meete him and the rest of the clergy at Chester 7. Mr. Gilpin
being come to Chester findeth there the bishop with many of the
clergy, who were all commanded to assemble themselves in the
church. The bishop had at that time a brother of his owne one
John Barnes who was his chancellour, a man, of whom it is hard
to say whether he was more lustfull or more covetous: who
whereas he should have beene the man that ought to have re-
formed many enormities in the diocesse, was indeed the authour
of them, permitting base and dishonest persons to escape scot-
free for a piece of money, so that the bishop had a very ill report
every where. When they were all met together the bishop
calleth Mr. Gilpin unto him, and saith, Mr. Gilpin, I must have
you preach to day. Mr. Gilpin desired to be excused, " for I
came not11 (saith he) "provided; and moreover I am sus-
pended." " But I can free you " (saith the bishop) " from that
suspension, and doe now free you.1'' Mr. Gilpin replyed, that he
durst not goe up into the pulpit unprovided. "But we know'"1
(saith the bishop) " that you are never unprovided, for you have
now gotten such an habit of preaching, that you are able to per-
forme it, if you please, even upon the sodaine." Mr. Gilpin
remained unmoovable in his resolution, answering that God \\as
not so to be tempted, saying that it was well with him, if he were
able to performe any thing in this kinde upon mature delibera-
tion. W hereunto the bishop replyed, " I command you upon
your canonicall obedience to goe up into the pulpit forthwith."
Mr. Gilpin delaying the time a little while, answered: "Will
sir, seeing it can be none otherwise, your lordships will be done :"
and after a little pause began his sermon. As hee was in his
sermon hee observed some extraordinarily prepared who wrote all
he spoke. But yet he proceedeth in his sermon, untill he came
to a word of exhortation, and reprehension of vices. At the la>t
he proceeded to the reproofe of those enormities which then
raigned in that diocesse, and were every where spoken of. And
now, saith he, " Reverend father, my speech must be directed to
your fatherhood. God hath exalted you to be bishop of this
diocese, and God requireth an account of your government

7 At Chester.'] Chester le Street, between Durham and Newcastle. " A
towne in the diocese of Durham, where the bishops of that see formerly
resided." Gilpin's Life of Bernard Gilpin, p. 277.

BERNARD GILPIN. 437

thereof: a reformation of all those matters which are amisse in
this church is expected at your hands, and an account thereof
is required. And now lest perhaps, while it is apparant that so
many enormities are committed every where, your lordship should
make answer that you had no notice of them given you, neither
did these things ever come to your knowledge," (which words
Mr. Gilpin used, because hee knew well enough that this was the
bishops usual answer, that whensoever men made any complaints
against the evill government of the chancellor, the bishop was
accustomed to say, alas, these things I never knew of: what is
done can not be undone; I will take a better order in these
matters hereafter, if any such shall come to my knowledge.)
" Beholde," said Mr. Gilpin, " I bring these things to your know-
ledge this day : let not your lordship say these crimes have beene
committed by the fault of others without your knowledge : for
whatsoever either your self shall doe in person, or suffer through
your connivency to be done by others, is wholy your owne.
Therefore in the presence of God, his angels, and men, I pro-
nounce your fatherhood to be the author of all those evills, yea,
and in that strict day of the generall account I shall be a witnes
to testifie against you that all these things have come to your
knowledge by my means ; and all these men shall beare witnesse
hereof who have heard me speaking unto you this day." Now
whiles that Mr. Gilpin thundered out these things, hee did
thereby put all his friends into a great feare, and distrust what
would become of him. Therefore when he had made an end of
his sermon, his friends came about him and tolde him with
teares, that now at last the bishop had gotten that advantage
against him which hee had long desired and sought for. u You
have," say they, " put a sword into his hand to slay you : if
heretofore he hath beene offended with you without a cause,
what may you now expect from him, who being provoked shall
make use of his owne power to injure you by right or wrong?"
To whom Mr. Gilpin made answer, saying : "Be not afraid : the
Lord God overruleth us all : so that the truth may be propa-
gated, and God glorified, Gods will be done concerning me."
After the sermon they met all together at dinner, and all men
were afraid that the bishop would have done Mr. Gilpin some
shrewd turn for his sermon, and silently expected what would
become of the matter. After dinner Mr. Gilpin commeth to the
bishop to see him, and to take leave of him, and so to returne

438 BERNARD GILPIN.

homewards. " It shall not be so," said the bishop, •' for I will
bring you to your house :" And so Mr. Gilpin returned home in
the company of the bishop.

And when they were now come to Mr. Gilpin's house, and
walked within into the parlour, the bishop upon a sodaine caught
Mr. Gilpin by the hand, and used these words upon him:
" Father Gilpin, I acknowledge you are fitter to be bishop of
Durham, then my selfe to be parson of this church of yours. 1
aske forgiveness for err ours passed ; forgive me, father : I know
you have hatched up some chickens that now seeke to pick out
your eyes ; but so long as I shall live bishop of Durham, be
secure, no man shall injure you." Mr. Gilpin's friends, that is
all good men, began to rejoyce, and to give God thanks, ac-
knowledging the powerfull hand of God, in that the bishop being
so offended with him, was so prevented by the power of God, as
that the thing which he had purposed for his disgrace, should
turne to his greater credit. In the meane while Mr. Gilpin
reaped the fruit of a pious life in all plentifull manner.

After that age began to grow upon him, there was in the towne
of Newcastle one Genison who had received to home a sonne of
his owne brothers lately returned from the parts beyond the seas.
This Genison was much aggrieved for that his brothers sonne was
(as he understood) made a jesuite : whereupon hee sent the
young man to Mr. Gilpin, intreating him to have a care of him,
and to disswade him if he could possibly from his wicked and
dangerous opinions. After that Mr. Gilpin had often conferred
with him, he found the young fellow most insolently proud, and
armed with boldnesse and impudence, corrupting the holy Scrip-
tures with certaine new and unheard of expositions. \V hereupon
Mr. Gilpin wrote to his uncle Mr. Genison, that he was a most
audacious young fellow, and came not to him to be instructed,
but to teach him rather.

" The young fellow," saith he, " thinking I know not how, a
great deal too well of himselfe, had an hope to draw me at these
yeares, to acknowledge certaine absurdities. I see that the jesuites
have found out certaine new expositions of Scripture never hennl
of heretofore : they cast away all respect, and set upon men with
impudency. 'liny «lare prove the invocation of saints from
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. This fellow doth obstinately aflirm
that the church of Koine hath not erred in any one tliin-j,. Their
mo>t horrible erronrs touclnn^; indulgences, falsified mira<-

BERNARD GILPIN. 439

falsified reliques, pilgrimages, worshipping of images, and the rest
of the same sort, all these this wonderful man findeth out in the
gospell. And hee standeth upon it stiffely that all these things
are good and holy. I desire not to have any more to doe with
such a monstrous kinde of men, with such fierce natures, who
open their mouthes against heaven ; for what is it to open their
mouthes against heaven, if this be not, so violently and disgrace-
fully to handle the holy Scriptures 2 they have devised and daily
doe devise horrible strange expositions, such as were never heard
of before in the church of Rome. I therefore desire to rid mine
hands of this fellow as of a scabbed sheepe, for feare he might
infect my whole flocke."

After that his leane body was quite worne out 8 with diversity
of paines-taking, at the last even feeling before hand the approach
of death, he commanded the poore to be called together, unto
whom hee made a speech, and tooke his leave of them. After-
wards he did the like to others. He fell sick about the latter end
of February, and after many exhortations used to the schollers,
to his servants, and to divers others, at the last he fell asleep in
the Lord in great peace, the fourth day of March, in the yeare of
our Lord 1583, and in the 66 yeare of his age.

He was tall of stature, and slender, being hawke-nosed. His
clothes were ever such as cost not very deare. He could never
away with gay apparell. In things belonging to his owne body he
was very frugall, and retained the austerity of the auncient. In
things which might tend to the good of others he was exceeding
bountifull, especially towards poore people and schollers. He
desired still to keep his dores open 9 for the entertainment of any

8 Quite worne outJ] " While he was thus struggling with an advanced age,
and impaired constitution, he met with an accident, which entirely destroyed
his health. As he was crossing the market-place at Durham, an ox ran at
him, and pushed him down with such violence, that it was imagined the
bruises he received would have occasioned his death. He lay long confined ;
and though he again got abroad, he never recovered even the little strength
he had before, and continued lame as long as he lived. But accidents of this
kind were no very formidable trials to a mind so well tempered as his. It
was a persuasion he had long entertained, that misfortunes are intended by
Providence to remind us of our neglected duty : and thus he always used
them, making self-examination the constant attendant upon whatever cala-
mities befel him. To this it was owing that he was never dejected by misfor-
tunes : but received them rather with thankfulness than repining." Gilpin's
Life of Bernard Gilpin, p. 296.

9 To keep his dores open.'] " Strangers and travellers found a chearful

440 BERNARD GILPIN.

poore, or stranger. In his ovvne house he boorded and kept at
the most foure and twenty schollers, sometimes fewer, but
seldome. The greater number of his boorders were poore mens
sonnes, upon whom he bestowed meat, drink, and cloth, and
education in learning. He was wont to enterteine his parishioners
and strangers at his table not onely at the Christmas time, as the
custome is, but because he had a large and wide parish, and a
great multitude of people, he kept a table for them every Sunday
from Michaelmas to Easter. He had the gentlemen, the hus-
bandmen, and the poorer sort set every degree by themselves, and
as it were ordered in ranks. He was wont to commend the
marryed estate in the clergy, howbeit himselfe lived and dyed a
single man. He bestowed in the building, ordering and establish-
ing of his schoole, and in providing yearly stipends for a schoole-
master and an usher, the full summe of five hundred pounds : out
of which schoole he supplied the church of England with great
store of learned men. He was carefull to avoid not onely all evill
doing, but even the lightest suspicions thereof. And he was
accounted a saint in the judgements of his very enemies if he had
any such. Being full of faith unfeigned, and of good workes, he
was at the last put into his grave as a heap of wheat in due time
swept into the garner.

reception. All were welcome that came : and even their beasts had so much
care taken of them, that it was humorously said, ' If a horse was turned
loose in any part of the country, it would immediately make its way to the
rector of Houghton's.' " Gilpin's Life of Bernard Gilpin, p. 284.

" Whatever (says the same writer) " becomes of the notion of the soul's
transmigration, one would imagine, however, that Mr. Gilpin's example at
least had its influence upon the rectors of Houghton; for perhaps few
parishes in England can boast such a succession of worthy pastors, as that
parish can since Mr. Gilpin's death." p. 314.

We may believe that the influence of this good man's example did not stop
here. His amiable biographer himself, it is well known, spent a long life,
distinguished by purity of manners, useful learning, deeds of charity and
piety, and an apostolical zeal in the discharge of his duties as a preacher of
the gospel. His good works in kind as well as degree, and some of the cir-
cumstances of his life, can hardly fail to call back, to those who are at all
acquainted with the particulars, the memory of Bernard Gilpin : to whom
perhaps he was very little inferior, excepting in so far as his powers of doing
good were limited by a less portion of the gifts of fortune.

RICHARD HOOKER.

To the churches of the Roman communion we can say that ours is
reformed: to the Reformed churches we can say that ours is orderly and
decent ; for, we were freed from the impositions and lasting errors of a
tyrannical spirit, and yet from the extravagancies of a popular spirit too. Our
reformation was done without tumult, and yet we saw it necessary to reform ;
we were zealous to cast away the old errors, but our zeal was balanced with
consideration and the results of authority : not like women or children when
they are affrighted with fire in their clothes : we shook off the coal indeed,
but not our garments, lest we should have exposed our churches to that
nakedness which the excellent men of our sister churches complained to be
among themselves.

BISHOP TAYLOB.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE Life of HOOKER, written by Izaac Walton, was first pub-
lished, separately, in the year 1665 (which is the date in the title
page,) or rather at the latter end of the year 1664. It is here
printed, as are the Lives of Donne, Wotton, and Herbert, from
the fourth edition of the year 1675. Dr. Zouch informs us that
he has thought it " expedient to deviate from the edition of 1675
in the Life of Mr. Hooker, by adopting that which was last
revised by Walton, and is prefixed to Hooker's Works printed at
London in 1723, and at Oxford in 1793, yet without admitting
those passages which Mr. Strype has introduced into the text."
It is to be regretted that in this deviation so much deference was
paid to Mr. Strype's example. The preference was an unlucky
one. For the copy which Strype prefixed to Hooker's Works in
1723, was no other than the first edition of 1665, or rather per-
haps, that which was prefixed to Hooker's Works in 1666, and
wanted, therefore, the corrections and improvements which were
introduced by the author in his subsequent revisions. — In the
present edition, the additions introduced by Mr. Strype are
retained. They tend considerably to illustrate Hooker's opinions
respecting some important points of doctrine ; and to exhibit in
its true colours the character of that great and good man.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE AND REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,

GEORGE1,

LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER,
AND PRELATE OF THE MOST NOBLE ORDER OF THE GARTER.

MY LORD,

I DID, some years past, present you with a plain relation of the
life of Mr. RICHARD HOOKER, that humble man, to whose
memory princes and the most learned of this nation have paid a
reverence at the mention of his name. — And, now, with Mr.
Hooker's I present you also the Life of that pattern of primitive
piety, Mr. GEORGE HERBERT ; and with his, the Life of Dr.
DONNE, and your friend Sir HENRY WOTTON, all reprinted. —
The two first were written under your roof; for which reason, if
they were worth it, you might justly challenge a dedication : and
indeed, so you might of Dr. DonneX and Sir Henry Wotton's :
because, if I had been fit for this undertaking, it would not have
been acquired learning or study ; but the advantage of forty years
friendship, and thereby the hearing and discoursing with your
lordship, that hath enabled me to make the relation of these lives
passable (if they prove so) in an eloquent and captious age.

And indeed, my lord, though these relations be well-meant
sacrifices to the memory of these worthy men ; yet, I have so
little confidence in my performance, that I beg pardon for super-
scribing your name to them ; and desire all that know your lord-

1 George.~\ George Morley, who had previously been clean of Christ
Church, Oxford, and bishop of Worcester.

446 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.

ship, to apprehend this not as a dedication, (at least by which you
receive any addition of honour ;) but rather, as an humble, and a
more public acknowledgment of your long-continued, and your
now daily favours to,

My Lord,

Your most affectionate

and most humble servant,

IZAAC WALTON.

TO THE READER.

THOUGH the several introductions to these several lives have
partly declared the reasons how and why I undertook them ;
yet, since they are come to be reviewed, and augmented, and
reprinted; and the four are now become one book; I desire
leave to inform you that shall become my reader, that when I
sometimes look back upon my education and mean abilities, it is
not without some little wonder at myself, that I am come to be
publicly in print. And though I have in those Introductions
declared some of the accidental reasons that occasioned me to be
so ; yet, let me add this to what is there said ; that, by my
undertaking to collect some notes for sir Henry Wotton's writing
the life of Dr. Donne, and by sir Henry's dying before he per-
formed it, I became like those men that enter easily into a law-
suit, or a quarrel, and having begun, cannot make a fair retreat
and be quiet, when they desire it. — And really, after such a
manner I became engaged into a necessity of writing the life of
Dr. Donne, contrary to my first intentions : and that begot a
like necessity of writing the life of his and my ever-honoured
friend, sir Henry Wotton.

And having writ these two lives, I lay quiet twenty years,
without a thought of either troubling myself or others, by any
new engagement in this kind, for I thought I knew my unfitness.
But about that time Dr. Gauden 2 (then lord bishop of Exeter)
published the life of Mr. Richard Hooker, (so he called it) with
so many dangerous mistakes, both of him and his books, that dis-

2 Dr. Gauden.'] This life was prefixed t<3 " the works of Mr. Richard
Hooker in eight books of ecclesiastical polity, now compleated, as with the
sixth and eighth, so with the seventh, out of his own manuscripts, never
before published, 1662." Folio.

448 THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.

coursing of them with his grace, Gilbert [Sheldon] that is now
lord archbishop of Canterbury, he enjoined me to examine some
circumstances, and then rectify the bishop's mistakes, by giving
the world a fuller and a truer account of Mr. Hooker and his
books than that bishop had done : and I know I have done
so. And, let me tell the reader, that till his grace had laid this
injunction upon me, I could not admit a thought of any fitness in
me to undertake it : but when he had twice enjoined me to it,
I then declined my own, and trusted his judgment, and submitted
to his commands; concluding that if I did not, I could not
forbear accusing myself of disobedience ; and indeed of ingrati-
tude for his many favours. Thus I became engaged into the
third life.

For the life of that great example of holiness Mr. George
Herbert, I profess it to be so far a free-will offering, that it was
writ chiefly to please myself; but yet not without some respect
to posterity ; for though he was not a man that the next age can
forget, yet many of his particular acts and virtues might have
been neglected, or lost, if I had not collected and presented
them to the imitation of tbose that shall succeed us : for I
humbly conceive writing to be both a safer and truer preserver
of men's virtuous actions than tradition, especially as it is
managed in this age. And I am also to tell the reader, that
though this life of Mr. Herbert was not by me writ in haste, yet
I intended it a review before it should be made public : but that
was not allowed me, by reason of my absence from London when
it was printing ; so that the reader may find in it some mistakes,
some double expressions, and some not very proper, and sonx-
that might have been contracted, and some faults that are not
justly chargeable upon me but the printer : and yet I hope none
so great as may not by this confession purchase pardon from a
good-natured reader.

And now, I wish that as that learned Jew Josephus .-md
others, so these men had also writ their own lives : but since it
is not the fashion of these times, I wish their relations or friends
would do it for them, before delays make it too difficult. And
desire this the more, because it is an honour due to the <1
and a generous debt due to those that shall live, and succeed us;
and would to them prove both a content and satisfaction. For,
\vliL'ii the next age shall (as this does) admire the learning a IK
clear reason wliirh that excellent <-;iMii-t doctor Sanderson (tl

THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. 449

late bishop of Lincoln) hath demonstrated in his sermons and
other writings ; who, if they love virtue, would not rejoice to
know that this good man was as remarkable for the meekness
and innocence of his life, as for his great and useful learning ;
and indeed, as remarkable for his fortitude, in his long and
patient suffering (under them that then called themselves the
Godly Party) for that doctrine, which he had preached and
printed, in the happy days of the nation's and the church's
peace : and who would not be content to have the like account of
doctor Field 3 that great schoolman, and others of noted learn-
ing ? And though I cannot hope that my example or reason can
persuade to this undertaking, yet I please myself that I shall
conclude my preface, with wishing that it were so.

I. W.

3 Account of doctor Field.'] Le Neve, in the year 1/16, edited " Some short
Memorials concerning the Life of that reverend divine Doctor Richard
Field, the learned author of Five Books of the Church ; written by his son
Nathaniel Field, rector of Stourton in the countie of Wilts," creditable to
the memory of the father, and the filial piety of the son ; but yet not exten-
sive enough to preclude the wish for a njore detailed narrative of the life of
so eminent and amiable a man.

VOL. in. G g

THE COPY OF A

LETTER WRIT TO MR. IZAAC WALTON,

BY DOCTOR KING4,

LORD BISHOP OF CHICHESTER.

HONEST IZAAC,

THOUGH a familiarity of more than forty years continuance and the
constant experience of your love even in the worst of the late sad
times, be sufficient to endear our friendship ; yet, I must confess my
affection much improved, not only by evidences of private respect
to many that know and love you, but by your new demonstration
of a public spirit, testified in a diligent, true, and useful collec-
tion of so many material passages as you have now afforded me
in the life of venerable Mr. Hooker ; of which, since desired by
such a friend as yourself, I shall not deny to give the testimony
of what I know concerning him and his learned books : but, shall
first here take a fair occasion to tell you, that you have been
happy in choosing to write the lives of three such persons, as
posterity hath just cause to honour ; which they will do the more
for the true relation of them by your happy pen ; of all which I
shall give you my unfeigned censure.

I shall begin with my most dear and incomparable friend, Dr.
Donne, late dean of St. Paul's church, who not only trusted me
as his executor, but three days before his death delivered into my
hands those excellent sermons of his now made public ; pro-

4 Doctor Kwg.~\ Henry King, dean of Rochester, son of John King,
bishop of London; consecrated bishop of Chichester 19th Dec. 1641 : died
in 16G9.

Gg 2

452 THE COPY OF A LETTER

fessing before Dr. Whiiff, Dr. Montford, and, I think, yourself,
then present at his bed side, that it was by my restless impor-
tunity, that he had prepared them for the press ; together with
which (as his best legacy) he gave me all his sermon-notes, and
his other papers, containing an extract of near fifteen hundred
authors. How these were got out of my hands, you, who were
the messenger for them, and how lost both to me and yourself,
not now reasonable to complain : but, since they did miscarry, I
am glad that the general demonstration of his worth was so fairly
preserved, and represented to the world by your pen in the
history of his life ; indeed so well, that beside others, the best
critic of our latter time (Mr. John Hales of Eaton college)
affirmed to me, uhe had not seen a life written with more
advantage to the subject, or more reputation to the writer, than
that of Dr. Donne."

After the performance of this task for Dr. Donne, you under-
took the like office for our friend sir Henry Wotton: betwixt
which two there was a friendship begun in Oxford, continued in
their various travels, and more confirmed in the religious friend-
ship of age : and doubtless this excellent person had writ the life
of Dr. Donne, if death had not prevented him ; by which meanes
his and your pre-collections for that work fell to the happy
manage of your pen : a work which you would have declined, if
imperious persuasions had not been stronger than your modest
resolutions against it. And I am thus far glad, that the first
life was so imposed upon you, because it gave an unavoidable
cause of writing the second : if not, it is too probable, we had
wanted both, which had been a prejudice to all lovers of honour
and ingenious learning. And let me not leave my friend sir
Henry without this testimony added to your's ; that he was a
man of as florid a wit and as elegant a pen, as any former (or
ours which in that kind is a most excellent) age hath ever
produced.

And now having made this voluntary observation of our two
deceased friends, I proceed to satisfy your desire concerning what
I know and believe of the ever-memorable Mr. Hooker, who was
schismaticorum malleus, so great a champion for the church of
England's rights against the factious torrent of separatists, that
then ran high against church discipline: and in his unanswerable
books continues to be so against the unquiet disciples of their
schism, which now under other names still carry on their design :

TO MR. IZAAC WALTON. 453

and who (as the proper heirs of their irrational zeal) would again
rake into the scarce closed wounds of a newly bleeding State and
Church.

And first, though I dare not say that I knew Mr. Hooker ;
yet, as our ecclesiastical history reports to the honour of St.
Ignatius that he lived in the time of St. John, and had seen him
in his childhood ; so, I also joy that in my minority I have often
seen Mr. Hooker with my father 5, who was after bishop of Lon-
don ; from whom, and others, at that time, I have heard most of
the material passages which you relate in the history of his life ;
and, from my father received such a character of his learning,
humility, and other virtues, that like jewels of invaluable price,
they still cast such a lustre as envy or the rust of time shall never
darken.

From my father I have also heard all the circumstances of
the plot to defame him ; and how sir Edwin Sandys outwitted
his accusers and gained their confession ; and I could give an
account of each particular of that plot, but that I judge it fitter
to be forgotten, and rot in the same grave with the malicious
authors.

I may not omit to declare, that my fathers knowledge of Mr.
Hooker was occasioned by the learned Dr. John Spencer, who
after the death of Mr. Hooker was so careful to preserve his in-
valuable sixth, seventh, and eighth books of Ecclesiastical Polity,
and his other writings, that he procured Henry Jackson, then of
Corpus Christi college, to transcribe for him all Mr. Hooker's
remaining written papers ; many of which were imperfect, for his
study had been rifled, or worse used, by Mr. Chark, and another,
of principles too like his ; but, these papers were endeavoured to
be completed by his dear friend Dr. Spencer, who bequeathed
them as a precious legacy to my father, after whose death they
rested on my hand, till Dr. Abbot, then archbishop of Canterbury,
commanded them out of my custody, by authorizing Dr. John
Barkeham to require, and bring them to him to his palace in
Lambeth; at which time, I have heard, they were put in the
bishops library, and that they remained there till the martyrdom
of archbishop Laud, and were then, by the brethren of that fac-
tion given, with all the library, to Hugh Peters 6, as a reward for

5 My father.'] John King, dean of Christ Church, Oxford; elected bishop
of London, 7 Sept. 1611, and 30 March 1621.

6 Hugh Peters.'] "To this account of what was once intended or expected
to augment the grandeur and utility of the Lambeth treasures, may be added

454 THE COPY OF A LETTER

his remarkable service in those sad times of the church's confu-
sion : and though they could hardly fall into a fouler hand, yet,
there wanted not other endeavours to corrupt and make them
speak that language for which the faction then fought, which
indeed was to subject the sovereign power to the people.

But I need not strive to vindicate Mr. Hooker in this particu-
lar : his known loyalty to his prince whilst he lived, the sorrow
expressed by king James at his death, the value our late sovereign
(of ever-blessed memory) put upon his works, and now, the sin-
gular character of his worth by you given in the passages of his
life, especially in your appendix to it, do sufficiently clear him
from that imputation : and I am glad you mention how much
value Thomas Stapleton, pope Clement the VIII., and other
eminent men of the Romish persuasion, have put upon his books ;
having been told the same in my youth by persons of worth that
have travelled Italy.

Lastly, I must again congratulate this undertaking of your's, as
now more proper to you than any other person, by reason of your
knowledge and alliance to the worthy family of the Cranmers (my
old friends also) who have been men of noted wisdom, especially
Mr. George Cranmer, whose prudence added to that of sir Edwin
Sandys, proved very useful in the completing of Mr. Hooker's
matchless books ; one of their letters I herewith send you, to

the notice of another loss in the dispersion of part of Archbishop Laud's
collections. The benefactions of this primate to the Bodleian library, and
to St. John's College, Oxford, are well known. But his entire library of
books and manuscripts in this palace was plundered, according to Dr. Duca-
rel's account, by colonel Scott in 1644 ; and as the journals of the House of
Commons relate, " books to the amount of £100 were bestowed upon Hugh
Peters out of the archbishop's private library : and the said study being ap-
praised at above £40 more than the £100, it was ordered, that Mr. Peters shall
have the whole study of books freely bestowed upon him." There was indeed
an order of parliament in May, 1660, "That all books and papers heretofore
belonging to the library of the archbishop of Canterbury, and how, or lately,
in the hands of Mr. Hugh Peters, be forthwith secured," but after the grant
of them to such a man, and after such a lapse of time, how could the order
prove entirely effectual ? The benefactions to Oxford had fortunately reached
their destination, before the fury of civil war subjected the palace of Lambeth
to military devastation, and consigned to ignorance and knavery what ha<l
been amassed for wisest purposes by learning and liberality. From the Pre-
face to Archdeacon Todd's excellent Catalogue of the Archiepiscopal Manu-
scripts at Lambeth Palace. Fol. 1812. Of this volume, a lasting record of
the munificence of his grace the late archbishop [Manners-Sutton], it is only
to be regretted that so few copies were printed and distributed.

TO MR. IZAAC WALTON. 455

make use of, if you think fit. And let me say further; you
merit much from many of Mr. Hooker's best friends then living ;
namely, from the ever-renowned archbishop Whitgift, of whose
incomparable worth, with the character of the times, you have
given us a more short and significant account than I have received
from any other pen. You have done much 7 for the learned sir
Henry Savile, his contemporary and familiar friend ; amongst the
surviving monuments of whose learning (give me leave to tell you
so) two are omitted ; his edition of Euclid, but especially his
translation of king James's Apology for the oath of allegiance
into elegant Latin ; which flying in that dress as far as Eome,
was by the pope and conclave sent to Salamanca unto Franciscus
Suarez (then residing there as president of that college) with a
command to answer it. And it is worth noting, that when he had
perfected the work, which he calls Defensio Fidei Catholicce, it
was transmitted to Rome for a view of the inquisitors; who accord-
ing to their custom blotted out what they pleased, and (as Mr.
Hooker hath been used since his death) added whatsoever might
advance the pope's supremacy, or carry on their own interest :
commonly coupling together deponere et occidere^ the deposing,
and then killing of princes. Which cruel 'and unchristian lan-
guage Mr. John Saltkel, the amanuensis to Suarez, when he wrote
that answer, (but since a convert, and living long in my father's
house,) often professed, the good old man (whose piety and charity
Mr. Saltkel magnified much) not only disavowed, but detested.
Not to trouble you further : your reader, if (according to your
desire, my approbation of your work carries any weight) will here
find many just reasons to thank you for it ; and possibly for this
circumstance here mentioned (not known to many) may happily
apprehend one to thank him, who heartily wishes your happiness,
and is unfeignedly,

Sir,
Your ever-faithful and

affectionate old friend,

HENRY CHICHESTER.
Chichester, Novem. 17, 1664.

7 You have done much.] This has been understood to imply that Walton
had composed a distinct life of sir Henry Savile : and accordingly search has
been made for the manuscript : but in vain. I apprehend that the bishop
only refers, as in the like case of Whitgift, to the commendations pronounced
upon sir Henry, in the Life of Hooker.

INTRODUCTION.

I HAVE been persuaded, by a friend8 whom I reverence, and
ought to obey, to write the Life of RICHARD HOOKER, the happy
author of five (if not more) of the eight learned books of the Laws
of Ecclesiastical Polity. And, though I have undertaken it, yet,
it hath been with some unwillingness ; because, I foresee that it
must prove to me, and especially at this time of my age, a work
of much labour to enquire, consider, research, and determine
what is needful to be known concerning him : for, I knew him
not in his life, and must therefore not only look back to his death,
now sixty-four years past ; but, almost fifty years beyond that ;
even to his childhood and youth, and gather thence such observa-
tions and prognosticks, as may at least adorn, if not prove neces-
sary for the compleating of what I have undertaken.

This trouble I foresee ; and foresee also, that it is impossible
to escape censures ; against which, I will not hope my well-mean-
ing and diligence can protect me, (for I consider the age in which
I live) and shall therefore but intreat of my reader a suspension
of his censures, till I have made known unto him some reasons,
which I myself would now gladly believe do make me in some
measure fit for this undertaking : and, if these reasons shall not
acquit me from all censures, they may at least abate of their seve-
rity, and this is all I can probably hope for.

My reasons follow.

About forty years past, (for I am now past the seventy of my
age) I began a happy affinity with William Cranmer (now with
God) grand nephew unto the great archbishop of that name, a
family of noted prudence and resolution ; with him and two of
his sisters, I had an entire and free friendship : one of them was

s By a friend.'] Gilbert Sheldon, archbishop of Canterbury. See Epistle
to the Reader above, p. 448.

458 INTRODUCTION.

the wife of Dr. Spencer9, a bosom-friend, and sometime corn-pupil
with Mr. Hooker in Corpus-Ohristi college in Oxford, and after
president of the same. I name them here, for that I shall have
occasion to mention them in this following discourse; as also
George Cranmer their brother, of whose useful abilities my
reader may have a more authentic testimony, than my pen
can purchase for him, by that of our learned Cambden, and
others.

This William Cranmer, and his two forenamed sisters, had
some affinity, and a most familiar friendship with Mr. Hooker ;
and had had some part of their education with him in his house,
when he was parson of Bishops-Borne near Canterbury, in which
city their good father then lived. They had (I say) a part of
their education with him, as myself since that time a happy
cohabitation with them; and having some years before read
part of Mr. Hooker's works with great liking and satisfaction,
my affection to them made me a diligent inquisitor into many
things that concerned him ; as namely, of his person, his nature,
the management of his time, his wife, his family, and the fortune
of him and his. Which inquiry hath given me much advantage
in the knowledge of what is now under my consideration, and
intended for the satisfaction of my reader.

I had also a friendship with the reverend Dr. Usher, the late
learned archbishop of Armagh, and with Dr. Morton, the late
learned and charitable bishop of Durham; as also with the
learned John Hales of Eaton-college ; and with them also (who
loved the very name of Mr. Hooker) I have had many discourses
concerning him : and from them, and many others that have now
put off mortality, I might have had more informations, if I could
then have admitted a thought of any fitness for what by persuasion
I have now undertaken. But, though that full harvest be irre-
coverably lost, yet, my memory hath preserved some gleaning,
and my diligence made such additions to them, as I hope will
prove useful to the compleating of what I intend : in the disco \
of which I shall be faithful, and with this assurance put a period
to my Introduction.

9 Wife of Dr. Spencer.'] This alliance is omitted in the pedigree prefixed
to archdeacon Todd's Life of Cranmer.

RICHARD HOOKER.

IT is not to be doubted but that Richard Hooker was born at
Heavy-tree, near, or within the precincts, or in the city of Exeter;
a city which may justly boast, that it was the birthplace of him,
and sir Thomas Bodley ; as indeed the county may in which it
stands, that it hath furnished this nation with bishop Jewel, sir
Francis Drake, sir Walter Ealeigh, and many others, memorable
for their valour and learning. He was born about the year of
our redemption 1553, and of parents that were not so remarkable
for their extraction or riches, as for their virtue and industry,
and God's blessing upon both ; by which they were enabled to
educate their children in some degree of learning, of which our
Richard Hooker may appear to be one fair testimony ; and that
nature is not so partial, as always to give the great blessings
of wisdom and learning, and with them the greater blessings of
virtue and government, to those only that are of a more high and
honourable birth *.

1 And honourable birth.'] In the year 1540 the cathedral church at Can-
terbury was changed from a monastery into a corporation of secular clergy,
dean and prebendaries, with choristers and scholars attached ; and when they
came to elect the children into the grammar-school, several of the commis-
sioners would have none admitted but sons of gentlemen. To this, arch-
bishop Cranmer being of a contrary mind said,

" That he thought it not indifferent so to order the matter. For, said he,
poor men's children are many times endued with more singular gifts of
nature, which are the gifts of God, as with eloquence, memory, apt pronun-
ciation, sobriety, and such like, and also commonly more apt to apply their
study, than is the gentleman's son delicately educated. — Hereunto it was on
the other part replied : That it was meet for the ploughman's son to go to
plough, and the artificer's son to apply the trade of his parent's vocation :
and the gentleman's children are meet to have the knowledge of government
and rule in the commonwealth. For we have, said they, as much need of
ploughmen, as of any other state : and all sorts of men may not go to

460 RICHARD HOOKER.

His complexion (if we may guess by him at the age of forty)
was sanguine, with a mixture of choler ; and yet, his motion was
slow even in his youth, and so was his speech, never expressing
an earnestness in either of them, but an humble gravity suitable
to the aged. And it is observed (so far as inquiry is able to look
back at this distance of time) that at his being a school-boy he
was an early questionist, quietly inquisitive, " Why this was, and
that was not, to be remembered ? Why this was granted, and
that denied ?" This being mixt with a remarkable modesty, and
a sweet serene quietness of nature, and with them a quick appre-
hension of many perplext parts of learning imposed upon him as
a scholer, made his master and others believe him to have an
inward blessed divine light, and therefore to consider him to be
a little wonder. For in that, children were less pregnant, less
confident, and more malleable, than in this wiser, but not better
age.

This meekness and conjuncture of knowledge with modesty in
his conversation, being observed by his schoolmaster, caused
him to persuade his parents (who intended him for an appren-
tice) to continue him at school, till he could find out some means,
by persuading his rich uncle, or some other charitable person, to
ease them of a part of their care and charge; assuring them,
that their son was so enriched with the blessings of nature and
grace, that God seemed to single him out as a special instrument
of his glory. And the good man told them also, that he would
double his diligence in instructing him, and would neither expect
nor receive any other reward, than the content of so hopeful and
happy an employment.

school. — I grant, replied the archbishop, much of your meaning herein, as
needful in a commonwealth ; but yet utterly to exclude the ploughman's son,
and the poor-man's son from the benefit of learning, as though they were
unworthy to have the gifts of the Holy Ghost bestowed upon them, as well
as upon others, is as much as to say that almighty God should not be at
liberty to bestow his great gifts of grace upon any person, or any where else,
but as we and other men shall appoint them to be employed, according to
our fancy, and not according to his most godly will and pleasure who giveth
his gifts both of learning and other perfections in all sciences, unto all kinds
and states of people indifferently. Even so doth He many times withdraw
from them and their posterity again those beneficial gifts, if they be not

thankful Wherefore if the gentleman's son be apt to learning, let him

be admitted ; if not apt, let the poor-man's child that is apt enter his room."
Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. Sp.

RICHARD HOOKER. 4(11

This was not unwelcome news, and especially to his mother, to
whom he was a dutiful and dear child ; and all parties were so
pleased with this proposal, that it was resolved so it should be.
And in the mean time, his parents and master laid a foundation
for his future happiness, by instilling into his soul the seeds of
piety, those conscientious principles of loving and fearing God ;
of an early belief, that He knows the very secrets of our souls ;
that He punisheth our vices, and rewards our innocence ; that we
should be free from hypocrisy, and appear to man what we are to
God, because first or last the crafty man is catched in his own
snare. These seeds of piety were so seasonably planted, and so
continually watered with the daily dew of God's blessed spirit,
that his infant virtues grew into such holy habits, as did make
him grow daily into more and more favour both with God and
man ; which, with the great learning that he did after attain to,
hath made Eichard Hooker honoured in this, and will continue
him to be so to succeeding generations.

This good schoolmaster, whose name I am not able to recover
(and am sorry, for that I would have given him a better memo-
rial in this humble monument, dedicated to the memory of his
scholar) was very solicitous with John Hooker, then chamberlain
of Exeter, and uncle to our Kichard, to take his nephew into his
care, and to maintain him for one year in the university, and in
the mean time to use his endeavours to procure an admission for
him into some college, though it were but in a mean degree ;
still urging and assuring him, that his charge would not continue
long, for the lad's learning, and manners were both so remark-
able, that they must of necessity be taken notice of; and, that
doubtless God would provide him some second patron, that
would free him and his parents from their future care and
charge.

These reasons, with the affectionate rhetoric of his good master,
and God's blessing upon both, procured from his uncle a faithful
promise, that he would take him into his care and charge before
the expiration of the year following, which was performed by him,
and with the assistance of the learned Mr. John Jewel ; of whom
this may be noted, that he left, or was about the first of queen
Mary's reign, expelled out of Corpus-Christi college in Oxford
(of which he was a fellow) for adhering to the truth of those
principles of religion, to which he had assented and given testi-
mony in the days of her brother and predecessor Edward the

462 RICHARD HOOKER.

sixth : and this John Jewel having within a short time after a
just cause to fear a more heavy punishment than expulsion, was
forced, by forsaking this, to seek safety in another nation ; and
with that safety, the enjoyment of that doctrine and worship, for
which he suffered.

But the cloud of that persecution and fear ending with the life
of queen Mary, the affairs of the church and state did then look
more clear and comfortable ; so that he, and with him many
others of the same judgment, made a happy return into England
about the first of queen Elizabeth; in which year, this John
Jewel was sent a commissioner or visitor 2 of the churches of the
western parts of this kingdom, and especially of those in Devon-
shire, in which county he was born : and then and there he
contracted a friendship with John Hooker, the uncle of our
Richard.

About the second or third year of her reign, this John Jewel
was made bishop of Salisbury ; and there being always observed
in him a willingness to do good, and to oblige his friends, and
now a power added to this willingness ; this John Hooker gave
him a visit in Salisbury, " and besought him for charity's sake to
look favourably upon a poor nephew of his, whom nature had
fitted for a scholar, but the estate of his parents was so narrow,
that they were unable to give him the advantage of learning ;
and that the bishop would therefore become his patron, and pre-
vent him from being a tradesman ; for he was a boy of remark-
able hopes/1 And though the bishop knew, men do not usually
look with an indifferent eye upon their own children and rela-
tions, yet he assented so far to John Hooker, that he appointed
the boy and his schoolmaster should attend him about E ;
next following at that place ; which was done accordingly ; and
then, after some questions and observations of the boy^s learning
and gravity, and behaviour, the bishop gave his schoolmaster ;i
reward, and took order for an annual pension for the 1
parents : promising also, to take him into his care for a future
preferment, which he performed ; for, about the fifteenth year of
his age, which was anno 1567, he was by the bishop appointed to
remove to Oxford, and there to attend Dr. Cole s then president

2 Or visitor.'] See above, Life of Jewel, p. 349, and Life of Giljrin,
p. 419.

3 Dr. Cole.'] William Cole; see Wood's Athena Oxon. Bliss's edition.

RICHARD HOOKER. 463

of Corpus-Christ! college: which he did; and Dr. Cole had
(according to a promise made to the bishop) provided for him
both a tutor (which was said to be the learned Dr. John Rey-
nolds) and a clerk's place in that college : which place, though it
were not a full maintenance, yet with the contribution of his
uncle, and the continued pension of his patron the good bishop,
gave him a comfortable subsistence. And in this condition he
continued unto the eighteenth year of his age, still increasing in
learning and prudence, and so much in humility and piety, that
he seemed to be filled with the Holy Ghost, and even like St.
John Baptist, to be sanctified from his mother's womb ; who did
often bless the day in which she bare him.

About this time of his age he fell into a dangerous sickness,
which lasted two months: all which time his mother, having
notice of it, did in her hourly prayers as earnestly beg his life of
God, as Monica the mother of St. Augustine did that he might
become a true Christian ; and, their prayers were both so heard
as to be granted. Which Mr. Hooker would often mention with
much joy, " and as often pray that he might never live to occa-
sion any sorrow to so good a mother ; of whom, he would often
say, he loved her so dearly, that he would endeavour to be good
even as much for hers, as for his own sake."

As soon as he was perfectly recovered from this sickness, he
took a journey from Oxford to Exeter, to satisfy and see his good
mother, being accompanied with a countryman and companion of
his own college, and both on foot ; which was then either more
in fashion, or want of money, or their humility made it so : but
on foot they went, and took Salisbury in their way, purposely to
see the good bishop, who made Mr. Hooker and his companion
dine with him at his own table ; which Mr. Hooker boasted of
with much joy and gratitude when he saw his mother and friends.
And at the bishop's parting with him, the bishop gave him good
counsel, and his benediction, but forgot to give him money;
which when the bishop had considered, he sent a servant in all haste
to call Richard back to him, and at Richard's return, the bishop
said to him, " Richard, I sent for you back to lend you a horse,
which hath carried me many a mile, and I thank God with much
ease," and presently delivered into his hand a walking-staff, with
which he professed he had travelled through many parts of Ger-
many ; and he said, " Richard, I do not give, but lend you my
horse ; be sure you be honest, and bring my horse back to me

464 RICHARD HOOKER.

at your return this way to Oxford. And I do now give you ten
groats to bear your charges to Exeter ; and here is ten groats
more, which I charge you to deliver to your mother, and tell her,
I send her a bishops benediction with it, and beg the continuance
of her prayers for me. And if you bring my horse back to me, I
will give you ten groats more to carry you on foot to the college ;
and so God bless you, good Richard."

And this, you may believe, was performed by both parties.
But, alas ! the next news that followed Mr. Hooker to Oxford
was, that his learned and charitable patron had changed this
for a better life. Which happy change may be believed, for
that as he lived, so he died, in devout meditation and prayer,
and in both so zealously, that it became a religious question,
whether his last ejaculations, or his soul, did first enter into
heaven.

And now Mr. Hooker became a man of sorrow and fear ; of
sorrow, for the loss of so dear and comfortable a patron ; and of
fear, for his future subsistence. But Dr. Cole raised his spirits
from this dejection, by bidding him go cheerfully to his studies,
and assuring him he should neither want food nor raiment (which
was the utmost of his hopes) for he would become his patron.

And so he was for about nine months, and not longer; for
about that time, this following accident did befall Mr. Hooker.

Edwin Sandys (sometime bishop of London, and after arch-
bishop of York) had also been in the days of queen Mary forced,
by forsaking this, to seek safety in another nation ; where for
some years bishop Jewell and he were companions at bed and
board in Germany : and, where in this their exile they did often
eat the bread of sorrow; and by that means they there be^un
such a friendship, as lasted till the death of bishop Jewel, which
was in September 1571. A little before which time, the two
bishops meeting, Jewel had an occasion to begin a story of hi*
Richard Hooker, and in it gave such a character of his learning
and manners, that though bishop Sandys was educated at Cam-
bridge, where he had obliged and had many friends; yet his
resolution was, that his son Edwin should be sent to Corpi
Christi college in Oxford, and by all means be pupil to Mr.
Hooker, though his son Edwin was not much younger than Mr.
Hooker then was : for, the bishop said, " 1 will have a tutor fc
my son that shall teach him learning by instruction, and virti
by example; and my greatest <-aiv shall be of the last;

RICHARD HOOKER. 465

(God willing) this Richard Hooker shall be the man into whose
hands I will commit my Edwin." And the bishop did so about
twelve months, or not much longer after this resolution.

And doubtless as to these two a better choice could not be
made : for Mr. Hooker was now in the nineteenth year of his
age, had spent five in the university, and had by a constant
unwearied diligence attained unto a perfection in all the learned
languages ; by the help of which, an excellent tutor, and his
unintermitted studies, he had made the subtilty of all the arts easy
and familiar to him, and useful for the discovery of such learning
as lay hid from common searchers ; so that by these added to his
great reason, and his restless industry added to both, he did not
only know more of causes and effects, but what he knew, he
knew better than other men. And with this knowledge he had
a most blessed and clear method of demonstrating what he knew,
to the great advantage of all his pupils (which in time were
many) but especially to his two first, his dear Edwin Sandys, and
his as dear George Cranmer ; of which there will be a fair testi-
mony in the ensuing relation.

This for Mr. Hooker's learning. And for his behaviour,
amongst other testimonies this still remains of him, that in four
years, he was but twice absent from the chapel prayers ; and
that his behaviour there was such as shewed an awful reverence
of that God which he then worshipped and prayed to ; giving all
outward testimonies that his affections were set on heavenly
things. This was his behaviour towards God : and for that to
man, it is observable that he was never known to be angry, or
passionate, or extreme in any of his desires: never heard to
repine or dispute with providence, but by a quiet gentle submis-
sion and resignation of his will to the wisdom of his Creator, bore
the burthen of the day with patience ; never heard to utter an
uncomely word : and by this, and a grave behaviour, which is a
divine charm, he begot an early reverence unto his person, even
from those that at other times, and in other companies, took a
liberty to cast off that strictness of behaviour and discourse that
is required in a collegiate life. And when he took any liberty to
be pleasant, his wit was never blemished with scoffing, or the
utterance of any conceit that bordered upon, or might beget a
thought of looseness in his hearers. Thus mild, thus innocent
and exemplary was his behaviour in his college ; and, thus this

VOL. in. H h

466 RICHARD HOOKER.

good man continued till his death, still increasing in learning, in
patience and piety.

In this nineteenth year of his age, he was, December 24, 1 57">.
admitted to be one of the twenty scholars of the foundation,
being elected and so admitted as born in Devon or Hampshire,
out of which counties, a certain number are to be elected
in vacancies by the founder's statutes. And now, as he \\as
much encouraged, so now he was perfectly incorporated into
this beloved college, which was then noted for an eminent library,
strict students, and remarkable scholars. And indeed it may
glory, that it had cardinal Poole, but more, that it had bishop
Jewell, doctor John Reynolds, and doctor Thomas Jackson of
that foundation : the first famous for his learned Apology of the
church of England, and his defence of it against Harding. The
second, for the learned and wise menage of a public dispute with
John Hart (of the Romish persuasion) about the head and faith
of the church, and after printed by consent4 of both parties.

4 Printed by consent.'] It is intitled, " The summe of the conference betweene
John Rainoldes and John Hart ; touching the Head and the Faith of the Church :
penned by John Rainoldes, according to the notes set downe in writing by them
both; perused by John Hart, and, after things supplied, and altered, as he
thought good, allowed for the faithful report of that which past in conference
betweene them. 1598." 4to. In the archiepiscopal library at Lambeth, a copy
of this conference is still extant in manuscript, No. 402, signed JOHN HART.

Of this Dr. John Reynolds, and his brother William, it is told, that in their
youth, being of different religions, John a papist, and William a protestant,
and debating the matter together with a warmth compounded, as we may
easily suppose, of the controversial zeal of their times, and a brotherly solici-
tude for each other's spiritual welfare, they interchanged opinions ; John
became a zealous protestant, William as zealous a papist; and they were
both, on their several sides, distinguished for their controversial perform-
ances. " All this while " (says Fuller) " this our John Reinolds was well
affected to the Romish religion, and his brother William Reinolds earnest for
reformation ; which difference in judgment proved a fireball of contention
between them, and engaged them in a strange duel, much like to that of
Eteocles and Polynices, wherein both conquered one the other, yet neither
enjoyed the victory, nor kept his prisoner; for John Reinolds, who before
was a papist, by these bickerings became a zealous protestant, and William
Reinolds, who before had been a zealous protestant, became a Jesuits 1 j.-
and wrote most pestilent books against the church and state. Of these, Mia
plusquam civilia, among brethren, W. A. a learned divine, thus elegantly <lis-
courseth in English and Latin verses :

" Bella inter geminos plusquam civilia fratres," &c.

Fuller's Abel Redivivus, p. 47x edit. lf»:>l.

RICHARD HOOKER. 467

And, the third, for his most excellent Exposition of the Creed,
and other treatises : all, such as have given greatest satisfaction
to men of the greatest learning : nor was doctor Jackson more
note-worthy for his learning, than for his strict and pious life,
testified by his abundant love and meekness and charity to all
men.

And in the year 1576, Febr. 23, Mr. Hooker's grace was
given him for inceptor of arts, Dr. Herbert Westphaling 5, a man
of note for learning, being then vice-chancellor. And the act
following he was compleated master, which was anno 1577, his
patron doctor Cole being vice-chancellor that year, and his dear
friend Henry Savill of Merton college being then one of the
proctors. It was that Henry Savill, that was after sir Henry
Savill, warden of Merton college, and provost of Eaton: he
which founded in Oxford two famous lectures, and endowed them
with liberal maintenance.

It was that sir Henry Savill, that translated and enlightened
the history of Cornelius Tacitus with a most excellent comment ;
and enriched the world by his laborious and chargeable collecting
the scattered pieces of S. Chrysostome, and the publication of
them in one entire body in Greek ; in which language he was a
most judicious critic. It was this sir Henry Savill, that had the
happiness to be a contemporary, and familiar friend to Mr.
Hooker ; and let posterity know it.

And in this year of 1577, he was so happy as to be admitted
fellow of the college ; happy also in being the contemporary and
friend of that Dr. John Reynolds, of whom I have lately spoken,
and of Dr. Spencer; both which were after, and successively,
made presidents of Corpus- Christi college ; men of great learning
and merit, and famous in their generations. Nor was Mr. Hooker
more happy in his contemporaries of his time and college, than in
the pupillage and friendship of his Edwin Sandys and George
Cranmer ; of whom my reader may note, that this Edwin Sandys
was after sir Edwin Sandys, and as famous for his Speculum
Europce, as his brother George for making posterity beholden to
his pen, by a learned relation and comment on his dangerous and
remarkable travels, and, for his harmonious translation of the
psalms of David, the book of Job, and other poetical parts of
Holy Writ, into most high and elegant verse. And for Cranmer,

5 Westphaling.'] Afterwards bishop of Hereford,
nh 2

468 RICHARD HOOKER.

his other pupil, I shall refer my reader to the printed testimonies
of our learned Mr. Cambden, of Fines Morrison 6, and others.

' This Cranmer ' (says Mr. Cambden in his Annals of queen
Elizabeth) ' whose Christian name was George, was a gentleman
of singular hopes, the eldest son of Thomas Cranmer, son of
Edmund Cranmer, the archbishop's brother : he spent much of his
youth in Corpus- Christi college in Oxford, where he continued
master of arts for some time before he removed, and then betook
himself to travel, accompanying that worthy gentleman sir Edwin
Sandys into France, Germany, and Italy, for the space of three
years; and after their happy return he betook himself to an
employment under secretary Davison7, a privy-counsellor of
note, who for an unhappy undertaking8, became clouded and
pitied ; after whose fall, he went in place of secretary with sir
Henry Killegrew 9 in his embassage into France : and after his
death he was sought after by the most noble lord Mount- Joy l,
with whom he went into Ireland, where he remained until in a
battle against the rebels, near Carlingford 2, an unfortunate
wound put an end both to his life, and the great hopes that were
conceived of him ; he being then but in the 36th year of his
age/

Betwixt Mr. Hooker and these his two pupils, there was a
sacred friendship ; a friendship made up of religious principles,
which increased daily by a similitude of inclinations to the same
recreations and studies ; a friendship elemented in youth, and in
an university, free from self-ends, which the friendships of age
usually are not : and in this sweet, this blessed, this spiritual
amity they went on for many years ; and as the holy prophet
saith, so they took sweet counsel together, and walked in the house of

6 Morrison.'] Or Moryson, the author of the well known Itinerary. He
was secretary to Lord Mountjoy.

7 Secretary Davison.] Whose sister Anne had married John Carpenter,
maternal uncle to this Cranmer.

8 An unhappy undertaking."] The death of Mary, queen of Scots, of which
the blame was thrown on him by Elizabeth to clear herself. " Venturing
between the honor and safety of his sovereign he was ground to nothing
betwixt the fear of one party and the shame of the other." Lloyd's State
Worthies, p. G2f>.

9 Sir Henry Killegrew.] One of Lord Burghley's brothers-in-law and much
employed in embassies.

1 J^ord Mount -Joy.] Charles Blount, afterwards created earl of Devonshire.

2 Carlingford.] 13th Nov.

RICHARD HOOKER. 469

God as friends. By which means they improved this friendship
to such a degree of holy amity, as bordered upon heaven : a friend-
ship so sacred, that when it ended in this world, it began in that
next where it shall have no end.

And, though this world cannot give any degree of pleasure
equal to such a friendship ; yet, obedience to parents, and a desire
to know the affairs, manners, laws, and learning of other nations,
that they might thereby become the more serviceable unto their
own, made them put off their gowns, and leave the college and
Mr. Hooker to his studies ; in which he was daily more assidu-
ous ; still enriching his quiet and capacious soul with the precious
learning of the philosophers, casuists, and school-men ; and w,ith
them, the foundation and reason of all laws, both sacred and
civil ; and indeed, with such other learning as lay most remote
from the track of common studies. And as he was diligent in
these, so he seemed restless in searching the scope and intention
of God^s spirit revealed to mankind in the sacred Scripture : for
the understanding of which, he seemed to be assisted by the same
spirit with which they were written ; He that regardeih truth in
the inward parts, making him to understand wisdom secretly. And
the good man would often say, that God abhors confusion as con-
trary to his nature ; and as often say, that the Scripture was not
writ to beget disputations, and pride, and opposition to govern-
ment ; but, charity and humility, moderation, obedience to autho-
rity, and peace to mankind ; of which virtues, he would as often
say, no man did ever repent himself on his death-bed. And, that
this was really his judgment, did appear in his future writings,
and in all the actions of his life. Nor was this excellent man
a stranger to the more light and airy parts of learning, as
music and poetry : all which he had digested, and made useful :
and of all which, the reader will have a fair testimony, in what
will follow.

In the year 1579, the chancellor of the university was given to
understand, that the public Hebrew lecture was not read accord-
ing to the statutes ; nor could be, by reason of a distemper that
had then seized the brain of Mr. Kingsmill, who was to read it ;
so that, it lay long unread, to the great detriment of those that
were studious of that language : therefore, the chancellor writ to
his vice-chancellor, and the university, that he had heard such
commendations of the excellent knowledge of Mr. Richard
Hooker in that tongue, that he desired he might be pro-

470 RICHARD HOOKER.

cured to read it : and he did, and continued to do so, till he left
Oxford.

Within three months after his undertaking this lecture (namely
in October 1579,) he was with Dr. Reynolds, and others expelled
his college ; and this letter transcribed from Dr. Reynolds^ own
hand, may give some account of it.

To sir Francis Knolles.

" I am sorry, right honourable, that I am enforced to make
unto you such a suit, which I cannot move, but I must complain
of the unrighteous dealing of one of our college ; who hath taken
upon him against all law and reason, to expel out of our house,
both me and Mr. Hooker, and three other of our fellows, for
doing that which by oath we were bound to do. Our matter
must be heard before the bishop of Winchester, with whom I do
not doubt, but we shall find equity. Howbeit, forasmuch as some
of our adversaries have said, that the bishop is already forestalled,
and will not give such audience as we look for : therefore I am
humbly to beseech your honour, that you will desire the bishop,
by your letters, to let us have justice ; though it be with rigour,
so it be justice : our cause is so good, that I am sure we shall
prevail by it. Thus much I am bold to request of your honour for
Corpus-Christi college sake, or rather for Christ's sake : whom I
beseech to bless you with daily encrease of his manifold gifts, and
the blessed graces of his holy spirit.

" Your honour's

" in Christ to command,

"JoHN REYNOLDS."

"London, Octob. 9. 1579."

This expulsion was by Dr. John Barfoote, then vice-president
of the college, and chaplain to Ambrose8 earl of Warwick. I
cannot learn the pretended cause ; but, that they were restored
the same month is most certain.

I return to Mr. Hooker in his college, where he continued his
studies with all quietness, for the space of three years ; about
\\hicli time, lie entered into sacred orders, being then made d« .icmi

3 Ambrose.] Ambrose Dudley, brother to Robert Dudley, earl of Leico

RICHARD HOOKER. 471

and priest ; and, not long after, was appointed to preach at St.
Paul's Cross 4.

In order to which sermon, to London he cauie, and immediately
to the Shunamites house ; which is a house so called, for that,
besides the stipend paid the preacher, there is provision made also
for his lodging and diet for two days before, and one day after his
sermon 5. This house was then kept by John Churchman, some-

4 At St. Paul's Cross.] " In the elder ages, in some places, before they
had a church built, our Christian ancestors, instead of a church, were content
to perform divine service under a cross, in some open and convenient place :
and from hence we may take liberty to reflect upon the original of the service
at St. Paul's Cross in London ; and that the rather, in regard the industrious
surveyor of London's antiquities (Stowe's Survey, fol. 357) professeth that
the original or antiquity of Paul's Cross was to him unknown." Staveley's
History of Churches in England, p. 102.

" The fellows of Corpus Christi College in Oxford are obliged by their
own statutes to preach at Paul's Cross, or at St. Peter's in Oxford, in Lent,
before they can be admitted to the degree of bachelor in divinity. There
were no sermons preached before the university at the time of the foundation
of Corpus Christi College but in Lent. The university church is of a later
date." Zouch's edition, 4to, p. 225.

5 After his sermon.] This account is satisfactorily illustrated by a passage
in a sermon preached at the Cross, not long after Hooker's death, by Sam.
Collins, B.D. fellow of King's College, Cambridge ; afterwards provost, and
regius professor of divinity.

" We must speak therefore a word or two, of the worthy contributors to
the performers of the duty, which is weekly here accomplished throughout
the year, and I, for my part, have now laboured to discharge." He then
commemorates Aylmer, bishop of London, Elizabeth, countess of Shrews-
bury, and Thomas Russell, citizen of London, as the benefactors to whom
the institution was indebted for its establishment and support ; after which he
proceeds thus :

" All these that I have mentioned had this care and respect that the feet of
the saints should not be unwashed with Abraham, specially those saints that
bring with them the glad tidings of peace, and fly unto the windows with
their dove-like murmurings, as Isaiah speaketh ; that the fighters of the
Lord's battles should be refreshed with a competency of bread and wine,
meeting them in the half way, as Melchisedeck did ; that the prophets and
men of God should not want a chamber, and more than so, a table ; and
more yet, a candlestick, not empty of a light in it (saith St. Chrysostome),
but all well and conveniently furnished, with Elisseus's hostess ; that whom
the inns shut out, as too cutting for them, the manager might not receive
without a glistering oblation, which is myrrh and frankincense in the nos-
trils of God, with the wise-men that came from the east to worship Christ.
Lastly, that the keeper of the Holy Passover should not lack for a room to
celebrate his mysteries in, nor a beast to ride upon into Jerusalem, having

472 RICHARD HOOKER.

time a draper of a good note in Watling-street, upon whom
poverty had at last come like an armed man, and brought him
into a necessitous condition ; which, though it be a punishment,
is not always an argument of God's disfavour, for he was a virtu-
ous man. I shall not yet give the like testimony of his wife, but
leave the reader to judge by what follows. But to this house Mr.
Hooker came so wet, so weary, and weather-beaten, that he was
never known to express more passion, than against a friend that
dissuaded him from footing it to London, and for finding him no
easier an horse ; supposing the horse trotted, when he did not :
and at this time also, such a faintness and fear possest him, that
he would not be perswaded two days rest and quietness, or any
other means could be used to make him able to preach his Sun-
day's sermon ; but a warm bed, and rest, and drink, proper for a
cold, given him by Mrs. Churchman, and her diligent attendance
added unto it, enabled him to perform the office of the day, which
was in or about the year 1581.

And in this first public appearance to the world, he was not so
happy as to be free from exceptions against a point of doctrine
delivered in his sermon, which was, that in God there were two
wills, an antecedent, and a consequent will ; his first will, that all
mankind should be saved, but his second will was, that those only
should be saved, that did live answerable to that degree of grace
which he had offered, or afforded them. This seemed to cross a
late opinion of Mr. Calvin's, and then taken for granted by many
that had not a capacity to examine it, as it had been by him
before, and hath been since by master Henry Mason, Dr. Jackson,
Dr. Hammond, and others of great learning, who believed that a
contrary opinion intrenches upon the honour and justice of our
merciful God. How he justified this, I will not undertake to
declare, but it was not excepted against (as Mr. Hooker declares *

none of his own, with them that did our Lord the like favour and courtesy.
I mean they have all provided, that your gain should not be our loss, your
profit our hindrance, and thankless vexation both of body and purse : but
they have advanced and improved the spirituals of other men, with the loss
and flinging away of their own carnals as a gage." A Sermon preached at
Paul's Cross, Nov. 1, being All Saints' Day, 1607, p. 86—8. 4to.

6 As Mr. Hooker declares.] Answer to Mr. Traverses supplication, sect. 8.
The entire answer is one of the finest specimens of true and effective elo-
quence that ever flowed from a human heart.

Respecting the point on which he incurred the censure of Mr. Travers,
Hooker did not hesitate to maintain the same distinction, in his Ecclesiastical

RICHARD HOOKER. 473

in his rational Answer to Mr. Travers) by John Elmer7, then
bishop of London ; at this time one of his auditors ; and
at last one of his advocates too, when Mr. Hooker was accused
for it.

But the justifying of this doctrine did not prove of so bad con-
sequences, as the kindness of Mrs. Churchman's curing him of
his late distemper and cold ; for that was so gratefully appre-
hended by Mr. Hooker, that he thought himself bound in con-
science to believe all that she said ; so that the good man came to
be perswaded by her, " that he was a man of a tender constitution,
and that it was best for him to have a wife, that might prove a
nurse to him ; such an one as might both prolong his life, and
make it more comfortable ; and such a one she could and would
provide for him, if he thought fit to marry." And he not consi-
dering, that the children of this world are wiser in their generation,
than the children of light ; but, like a true Nathanael, fearing no
guile, because he meant none, did give her such a power as Elea-
zar was trusted with, (you may read it in the book of Genesis)
when he was sent to choose a wife for Isaac ; for, even so he
trusted her to choose for him, promising upon a fair summons to
return to London, and accept of her choice ; and, he did so in
that or about the year following. Now the wife provided for him,
was her daughter Joan, who brought him neither beauty nor por-
tion ; and for her conditions, they were too like that wife's which
is by Solomon compared to a dripping house ; so that the good
man had no reason to rejoice in the wife of his youth ; but too just
cause to say with the holy prophet, wo is me that I am constrained
to have my habitation in the tents of Kedar !

This choice of Mr. Hooker's (if it were his choice) may be
wondered at ; but, let us consider that the prophet Ezekiel says,
there is a wheel within a wheel, a secret sacred wheel of provi-
dence (most visible in marriages) guided by his hand, that allows
not the race to the swift, nor bread to the wise, nor good wives
to good men : and he that can bring good out of evil, (for mortals
are blind to this reason) only knows why this blessing was denied
to patient Job, to meek Moses, and to our as meek and patient

Polity, the noble fruit of his riper years ; and where, (i. e. especially in the
five first books,) as being the only part of his writings which was published
by himself, we may be best assured, that we possess his genuine, approved,
and maturest sentiments. — See Ecclesiast. Polity, book v. sect. 49.
7 Elmer.'] Aylmer.

474 RICHARD HOOKER.

Mr. Hooker. But so it was ; and, let the reader cease to wonder,
for, affliction is a divine diet, which though it be not pleasing to
mankind, yet almighty God hath often, very often, imposed it as
good, though bitter physic, to those children whose souls are
dearest to him.

And by this marriage the good man was drawn from the tran-
quillity of his college, from that garden of piety, of pleasure, of
peace, and a sweet conversation, into the thorny wilderness of a
busy world ; into those corroding cares that attend a married
priest and a country parsonage : which was Drayton Beauchamp
in Buckinghamshire, not far from Aylesbury, and in the diocese
of Lincoln : to which he was presented by John Cheny, esquire,
then patron of it, the 9th of December 1584 ; where he behaved
himself so as to give no occasion of evil, but (as St. Paul adviseth
a minister of God) in much patience, in afflictions, in anguishes, in
necessities ; in poverty, and no doubt in longsuffering : yet troubling
no man with his discontents and wants.

And in this condition he continued about a year, in which
time his two pupils, Edwin Sandys and George Cranmer, took a
journey to see their tutor, where they found him with a book in
his hand (it was the Odes of Horace) he being then like humble
and innocent Abel, tending his small allotment of sheep in a
common field, which he told his pupils he was forced to do then,
for that his servant was gone home to dine, and assist his wife to
do some necessary household business. But when his servant
returned and released him, then his two pupils attended him unto
his house, where their best entertainment was his quiet com-
pany, which was presently denied them ; for Richard was called
to rock the cradle : and the rest of their welcome was so like
this, that they staid but till the next morning, which was time
enough to discover and pity their tutor's condition ; and they
having in that time rejoiced in the remembrance, and then para-
phrased on many of the innocent recreations of their younger
days, and other like diversions, and thereby given him as much
present comfort as they were able, they were forced to leave him
to the company of his wife Joan, and seek themselves a quieter
lodging for next night. But at their parting from him. Mr.
Cranmer said, u Good tutor, I am sorry your lot is fallen in un
better ground as to your parsonage ; and, more sorry that your
wife proves not a more comfortable companion after you hav<
wearied yourself in your restless studies." To whom the good

RICHARD HOOKER. 475

man replied, " My dear George, if saints have usually a double
share in the miseries of this life, I that am none, ought not to
repine at what my wise Creator hath appointed for me, but labour,
(as indeed I do daily) to submit mine to his will, and possess my
soul in patience, and peace."

At their return to London, Edwin Sandys acquaints his father,
who was then archbishop of York, with his tutor's sad condition,
and solicits for his removal to some benefice that might give him
a more quiet and a more comfortable subsistence ; which his
father did most willingly grant him, when it should next fall into
his power. And not long after this time, which was in the year
1585, Mr. Alvie (master of the Temple) died, who was a man of
a strict life, of great learning, and of so venerable behaviour as
to gain so high a degree of love and reverence from all men ;
that he was generally known by the name of Father Alvie. And
at the Temple-reading, next after the death of this Father Alvie,
he the said archbishop of York, being then at dinner with the
judges, the reader, and benchers of that society, met with a
general condolement for the death of Father Alvie, and with a
high commendation of his saint-like life, and of his great merit
both toward God and man : and as they bewailed his death, so
they wished for a like pattern of virtue and learning to succeed
him. And here came in a fair occasion for the bishop to com-
mend Mr. Hooker to Father Alvie's place, which he did with so
effectual an earnestness, and that seconded with so many other
testimonies of his worth, that Mr. Hooker was sent for from
Drayton Beauchamp to London, and there the mastership of the
Temple proposed unto him by the bishop, as a greater freedom
from his country cares, the advantage of a better society, and a
more liberal pension than his country parsonage did afford him.
But these reasons were not powerful enough to incline him to a
willing acceptance of it : his wish was rather to gain a better
country living, where he might see God's blessings spring out of
the earth, and be free from noise (so he exprest the desire of his
heart) and eat that bread which he more might properly call his
own in privacy and quietness. But, notwithstanding this averse-
ness, he was at last perswaded to accept of the bishops proposal,
and was by patent for life8, made master of the Temple the

8 Patent for life.'] [This you may find in the Temple records.
William Ermstead was master of the Temple at the dissolution of the
priory ; and died 2 Eliz.

476 RICHARD HOOKER.

17th of March 1585, he being then in the 34th year of
his age.

[But before 9 any mention was made of Mr. Hooker for this
place, two other divines were nominated to succeed Alvey;
whereof Mr. Walter Travers, a disciplinarian in his judgment
and practice, and preacher here in the afternoons, was chief, and
recommended by Alvey himself on his death bed, to be master
after him ; and no marvel, for Alvey's and Traverses principles
did somewhat correspond. And many gentlemen of the house
desired him ; which desire, the lord treasurer Burghley was privy
to, and by their request, and his own inclination towards him,
being a good preacher, he moved the queen to allow of him ; for
the disposal of the place was in her. But archbishop Whitgift
knew the man, and his hot temper and principles, from the time
he was fellow in Trinity college, and had observed his steps ever
after : he knew how turbulently he had carried himself at the
college, how he had disowned the English established church and
episcopacy ; and went to Geneva, and afterwards to Antwerp, to
be ordained minister, as he was by Villers and Cartwright, and
others, the heads of a congregation there ; and so came back
again more confirmed for the discipline. And knowing how
much the doctrine and converse of the master to be placed here,
would influence the gentlemen, and their influence and authority
prevail in all parts of the realm, where their habitations and
estates were, that careful prelate made it his endeavour to stop
Travers coming in ; and had a learned man in his view, of prin-
ciples more conformable and agreeable to the church, namely one
doctor Bond, the queens chaplain, and one well known to her.
She well understanding the importance of this place, and know-
ing by the archbishop what Travers was, by a letter he timely
writ to her majesty upon the vacancy, gave particular order to
the treasurer to discourse with the archbishop about it.

Richard Alvey, Bat. Divinity, Pat. 13 Febr. 2 Eliz. Magister sive Custos
Domus et Ecclesia novi Templi, died 27 Eliz.

Richard Hooker succeeded that year by patent in termini* , as Alvey had it,
and he left it, 33 Kliz.

That year Dr. Balgey succeeded Richard Hooker.]

9 But before.] This and the other parts of this life of Hooker included
within brackets, are additions compiled by John Strype, as appears from his
Life of Whitgift, p. 175, and were inserted by him in the Life first prefixed
to the London edition of the works of Hooker, A.D. 1723,

RICHARD HOOKER. 477

The lord treasurer, hereupon, in a letter, consulted with the
said archbishop, and mentioned Travers to him as one desired by
many of the house. But the archbishop in his answer, plainly
signified to his lordship that he judged him altogether unfit, for
the reasons mentioned before ; and that he had recommended to
the queen Dr. Bond as a very fit person. But however she
declined him, fearing his bodily strength to perform the duty of
the place, as she did Travers for other causes. And by laying
both aside, she avoided giving disgust to either of these great
men. This Dr. Bond seems to be that Dr. Nicholas Bond that
afterwards was president of Magdalen college, Oxford, and that
was much abused by Martin Mar-Prelate.

These particulars I have collected from a letter of the arch-
bishop to the queen, and other letters that passed between the
archbishop and the lord treasurer about this affair, while the
mastership was vacant. The passages whereof taken verbatim
out of their said letters, may deserve here to be specified for the
satisfaction of the readers.

And first in the month of August, upon the death of the former
master, the archbishop wrote this letter unto the queen.

" It may please your majesty, to be advertised that the master-
ship of the Temple is vacant by the death of Mr. Alvey. The
living is not great, yet doth it require a learned discreet and wise
man, in respect of the company there : who being well directed
and taught may do much good elsewhere in the common wealth,
as otherwise also they may do much harm. And because I hear
there is a suit made unto your highness for one Mr. Travers, I
thought it my duty to signify unto your majesty, that the said
Travers hath been, and is one of the chief and principal authors
of dissention in this church, a contemner of the Book of Prayers,
and of other orders by authority established ; an earnest seeker of
innovation, and either in no degree of the ministry at all, or else
ordered beyond the seas ; not according to the form in this
church of England used. Whose placing in that room, especially
by your majesty, would greatly animate the rest of that faction,
and do very much harm in sundry respects.

" Your majesty hath a chaplain of your own, Dr. Bond, a man
in my opinion very fit for that office, and willing also to take pains
therein, if it shall please your highness to bestow it upon him.
Which I refer to your most gracious disposition: beseeching

478 RICHARD HOOKER.

almighty God long to bless, prosper, and preserve your majesty
to his glory, and all our comforts.

" Your majesty's most faithful
" servant and chaplain

"Jo. CANTUAR."
From Croyden, the
of August, 1584.

Next, in a letter of the archbishop to the lord treasurer, dated
from Lambeth, Sept. 14, 1584, he hath these words:

" I beseech your lordship to help such an one to the master-
ship of the Temple as is known to be conformable to the laws
and orders established, and a defender not a depraver of the
present state, and government. He that now readeth there is
nothing less, as I of mine own knowledge and experience can
testify. Dr. Bond is desirous of it, and I know not a fitter

The lord treasurer in a letter to the archbishop, dated from
Oatlands (where the queen now was) Sept. 17, 1584, thus
wrote.

"The queen hath asked me what I thought of Travers to be
master of the Temple. Whereunto I answered, that at the
request of Dr. Alvey in his sickness, and a number of honest
gentlemen of the Temple, I had yielded my allowance of him to
the place, so as he would shew himself conformable to the orders
of the church. Whereunto 1 was informed that he would so be.
But her majesty told me that your grace did not so allow of him.
Which I said might be for some things supposed to be written
by him in a book intitled De Disciplina Ecclesiastica. Where-
upon her majesty commanded me to write to your grace to know
your opinion, which I pray your grace to signify unto her. as ( ;<>d
shall move you. Surely it were great pity that any impediment
should be occasion to the contrary; for he is well learned.
honest, ami well allowed, and loved of the generality of that hou>e.
Mr. Bond told me, that your grace liked well of him ; and so do
I also, as of one well learned and honest; but, as 1 told him. it
he came not to the place with some applause of the compan;
shall be weary thereof. And yet I commended him unto IHT
majesty, if Travn-s should not have it. Hut her majesty think*

RICHARD HOOKER. 479

him not fit for that place, because of his infirmities. Thus
wishing your grace assistance of Gods Spirit to govern your charge
unblameably,

" Your grace's to command,

"WILL: BUKGHLEY."
From the Court at Oatlands
the 1th Sep. 1584.

Part of the archbishop's letter in answer to this, was to this
tenor :

" Mr. Travers, whom your lordship names in your letter, is to
no man better known, I think, than to myself. I did elect him
fellow of Trinity college, being before rejected of Dr. Beaumont
for his intolerable stomach ! whereof 1 had also afterwards such
experience, that I was forced by due punishment so to weary
him, till he was fain to travel, and depart from the college to
Geneva, otherwise he should have been expelled for want of
conformity to the orders of the house, and for his pertinacy.
Neither was there ever any under our government, in whom I
found less submission and humility than in him. Nevertheless if
time and years have now altered that disposition (which I
cannot believe, seeing yet no token thereof, but rather the con-
trary) I will be as ready to do him good as any friend he hath.
Otherwise I cannot in duty but do my endeavour to keep him
from that place, where he may do so much harm, and do little or
no good at all. For howsoever some commend him to your lord-
ship and others, yet I think that the greater and better number of
both the Temples have not so good an opinion of him. Sure
I am that divers grave, and of the best affected of them, have
shewed their misliking of him to me : not only out of respect of
his disorderliness, in the manner of the communion, and con-
tempt of the prayers, but also of his negligence in reading.
Whose lectures by their report, are so barren of matter, that his
hearers take no commodity thereby.

The book De Disciplina * Ecclesiastic®, by common opinion,

1 The book De Disciplina.'] The work is intitled, Ecclesiastics disciplines,
tt Anylicante ecclesice ab ilia aberrationis plena e verbo Dei et dilucida explicatio.
1574. The same year was published a translation into English, with some
alterations and omissions, under the title, A full and plaine declaration of
ecclesiasticall Discipline owt off the word of God, and off the declinwge off the
Church off England from the same.

480 RICHARD HOOKER.

hath been reputed of his penning, since the first publishing of it.
And by divers arguments I am moved to make no doubt thereof.
The drift of which book is wholly against the state and government.
Wherein also among other things he condemneth the paying and
taking of first fruits2, tenths, &c. And therefore unless he
will testify his conformity by subscription, as all others do, which
now enter into ecclesiastical livings ; and make proof unto me
that he is a minister ordered according to the laws of this church
of England, as I verily believe he is not 3, because he forsook his
place in the college upon that account ; I. can by no means yield
my consent to the placing him there, or elsewhere, in any function
of this church."]

And here I shall make a stop, and, that the reader may the
better judge of what follows, give him a character of the times 4,
and temper of the people of this nation, when Mr. Hooker had
his admission into this place ; a place which he accepted, rather
than desired ; and yet here he promised himself a virtuous quietness,
that blessed tranquillity which he always prayed and laboured for,
that so he might in peace bring forth the fruits of peace, and
glorify God by uninterrupted prayers and praises : for this he

2 Taking of first fruits.'] This the archbishop thought not amiss to sug-
gest to the lord treasurer, because the loss of these would tend considerably
to the lessening of the queen's revenues. They were afterwards voluntarily
relinquished by queen Anne, for the augmentation of poor benefices. Strype's
Life of Whitgift, p. 175.

3 Believe he is no/.] He was ordained by the presbytery at Antwerp, Maj
8, 1578, as appears from the certificate printed in Fuller's Church History,
book ix. p. 214. Travers's own vindication of this ordination may be foum
in his Supplication to the Council, printed in Hooker's Works, vol. iii.
383—5, and in a letter to the lord treasurer in Strype's Whitgift, book iii.
numb. 12. Records.

4 A character of the times.~\ In addition to what is here written by Wall
the reader will find his time amply repaid by a perusal of Hooker's Preface
his Ecclesiastical Polity, especially the first four sections, which present
of the most instructive and interesting pieces of moral historical paintii
that were ever drawn by the pencil of a master: a subject of contemplation,
unhappily, but too necessary for these times. See also the Preface to Cosin's
Conspiracy for pretended Reformation.

Much information concerning the principles and practices of the puritans
derived chiefly from their own books, and from examinations instituted
authority, may be found in the two works of Bancroft, afterwards archbishop
of Canterbury, intitled, A Survey of the pretended Holy Discipline, 4to,
and Dangerous Positions and Proceedings under pretence of Reformation, and
for the Presbyterial Discipline. 1593. 4to.

RICHARD HOOKER. 481

always thirsted and prayed : but almighty God did not grant it,
for his admission into this place was the very beginning of those
oppositions and anxieties, which till then this good man was a
stranger to ; and of which the reader may guess by what follows.

In this character of the times, I shall, by the reader's favour,
and for his information, look so far back as to the beginning of
the reign of queen Elizabeth ; a time, in which the many pre-
tended titles to the crown, the frequent treasons, the doubts of
her successor, the late civil war, and the sharp persecution for
religion that raged to the effusion of so much blood in the reign
of queen Mary, were fresh in the memory of all men ; and begot
fears in the most pious and wisest of this nation, lest the like
days should return again to them or their present posterity.
And the apprehension of these dangers begot a hearty desire of
a settlement in the church and state, believing there was no other
probable way left to make them sit quietly under their own vines
and fig-trees, and enjoy the desired fruit of their labours. But
time, and peace, and plenty, begot self-ends, and these begot
animosities, envy, opposition, and unthankfulness for those very
blessings for which they lately thirsted, being then the very
utmost of their desires, and even beyond their hopes.

This was the temper of the times in the beginning of her reign5,

5 In the beginning of her reign.'] The proceedings of the ministers of reli-
gion of the mal-content party, and the effects produced or cherished by their
influence and efforts in the minds of the deluded multitude, cannot be con-
templated without the deepest regret and sorrow. The nation had just
passed through a sea of blood ; and yet instead of attaining to any thing
like repose from controversy, and to the opportunity of going on unto perfec-
tion, the weighty matters of true religion and Christian charity were almost
lost and forgotten in idle debates and preachings against caps and surplices,
in an undiscriminating abhorrence of all that they chose to call popery and
papists, and in an uncontrollable opposition against constituted authorities.
And unhappily these men were successful in persuading themselves and the
people, that all this was extraordinary and exemplary zeal, and purity, and
piety. The editor thinks that he cannot more effectually co-operate with the
design of his author, to hold up the lamentable errors of the time, as a lesson
to future ages, than by producing the following extracts from the collections
of John Stowe, the historian, a contemporary, and probably an eye-witness
of many of the circumstances which he describes. They are taken from
some memoranda of that writer in the Lambeth Library MSS. No. 306, and,
it is believed, have never before been printed.

"Anno 1563, in September, the old bishops and divers doctors were
removed out of the Tower into the new bishops houses, there to remain pri-

VOL. III. 1 l

482 RICHARD HOOKER.

and thus it continued too long ; for those very people that had
enjoyed the desires of their hearts in a reformation from the

soners under their custody (the plague then being in the city was thought to
be the cause). But their deliverance, or rather change of prison, did so
much offend the people, that the preachers at Paul's Cross, and other places
both of the city and country, preached, as it was thought of many wise men,
very seditiously : as Baldwin at Paul's Cross, wishing a gallows set up in
Smithfield, and the old bishops and other papists to be hanged thereon. —
Himself died of the plague the next week after."

"The twenty-sixth day of March in anno 1566, being Tuesday, the par-
sons and ministers of the churches in and about London were, by command-
ment, at Lambeth, before the archbishop of Canterbury and other of the
council, where charge was given to them to serve their churches, and wear
their apparel according to the queen's injunctions, or else to do no service ;
and that same week, or the beginning of the next, came forth a book in
print, subscribed by the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London,
Winchester, Ely, and divers other, which appointed the said ministers to
wear their gowns and cloaks with standing collars, and cornered caps ; and
at their service to wear surplices, or else not to minister, &c. After this fol-
lowed much trouble with the ministers of the city of London : for in most
parishes the sexton of the church did all such service as was done, and that
in his coat or gown, as he commonly went about other business. In some
places the ministers themselves did service in their gowns or cloaks with
turning collars, and hats as they were wont to do, and preached stoutly
against the order taken by the queen and council, and the bishops for con-
senting thereunto : and on the 2d day of April, a burying being at St. Giles
without Cripplegate, six clerks wearing surplices before the corpse, Crowley,
vicar of the church, stood in the church door, and withstood them there to
enter, saying * the church was his, and the queen had given it him during
his life, and made him vicar thereof ; wherefore he would rule that place, and
would not suffer any such superstitious rags of Rome there to enter :'
whereupon was like to have been a great tumult by the reason of parts-
taking. But in the end the clerks and those who took their part, according
to the queen's proceedings, were fain to give over, and to tarry without the
church door.

" The seventh day of April, being Palm Sunday, the parish of St. Mary
Magdalene in Milk street, making labour to the bishop, had by him a minis-
ter appointed to serve them with communion that day : and when the said
minister was at service in his surplice, and came down to read the epistle and
gospel in the mean space, one of the same parish caused his servant to con-
vey the communion cup, and the bread from the table, whereby many persons
that were determined that day to have received were disappointed : the which
fact was after but made a laughing game."

"The same Palm Sunday, in anno 1566, the 7. of April, a Scot who
preached two times every day at Saint Magnus, and ministered every day to
all comers of that parish, or any other, in his gown or cloak, preached in the
afternoon at Little All-hallows in Thames-street. The most part of his ser-

RICHARD HOOKER. 483

church of Rome, became at last so like the grave, as never to be
satisfied, but were still thirsting for more and more ; neglecting to

mon was, as the other of his sermons were and are, against the order taken
by the queen and council for the apparel of ministers before named, with very
bitter and vehement words against the queen not here to be named ; and also
against (such) ministers as received the same order. The minister of the
church, for safeguard of his living, had received the cap and surplice ; where-
fore sometime in the sermon he smiled at vehement talk by the preacher used
to the contrary. Whereupon after the sermon certain of the parish, namely
Wilson a dyer, and Dickenson a fishmonger, reasoned with the minister for
his smiling at the preacher, who reasonably answered : but they took the
matter so grievously, that they fell from rough words at the last to blows,
with them who took part with the minister.

" The like disquiet doings were that day in divers churches of the city ;
and also the like on Easter day, or rather worse; so that in some parish
churches the people in great number being ready to receive, such quarrelling
and contention was between the ministers and parishioners, that to quiet the
matter, the church doors were fain to be closed, arid the parishioners to
depart unreceiving for that day.

"And on Low Sunday, being the 26. of April, the worshipful of the parish
of St. Mildred in Bread-street, bringing a minister to serve the afternoon
with a surplice, were withstanded by the parson and his adherents : so that
at the last the chief of the parish, with the alderman's deputy of the ward
were fain to cause the minister to put on his surplice, and to do his service,
they standing by on either side to defend him till the end of service.

" The ministers and preachers that were prohibited to preach or minister,
did many of them nevertheless minister and preach as they before had
done; using words of great vehemency against the order before-said set
forth ; as also against the queen, council, and bishops, for setting forth the
same.

" The like seditious libels were written and strewed about in the streets ;
and two sorts of seditious books were set forth in print and given at their
morning congregatings : the one entitled The Voice of God, set out by one
Towers, a smatterer in musick, and hath of long time laboured to serve in
Paul's church, and there daily to wear a surplice, were it but for ten pounds
the year. The other by the whole multitude of London ministers, every one
of them giving their advice in writing unto Robert Crowley, sometime a
bookseller, now reader of St. Antholine's, parson of St. Peter the Poor, pre-
bend of St. Paul's, vicar of St. Giles without Cripplegate, and dean of Here-
ford in Wales, who compiled the same into one book, naming the same The
Unfolding of the Popish Attire, against the which book another book, being
A Plain Confutation, was set forth in print with the queen's privilege. It is
to be noted that the authors of these two books before named were no ways
punished for the same, but only the printers were kept in the Counter nigh
a fortnight, till they had opened who were the authors ; but they had friends
enowe to have set the whole realm together by the ears.

" On the third day of June, being Whitson-Monday, at night, the Scot,

li 2

484 RICHARD HOOKER.

pay that obedience, and perform those vows which they made in their
days of adversities and fear : so that in short time there appeared
three several interests, each of them fearless and restless in the
prosecution of their designs. They may for distinction be called
the active Romanists, the restless non-conformists (of which there
were many sorts) and the passive peaceable Protestant. The

who before had used to preach at St. Magnus, and so sore to inveigh against
the caps, surplices, and such like, did service at St. Margaret Pattyns in
Rood-lane, where he wore a surplice ; and a certain number of wives threw
stones at him, and pulled him forth of the pulpit, renting his surplice, and
scratching his face, &c.

" On the fourth day of June, being Tuesday in Whitson week, Philpot,
some time a scrivener, another reader at St. Antholine's, parson of St. Mi-
chael's in Cornhill, parson of Stepney, and other spiritual promotions ; and
Gough, another scrivener, the third reader of St. Antholine's, parson of St.
Peter's in Cornhill, for that they were the most earnest withstanders of the
laws of this realm before named, concerning the order of ministrations, and
the greatest animators of all the whole city to do the like, upon whom the
great number of other ministers did depend, being appointed by the bishops
to go to Winchester, to Robert Home, the bishop, with him to persuade or
be persuaded for the space of twenty-six days, took their journey over London
bridge, through Southwark, and so forth toward Winchester, being accom-
panied with a great number of women, to the number of two or three hun-
dred, laden with bags and bottles to banquet at their departing ; giving them
gold, silver, sugar, spice, or otherwise such as they had, animating them
most earnestly to stand fast in the same their doctrine, which they had taught
touching surplices, caps, and such like.

"At Michaelmas next following, Philpot subscribing to them, came to
London again, where being much rebuked of his brethren, he sold up his
moveable goods, and went to Rye, in Kent, where he had thirty pounds a
year, and serveth without a surplice, and keepeth all his other promotions
still, as Stepney, Cornhill, &c.

"The twenty-sixth day of January next following, being Sunday, the
bishop of London, coming to St. Margaret's in Old Fish-street to preach in
the forenoon, the people, especially the women, that were in the said church,
unreverently hooted at him with many opprobrious words, and cried, ' Ware
horns ! ' for that he ware a cornered cap : for the which on the Saturdt
next, being the first day of February, one woman, being the wife of or
Simson, a tinker, dwelling in Southwark, was set upon two ladders like
cucking-stool, before the same church ; where she sat the space of one hour ;
greatly rejoicing in that her lewd behaviour, and that she was punished fo
the same : and likewise the beholders of the same did much rejoice then in,
and animated the lewd woman to rejoice, and praise the Lord, that he
made her worthy to suffer persecution for righteousness, and for the truth's
sake (as they said), and for crying out against superstition (as they termed
it)."

RICHARD HOOKER. 485

counsels of the first considered and resolved on in Home : the
second both in Scotland, in Geneva, and in divers selected, secret,
dangerous conventicles, both there, and within the bosom of our
own nation : the third pleaded and defended their cause by esta-
blished laws, both ecclesiastical and civil ; and if they were active,
it was to prevent the other two from destroying what was by those
known laws happily established to them and their posterity.

I shall forbear to mention the very many and dangerous plots
of the Romanists against the church and state, because what is
principally intended in this digression is an account of the opinions
and activity of the non-conformists, against whose judgment and
practice Mr. Hooker became at last, but most unwillingly, to be
engaged in a book- war ; a war, which he maintained, not as against
an enemy, but with the spirit of meekness and reason.

In which number of non-conformists, though some might be
sincere well-meaning men, whose indiscreet zeal might be so
like charity, as thereby to cover a multitude of their errors ; yet,
of this party there were many that were possessed with a high
degree of spiritual wickedness ; I mean with an innate restless
pride and malice. I do not mean the visible and carnal sins of
gluttony and drunkenness, and the like (from which good Lord
deliver us) but sins of a higher nature, because they are more
unlike God, who is the God of love and mercy, and order, and
peace ; and more like the devil, who is not a glutton, nor can be
drunk, and yet is a devil ; but I mean those spiritual wickednesses
of malice and revenge, and an opposition to government : men
that joyed to be the authors of misery, which is properly his work
that is the enemy and disturber of mankind ; and thereby greater
sinners than the glutton and drunkard, though some will not
believe it. And of this party there were also many, whom preju-
dice and a furious zeal had so blinded as to make them neither
to hear reason, nor adhere to the ways of peace : men, that were
the very dregs and pest of mankind ; men whom pride and self-
conceit had made to overvalue their own pitiful, crooked wisdom,
so much as not to be ashamed to hold foolish and unmannerly
disputes against those men whom they ought to reverence, and
those laws which they ought to obey ; men that laboured and
joyed first to find out the faults, and then to speak evil of govern-
ment, and to be the authors of confusion ; men, whom company,
conversation, and custom, had at last so blinded, and made so
insensible that these were sins, that, like those that perished in

486 RICHARD HOOKER.

the gainsaying of Core so these died without repenting of these
spiritual wickednesses ; of which the practices of Coppinger and
Hacket 6 in their lives, and the death of them and their adhe-
rents, are, God knows, too sad examples, and ought to be cautions
to those men that are inclined to the like spiritual wickednesses.
And in these times, which tended thus to confusion, there were
also many of these scruple-mongers that pretended a tenderness
of conscience, refusing to take an oath before a lawful magistrate,
and yet these very men 7, in their secret conventicles, did cove-
nant and swear to each other to be assiduous and faithful in
using their best endeavours to set up the presbyterian doctrine
and discipline ; and both in such a manner as they themselves
had not yet agreed on, but up that government must. To which
end, there were many that wandered up and down, and were
active in sowing discontents and sedition by venomous and secret
murmurings, and a dispersion of scurrilous pamphlets and libels 8

6 Coppinger and Hacket.'] See Life of Whitgift, in this volume, p. 591, and
also see Cosin's Conspiracy for Pretended Reformation, discovering the late
Designments and Courses held by William Hacket, &c. 1592; Bancroft's Dan-
gerous Positions, book iv. chap. vi. 15 ; Hooker's Preface, chap, x., or
Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 389 — 91, and n.

7 These very men.'] Of their refusing to be examined on oath, see Ban-
croft's Dangerous Positions, book i. chap. 1, and book iii. chap. 8, 9. Hut,
where Walton says that they covenanted and swore to set up their discipline,
it should seem that he exceeds the truth. That they subscribed to the disci-
pline is most certain ; but with regard to their taking oaths to maintain it,
Bancroft observes, " Our men as yet talk in their plat-form but of subscrip-
tions."— Survey, chap. xxvi. p. 310.

The following incident, mentioned by Dr. Bancroft, while it exhibits an
instance of a refusal to be examined, will further shew how this zeal about
the discipline swallowed up all better knowledge in religion. " Having
occasion to talke upon a time with an artizan of Kingston, about his refusal
(after the purest fashion) to be examined upon his oath, because I saw how
peart he was, and rapt out text upon text (full ignorantly, God knoweth), I
was so bold as to examine him in the second petition of the Lord's praier,
demanding of him what he thought was meant by this word kingdome, there
mentioned. Whereunto he made in effect this answer, without any stagger-
ing : * Wee pray/ (sayth he) * that our heavenly father would at the last
grant unto us, that we might have pastors, doctors, elders, and deacons in
every parish, and so be governed by such elderships as Christ's holy discipline
doth require.' " — Bancroft's Survey, chap. xxxi. p. 399. edit. 1

8 Pamphlets and libels.] For copious extracts and specimens of these pub-
lications, see Bancroft's Dangerous Positions, book iii. Hooker, in his dedi-
cation to archbishop Whitgift, condemns "the scurrilous and more than
satyrical immodesty of Martinisin; the first-published schedules whereof"

RICHARD HOOKER. 487

against the church and state, but especially against the bishops :
by which means, together with venomous and indiscreet sermons 9,

(says he) " being brought to the hands of a grave and very honourable knight,
with signification given, that the book would refresh his spirits, he took it,
saw what the title was, read over an unsavoury sentence or two, and delivered
back the libel with this answer, I am sorry ye are of the mind to be solaced
with these sports, and sorrier you have herein thought mine affection to be
like your own."

9 Venomous and indiscreet sermons.'] " It is pitiful to see how in many places
of this land, he is thought the only zealous, learned and godly preacher, that
can find most faults, pretend most wants, never giving God once thanks for
the abundance of his blessings upon this church and nation, which for these
thirty-two years hath been, yea even at this day is a nurse, nay rather a
mother to all the churches almost in all Christendom. And whereas we ought
to teach repentance, amendment of life, faith to God, obedience to superiors,
and charity one to another ; to rebuke pride, covetousness, wantonness, new-
fangledness, slanderings, backbitings, and the like : if none of these be once
named, but our spiritual pastors torn and traduced, our own vices not once
touched, but the church and church-men paid home, then is he in many men's
judgments, a zealous man, a child of God, never man spake on this wise." —
Dr. Wm. James's Sermon at Paul's Cross, Nov. 9, 1589, in the dedication to
Sir Christopher Hatton.— See also, A Godlie Sermon preached before the
Queenes Majestic at Greenwich the 26th of March (1574) by Dr. Whitgift,
Deane of Lincolne. Signat. A 8. Another writer, speaking of the manner in
which the preaching ministers among the puritans treated the other clergy,
tells us " Dumbe dog is a great word in their mouths. That sermon where
dumbe dog is left out, is not worth a pin : it fits not their fancy." — Leonard
Wright's Summons for Sleepers, p. 20. A.D. 1589.

Meanwhile, certain it is that there are circumstances in the case, which
would have admitted, or did even call for allowance and indulgence towards the
governors of the church, had the minds of the puritans been at all disposed
to the admission of considerations of a prudential character. The queen and
the bishops had great difficulties to contend against. One there was of a nature
to which we should suppose they could hardly have been unwilling to listen.
It is thus described by dean Nowell in his controversy with Dorman. " And
where you have most cruelly murthered so many learned men, most mete for
the ministerie of Christes church, and by a common conspiracie have with-
drawen yourselves at once from all service in the ministerie of the gospel,
upon a worldly policie, trusting that thereby the prince should be compelled
of necessitie to beare with you, and let you remaine in place and authoritie,
(which your fetch, as well as other your craftie compassinges, God hath
turned upon youre owne heades,) you have, by such crueltie, murthering our
learned men, and by popish policie withdrawing yourselves from the minis-
terie, of mere necessitie inforced our bishops to admit certain honest artificers
exercised in the Scriptures unto the ministerie ; and to place them in smaller
cures, not, as you do say, in learned mens roomes, but in the stead of your
popish priests being most unlearned. . . . And now that you see that no

488 RICHARD HOOKER.

the common people became so fanatick, as to believe t/ie bishops
to be antichrist, and the only obstructors of Gods discipline ; and
at last some of them were given over to so bloody a zeal, and
such other desperate delusions, as to find out a text in the Reve-
lation of St. John, that antichrist was to be overcome by the sword.
So that those very men, that began with tender and meek peti-
tions, proceeded to admonitions, then to satyrical remonstrances,
and at last, having like Absalom numbered who was not, and who
was, for their cause, they got a supposed certainty of so great a
party, that they durst threaten first the bishops, and then the
queen and parliament ; to all which they were secretly encouraged
by the earl of Leicester, then in great favour with her majesty,
and the reputed cherisher and patron-general of these pretenders
to tenderness of conscience ; his design being, by their means,
to bring such an odium upon the bishops, as to procure an alien-
ation of their lands, and a large proportion of them for himself:
which avaritious desire had at last so blinded his reason, that his
ambitious and greedy hopes seemed to put him into a present
possession of Lambeth-house.

And to these undertakings, the non-conformists of this nation
were much encouraged and heightened by a correspondence and
confederacy with that brotherhood in Scotland ; so that here they
became so bold, that a one told the queen openly in a sermon,
" she was like 1 an untamed heifer, that would not be ruled by

such troubles and tumultes, by reason of utter lacke of the ecclesiastical!
ministerie, do arise, a* you looked for, and that your popish ministers are
neither desired nor missed, as you trusted ; now you would avenge and
wreake yourselves upon those honest poore men, whome necessitie, rising out
of your owne crueltie and falsehoode, hath placed in the inferiour min!
of the church. And a great many of you by this time, I beleve, do beshrcwc
their own heads, that they so at once gave over their bishopricks and livings
upon a false hope of leaving the realme utterlye destitute of ecclesiastical
ministerie." — Nowell's Confutation ofDorman's Disproof, fol. 308. A.D. 1567.
4to.

Hut here, as in many other respects, the intemperance and self- will of the
puritans led them in effect to do the work of those very papists of whom they
were the bitterest enemies. Compare Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 420—4.
427—9, and n., p. 526—8, 538—42, 569—73, and n., p. 631.

• That one.'] Mr. Dering.

1 She was like.'] More accurately the passage stands thus. " If you have
prayed in tymes past unto God, to mollifie your enemies hearts, and t<> brinj;
their cruel practices to nothing, now that you yourself are in safetic, 1.
cruel unto Gods anointed, and do his prophets no harme. I neede not

RICHARD HOOKER. 489

God's people, but obstructed his discipline." And in Scotland
they were more confident, for, there b they declared her an atheist,
and grew to such an height, as not to be accountable for any
thing spoken against her, nor for treason against their own king,
if it were but spoken in the pulpit ; shewing at last such a dis-
obedience to him, that his mother being in England, and then in
distress, and in prison, and in danger of death ; the church denied
the king their prayers for her; and, at another time, when he had
appointed a day of feasting, the church declared for a general fast,
in opposition to his authority.

To this height they were grown in both nations; and, by
these means there were distilled into the minds of the common
people such other venomous and turbulent principles, as were
inconsistent with the safety of the church and state ; and these
opinions were vented so daringly, that, beside the loss of life and
limbs, the governors of the church and state were forced to use
such other severities as will not admit of an excuse, if it had

seeke far for offences, whereat Gods people are grieved ; even round about this
chapel I see a great many ; and God in his good time shall root them out.
If you have said sometime of yourself, tanquam ovis, as a sheep appointed
to be slaine, take heed you heare not now of the prophet, tanquam indomita
juvenca, as an untamed and unrulie heifer. I will not with many words
admonish your majestic, that are wise enough : onely I will say this, returne
into your owne heart, and search your raynes. And here I set before you
the tribunal seate of Christ." A sermon preached before the queenes majestic by
maister Edward Dering the 25. of Februarie, anno 1569, imprinted A.D. 1584.
signat. A 7. The great matter of offence in the queen's chapel, it should
seem, was an organ : for thus speaks the famous second Admonition to the
Parliament, A.D. 1572. "As for organs and curious singing, though they
be proper to popish dens, I mean cathedral churches, yet some others also
must have them. The queen's chapel, which should be a spectacle of Chris-
tian reformation, is rather a pattern and precedant to the people of all super-
stitions." In other parts of his sermon Dering expresses himself, perhaps,
with still greater freedom. See signat. C 6, 7.

But the town of St. Edmunds Bury, remarkably affected with puritanism,
exhibited an example of profane and sacrilegious insolence that was not
surpassed by any other. After consultation and advice, they painted in the
church, under the queen's arms, this sentence, from the book of Revelation,
c. ii. v. 20, being the reproof of the church of Thyatira ; Notwithstanding I
have a few things against thee, that thou svfferest the woman Jezebel, which
maketh herself a prophetess, to teach and to deceive my servants; to make them
commit fornications, and to eat meat sacrificed unto idols." — Strype's Annals,
vol. iii. p. 122.

b Vide bishop Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland.

490 RICHARD HOOKER.

not been to prevent the gangrene of confusion, and the perillous
consequences of it ; which, without such prevention, would have
been first confusion, and then ruin and misery to this numerous
nation.

These errors and animosities were so remarkable, that they
begot wonder in an ingenious Italian, who being about this time
come newly into this nation, and considering them, writ scoffingly
to a friend in his own country, to this purpose, " That the com-
mon people of England were wiser than the wisest of his nation ;
for, here the very women and shopkeepers were able to judge of
predestination, and to determine what laws were fit to be made1
concerning the church-government ; and then, what were fit to
be obeyed or abolished : that they were more able (or at least
thought so) to raise and determine perplexed cases of conscience,
than the wisest of the most learned colleges in Italy ; that men
of the slightest learning, and the most ignorant of the common
people, were mad for a new, or, super, or re-reformation of reli-
gion : and that in this they appeared like that man, who would
never cease to whet and whet his knife, till there was no st< < 1
left to make it useful." And he concluded his letter with this
observation, "That those very men that were most busy in
oppositions, and disputations, and controversies, and finding out
the faults of their governors, had usually the least of humility
and mortification, or of the power of godliness."

And to heighten all these discontents and dangers, there \\a-
also sprung up a generation of godless men 2 ; men that had « >
long given way to their own lusts and delusions, and so highly
opposed the blessed motions of his Spirit, and the inward light of
their own consciences, that they became the very slaves of vice,
and had thereby sinned themselves into a belief of that which
they would, but could not, believe ; into a belief which is repug-
nant even to human nature (for the heathens believe that tln-iv
are many gods) but these had sinned themselves into a belief
that there was no God; and so, finding nothing in tin
but what was worse than nothing, began to wish what they v.
not able to hope for; namely, that they might be like tin !»
that perish: and in wicked company (which is the nth-
sanctuary) were so bold as to say so, though the worst of nian-

3 Of godless men.~\ See Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, book v. c. ii. Str
Life of Whitgift, p. 321.

RICHARD HOOKER. 491

kind, when he is left alone at midnight, may wish, but is not
then able to think it : even into a belief that there is no God.
Into this wretched, this reprobate condition, many had then
sinned themselves.

And now, when the church was pestered with them, and with
all those other forenamed irregularities ; when her lands were in
danger of alienation, her power at least neglected, and her peace
torn to pieces by several schisms, and such heresies as do usually
attend that sin, (for heresies do usually out-live their first
authors) when the common people seemed ambitious of doing
those very things that were forbidden and attended with most
dangers, that thereby they might be punished, and then ap-
plauded and pitied ; when they called the spirit of opposition a
tender conscience, and complained of persecution, because they
wanted power to persecute others : when the giddy multitude
raged, and became restless to find out misery for themselves and
others, and the rabble would herd themselves together, and
endeavour to govern and act in spite of authority : in this extre-
mity of fear, and danger of the church and state, when to sup-
press the growing evils of both, they needed a man of prudence
and piety, and of an high and fearless fortitude, they were blest
in all by John Whitgift his being made archbishop of Canterbury;
of whom sir Henry Wotton that knew him well in his youth, and
had studied him in his age, gives this true character 3 : that he
was a man of reverend and sacred memory : and of the primitive
temper ; such a temper, as when the church by lowliness of spirit
did flourish in highest examples of virtue. And indeed, this man
proved so.

And, though I dare not undertake to add to this excellent and
true character of sir Henry Wotton: yet, I shall neither do
right to this discourse, nor to my reader, if I forbear to give him
a further and short account of the life and manners of this ex-
cellent man ; and it shall be short, for I long to end this digression,
that I may lead my reader back to Mr. Hooker where we left
him, at the Temple.

John Whitgift was born in the county of Lincoln, of a family
that was ancient, and noted to be both prudent and affable, and
gentle by nature : he was educated in Cambridge ; much of his
learning was acquired in Pembroke Hall, (where Mr. Bradford,

3 This true character.'} Reliquice Wottoniance, p. 172, 3.

492 RICHARD HOOKER.

the martyr, was his tutor) from thence he was removed to Peter-
house, from thence to be master of Pembroke Hall, and from
thence to the mastership of Trinity College : about which time
the queen made him her chaplain, and not long after prebend of
Ely, and then dean of Lincoln ; and having for many years past
looked upon him with much reverence and favour, gave him a fair
testimony of both, by giving him the bishoprick of Worcester,
and (which was not with her a usual favour) forgiving him his
first-fruits ; then by constituting him vice-president of the princi-
pality of Wales. And having experimented his wisdom, his jus-
tice and moderation in the manage of her affairs, in both these
places ; she, in the 26 of her reign, made him archbishop of Can-
terbury, and not long after of her privy council, and trusted him
to manage all her ecclesiastical affairs and preferments. In all
which removes, he was like the ark, which left a blessing upon
the place where it rested ; and in all his employments was like
Jehoiada, that did good unto Israel.

These were the steps of this bishop's ascension to this place of
dignity and cares : in which place (to speak Mr. Cambden^s verv
words in his annals of queen Elizabeth) he devoutly consecrated
both his whole life to God, and his painful labours to the good of
his church. And yet, in this place he met with many oppositions
in the regulation of church-affairs, which were much disordered
at his entrance, by reason of the age and remissness 4 of bishop
Grindall, his immediate predecessor, the activity of the non-con-
formists, and their chief assistant the earl of Leicester; and
indeed, by too many others of the like sacrilegious principles*
With these he was to encounter ; and, though he wanted neither
courage, nor a good cause ; yet, he foresaw, that without a great
measure of the queen's favour, it was impossible to stand in the
breach that had been lately made into the lands and immunities
of the church, or indeed, to maintain the remaining lands and
rights of it. And therefore by justifiable sacred insinuations,
such as St. Paul to Agrippa (Agrippa, believest thou ? I know
thou believest;) he wrought himself into so great a degree <•}'
favour with her, as by his pious use of it, hath got both of them
a great degree of fame in this world, and of glory in that into
which they are now both entered.

4 Age and remissness.'] [Or rather by reason of his suspension and seques-
tration, which he lay under, together with the queen's displeasure, for «
years, when the ecclesiastical affairs were managed by certain civilians. I. S.j

RICHARD HOOKER. 493

His merits to the queen, and her favours to him were such,
that she called him " her little black husband," and called his
servants her servants ; and she saw so visible and blessed a sin-
cerity shine in all his cares and endeavours for the church's, and
for her good, that she was supposed to trust him with the very
secrets of her soul, and to make him her confessor ; of which she
gave many fair testimonies, and of which one was, that she would
never eat flesh in Lent without obtaining a licence from her little
black husband : and would often say, " She pitied him because
she trusted him, and had thereby eased herself, by laying the
burthen of all her clergy-cares upon his shoulders ; which he
managed with prudence and piety."

I shall not keep myself within the promised rules of brevity in
this account of his interest with her majesty, and his care of the
church's rights, if in this digression I should enlarge to particu-
lars ; and therefore my desire is, that one example may serve for
a testimony of both. And, that the reader may the better under-
stand it, he may take notice, that not many years before his being
made archbishop, there passed an act or acts 5 of parliament, in-
tending the better preservation of the church-lands, by recalling
a power which was vested in others to sell or lease them, by
lodging and trusting the future care and protection of them only
in the crown : and amongst many that made a bad use of this
power or trust of the queen's, the earl of Leicester was one ;
and the bishop having by his interest with her majesty, put a
stop to the earl's sacrilegious designs, they two fell to an open
opposition before her ; after which they both quitted the room,
not friends in appearance ; but the bishop made a sudden and
seasonable return to her majesty (for he found her alone) and
spake to her with great humility and reverence to this purpose.

" I beseech your majesty to hear me with patience, and to be-
lieve that your's, and the church's safety, are dearer to me than
my life ; but, my conscience dearer than both ; and therefore give
me leave to do my duty, and tell you, that princes are deputed
nursing fathers of the church, and owe it a protection ; and there-
fore God forbid that you should be so much as passive in her
ruins, when you may prevent it ; or that I should behold it with-
out horror and detestation, or should forbear to tell your majesty

5 An act or acts.'} 1 Eliz. cap. 19. 13 Eliz. c. 10, &c. See Burn's Eccle-
siast. Law., art. Leases.

494 RICHARD HOOKER.

of the sin and danger of sacrilege. And, though you and myself
were born in an age of frailties, when the primitive piety and care
of the church's lands and immunities are much decayed; yet
(madam) let me beg that you would first consider that there are
such sins as prophaneness and sacrilege ; and, that if there were
not, they could not have names in holy writ, and particularly in
the New Testament. And I beseech you to consider, that though
our Saviour said, He judged no man ; and to testify it, would not
judge nor divide the inheritance betwixt the two brethren ; nor
would judge the woman taken in adultery : yet, in this point of
the churches rights he was so zealous, that he made himself both
the accuser, and the judge, and the executioner too, to punish
these sins ; witnessed, in that he himself made the whip to drive
the prophaners out of the Temple, overthrew the tables of the
money-changers, and drove them out of it. And I beseech you
to consider that it was St. Paul that said to those Christians of
his time that were offended with idolatry, and yet committed
sacrilege ; Thou that alhorrest idols, dost thou commit sacrilege ?
supposing (I think) sacrilege the greater sin. This may occasion
your majesty to consider that there is such a sin as sacrilege; and
to incline you to prevent the curse that will follow it. I beseech
you also to consider, that Constantine the first Christian emperor,
and Helena his mother ; that king Edgar and Edward the Con-
fessor, and indeed many others of your predecessors, and many
private Christians, have also given to God, and to his church,
much land, and many immunities, which they might have given
to those of their own families, and did not; but, gave them for
ever as an absolute right and sacrifice to God : and. with tl
immunities and lands they have entailed a curse6 upon the alie-
nators of them. God prevent your majesty and your successor-;
from being liable to that curse which will cleave unto church-
lands as the leprosy to the Jews.

"And, to make you that are trusted with their preservation.
tin- better to understand the danger of it, I beseech you foi
not, that to prevent these curses, the church's land and po\\» r

6 Entailed a curse.'] See sir H. Spelman, De non temerandis
" The founders of religious houses, in the conclusion of their deed, following
the example of Darius (Ezra, c. vi. ver. 12), imprecate a most heavy curse on
those that violate or withdraw their gifts ; venientibus contra h&c et destrum-
tibus ea occurrat Deus in yladio iree, et furoris, et vindiclee, et maledictionis
<etern<e." Pref. p. 14. edit. 17'H.

RICHARD HOOKER. 495

have been also endeavoured to be preserved (as far as human rea-
son, and the law of this nation have been able to preserve them)
by an immediate and most sacred obligation on the consciences of
the princes of this realm ; for, they that consult Magna Charta,
shall find, that as all your predecessors were at their coronation,
so you also were sworn before all the nobility and bishops then
present, and in the presence of God, and in his stead to him that
anointed you, To maintain the church-lands, and the rights belong-
ing to it ; and this you yourself have testified openly to God at
the holy altar, by laying your hands on the bible then lying upon
it. And, not only Magna Charta, but many modern statutes
have denounced a curse upon those that break Magna Charta : a
curse like the leprosy that was entailed on the Jews; for, as
that, so these curses have and will cleave to the very stones of
those buildings that have been consecrated to God; and, the
father's sin of sacrilege hath and will prove to be entailed on his
son and family. And now, madam, what account can be given
for the breach of this oath at the last great day, either by your
majesty, or by me, if it be wilfully, or but negligently violated, I
know not.

" And therefore, good madam, let not the late lord^s exceptions
against the failings of some few clergymen, prevail with you to
punish posterity, for the errors of this present age ; let particular
men suffer for their particular errors ; but, let God and his church
have their inheritance. And, though I pretend not to prophecy ;
yet I beg posterity to take notice of what is already become visi-
ble 7 in many families ; that church-land added to an ancient and
just inheritance, hath proved like a moth fretting a garment, and
secretly consumed both : or like the eagle 8 that stole a coal from

7 Already become visible.'] See sir H. Spelman's History and Fate of Sacri-
lege : and his tract, De non temerandis, &c.

8 Or like the eagle.'] " God of his infinite mercie multiplie her majesties
daies, that she maie raigne manie and manie yeares still over us. If it had
not been for her most princelie and most religious care of the church, the
children of Edom had long before this time greatlie indaungered it. But this
I will say unto them, that if ever they obtain their desires, which I know they
shall never do in her highness time, they shall not possess a pennie worthe of
the churches goods, which, I am persuaded, will not prove unto them to be
like the gold of Tholossa, whereof none had part that ever prospered after-
ward. I could shew some reasons of this my persuasion, but I am a man
not verie grateful to that sort of reformers."— Bancroft's Survey of the pre-
tended Holy Discipline, p. 247. edit. 1593.

496 RICHARD HOOKER.

the altar, and thereby set her nest on fire, which consumed both
her young eagles, and herself that stole it. And, though I shall
forbear to speak reproachfully of your father, yet I beg you to
take notice, that a part of the church's rights, added to the vast
treasure 9 left him by his father, hath been conceived to bring an
unavoidable consumption upon both, notwithstanding all his dili-
gence to preserve them.

44 And consider that after the violation of those laws, to which
he had sworn in Magna Charta, God did so far deny him his
restraining grace, that as king Saul after he was forsaken of God,
fell from one sin to another ; so he, till at last he fell into greater
sins than I am willing to mention. Madam, religion is the foun-
dation and cement of human societies ; and when they that serve
at God's altar, shall be exposed to poverty, then, religion itself
will be exposed to scorn, and become contemptible, as you may
already observe it to be in too many poor vicarages in this nation.
And therefore, as you are by a late act or acts of parliament
entrusted with a great power to preserve or waste the church's
lands, yet, dispose of them for Jesus sake, as you have promised
to men, and vowed to God, that is, as the donors intended : let
neither falsehood nor flattery beguile you to do otherwise ; but,
put a stop to God's and the Levite's portion (I beseech you) and
to the approaching ruins of his church, as you expect comfort at
the last great day; for, kings must be judged. — Pardon this af-
fectionate plainness, my most dear sovereign : and, let me beg
to be still continued in your favour, and the Lord still continue
you in his."

The queen's patient hearing this affectionate speech, aiul JUT
future care to preserve the church's rights, which till then had
been neglected, may appear a fair testimony, that he made 1
and the church's good the chiefest of his cares, and that she also
thought so. And of this there were such daily testimonies given.
as begot betwixt them so mutual a joy and confidence, that they
seemed born to believe and do good to each other; .sin- n«»t
doubting his piety to be more than all his opposers ; which \
many; nor doubting his prudence to be equal to the chirfr-t <»f
her council, who were then as remarkable for active \vi>dm;

9 The vast treasure.'] See Spelman, De non temerandis ecclesiis, Pref. p. 43.
Also Christian Institutes, vol. iii. p. 398— 4<>o.

RICHARD HOOKER. 497

those dangerous times did require, or this nation did ever enjoy.
And in this condition he continued twenty years ; in which time,
he saw some Sowings, but many more ebbings of her favour
towards all men that had opposed him, especially the earl of
Leicester : so that God seemed still to keep him in her favour,
that he might preserve the remaining church lands and immuni-
ties from sacrilegious alienations. And this good man deserved
all the honour and power with which she gratified and trusted
him ; for, he was a pious man, and naturally of noble and grateful
principles. He eased her of all her church cares by his wise
manage of them ; he gave her faithful and prudent counsels in all
the extremities and dangers of her temporal affairs, which were
very many ; he lived to be the chief comfort of her life in her
declining age, and to be then most frequently with her, and her
assistant at her private devotions ; he lived to be the greatest
comfort of her soul upon her death-bed ; to be present at the
expiration of her last breath, and to behold the closing of those
eyes that had long looked upon him with reverence and affection.
And let this also be added, that he was the chief mourner at her
sad funeral ; nor let this be forgotten, that within a few hours
after her death, he was the happy proclaimer, that king James
(her peaceful successor) was heir to the crown.

Let me beg of my reader to allow me to say a little, and but a
little, more of this good bishop, and I shall then presently lead
him back to Mr. Hooker. And, because I would hasten, I will
mention but one part of the bishop's charity and humility ; but
this of both. He built a large almVhouse l near to his own
palace at Croydon in Surry, and endowed it with maintenance for
a master and twenty-eight poor men and women ; which he visited
so often, that he knew their names and dispositions, and was so
truly humble, that he called them brothers and sisters. And
whensoever the queen descended to that lowliness to dine with
him at his palace at Lambeth (which was very often) he would
usually the next day shew the like lowliness to his poor brothers
and sisters at Croydon, and dine with them at his hospital ; at
which time, you may believe, there was joy at the table. And at
this place he built also a fair free-school, with a good accommoda-

1 Alm's-house.~\ The original draught of the statutes of this almshouse,
with corrections, or observations in the archbishop's own hand-writing, still
exists in the British Museum, Sloanian MS. 27.

VOL. III. K k

498 RICHARD HOOKER.

tion and maintenance for the master and scholars ; which gave
just occasion for Boyse Sisi a, then ambassador for the French
king, and resident here, at the bishop's death to say, " The bishop
had published many learned books, but a free school to train up
youth, and an hospital to lodge and maintain aged and poor peo-
ple, were the best evidences of Christian learning that a bishop
could leave to posterity.*1' This good bishop lived to see king
James settled in peace, and then fell into an extreme sicknes> at
his palace at Lambeth ; of which, when the king had notice, he
went presently to visit him, and found him in his bed in a declin-
ing condition, and very weak ; and after some short discourse
betwixt them, the king, at his departure, assured him, lk lie had
a great affection for him, and a very high value for his prudence
and virtues, and would endeavour to beg his life of God for the
good of his church." To which the good bishop replied, Pro
ecclesia Dei, Pro ecdesia Dei ; which were the last words he ever
spake ; therein testifying, that as in his life, so at his death, his
chief est care was of God's church.

This John Whitgift was made archbishop in the year 1583.
In which busy place, he continued twenty years and some months;
and in which time, you may believe, he had many trials of his
courage and patience ; but his motto was, Vincit, qui patitur :
and he made it good.

Many of his many trials were occasioned by the then powerful
earl of Leicester, who did still (but secretly) raise and cherish a
faction of non-conformists to oppose him; especially one Thomas
Cartwright, a man of noted learning, sometime contemporary
with the bishop at Cambridge, and of the same college of which
the bishop had been master: in which place there began ^>me
emulations (the particulars I forbear), and at last open and high
oppositions betwixt them; and, in which you may believe Mr.
Cartwright was most faulty, if his expulsion out of the university
can incline you to it.

And in this discontent after the earl's death (which was 1588)
Mr. Cartwright appeared a chief cherisher of a party that trail
for the Geneva church-government; and to effect it, he ran him-
self into many dangers both of liberty and life ; appearing at tin*
last to justify himself and his party in many remonstrances, which

• Boyse Sisi.] Jean de Thumery, seigneur de Boissise : there is a joint
commission to him and to Christophe de Harlay, comte de Beaumont, dated
Dec. 11, 1601, in the British Museum, UoftdowiM MS. U<>. art. 32.

RICHARD HOOKER. 499

he caused to be printed, and to which the bishop made a first
answer, and Cartwright replied upon him ; and then the bishop
having rejoined to his first reply, Mr. Cartwright either was 3, or
was persuaded to be, satisfied : for he wrote no more, but left the
reader to be judge which had maintained their cause with most
charity and reason.

[And to posterity he left such a learned and most useful book,
as does abundantly establish the reformation and constitution of
our church, and vindicate it against all the cavils of the inno-
vators.]

After some silence, Mr. Cartwright received from the bishop
many personal favours, and betook himself to a more private
living, which was at Warwick, where he was made master of an
hospital, and lived quietly, and grew rich ; and, where the bishop
gave him a licence to preach, upon promises not to meddle with
controversies, but incline his hearers to piety and moderation ;
and this promise he kept during his life, which ended 1602, the
bishop surviving him but some few months ; each ending his days
in perfect charity with the other.

[It is true the archbishop treated Cartwright with such civility
as gained much upon him, and made him declare unto his patron,
the earl of Leicester, how much the archbishop's humane carriage
had endeared him to him ; and withal shewed his desire that he
might have liberty sometimes to have access to him : professing
that he would seek to persuade all with whom he had concern
and converse to keep up an union with the church of England.
This I say is certain : but it is not so certain, that the archbishop
gave Cartwright a licence to preach. It appears, that, in the
year 1585, he refused to grant it him, however solicited by Lei-
cester's own letter to do it : and notwithstanding Cartwright's
promises, he required more space of time to be satisfied of his
conformity. For the elucidation whereof, and some further light
into this matter, let both these letters be read and considered ;

3 Either was.~\ This statement is incorrect. One would be inclined to sus-
pect, that the passage was intended to stand thus : " The bishop having
rejoined to this first reply of Mr. Cartwright either was," &c. Whitgift's
Answer to the Admonition came out in 1572, 4to, and again in 1573; Cart-
wright's Reply to an Answer made of M. Doctor Whitgift, without date, in
1573. Then appeared Whitgift's Defence of his Answer, fol. 1574 : after
which Cartwright published his second reply, 1575, 4to; and the rest of the
second reply, 1577, 4to. After writing his very able and elaborate work, the
Defence, 1574, Whitgift meddled no more, publicly, in that controversy.

K k 2

500 RICHARD HOOKER.

the former of the earl to the archbishop, the latter of the arch-
bishop to the earl.

" My good Lord,

" I most heartily thank you for your favourable and courteous
usage of Mr. Cartwright, who hath so exceeding kindly taken it
also, as I assure your grace, he cannot speak enough of it. I
trust it shall do a great deal of good. And he protesteth and
professeth to me to take no other course, but to the drawing of
all men to the unity of the church : and that your grace hath so
dealt with him, as no man shall so command him and dispose of
him as you shall : and doth mean to let this opinion publicly be
known, even in the pulpit (if your grace so permit him), what he
himself [will] and would all others should do, for obedience to the
laws established. And if any little scruple be, it is not great, and
easy to be reformed by your grace : whom I do most heartily
entreat to continue your favours and countenance towards him,
with such access sometimes as your leisure may permit. For I
perceive he doth much desire and crave it, &c. Thus, my good
lord, praying to God to bless his church, and to make his servants
constant and faithful, I bid your grace farewell.

" Your graced very assured friend,

" ROB. LEICESTER."
" At the Court, this }4th
of July r

To which letter the archbishop returned this answer :

" My singular good lord,

" Mr. Cartwright shall be welcome to me at all times ; and,
using himself quietly as becomes him, and as I hope he will, he
shall find me willing to do him any good ; but to grant unto him as
yet, my licence to preach, without longer trial, I cannot ; especially
seeing he protesteth himself to be of the same mind ho wa-
the writing of his book, for the matter thereof, though not tbr tho
manner ; myself also, I thank God, not altered in any point, by
me set down, to the contrary; and knowing many things [in his
book] to be very dangerous. Wherefore, notwithstanding 1 am
content and ready to be at peace with him. so long as IK livrtli
peaceably; yet doth my conscience and duty forbid mo t<»

RICHARD HOOKER. 501

T-

unto him any further public approbation, until I be better pe_
suaded of his conformity. And so being bold to use my accus-
tomed plainness with your good lordship, I commit you to the
tuition of Almighty God, this 17th of July, 1585."]

AND now after this long digression made for the information of
my reader concerning what follows, I bring him back to venerable
Mr. Hooker, where we left him in the Temple ; and, where we
shall find him as deeply engaged in a controversy with Walter
Travers, a friend and favourite of Mr. Cartwright's, as the bishop
had ever been with Mr. Cartwright himself; and of which I shall
proceed to give this following account.

And first this ; that though the pens of Mr. Cartwright and
the bishop were now at rest, yet there was sprung up a new gene-
ration of restless men, that by company and clamours became
possest of a faith which they ought to have kept to themselves,
but could not ; men that were become positive in asserting, That
a papist cannot be saved: insomuch that about this time, at the
execution of the queen of Scots, the bishop that preached her
funeral sermon (which was Dr. Rowland 4, then bishop of Peter-

4 Dr. Howland.~\ " Dr. Richard Rowland, master of John's college in
Cambridge, and the fourth bishop of Peterborough, died in 1600. It does
not appear that he was the preacher on this occasion.

f< Gunton, in his History of the Church of Peterborough, p. 73, has given a
circumstantial account of the funeral of Mary, queen of Scots, on Tuesday,
Aug. 1, 1587, six months after her death, for she was beheaded in the castle
of Fotheringay, February 8, in that year. He relates that the bishop of Lin-
coln (Wickham) preached out of the 39th Psalm, 5, 6, 7, Lord, let me know
my end and the number of my days, &c. In the prayer, when he gave thanks
for such as were translated out of this vale of misery, he used these words :
* Let us give thanks for the happy dissolution of the high and mighty
princess Mary, late queen of Scotland, and dowager of France, of whose life
and death at this time I have not much to say, because I was not acquainted
with the one, neither was I present at the other. I will not enter into judg-
ment further ; but, because it hath been signified to me that she trusted to
be saved by the blood of Christ, we must hope well of her salvation, for, as
father Luther was wont to say, many one that liveth a papist, dieth a pro-
testant.' In the discourse of his text he only dealt with general doctrine of
the vanity of all flesh.

" In the Supplement subjoined to Gunton's History, p. 331, the subject of
the sermon is resumed. 'Bishop Morton, in his Protestant Appeal, 1. iv.
c. i. hath given the best account I meet with of that passage (which in the
Apology of the Roman Church is taken out of Martin Mar-prelate) in the
bishop of Lincoln's sermon at her (the queen of Scots) funeral, which made

502 RICHARD HOOKER.

borough) was reviled for not being positive for her damnation.
And beside this boldness of their becoming gods, so far as to set
limits to his mercies ; there was not only one Martin Mar-prelate*,
but other venomous books daily printed and dispersed; books
that were so absurd and scurrilous, that the graver divines dis-
dained them an answer. And yet these were grown into high
esteem with the common people 6, till Tom Nash appeared against
them all ; who was a man of a sharp wit, and the master of a
scoffing satirical merry pen, which he employed to discover the
absurdities of those blind malicious senseless pamphlets, and
sermons as senseless as they ; Nash^s answers being like his books,
which bore these or like titles, An Almond1 for a Parrot ; A Fig
for my God-son, Come crack me this Nut 8, and the like : so that
his merry wit made some sport, and such a discovery of their
absurdities as (which is strange) he put a greater stop to t
malicious pamphlets, than a much wiser man had been able.

And now the reader is to take notice, that at the death of father
Alvie, who was master of the Temple, this Walter Travers was
lecturer there for the evening sermons, which he preached with
great approbation, especially of some citizens, and the younger
gentlemen of that society ; and for the most part approved by

so great noise among factious people, who reported, that he prayed his soul
and the souls of all there present might be saved with the soul of the queen
deceased. But the truth of the story he says is this, that the rev. bishop now
mentioned, understanding how that great and honourable personage, in the
last act of her life, renounced all presumption of her own inherent righteous-
ness, and wholly affianced her soul unto Christ, in belief to be justified only
by his satisfactory justice, did therefore conceive hope of her salvation by
virtue of that cordial prescribed by the holy apostle, viz., that where sin
aboundeth, the grace of God doth superabound." The above note is transcribed
from Dr. Zouch.

* One Martin Mar-pr elate. ~\ Under this name are included the scurrilous
pamphlets of at least four writers, Penny, Throgmorton, Udal, and Fenner.
See Fuller's Church History and Collier's Ecclesiastical History, at this
period : for full accounts of the writers, and lists of their works, the reader
may consult Wood's Athena Oxon. (Bliss's edition), and the bibliographers,
Ames, Beloe, &c.

6 With the common people.'] See Friendly Debate (Patrick), part ii. p. 48.
1684.

7 An Almond.'] " An Almond for a Parrot, or Culbert Curry -Knaues Al»

8 This Nut.'] The real title is " Pap with a Hatchet, alias A Fit/for my '
son, or Crack me this Nut" fyc., and the real author was not Turn Nash but
John Lilly.

RICHARD HOOKER. :,oy

Mr. Hooker himself, in the midst of their oppositions : for he
continued lecturer a part of his time : Mr. Travers being indeed
a man of competent learning, of a winning behaviour, and of a
blameless life. But he had taken orders by the presbytery in
Antwerp (and with them some opinions, that could never be
eradicated) and if in any thing he was transported, it was in an
extreme desire to set up that government in this nation : for the
promoting of which, he had a correspondence with Theodore
Beza at Geneva, and others in Scotland ; and was one of the
chiefest assistants to Mr. Cartwright in that design.

Mr. Travers had also a particular hope to set up this govern-
ment in the Temple, and to that end used his most zealous endea-
vours to be master of it; and, his being disappointed by Mr.
Hooker's admittance, proved the occasion of a public opposition
betwixt them, in their sermons ; many of which were concerning
the doctrine and ceremonies of this church : insomuch that, as
St. Paul withstood St. Peter to his face, so did they withstand
each other in their sermons ; for, as one hath pleasantly exprest
it, " The forenoon sermon spake Canterbury, and the afternoon,
Geneva."

In these sermons there was little of bitterness, but each party
brought all the reasons he was able to prove his adversary's
opinion erroneous. And thus it continued a long time, till the
oppositions became so visible, and the consequences so dangerous,
especially in that place, that the prudent archbishop put a stop to
Mr. Traverses preaching by a positive prohibition [and that chiefly
because of his foreign ordination :] against which Mr. Travers
appealed and petitioned her majesty's privy council to have it
recalled : where besides his patron the earl of Leicester, he met
also with many assisting friends ; but they were not able to pre-
vail with, or against the arch-bishop, whom the queen had in-
trusted with all church-power : and, he had received so fair a
testimony of Mr. Hooker's principles, and of his learning and
moderation, that he withstood all solicitations. But the deny-
ing this petition of Mr. Travers was unpleasant to divers of his
party; and the reasonableness of it became at last to be so
publicly magnified by them and many others of that party, as
never to be answered : so that intending the bishop's and Mr.
Hooker's disgrace, they procured it to be privately printed, and
scattered abroad : and then Mr. Hooker was forced to appear
and make as public an answer : which he did, and dedicated it to

504 RICHARD HOOKER.

the archbishop ; and it proved so full an answer, an answer that
had in it so much of clear reason, and writ with so much meek-
ness and majesty of stile, that the bishop began to have him in
admiration, and to rejoice that he had appeared in his cause, and
disdained not earnestly to beg his friendship, even, a familiar
friendship, with a man of so much quiet learning and humility.

To enumerate the many particular points, in which Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Travers dissented, (all or most of which, I have
seen written,) would prove at least tedious ; and therefore, I shall
impose upon my reader no more than two, which shall imme-
diately follow, and by which, he may judge of the rest.

Mr. Travers excepted against Mr. Hooker, for that in one of
his sermons he declared, " that the assurance of what we believe
by the word of God, is not to us so certain as that which we
perceive by sense." And Mr. Hooker confesseth he said so ;
and endeavours to justify it by the reasons following.

" First, I taught, That the things which God promises in his
word are surer than what we touch, handle, or see ; but are we
so sure and certain of them ? If we be, why doth God so often
prove his promises to us, as he doth, by arguments drawn from
our sensible experience? For we must be surer of the proof
than of the things proved; otherwise it is no proof. For
example : how is it that many men looking on the moon at the
same time, every one knoweth it to be the moon, as certainly as
the other doth ; but many believing one and the same promise,
have not all one and the same fullness of persuasion ? For how
falleth it out, that men being assured of any thing by sense, can
be no surer of it than they are ; when as the strongest in faith
that liveth upon the earth, hath always need to labour, strive and
pray, that his assurance concerning heavenly and spiritual things
may grow, increase, and be augmented?"

The sermon9 that gave him the cause of this his justification
makes the case more plain, by declaring " that there is besides
this certainty of evidence, a certainty of adherence;" in which
having most excellently demonstrated what the certainty <»t
adherence is, he makes this comfortable use of it, " Comfortal>l<-
(he says) "as to weak believers, who suppose themselves to !><•
faithless not to believe, when notwithstanding they ha\« tlu-ir
adherence. The holy Spirit hath his private operations, and

9 The sermon.'] "Of the certainty and perpetuity of faith in the i!
Compare also Hooker's Works, vol. iii. p. 389. 408, 9, 422. edit. 171)3.

RICHARD HOOKER. 505

worketh secretly in them, and effectually too, though they want
the inward testimony of it."

Tell this, saith he, to a man that hath a mind too much dejected
by a sad sense of his sin ; to one that by a too severe judging of
himself, concludes that he wants faith, because he wants the
comfortable assurance of it; and his answer will be, Do not
persuade me against my knowledge, against what I find and feel
in myself; I do not, I know I do not believe. (Mr. Hooker's
own words follow.) " Well then, to favour such men a little in
their weakness, let that be granted which they do imagine ; be it
that they adhere not to God's promises, but are faithless and
without belief; but are they not grieved for their unbelief?
They confess they are. Do they not wish it might, and also
strive that it may be otherways 2 We know they do. Whence
cometh this, but from a secret love and liking that they have of
those things believed ? For, no man can love those things which
in his own opinion are not ; and, if they think those things to be,
which they shew they love when they desire to believe them ;
then must it be, that by desiring to believe they prove themselves
true believers ; for, without faith no man thinketh that things
believed are : which argument all the subtilties of infernal powers
will never be able to dissolve." This is an abridgment of part of
the reasons Mr. Hooker gives for his justification of this his
opinion for which he was excepted against by Mr. Travers.

Mr. Hooker was also accused by Mr. Travers, for that he in
one of his sermons had declared, that " he doubted not but that
God was merciful to many of our fore-fathers 10 living in popish

10 To many of our fore-fathers. .] " And here I must answer" (says Latimer)
" to an objection or doubt, that peradventure some of you may make. You
will thinke, when ye heare what is the nature of false doctrine, ye will thinke,
I say, Alas ! what is done with our grandfathers ? no doubt they are lost
everlastingly, if this doctrine be true. For, after your saying, they have had
the false doctrine ; therefore they be damned ; for the nature of false doctrine
is to condemne. Such doubtes some will make ; yea and there be some
whiche in no wise will receave the gospel ; it were even as much as to thinke
their forefathers be damned. — Nowe to this objection or doubtfulness I will
make you aunswere. It is with false doctrine like as it is with fire. The
nature of fire is to burne and consume all that which is layd in the fire, that
may be burned : so the nature of false doctrine is to condemne, to bring to
everlasting damnation ; that is the nature of false doctrine. But yet for all
that, though the nature of the fire be to burne and consume all thynges, yet
there hath been many thynges in the fire which have not been burned nor

506 RICHARD HOOKER.

superstition, for as much as they sinned ignorantly:" and Mr.
Hooker in his answer professeth it to be his judgment, and de-
clares his reasons for this charitable opinion to be as follmu'tli.

But first, [because Traverses argument against this charitable
opinion of Hooker was, that they could not be saved, because
they sought to be justified by the merit of their works, and so
overthrew the foundation of faith,] he states the question about
justification and works, and how the foundation of faith without
works is overthrown ; and then he proceeds to discover the way
which natural men and some others have mistaken to be the way
by which they hope to attain true and everlasting happiness ; and

consumed : as the bush whiche appeared unto Moses, he burned in the fire,
and yet he was not consumed. What was the cause ? The power of God. . . .
Even so is it with popery, and with false doctrine : the nature of it is to con-
sume, to corrupt and bring to everlastyng sorrow ; yet let us hope that our
forefathers were not damned ; for God hath many wayes to preserve them
from perishing. Yea in the last houre of death God can worke with his
Holy Ghost, and teach them to know Christ his sonne for their saviour,
though they were taught otherwise before. . . .

" But now ye will say, Seeing then that God can save men, and bring
them to everlastyng life, without the outward hearing of the worde of God,
then we have no neede to heare the word of God, we neede not to have preachers
amongst us. For, like as he hath preserved them, so he will preserve us too,
without the hearing of God's word. This is a foolish reason : I will aunswere
you this : I will make you this argument, God can and is able to preserve
thynges from fire, so that they shall not burne nor consume ; and therefore
I go and set my house a fire, and it shall he preserved. Or this : God pre-
served those three men (Shadrach, Mesech and Abednego) from fire and so
that they tooke no harme : eryo, I will goe and cast myselfe into the fire, and
I shall take no harme. — Is this now a good reason ? No, no : for these three
men had their vocation to goe into the fire ; they were cast in by violence :
so if God will have thee to goe into the fire by violence for his wordes sake,
then goe with a good will, and no doubt either he will preserve thee as he
did them, or els he will take thee out of this miserable life to everl;>
felicitie. But to cast my selfe into the fire without any calling, I mav
for it is written, JVon tentabis Dominum Deum tuum, thou shalt not tempt the
Lord thy God. . . .

"This much I thought good to say agaynst the suggestion of the devil,
when he putteth thee in mynde saying, Thy forefathers are damned; that
thou mightest learne not to dispayre of their salvation, and yet not to 1<
careful, for they have their part. We must not make an accompt for their
doynges: everyone must aunswere for himselfe. For, if they be damned,
they cannot be brought agayne with oure sorrowfulnesse. Let us r
indevour ourselves to heare Gods word diligently, and learne the \\
salvation, so that when we shall be called, we may be sure of it." — Ser
fol. 210—212.

RICHARD HOOKER. 507

having discovered the mistaken, he proceeds to direct to that
true way, by which, and no other, everlasting life and blessedm —
is attainable. And, these two ways he demonstrates thus : (they
be his own words that follow) " That, the way of nature ; this,
the way of grace ; the end of that way, salvation merited, presup-
posing the righteousness of men^s works ; their righteousness, a
natural ability to do them ; that ability, the goodness of God
which created them in such perfection. But, the end of this
way, salvation bestowed upon men as a gift ; presupposing not
their righteousness, but the forgiveness of their unrighteousness,
justification ; their justification, not their natural ability to do
good, but their hearty sorrow for not doing, and unfeigned belief
in him for whose sake not doers are accepted, which is their voca-
tion ; their vocation the election of God, taking them out of the
number of lost children ; their election, a mediator in whom to
be elected ; this mediation, inexplicable mercy ; this mercy, sup-
posing their misery for whom he vouchsafed to die, and make
himself a mediator."

And he also declareth, " There is no meritorious cause for our
justification but Christ ; no effectual but his mercy ;" and says
also, " We deny the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, we abuse,
disannul, and annihilate the benefit of his passion, if by a proud
imagination we believe we can merit everlasting life, or can be
worthy of it." This belief (he declareth) is to destroy the very
essence of our justification : and he makes all opinions that
border upon this to be very dangerous. Yet nevertheless (and
for this he was accused) " Considering how many virtuous and
just men, how many saints and martyrs have had their dangerous
opinions, amongst which this was one, that they hoped to make
God some part of amends by voluntary punishments which they
laid upon themselves ; because of this or the like erroneous opi-
nions which do by consequence overthrow the merits of Christ,
shall man be so bold as to write on their graves, such men are
damned; there is for them no salvation? St. Austin says,
errare possum, hcereticus esse nolo. And except we put a differ-
ence betwixt them that err ignorantly, and them that obstinately
persist in it, how is it possible that any man should hope to be
saved ? Give me a pope or a cardinal, whom great afflictions have
made to know himself; whose heart God hath touched with true
sorrow for all his sins, and filled with a love of Christ and his
gospel ; whose eyes are willingly open to see the truth, and his

508 RICHARD HOOKER.

mouth ready to renounce all error, this one opinion of merit
excepted, which he thinketh God will require at his hands, and
because he wanteth, trembleth, and is discouraged, and yet can
say. Lord, cleanse me from all my secret sins; shall I think be-
cause of this or a like error such men touch not so much as the
hem of Christ's garment ? If they do, wherefore should I doubt
but that virtue may proceed from Christ, to save them I No, I
will not be afraid to say to such a one, You err in your opinion :
but be of good comfort, you have to do with a merciful God who
will make the best of that little which you hold well ; and, not
with a captious sophister, who gathereth the worst out of every
thing in which you are mistaken.1"

" But it will be said," (says Mr. Hooker) " The admittance of
merit in any degree, overthroweth the foundation, excludeth from
the hope of mercy, from all possibility of salvation." (And now
Mr. Hooker's own words11 follow.)

" What, though they hold the truth sincerely in all other parts
of Christian faith ; although they have in some measure all the
virtues and graces of the spirit ; although they have all other
tokens of God's children in them ; although they be far from
having any proud opinion that they shall be saved by the worthi-
ness of their deeds ; although the only thing that troubleth and
molesteth them be a little too much dejection, somewhat too
great a fear arising from an erroneous conceit, that God will
require a worthiness in them, which they are grieved to find
wanting in themselves? although they be not obstinate in this
opinion? although they be willing and would be glad to forsik<
it, if any one reason were brought sufficient to disprove it I
although the only cause why they do not forsake it en- they
die, be their ignorance of that means by which it might !><• dis-
proved ? although the cause why the ignorance in this point is
not removed, be the want of knowledge in such as should be al»le.
and are not to remove it; — Let me die, (says Mr. Hooker) it it
be ever proved, that simply an error doth exclude a pope <>r car-
dinal in such a case utterly from hope of life. Surely 1 inii>t
confess, that if it be an error to think that (Jod may be merciful
to save men even when they err; my greatest comfort is my
error : were it not for the love I bear to this error, I would r,
wish to speak or to li\i-."

I was willing to take notice of these two points, as suppo>inu
11 Own words.'] Works, vol. iii. p. 485.

RICHARD HOOKER. 509

them to be very material ; and that as they are thus contracted,
they may prove useful to my reader ; as also, for that the answers
be arguments of Mr. Hooker's great and clear reason, and equal
charity. — Other exceptions were also made against him by Mr.
Travers, as, " That he prayed before and not after his sermons ;
that in his prayers he named bishops ; that he kneeled both
when he prayed and when he received the sacrament," and (says
Mr. Hooker in his defence) " other exceptions so like these, as
but to name, I should have thought a greater fault than to com-
mit them."

And it is not unworthy the noting, that in the manage of so
great a controversy, a sharper reproof than this, and one like it,
did never fall from the happy pen of this humble man. That
like it was upon a like occasion of exceptions, to which his answer
was, " Your next argument consists of railing and of reasons ;
to your railing, I say nothing ; to your reasons, I say what
follows." And I am glad of this fair occasion, to testify the
dove-like temper of this meek, this matchless man ; and doubt-
less, if almighty God had blest the dissenters from the ceremonies
and discipline of this church, with a like measure of wisdom and
humility, instead of their pertinacious zeal ; then, obedience and
truth had kissed each other ; then peace and piety had flourished
in our nation, and this church and state had been blest like
Jerusalem that is at unity with itself: — but this can never be
expected, till God shall bless the common people of this nation
with a belief that schism is a sin ; and, they not fit to judge what is
schism: and bless them also with a belief, That there may be
offences taken, which are not given ; and, That laws are not made
for private men to dispute, but to obey.

[Before we pass from these unhappy disputations between
Hooker and Travers, as we have heard two articles of pretended
false doctrine objected by the one to the other, so it is pity the
rest should be wholly lost, and for ever buried in silence : there-
fore for the making this considerable part of the reverend man's
life and history compleat, and to retrieve whatsoever may be
gotten of the pen and mind of so learned and judicious a person,
take this further account, not only of two, but of all the articles
that his before-mentioned adversary had marshalled up against
him, collected from a sermon or sermons he had heard him preach
at the Temple, together with his endeavoured confutation of
them : and likewise Hooker's own vindication of himself to each

510 RICHARD HOOKER.

of those articles. These articles seem to have been delivered by
Travers to the lord treasurer. The same lord delivered them to
Hooker to consider of, and to make his reply to. And of these
articles the archbishop also was privy, and briefly declared his
judgment and determination of them. I shall set all down exactly
from an authentic manuscript.

" Doctrines delivered by Mr. Hooker, as they were set
down and shewed by Mr. Travers, Mar. 30, 1585, under this
title ;

" A short note of sundry unsound points of doctrine at divers
times delivered by Mr. Hooker in his public sermons.

"1. The church of Rome is a true church of Christ, and a
church sanctified by profession of that truth, which God hath
revealed unto us by his Son, though not a pure and perfect
church.

"2. The fathers which lived and died in popish superstition
were saved, because they sinned ignorantly.

"3. They which are of the church of Rome may be saved by
such a faith as they have in Christ, and a general repentance of
all their sins.

"4. The church of Rome holdeth all men sinners, even
the blessed Virgin, though some of them think otherwise of
her.

" 5. The church of Rome teacheth Chrisfs righteousness to
be the only meritorious cause of taking away sin.

" 6. The Galatians which joined with faith in Christ, circum-
cision as necessary unto salvation, notwithstanding be saved.

" 7. Neither the church of Rome, nor the Galatians deny the
foundation directly, but only by consequent : and therefore may
be saved. Or else neither the Lutherans, nor whosoever hold any
error (for every error by consequent, denieth the foundation) may
be saved.

" 8. An additament taketh not away that whereunto it is
added, but confirmeth it. As he that saith of any, he is a
rinltteous man, saitli that he is a man : except it be privati\>
when he saith, he is a dead man: then he denieth him to l»e a
man: and of this sort of [privative] additamcnts wither an
works which are added to Christ by the elmreh of Rome; nor
eireumeision added to him by the (ialatians.

RICHARD HOOKER. 511

" 9. The Galatians*1 case is harder than the case of the church
of Rome ; for they added to Christ circumcision, which God had
forbidden and abolished: but that which the church of Rome
addeth are works, which God hath commanded.

" 10. No one sequel urged by the apostle against the Galatians,
for joining circumcision with Christ, but may be as well enforced
against the Lutherans holding ubiquity.

"11. A bishop or a cardinal of the church of Rome, yea, the
pope himself, denying all other errors of popery, notwithstanding
his opinion of justification by works, may be saved.

" 12. Predestination is not of the absolute will of God, but
conditional.

" 1 3. The doings of the wicked are not of the will of God
positive, but only permissive.

" 14. The reprobates are not rejected, but for the evil works
which God did forsee they would commit.

" 15. The assurance of things which we believe by the word, is
not so sure, as of those which we perceive by sense."

Here follows an account given in by Mr. Hooker himself, of what
he preached March 28, 1585. And then of what Travers in his
Lectures excepted thereunto. And lastly of Hooker's reply and
vindication of himself and his sermons.

" I doubted not but that God was merciful to thousands of
our fathers, which lived in popish superstition: for that they
sinned ignorantly. But we have the light of the truth.

"c Which doctrine was withstood, because we are commanded
to depart out of Babylon, else we should be partakers of those
plagues there denounced against such as repent not of their super-
stitions : which they cannot who know them not.

" I answered that there were thousands in our days who hate

c [Travers's own answer ;

Salvation belongeth to the church of Christ. We may not think that
they could be capable of it which lived in the error held and maintained in
the church of Rome, that seat of antichrist. Wherefore to his people God
speaketh in this sort; Go out of Babylon, my people ; go out of her, that you
be not partaker of her sins, and that you taste not of her plagues.

The Galatians, thinking that they could not be saved by Christ, except
they were circumcised, did thereby exclude themselves from salvation.
Christ did profit them nothing. So they which join their own works with
Christ.]

512 RICHARD HOOKER.

sin, desiring to walk according to the will of God ; and yet com-
mitting sin which they know not to be sin. I think that they
that desire forgiveness of secret sins, which they know not to be
sins, and that are sorry for sins, that they know not to be sins,
[such] do repent.

" It is replied that without faith there is no repentance. Our
fathers in desiring mercy did but as divers pagans ; and had no
true repentance.

" They thought they could not be saved by Christ without
works, as the Galatians did, and so they denied the foundation of
faith.

" I answered, although the proposition were true, that he who
thinketh he cannot be saved by Christ, without works, over-
throweth the foundation ; yet we may persuade ourselves that our
forefathers might be saved. 1st. Because many of them were
ignorant of the dogmatical positions of the church of Rome.
2dly. Albeit they had divers positions of that church, yet it
followeth not that they had this. Sdly. Although they did gene-
rally hold this position, yet God might be merciful unto them.
No exception hath been taken against any one of these assertions.
4thly. I add, that albeit all those of whom we speak, did not only
hold this generally, but as the scholars of Rome hold this por-
tion now of joining works with Christ ; whether doth that posi-
tion overthrow the foundation directly or only by conseqm
If it doth overthrow the foundation directly, &c. To make all
plain, these points are to be handled. First, what is meant by
the foundation? Secondly, what it is to deny the foundation
directly. Thirdly, whether the elect may be so deceived, that
they may come to this, to deny the foundation directly ? Fourt lily.
whether the Galatians did directly deny it ? Fifthly, wl n • 1 1 1 » • r 1 1 u •
church of Rome, by joining works with Christ in the matt
salvation, do directly deny it?

"I. To the first I answer: The foundation is, that which
Peter Nathaniel, and the Samaritan, confessed; and that which
the apostles expressly [affirm], Acts iv. There is none other >/
under heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved. I
in fine, this, salvation is by Christ only. This word <>n(>/. \\liat
doth it exclude? [as when we say] This jud^c shall only d< -t« •nniiH-
this matter: this only doth not exclude all other thin--
the person of the jud^ ; as, necessary \\i ih«- equi'

tho cause, &•(•. but al1 and not all JMTMHIS from h

RICHARD HOOKER. 513

present, but from determining the cause. So when we say, sal-
vation only is by Christ, we do not exclude all other things. For
then how could we say that faith were necessary ? We exclude
therefore not those means whereby the benefits of Christ are
applied to us ; but all other persons, for working any thing for
our redemption.

" II. To the second point : We are said to deny the founda-
tion directly, when plainly and expressly we deny that Christ only
doth save. — By consequence we deny the foundation, when any such
thing is defended, whereby it may be inferred that Christ doth not
only save.

" III. To the third : The elect of God cannot so err that they
should deny directly the foundation : for that Christ doth keep
them from that extremity : and there is no salvation to such as
deny the foundation directly. Therefore it is said, that they shall
worship the beast, whose names are not found in the book of life.
Antichrist may prevail much against them [viz. the elect] and
they may receive the sign of the beast in the same degree ; but
not so that they should directly deny the foundation.

" IV. To the fourth : Albeit the Galatians fell into error ; but
not so that they lost salvation. If they had died before they had
known the doctrine of Paul, being before deceived by those that
they thought did teach the truth ; what do you think ? should
they have been damned ? This we are taught ; that such errors
[as are damning] shall not take hold, but on those that love not
the truth. The Galatians had embraced the truth ; and for it
had suffered many things, &c. There came among them seducers
that required circumcision. They being moved with a religious
fear, thought it to be the word of God, that they should be
circumcised. The best of them might be brought into that
opinion ; and dying before they could be otherwise instructed,
they may not for that be excluded from salvation. Circumcision
being joined with Christ doth only by consequence overthrow the
foundation. To hold the foundation by an additament is not to
deny the foundation, unless the additament be a privative. He
is a just man, therefore a man : but this followeth not ; he is a
dead man, therefore he is a man. In the 15th chapter of the
Acts they are called Credentes [i. e. such as believed] that taught
the necessity of circumcision. That name could not have been
given unto them, if directly they had denied the foundation. That
which the apostle doth urge against the Galatians, in respect of cir-

VOL. in. i- 1

514 RICHARD HOOKER.

cumcision, may be urged against the Lutherans in respect of their
consubstantiation. So neither did the Galatians directly deny it.

" V. Lastly : Whether doth the church of Rome directly deny
the foundation, by joining Christ and works ? There is a differ-
ence between the papists and the Galatians ; for circumcision,
which the Galatians joined with Christ, was forbidden and taken
away by Christ. But works are commanded, which the church
of Rome doth join with Christ. So that there is greater repug-
nancy to join circumcision with Christ, than to join works with
him. But let them be equal. As the Galatians only by consequent
denied the foundation, so do the papists. Zanchy, Calvin, Mor-
nay : I need not go so far as some of these : but this I think, if
the pope or any of the cardinals should forsake all other their
corruptions and yield up their souls, holding the foundation again
but by a slender thread, and did but as it were touch the hem of
Christ's garment, believing that which the church of Rome doth
in this point of doctrine, they may obtain mercy. For they have
to deal with God, who is no captious sophister, and will not
examine them in quiddities, but accept them if they plainly hold
the foundation.

" This error is my only comfort as touching the salvation of our
fathers. I follow Mr. Martyr. I know Ignorantia non excusat
in toto, but in tanto. It maketh not a fault to be no fault, but
that which is a fault to be a less one."

At length thus did the archbishop of Canterbury discreetly and
warily correct and moderate these articles between them both.

44 1. Papists living and dying papists may notwithstanding In-
saved. The reason ; ignorance excused them. As the apostle
alledgeth, 1 Tim. i. 13. / obtained mercy because I did it iyno-

The archbishop's judgment.

" Not papists, but our fathers. Nor they all, but many of
them. Nor living and dying papists, but living in popish super-
stitions. Nor simply might, but might by the mercy of
saved. Ignorance did not excuse the fault to make it no fault :
but the less their fault was, in respect of ignorance, the more li«.p<
we have, that God was merciful to them."

"II. I'apists hold the foundation of faith. so that they may
be saved, notwithstanding their opinion of merit."

RICHARD HOOKER. 515

Archbishop. " And papists overthrow the foundation of faith,
both by their doctrine of merit, and otherwise, many ways. So
that if they have as their errors deserve, I do not see how they
should be saved."

" III. General repentance may serve to their salvation, though
they confess not their error of merit."

Archbishop. "General repentance will not serve any but the
faithful man. Nor him for any sin, but for such sins only as he
doth not mark, nor know to be sin."

u IV. The church of Rome is within the new covenant."

Archbishop. " The church of Rome is not as the assemblies of
Turks, Jews and Painims."

" V. The Galatians, joining the law with Christ, might have
been saved, before they received the epistle."

Archbishop. " Of the Galatians, before they were told of
their error, what letteth us to think, as of our fathers, before
the church of Rome was admonished of her defection from the
truth?]"

And this may also be worthy of noting, That these exceptions
of Mr. Travers against Mr. Hooker, proved to be Felix error,
for they were the cause of his transcribing those few of his ser-
mons which we now see printed with his books, and of his Answer
to Mr. Traverses Supplication, and of his most learned and useful
Discourse of justification of faith and works ; and by their trans-
cription they fell into such hands as have preserved them from
being lost, as too many of his other matchless writings were ; and
from these I have gathered many observations in this discourse of
his life.

After the publication of his answer to the petition of Mr.
Travers, Mr. Hooker grew daily into greater repute with the
most learned and wise of the nation ; but it had a contrary effect
in very many of the Temple that were zealous for Mr. Travers
and for his church discipline : insomuch, that though Mr. Travers
left the place, yet the seeds of discontent could not be rooted out
of that society, by the great reason, and as great meekness of
this humble man : for though the chief benchers gave him much
reverence and encouragement, yet he there met with many neg-
lects and oppositions by those of master Traverses judgment;
insomuch, that it turned to his extreme grief: and, that he might
unbeguile and win them, he designed to write a deliberate sober
treatise of the church's power to make canons for the use of cere-

L! 2

516 RICHARD HOOKER.

monies, and by law to impose an obedience to them, as upon her
children ; and this he proposed to do in eight books of the Laws
of Ecclesiastical Polity ; intending therein to shew such argu-
ments as should force an assent from all men, if reason, delivered
in sweet language, and void of any provocation, were able to do
it. And that he might prevent all prejudice, he wrote before it a
large preface or epistle to the dissenting brethren, wherein there
were such bowels of love, and such a commixture of that love with
reason, as was never exceeded but in holy writ, and particularly
by that of St. Paul to his dear brother and fellow-labourer, Phile-
mon : than which, none ever was more like this epistle of Mr.
Hooker's ; so that his dear friend and companion in his studies,
doctor Spenser, might after his death justly say, " What admi-
rable height of learning and depth of judgment dwelt in the lowly
mind of this truly humble man, great in all wise men's eyes
except his own; with what gravity and majesty of speecli his
tongue and pen uttered heavenly mysteries ; whose eyes in the
humility of his heart were always cast down to the ground ; how
all things that proceeded from him were breathed as from the
spirit of love, as if he, like the bird of the Holy Ghost, the dove,
had wanted gall ; — let those that knew him not in his person
judge by these living images of his soul, his writings/'

The foundation of these books was laid in the Temple ; but he
found it no fit place to finish what he had there designed, and lie
therefore earnestly solicited the archbishop for a remove from that
place, to whom he spake to this purpose.

" My lord, When I lost the freedom of my cell, which was my
college, yet I found some degree of it in my quiet country par-
sonage: but I am weary of the noise and oppositions of this
place ; and indeed, God and Nature did not intend me for conten-
tions, but for study and quietness. My lord, my particular con-
tests with Mr. Travers here have proved the more unpleasant to
me, because I believe him to be a good man; and that belief
hath occasioned me to examine mine own conscience con CM -ruin <r
his opinions; and, to satisfy that, I have consulted the Scrip
and other laws both human and divine, whether the conscience of
him and others of his judgment ought to be so far complied with
as to alter our frame of church government, our manner of God's
worship, our praising and praying to him, and our established
ceremonies, as often as his and others tender consciences shall

RICHARD HOOKER. 517

require us. And in this examination I have not only satisfied
myself, but have begun a treatise, in which I intend a justification
of the Laws of our Ecclesiastical Polity : in which design God
and his holy angels shall at the last great day bear me that wit-
ness which my conscience now does, that my meaning is not to
provoke any, but rather to satisfy all tender consciences ; and I
shall never be able to do this, but where I may study, and pray
for God's blessing upon my endeavours, and keep myself in
peace and privacy, and behold God's blessings spring out of my
mother earth, and eat my own bread without oppositions ; and
therefore, if your grace can judge me worthy of such a favour, let
me beg it, that I may perfect what I have begun."

About this time the parsonage or rectory of Boscum *, in the
diocese of Sarum, and six miles from that city, became void.
The bishop of Sarum is patron of it ; but in the vacancy of that
see (which was three years betwixt the translation of bishop
Pierce to the see of York, and bishop CaldwelFs admission into
it) the disposal of that and all benefices belonging to that see,
during this said vacancy, came to be disposed of by the archbishop
of Canterbury, and he presented Richard Hooker to it in the year
1591. And Richard Hooker was also in the said year instituted,
July 17, to be a minor prebend of Salisbury, the corps to it
being Nether-Havin, about ten miles from that city ; which pre-
bend was of no great value, but intended chiefly to make him
capable of a better preferment in that church. In this Boscum
he continued till he had finished four of his eight proposed books
of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, and these were entered into
the register book in Stationers1 Hall, the 9th of March, 1592, but
not published till the year 1594, and then were with the before-
mentioned large and affectionate preface, which he directs " to
them that seek (as they term it) the reformation of the laws and
orders ecclesiastical in the church of England ;" of which books
I shall yet say nothing more, but that he continued his laborious
diligence to finish the remaining four during his life, (of all which
more properly hereafter) but at Boscum he finished and pub-
lished but only the first four, being then in the 39th year of his
age.

He left Boscum in the year 1595 by a surrender of it into
the hands of bishop Caldwell, and he presented Benjamin
1 Boscum.'] Boscombe, about four miles from Amesbury.

518 RICHARD HOOKER.

Russel, who was instituted into it the 23d of June in the same
year.

The parsonage of Bishops Borne in Kent, three miles from
Canterbury, is in that archbishop's gift ; but in the latter end of
the year 1594, doctor William Redman, the rector of it, was
made bishop of Norwich, by which means the power of presenting
to it was pro ea vice in the queen, and she presented Richard
Hooker, whom she loved well, to this good living of Borne the 7th
of July, J 595, in which living he continued till his death, without
any addition 2 of dignity or profit.

And now having brought our Richard Hooker from his birth
place to this, where he found a grave, I shall only give some
account of his books, and of his behaviour in this parsonage of
Borne, and then give a rest both to myself and my reader.

His first four books and large epistle have been declared to be
printed at his being at Boscum, anno 1594. Next I am to tell
that at the end of these four books there was, when he first
printed them, this Advertisement to the Reader. — " I have for
some causes thought it at this time more fit to let go these first
four books by themselves, than to stay both them and the rest
till the whole might together be published. Such generalities of
the cause in question as are here handled, it will be perhaps not
amiss to consider apart, by way of introduction unto the books
that are to follow concerning particulars; in the mean time
the reader is requested to mend the printer's errors, as noted
underneath."

And I am next to declare, that his fifth book (which is larger
than his first four) was first also printed by itself anno 1597,
and dedicated to his patron (for till then he chose none) the
archbishop. These books were read with an admiration of their
excellency in this, and their just fame spread itself also into
foreign nations. And I have been told more than forty v
past, that either cardinal Allen, " or learned doctor Stapleton,"
(both Englishmen, and in Italy about the time when Hook
four books were first printed,) meeting with this general fame of
them, were desirous to read an author that both the refonm <L

2 Without any addition.'] " It is a vulgar error, which the author of his
life hath also taken up, that he was but meanly preferred. For to my certain
knowledge, at the time when he wrote his celebrated books of Ecclesiastical
Polity, he had very great preferments, of which he died possessed."— Defence
nf Pluralities (H. Wharton's), p. 192. 2nd edit.

RICHARD HOOKER. r,19

and the learned of their own Romish Church did so much mag-
nify, and therefore caused them to be sent for to Rome ; and
after reading them, boasted to the pope (which then was Clement
the eighth) " that though he had lately said he had never met
with an English book whose writer deserved the name of author,
yet there now appeared a wonder to them, and it would be so to
his holiness if it were in Latin ; for a poor obscure English priest
had writ four such books of Laws, and Church Polity, and in a
style that expressed such a grave and so humble a majesty, with
such clear demonstration of reason, that in all their readings
they had not met with any that exceeded him :"" and this begot
in the pope an earnest desire that doctor Stapleton should bring
the said four books, and looking on the English, read a part of
them to him in Latin, which doctor Stapleton did to the end of
the first book ; at the conclusion of which the pope spake to this
purpose : " There is no learning that this man hath not searched
into ; nothing too hard for his understanding : this man indeed
deserves the name of an author: his books will get reverence
by age, for there are in them such seeds of eternity, that if the
rest be like this, they shall last till the last fire shall consume all
learning."

Nor was this high, the only testimony and commendations
given to his books : for at the first coming of king James into
this kingdom, he enquired of the archbishop Whitgift for his
friend Mr. Hooker that writ the books of Church Polity. To
which the answer was, that he died a year before queen Eliza-
beth, who received the sad news of his death with very much sor-
row ; to which the king replied, " and I receive it with no less,
that I shall want the desired happiness of seeing and discoursing
with that man, from whose books I have received such satisfac-
tion. Indeed, my lord, I have received more satisfaction in read-
ing a leaf or paragraph in Mr. Hooker, though it were but about
the fashion of churches, or church music, or the like, but espe-
cially of the sacraments, than I have had in the reading particular
large treatises written but of one of those subjects by others,
though very learned men : and I observe there is in Mr. Hooker
no affected language, but a grave, comprehensive, clear manifesta-
tion of reason, and that backed with the authority of the Scrip-
ture, the fathers and schoolmen, and with all law both sacred and
civil. And though many others write well, yet in the next age
they will be forgotten ; but doubtless there is in every page of

520 RICHARD HOOKER.

Mr. Hooker's book the picture of a divine soul, such pictures of
truth and reason, and drawn in so sacred colours, that they shall
never fade, but give an immortal memory to the author.11 And
it is so truly true that the king thought what he spake, that as
the most learned of the nation have and still do mention Mr.
Hooker with reverence, so he also did never mention him but
with the epithet of learned, or judicious, or reverend, or venerable
Mr. Hooker.

Nor did his son, our late king Charles the first, ever mention
him but with the same reverence, enjoining his son, our now gra-
cious king, to be studious in Mr. Hooker's books. And our
learned antiquary Mr. Cambdend mentioning the death, the
modesty, and other virtues of Mr. Hooker, and magnifying his
books, wished, " that for the honour of this, and benefit of other
nations, they were turned into the universal language.11 Which
work, though undertaken by many, yet they have been weary and
forsaken it ; but the reader may now expect it, having been long
since begun, and lately finished, by the happy pen of Dr. Earl,
now lord bishop of Salisbury, of whom I may justly say (and let
it not offend him, because it is such a truth as ought not to be
concealed from posterity, or those that now live and yet know
him not) that since Mr. Hooker died, none hath lived whom God
hath blessed with more innocent wisdom, more sanctified learn-
ing, or a more pious, peaceable, primitive temper ; so that this
excellent person seems to be only like himself and our venerable
Richard Hooker, and only fit to make the learned of all nations
happy in knowing what hath been too long confined to the lan-
guage s of our little island.

There might be many more and just occasions taken to speak
of his books, which none ever did, or can commend 4 too much,

d [In his Annals, 1599.]

3 Confined to the language.] It is to be regretted, that neither Earle's trans-
lation, nor any other, has hitherto been published.

To the wishes for such a work we may add that of the illustrious Grotius,
as expressed in a letter to Meric Casaubon.

" Ricardi Hookeri scripta ante annos multos vidi, et quanquam in sermone
mihi non percognito, facile cognovi exactissimi operis utilitatem ; quae tanta
est, ut hunc quoque librum verti, sed in Latinum sermonem, pervelim. Queero
si quis hie est, qui id efficere cupiat. Cseterum tibi id ipsura cordi esse
velim."— Vindication of the Lord's Prayer, p. 81. 1660.

4 Or can commend.] Hooker may justly be regarded as the genuine lineal
descendant of the most enlightened English reformers : and, possessing learn-

RICHARD HOOKER. 521

but I decline them, and hasten to an account of his Christian
behaviour and death at Borne ; in which place he continued his

ing equal to that of any of them, with more opportunities for meditation,
and the accumulated advantage of their labours and experience, he may,
perhaps not improperly, be considered as exhibiting in his writings a model
of the true settled, most improved, mature, and catholic principles of the
English Reformation. But these virtues did not screen him from having
many adversaries. At the time when Hooker wrote, Calvinism, doctrinal as
well as disciplinarian, had made considerable progress in England; and
Hooker's, unhappily for his own peace of mind, were almost the only works
of great extent which were calculated to arrest the progress of the doctrinal
Calvinists. In the year 1599 a tract was published in 4to., entitled A
Christian Letter of certaine English Protestants, unfaigned favourers of the
present state of Religion, authorised andprofessed in England, unto that reverend
and learned man, Mr. R. Hooker, requiring resolution in certaine matters of
doctrine (which seeme to overthrow the foundation of Christian religion, and of
the Church among us), expresslie contained in his five books of Ecclesiasticall
Pollicie. This book is one of the earliest productions of those mal-contents,
who were afterwards called doctrinal Puritans. It is the doctrines of Hooker
with which they quarrel : and they profess (in contradistinction to the abet-
tors of the Geneva Discipline) an unfeigned attachment to the external
establishments of the church of England. The work is further deserving of
notice, as exhibiting, I believe, the earliest example, both in the matter and
manner of the argument, of those numerous publications in which some
Calvinistic writers have thoughtlessly and intemperately indulged themselves,
from the days of this Christian Letter, and from Prynne and Hickman down-
wards, to Edwards, and Toplady, and Bowman, and sir Richard Hill, and
Overton. — Can it be believed, the authors of the letter in question tax the
meek, the wise, the virtuous, the saint-like Richard Hooker with betraying
and renouncing the doctrines to which he had solemnly subscribed ? They
charge him with designs of bringing back popery. They accuse him of a
wanton attack on the memory of Calvin. They condemn him of unsoundness
of doctrine respecting grace, and free-will, and justification, and predestina-
tion, and the conditions of the Christian covenant, and the sacraments of the
Christian church. It is curious to see the Thirty-nine Articles, the Liturgy,
the Homilies, bishop Jewel's Apology, dean Novell's Catechism, and the
writings of many others of Hooker's protestant predecessors, solemnly cited
against him, and confronted in due form with extracts from the Ecclesiastical
Polity, for the purpose of convicting him of deserting and denying the prin-
ciples of that church of which he was a minister, in whose cause he toiled
day and night, and in the defence of which, I believe, it may truly be said,
that it was God's good pleasure that he should die. The following extracts
may serve as specimens of this performance.

« "The reverend fathers of our church call Mr. Calvin one of the best
writers, &c. (J. Whitgift, p. 300. Bp. Jewel, Defence of Apolog. part ii.
p. 149. Read any English writer defending the church of England ; and
namely, Fulke against Stapleton's Fortress, p. 71. Read Apolog. Anglican.)

522 RICHARD HOOKER.

customary rules of mortification and self denial ; was much in
fasting, frequent in meditation and prayer, enjoying those blessed

Howe greatlie all Christian churches are to prayse God for that man's faithfull
labours, and how instantlie therefore all sortes of papistes have and doe
indevour and strive to diminish his credit, all the Christian world most
aboundlie both by word and by writing do testifie. Wherefore we wonder not
a little, what moved you to make choyse of that worthie pillar of the Church
above all other, to traduce him, and to make him a spectacle before all Christians"
P. 37.

By the way, some may think it strange, and yet it is very true that this
same character of Calvin, which is here referred to, and thus accounted of,
has in the present day been more than once appealed to, as a proof of the
high esteem in which Calvin was regarded by Richard Hooker ; and, what
shall we say ? why, perhaps, as a proof that the Articles of the Church of
England are Calvinistical. Ex quovis liono Jit, &c. Again, " In all your
books — Reason is highlie sett up against Holie Scripture, and reading against
preaching : the church of Rome favourablie admitted to be of the house of
God : Calvin with the Reformed churches full of faults, and most of all they
which indevoured to be most reformed from conformitie with the Church of
Rome: almost all the principall pointes of our English Creede greatlie
shaken and contradicted. If you do not sincerelie, plainlie, and trulie an-
swere all these our necessarie doubtes and demandes, what shall we have-
cause to thinke of these your tedious and laborious writings ? Shall we doe
you wronge to suspect you as a privie and suhtill enemie to the whole state
of the English church, and that would have men to deeme her majestic to
have done ill in abolishing the Romish religion, and banishing the Pope's
authoritie ? — Will you briny us to atheisme or to poperie?" P. 43. " We be-
seech you therefore in the name of Jesus Christ, and as you will answere for
the use of those great giftes which God hath bestowed upon you, that you
would returne and peruse advisedlie all your five bookes, compare them with
the articles of our profession sett out by public authoritie, and with the
workes apologeticall, and other authorised Sermons and Homilies of our
church, and of the reverend fathers of our land, and with the holie booke of
God, and all other the queenes majesties proceedings." P. 44. " All the
articles of our religion, and many partes of our church government checked,
blamed, and contradicted." P. 45. " Thirdly that you would be careful not
to corrupt the English creede and pure doctrine, whereunto you have sub-
scribed, either by philosophic &c." P. 47. "The church of England be-
leeveth, that Predestination unto life is the eternal purpose &c. Jhr
maister Hooker seem to us to affirme contrarie, when you saie, If anic man
doubt &c." P. 15. "You make it (the Sacrament) a meanes condicionall,
and no lesse required than faith itself. — And herein we are suitors unto you
to tell us, whether the condition of sacraments make not for the additamcnt
of works unto faith, in that which the English church holdeth to be oiu-liu
and properly o( faith." P. 28.

After some delay, Hooker was prevailed upon to undertake a reply t<
letter, but death prevented the execution of his purpose. Dr. Covel, his

RICHARD HOOKER. 523

returns which only men of strict lives feel and know, and of which
men of loose and godless lives cannot be made sensible ; for spiri-
tual things are spiritually discerned.

At his entrance into this place his friendship was much sought
for by Dr. Hadrian Saravia, then or about that time made one of
the prebends of Canterbury ; a German by birth, and some time
a pastor both in Flanders and Holland, where he had studied and
well considered the controverted points concerning episcopacy
and sacrilege ; and in England had a just occasion to declare his
judgment concerning both unto his brethren ministers of the Low
Countries, which was excepted against by Theodore Beza and
others, against whose exceptions he rejoined, and thereby became
the happy author of many learned tracts, writ in Latin, especially
of three ; one of the Degrees of Ministers, and of the Bishops
superiority above the Presbytery; a second against Sacrilege;
and a third, of Christian Obedience to Princes ; the last
being occasioned by Gretzerus the Jesuit. And it is observ-
able, that when in a time of church tumults, Beza gave his
reasons to the chancellor of Scotland for the abrogation of
episcopacy in that nation, partly by letters, and more fully in a

friend, then undertook the work : and he speaking of his own performance,
and what Hooker's would have been if executed, expresses himself thus,
" His answer would have been far more general and more speedy, if he could
either have resolved to have done it, or after he had resolved, could have
lived to have seen it finished. But first of all he was loth to intermeddle with
so weake adversaries ; thinking it unfit (as himselfe said) that a man that hath
a long journey should turne backe to beate every barking curre ; and having
taken it in hand, his urgent and greater affairs, together with the want of
strength, weakened with much labour, would not give him time to see it
finished." Preface to a Just and temperate Defence of the jive books of Eccle-
siastical Politic, p. 12.

Somewhere I have seen the " Christian Letter" attributed to Dr. Andrew
Willet, but I cannot at present recall the authority. I remember, however,
that, at the time, it seemed to me to be good.

Some preparations of Hooker towards a reply to this letter were known to
be in existence by a slight notice given of them in Tanner's Bibliotheca
Britannico Hibernica, p. 411, A.D. 1748; thus, "Some strictures on the
Letter that was printed Anno 1599, against his Ecclesiastical Polity, MS. in
biblioth. C.C.C. Oxon. 215 ;" but very little notice seems to have been taken
of remains, likely to prove so curious and interesting, and actually being so,
till Mr. Keble has published them, at large, in his recent very valuable edi-
tion of Hooker's writings. The passages are subjoined as notes to the several
places in the Ecclesiastical Polity to which they appertain. For a further
account, the reader may consult Mr. Keble's Preface, p. xii— xix. vol. i.

524 RICHARD HOOKER.

treatise of a three-fold episcopacy (which he calls divine, human,
and satanical) this Dr. Saravia had, by the help of bishop Whitgift,
made such an early discovery of their intentions, that he had
almost as soon answered that treatise as it became public, and
he therein discovered how Beza's opinion did contradict that of
Calvin and his adherents, leaving them to interfere with them-
selves in point of episcopacy. But of these tracts it will not
concern me to say more, than that they were most of them de-
dicated to his and the church of England's watchful patron, John
Whitgift, the archbishop, and printed about the time in which
Mr. Hooker also appeared first to the world in the publication
of his first four books of Ecclesiastical Polity.

This friendship being sought for by this learned doctor, you
may believe was not denied by Mr. Hooker, who was by fortune
so like him as to be engaged against Mr. Travers, Mr. Cart-
wright, and others of their judgment, in a controversy too like
Dr. Saravia's; so that in this year of 1595, and in this place of
Borne, these two excellent persons began a holy friendship, in-
creasing daily to so high and mutual affections, that their two
wills seemed to be but one and the same ; and their designs,
both for the glory of God and peace of the church, still assist-
ing and improving each other's virtues, and the desired comforts
of a peaceable piety. Which I have willingly mentioned, because
it gives a foundation to some things that follow.

This parsonage of Borne is from Canterbury three miles, and
near to the common road that leads from that city to Dover ;
in which parsonage Mr. Hooker had not been twelve months,
but his books and the innocency and sanctity of his life became
so remarkable, that many turned out of the road, and others
(scholars especially) went purposely to see the man, whose lii'f
and learning were so much admired ; and alas, as our Saviour
said of St. John Baptist, What went they out to see? a man
cloathed in purple and fine linen ? no indeed, but an obscure,
harmless man, a man in poor cloaths, his loins usually girt in a
coarse gown, or canonical coat; of a mean stature, and stooping,
and yet more lowly in the thoughts of his soul; his body worn
out, not with age, but study and holy mortifications ; his face full
of heat pimples, begot by his inactivity and sedentary life. And
to this true character of his person let me add this of his dispo-
sition and behaviour : God and nature blessed him with so Mi
a bashfulness, that as in his younger days his pupils mi^ht

RICHARD HOOKER. 525

look him out of countenance ; so neither then, nor in his age, did
he ever willingly look any man in the face ; and he was of so mild
and humble a nature, that his poor parish clerk and he did never
talk but with both their hats on, or both off, at the same time.
And to this may be added, that though he was not purblind, yet
he was short or weak-sighted ; and where he fixed his eyes at the
beginning of his sermon, there they continued till it was ended :
and the reader has the liberty to believe, that his modesty and
dim sight were some of the reasons why he trusted Mrs. Church-
man to chuse his wife.

This parish clerk lived till the third or fourth year of the late
Long Parliament ; betwixt which time and Mr. Hooker's death
there had come many to see the place of his burial, and the mo-
nument dedicated to his memory by sir William Cooper (who
still lives) and the poor clerk had many rewards for shewing Mr.
Hooker's grave-place, and his said monument, and did always
hear Mr. Hooker mentioned with commendations and reverence :
to all which he added his own knowledge and observations of his
humility and holiness ; and in all which discourses the poor man
was still more confirmed in his opinion of Mr. Hooker's virtues
and learning. But it so fell out, that about the said third or
fourth year of the Long Parliament the then present parson of
Borne was sequestered (you may guess why) and a Genevan mi-
nister put into his good living. This, and other like sequestra-
tions, made the clerk express himself in a wonder, and say,
" They had sequestered so many good men, that he doubted if
his good master Mr. Hooker had lived till now they would have
sequestered him too."

It was not long before this intruding minister had made a
party in and about the said parish, that were desirous to re-
ceive the sacrament as in Geneva, to which end the day was
appointed for a select company, and forms and stools set about
the altar or communion-table, for them to sit and eat and drink ;
but when they went about this work there was a want of some
joint stools, which the minister sent the clerk to fetch, and then
to fetch cushions (but not to kneel upon). When the clerk saw
them begin to sit down, he began to wonder ; but the minister
bad him " cease wondering, and lock the church-door ;" to whom
he replied, " Pray take you the keys, and lock me out : I will
never come more into this church ; for all men will say my master
Hooker was a good man and a good scholar, and I am sure it was

526 RICHARD HOOKER.

not used to be thus in his days.11 And, report says, the old man
went presently home and died : I do not say died immediately,
but within a few days after.

But let us leave this grateful clerk in his quiet grave, and
return to Mr. Hooker himself, continuing our observations of his
Christian behaviour in this place, where he gave a holy vale-
diction to all the pleasures and allurements of earth, possessing
his soul in a virtuous quietness, which he maintained by constant
study, prayers, and meditations. His use was to preach once
every Sunday, and he or his curate to catechise after the second
lesson in the evening prayer : his sermons were neither long nor
earnest, but uttered with a grave zeal, and an humble voice : his
eyes always fixed on one place to prevent his imagination from
wandering, insomuch that he seemed to study as he spake. The
design of his sermons (as indeed of all his discourses) was to
shew reasons for what he spake ; and with these reasons, such a
kind of rhetorick as did rather convince and persuade than frighten
men into piety ; studying not so much for matter (which he never
wanted) as for apt illustrations to inform and teach his unlearned
hearers by familiar examples, and then make them better by con-
vincing applications ; never labouring by hard words, and then by
needless distinctions and sub-distinctions, to amuse his hearers,
and get glory to himself, but glory only to God. Which inten-
tion, he would often say, was as discernible in a preacher as a
natural from an artificial beauty.

He never failed the Sunday before every Ember-week to give
notice of it to his parishioners, persuading them both to fast,
and then to double their devotions for a learned and pious clergy ;
but especially the last, saying often, " That the life of a j
clergyman was visible rhetoric, and so convincing, that the i
godless men (though they would not deny themselves the enjoy-
ment of their present lusts) did yet secretly wish themselves like
those of the strictest lives." And to what he persuaded others
he added his own example of fasting and prayer ; and did usually
every Ember- week take from the parish clerk the key <>f the
church-door, into which place he retired every day, and locked
himself up for many hours; and did the like most Fridays and
other days of fasting.

He would by no means omit the customary time <•!'/'/ •«»*. .«ton',
persuading all, both rich and poor, if they desired the j

5 Procession.] The well-known practice, now called beating the bounds.

RICHARD HOOKER. 527

tion of love and their parish rights and liberties, to accompany
him in his perambulation ; and most did so ; in which perambu-
lation he would usually express more pleasant discourse than at
other times, and would then always drop some loving and face-
tious observations to be remembered against the next year,
especially by the boys and young people; still inclining them
and all his present parishioners to meekness, and mutual kind-
nesses, and love ; because love thinks not evil, but covers a multitude
of infirmities.

He was diligent to enquire who of his parish were sick, or any
ways distressed, and would often visit them, unsent for ; supposing
that the fittest time to discover to them those errors to which
health and prosperity had blinded them ; and having by pious
reasons and prayers moulded them into holy resolutions for the
time to come, he would incline them to confession, and bewailing
their sins, with purpose to forsake them, and then to receive the
communion, both as a strengthening of those holy resolutions,
and as a seal betwixt God and them of his mercies to their souls,
in case that present sickness did put a period to their lives.

And as he was thus watchful and charitable to the sick, so he
was as diligent to prevent law-suits, still urging his parishioners and
neighbours to bear with each other's infirmities, and live in love,
because (as St. John says) lie that lives in love, lives in God, for
God is love. And to maintain this holy fire of love constantly
burning on the altar of a pure heart, his advice was to watch and
pray, and always keep themselves fit to receive the communion,
and then to receive it often, for it was both a confirming and
strengthening of their graces ; this was his advice. And at his
entrance or departure out of any house he would usually speak
to the whole family, and bless them by name ; insomuch that as
he seemed in his youth to be taught of God, so he seemed in this
place to teach his precepts, as Enoch did, by walking with him in
all holiness and humility, making each day a step towards a blessed
eternity. And though in this weak and declining age of the
world such examples are become barren, and almost incredible,
yet let his memory be blessed with this true recordation, because
he that praises Richard Hooker praises God, who hath given such
gifts to men : and let this humble and affectionate relation of him
become such a pattern as may invite posterity to imitate these
his virtues.

This was his constant behaviour both at Borne and in all pln.-« -

528 RICHARD HOOKER.

in which he lived : thus did he walk with God, and tread the foot-
steps of primitive piety ; and yet as that great example of meek-
ness and purity, even our blessed Jesus, was not free from false
accusations, no more was this disciple of his, this most humble,
most innocent, holy man. His was a slander parallel to that of
chaste Susanna by the wicked elders, or that against St. Athana-
sius, as it is recorded in his life, (for that holy man had his
heretical enemies) a slander which this age calls trepanning1 ; the
particulars need not a repetition ; and that it was false needs no
other testimony than the public punishment of his accusers, and
their open confession of his innocency. It was said that the
accusation was contrived by a dissenting brother, one that endured
not church ceremonies, hating him for his book's sake, which he
was not able to answer ; and his name hath been told me, but I
have not so much confidence in the relation as to make my pen
fix a scandal upon him to posterity ; I shall rather leave it doubt-
ful till the great day of revelation. But this is certain, that he
lay under the great charge, and the anxiety of this accusation,
and kept it secret to himself for many months ; and being a
helpless man, had lain longer under this heavy burthen, but that
the protector of the innocent gave such an accidental occasion as
forced him to make it known to his two dearest friends, Edwin
Sandys, and George Cranmer, who were so sensible of their tutor's
sufferings, that they gave themselves no rest till by their disqui-
sitions and diligence they had found out the fraud, and brought
him the welcome news, that his accusers did confess they had
wronged him, and begged his pardon : to which the good man's
reply was to this purpose, " The Lord forgive them, and the
Lord bless you for this comfortable news. Now I have a just
occasion to say with Solomon, Friends are born for the days of
adversity, and such you have proved to me ; and to my God I
say, as did the mother of St. John Baptist, Thus hath the Lord
dealt with me in the day wherein he looked upon me, to take away
my reproach among men. And, oh my God ! neither my life nor
my reputation are safe in mine own keeping, but in thine, who

6 Calls trepanning.] " Though he was not at all satisfied with the grounds
of their expectation and proceedings, and therefore could not blame the
wariness and reservedness of the other, and thought their apprehension <>t
being betrayed (which in the language of that time was called trepanned)
which befell some men every day, very reasonable ; yet the confidence," &c. —
Clarendon's Life, Continnntifin nf, vol. i. p. 344. edit. 1820.

RICHARD HOOKER. 529

didst take care of me when I yet hanged upon my mother's biv.-M
Blessed are they that put their trust in thee, O Lord : for when
false witnesses were risen up against me, when shame was ready
to cover my face, when my nights were restless, when my soul
thirsted for a deliverance, as the hart panteth after the rivers of
waters, then thou, Lord, didst hear my complaints, pity my con-
dition, and art now become my deliverer ; and as long as I live I
will hold up my hands in this manner, and magnify thy mercies,
who didst not give me over as a prey to mine enemies ; the net is
broken, and they are taken in it. Oh blessed are they that put
their trust in thee ! and no prosperity shall make me forget those
days of sorrow, or to perform those vows that I have made to
thee in the days of my affliction ; for with such sacrifices thou,
0 God, art well pleased, and I will pay them."

Thus did the joy and gratitude of this good man's heart break
forth. And it is observable, that as the invitation to this slander
was his meek behaviour and dove-like simplicity, for which he was
remarkable, so his Christian charity ought to be imitated : for
though the spirit of revenge is so pleasing to mankind, that it is
never conquered but by a supernatural grace, revenge being indeed
so deeply rooted in human nature, that to prevent the excesses of
it (for men would not know moderation) almighty God allows
not any degree of it to any man, but says, Vengeance is mine :
and though this be said positively by God himself, yet this revenge
is so pleasing, that man is hardly persuaded to submit the manage
of it to the time, and justice, and wisdom of his Creator, but
would hasten to be his own executioner of it : and yet neverthe-
less, if any man ever did wholly decline, and leave this pleasing
passion to the time and measure of God alone, it was this Richard
Hooker of whom I write ; for when his slanderers were to suffer
he laboured to procure their pardon ; and when that was denied
him, his reply was, "That however, he would fast and pray
that God would give them repentance and patience to undergo
their punishment." And his prayers were so far returned into
his own bosom, that the first was granted, if we may believe a
penitent behaviour and an open confession. And it is observable,
that after this time he would often say to doctor Saravia, " Oh
with what quietness did I enjoy my soul after I was free from the
fears of my slander ! and how much more after a conflict and
victory over my desires of revenge ! "

About the year 1600, and of his age 46, he fell into a long and
VOL. nr. M m

530 RICHARD HOOKER.

sharp sickness, occasioned by a cold taken in his passage by water
betwixt London and Gravesend ; from the malignity of which he
was never recovered ; for, after that time till his death he was not
free from thoughtful days, and restless nights ; but a submission
to his will that makes the sick man's bed easy by giving rest to
his soul, made his very languishment comfortable ; and yet all
this time he was solicitous in his study, and said often to Dr.
Saravia (who saw him daily and was the chief comfort of his
life) "That he did not beg a long life of God, for any other
reason, but to live to finish his three remaining books of polity;"
and then, " Lord, let thy servant depart in peace ;" which was
his usual expression. And God heard his prayers7, though he
denied the church the benefit of them, as compleated by himself ;
and it is thought that he hastened his own death, by hastening
to give life to his books : but this is certain, that the nearer he
was to his death, the more he grew in humility, in holy thoughts
and resolutions.

About a month before his death, this good man, that never
knew, or at least never considered, the pleasures of the palate,
became first to lose his appetite, and then, to have an aversness
to all food ; insomuch, that he seemed to live some intermitted
weeks by the smell of meat only, and yet still studied and writ.
And now his guardian angel seemed to foretell him, that the day
of his dissolution drew near; for which, his vigorous soul ap-
peared to thirst. In this time of his sickness, and not many days
before his death, his house was robbed ; of which he having no-

7 Heard his prayers.'] " Concerning those three books of his, which from
his own mouth I am informed that they were finished, I know not in whose
hands they are, nor whether the church shall ever be bettered by so excellent
a worke."— Covel's Just Defence, p. 149. 1G03.

Dr. John Spencer also, in the Preface to his edition of the Five Books,
speaking of the other three, tells us, " And it pleased God to grant him his
desire : for he lived till he saw them perfected. And though, like Rachel, he
died as it were in the travail of them, and hastened death upon himself by
hastening to give them life; yet he held out to behold with his eyes these
partus ingenii, these Benjamins, sons of his right hand, though to him they
were Benonies, sons of pain and sorrow. But some evil- disposed minds,
whether of malice, or covetousness, or wicked blind zeal, it is uncertain, as
if they had been Egyptian mid-wives, as soon as they were born, smotl
them; and by conveying away the perfect copies, left unto us nothing but
certain old imperfect and mangled draughts, dismembered into pieces, and
scattered like Medea's Absyrtus ; no favour, no grace, not the shadows of
themselves almost remaining in them." — See below, p. 536 seq.

RICHARD HOOKER. .-;]|

tice, his question was, "Are my books and written papers safe?"
and being answered, "That they were;" his reply was, "then it
matters not ; for no other loss can trouble me."

About one day before his death, Dr. Saravia, who knew the
very secrets of his soul, (for they were supposed to be confessors
to each other) came to him, and after a conference of the benefit,
the necessity, and safety of the church's absolution, it was resolved
that the doctor should give him both that and the sacrament the
day following. To which end, the doctor came, and after a short
retirement and privacy, they two returned to the company, and
then the doctor gave him, and some of those friends which were
with him, the blessed sacrament of the body and blood of our
Jesus. Which being performed, the doctor thought he saw a
reverend gaiety and joy in his face ; but it lasted not long : for,
his bodily infirmities did return suddenly, and became more visi-
ble, insomuch that the doctor apprehended death ready to seize
him ; yet, after some amendment, left him at night, with a pro-
mise to return early the day following ; which he did, and then
found him better in appearance, deep in contemplation, and not
inclinable to discourse ; which gave the doctor occasion to require
his present thoughts ? to which he replied, " That he was medi-
tating the number and nature of angels, and their blessed obedi-
ence and order, without which, peace could not be in heaven ;
and oh that it might be so on earth ! " after which words he said,
"I have lived to see this world is made up of perturbations, and I
have been long preparing to leave it, and gathering comfort for
the dreadful hour of making my account with God, which I now
apprehend to be near; and, though I have by his grace loved him
in my youth, and feared him in mine age, and laboured to have a
conscience void of offence to him and to all men ; yet, if thou,
0 Lord, be extreme to mark what I have done amiss, who can
abide it? and therefore, where I have failed, Lord show mercy
unto me, for I plead not my righteousness, but the forgiveness of
my unrighteousness, for his merits who died to purchase pardon
for penitent sinners ; and since I owe thee a death, Lord let it
not be terrible, and then take thine own time, I submit to it ; let
not mine, O Lord, but let thy will be done ;" with which expres-
sion he fell into a dangerous slumber ; dangerous, as to his reco-
very ; yet recover he did, but it was to speak only these few
words, " Good doctor, God hath heard my daily petitions, for I
am at peace with all men, and he is at peace with me ; and from
that blessed assurance I feel that inward joy, which this world

M m 2

532 RICHARD HOOKER.

can neither give nor take from me : my conscience beareth me
this witness, and this witness makes the thoughts of death joyful.
I could wish to live to do the church more service, but cannot
hope it, for my days are past as a shadow that returns not/1
More he would have spoken, but his spirits failed him; and, after
a short conflict betwixt nature and death, a quiet sigh put a
period to his last breath, and so he fell asleep. — And now he
seems to rest like Lazarus, in Abraham^ bosom, let me here draw
his curtain, till with the most glorious company of the patriarchs
and apostles, and the most noble army of martyrs and confessors,
this most learned, most humble, holy man, shall also awake to
receive an eternal tranquillity : and with it a greater degree of
glory than common Christians shall be made partakers of.

In the mean time, bless 0 Lord ! Lord, bless his brethren, the
clergy of this nation, with effectual endeavours to attain, if not to
his great learning, yet to his remarkable meekness, his godly sim-
plicity, and his Christian moderation ; for, these will bring peace
at the last : and, Lord ! let his most excellent writings be blest
with what he designed, when he undertook them; which was,
glory to thee O God on high, peace in thy church, and good will
to mankind. Amen, Amen.

IZAAC WALTON.

This following EPITAPH was long since presented to the world, in
memory of Mr. HOOKER, by Sir WILLIAM COOPER, who <//*'*
built him a fair monument in Borne Church, and acknowledges
him to have been his spiritual father.

Though nothing can be spoke worthy his fame,

Or the remembrance of that precious name,

Judicious Hooker ; though this cost be spent

On him that hath a lasting monument

In his own books, yet ought we to express,

If not his worth, yet our respectfulness.

Church ceremonies he maintain'd, then why

Without all ceremony should he die ?

Was it because his life and death should be

Both equal patterns of humility ?

Or that perhaps this only glorious one

Was above all to ask, why had he none ?

Yet he that lay so long obscurely low

Doth now preferred to greater honours go.

Ambitious men, learn hence to be more wise ;

1 1 umility is the true way to rise :

And God in me this lesson did inspire,

To bid this humble man, Friend, sit up higher.

APPENDIX.

AND now having by a long and laborious search satisfied myself,
and I hope my reader, by imparting to him the true relation of
Mr. Hooker's life ; I am desirous also to acquaint him with some
observations that relate to it, and which could not properly fall
to be spoken till after his death ; of which my reader may expect
a brief and true account in the following appendix.

And first it is not to be doubted but that he died in the forty-
seventh, if not in the forty-sixth year of his age ; which I mention,
because many have believed him to be more aged ; but I have so
examined it as to be confident I mistake not. And for the year
of his death, Mr. Cambden, who in his Annals of Queen Eliza-
beth 1599, mentions him with a high commendation of his life
and learning, declares him to die in the year 1 599, and yet in that
inscription of his monument set up at the charge of Sir William
Cooper in Borne Church, where Mr. Hooker was buried, his
death is there said to be in anno 1 603 : but doubtless both mis-
taken: for I have it attested under the hand of William Somner,
the archbishop's register for the province of Canterbury, that
Richard Hooker's will bears date October 26, in anno 1600, and
that it was proved the 3rd of December following e.

And that at his death he left four daughters, Alice, Cicely,
Jane, and Margaret; that he gave each of them an hundred

e [And the reader may take notice, that since I first writ this Appendix to
the Life of Mr. Hooker, Mr. Fulman, of Corpus Christi college, hath shewed
me a good authority for the very day and hour of Mr. Hooker's death, in
one of his books of Polity, which had been archbishop Laud's. In which
book, besides many considerable marginal notes of some passages of his time,
under the bishop's own hand, there is also written in the title-page of that
book (which now is Mr. Fulman's) this attestation :

Richardus Hooker vir summis doctrinse dotibus ornatus, de ecclesia pw-
cipue Anglicana optime meritus, obiit Novemb. 2, circiter horam secundam
postmeridianam. Anno 1600.]

534 APPENDIX :

pounds ; that he left Joan his wife his sole executrix ; and that
by his inventory, his estate (a great part of it being in books)
came to 10921. 9s. 2d. which was much more than he thought
himself worth, and which was not got by his care, much less by
the good housewifery of his wife, but saved by his trusty servant
Thomas Lane, that was wiser than his master in getting money
for him, and more frugal than his mistress in keeping of it ; of
which will 8 of Mr. Hooker's, I shall say no more, but that his
dear friend Thomas, the father of George Cranmer (of whom I
have spoken, and shall have occasion to say more) was one of the
witnesses to it.

One of his elder daughters was married to one Chalinor, some-
time a schoolmaster in Chichester, and are both dead long since.
Margaret his youngest daughter was married unto Ezekiel Chark,
bachelor in divinity, and rector of St. Nicholas in Harbledown.
near Canterbury, who died about 16 years past, and had a son
Ezekiel, now living, and in sacred orders, being at this time rec-
tor of Waldron, in Sussex ; she left also a daughter, with both
whom I have spoken not many months past, and find her to be a
widow in a condition that wants not, but very far from abound-
ing; and these two attested unto me, that Richard Hooker
their grandfather had a sister, by name Elizabeth Harvey, that
lived to the age of 121 years, and died in the month of Septem-
ber, 1663.

For his other two daughters I can learn little certainty, but
have heard they both died before they were marriageable ; and
for his wife, she was so unlike Jephtha's daughter, that she staid
not a comely time to bewail her widowhood, nor lived long enough
to bewail her second marriage, for which doubtless she would
have found cause, if there had been but four months betwixt
Mr. Hooker's and her death: but she is dead, and let her other
infirmities be buried with her.

Thus much briefly for his age, the year of his death, his est.
his wife, and his children. I am next to speak of his books; con-
cerning which I shall have a necessity of being longer, or shall
neither do right to myself or my reader, which is chiefly intended
in this appendix.

I have declared in his Life, that he proposed eight books, and

8 Of which vntt."] A copy of the will is given by Dr. Zouch, p. 47. 2nd
edition.

RICHARD HOOKER. 535

that his first four were printed anno 1594, and his fifth book first
printed, and alone, anno 1597, and that he lived to finish the
remaining three of the proposed eight : but whether we have the
last three as finished by himself is a just and material question ;
concerning which I do declare, that I have been told almost 40
years past, by one that very well knew Mr. Hooker, and the
affairs of his family, that about a month after the death of Mr.
Hooker, bishop Whitgift, then archbishop of Canterbury, sent
one of his chaplains ' to enquire of Mrs. Hooker for the three
remaining books of Polity, writ by her husband ; of which she
would not, or could not give any account ; and that about three

1 Sent one of his chaplains.'] In the 8vo. edit, of the Works of Hooker,
printed at Oxford, the following letter from bishop Andrews to doctor Parry
is inserted from a MS. in the Bodleian Library.
" Salutem in Christo.

" I cannot chuse but write, though you do not. I never failed since I last
saw you, but dayly prayed for him till this very instant you sent this heavie
news. I have hitherto prayed Serva nobis hunc ; now must I, Da nobis alium.
Alas for our greate loss ! and when I say ours, though I meane yours and
myne, yet much more the common : with the losse since they have of so
greate a damage, the more sad we neede to bewayle them and ourselves, who
know his workes and his worth to be such as behind him he hath not (that I
knowe) left anie neere him. And whether I shall live to knowe anie neere
him, I am in greate doubt, that I care not how manie and myself had re-
deemed his longer life to have done good, in a better subject than he had in
hand, though that were very good. Good brother, have a care to deal with
his executrix or executor, or, him that is like to have a great stroke in it, his
father-in-lawe, that there be special care and regard for preserving such
papers as he left, besides the three last books expected. By preserving, I
meane, that not only they be not embezzelled, and come to nothing, but that
they come not into greate hands, whoe will only have use of them quatenus et
quousque, and suppresse the rest, or unhappily all : but rather into the hands
of some of them that unfeignedly wished him well, though of the meaner
sort ; who may upon good assurance (very good assurance) be trusted with
them ; for it is pitie they should admit of any limitation. Doe this, and doe
it mature : it had bin more than time long since to have been about it, if I
had sooner knowne it. If my word or letter would doe anie good to Mr.
Churchman, it should not want. But what cannot yourself or Mr. Sandys
doe therein? For Mr. Cranmer is away; happie in that he will gaineaweeke
or two before he know of it.

" Almightie God comfort us over him ! whose taking away I trust I shall
no longer live, than with grief I remember; therefore with grief because with
inward and most just honour I ever honoured him since I knew him.

" Your assured

" At the Court, " poore loving friend,

"7th Nov. 1600. "L. ANDREW LS."

536 APPENDIX :

months after that time the bishop procured her to be sent for to
London, and then by his procurement she was to be examined,
by some of her majesty's council, concerning the disposal of those
books : but, by way of preparation for the next day's examination,
the bishop invited her to Lambeth, and, after some friendly ques-
tions, she confessed to him, " That one Mr. Charke, and another
minister that dwelt near Canterbury, came to her, and desired
that they might go into her husband's study, and look upon some
of his writings ; and that there they two burnt and tore many of
them, assuring her that they were writings not fit to be seen ;
and that she knew nothing more concerning them." Her
lodging was then in King-street, in Westminster, where she
was found next morning dead in her bed, and her new husband
suspected and questioned for it ; but he was declared innocent
of her death.

And I declare also, that Dr. John Spencer (mentioned in the
life of Mr. Hooker) was of Mr. Hooker's college, and of his time
there, and betwixt whom there was so friendly a friendship that
they continually advised together in all their studies, and parti-
cularly in what concerned these books of Polity. This Dr.
Spencer, the three perfect books being lost, had delivered into
his hands (I think by bishop Whitgift) the imperfect books, or
first rough draughts of them, to be made as perfect as they
might be by him, who both knew Mr. Hooker's hand-writing,
and was best acquainted with his intentions. And a fair testi-
mony of this may appear by an epistle first and usually printed
before Mr. Hooker's five books (but omitted, I know not why. in
the last impression of the eight printed together in anno 1 662, in
which the publishers 2 seem to impose the three doubtful book> to
be the undoubted books of Mr. Hooker) with these two lettnx
J. S. at the end of the said epistle, which was meant for this John
Spencer : in which epistle, the reader may find these words, which
may give some authority to what I have here written of his la>t
three books.

"And though Mr. Hooker hastened his own death by hasten-
ing to give life to his books, yet he held out with his cy«

2 The publishers. ,] This is bp. Gauden's edition. It is described in the title,
in Gauden's rash and reckless stile, "to be now completed, as with the
and eighth books, so with the seventh, out of his own manuscripts, never before
published."

RICHARD HOOKER. 537

behold these Benjamins, these sons of his right hand, though to
him they proved Benonies, sons of pain and sorrow. But, some
evil disposed minds, whether of malice, or covetousness, or wicked
blind zeal, it is uncertain, as soon as they were born, and their
father dead, smothered them, and, by conveying the perfect
copies, left unto us nothing but the old imperfect mangled
draughts dismembered into pieces ; no favour, no grace, not the
shadow of themselves remaining in them. Had the father lived
to behold them thus defaced, he might rightly have named them
Benonies, the sons of sorrow. But being the learned will not
suffer them to die and be buried, it is intended the world shall
see them as they are ; the learned will find in them some shadows
and resemblances of their fathers face. God grant, that as they
were with their brethren dedicated to the church for messengers
of peace ; so, in the strength of that little breath of life that
remaineth in them, they may prosper in their work, and by
satisfying the doubts of such as are willing to learn, they may
help to give an end to the calamities of these our civil wars.

"J. S."

And next the reader may note, that this epistle of Dr. Spen-
cer's, was writ and first printed within four years -after the death
of Mr. Hooker, in which time all diligent search had been made
for the perfect copies ; and, then granted not recoverable, and
therefore endeavoured to be completed out of Mr. Hooker's rough
draughts, as is exprest by the said Dr. Spencer, in the said epistle,
since whose death it is now 50 years.

And I do profess by the faith of a Christian, that Dr. Spencer's
wife (who was my aunt, and sister to George Cranmer, of whom
I have spoken) told me forty years since, in these, or in words to
this purpose, " That her husband had made up, or finished Mr.
Hooker's last three books : and that upon her husband's death-
bed, or in his last sickness, he gave them into her hand, with a
charge that they should not be seen by any man, but be by her
delivered into the hands of the then archbishop of Canterbury
which was Dr. Abbot, or unto Dr. King, then bishop of London,
and that she did as he enjoined her."

I do conceive, that from Dr. Spencer's and no other copy,
there have been divers transcripts, and I know that these were to
be found in several places, as namely, sir Thomas Bodlies library,
in that of Dr. Andrews, late bishop of Winton, in the late lord

538 APPENDIX :

Conwayes, in the archbishop of Canterbury's, and in the bishop
of Armagh's, and in many others : and most of these pretended
to be the author's own hand, but much disagreeing, being indeed
altered and diminished, as men have thought fittest to make Mr.
Hooker's judgment suit with their fancies, or give authority to
their corrupt designs ; and for a proof of a part of this, take
these following testimonies.

Dr. Barnard, sometime chaplain to Dr. Usher, late lord arch-
bishop of Armagh, hath declared in a late book called Clam
Trabales, printed by Richard Hodgkinson, anno 1661, that in
his search and examination of the said bishop's manuscripts, lie
found the three written books which were supposed the 6, 7, ami
8, of Mr. Hooker's books of Ecclesiastical Polity ; and that in
the said three books (now printed as Mr. Hooker's) there are so
many omissions, that they amount to many paragraphs, and
which cause many incoherences : the omissions are by him set
down at large in the said printed book, to which I refer the reader
for the whole ; but think fit in this place to insert this following
short part of some of the said omissions.

" First, as there could be in natural bodies no motion of any
thing, unless there were some first which moved all things, and
continued unmoveable ; even so in politic societies, there must
be some unpunishable, or else no man shall suffer punishment ;
for such punishments proceed always from superiors, to win mi
the administration of justice belongeth, which administration
must have necessarily a fountain that deriveth it to all other*.
and receiveth not from any, because otherwise the course of jus-
tice should go infinitely in a circle, every superior having his
superior without end, which cannot be; therefore, a well-spring;
it followeth, there is, a supreme head of justice when-unto all
are subject, but itself in subjection to none. Which kind of
preheminency if some ought to have in a kingdom, who but tin-
king shall have it? Kings therefore, or no man, can have lawful
power to judge.

" If private men offend, there is the magistrate over them which
judgeth ; if magistrates, they have their prince ; if princes, tin-n-
ig heaven, a tribunal, before which they shall appear; on earth
they are not accountable to any." Here, says the doctor, it
s off abruptly.

And I hav the>e \\«.nU al-«> attested under the hand of Mr.

RICHARD HOOKER.

Fabian Philips, a man of note for his useful books. u 1 will
make oath, if I shall be required, that Dr. Sanderson, the late
bishop of Lincoln, did a little before his death, affirm to me, he
had seen a manuscript affirmed to him to be the hand- writing
of Mr. Richard Hooker, in which there was no mention made
of the king or supreme governors being accountable to the
people ; this I will make oath, that that good man attested to
me.

"FABIAN PHILIPS."

So that there appears to be both omissions and additions in
the said last three printed books ; and this may probably be
one reason why Dr. Sanderson, the said learned bishop (whose
writings are so highly and justly valued) gave a strict charge
near the time of his death, or in his last will, " That nothing
of his that was not already printed, should be printed after his
death."

It is well known how high a value our learned king James put
upon the books writ by Mr. Hooker, and known also that our
late king Charles (the martyr for the church) valued them the
second of all books, testified by his commending them to the
reading of his son Charles, that now is our gracious king ; and
you may suppose that this Charles the first was not a stranger
to the pretended three books, because in a discourse with the
lord Say, in the time of the long parliament, when the said lord
required the king to grant the truth of his argument, because it
was the judgment of Mr. Hooker (quoting him in one of the
three written books) the king replied, " They were not allowed
to be Mr. Hooker's books, but, however he would allow them to
be Mr. Hooker's, and, consent to what his lordship proposed to
prove out of those doubtful books, if he would but consent to the
judgment of Mr. Hooker in the other five that were the undoubted
books of Mr. Hooker.'1

In this relation concerning these three doubtful books of Mr.
Hooker's, my purpose was to enquire, then set down what I
observed and know; which I have done, not as an engaged
person, but indifferently ; and now, leave my reader to give sen-
tence, for their legitimation, as to myself; but so, as to leave
others the same liberty of believing or disbelieving them to be
Mr. Hooker's; — and it is observable, that as Mr. Hooker advised
with Dr. Spencer, in the design and manage of these books, so

540 APPENDIX :

also, and chiefly with his dear pupil George Cranmer (whose
sister was the wife of Dr. Spencer) of which this following letter
may be a testimony, and doth also give authority to some things
mentioned both in this appendix, and in the Life of Mr. Hooker,
and is therefore added. — J. W.

George Cranmer's3 Letter unto Mr. Richard Hooker, Feb. 1598.

44 What posterity is likely to judge of these matters concern-
ing church-discipline, we may the better conjecture, if we call to
mind what our own age, within few years, upon better experience.
hath already judged concerning the same. It may be remem-
bered, that at first the greatest part of the learned in the land.
were either eagerly affected, or favourably inclined that way.
The books then written for the most part, savoured of the dis-
ciplinary stile ; it sounded everywhere in pulpits, and in common
phrase of men's speech : the contrary part began to fear they hud
taken a wrong course, many which impugned the discipline, yet
so impugned it, not as not being the better form of government^
but as not being so convenient for our state, in regard of dangerous
innovations thereby like to grow: one manf alone there \v.i
speak of (whom let no suspicion of flattery deprive of his deserved
commendation), who in the defiance of the one part, and con;
of the other, stood in the gap, and gave others respite to prepare
themselves to the defence, which by the sudden eagerness and
violence of their adversaries, had otherwise been prevented,
wherein God hath made good unto him his own impn
Vincit qui patitur ; for, what contumelious indignities he hath
at their hands sustained, the world is witness; and what reward
of honour above his adversaries God hath bestowed upon him,
themselves (though nothing glad thereof) must needs cont
Now of late years the heat of men towards the discipline i>

3 George Cranmer. ~] See p. 468.

1 John Whitgift, the archbishop.

4 His own impress.] The motto, then customarily chosen by archhi>i
&c., on their advancement; a practice still partially retained in the legal pro-
fession, viz. by serjeants-at-law, who, when first appointed, give rings with
mottoes impressed upon them.

RICHARD HOOKER. 541

greatly decayed : their judgments begin to sway on the other
side; the learned have weighed it, and found it light; wise mm
conceive some fear, lest it prove not only not the best kind of
government, but the very bane and destruction of all governments.
The cause of this change in men^s opinions, may be drawn from
the general nature of error, disguised and clothed with the name
of truth ; which did mightily and violently possess men at first,
but afterwards, the weakness thereof being by time discovered, it
lost that reputation, which before it had gained. As by the out-
side of an house the passers by are oftentimes deceived, till they
see the conveniency of the rooms within : so by the very name
of discipline and reformation, men were drawn at first to cast a
fancy towards it, but, now they have not contented themselves
only to pass by and behold afar off the fore-front of this reformed
house; they have entered in, even at the special request of
master- workmen and chief builders thereof: they have perused
the rooms, the lights, the conveniences, and they find them not
answerable to that report which was made to them, nor to that
opinion which upon report they had conceived ; so as now, the
discipline which at first triumphed over all, being unmasked,
beginneth to droop and hang down her head.

u This cause of change in opinion concerning the discipline, is
proper to the learned, or to such as by them have been instructed.
— Another cause there is more open, and more apparent to the
view of all, namely, the course of practice, which the reformers
have had with us from the beginning. The first degree was only
some small difference about the cap and surplice5, but not such as

5 Cap and surplice.~\ Observations very similar to these are detailed in a
valuable letter to the lord treasurer Burghley, by Hutton, then dean, after-
wards archbishop of York, written so early as Oct. 6, 1573; not less than
five and twenty years before this of George Cranmer ; so long were the evils
complained of exercising and diffusing their baneful influence.

" The number is grown great of them that be dealers in this action ;
whereof some doubtless are both honest and learned ; though other some be
puft uppe with vaine glorie, and have a great delite to heare themselves talke,
muche like to those yonge orators of whom Naevius the poet speaketh ; when
this question being asked, Cedo qui vestram rempublicam tantam amisistis tarn
cito ? amongst other things this answer is made, Proveniebant oratores novi,
stulti, adolescentull ,• who albeit they can speake of manie things handsomlie ;
yet they please themselves best, when they talke of matters of no small im-
portance : of commonwealths, of the office of princes, of counsellors, of plat-
formes of churches, of the dutie of bishopps, and of parliament matters.—

" Of this sort in this realme, though ther be manie, yet greater is the

542 APPENDIX •

either bred division in the church, or tended to the ruin of the
government established. This was peaceable ; the next degree

number of those that favour them. Wherof some, I think, are perswaded
that they hold with the truth, and so in conscience incline unto them : others,
no doubt, are papists indeede, and because they dare not openlie promote
poperie, egge them forward secretlie,to deface the gospel: others are atheists,
and altogether without religion, and sett them on, neither for anie hatred they
beare unto the present state, nor for anie love they beare unto a better ; but
because they gape for a spoile of the clergie, which they hope most easelie to
bringe to passe under colour of reformation. Therfore they ar resolved and
fullie bent to promote and to preferre the cause.

" Wherfore it is high time to see, that singular phansies of privat men be
not preferred before the general order established by publique authoritie,
confirmed and collected out of the word of God : but also for the civil magis-
trate to defend the lawes agaynst wilful contemners. Yf it had bene looked
unto about nine yeares agoe, this hurly burly had not now happened : and if
it be not looked unto now, it is like that some greater inconvenience will
insue.

'• At the begynninge it was but a capp, and a surplice and a typpet ; but
now it is growen to bishoppe, archbishopps and cathedral churches, and the
overthrow of order established ; and to speake plaine, to the queenes majes-
ties authoritie in causes ecclesiastical.

"The supreme authoritie, you know, in ecclesiastical causes was justlie
taken from the pope, because he was an usurper, and gyven to the prince
within his realme, to whome of right it doth appertaine. But these reformers
take it from the prince, and gyve it unto themselves, with the grave seigniorie
in every parishe. For by them wold they have everie cause debated when
anie ariseth in the congregation. If they cannot end it, then by the ministers
and segniories of the parishes adjoyninge. If they cannot determine it, then
by a national counsel. If it cannot be ended there, THEN to be referred to a
general counsel of all the churches reformed. They make no mention of the
quene's authoritie. I warrant you, she must draw forth her sword, and see
that this order of theirs be observed and kept : and more she hath not to doe,
if we beleve some of them.

" But to come nearer unto the matter. . . . We say, that the prince is not
only <j>v\a£ vopov, custos legis, armed with the sword to defend both the
tables of Moses, and to see that bothe God be duelie honoured, and everie man
by his neighbour well used ; but also that he hathe authoritie to abolish ido-
latrieand superstition; to make and constitute ecclesiastical lawes for the
advancement of trew worshipp of God ; and if the ministers do not their
duetie to punishe them, and to displace them, and to appoint others mnrr
faithful and diligent in their rooms. We say also, that in civil and temporal
things the prince is the vicegerent of God, and representethe here in •
the persone of God ; and in Scripture is called by the name of God ; and
that the majestic of a prince is a sacred thinge; and therefore thai
princes lawes, to the ecclesiastical and civil, not contrarie to the word of (iorl.
but tending cither to edifie the churehe, or to pro6tt the common weale, may

RICHARD HOOKER.

more stirring. Admonitions were directed to the parliament in
peremptory sort against our whole form of regiment ; in defence

not with a safe conscience be disobeied of any subjecte. But some of these
reformers speake more prophanelie of the prince, and saye, that the prince
ruleth in the commonwealth herself; and in the churche of God that she seeth
that all be ruled of the Lord. Whereas indede, in both she ruleth but as vice-
gerent, and seeth that bothe be ruled of the Lord

" I knowe that of things some are simplie good, some simplie evil, and
some indifferent, and that things indifferent do not binde the conscience.
But I say, that lawes may be made of things indifferent, either for the profit
of the commonwealth, or for comeliness in the church ; and so things indif-
ferent be made not indifferent, but to be obeyed, even for conscience sake. I
confesse also, that this kinde of lawes bindeth not the conscience in such
sorte, as doe the moral lawes of Moses, whereunto we are always bounde,
without respect of time and place, or man, or man's lawe; but as the cere-
monies of Moses' law, while they were in force, might not be violated with a
safe conscience ; so the good and godlie lawes of princes, though they be not
gyven from God immediatelie, nor equal to Gods lawes ; yet because they are
the lawful comman dements of his anointed and vicegerents heare in earthe,
they may not be broken without disobedience unto God. Wherefore I thinke
it muche better to say with Musculus, that the good lawes of princes binde
the conscience, than to say with others the contrarie, thoughe by a quidditie
in learninge it might be defended

" I have heard others say, that rather than they will offend their brother,
they will disobey the lawe; although it be made by publique authoritie, and
may be obeyed with a safe conscience. Whereunto when I have replied, that
in breaking the lawe, they do not only offend the quene, whome they ought
at least to account for their sister, or rather for their mother, for Princeps est
pater patrice ; but also they offend all them that like well of the lawe, and by
their example move them to disobedience ; they alleged, S. Paul, I Cor. x.
And when I answered that St. Paul indeede doth speake of things of them-
selves indifferent, but not by the lawful and Christian magistrate com-
manded or forbidden ; they were driven to this point at the length to say
that the magistrate ought not by lawe to make any restraint of those things
wherein we may shew our charitie towards our brother, in not offending him ;
whereas, indeede, neither may a subject restraine the prince in things indif-
ferent : and it is a better worke of charitie charitablie to obey the quene and
her good laws ; and also lovinglie to deale with thy brother in a friendlie per-
suasion, not to be offended at thy doinge than, disobeying the laws, and Gods
vicegerent, to beare with thy brothers error, lest thou offend him.

" Furthermore, whereas we say, that it is a parcel of the prince's authoritie
in causes ecclesiastical, to appoint bishopps and archbishopps, and other mi-
nisters, either by herself e, or by other wise and learned persons, and to
remove them, if they do not their duetie, as Salomon did remove Abiathar,
and placed Sadoc in his roome ; these men would not onlie have an equalitie
of all ministers, (the mother of confusion and nurse of contention) but also
wold deprive the quenes higheness of this authoritie, and gyve it to the

544 APPENDIX :

of them, volumes were published in English, and in Latin ; yet
this was no more than writing. Devices were set on foot to direct

people ; that every parish should choose their own minister. "Which la\ve, if
it were put in practice in this countrie, divers parishes wold have none but a
papist ; others wold have the best companion at tables, not the best preacher
in the pulpit. And whereas they allege, Acts xiv., that the apostles by
voices and lifting up of the hands of the people did appoint ministers in
everie church, though that were granted (for there are divers opinions) yet
dothe not that bind the churche,but ministers may be appointed other waies:
for neither were they at that time any Christian magistrates to whose office it
did appertaine (for then was the prophesie of David fulfilled, Quare fremucrunt
gentes, &c.? as S. Augustine sayeth;) but now, seeing that is fulfilled which
folowethe in the same place, Et nunc, reges, intelligite, &c., and the saying of
Esaias, Et reges nutricii lui, et regincB nutrices ttus, a Christian prince, by the
advice of the sage counsel of the realme, and the counsel of the grave fathers
of the churche, can better discerne whome to place over Christes flocke, then
the multitude, which have commonlie manie heads, manie wits, but not the
best judgment. . . .

" In a popular state it is mete the people should rule ; in an aristocracy,
the wise and grave magistrates ; but in a kingdom the people may not beare
the sway, without doing [injurie] to the prince that representeth the person of
God. Therefore to compell this realme to all the ecclesiastical policie of the
church of Geneva, which is an aristocracy, a state differinge from a king-
dome ; or to all the accidental points of the policie used in the apostles time,
when there was no Christian magistrate, but great persecution, is more thun
can be vouched by the word of God, and also dangerous to the present state,
and derogatorie to her majesties authoritie. . . .

" I will not come to particulars. Mr. deane of Lincolne " (i. e. Whitgift.
who succeeded Hutton, as master of Pembroke Hall, but was now head of
Trinity College), " who is bothe learned and wise, and hath taken in hand to
answere the platforme, which in manie points is drawne out of Calvine, I doubt
not will satisfie them that be indifferent.

" And yet if there be things to be amended in the church of England, as it
is hard to have a thinge so perfect, but it may be amended ; God hath b!
her majestic above the capacitie of her sexe with singular learninge; her
honourable counsel (some of them especiallie) are passing well learned, and
the grave fathers of the churche, so manie in number, so zealous in the
truthe, so well learned in godlie learning, as I dare boldlie speake it to (
glorie were not in England at one time, since Christe's religion wa-
preached in this land; — let them gather themselves together in the name of
Christ; let them consult without affection; let them talke with the authors
of The Admonition and Platform; let them answere them, and satisfie them
also, if it be possible, by reason and God's word : and if there be either •
in the lawes, or disorder for want of execution of the lawes, — let it be re-
formed by publique authoritie : onlie, let us not through bitter and unchari-
table contention, hinder the course of the gospel, gyve occasion to the
enemie to rejoice, and gratifie them that gape for the spoil of the clergie."
Murdin's Burghley State Papers, p. 261—5. A.n. 17.">(>, fol.

RICHARD HOOKER. 545

the practice of the discipline without authority ; yet, herein some
regard of modesty, some moderation was used. Behold, at length
it brake forth into open outrage, first in writing by Martin, in
whose kind of dealing these things may be observed ; first, that
whereas T. C. and others, his great masters, had always before
set out the discipline as a queen, and as the daughter of God; he
contrariwise, to make her more acceptable to the people, brought
her forth as a vice upon the stage. 2dly. This conceit of his was
grounded (as may be supposed) upon this rare policy, that seeing
the discipline was by writing refuted, in parliament rejected, in
secret corners hunted out and decried, it was imagined that by
open railing (which to the vulgar is commonly most plausible)
the state ecclesiastical might have been drawn into such con-
tempt and hatred, as the overthrow thereof should have been
most grateful to all men, and in a manner desired by all the com-
mon people. 3. It may be noted, (and this I know myself to be
true) how some of them, although they could not for shame
approve so lewd an action ; yet, were content to lay hold on it to
the advancement of their cause, by acknowledging therein the
secret judgments of God against the bishops ; and hoping that
some good might be wrought thereby for his church ; as, indeed
there was, though not according to their construction. For, 4.
contrary to their expectation, that railing spirit did not only not
further, but extremely disgrace and prejudice their cause, when
it was once perceived from how low degrees of contradiction, at
first, to what outrage of contumely and slander they were at
length proceeded ; and were also likely to proceed further.

"A further degree of outrage was also in fact. Certain pro-
phets did arise 6, who deeming it not possible that God should
suffer that to be undone, which they did so fiercely desire to have
done, namely, that his holy saints, the favourers and fathers of
the discipline, should be enlarged, and delivered from persecution ;
and seeing no means of deliverance ordinary, were fain to persuade
themselves that God must needs raise some extraordinary means;
and being persuaded of none so well as of themselves, they forth-
with must needs be the instruments of this great work. Here-
upon they framed unto themselves an assured hope that upon
their preaching out of a pease-cart in Cheapside, all the multitude

8 Certain prophets did arise.'] Hacket and Coppinger, of whom see Chris-
tian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 389 — 91.

VOL. in. N n

546 APPENDIX :

would have presently joined unto them ; and, in amazement of
mind have asked them, Viri fratres, quid agimus ? whereunto it
is likely they would have returned an answer, (far unlike to that
of St. Peter,) c Such and such are men unworthy to govern.
pluck them down ; such and such are the dear children of God.
let them be advanced.'

" Of two of these men it is meet to speak with all commisera-
tion : yet so, that others by their example may receive instruc-
tion, and withal some light may appear, what stirring affect inns
the discipline is like to inspire, if it light upon apt and prepared
minds.

" Now if any man doubt of what society they were ? or, if the
reformers disclaim them, pretending, that by them they were con-
demned; let these points be considered. '1. Whose associates
were they before they entered into this frantic passion ? whose
sermons did they frequent ? whom did they admire 1 2. Even
when they were entering into it, whose advice did they require '.
and when they were in, whose approbation ? whom advertised they
of their purpose? whose assistance by prayer did they request I '-
But we deal injuriously with them to lay this to their charge: for
they reproved and condemned it. — How ? did they disclose it to
the magistrate, that it might be suppressed? or were they not
rather content to stand aloof of, and see the end of it, as 1>< \\\^
loth to quench that spirit. No doubt these mad practitioners
were of their society, with whom before, and in the pra
of their madness, they had most affinity. Hereof read Dr. Han-
croft's book.

" A third inducement may be to dislike of the discipline, if \\e
consider not only how far the reformers themselves have proceeded,
but what others upon their foundations have built. Here come
the Brownists in the first rank, their lineal descendants, who ha\e
seized upon a number of strange opinions7: whereof, although
their ancestors, the reformers, were never actually possessed.

7 Of strange opinions.'] Any one desirous of a sufficiently copious supply
of these, may find his satisfaction in a quarto volume entitled "A book which
sheweth the life and manners of all true Christians, and how unlike they are
to Turks, and papists, and heathen folk. By me Robert Browne, Middleburgh,
1582." See also, what may justly be styled the Hooker of these sectaries,
"A brief Discovery of the false Church, by Henry Barrow, 1590." It is a
volume not deficient in talent, and will be read with profit by such as may
have cause to a^ree with Clarendon, where he says, "I learn a 1:1 cat deal
from bad books." It was reprinted in Hvo, London. 17"7

RICHARD HOOKER. 547

by right and interest from them derived, the Brownists and Bar-
rowists have taken possession of them ; for, if the positions of
the reformers be true, I cannot see how the main and general
conclusions of Brownism should be false ; for, upon these two
points, as I conceive, they stand.

" 1 . That because we have no church, they are to sever them-
selves from us. 2. That without civil authority they are to erect
a church of their own. And if the former of these be true, the
latter, I suppose will follow ; for if above all things, men be to
regard their salvation ; and, if out of the church there be no sal-
vation ; it followeth, that if we have no church, we have no means
of salvation : and therefore separation from us, in that respect, is
both lawful and necessary; as also that men so separated from the
false and counterfeit church, are to associate themselves unto some
church ; not to our's ; to the popish much less ; therefore to one
of their own making. Now the ground of all these inferences
being this, ( That in our church there is no means of salvation) is
out of the reformers principles most clearly to be proved. For
wheresoever any matter of faith unto salvation necessary is denied,
there can be no means of salvation ; but in the church of Eng-
land, the discipline (by them accounted a matter of faith, and
necessary to salvation,) is not only denied, but impugned, and the
professors thereof oppressed. Ergo.

" Again, (but this reason perhaps is weak) every true church
of Christ, acknowledgeth the whole gospel of Christ. The disci-
pline, in their opinion, is a part of the gospel, and yet by our
church resisted, Ergo.

" Again, the discipline is essentially united to the church : by
which term essentially, they must mean either an essential part,
or an essential property. Both which ways it must needs be,
that where that essential discipline is not, neither is there any
church. — If therefore between them and the Brownists, there
should be appointed a solemn disputation, whereof with us they
have been oftentimes so earnest challengers : it doth not yet
appear what other answer they could possibly frame to these and
the like arguments, wherewith they may be pressed, but fairly to
deny the conclusion (for all the premises are their own) or rather
ingenuously to reverse their own principles, before laid, whereon
so foul absurdities have been so firmly built.— What further
proofs you can bring out of their high words, magnifying the dis-
cipline, I leave to your better remembrance : but above all points.

N n 2

548 APPENDIX :

I am desirous this one should be strongly inforced against thorn.
because it wringeth them most of all, and is of all others, (for
ought I see) the most unanswerable. You may notwithstanding
say, that you would be heartily glad these their positions might
be so salved as the Brownists might not appear to have issued
out of their loins ; but until that be done, they must give us
leave to think that they have cast the seed whereout these tares
are grown.

" Another sort of men there are, which have been content to
run on with the reformers for a time, and to make them poor
instruments of their own designs. These are a sort of godless
politics, who perceiving the plot of discipline to consist of tlit«-
two parts, the overthrow of episcopal, and erection of presbyterial
authority, and that this latter can take no place till the former be
removed, are content to join with them in the destructive part of
discipline, bearing them in hand, that in the other also they shall
find them as ready. But when time shall come, it may be they
would be as loath to be yoked with that kind of regiment, as now
they are willing to be released from this. These men's ends in
all their actions, is distraction, their pretence and colour, reforma-
tion. Those things which under this colour they have effected to
their own good, are, 1 . By maintaining a contrary faction, they
have kept the clergy always in awe, and thereby made them more
pliable, and willing to buy their peace. 2. By maintaining an
opinion of equality among ministers, they have made way to their
own purposes for devouring cathedral churches, and bishops liv-
ings. 3. By exclaiming against abuses in the church, they have
carried their own corrupt dealing in the civil state more covert Iv ;
for such is the nature of the multitude, that they are not abl«- to
apprehend many things at once: so as being possessed with a
dislike or liking of any one thing, many other in the mean tiim-
may escape them without being perceived. 4. They have sought
to disgrace the clergy, in entertaining a conceit in men's mind-.
and confirming it by continual practice, 4 That men of learning,
and specially of the clergy, which are employed in the chi.
kind of learning, are not to be admitted, or sparingly admitted to
matters of state8;1 contrary to the practice of all well-governed
commonwealths, and of our own till these late years.

8 Matters of state.] Compare Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. GCl.
tlerson, and n.

RICHARD HOOKER.

" A third sort of men there are, though not descended from
the reformers, yet in part raised and greatly strengthened by
them : namely, the cursed crew of Atheists. This also is one of
those points, which I am desirous you should handle most effec-
tually, and strain yourself therein to all points of motion and
affection ; as, in that of the Brownists, to all strength and sinews
of reason. This is a sort most damnable, and yet by the general
suspicion of the world at this day most common. The causes of
it, which are in the parties themselves (although you handle in
the beginning of the fifth book,) yet here again they may be
touched. But the occasions of help and furtherance, which by
the reformers have been yielded unto them, are, as I conceive,
two, namely, senseless preaching, and disgracing of the ministry ;
for how should not men dare to impugn that, which neither by
force of reason, nor by authority of persons is maintained ? But
in the parties themselves these two causes I conceive of atheism,
1. more abundance of wit than judgment, and of witty than judi-
cious learning, whereby they are more inclined to contradict any
thing, than willing to be informed of the truth. They are not
therefore, men of sound learning for the most part, but smat-
terers ; neither is their kind of dispute so much by force of argu-
ment, as by scoffing; which humour of scoffing, and turning
matters most serious into merriment, is now become so common,
as we are not to marvel what the prophet means by the seat of
scorners, nor, what the apostles by foretelling of scorners to come;
for our own age hath verified their speech unto us ; which also
may be an argument against these scoffers and atheists them-
selves, seeing it hath been so many ages ago foretold, that such
men the later days of the world should afford : which could not
be done by any other Spirit, save that whereunto things future
and present are alike. And even for the main question of the
resurrection, whereat they stick so mightily ! was it not plainly
foretold, that men should in the latter times say, ' Where is the
promise of his coming V Against the creation, the ark, and
divers other points, exceptions are said to be taken, the ground
whereof is superfluity of wit, without ground of learning and
judgment. — A second cause of atheism is sensuality, which makcth
men desirous to remove all stops and impediments of their wicked
life ; among which, because religion is the chiefest, so as neither
in this life without shame they can persist therein, nor (if that bo
true) without torment in the life to come : they therefore whet

550 APPENDIX :

their wits to annihilate the joys of heaven, wherein they see (if
any such be) they can have no part, and likewise the pains of hell,
wherein their portion must needs be very great. They labour
therefore, not that they may not deserve those pains, but that
deserving them, there may be no such pains to seize upon them.
But, what conceit can be imagined more base, than that man
should strive to persuade himself even against the secret instinct
(no doubt) of his own mind, that his soul is as the soul of a
beast, mortal and corruptible with the body? Against which
barbarous opinion, their own atheism is a very strong argument.
For were not the soul a nature separable from the body, how
could it enter into discourse of things merely spiritual, and
nothing at all pertaining to the body ? Surely the soul were not
able to conceive any thing of heaven, no not so much as to dispute
against heaven and against God, if there were not in it somewhat
heavenly and derived from God.

" The last which have received strength and encouragement 9
from the reformers are papists ; against whom although they are
most bitter enemies, yet unwittingly they have given them great
advantage. For, what can any enemy rather desire than the
breach and dissention of those which are confederates against
him 2 Wherein they are to remember, that if our communion
with papists in some few ceremonies do so much strengthen them
as is pretended, how much more doth this division and rent
among ourselves, especially seeing it is maintained to be, not in
light matters only, but even in matter of faith and salvation'
which over-reaching speech of theirs, because it is so open an
advantage for the Barrowist and the papist, we are to wish and
hope, that they will acknowledge it to have been spoken rather in
heat of affection, than with soundness of judgment; and that
through their exceeding love to that creature of discipline which
themselves have bred, nourished, and maintained, their mouth in
commendation of her did so often overflow.

" From hence you may proceed (but the means of connexion J
leave to yourself) to another discourse, which I think very i
to be handled either here or elsewhere at large ; the parts wh<
may be these. 1. That in this cause between them and us,

9 Strength and encouragement.] Compare Christian Institutes, vol. iv. j>.
420—4 ; Hooker, p. 526—8 ; Mason, p. 538—42 ; Sanderson, p. 569—73 ;
and Sanderson, n. p. 631.

RICHARD HOOKER. 551

are to sever the proper and essential points and controversy, from
those which are accidental. The most essential and proper are
these two : overthrow of episcopal, and erection of presbyterial
authority. But in these two points whosoever joineth with them
is accounted of their number; whosoever in all other points
agreeth with them, yet thinketh the authority of bishops not unlaw-
ful, and of elders not necessary, may justly be severed from their
retinue. Those things therefore, which either in the persons, or
in the laws and orders themselves are faulty, may be complained
on, acknowledged and amended ; yet they no whit the nearer
their main purpose ; for what if all errors by them supposed in
our liturgy were amended, even according to their own hearts
desire ? if non-residence, pluralities, and the like were utterly
taken away ? are their lay-elders therefore presently authorized ?
or their sovereign ecclesiastical jurisdiction established ?

" But even in their complaining against the outward and acci-
dental matters in church-government, they are many ways faulty:
1. In their end, which they propose to themselves. For in de-
claiming against abuses, their meaning is not to have them
redressed, but by disgracing the present state, to make way for
their own discipline. As therefore in Venice, if any senator should
discourse against the power of their senate, as being either too
sovereign, or too weak in government, with purpose to draw their
authority to a moderation, it might well be suffered ; but not so,
if it should appear he spake with purpose to induce another state
by depraving the present : so, in all causes belonging either to
church or commonwealth, we are to have regard what mind the
complaining part doth bear, whether of amendment or innovation ;
and, accordingly either to suffer or suppress it. Their objection
therefore is frivolous, Why may not men speak against abuses ?
Yes ; but with desire to cure the part affected, not to destroy the
whole. 2. A second fault is in their manner of complaining, not
only because it is for the most part in bitter and reproachful
terms, but also it is to the common people, who are judges incom-
petent and insufficient, both to determine any thing amiss, and,
for want of skill and authority, to amend it. Which also disco-
vereth their intent and purpose to be rather destructive than
corrective. 3. Thirdly, those very exceptions which they take ar<«
frivolous and impertinent. — Some things indeed they accuse as
impious, which if they may appear to be such, God forbid they
should be maintained.

552 APPENDIX :

44 Against the rest it is only alleged, that they are idle ceremo-
nies without use, and that better and more profitable might be
devised. Wherein they are doubly deceived ; for neither is it a
sufficient plea to say, This must give place, because a better may
be devised ; because in our judgments of better and worse, we
oftentimes conceive amiss, when we compare those things which
are in devise, with those which are in practice ; for the imperfec-
tions of the one are hid, till by time and trial they be discovered :
the others are already manifest and open to all. But last of all
(which is a point in my opinion of great regard, and which I am
desirous to have enlarged), they do not see that for the most part
when they strike at the state ecclesiastical, they secretly wound
the civil state. For personal faults, What can be said against
the church, which may not also agree to the commonwealth ? In
both states men have always been, and will be always, men ; some-
times blinded with error, most commonly perverted by passions :
many unworthy have been and are advanced in both, many worthy
not regarded. And as for abuses which they pretend to be in tlte
laws themselves, when they inveigh against non-residence, do they
take it a matter lawful or expedient in the civil state for a man to
have a great and gainful office in the north, himself continually
remaining in the south \ He that hath an office, let him attend
his office. When they condemn plurality of livings spiritual to
the pit of hell, what think they of the infinite of temporal promo-
tions ? By the great philosopher, (Pol. lib. ii. c. 9.) it is forbidden
as a thing most dangerous to commonwealths, that by the same
man many great offices should be exercised. When they deride
our ceremonies as vain and frivolous, were it hard to apply tin ir
exceptions even to those civil ceremonies, which at the cor< mat ion.
in parliament, and all courts of justice are used? Were it hard
to argue even against circumcision, the ordinance of God. a>
being a cruel ceremony I against the passover, as being ridicu-
lous?— shod, girt, a staff in their hand, to eat a lamb.

44 To conclude: you may exhort the clergy (or what if you
direct your conclusion not to the clergy in general, but onK to
the learned in or of both universities?) you may exhort them
due consideration of all things, and to a right esteem of valuing
of each thing in that degree wherein it ought to stand. For it
oftentimes falleth out. that what men ha\e either devised them-
9i kes, or -really delighted in. the price and the excellency tin
the\ do admire abOY6 desert. The chiet'est labour ..fa Christian

RICHARD HOOKER. 553

should be to know ; of a minister, to preach Christ crucified :
in regard whereof, not only worldly things, but things otherwise
precious, even the discipline itself is vile and base : whereas now
by the heat of contention, and violence of affection, the zeal of
men towards the one hath greatly decayed their love to the other.
Hereunto therefore they are to be exhorted, to preach Christ
crucified, the mortification of the flesh, the renewing of the spirit ;
not those things which in time of strife seem precious, but (pas-
sions being allayed) are vain and childish.

" G. C."

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

For the church of England, in casting out papal tyranny and superstition,
to have shewed greater willingness of accepting the very ceremonies of the
Turk, Christ's professed enemy, than of the most indifferent things which
the church of Rome approveth ; to have left not so much as the names which
the church of Rome doth give to things innocent; to have rejected whatsoever
that church doth make account of, be it never so harmless in itself, and of
never so ancient continuance, without any other crime to charge it with, than
only that it hath been the hap thereof to be used by the church of Rome, and
not to be commanded in the word of God : this kind of proceeding might
happily have pleased some few men, who having begun such a course them-
selves, must needs be glad to see their example followed by us. But the
Almighty, which giveth wisdom, and inspireth with right understanding
whomsoever it pleaseth him, he foreseeing that which man's wit had never
been able to reach unto ; namely, what tragedies the attempt of so extreme
alteration would raise in some parts of the Christian world, did for the end-
less good of his church, (as we cannot chuse but interpret it) use the bridle
of his provident restraining hand to stay those eager affections in some, and
to settle their resolution upon a course more calm and moderate.

HOOKER.

One man alone there was to speak of (whom let no suspicion of flattery
deprive of his deserved commendation), who, in the defiance of one part, and
courage of the other, stood in the gap, and gave others respite to prepare
themselves to the defence ; which, by the sudden eagerness and violence of
their adversaries, had otherwise been prevented : wherein God hath made
good unto him his own impress, Vincit qui patitur. For, what contumelious
indignities he hath at their hands sustained, the world is witness : and what
reward of honour above his adversaries God hath bestowed upon him, them-
selves, though nothing glad thereof, must needs confess.

GEORGE CRANMER.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE Life of Archbishop Whitgift, which was first published in
the year 1612, is here printed intire from the second edition,
intitled " The Life of John Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury,
in the times of q. Elizabeth and k. James I. ; written by sir
George Paule, comptroller of his grace's houshold. London,
1699." 8vo.

TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,

GEORGE1,

LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY,

PRIMATE OF ALL ENGLAND AND METROPOLITAN;

ONE OF THE LORDS OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL.

MOST REVEREND AND MY EVER HONOURED LORD,

I SEE it incident to personages of high place and deserving, to
win by their living favours many obsequious followers, who, after
their decease, prove but cold remembrancers of their bounty, or
other virtues : which slackness in others forced that boldness in
me, rather to chuse the hazard of disreputation to my pen, which
was never cunning, than to my heart, which shall never be un-
grateful. And therefore I have presumed to set down the godly
and religious courses of the most reverend archbishop WHITGIFT,
your graced late predecessor, to shew mine own obligation to his
memory, and to make known his worthy parts to future ages.
And because your grace's beginnings shew how careful an em-
bracer you are of his chiefest virtues, as well in your industrious
studies, as in your private and public government; I held it my
duty to present both this, and my best services to your grace ;
that here you may see, if nothing else, those virtues in another.
that are so aimed at by yourself: which make many true atl« -i-n <l
hearts pray, that by your godly, vigilant, and prudent guidance,
his church may long and happily flourish among us.

To your grace most boimdcn.
GKO. lV\n

1 Gforyt.'] (Jeor^c Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, A.I). 1611 — 33.

TO THE READER.

IT was far from my thoughts that these first draughts of mine,
which I only intended as minutes and directions for a more skilful
penman, should ever have shewed themselves to the world, had
not the backwardness of some, and the importunity of others,
driven me to the orator's resolution ; who saith, / had rather any
man should do it than myself; yet myself, rather than none at all.
The argument may peradventure sooner find some maligners, than
just reprovers. Wherein yet, as far as the importance and ne-
cessity of the cause will suffer, I have so warily tempered the
sharpness of my pen, that I hope none of moderate humour himself,
will justly charge me of being immoderate herein. But yet, if any
where I shall seem otherwise, the discreet reader will see it is out
of the instructions, records, and authors, whom I follow, and not
out of mine own disposition, who desired as well herein, as in
other of my courses, rather to imitate my master in his mild and
moderate carriage, than willingly to be offensive or displeasing to
any. Neither is it my purpose to have the ashes of the dead
raked up again. But as no man can rightly commend a com-
mander, or skilful pilot, without relating their past exploits, and
dangerous storms : so neither could I, without wronging my reader,
and the principal subject, commend him for so worthy and prudent
a governor, unless I had withal given a taste of his adventures,
and the stormy time wherein he lived. And therefore I pray
thee, courteous reader, both charitably and modestly to censure
my travel and pains herein.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

A WISE and excellent historian * saith ; It hath always been a
matter of free liberty, and least subject to detraction to speak of
those, whom death hath exempted from hatred or favour: a speech
that moved me to write (whilest many other, better able, look
on) the Life of the most reverend and worthy prelate John
Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, to the end that posterity
might take true notice of the worth of such, as have well guided
the stern of this church, and settled the peace thereof; and
render unto him, as unto other men, the due honour and com-
mendation, which he hath deserved.

He came of the ancient family of Whitgift, of Whitgift in
Yorkshire. His grandfather, John Whitgift, gentleman, had
many children ; some whereof he made scholars, others he placed
abroad in several courses of life, disposing his father, Henry
Whitgift, to be a merchant at Great Grinisby in Lincolnshire,
where he married Ann Dynewell, a virtuous young woman, of
good .parentage in that town, of whom this our archbishop came,
and was there born in the year of our Lord, 1530, being the
eldest of his father's sons, who were five in number, besides him-
self, viz. William, George, Philip, Eichard, and Jeffery.

He had an uncle called Robert Whitgift, abbot of the monas-
tery of Wellow, in the county of Lincoln, near Grimsby, who
teaching divers young gentlemen, took like pains also with him.
In which time (as he was pleased often to remember) he heard
his uncle, the abbot say, That they, and their religion, could not
long continue; because (said he) I have read the whole Scripture
over and over, and could never find therein that our religion was

1 Excellent historian.'] [Tacit. Annal. lib. iv.]

VOL. III. ° O

562 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

founded by God. And for proof of this opinion, the abbot
would allege that saying of our Saviour ; Omnis plantatio quam
non plantavit Pater meus ccelestis eradicabitur : " Every planting
which my heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted up."
(Matth. 15. 13.)

His uncle, finding an extraordinary towardliness in him, sent
him afterwards to London, where he became a scholar in St.
Anthony's school, and boarded at his aunt's house in Paul's
Church-yard ; she being the wife of Michael Shaller, a verger of
that church. There he escaped a great danger, lying with
another scholar that had the plague, and coming in the summer-
time hot and thirsty from school, drank his urine out of a pot or
cruse, standing at his bed's head instead of drink 2; and was not
sick after it, though his bedfellow died.

From St. Anthony's school he repaired to Grimsby to his parents,
being thrust out of doors by his aunt because he would not (as she
often required and solicited him by the Canons of Paul's) go with
her to morrow mass3; imputing all her losses and domestic inis-

3 Instead of drink.~\ " Pater ei (Justo Jonae) fuit vir honestus, consul ejus
oppidi : qui cum peste esset correptus, et cepe abscessui impositura removis-
set ; idque in scamno deposuisset, supervenit hie Justus filiolus, admodura
puer, et cepe totum avide devoravit; citra tamen ullam contagionem."-
Melchioris Adami Vitee Germanorum Theologorum, p. 258. De Justo Jona.

3 To morrow mass.'] We have here an instance of those domestic dissen-
sions and acts of insubordination, to which the workings of the public mind
in the early stages of the Reformation frequently gave birth ; and of which a
Roman Catholic preacher, to whom we have repeatedly been indebted in the
course of these notes, gives the following description in the reign of queen
Mary:

"Besides this, it would pitie anye good mans harte, to thinke what dis-
order and disobedience came of this liberty. Wold not the servauntes con-
troll their maysters, and tel them, when they were chekked for leaving tlu-ir
busines undone, that they had bene occupyed eyther in readynge Gods word,
or in hearing some sermon ; yea and so godly lessons had they learned, since
they had tasted of this newe doctrine, that very few of theyr maysters could
after truste them. And if the mayster were a Catholike man, and one that
feared God, then wold his servaunte, if he were of a contrary judgement,
handel hym like a warde, and in manner make a loute of him, and do his
busynesse as he lyste, and lette it be undone if he list. For the m;i
fearing that he shuld have displeasure by him, durst neyther put hym away
from hym, nor ones as much as rebuke hym for any matter.

" After the same sorte dyd children order their parentes, wyves, their i
bandes, and subjectes their magystrates; so that the fete ruled the head, and
the cart was set before the horse. For children, when they had bene brought

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIF1\ 563

fortunes to her harbouring of such an heretic within her doors ;
and, for a farewell told him, " That she thought, at the first, she

up in schole a while with some lewd Lutherane, then would they write letters
to their Catholike parentes, and exhorte them, in the Lordes name, to leave
their papistry and blind ignorance that they were in, and fall at length to
follow Goddes worde, and gladly to receave the truth. And if the parentes
would not folowe this their childishe advise, streightway would they not let
to talke with their companyons, and tell them that their parentes were blinde
papistes : yea and make a mery mockinge stocke of them, and say, My father
is an old doting foole, and wil fast upon the Fryday ; and my mother goeth
alwayes mumbling on her beades : but you shall see me of another sorte, I
warraunt you; for I will never folowe no suche superstitiouse folye, nor
walke in the papistical pathes of my parentes.— Were not men well at ease,
trow you, when they had bestowed a great deale of money upon such grace-
less graftes, who neyther feared God, nor reverenced their parentes ?

"Thus did mens wyves too, that were become systers of the new fraternitye,
order their husbandes. For whereas the husbande dyd not favoure their
secte, then would the wyfe no longer go to schole with hym in silence, as
S. Paule byddeth her, but would boldlye fall to teache hym, and tell hym of
his duety. And many of them were offended with S. Paule, that hadde
commaunded them, that they shuld holde their peace in the churches. For
gladly would they have preached, if they might have bene suffred ; as some
of them nevertheles did in corners. At which tyme also the devil, for the
better furtheraunce of heresy, picked out two sorts of people, that shuld, in
tavernes and innes, at common tables, and in open streets, set forwarde his
purpose, as well as false preachers dyd in the pulpet ; that is to say, minstrels
and players of enterludes : — the one to singe pestilente and abominable
songes, and the other to set forth openly before mens eyes the wicked blas-
phemy that they had contrived for the defacing of all rites, ceremonies, and
all the whole order, used in the administration of the blessed sacramentes." —
Christopherson's Exhortation against Rebellion, signat. T 1 — T 3. A.D. 1554.
12mo.

And again : " Was there not beside such deadly dissension for our diver-
sitie in opinions, that even amonges those that were most verye deere frendes,
arose most grevouse hatred. For the sonne hated hys owne father, the sister
her brother, the wyfe her husband, the servaunte hys mayster, the subject
the ruler. And in every house, at every mans table, in every corner, in every
strete, at everye taverne and inne, at all tymes, was there suche unreverente
reasonynge of Gods highe mysteries, that those that mette together frendes,
departed enemyes, and sometymes were at daggers drawing for the matter."
Ibid, signat. T 7.

But Christopherson's, no doubt, are partial representations. We must re-
mark, therefore, that even Latimer himself notices, and censures, in very in-
telligible terms, a serious change, which had largely diffused itself, in the cha-
racter of an uncontrollable and presumptuous temper, contrary to that meek-
ness and humility, which ought to be the ornament of the gospel, and is in
the sight of God of great price. " I never

o o 2

564 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

had received a saint into her house, but now she perceived he was
a devil/'

His parents finding that he had much profited in his learning,
sent him, by the advice and direction of his uncle, the abbot, to
Cambridge, where he was first of Queen's college ; but liking not
the education and disposition of some there, he went to Pem-
broke-hall; Dr. Ridley (afterwards bishop of London) being
there master; who hearing by Mr. Bradford, his tutor, of his
great towardliness and small means, (by reason of his father's
losses at sea) made him scholar, and then Mr. Gurth became his
tutor; from thence he was chosen fellow of Peterhouse, (May
1555) Dr. Pearne being then master there.

Whilst he was fellow of that house, he fell grievously sick, and

" I never saw surely so little discipline as is now adayes. Men will be
masters. They will be masters, and not disciples.

" Alas, where is this discipline now in England ? The people regard no
discipline; they be without all order. Where they should give place, they
will not sturre one inch. Yea, where magistrates should determine matters,
they will breake into the place before they come, and at their coming not
move a whit for them. Is this discipline ? Is this good order ? If a man
say any thing unto them, they regard it not, they that be called to answere,
will not answere directly, but scoffe the matter out. Men, the more they
know, the worse they be. It is truely said, Scientia inflat, knowledge makes
us proud, and causeth us to forget all, and set away discipline. Surely in
popery they had a reverence ; but now we have none at all : I never saw the
like." Seventh Sermon before k. Edward : Sermons, fol. 84.

History will be of little use to us, if we do not learn from it to discern, as
in a glass, What is in our human nature ; and to be put upon our guard
against the abuses and corruptions to which even the best things, in human
hands, are liable.

Practices such as this of young Whitgift, natural as they were under the
circumstances, and little to be wondered at, were not warranted by the
and we possess against them the grave authority of Cranmer, in a letter from
Croydon, July 13 [1539], at which time Whitgift was about ten years old.

"As concerning such persons as in time of divine service do read the
Bible, they do much abuse the king's grace's intent and meaning in his
grace's injunctions and proclamations; which permitteth the Bible to he
read, not to allure great multitudes of people together, nor thereby to inter-
rupt the time of prayer, meditation, and thanks to be given to Almighty (loci,
which, specially in divine service, is, and of consequence ought to be, i
but that the same be done and read in time convenient, privately, for the
condition and amendment of the lives both of the readers and of such hearers
as cannot themselves read ; and not in contempt or hindrance of any divine
service or laudable ceremony used in the church." — Remains, vol. i. j>
The letter is addressed to lord Lisle, the king's deputy at Calais.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf. 565

was by commandment of Dr. Pearne (who much tendered him in
regard of his good parts) carried to an house near the college,
whither Dr. Pearne came often to visit him, and willed the
woman of the house that he should want nothing; neither
should she spare any cost for his good, and the recovery of his
health, saying, that if he lived, he would be able to defray the
charge himself; but if he died, the said Dr. Pearne would satisfy
her, and pay for all things.

When it pleased God to restore him to his former health, he
determined to travel beyond the seas, purposely to avoid cer-
tain visitors sent in queen Mary's time to the university, to
establish popery, and to enjoin the young fellows and scholars
to take Primam tonsuram, being their first entrance into popish
orders.

Dr. Pearne hearing of this his purpose, talked with him, and
found him resolute in his religion, yielding (as Dr. Pearne often
acknowledged afterwards) many good and sound reasons there-
fore ; whereupon the doctor willed him to be silent, and not
troublesome in uttering his opinion, whereby others might take
occasion to call him in question : and he for his part would wink
at him, and so order the matter, that he might continue his reli-
gion, and not travel out of the university ; which accordingly the
good old man justly performed. For which his favour the arch-
bishop carried a loving, faithful, and true heart towards him unto
his dying day.

He commenced batchelor of arts in the year 1553 ; master of
arts, 1556; batchelor of divinity, 1562; doctor of divinity4,
1569, at which time he answered the divinity act publicly in the
commencement, wherein he maintained this position, Papa est
ille Antichristus.

After he was entered into the ministry, (which was upon the
year 1560,) being to preach his first public sermon in St. Mary's,
he chose for his text that excellent saying of St. Paul, / am not
ashamed of the gospel of Christ, &c. wherein his singular method,
choice of matter, and judicious handling thereof, were such, that
his whole auditory, especially the chief of the university, grew
into great admiration of those great parts in so young years.

From being fellow of Peterhouse, he succeeded Dr. Hutton,

4 Doctor of divinity.-] This was in the year 1567.— Stiype's Life of Whit-
gift, p. 9.

566 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

late archbishop of York, in the mastership of Pembroke hall 5 ;
being then chaplain to Dr. Cox, bishop of Ely, by whose means
he had a prebend in Ely, and the parsonage of Teversham near
Cambridge.

He was also chosen divinity reader 8 of the lady Margaret's
lecture, which he discharged with so great liking of the whole
university, that for his sake they increased the stipend from
twenty marks to twenty pounds ; and afterwards he was made
the queen's public professor of divinity.

Whilst he read these two lectures, the public schools were
frequented with throngs of students in divinity, young and old ;
such was his diligence, great learning, and extraordinary gifts
shewed in the reading thereof; insomuch as many of the precise
faction were his daily auditors, and the lectures themselves so
highly accounted of (especially those, which he read upon the
Apocalypse, and the Epistle to the Hebrews) that through the
importunity of divers his honourable friends (then his pupils) and
others of great learning, and judgment, he was persuaded to
set down those his lectures in writing ; which are like shortly
for their excellency and worth, to be published7 for the com-
mon benefit.

His singular, and extraordinary gift in preaching, caused him,
upon the recommendation of sir Nicholas Bacon, the then lord
keeper of the great seal of England, and sir William Cecill, prin-
cipal secretary (afterwards lord treasurer of England) to be sent
for (A.D. 1567) to preach before her majesty, who took so great
liking of him, for this method, and matter, that, hearing his name
to be Whitgift, she said he had a white-gift indeed. And as his
gifts were then esteemed white, so his fortune afterwards proved

5 Of Pembroke hall.] In the year 1567. See Neve's Fasti, p. 424.

6 Divinity reader J\ In the year 1 563. The augmentation of his salary took
place July 5, 1 566. See Baker's Catalogue of Professors, inserted in his edi-
tion of bishop Fisher's Funeral Sermon of the Lady Margaret.

1 To be published.'] " Whatever was the reason, they have not to this day
appeared in publick. I remember I have seen many years ago, this manu-
script of VVhitgift's own hand, in the possession of Dr. Pain, minister some-
time of Whitechapel, London : which after his death was intended to be pur-
chased by the late learned Dr. Moore, lord bishop of Ely. But where that
manuscript now lies, I know not, unless in the treasure of the aforesaid ri^ht
reverend prelate. In this volume of his lectures was also his Thesis, when In-
kept his act for doctor in divinity, viz. That the Pope is that Antichrist." —
Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 8.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 567

white, and happy; his good name and reputation white, and
spotless : so that it may be properly said of him, that he was
gallince fitius albce.

Her majesty within four months after that he was master of
Pembroke hall, made him master8 of Trinity college, and caused
him immediately after to be sworn her chaplain.

In the college, at his first entrance, he found much division
(especially amongst such as laboured innovation in the church)
being begun and headed in the government of his predecessor
master Dr. Beaumont. Yet did he in short time wisely ap-
pease these stirs, and governed for five years space with great
quietness both of the whole company, and himself, until master
Thomas Cartwright's (a fellow of that college) last return from
beyond the seas.

The first- discontentment of the said master Cartwright grew
at a disputation in the university before queen Elizabeth, be-
cause master Preston (then of King's college, and afterwards
master of Trinity hall) for his comely gesture, and pleasing
pronunciation was both liked and rewarded by her majesty, and
himself received neither reward, nor commendation ; presuming
of his own good scholarship, but wanting indeed that comely
grace and behaviour which the other had. This his no small
grief9 he uttered unto divers of his inward friends in Trinity
college, who were also very much discontented, because the
honour of the disputation did not redound unto their college.

Mr. Cartwright, immediately after her majesty's neglect of
him, began to wade into divers opinions, as that of the disci-
pline, and to kick against her ecclesiastical government ; he also
then grew highly conceited of himself for learning, and holiness,

8 Made him master.'] [July 4, 1567.]

9 This his no small grief. ~\ " Reports have commonly been spread, that the
true cause of Cartwright's setting himself so openly against the hierarchy as
he did soon after, (to the great disturbance of the peace of the English
church) was from a disgust he took at this time; as though the queen shewed
more countenance to the other disputants than to him. But by the relation
of the queen's reception at Cambridge (now in the hands of a learned mem-
ber of that university) there appears no clear ground for any such discontent.
For the queen is there said to have approved them all : only that Preston
pleased her most ; and was made her scholar, with the settlement of a yearly
honorary salary on him." Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 446, edit. 2. Fuller's
Hist, of Cambridge, p. 139.

568 ARCHBISHOP WHITG1FF.

and a great contemner of others that were not of his mind.
And although the learning and qualities of any were never so
mean, yet if he affected master Cartwright, and his opinions, he
should be in great estimation with him, according to the saying
of the poet :

" Praecipui sunto, sitque illis aurea barba."

But if he were against him in his fanciful conceits, though he
were never so good a scholar, or so good a man, he could not
brook or like of him ; as of Dr. Whitaker, and others. A ml
although in their elections of scholars into that college, they nia<le
as good choice as any other, either before, or in their time, yet
could he never afford the electors, nor parties elected, a good
word, unless they sided with him in his fancies.

And that he might the better feed his humour with these con-
ceited novelties, he travelled to Geneva ; where observing the
government and discipline of that church to be by certain eccle-
siastical superintendents, and lay-elders, or presbyters, (as they
called them,) he was so far carried away with an affection of that
new devised discipline, as that he thought all churches and con-
gregations for government ecclesiastical, were to be measured
and squared by the practice of Geneva.

Therefore, when he returned home, he took many exceptions *
against the established government of our church, disallowing the
vocation of our archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, and other
ecclesiastical officers ; the administration of our holy sacraments,
and observation of our rites and ceremonies: and buzzing tin •*»•
conceits into the heads of divers young preachers and scholais <>{'
the university, he drew after him a great number of disciples and
followers. And upon a Sunday (doctor Whitgift being from
home) master Cartwright with some of his adherents, made 1 1
sermons * in that one day ; wherein they so vehemently inveighed

1 Took many exceptions.'] Compare Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 623 — 9.

2 Made three sermons.] " I know one preacher " (says Alley, bishop of
Exeter, in a paper laid before the upper House of Convocation, about the
year 1564), "not of the basest sort nor estimation, which did glory and boast
that he made eight sermons in London against surplices, rochets, tippets and
caps, counting them not to be perfect that wear them. And although it be
all one in effect, to wear either round caps, square caps, or bottomed caps, yet
it is thought very meet, that we being of one profession, and in one inin.
should not vary and jangle one against the other for matters indifferent ;

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 569

(amongst other ceremonies of our church) against the surplice,
as those of Trinity college were so moved therewith, that at even-
ing prayer they cast off their surplices 3 (though against the
statutes of the house) and were all placed in the chapel without
surplices, three only excepted; doctor Legge, Mr. West, and
the chaplain. By reason of which stirs, both that private college
was greatly distracted, and the whole university much perplexed
and troubled.

For these his opinions were now broached not only at home in
their college sermons, and domestical common-places, but by
master Cartwright himself, and his adherents, in the public church
of the whole university ; wherein they mightily declaimed against
the ordination of our priests, and deacons, and greatly traduced
the heads and governors of the colleges, because they attended
the service of those places. The reverend bishops, and fathers of
the church, for their due observing ecclesiastical rules, and consti-
tutions, were by them much perstringed ; the established church
paralleling (as they termed it) the Romish hierarchy, was also
much reproached and disgraced.

Dr. Whitgift, after that master Cartwright and his accomplices
had broached this his dangerous doctrine, would always the Sun-
day following in the same church, answer and confute their
opinions, with such commendation, and applause, as thereby
he much quieted and settled the judgment of many, that other-
wise were inclining to this innovation, and gained a singular
opinion of the most learned and judicious throughout the whole
university.

which are made politick by the prescribed order of the prince. Therefore if
your honourable wisdoms do not take some way, that either they may go as
we go in apparel ; or else that we may go as they do, it will be a thing as it
is already, both odious and scandalous unto no small number." Strype's
Annals, vol. i. p. 348, edit. 2d.

3 Cast off their surplices.'] A similar outrage was committed by the fellows
and students to the number of near three hundred, in the neighbouring col-
lege of St. John's, about the beginning of December, 1565. See Strype's
Annals, vol. i. p. 478. And about the same time George Withers preached
at Cambridge very loudly " against the superstitious figures in glass windows.
And thus, being seconded by some zealots, a great many fine paintings were
destroyed." Collier's Eccles. Hist., vol. ii. p. 504.

Under this same year (1565) I find the following entry, in a Book of
Church-wardens' Accounts of the parish of Lambeth, fol. 65 :

Item, paid to Matthew Allen for writing, when the crosse, and j 12rf>
chalice, and other vestments were defaced J

570 ARCHBISHOP WHITGJFT.

When by this cause he had somewhat appeased these
master Cartwright did not yet cease, but by secret instigations
set on others of his own humour to continue them ; who in their
college exercises (which they call common-places) and also in their
open sermons, would prick at him with the swords of their
tongues, and other- whiles uncharitably through the sides of others
pierce and wound him ; sometimes furiously without regard of
duty, shame, or modesty, would strike downright at him. For
it then was (and I pray God it still be not) a thing too frequent
with that generation to tax their superiors and to accuse their
government, as also to asperse them and it with many unjust
calumniations.

Notwithstanding, so far was he from entering into any rigorous
course of proceeding against them (as justly he might have done
by the statutes of the college, and public laws of the state) as
that with great sufferance he winked at and passed by many of
these wrongs and enormities, and instead of revenge, he by gen-
tleness and goodness heaped coals upon the adversaries heads ; a>
also for rough and unseemly speeches, he breathed nothing but
sweet breath of love, and peace, often exhorting them to call to
God for grace, that they might have more sober consideration
and better judgment of orders established, which then they mis-
took to be amiss. For (as a learned man truly saith of them)
" those fervent reprehenders of things established by public autho-
rity, are always confident, and bold spirited men : but their con-
fidence, (for the most part) riseth from too much credit given to
their own wits ; for which cause they are seldom free from errors.'1
(Hooker's Eccles. Polity, lib. 5.)

The state of the university being in this sort marvellously dis-
quieted by master Cartwright, and his abettors, doctor Whitgift
wisely foresaw that these sparks of sedition, if in time they were
not quenched, would grow to a great flame, to the endangering
not only of the university, but of the whole church (as every one
knoweth it afterward fell out) ; and therefore to cure this evil, ii'
it might be, in the beginning, he oftentimes sent to master < 'art-
wright, and in friendly and kind manner, advised him to sure
from those courses. Hut finding him always wilfully bent, and
finally obstinate ; to prevent further mischief, lie with the seniors
of the house, called him in question ; and having sufficient matter
of expulsion against him. for uttering some ern»r> in his lecti.
and not recant inn1, nor expounding tin-in, beiii^- bytlu- ma-terand

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 571

seniors so appointed ; and for exercising the function of a minister,
having no letters of orders (which he had either torn, or sup-
pressed, for that he thought it not lawful by his own doctrine to
use them) and for transgressing the statutes of the house in
divers other points, he expelled him the house ; and being vice-
chancellor, caused him likewise to be deprived of the lady Mar-
garet's Lecture, which then he read.

Before which course of proceeding with him, doctor Whitgift
(understanding that master Cartwright had given it out, that his
dangerous assertions were rather repressed by authority, than
refelled by truth, and strength of reason) wished him to forbear
such disturbance of the public peace of the church, and often
offered him to enter a quieter course for trial of the truth of his
cause by conference and writing; which he always refused to
accept, as may appear by an act recorded in the registry book of
the university of Cambridge, under the testimony and subscription
of the chief heads, bearing date the 18th of March, 1570, in these
words.

" Whereas it is reported that master Cartwright, offering dis-
putations and conference, touching the assertions uttered by him,
and subscribed with his hand, could not obtain his request,
therein ; This is to testify, that in the presence of us, whose
names are here under written, and in our hearing, the said master
Cartwright was offered conference of divers, and namely of Mr.
doctor Whitgift, who offered, that if the said master Cartwright
would set down his assertions in writing, and his reasons unto
them, he would answer the same in writing also ; the which mas-
ter Cartwright refused to do. Further, the said doctor Whitgift,
at such time as master Cartwright was deprived of his lecture,
did in our presence ask the said master Cartwright, whether he
had both publickly and privately divers times offered the same
conference unto him by writing or not. To which master Cart-
wright answered, that he had been so offered, and that he refused
the same. Moreover, the said master Cartwright did never offer
any disputation, but upon these conditions ; viz. That he might
know who should be his adversaries, and who should be his judges ;
meaning such judges as he himself could best like of. Neither
was this kind of disputation denied unto him, but only he was
required to obtain licence of the queen's majesty, or the counsel,
because his assertions be repugnant to the state of the coin-

572 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf.

mon-wealth, which may not be called into question by public
disputation, without licence of the prince, or her highnesses
counsel.

" JOHN WHITGIFT, vice-chancellor.

Andrew Pearne.

John Mey.

Edward Hawford.

William Chadderton.

Henry Harvy.

Thomas Ithell.

Thomas Bing.

" Et ego Matthaeus Stokis Sarum Dioces. in artibus magister,
publicus authoritate legitima notarius, quia interfui deprivationi
dicti Cartwright factae undecimo die Decembris, anno 1570, et
tune et ibidem audivi doctorem Whitgift interrogantem eum Cart-
wright de praemissis allegatis, et M. Cartwright eadem confiten-
tem ; ideo, in fidem et testimonium praemissorum, nomen meum
requisitus superscripsi, anno Domini 1570."

Not long after (at which time her highness had summoned a
parliament) some of the principal note amongst these disciplina-
rians thought that the fittest time either to effect their desires 1>\
some abettors in that high assembly, or at least to disperse their
opinions into all the parts of the kingdom. To which end they
then published a seditious treatise, entituled, an Adm<>
the Parliament ; being indeed the very summary both of their
opinions touching church matters, and of their shameless slanders
against the governors thereof.

And albeit Dr. Whitgift considered that this libel was unworthy
any serious confutation, yet in regard of the great applause it found
among the green heads of the university (who were greedy of
novelties) and to stop the current of so dangerous position
spared not his pains in writing a learned answer; therein It
open the weakness of that cause, and the strength of their in.
who so hotly pursued the same ; which being published upon the
year 1572, won him no less reputation with the learneder sort.
than the former had with the young and weaker brains. Y« ,1
• •ven those who had formerly thought the Admonition unans\
able, found the rashness of their censures by the soundin
that refutation.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFr. 573

Whereupon master Cartwright, notwithstanding his former
refusal to enter into the list with Dr. Whitgift (as is aforesaid)
seeing both the walls and foundation of his new founded church-
government already shaken, and tottering, endeavoured to under-
prop the same with a reply. The weakness whereof doctor
Whitgift displayed in his Defence of the Answer to the Admonition,
against the Reply.

But master Cartwright (glorying belike to have the last word)
published a second Reply, fraught with no other stuff than had
been before refuted : yet doctor Whitgift addressing himself to
answer it, was by the advice of some (whose judgments he much
esteemed) dissuaded from troubling himself, in refuting that which
he had already overthrown. Amongst others who dissuaded him,
the learned doctor Whi taker was one ; against whose judgment
the adversary can no way justly except. His words in his letter
to doctor Whitgift are these : " Quern Cartwrightus nuper emisit
libellum ejus magnam partem perlegi. Ne vivam, si quid unquam
viderim dissolutius, ac pene puerilius. Verborum satis ille
quidem lautam, ac novam supellectilem habet, rerum omnino nul-
lam, quantum ego judicare possum. Deinde, non modo perverse
de principis in rebus sacris atque ecclesiasticis aucthoritate sentit,
sed in papistarum etiam castra transfugit, a quibus tamen videri
vult odio capitali dissidere. Verum nee in hac causa ferendus, et
aliis etiam in partibus tela a papistis mutuatur. Denique ut de
Ambrosio dixit Hieronimus, verbis ludit, sententiis dormitat, et
plane indignus est, qui a quopiam docto refutetur." ' I have read
over,1 saith he, ' a great part of the book which master Cartwright
hath lately set forth. Let me not live if I ever saw any thing
more loose, and almost more childish. As for words, indeed he
hath store of them, both trim, and fresh enough; but as for
matter he hath none at all. Besides this, he hath not only peevish
assertions touching the princes authority in matters sacred, and
ecclesiastical, but he also flatly revolteth from us to the camp of
the papists *, from whom he would seem to fly with deadly hatred.
And not in this cause only is he unsufferable, but in other points
also he borroweth his weapons and arguments from the papists.

4 To the camp of the papists.'] See Bancroft's Survey of the Pretended Holy
Discipline, chap. 23, p. 258 — 68, and Sermons by Dr. Thomas Balguy, p. 63.
That the puritans, notwithstanding their bitter hostility against the papists,
symbolize with them often in principles and practice, see Christian Institutest
iii. 31, 2. Sanderson, and n. iv. 38. Casaubon.

574 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

And in a word, as Hierome sometime said of Ambrose ; he is in
his words but a trifler, and for his matter but a dreamer, and
altogether unworthy to be refuted by any man of learning.'

Master Cartwright after these controversies thus begun and
continued by himself as you see, lived sometimes beyond the seas,
now in one place, and then in another, without attaining any
eminent or certain place in the commonwealth, save only the
mastership of an hospital in Warwick.

But doctor Whitgift having continued master of Trinity college
ten years, and being twice vice-chancellor, was by her majesty
preferred also to the deanery of Lincoln 5, which he held for the
space of seven years ; so long as he remained in Cambridge.

By his government in Trinity college he made many excellent
scholars, that came afterwards to great preferment in the church
and commonwealth, five whereof6 were in his time bishops, that
then were fellows of the college when he was master, and some of
them his pupils ; besides many deans and others of dignity and
estimation in the church at this day.

He had divers earls and noblemen's sons to his pupils7, as
namely, the earls of Worcester and Cumberland, the lord Zoucli,
the lord Dunboy of Ireland, sir Nicholas, and sir Francis Bacon,
now his majesty's solicitor general, in whom he took great com-
fort, as well for their singular towardlineness as for their ob-
servance of him, and performance of many good offices towards
him. All which, together with the rest of the scholars of that
house, he held to their public disputations, and exercises, and
prayers, which he never missed, chiefly for devotion, and withal
to observe others absence, always severely punishing such omis-
sions and negligences.

He usually dined and supped in the common hall, as well to
have a watchful eye over the scholars, and to keep them in a
mannerly and awful obedience, as by his example to teach thriii
to be contented with a scholar-like college diet.

8 Deanery of Lincoln.'] He was installed Aug. 2, 1571. Le Neve's /
p. 146.

rice whereof J] [Norwich, Redman. Worcester, Babington. St. David's,
Rud. Glocester, Golsborough. Hereford, Bennet.]

7 To his pvpils.] "It must not be forgotten, that doctor Whi;
ward archbishop of Canterbury, sent unto his pupil " (sir I'M ward <
" when the queen's attorney, a fair New Testament, with this message: //
/Kith lonrj enough studied common law; now let him study the law of f
Lloyd's State Worthies, p. ft -2 \, edit. 1G7<>. Life of Sir Kdward Coke.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf. :,;:,

The sway and rule he then did bear through the whole univer-
sity, the records themselves will sufficiently testify ; for by his
mere travail and labour, and the credit he had with her majesty,
and the lord Burghley then lord treasurer of England, and chan-
cellor of Cambridge, he procured an alteration and amendment
of the statutes of the university. In which kind of affairs and
business all the heads of the houses were directed and advised
by him, as from an oracle ; for commonly whatsoever he spake
or did, they still concurred with him, and would do nothing
without him.

He never took the foil at any man's hands, during his ten
years continuance in Trinity college ; being therein not unlike
unto Pittacus in his ten years government of Mitilene, Cui nun-
quam, per id tempus, contigit in aliqua causa, quam in se susciperet,
cadere 8. For as the causes he dealt in were always just, so his
success was ever prosperous, wherein his singular wisdom was to
be noted, and his courage and stoutness in his attempts were
observed of the greatest ; and the general fame thereof remaineth
yet fresh in the university, and will continue as his badge and
cognizance so long as his memory lasteth. And yet that stout-
ness of his was so well tempered, and mingled with his other
virtue of mildness and patience, that master Hooker made this
true observation of him, "He always governed with that mode-
ration which useth by patience to suppress boldness, and to make
them conquer that suffer," which I think well suited with his
posey or motto 9 : VINCIT QUI PATITUR.

The first wound which those fervent reprehenders received at
doctor WhitghTs hands, and his prudent order of government,
together with his singular gift in preaching, made his fame
spread, and gained him so great estimation, that her majesty
was pleased to make choice of him, before many others of emi-
nent place in the church, to be bishop of Worcester *. Upon
which his advancement he first took his leave of the whole uni-
versity by a public sermon, which he preached in St. Mary's
church ; wherein he exhorted them to peace. And afterwards
by a private sermon in Trinity college he gave unto that society
such a godly and learned exhortation for their continuance and

8 Susciperet, cadere.'] [Diog. Laert. de Vit. Philosoph.]

9 Motto.'] See Life of Hooker, p. 540, n. (4.)

1 Bishop of Worcester.'] [Consecrated bishop of Worcester, April 21, 1577.]

576 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

constancy in peace and unity, as it so moved their affections that
they burst out into tears, insomuch that there were scarce any
dry eyes to be found amongst the whole number. He chose for
his text the same farewell which St. Paul gave unto the Corin-
thians: " Finally, brethren, fare you well : be perfect, be of good
comfort, be of one mind, live in peace, and the God of love and
peace shall be with you" (2 Cor. 13. 11.)

In June following he was attended, and accompanied on his
way from Cambridge towards Worcester, with a great troop of
the heads and others of choice account in the university, and
with exceeding lamentation, and sorrow of all sorts, for the Loflfl
they conceived they had of so worthy a governor.

But their grief for the loss of him was not so great as was the
joy of them who had found him ; amongst whom it pleased her
majesty to grace his very first entrance both in forgiving him his
first-fruits2 (a princely and extraordinary bounty) as also in
bestowing on him (for the better encouragement and provision
of his chaplains, and other learned men about him) the dis-
posing of all the prebends of that church of Worcester during
his continuance there.

He found the bishopric at his first coming much impaired by
his predecessors granting away in long leases, divers manors,
parks, and mansion-houses. But that which much troubled him,
and wherein he most of all stirred, was the letting to master
Abington, cofferer to the late queen, the rent-corn of his two
best manors, Hollow and Grimley, which is the chief upholding
of the bishop's hospitality, and without which (especially in dear
years) he is not able to keep house. This lease being let to
master Abington (a great man then to contend withal, his wife
also being sometimes the queen's bed-fellow) the bishop notwith-
standing did call it in question; having now (besides his honour-
able friends the lord keeper and the lord treasurer) gained by his
attendance at court many more about her majesty, who much
favoured him, and professed great love unto him; especially the
earl of Leicester, sir Christopher Hatton, vice-chamberlain ; and
sir Francis Walsingham, principal secretary : all in special
with her highness. Master Abington, by his wife's gn-ai
procured her majesty's gracious letters, written very earnestly in
his behalf. The bishop returning answer unto her majesty, and

= Hi* first fruits.] See above, Walton's Life of Hooker, p. 492.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. -77

informing her by means of his honourable friends, how prejudi-
cial it was unto the bishopric, she was thereupon much displeased
with master Abington, and took part with the bishop ; insomuch
that master Abington was willing to have yielded the said rent-
corn for the bishop's own time, so that his lease might have still
stood on foot against his successor ; which the bishop utterly
refused, and in the end was rather contented, by way of composi-
tion (notwithstanding that the lease was void, because the rent-
corn was never before let) to give master Abington three hundred
pounds out of his own purse to have the lease surrendered, and
to redeem the said corn ; which yet remaineth, and I hope ever
will, unto his successor in that see.

Some have accounted Worcestershire happy in having so kind
and loving men to their bishops ; and others impute it to the
good nature and disposition of the people, that so love and kindly
use their bishops, that thereby (unless they be too inflexible and
harsh) they cannot but in requital of their loves, entertain them
with reciprocal kindnesses. But howsoever it be, such was the
mutual love betwixt this bishop and the gentlemen there, that
they delighted much to converse together ; especially at assizes
and sessions the bishop would commonly reside at Worcester, to
give the judges and justices entertainment. There was no speed-
ing of commissions for service of the country, nor any appoint-
ment for the justices meeting for such purposes, but ever the
bishop's pleasure was first known for time and place, and the rest
of the gentlemen accordingly attended him. He would oftentimes
make appointment of meetings, either at his own house or some
of theirs, for some commendable recreation or exercises ; whereby
still to keep the gentlemen, by their continual repair to each
other, in mutual love and concord.

If he had understood of any jar or discord, he would send
for both parties, unawares to each other, under pretence of some
service to be done, or some meeting appointed, and before their
departure would make them friends. If he perceived a froward-
ness in either of them, and that by intreaty he could not pre-
vail, then would he leave persuasion and intreaty, and, as being
vice-president of the marches of Wales (which place her majesty,
shortly after he was made a bishop, bestowed upon him) threaten
the obstinate with imprisonment or safe custody till he should
reform himself. Of which his resolution, when the gentlemen of

VOL. in. p P

578 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

the chiefest sway and account had experience, they then would
grow calm, and submit themselves, and he as mildly and gently
did use them when he saw them coming. One particular instance
(among many) I will give you, of sir John Kussell3 and sir Henry
Berkeley, betwixt whom was so deadly a quarrel 4, as that great
bloodshed was like to have ensued at a sessions in Worcester, by
reason of their many friends and followers, had not the bishop
wisely prevented it, by providing a strong watch at the gates and
about the city, and requiring them to bring both parties, with
their attendance, well guarded, to his palace; where he caused
them all, to the number of four or five hundred, to deliver their
weapons into his own servants custody; and after two hours
pains taken, sometimes in persuading, and otherwhiles in threat-
ening them, he made them so good friends as they both attended
him hand in hand to the town-hall, where they performed the
service of their country in amity and love, and ever after held
him in great honour and estimation therefore. Wherein he \vns
much happier than Bias, who reporteth of himself, that " He
never arbitrated any controversy between two of his friends, but
he made one of them his enemy V

A year after his consecration to that bishopric he was (as
before is mentioned) made vice-president of the marches of
Wales, (sir Henry Sidney, his very honourable friend, being then
lord president, and at that time lord deputy of Ireland,) when-
albeit the bishop might immediately have taken upon him, accord-
ing to his place, to direct the court, having an excellent quick
understanding, a good facility of speech, and a deep and sound
judgment, gained by his long experience in government at Cam-
bridge and elsewhere, where his sufficiency and patience w«-iv
tried to the proof; yet notwithstanding it was a whole year b<

3 Sir John Russell.'] Sir John Russell of Strensham, in Worcestershire, of
a different family from that of the earls of Bedford. "A.D. 1582, was
ended a controversy of long standing touching the course of the river Avon,
between John Russell of Strensham, esq., and Thomas Handford of Wolla-
hull ; who, by stopping the stream to annoy each other, did great damage to
the poor inhabitants thereabouts. The cause was brought before the ;
council, and by them recommended to bishop Whitgift, to make up the
matter between the contending parties." Nash's History of Worcester >

ii. 390. Sir Henry Berkeley was of Spetchley in the same county.

4 Deadly a quarrel.] Compare Life of Gilpin, above, p. 407.

5 His enemy.] [Diog. Laert. de Vit. Philos. lib. i.]

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 579

he would almost speak in the public affairs, much less take upon
him to bear any sway, but still observed the orders and practice
of the court, and looked into the affections and dispositions of
his associates; hearing the complaints of the suppliants, and
informing himself by others of integrity and honesty, and some-
times noting their partial orders and corrupt dealings ; but at
the years end he then took upon him the directing and order-
ing of things himself, taking exceeding pains from morning till
bed-time, affording himself only some small times for meals and
study.

And when he had found the corruption of some of his asso-
ciates, as well by his own observation as by the confession of the
parties that corrupted them, (for the property of some amongst
them, was to leave nothing unassayed to corrupt any man to
serve their own turn for the present, though they ever after
hated him to the death and would revile him,) he would dismiss
these associates by sending for others under pretence of ease to
the parties.

He had also a special care (as behoved him) of his own family,
and attendants near unto him ; and therefore to avoid all colour
and suspicion of corruption, he would never hear any cause or
informations, or receive petitions in his private chamber, but
abroad, by the petitioners themselves, either in going to the
chapel, court, dinner, supper, or at the council-board ; insomuch
as a gentleman of his bed chamber (employed sometimes by him)
making request unto him that he might have the delivery of
suitors1 petitions, and indorse their answers, he grew into such
dislike of the young gentleman (as supposing he had been tam-
pered withal) that he presently discharged him of his chamber,
and could never afterwards very well brook him.

For this his integrity and just dealing, the people of Wales
especially had a very reverend and honourable opinion of him,
the rather because they observed in him a temperate and mild
government, without reviling or harsh speeches ; and oftentimes
moderating their fines and punishments, which in strictness of
law, and opinion of his associates, would have lighted heavily
upon them ; for which they highly esteemed him as their patron
and protector, and said he was sent amongst them to deliver
them from the oppression of the mighty, and corruption of the
wicked: yea, such was their opinion and conceit of him, that
if he had imprisoned, whipped, or inflicted any other grievmis

p p 2

580 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

punishment upon them, they would have undergone it with
patience, confessing their offences, and lauding his uprightness
and justice.

Her majesty, out of her experience of his wise and prudent
government, was pleased (upon complaint made unto her, of the
many discords and disorders that were in the two cathedral
churches of Lichfield and Hereford) to make choice of him alone,
amongst a number of worthy prelates, for redress thereof;
directing two commissions unto him for the visiting of the said
churches, which accordingly he did, and reformed them both
(being very far out of order) and ordained them statutes for their
better and more peaceable government afterwards.

These his courses thus held for his government, and reforming
both of church and people, gained him so general an opinion and
liking in the life-time, and disgrace of archbishop Grindall, that
her majesty designed him archbishop of Canterbury, as was signi-
fied unto him and earnestly wished by some of his honourable
friends about the queen, and also by archbishop Grindall himself
much desired, who, out of the great estimation he had conceived
of his government, and other his many virtues, and worthy parts,
and by reason of his own years and infirmity, laboured him in
like earnest manner, presently to accept thereof, being himself
well contented to shake off those cares, and receive from her
majesty some yearly pension; which bishop Whitgift utterly
refused, and in presence of the queen herself besought pardon in
not accepting thereof upon any condition whatsoever in the life-
time of the other. Whereupon the queen commiserating the
good old man's estate (being a grave and learned father of the
church; and at that time blind with years and grief)
graciously pleased to say, " That as she had made him an
archbishop, so he should die an archbishop," as he did shortly
after7.

Upon whose decease, bishop Whitgift receiving letters from
a great counsellor for his repair unto the court ; and the sp« < li
thereof, together with the report of archbishop GrindaH's death,
being spread abroad, you would have wondered to have B
the repair, and flocking of gentlemen and others, unto him, both
out of Worcestershire, and the marches of Wales, not to con-

7 Shortly after.] Grindal died July 6, 1583. Strype's Life of Grindal,
p. 289.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf. 581

gratulate his advancement (which they upon such his preparation
to the court,, conjectured was to follow) but to express their true
love, and hearty affection towards him, and to beseech him not
to depart from thence ; and so with tears and sobs took their
leave of him, as kind-natured children used to part from their
parents, whose face they are out of hope ever to see again.
Plutarch observeth, that it falleth out very seldom with magis-
trates, and those who are in authority, that they should please
the multitude, or be acceptable to the common people ; because
they, striving still to reform the disordered, do grieve them as
much as surgeons do their patients, when they bind up their
aches with bands to cure them. For though by that binding
they restore and bring to their natural places again the broken
bones, and members out of joint, yet put they the patient to
great pain. But this bishop was not so boisterous a surgeon,
for he had learned the art of curing the diseases of a common-
wealth, from a more skilful surgeon, even from him that taught,
that as wine was to be poured into the wound to search, so oil
was also necessary to supple, but both expedient for the cure.
And therefore as he always resolutely endeavoured the redress of
the ill-affected, so with an excellent temper of rare mildness, he
ever effected it without exasperation of those, whose good he was
desirous to procure. For which singular mixture of two so
requisite virtues in a magistrate, he was most worthily, and most
happily, both for the church and commonwealth, advanced from
the bishoprick of Worcester, to the archbishoprick of Canterbury,
September 24,1583.

At his first entrance he found the archbishoprick surcharged
in the valuation, and procured an order out of the exchequer, for
the abatement of one hundred pounds, for him and his suc-
cessors, in the payment of his first-fruits. He also shortly after
recovered from the queen, as part of the possessions of the arch-
bishoprick, Long-Beachwood in Kent, containing above a thou-
sand acres of land, which had been many years detained from his
predecessor by sir James Croft, then comptroller of her majesty"^
household, farmer thereof to her majesty. In letting leases of
his impropriations, if he found the curates wages but small, he
would abate much of his fine to encrease their pensions, some
ten pounds by the year, some more, some less, as at Folkstone,
Maidstone, and others.

But to leave these particular affairs, and to come to those

582 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

public employments, for which he was specially made archbishop ;
her majesty fearing the danger that might ensue by the assembly
of divers ministers to exercises, and prophecying, (as they termed
it) straightly charged him to be vigilant, and careful for the
reducing of them, and all other ministers by their subscription
and conformity to the settled orders, and government ; adding
that she would have the discipline of the church of England for-
merly established of all men duly to be observed, without altera-
tion of the least ceremony ; conceiving belike, that these novelists
might have wrought the same mischief here, which the turbulent
orators of Lacedemonia did in that commonwealth, so wisely
settled by Lycurgus^s laws ; which whilst they took upon them
to amend, they miserably defaced and deformed. The inconve-
nience of which kind of reforming, that prudent and judicious
queen had learned out of the poet Aratus's answer to one who
asked him how he might have Homer's poems free from cor-
ruptions, and faults? "Get" (saith he) "an old copy not
reformed: for curious wits labouring to amend things well
done, commonly either quite mar them, or at least make them
worse8."

The archbishop endeavouring to perform this her majesty's
commandment, had notwithstanding much ado, and many con-
flicts with them. For they had gotten such strength by his pre-
decessor's connivency, that many of them were then planted both
within his province, and particular diocese : in whose favour
sundry gentlemen of the chiefest account there came to entreat
the archbishop ; and some of the younger sort would needs argue
and dispute matters in controversy in their behalf. But he gave
so good satisfaction unto them all by his mild and temperate
answers (albeit he yielded not unto their requests) that they
loved him after ; some of the chiefest of them preferring their
sons unto him, and the rest performing many kind offices and ser-
vices towards him.

The next year following, (Decemb. 1584) for farther satisfac-
tion of some of the greatest, and most honourable counsellors of
state in these points, the two archbishops, and the bishop of "Win-
chester were pleased to hear the reasons of some ministers that
refused to conform themselves unto the orders of the church
established. At which time albeit the said learned prelates suffi-

8 Them worse.'] [Diog. Laert. de Vit. Philos.]

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFl1. 583

ciently cleared all their doubts, and exceptions ; yet after this,
these honourable personages affying much in the sufficiency and
scholarship of some others, not yet dealt withal, and supposing
that they had been able to have said much more in defence of
themselves, and the impeaching of the ecclesiastical government
established (for so they were borne in hand) were desirous to hear
at Lambeth the controversies further debated on both sides.
Whereunto the archbishop, for their satisfaction, yielded; and
after four hours conference spent, these honourable personages
professed, that they would not have believed that the archbishop's
grounds and reasons had been so good and strong, and the others
so weak and trivial, but that they heard them once and again with
their own ears ; and so, they said they would inform her majesty;
seeming to be there well resolved : and also they persuaded the
ministers to conformity.

Howbeit afterwards, when those honourable personages 9 saw
that they might not sway (as formerly in the restraint of arch-
bishop Grindall) and prefer whom they listed unto ecclesiastical
promotions ; they with some others linked themselves against the
archbishop, and gave him, (being yet no counsellor of state) many
thwarts at the council board ; wherewith he was so much per-
plexed, and grieved to see things thus carried, as thereupon advis-
ing with some of his honourable friends (whose assistance he knew
might avail him) if their affections were not otherwise overswayed
by the potency of so great personages, he thus imparted his mind
in several letters, as followeth.

" God knoweth how desirous I have been, from time to time,
to have my doings approved by my ancient and honourable friends.
For which cause, since my coming to this place, I have done
nothing of importance against these sectaries, without good
advice. I have risen up early, and sate up late, to yield reasons,
and make answer to their contentions and their seditious objec-
tions. And shall I now say, I have lost my labour? Or shall
my just dealing with disobedient and irregular persons, cause my
former professed and ancient friends, to hinder my just proceed-
ings, and make them speak of my doings, yea and of myself, what
they list ? Solomon saith, that an old friend is better than a now.
I trust those that love me indeed will not so lightly cast off their
old friends for any of these new fangled and factious sectaries,

* Personages.'] Leicester, Walsingham, and others. See p. 587 and 588.

584 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf.

whose fruits are to make division, and to separate old, and assured
friends. In mine own private affairs I know I shall stand in
need of friends ; but, in these public actions, I see no cause why
I should seek friends, seeing they, to whom the care of the com-
mon-wealth is committed, ought, of duty, therein to join with me.
And if my honourable friends should forsake me (especially in so
good a cause) and not put their helping hand to the redress of
these enormities (being indeed a matter of state, and not of the
least moment) I shall think my coming unto this place to have
been for my punishment, and my hap very hard, that, when I
think to deserve best, and, in a manner, consume myself to satisfy
that, which God, her majesty, and the church, requireth of me, I
should be evilly rewarded. Sed meliora spero.

" It is objected by some, that my desire of uniformity, by way
of subscription, is for the better maintenance of my book. They
are mine enemies that say so ; but I trust my friends have a
better opinion of me. Why should I seek for any confirmation
of my book after twelve years approbation ? or what shall I get
thereby more than already I have ? And yet, if subscription may
confirm it, it is confirmed long ago by the subscription 10 almost
of ah1 the clergy of England before my time. — Mine enemies like-
wise, and the slanderous tongues of this uncharitable sect report
that I am revolted, become a papist, and I know not what. But
it proceedeth from their lewdness, and not from any desert of
mine. — I am further burthened with wilfulness. I hope my friends
are better persuaded of me, to whose consciences I appeal. It is
strange, that a man of my place, dealing by so good warrant as
I do, should be so encountered, and, for not yielding, be counted
wilful. But I must be content ; Vincit qui patitur. There is a
difference betwixt wilfulness and constancy. I have taken upon
me, by the place which I hold under her majesty, the defence of
the religion, and the rites of the church of England, to appease
the schisms and sects therein, to reduce all the ministers thereof
to uniformity, and to due obedience, and not to waver with evn-y
wind; which also my place, my person, my duty, the laws, her
majesty, and the goodness of the cause do require of me, and
wherein the lords of her highnesses most honourable privy council
(all things considered) ought in duty to assist and count cnnn<-<>

10 By the subscription.'] " Subscription to the queen's supremacy, the
Thirty-nine Articles, and the Book of Common Prayer, that had long been
before now enjoined and submitted to." Strype's Life of Whitgtft, p. 57.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. ;,s:,

me. But how is it possible that I should perform the charge
which I have undertaken, after so long liberty, and lack of disci-
pline, if a few persons, so meanly qualified (as most of these
factious sectaries are) should be countenanced against the whole
state of the clergy of greatest account both for learning, years,
staidness, wisdom, religion, and honesty ; and open breakers and
impugners of the law, young in years, proud in conceit, conten-
tious in disposition, should be maintained against their governors,
seeking to reduce them to order, and to obedience \ Hcec sunt
initia hcereticorum, et ortus, atque conatus scMsmaticorum male
cogitantium, ut sibi placeant, ut prcepositum superlo tumore con-
temnant. Sic de ecclesia receditur^ sic altare profanum foris collo-
catur, sic contra pacem Christi, et ordinationem, atque unitatem Dei
rebettatur. " The first fruits of heretics, and the first births and
endeavours of schismatics are these, to admire themselves, and in
their swelling pride to contemn any that are set over them. Thus
do men fall from the church of God : thus is a foreign unhallowed
altar erected ; and thus is Christ's peace, and God's ordination
and unity rebelled against." — For mine own part, I neither have
done, nor do any thing in these matters, which I do not think
myself in conscience and duty bound to do, and which her majesty
hath not with earnest charge committed unto me, and which I am
not well able to justify to be most requisite for this church and
state ; whereof, next to her majesty (though most unworthy, or
at the least most unhappy) the chief care is committed unto me ;
which I will not by the grace of God neglect, whatsoever come
upon me therefore. Neither may I endure their notorious con-
tempts, unless I will become JEsop's block, and undo all that
which hitherto hath been done. And how then shall I be able to
perform my duty, according to her majesty's expectation \ It is
certain, that if way be given unto them, upon their unjust sur-
mises and clamours, it will be the cause of that confusion, which
hereafter the state will be sorry for. I neither care for the
honour of this place I hold, (which is onus unto me,) nor the
largeness of the revenue, neither any worldly thing (I thank God)
in respect of doing my duty ; neither do I fear the displeasure of
man, nor the evil tongue of the uncharitable, who call me tyrant,
pope, knave ", and lay to my charge things that I never did, nor
thought. Scio enim hoc esse opus diaboli, ut servos Dei mendacns
11 Tyrant, pope, knave.'] Compare Bancroft's Dangerous Positions, under
pretence of Reformation, book ii. chap. 12.

586 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

laceret, et opinionibus falsis gloriosum nomen infamet ; ut qui con-
scientice suce luce clarescunt, alienis rumoribus sordidentur. " For I
know that this is the work of that accuser the devil, that he may
tear in pieces the servants of God with lies, that he may dishonour
their glorious name with false surmises, that they, who through
the clearness of their own conscience, are shining bright, might
have the filth of other men's slanders cast upon them." So was
Cyprian himself used, and other godly bishops, to whom I am not
comparable. But that which most of all grieveth me ", and is to

13 Most of all grieveth me.] We saw before, under the Life of Hooker, p.
487, n. one occasion of the scarcity of learned preachers, and of the anxiety
of the queen and bishops on that account. Here we have another, much
more direct and immediate, infinitely more dishonourable to its authors, and
such therefore as might well affect the archbishop in the manner described in
the text. We have in the Preface to the English translation of Bullinger's
Decads, published in the year 1584, a further account of these evils, so inte-
resting that I need make no apology for giving it a place here.

" What great want there is in many to discharge their duty in feeding their
flocks, is very lamentable, and ought by some means, as much as possible, to
be supplied and remedied, rather than to be made a common theme and argu-
ment of raillery, which at this day many do. The cause of this great want
needs not here to be disputed ; but in very deed any man may judge, how
impossible it is for so populous a kingdom, abounding with so many several
congregations, all to be furnished with fit and able pastors, and that imme-
diately after such a general corruption and apostacy from the truth. For,
unless they should suddenly have come down from heaven, or have been
raised up miraculously, they could not have been. For the ancient preachers
of king Edward's time, some of them died in prison; many perished by fire;
many otherwise ; many also fled into other countries, of whom some died
there, and a few returned ; which were but an handful to furnish this whole
realm. The universities were also at the first so infected, that many wolves
and foxes crept out, who detested the ministry, and wrought the contempt of
it every where. But very few good shepherds came abroad. And whereas,
since that time, now eighteen years, the university being well purged, there
was good hope that all the land should have been overspread and replenished
with able and learned pastors, the devil and corrupt patrons have taken such
order that much of that hope is cut off. For patrons now-a-days search not
the universities for the most fit pastor, but they post up and down the coun-
try for the most gainful chapman. He that hath the biggest purse to pay
largely, not he that hath the best gifts to preach learnedly, is presented.

"The bishops bear great blame for this matter, and they admit, they say,
unworthy men. See the craft of Satan ! falsely to charge the worthiest ] >il-
lars of the church with the ruin of the church, to the end that all church-
robbers, and caterpillars of the Lord's vineyard may lie unespicd ! Tin
nothing that procures the bishops of our time more trouble and displen
than that they zealously withstand the covetousness of patrons, in rejecting

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 587

be wondered at, and lamented is, that some of those which give
countenance to these men, and cry out for a learned ministry,
should watch their opportunity, and be instruments and means to
place most unlearned men in the chiefest places and livings of the
ministry, thereby to make the state of the bishops and clergy
contemptible, and I fear saleable. This hypocrisy and dissembling
with God and man (in pretending one thing, and doing another)
goeth to my heart, and maketh me to think that God's judgments
are not far off. The day will come, when all men's hearts shall
be opened. In the mean time I will depend upon him, who never
faileth those that put their trust in him."
Thus far his letters.

After this he linked himself in a firm league of friendship with
sir Christopher Hatton, then vice-chamberlain to the queen's
majesty : and by the means of Dr. Bancroft (his then houshold
chaplain, and afterwards lord archbishop of Canterbury) had him
most firm, and ready upon all occasions to impart unto the queen,
as well the crosses offered him at the council-table, as also sundry
impediments, whereby he was hindered from the performance of
many good services towards her majesty and the state. He had
always the lord Burghley (then lord treasurer of England) his
firm and constant friend, and one that would omit no opportunity
for his advancement ; who prevailed so far, that when the earl of
Leicester (one of those honourable personages afore-mentioned l)
was in the Low Countries, the archbishop, and the lord Cobham2,
were first sworn counsellors 3 of state, and Thomas lord Buckhurst4

their unsufficient clerks. For it stands them upon above all others, that the
church of God should prosper, in the decay and fall whereof they cannot
stand, but perish."

1 Afore-mentioned.] In p. 583.

2 Lord Cobham.'] William Brooke, lord Cobham.

3 Sworn counsellors.'] This was in February 1585. Fuller, in his Church
History, book ix. p. 197, gives the following account of Whitgift's discharge
of this new dignity. "Archbishop Whitgift repaired daily to the council
table, early in the morning, and after an usual apprecation of a good-morrow
to the lords, he requested to know if there were any church business to be
debated; and if the answer was returned in the affirmative, he stayed and
attended the issue of the matter. But if no such matter appeared, he craved
leave to be dispensed withal, saying, Then, my lords, here is no need of me;
and departed. A commendable practice, clearing himself from all aspersions
of civil pragmaticalness, and tending much to the just support of his reputa-
tion."

4 Buckhurst.'] Thomas Sackville, afterwards the first earl of Dorset. Seep. 602.

588 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

was sworn the day after, whereat the earl was not a little dis-
pleased. The lord Buckhurst was joined in like affection to the
archbishop as the other two were, and continued after he came to
be lord treasurer, his faithful and loving friend to the time of his
death.

When the archbishop was thus established in friendship with
these noble personages, as aforesaid, their favours, and his place,
wrought him free access to the queen, and gracious acceptance
of his motions in the church's behalf. His courses then at the
council-board were not so much crossed nor impeached as hereto-
fore : but by reason of his daily attendance and access, he then
oftentimes gave impediment to the earl's designments -in clergy
causes.

About this time, (April 12, 1587,) sir Thomas Bromely (the
then lord chancellor) died ; whereupon it pleased her majesty to
discover her gracious inclination to have made the archbishop
lord chancellor of England. But he excusing himself in many
respects, that he was grown into years, and had the burthen of
all ecclesiastical businesses laid upon his back (which was as much
as one man could well undergo, considering the troubles with so
many sectaries that were then sprung up) desired to be spared.
and besought her highness to make choice of sir Christopher
Hatton, who shortly after was made lord chancellor in the arch-
bishop's house at Croydon, thereby the rather to grace the arch-
bishop. His advancement did much strengthen the archbishop
and his friends ; and withal, the earl of Leicester and his design-
ments came soon after to an end. For, the year following,
taking his journey to Kenelworth, he died in the way at Cornbury
Park, whereby the archbishop took himself freed from much
opposition.

Upon the death of the said earl, the chancellorship of Oxford
being void, divers of the heads and others of the university made
known unto the archbishop their desire to chuse him their chan-
cellor, although he was a Cambridge man. To whom he retiinu -d
this answer, That he was already their friend, whereof they niiulit
rest assured ; and therefore advised them to make choice of some
other in near place about the queen, that might assist him <>n
their behalf; and both at the council-board, and other plae<
justice, right them many ways, both for the Item-tit of the univer-
sity, and their particular colleges. And therewithal recommended
unto them sir Christopher Hatton, being sometime of that
university; whom accordingly they did chuse for their chancellor.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFJT. 589

and whom the archbishop ever found a great assistant in bridling
and reforming the intemperate humour of these novelists, who by
the countenance of the aforesaid great personages (earl of Leices-
ter, &c.) were now grown to a strong head.

For, in the year 1588, came forth those hateful libels5 of
Martin Marprelate ; and much about the same time, the Epitome ;
the Demonstration of Discipline; the Supplication; Diotrephes ;
the Minerals ; Have you any Work for a Cooper ; Martin Junior,
alias Theses Martiniana? ; Martin Senior ; More Work for a
Cooper ; and other such like bastardly pamphlets, which might
well be nullius filii, because no man durst father their births.
All which were printed with a kind of wandering press, which
was first set up at Moulsey, near Kingston upon Thames, and
from thence conveyed to Fausly 6 in Northamptonshire, and from
thence to Norton, afterwards to Coventry, from thence to Wei-
stone in Warwickshire, from which place the letters were sent
to another press in or near Manchester, where (by the means of
Henry, that good earl of Derby) the press was discovered in print-
ing of More Work for a Cooper. Which shameless libels were
fraughted only with odious and scurrilous calumniations against
the established government, and such reverend prelates as de-
served honour with uprighter judgments.

Some of the printers, whilst they were busied about the last
libel, were apprehended ; who, with the entertainers, and receivers
of the press, were proceeded against in the star-chamber, and
there censured ; but upon their submission (at the humble suit of
the archbishop) were both delivered out of prison, and eased of
their fines. The authors and penners of some of these libels
were, John Penry and John Udall ; the chief disperser of them
was Humphrey Newman a cobler, a choice broker for such sow-
terry wares, and in regard of his hempenly trade, a fit person to
cherish up Martin's birds, who (as Pliny writeth) do feed so
greedily upon hemp-seed, that they be oftentimes choaked there-

5 Hateful libels.'] For a further account, with extracts and specimens of
several of these pamphlets, which perhaps were never surpassed in scurrility
and malignity, see Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 288—290. 298—309. Ban-
croft's Dangerous Positions, book ii. chap. 3—14. See also Walton's Life of
Hooker, p. 502 of this volume, and the note there.

6 Fausly. ,] Fawsley, the seat of the family of Knightley, the head of which
was a great favourer of the puritans. See Baker's History of Northampton-
shire, vol. i. p. 380.

590 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

with. Such was the unfortunate end of some of his Martin
birds ; as appeareth upon record in the KingVBench, against
John Penry, clerk, Termino Pasch. 1593, and at an assize in
Surrey against John Udall, whose pardon the archbishop after-
wards obtained.

Thus the factious ministers, zealous of pretended discipline,
having with these seditious libels (as the fore-rangers and har-
bingers of their further designs) made way in the hearts of the
vulgar (who ever are apt to entertain novelties, though it be with
danger and detriment to themselves ; and specially if it have a
shew of restraining the authority of their superiors) they thought
it the fittest time to prosecute their projects. And while one
sort of them were maliciously busied in slandering the state of
the church already settled, the other were as seditiously employed
in planting the discipline which they had newly plotted. A V here-
upon shortly after Thomas Cartwright, and Edmund Snape, with
others, were called in question, and proceeded withal in the star-
chamber, for setting forth, and putting in practice (without
warrant or authority) a new form of common prayer 7, and admi-
nistration of the sacraments and presbyterial discipline. The par-
ticularities of which their dangerous plots, and positions (though
most secretly carried amongst men only of their own combination)
were by Dr. Bancroft first discovered, and by the archbishop and
the lord chancellor farther brought to light, as the records them-
selves in the star-chamber do testify, and may at large appear in
doctor Bancrofts Survey of the Pretended Discipline ; and Dan-
gerous Positions under pretence of Reformation : wherein also you
shall see these disciplinarians to exceed other ministers, from
whom they have their presbyterial platform, in threatening, rail-
ing, and undutiful speeches, against their sovereign, the high court
of parliament, the most honourable privy council, the archbishops
and bishops, the reverend judges of the land, and lawyers of both
professions: and generally against all magistrates, and ot lid-
inferior ministers of justice, and officers under them, that do
maintain the present government of the church of England, and
withstand their desire.

It was therefore high time for the archbishop and state to
look strictly to these perturbers of our church's happy quirt.

7 Form of common prayer.] " A booke of the Forme of Common Prayers,
Administration of the Sacraments, &c. agreeable to God's worde, and the use
of the reformed churches ; Middleburgh, 1586." 12mo.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. :,<\\

But if we shall take a further view of those enormous, and
desperate courses, which after ensued (though all branches grow-
ing out of the same root) we shall be far from accusing either
the archbishop of too much vigilancy, or the civil magistrates of
overmuch severity, in cutting off some of those outrageous and
unbridled sectaries.

Three principal there were among them deeply infatuated with
this reforming spirit ; William Racket 8, yeoman ; Edmund Cop-
pinger, and Henry Arthington, gentlemen ; all of them strongly
possessed, at the first, with an earnest desire of the late invented
discipline, and carried violently with the strength of their erroneous
fancy, into a desperate and lamentable course ; whereof, though
I will suppose that many are innocent, who were led with the
same spirit and desire of reformation with them in the beginning ;
yet I am induced by just and weighty reasons to conceive, that,
unless the vigilancy of the magistrates had timely prevented their
courses, the intemperate zeal of these novelists, finding no certain
ground to stay itself upon, nor any determinate end where it
might finally rest, would have broken out into some like combus-
tion, and flame, as these aforenamed did, whereof I will give you
but a little taste. Two of these, Edmund Coppinger and Henry
Arthington, came into Cheapside, July 16, 1591, and there in a
cart, proclaimed news from heaven, to wit, " That one William
Hacket, yeoman, represented Christ, by partaking his glorious
body in his principal spirit ; and that they were two prophets,
the one of mercy, the other of judgment, called and sent of God
to assist him in his great work, &c." But because the weight of
the matter requireth a larger discourse than is fit to be inserted
in this work, I refer the reader for the rest unto doctor Cosines
book, intituled Conspiracy for Pretended Reformation : where he
shall find their purposes, plots, and designments, with many other
markable things at large discoursed, and taken truly out of their
conference and writings under their own hands, with their confes-
sions and examinations, subscribed by themselves before sundry
honourable and worshipful personages, of great gravity and wis-
dom, employed in those affairs. By all which, together with their
temperate, direct, and pertinent speech, and congruity of phrase
and matter, both before and after their apprehension, it will clearly
appear, that the said conspirators were not madmen (unless it In-

3 Hacket.'] See Walton's Life of Hooker, p. 486 of this volume.

592 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

a kind of madness to be a violent prosecutor a of this reformation,
as indeed it is), howsoever some of that fraternity and sect have so
given it out ; chusing thereby rather to accuse the honourable
justice of the realm, and all the ministers thereof, than that any
professing desire of pretended reformation, should be noted with
deep disloyalty, as they were charged withal.

When the queen and state saw the incredible height of these
audacious attempts, so dangerous to the commonwealth, thus
knotted and countenanced under pretence of reforming the
church, they found it necessary to stop the fountains of these
proceedings, lest it might grow to the like outrage. Amongst
whom there were very forward to the like presumption Henry
Barrow, gentleman, and John Greenwood, clerk, who were con-
vented before the high commissioners for causes ecclesiastical, in
November 1 587, for their schismatical and seditious opinions, viz.
That our church is no church, or at the least, no true church ;
yielding these reasons therefore : first, That the worship of the
English church is flat idolatry : secondly, That we admit into our
church persons unsanctified : thirdly, That our preachers have
no lawful calling : fourthly, That our government is ungodly :
fifthly, That no bishop or preacher preacheth Christ sincerely
and truly: sixthly, That the people of every parish ought to
chuse their bishop ; and that every elder, though he be no doctor
nor pastor, is a bishop : seventhly, That all the precise, which
refuse the ceremonies of the church, and yet preach in the same
church, strain at a gnat and swallow a camel; and are close
hypocrites, and walk in a left-handed policy ; as master Cart-
wright, Wiggington, &c. also in Norwich, master Moare, Pa\v-
mone, and Burgess. That all which make catechisms, or teach
and expound printed and written catechisms, are idol shepherds ;
as Calvin, Ursin9, No well, &c. That the child of ungodly parent*
ought not to be baptised, as of usurers, drunkards, &c. nor any
bastards. That set prayer is blasphemous.

The foresaid broachers of these opinions at this their first

* Promoter.

9 Ursin.'] Zacharias Ursinus, the son of Caspar Beer of Breslau. " the

church of the palatinate obtained the second place among the reformed
churches, and its influence and reputation were so considerable, that the Form
of Instruction, which was composed for its use by Ursinus, and which is
known under the name of the Catechism of Heidelberg, was almost universally
adopted by the Calvmists." Mosheim's Ch. Hist., vol. iv. p. 3S3. ed. 1782.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

convention made shew of their conformity upon conference with
some divines ; and in hope thereof, were enlarged upon bonds ;
but all in vain. For after their liberty they burst forth into
further extremities, and were again committed to the Fleet,
July 20, 1588, where they published their scandalous and sedi-
tious writings ; for which they were proceeded withal at Justice-
Hall, near Newgate in London, March 21, 1592.

For suppressing this kind of people (which as you see were
grown unto a great height of violence and outrage) the state held
it fit at the next parliament following to make a law of abjura-
tion, or banishment, of such as should either persuade others, or
be present themselves at these their conventicles or meetings,
which law is entituled "An Act to restrain the Queen's Majesty's
Subjects in their due obedience."

Let the reader now consider with what contagion and leprosy
many poor souls had like to have been infected through the
divulging of their wicked libels and dangerous positions, tending
to innovation and rebellion, had not the stroke of justice, and
providence of the state, wisely prevented the same, selecting out
of an hundred thousand seditious mutineers (for so many they
confessed were ready for that purpose) only four persons, as the
chief ringleaders, whose lot it was to be proceeded withal, for the
quenching of the fiery outrage of the rest, kindled already to the
like attempts as those in Germany of the cabinet-teachers and
reformers, both at Mulhusin, and Minister in Westphalia 10 ; which
seditions could not be appeased till fifty thousand of them were
killed and cut in pieces by the united forces of most of the
princes of the empire. And though some, not of the greatest
foresight, may think that the fear which our archbishop conceived
of dangers to ensue out of these sectaries attempts, was far
greater than there was just cause, yet the examples of those
foreign pretenders of like reformation as is aforesaid, compared
with these our reformers designs, taught him not to be without
fear, or care for preventing these dangerous events at home.
For all their intendments sorted to one end, viz. reformation, and
to be brought to pass by one and the self-same means, viz. by
commotion of the unbridled multitude.

For was it not in their assemblies classical and synodical con-
cluded, " That the discipline should, within a time limited, be
put in practice, and erected all in one day by the ministers
10 In Westphalia.'] In 1533.

VOL. III. 0- 9

594 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFP.

together with the people?" whom these disciplinarians bragged
to be already inflamed with zeal to lend so many thousand
hands n for the advancement of their cause, by whom they hoped
and said such reformation must be brought in. And how, I
pray you, did they incense the common people, not only in their
private conventicles, (decreeing that the queen's authority ought
to be restrained in causes ecclesiastical,) but in their public ser-
mons and exhortations ; alienating the hearts of their auditors
from all obedience of the ecclesiastical magistrates ? As namely,
master Cartwright, who saith, That no obedience ought to be
given unto them, either in doing that which they command, or
abstaining from that which they prohibit : and that it should not
be lawful for any one of the brotherhood to take an oath, whereby
he may discover any thing prejudicial to himself or his brother,
especially if he be persuaded the matter to be lawful for which
the punishment is like to be inflicted ; or, having taken it 12, he
need not discover the very truth. And in his prayer before his
sermons he used thus to say: " because they (meaning the
bishops) which ought to be pillars in the church do band

11 Many thousand handsJ] Compare Hooker's Preface, chap. vii. § 13, or
Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 437, and n.

12 Or, having taken it.~\ "Under pretence of not accusing themselves, if
they find any thing to be come to light which may any ways touch them, they
will utterly refuse for the most part to answer it, either upon oath, or without
oath ; saying, that neither by the laws of God nor man, they are bound so to
answer. Under colour whereof, they exempt themselves from the ordinary
course held in justice for criminal causes, throughout all the world : which is,
that before witnesses be produced against any supposed offender, the party
accused shall first answer to the accusation, yea or nay ; as we use in Eng-
land. He must first plead, Guilty, or not guilty.

"And as they deal for themselves, so do they for their confederates ....
affirming it to be against the rules of charity to bring their Christian bre-
thren and friends into any danger for doing of those things, which both the
sorts of these seducers have drawn them into, and they do themselves judge
to be religious and just.

" From these points all the judges of the land, and divers divines that
have dealt with them, as yet cannot bring them ; both the sorts are so s«
in this seditious doctrine of Rhemes, which is as followeth : If thou be put
to an oath ( Annot. Rhemish on c. xxiii. Acts) to accuse Catholics for serving
God as they ought to do, or to utter any innocent man to God's enemies and
his, thou oughtest first to refuse such unlawful oaths : but if thou have not
constancy and courage so to do, yet know thou that such oaths bind not at
all in conscience and law of God, but may and must be broken under pm
damnation." Bancroft's Dangerous Positions, p. 3, 4. 4to. 1593.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 595

themselves against Christ and his truth, therefore, O Lord,
give us grace and power, all, as one man, to set ourselves
against them." Which words, by way of emphasis, he would
often repeat. And how, I pray you, doth Penry, in his Sup-
plication to the Parliament, incite both the lords and commons,
threatening them with plagues and bloodshed, if they gathered
not courage and zeal? And withal, scoffing at their unwilling-
ness hitherto for disturbing of the state, forsooth, to set upon
the hierarchy of the bishops ; telling them, if they refused so to
do, they should declare unto their children "That God had
raised up but a company of white-livered soldiers to teach them
the gospel in the sincerity under queen Elizabeth.11 And doth
not Udall threaten that " the presbytery shall prevail and come in
by that way and means, as shall make all their hearts to ach, that
shall withstand or hinder the same ?"

And when, I pray you1, were these classical assemblies, and
these seditious stirs and hurly-burlies of Martinists, and that
reforming sect put in practice ? In the year 1588, at that time
when the invincible Spanish navy (as some vainly termed it) was
upon our coasts, and should have invaded us, albeit it was by the
gracious providence of our omnipotent God prevented, and their
ships so dispersed as that no enemy was able to put foot on
English shore but as a prisoner or captive. At which time, as
the care of her majesty for the preparation of forces to encounter
and resist them was very great, so might her grief also be to
behold a discord and dissention of her own subjects within her

1 And when, I pray you.~\ The puritans, alleging the greatness of their
numbers, and pleading for privileges and indulgences, as the price of their
uniting to repel the foreign enemy, Bancroft demands of them, " Why
wanting your desires, would you have taken no part, if the Spaniard had
come ? Or purposed you to have made a more ready passage for him, hy
rebelling at home, before he should have come ? Or would you have joined
with him if he had come ? Or meant you, thereby, through terror, to have
enforced her majesty to your purposes, least you should have taken some of
these courses ? Chuse which of them you list : the best is seditious." Dan-
gerous Positions, book iv. chap. 3.

" Was it not distressing the government and the hierarchy, to revile them
in the bitterest language, on the eve of an invasion from Spain, when the
only security that government had was the people's love, and their consequent
attachment to church and state? Did not these pamphlets abate the people's
love and reverence for both, in which they were told that the government was
unjust and tyrannical ; and the hierarchy, anti-christian ? " Warburton's Re-
marks on Neat's Hist, of the Puritans; Works, vol. xii. p. 383, 4. 8vo.

a q 2

596 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

realm. The archbishop also himself had not the meanest part to
perform in so great and weighty an action, when the whole
forces of the clergy, not only within his particular diocese, but
through his whole province were committed unto his care and
charge, to have in readiness, besides his own family and tenants,
which were by him gathered together, all prepared, mustered,
and trained for defence of prince and country.

Now of the aforesaid stirs and seditious attempts of sundry
persons in this our archbishop's time, that master Cartwright was
the fountain and principal author it may appear by sundry pas-
sages, and also by the opinion and dependencies which all the
afore-named had upon him, especially in their proceedings, as
their conferences and conventicles do sufficiently declare, which
are extant in the records of the star-chamber, whence I have
taken my chiefest instructions in this behalf. The recourse of
Hacket, Coppinger and Arthington, unto him and his fraternity,
and the vain conceits of extraordinary callings which they were
put into, both by speech and letters, and the opinion which they
all three conceived of master Cartwright by name, both before
and after their apprehension, may appear sufficiently, both by the
records and books published 2, whereof mention is already made.
That Penry, Udall, and the rest of the libellers, were of his
consort, by his sight of divers of the books, and knowledge both
of the authors and publishers, and his not revealing them to the
state, he could not deny, being examined thereupon. And that
he approved their hateful libels it appeared by his own won Is ;
when, being asked his opinion of such books, he said, " Seeing
the bishops, and others there touched, would not amend by grave
books and advertisements, it was therefore meet they should bo
dealt withal to their further reproach." Which was not unsuit-
able to one of his own decrees in a synod, where it was dot* r-
mined, " That no books should be put in print but by consent <>f
the classes ; that some of those books must be earnest, some
more mild and temperate; whereby they may be both of the
spirit of Elias and Elizeus."

That Barrow and Greenwood were so infected with his grounds
and opinions which brought them unto their fatal ends, shall
manifestly appear unto you upon Barrow's own confession. Km-
when Dr. Ravis (then chaplain to the archbishop, and late lord

3 Books published.'] Doctor Bancroft's two books; and Cosin's Conspiracy
for Pretended Reformation.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf.

bishop of London) at the earnest desire of Barrow himself, and
direction of the archbishop, dealt with master Cartwright to con-
fer with Barrow, they being then both prisoners in the Fleet :
master Cartwright (having been once before with him at the en-
treaty of master Sperin, a minister) would by no means be drawn
to further conference with him again : which his refusal, when it
was by doctor Ravis signified to Barrow, in the presence of cli
of good reputation and account, he fetched a great sigh, saying,
" And will he not ? Hath he only brought me into this brake,
and will he now leave me ? For from him received I my grounds,
and out of his premises did I infer, and make the conclusion of
the positions which I now hold, and for which I suffer bands."

Again, when sentence of death was given against the said
Barrow, doctor Andrews (now lord bishop of Ely), doctor Bisse,
and doctor White, were sent unto him, to counsel him for his
souFs health. There also accompanied them doctor Parry, now
lord bishop of Worcester. After many passages of speech with
doctor White (unto whom he then seemed especially to address
himself) he brake forth into these words. " You are not the
men3 whom 1 most dislike in these differences. For although
you be out of the way, yet you think you are in the right. But I
cannot but complain of master Cartwright and others of his
knowledge, from whom we have received the truth of these things,
and have been taught that your callings are antichristian, who yet
utterly against their consciences forsake us in our sufferings, and
will not come out of Babylon for fear of their lives." It being
farther replied by doctor White, that those callings which Bar-
row reproached as antichristian were the very same which arch-
bishop Cranmer and Ridley, and many other holy bishops, &c.
(that suffered martyrdom in queen Mary's time) did embrace ;
Barrow replied in this vain-glorious manner : " True it is that
Cranmer and others were martyrs in queen Mary's days, but these
holy bands of mine (and therewithal shook the fetters which he
did wear) are much more glorious than any of theirs, because they
had the mark of antichrist in their hands." Thus he, in Newgate
at that time, in the presence of many, with great insolency, did
triumph.

Men therefore, not partially affected, may hereby observe and

3 You are not the men.~\ Compare Hooker's Pref. to Ecclesiast. Polity,
chap. 8.

598 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

conceive what danger innovation bringeth to the people, and what
hazard to a state ; when by little and little, it increaseth like
the swelling or flowing of the sea, which if it surpass the bounds
wherewith it was confined, or gain never so small a breach, it
spreadeth itself over a whole country, and groweth to that vio-
lence and stream that it cannot by any contrary force be kept
back, but without pity or mercy putteth all things to wreck where
it rageth. Which, as it seemeth, master Cartwright himself did
now find, when, after his first conference, he perceived how im-
possible it was for him to make up the breach which he had
unfortunately begun ; for that Barrow, like a tempestuous surge,
would have forced him (by finding his own oversight and errors)
back again from his former positions, or drawn him inevitably to
his conclusions.

And therefore observable it is, that master Cartwright, having
upon his first discontentment (as hath been delivered) made a
desperate assault and breach in Sion's peaceable and blessed city,
now like a sly captain did steal away secretly (after summons
given) from his own siege, fearing upon his entry by the force and
press of his own soldiers to be environed and kept within the
walls (as Pyrrhus was) to the loss of his life ; or doubting belike
the outrage and violence of his army, whose fury he could not
have appeased when he list, but have been enforced (as Titus was)
to see his soldiers sack, spoil, and burn the holy city of Jerusa-
lem, though he vehemently laboured, and with great earnest
cried out unto them (whom yet himself first set on work) to safe
the sanctuary of the Lord, but could not be heard, or at 1< a>t
was not able to stop their rage and fury, until it was with fire
consumed and destroyed.

Not much differing from the said positions of Barrow and
Greenwood were the opinions of Robert Brown (sometime of
Bennet college, in Cambridge) from whom that sect beareth the
name even to this day. But because in this archbishop's time
the said Brown was changed from those fancies, arid afterwards
obtained a benefice called Achurch, in Northamptonshire, (\\hciv
he became a painful preacher) I will not much insist upon him.

I let pass many like schisms in other parts of the realm which
this good archbishop suppressed, and the controversies4 in both

4 And the controversies.'] Such as those respecting Barret and Baro at
Cambridge; the drawing up of the Lambeth Articles; the support which he
gave to Dr. Howson, the vice-chancellor at Oxford ; the disputes between

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFr. 599

universities, which by his wisdom were appeased; as also the
reverend opinion which divers honourable personages had of him
for his great temper and moderation in handling these businesses
towards some of great place, (whose reputations, if he would, he
might have blemished with her majesty, for favouring the said
libellers and libels, which had stowage and vent in their cham-
bers,) as also in procuring, at her majesty's hands, both pardon
and dismissal for master Cartwright and the rest out of their
troubles.

For which, and sundry other his favours, master Cartwright
held himself much obliged unto him, as he confessed in his letters,
written with his own hand to that effect. In which letters he is
also pleased to vouchsafe him the stile of a " right reverend father
in God, and his lord the archbishop's grace of Canterbury."
Which title of grace he also often yieldeth him throughout his
letters, acknowledging his "bond of most humble duty so much
the straighter, because his grace's favour proceeded from a frank
disposition, without any desert of his own." Yea the archbishop
hath often been heard to say, That if master Cartwright had not
so far engaged himself as he did in the beginning, he thought
verily he would in his latter time have been drawn to conformity5.

Hooker and Travers at the Temple, &c. &c. all of which are deserving of the
attention of the student of ecclesiastical history.

The best account of the disputes respecting Barret and Baro, and of the
compiling the Lambeth Articles, may be found in Strype's Life of Whitgift,
and in a manuscript, formerly belonging to that archbishop, now in the
library of Trinity College, Cambridge (b. 14. 9). See also Hist, of the Lam-
beth Articles, subjoined to Ellis's and Ford's Expositions of the 39 Articles.
Of Dr. Howson, &c. see Wood's Annals, vol. ii. p. 271—8, A.D. 1602. The
disputes between Hooker and Travers are sufficiently related in the preceding
life of Hooker.

Of the Lambeth Articles, Warburton thus expresses himself,
plorable are the infirmities of human nature !— These men could set church
and state in a flame for square caps, surplices, and the cross in baptism;
while they swallowed, and even contended for, these horrible decrees ; the
frightful and disordered dreams of a crude, sour-tempered, persecuting
bigot, who counterworks his Creator, and makes God after man's image, am
chuses the worst model he can find, himself.

"The puritans, by Dr. Reynolds in the name of the brethren, a
Hampton Court conference, desired that these godly articles might be insert
among the Thirty-nine." Remarks on Neat's History of the Puritans. \Aorks,
vol. xii. p. 385, 6.

5 Been drawn to conformity.-] That Brown, the founder of the sect cal
by his name, the first sect of separatists from the Church of England, after-

600 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf.

For when he was freed from his troubles he often repaired to the
archbishop, who used him kindly, and was contented to tolerate
his preaching in Warwick divers years, upon his promise that he
would not impugn the laws, orders, and government in this
church of England, but persuade and procure so much as he
could, both publicly and privately, the estimation and peace of
the same. Which albeit he accordingly performed ; yet when
her majesty understood by others that master Cartwright did
preach again (though temperately, according to his promise made
to the archbishop) she would by no means endure his preaching
any longer without subscription, and grew not a little offended
with the archbishop for such connivancy at him. Not long after
master Cartwright died rich, as it was said, by the benevolence
and bounty of his followers 8.

wards conformed, and lived for many years a minister of that church, which
by his zeal and authority he had induced a multitude of followers to renounce
as anti-christian, and as a congregation with which it was unlawful to hold
religious communion, is a fact universally acknowledged. It is equally cer-
tain, that Cartwright, the great leader of the puritans, in his later years,
grew much more temperate, and repented of the heat, and the narrow prin-
ciples which he had so vehemently and so extensively espoused and propa-
gated. In truth, he became himself a controversialist in behalf of the esta-
blished church of England. See Bancroft's Survey of the Pretended Holy
Discipline, p. 447 — 9. And more particularly in the Lambeth Library MS.
No. 113, is a long controversial paper written by him against Robert Brown,
and pleading against separation from the church. " And now at the end of
Cartwright's life, to take our leave of him with a fairer character, it is re-
markable what a noble and learned man (sir H. Yelverton in his Epistle to
the Reader, before bishop Moreton's Episcopacy Justified') writes of some of
his last words — ' that he seriously lamented the unnecessary trouble he had
caused in the church, by the schism he had been the great fomenter of; and
wished that he was to begin his life again, that he might testify to the world
the dislike he had of his former ways.' And in this opinion he died."
Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 554. And of Penry it is related that he con-
fessed : " He deserved death at the queen's hand, for that he had seduced
many of her loyal subjects to a separation, from hearing the word of life in
the parish churches, which though himself had learned to discover the evil
of, yet he could never prevail to recover divers of her subjects whom he had
seduced ; and therefore, the blood of their souls was justly required at his
hands." Stillingfleet's Unreasonableness of Separation, p. 51, 1681.

6 Bounty of his followers.'] Of the ways and steps by which the puritan
ministers obtained their extraordinary popularity and influence, the n
may find an incomparable description, forming a most instructive moral pic-
ture, in the third chapter of Hooker's Preface to his Ecclesiastical Polity.

Cartwright complaining of the persecution and hard treatment he met

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. liol

After these stirs, thus suppressed, they began to tamper with
the earl of Essex, who was grown into a great height of favour
with the queen ; and by reason that sundry of his kindred and
allies were inclined that way, they so far prevailed with him that
he did privily, and far as he durst for fear of the queen's displea-
sure, give way and countenance unto them. But upon better
consideration, finding by the heady courses of some of them the
danger that thereby was like to grow to her majesty and the state,
and the resolution had of all hands to cut them off by the law
aforesaid, he grew very calm, and was careful how to carry himself
uprightly betwixt both. And yet the archbishop had still a vigi-
lant eye over him, that he could not, though he would, do any
great hurt 7.

For, to say the truth, by this due execution of laws in the

with on account of his opinions, Whitgift reminds him, " What commodities
you want, that I have, I cannot conjecture. Your meat and drink is provided
with less charges and trouble unto you, and in more delicate and dainty man-
ner, than mine is. Your ease and pleasure ten times more. You do what
you list, you go when you list, you come when you list, speak when you list, at
your pleasure. What would you have more ? I know not why you should
complain, except you be of the same disposition with the Franciscan friars,
who when they have filled their bellies at other men's tables, were wont to cry
out, and say, How many things are we forced to endure!" Whitgift's Defence,
p. 283. Sandys, bishop of London, thus expresses himself in a letter to the
lord treasurer Burghley : " There is a conventicle, or rather a conspiracy,
breeding in London. Certain men of sundry callings are as it were in com-
mission together, to procure hands for Mr. Cartwright's book, and promise
to stand in defence thereof untill death. — The city will never be quiet untill
these authors of sedition, who are now esteemed as gods, as Field, Wilcox,
Cartwright, and others, be far removed from the city. The people resort
unto them, as in popery they were wont to run on pilgrimage. If these idols
who are honoured for saints, and greatly enriched with gifts, were removed
from hence, their honour would fall into the dust. And they would be taken
for blocks as they are." Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 19. Records.

7 Any great hurt.~] Of this nobleman the following anecdote is told.
"When the bishops (that felt the smart of it) had cried out against that
lashing pamphlet, called, Martin Mar-Prelate, and there was a prohibition
published, that no man should presume to carry it about him, upon pain of
punishment, and the queen herself did speak as much when the earl was
present, ' Why then/ said the earl, ' what will become of me ? ' And pulling
the book out of his pocket, he did shew it unto the queen. I have heard
grave men, and of great judgment say that he was the less inclined to
Dr. Whitgift, a reverend divine, and his tutor also, because he was a bishop."
Codrington's Life of Robert Earl of Essex, Harleian Miscellany, vol. i. p. 219.
edit. 1808.

602 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf.

beginning, and the provident courses of the archbishop, with the
assistance and painful endeavours of doctor Bancroft and doctor
Cosin, and the publishing of their learned and unanswerable
books, the state of the clergy was in good quiet 8, especially so
long as sir Christopher Hatton, the lord chancellor, did live.

Immediately after whose death, the archbishop attending upon
her majesty, and advising with her who was fittest to succeed him
in the chancellorship of Oxford, found her graciously inclined
toward the lord Buckhurst, in whose behalf she presently dis-
patched her letters to the university, and prevailed 9 : whereat the
earl of Essex was so offended (his friends having laboured exceed-
ingly therein on his behalf) that being then lord general of her
majesty's forces in France, he made open profession of his dislike
of the archbishop. But upon his return into England, finding
how firm her majesty stood for him, and that his stirring in the
matter must needs call in question her majesty's judgment, did
therefore in a temperate manner expostulate the matter with the
archbishop, from whom he received such an answer, as he knew
not well whom to be angry withal, unless with the queen herself;
who thought him too young a man (being yet no counsellor) for
so grave a title ; and fearing happily least if she should have com-
mitted the guiding of that university unto his young years and
unexperienced judgment, some hot and unruly spirits there (like
Phaeton's untamed horses) might have carried him in such an
headlong course of government as that the sparks of contention,
which were then scarce kindled in that university, might have-
broken forth into open flames, to the utter destruction and devas-
tation of the whole state ecclesiastical. And besides this, she
held the lord Buckhurst (being an ancient counsellor and her
kinsman 10) more fit for the place a great deal. And so much it
seemed the queen had told the earl in justification of the arch-
bishop before his questioning of the matter with him ; for in of:

8 In good quietJ] See Geo. Cranmer's Letter to Hooker, p. 540, al
Also Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 520—43. Hervey, in a letter to the poet
Spenser, written about the year 1 580, speaking of the " news at Cambridge,"
says, " No more ado about caps and surplices. Mr. Cartwright quite for-
gotten. The man you wot of comfortable with a square cap on his round
head." Sir Christopher Hatton died Nov. 20, 1591.

9 Prevailed.'] He was elected chancellor 17th December, 1591.

10 Her kinsman.'] " He was a person of a wise foresight, and the queen's
kinsman, by his mother, who was a Boleyn, as the learned Camden relates,
in his history of queen Elizabeth." Collins, ii. K^. Sot- j>. 587.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. Co;}

he acknowledged so much, and thereupon they parted in no unkind
terms, but with due respect of each other in very friendly inanm-r.
The queen, not long after, was the mean of their entering into
further friendship; having oftentimes recommended unto the
archbishop the earl's many excellent parts and virtues, which she
then thought rare in so young years. And the earl likewise con-
fessed to the archbishop, that her majesty's often speech of her
extraordinary opinion of him and his worth was the cause of his
seeking after the archbishop ; and therefore did offer to run a
course for clergy causes according to his directions and advice,
and to cast off the novellists, as indeed he did immediately after
sir Francis Walsingham's death ; which was a special cause of
the archbishop's constancy and firmness to the earl in his disgrace
and trouble afterwards.

But now to return to our former course. The lord chancellor's
death much troubled and perplexed the archbishop, fearing that
new troubles would befall him and the church. Howbeit, things
were then so well and firmly settled that he had no great ado
afterwards, saving with their dispersing of pamphlets, and that
some few persons (though thanks be to God not powerful) both
in court and country, did attempt, as much as in them lay, by
motions in parliament, and bills there preferred, to bring in I
know not (nor they themselves) what kind of new government in
the church ; but were prevented by the wisdom of her majesty,
who always suppressed those bills and motions, and still comforted
the archbishop (who was oftentimes much grieved with their
causeless complaints) and assured him they should not prevail to
do any hurt, except it were to hurt themselves. For she did see
in her princely wisdom how dangerous they were to her and all
imperial government. And when she found them still bent to
pursue such bills and motions, she (to deliver the archbishop from
farther trouble and vexation) before it was expected, and as it
were with silence, brake up the parliament.

After the death of sir Christopher Hatton, sir John Puckering
was made lord keeper of the great seal of England, of whom
(because he lived not long) I shall not have occasion to say much :
but for ought I ever heard, he shewed himself a friend to the
church, unto the archbishop and his proceedings, and acknow-
ledged him to have been, amongst his other good friends, a fur-
therer of his advancement.

604 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

Sir Thomas Egerton11, master of the rolls, succeeded him, May
6, 1596. Her majesty and the state had long experience of his
integrity and wisdom, as may appear by the great places which he
worthily held, being first her highnesses solicitor, and then attor-
ney-general. In which time (besides his many great and weighty
services) he was very careful and industrious in labouring earnestly
to suppress the aforesaid libellers ; a lover of learning, and most
constant favourer of the clergy, and church government esta-
blished ; as also a faithful loving friend to the archbishop in all
his affairs ; insomuch, that after his advancement to that honour,
and that the earl of Essex and the archbishop concurred together,
being also (out of the affection of his most honourable friend, the
lord Burghley, lord treasurer) further strengthened by the friend-
ship and love of sir Robert Cecyll, principal secretary, (and now
earl of Salisbury, and lord treasurer of England,) he began to be
fully revived again, and as well fortified by them as ever he was,
when he was most and best friended. And her majesty finding
in him a zealous care and faithful performance of his duty and
service towards the church and her highness, shook off those
clergy cares, and laid the burthen of them upon his shoulders,
telling him, " That if any thing went amiss, be it upon his soul and
conscience to answer it ; for she had rid her hands, and looked
that he should yield an account on her behalf unto almighty God."

And now, though the archbishop was in this singular favour
and grace with her majesty, so that he did all in all for the
managing of clergy affairs, and disposing of bishoprics and other
ecclesiastical promotions, yet was he never puffed up with pride,
nor did any thing violently (by reason of his place, and greatness
with her majesty) against any man. For he ever observed this
rule, that he would not wound where he could not salve. And I
leave to the report of the adversaries themselves, when he had that
sway in government, and favour with her highness, whether his
carriage were not exceeding mild and temperate, and whether he
did not endeavour rather by gentle persuasions and kind usages
to win them, than (as the law and his place required) to pronounce

11 Sir Thomas Egerton.~\ A natural son of sir Richard Egerton. He was
created lord Ellesmere, 17 July, 1603; viscount Brackley, 7 Nov., 1616: in
1596 he was appointed lord high chancellor. He died in 16 16. From him
descended all the earls and dukes of Bridgewater. The head of all the Eger-
tons and all the Cholmondeleys is sir Philip De Malpas Grey Egerton, Bart.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 605

sentence, or lay any sharp censure upon them. Hath he not
many a time, when sentence hath been ready to be given by con-
sent of all the commissioners, found some occasion to delay the
sentence to another court day, and in the mean time so plied the
delinquents, and set on others to persuade them, as thereby many
of them were won, which otherwise would never have been brought
into conformity? Wherein he was of Antoninus Pius's mind,
who said, when he was taxed by Aurelius for like remissness and
lenity, " That he had rather save one citizen of Rome than kill a
thousand enemies." And yet they knew this archbishop had
courage enough in him, and credit and authority to back him, if
he would have extended it unto severity.

But it was truly noted in him by a great counsellor * in the
star-chamber, when Pickering was there censured for libelling
against him after his death, " That there was nothing more to be
feared in his government (especially toward his latter time) than
his mildness and clemency." And he said that which was most
true ; for did he not, after that Udall and others were condemned
unto death, draw upon him the dislike of his dear and honourable
friend, sir Christopher Hatton, in making suit, and never ceased
until he had obtained pardon for them at her majesty's hands ?
And, besides the dismission of master Cartwright and his consorts
out of the star-chamber, did not divers gentlemen of special note
find the like favour there by his intercession, and were eased both
of fine and punishment for entertaining the presses and printers
before-mentioned ? The very truth is, I cannot sufficiently express
his singular wisdom and clemency ; albeit some younger spirits
were of opinion, that he was much to blame in that kind, and
imputed it unto his years and want of courage, and sometimes
would be bold to tell him, that he knew not his own strength with
her majesty.

But he knew the court well, and that queen Elizabeth was the
wisest governor of any prince then living; and that she had
always entreated her subjects graciously, and ruled with all mild-
ness and moderation, and that she brought her subjects often-
times rather by gentle means to yield unto her just and profitable
demands, than enforced them thereunto by rigour and authority ;
which peradventure she would have used, considering her absolute
sovereignty and great occasions, had she not found out, of her

1 A great counsellor.'] [The earl of Salisbury's observations on him.]

606 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

singular wisdom and long experience in government, that she was
the more observed and reverenced of her people by intermingling
atid tempering her authority and sovereignty with mildness and
lenity. And this her highnesses example the archbishop followed,
agreeable to that which was said of Pericles, " That he would
steer and govern the commonwealth with two principal rudders,
fear and hope ; bridling with the one the fierce and insolent rash-
ness of the common people when they were in prosperity, and in
their jollity ; and reviving and comforting with the other their
discontented spirits, by giving way for the time unto their humour
and passion." And happy surely was it for that crazy state of
the church (for so it was at this archbishop's first coming, and
a long time after) not to meet with too rough and boisterous a
physician ; for he preserved it with conserves and electuaries,
and some gentle purges, which with strong purgations in all
likelihood might have been much more endangered ; so that it
may be very well verified of him which Ennius wrote of Fabius
Maximus.

" Umis homo nobis cunctando restituit rem ;
Ergo postque magisque viri mine gloria claret."

As you may perceive his clemency towards the irregular sort,
so towards the conformable he was carried with an exceeding
tender respect and kindness. He loved a learned minister, vir-
tuous and honest, with all his heart ; framing himself unto that
rule of Aristotle, (Polit. lib. i.) " which directeth a good magis-
trate to be as careful in encouraging good men according to their
merits, as in punishing the bad according to the quality of their
offences." If he found a scholar of extraordinary gifts or hopes,
that out of want grew discontented, and inclined to popery or
puritanism, (as most of their discontentments and waywardness
proceeded thence,) him would he gain both with supplies of money
out of his purse, and preferments of his own gift, or otherwise,
as opportunity served.

Now as our own countrymen of all sorts had daily taste of the
kind disposition of this our archbishop, so it was not wanting
unto sundry men of learning and quality, of foreign countries,
whom he entertained both with his love and his bounty. He sent
sundry times much money to master Beza out of his own pi;
besides the general collections and contributions to Geneva, which
he also greatly furthered. Upon which occasion many let

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. (j()7

passed betwixt them, especially towards his latter time. In some
of which2 letters master Beza confesseth, " That in his writings,
touching the church-government, he ever impugned the Romish
hierarchy, but never intended to touch or impugn the ecclesias-
tical policy of this church of England, nor to exact of us to frame
ourselves or our church to the pattern of their presbyterial disci-
pline ; and that as long as the substance of doctrine were uniform
in the church of Christ, they may lawfully vary in other matters,
as the circumstance of time, place, and persons requireth, and as
prescription of antiquity may warrant. And to that end, he
wished and hopeth, that the sacred and holy college of our bishops
(for so he calleth them) will for ever continue and maintain such
their right and title in the church's government, with all equity
and Christian moderation." Yea, so far was he from denying
our church to be a church, that often, and in most pithy manner
he confesseth, " That as queen Elizabeth was the true nursing
mother of the church of Christ, so England and our English
church was both the harbour of all the godly, and the preserver
of all other reformed churches." So far was he also from esteem-
ing the archbishop an antichristian prelate, as he never omitted
to term him " A most reverend father in Christ, and his most
honoured good lord." I wish that our disciplinarians, who seem
to direct themselves by the rule of Geneva, would learn thus to
discipline their tongues with him, and imitate his modesty.

The archbishop, as from master Beza, so from other famous
men beyond the seas, received many letters arguing their great
love and due respect of him. At their request and recommenda-
tion he relieved and entertained in his house, for many years
together, divers distressed ministers out of Germany and France,
who were enforced to forsake their own countries; some by
banishment, others by reason of wars and extremity which they
were put unto. And at their departure he dealt bountifully with
them ; as namely, Drusius, Renicherus, Frige vill, and Monsieur
Buse, a French minister, who read weekly a lecture in Latin in
his chapel. And although his French pronunciation and want of
good delivery did somewhat blemish the goodness of the matter
which he handled, yet the archbishop's property ever was to
cherish and encourage him, and all others that preached before
him, and was never heard to give the preacher distaste, but rather

2 In some of which.'] [March 8, 1591.]

608 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

would commend, or excuse him against other men's censures;
saying, if he were young, better experience would correct his
defaults ; and if he were in years, he was in that respect to be
borne withal ; alleging for both, that some would take exceptions
sometimes rather to satisfy their own too much curiosity than for
any just cause of dislike in the preacher.

Wherein he shewed a disposition very rarely to be found ; in
that, having himself an excellent gift in that faculty, his modesty
in prizing himself, and his mildness in censuring others, was ex-
traordinary and very singular : so that thereby he gave great
encouragement unto some, whom otherwise his exquisite judgment
might have daunted.

Neither herein did he, as in service of war the trumpeters use
to do, who encourage others to fight, never taking weapon in hand
themselves, or as Plutarch noteth in Aristogiton, who animated
others to take arms, but himself in excuse pleaded lameness, and
came halting to the musters in pretence thereof. But as his
continual endeavours were to reward those of best gifts, and to
encourage those of meaner, so (as often as church and state
affairs gave him leave) he was industrious in propounding whole-
some doctrine unto the people, and a worthy pattern of true
divinity and diligence unto all others of the clergy to follow him
therein. When he was bishop of Worcester, unless extraordi-
nary businesses of the marches of Wales hindered him, he never
failed to preach upon every sabbath-day, many times riding five
or six miles to a parish church, and after sermon came home to
dinner. The like he did also when he was archbishop, and lay at
Croydon, the queen being in her progress. No Sunday escaped
him in Kent, as the gentlemen there can well witness, who would
exceedingly resort unto him : and he would oftentimes preach so
early in the morning in some parish church, both in Worcester
and Canterbury, that he came afterwards to the sermon in the
cathedral church.

His gift that way was excellent, as if you had heard Saint
Augustin himself, or some of the ancient bishops in the primitive
church. His gesture and action in the pulpit, so grave and
decent, his words coming from him so fatherly, and comely, and
though plainly (for the most part) and without affectation, yet
always elegantly, with special choice, and substantial matter, full
of good and sound learning, plentiful in authorities out of Scrip-
ture, fathers, and school-men, so singularly applied, that he much

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. G09

affected his auditory therewith. Thus he oftentimes stirred and
moved men's minds and affections ; and that not by the force of
eloquence only, but by his pious life, answerable to his religious
sentences ; the opinion and confidence which the people had of
his integrity being very great, because he did live unspotted of
the world, and would not any way be corrupted.

He never preached, but he first wrote his notes in Latin, and
afterwards kept them during his life. For he would say, That
whosoever took that pains before his preaching, the elder he
waxed, the better he should discharge that duty; but if he trusted
only to his memory, his preaching in time would become prattling.
Wherein (out of a true religious care, and divine wisdom) he did
express the grave and prudent counsel that Demosthenes held in
his orations, and pleadings in the court. For (as Plutarch saith)
" He would never offer to speak unto the people, before he had
made briefs of that which he had to deliver, alleging that he loved
the people well, that would be careful beforehand what to say
unto them. And this preparation (saith he) doth shew that a
man honoureth and reverenceth them too. Contrariwise, he that
passeth not how the people taketh his words, it is a plain token
that he despiseth them, and their authority, and that he lacketh
no good will to use force against them, if he could, rather than
reason or persuasion."

When he was bishop of Worcester, and vice-president of the
marches, he did exceeding good by that his continual preaching,
as also by his often conference, and conventing of the papists,
whom he used with mild and temperate speeches, and thereby
got many of them to conform themselves, both gentlemen and
others ; whereby, as at his first coming unto the see of Wor-
cester, he found many recusants, so he left very few at his coming
thence.

Immediately after he came to be archbishop, he convented
before him the chiefest and most learned recusants throughout all
England. He also wrote letters to the bishops, his brethren,
within the province of Canterbury, to proceed with the recusants
by their authority ecclesiastical, and censures of the church, and
called yearly upon them for an account of their doings. He sent
forth also many warrants, by virtue of her highnesses commission
for causes ecclesiastical, and thereby had daily brought before him
both recusants and priests ; who according to the quality of their

VOL. IJT. R r

610 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf.

offences were restrained, and proceeded against, or delivered over
unto the civil magistrate to be dealt withal, as to justice apper-
tained, after the laws were enacted against recusants and semi-
nary priests.

Thus this grave and prudent archbishop always carried a most
vigilant eye, and strait hand over the subtle-headed papists ; as
fearing lest they conceived an hope of advancing their cause and
quarrel by help of the aforesaid contentions betwixt the bishops
and these sectaries ; and so soon as they should have found the
forces on both side sufficiently weakened and enfeebled by a long
continuance of the conflict, to have destroyed the vanquished with
the vanquishers, whereby to re-establish their papal jurisdiction,
and superstitious impieties ; as not long after this archbishop's
death they attempted to do, by the devilish device of that damn-
able powder-treason ; which if it had succeeded, their intendment
then was, to have put both alike to the sword.

You may perceive by the premises, how untruly some of the
uncharitable and precipitate sectaries traduced him for a papist,
and called him the pope of Lambeth, in their libels, and conven-
ticles, and most unjustly reproached him with the title of doctor
Pearn's servant, whom they likewise taxed with popery, and
falsely charged him to have infected the archbishop therewith,
because of his affection and love unto him, for the reasons speci-
fied before. The truth is, as the archbishop was of his own
nature a very loving kind man, so he did hate ingratitude in
any, and could never be taxed with that fault. He was likewise
(as the gentlemen of Worcestershire and Kent had daily expe-
rience) very firm, and marvellous constant, where he affected and
professed love ; which brought him in great displeasure in the
cause of the late earl of Essex; with whose life, and actions,
though I have nothing to do (having only taken upon me to
report another man's), yet thus much I may truly say, that his
misfortune drew upon the archbishop the greatest discontent-
ment, and severest reprehension from her majesty, that he had
ever before undergone in all his life.

For after that the earl began to fall upon courses displeasing
and distasteful unto her majesty, nevertheless such was the con-
fidence the archbishop had in the earl's loyalty, and his own e
fastness in that friendship which he had formerly professed unto
him, that he could not be drawn from being a continual inter-

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 611

cessor for him ; wherewith her majesty was so highly displeased,
and so sharply rebuked him for the same, that the good old
archbishop came sometimes home much grieved and perplexed.

Within a while after, the earl (forgetting3 that unto princes
the highest judgment of things is given, and unto us the glory of
obedience is left) went out indeed. The archbishop being that
Sunday morning (Feb. 8, 1600) at the court (whether by direc-
tion, or by his own accord, I know not) hastened home without
any attendant, and commanded as many men as he then had in
the house to be presently armed, and sent over unto the court,
but not to go within the gates until master secretary Cecill, or
some other by his instruction, should appoint them a leader.
There were immediately presented unto him threescore men well
armed, and appointed, who with a message from the archbishop,
shewed themselves before the court; of whose arrival there
master secretary Cecill, with the rest of the lords of the council,
were right glad, and said he was a most worthy prelate. They
had speedily a leader appointed unto them, and marched pre-
sently, and were the first that entered into the gates of Essex
house ; and in the first court made good the place until the earl
yielded himself, and was by the lord admiral brought to Lambeth-
house, where he remained an hour or two, and was from thence
conveyed to the Tower. The archbishop had likewise in readi-
ness that afternoon forty horsemen well appointed, and expected
directions from the court how to dispose of them. The next
morning he sent a gentleman to know how the queen did, and
how she rested all night. To whom she made answer, that she
rested and slept the better for his care the day before ; " but I
beshrew his heart" (said she) "he would not believe this of
Essex, though I had often told him it would, one day, thus come
to pass."

After this, when her majesty understood that her own recom-
mendation of the earl had wrought that good opinion of him in
the archbishop, and that she now found his readiness for her
defence, with horse, and men, and the nearness thereof unto the
court, to stand her at that time in great stead, she began to
entertain him in her wonted favour, and grace again, and ever
after continued her good opinion of him unto her dying day.

Towards which time, though by reason of her melancholy

3 Forgetting.'] [Tacit. Annal. lib. 4.]
nr 2

612 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

disease, she was impatient of others speeches with her, yet was
she well pleased to hear the archbishop, the then bishops of Lon-
don, and Chichester, and the now bishop of Worcester, with some
other divines, give her comfort and counsel to prepare herself to
God-ward, and most devoutly prayed with them, making signs
and tokens unto her last remembrance of the sweet comfort which
she took in their presence, especially when towards her end they
put her in mind of the unspeakable joys she was now going unto ;
where, no doubt, she remaineth a glorious saint of God, and as a
most religious prince, rewarded with a crown of immortality,
and bliss.

Now the much-lamented death of this noble queen gave great
hope to the factious of challenging forthwith all exemption from
the censures, and subjection of ecclesiastical authority. But how
vain their hopes were, the issue hath declared ; and although the
archbishop was much dejected and grieved for the loss of his dear
sovereign and mistress, who had so highly advanced him, yet he
with the rest of the lords, repaired immediately to Whitehall,
and after two hours sitting in council about the penning of the
proclamation, he principally (as his place required) with a chearful
countenance, and the rest of the lords in like sort accompanying
him, first at the court-gate at Whitehall, with the applause, and
unspeakable comfort of all the people, proclaimed her most
rightful successor, JAMES (then king of Scotland) king of Eng-
land, France, and Ireland. Afterwards, in like chearful sort, the
archbishop with the rest of the lords4, trooped up to the cross in

4 The rest of the lords."] " In proclaiming the king, he [sir Anthony Wei-
don] forgets one circumstance, that the lords coming to London, Ludgate
was shut, and there the lord mayor and the aldermen were, who, seeing the
lords, told them that none should come into the city unless they came with
an intent to proclaim James, king of Scots, king of England. They replied,
they came with no other intent, and did promise, upon their honour, that
they would proclaim him. The lord mayor [Sir Robert Lee] replied, that it
was no sufficient security and assurance to take their honours' word in so
great a business, and that he would have better security : whereupon one or
two of the lords pulled off their blue ribbons, together with their Georges,
and did mortgage them that they would proclaim none other, and then they
were admitted, and did proclaim king James accordingly. This was done to
show their unanimous consent, and the king's undoubted title." — IS;
Goodman's Court of King James, vol. i. p. 8, 1839. 8vo. Edited by the
J. S. Brewer, M.A. from the MS. in the Bodleian Library. The truth of this
anecdote is confirmed by Johnstone, Hist. Brit., p. 359.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 613

Cheapside, and there with like acclamation of the lord mayor
and citizens, proclaimed him again (March 24, 1602).

I am doubtful to speak (lest I might seem to detract from
others) of the great comfort which the common people and
citizens took in the presence of the archbishop, and how heartily
they prayed for him at his return; as if they nothing doubted,
but that all went well for the state in that council, among whom
he was present.

He was indeed beloved of all sorts of people, yea even of some
of them who were the most fervent reprehenders themselves, as
they have confessed since his death ; and well worthy was he so
to be, for that he carried a most mild and moderate hand over
them. A more particular love also he deserved of many, for his
affection unto liberal and ingenious arts, whereof his domestic
government and care was no less argument than his public;
which I have formerly spoken of. For, besides the pains which
he took himself (after he was bishop of Worcester, and arch-
bishop of Canterbury) many years, with a number of worthy
young gentlemen, in reading unto them thrice a-day, he took into
his house, besides his chaplains, divers of quality to instruct them
in the mathematics, and other lectures of sundry arts and lan-
guages ; giving them good allowance, and preferments otherwise,
as occasion was offered. And besides the many poor scholars,
whom he kept in his house till he could provide for them, and
prefer them (as he did sundry to good estates), he also maintained
divers in the university at his own charge, and gave liberally to
them and others of any towardliness, as he heard of their necessity
and wants.

He kept likewise for the exercise of military discipline, a good
armory, and a fair stable of great horses ; insomuch as he was
able to arm at all points both horse and foot, and divers times
had one hundred foot, and fifty horse of his own servants mus-
tered, and trained ; for which purpose he entertained captains.
He had also skilful riders, who taught them to manage their
horses, and instructed them in warlike exercises, all whom he
rewarded in liberal manner. By this means he had divers of his
own gentlemen that afterwards proved good soldiers; many
whereof became captains and commanders, and some for their
valour and service were knighted in the field. There were also
divers others, that for learning, languages, and qualities, were fit
to be employed by any prince in Christendom. Insomuch as his

614 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

house, for the lectures and scholastical exercises therein performed,
might justly be accounted a little academy 5, and in some respects
superior, and more profitable ; viz. for martial affairs, and the
experience that divines and other scholars had, being near, and
often at the court, and chief seats of justice, from whence they
continually had the passages and intelligences both for matters of
state, and government in causes ecclesiastical and civil. By which
their continual experience, many of his domestical chaplains6,
both before, and since his death, attained unto the chiefest honours
and dignities in our church and commonwealth.

And here I may not forget his religious care and provident
order for the due execution of his charge, and determination of
all such causes as belonged unto his proper cognizance and place.
To which end and purpose, he appointed every Thursday in term
a solemn and set commission day ; upon which he had a sermon
in his chapel by one of his houshold chaplains, and entertained the
commissioners, and their attendants, though to his great expence,
which he little esteemed in regard of the well guiding, and order-
ing the affairs, then by him undertaken. That day you should
have had a senate of the worthiest and greatest counsellors of
state, with the assistance of the chief prelates, justices, judges,
and suffieientest lawyers of both professions, that those times
afforded.

You may then hereby observe the archbishop's exceeding care
and singular wisdom in proceeding with the advice of so many
worthy, prudent, and learned men of several faculties ; whereby
the subjects came chearfully to the hearing of their causes, and
without fear of partiality in any particular person. And howso-
ever the cause went, the archbishop could not be impeached of
rash or inconsiderate proceeding, seeing he had the consent and
approbation of all professions. For the archbishop always gave
sentence, and ordered matters as the greater part of the court
did incline, beginning at the junior first, although himself would
sometimes dissent from them in opinion, and so he would toll
them, but without tartness; yea in such kind and loving manner.
as no man was hindered in delivering his mind. By which means

3 A little academy.'] See Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, in vol. i. p. 487, note.

6 His domestical chaplains.'] [Dr. Bancroft, archbishop of Canterbury ; Dr.
Ravis, bishop of London ; Dr. Barlow, bishop of Lincoln ; Dr. Goldisbury,
bishop of Gloucester ; Dr. Parry, bishop of Worcester; Dr. Redman, bishop
of Norwich ; Dr. Buckeridge, bishop of Rochester.]

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf. 615

he was sure always to have the cause fully debated, and every
man's opinion fully known; which when he found concurriu»-
with his own, and the proceedings ordered according to the
rules of justice, he would go on to sentence and determine the
cause.

Wherein he carried himself with great resolution, and courage,
were the persons never so great that were interested in the same,
as you may perceive by one instance (among many) when him-
self was yet no counsellor of state. A gentleman of good note
seeing how the court was inclined to order his cause (not accord-
ing to his desire) told the archbishop, that upon another occasion
there grew some speech of that cause before the lords of the
council, and their lordships were of another opinion than his
grace, and the rest of the commissioners, seemed to be ; " What
tellest thou me (said the archbishop) of the lords of the council ?
I tell thee, they are in these cases to be advised by us, and not
we by them." He would upon such like occasions oftentimes say
unto his private friends towards his latter time (when they talked
familiarly with him, and observed his courage and stoutness)
" That two things did help much to make a man confident in good
causes, namely, Orbitas et Senectus ; and (said he) they steed me
both."

This orderly proceeding and course upheld the reputation and
dignity of the commission court; which albeit it be of great
authority, and dealeth for the most part in matters of great weight
and importance, yet the want of worthy assistants and counsel (if
the like care should not be continued) may make it grow to be of
little reputation, as experience hath somewhat taught us since the
decease of this good archbishop : whereunto not unaptly may be
applied that which Plutarch reporteth of Cato Utican, when he
was prsetor : " For he would oftentimes go on foot, bare legged,
and without his gown, unto his praetorian chair, and there give
sentence of life and death, whereby he rather defaced and impaired
the majesty and dignity of his office, than gave it countenance
by his manner of proceeding; although otherwise he were a
good commonwealth's man, and ministered justice uprightly

unto all."

But I return unto our archbishop again. He gave audience
unto suitors twice a day, and afforded them set hours for thoir
dispatch, at which time he would so courteously entreat them,
giving them so mild and gentle answers, that even they that sped

616 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

not of their suits, did depart without discontentment. Wherein
I may justly compare him unto Titus, qui neminem unquam a se
tristem dimisit ; (Sueton. in vita) he dismissed no man sorrowful
from his presence. Wherefore he gave also express command-
ment unto his officers, that suitors and strangers should ever be
courteously entertained, as well for expedition of their suits, as
for hospitality sake.

He had a desire always to keep a great and bountiful house ;
and so he did, having the same well ordered and governed by his
head officers therein, and all things in plentiful manner, both for
his own service, and entertainment of strangers, according to
their several qualities and degrees. He often feasted the clergy,
nobility, and gentry of his diocese and neighbourhood. And at
Christmas, especially, his gates were always open, and his hall set
twice or thrice over with strangers. Upon some chief festival-
days he was served with great solemnity, sometime upon the knee,
as well for the upholding of the state that belonged7 unto his place,
as for the better education and practice of his gentlemen and
attendants in point of service.

Every year he entertained the queen at one of his houses, so
long as he was archbishop; and some years twice or thrice;
where all things were performed in so seemly an order, that she
went thence always exceedingly well pleased. And besides many
public and gracious favours done unto him, she would salute him,
and bid him farewell by the name of Black Husband ; calling also
his men her servants, as a token of her good contentment with
their attendance and pains.

Every third year he went into Kent (unless great occasions
hindred him) where he was so honourably attended upon by his
own train (consisting of two hundred persons) and with the gen-
tlemen of the country, that he did sometimes ride into the city of
Canterbury, and into other towns, with eight hundred or a thou-

7 The state that belonged.'] " I fear I have been too long already ; I will
only put you further in mind, that when in the following pages you compare
the archbishops of Canterbury preceding, and succeeding the Reformation,
and accuse the former to have minded chiefly great worldly pomp and appear-
ance ; but praise the latter for regarding little or nothing the vain shews of
exterior grandeur and glory ; the comparison is not altogether just. For
Parker and Whitgift, whom you chuse to instance, lived in as great state,
pomp, and magnificence, and were attended with as large a retinue, as most
of their predecessors." — Henry Wharton's Observations on Strype's Life of
Cranmer, in the Appendix to that work, p. 264.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFr. 617

sand horse. And surely the entertainment which he gave them,
and they him, was so great, that, as I am verily persuaded, no
shire in England did, or could, give greater, or with more cheari'ul
minds, unto each other. The fatherly care which he had of his
clergy, (whom he never charged with visitation, but once in twenty
years) his affability amongst the gentlemen, and courteous usage
of his tenants, gained him so great a love, that he might very far
prevail with them ; yea, they never denied him any request that
he made unto them.

At his first journey into Kent he rode to Dover, being attended
with an hundred of his own servants, at least, in livery, whereof
there were forty gentlemen in chains of gold. The train of
clergy and gentlemen in the country, and their followers, was
above five hundred horse. At his entrance into the town, there
happily landed an intelligencer from Eome, of good parts, and
account, who wondered to see an archbishop, or clergyman in
England, so reverenced, and attended. But seeing him upon the
next Sabbath-day after in the cathedral church of Canterbury,
attended upon by his gentlemen, and servants (as is aforesaid ;)
also by the dean, prebendaries, and preachers in their surplices,
and scarlet hoods, and heard the solemn music, with the voices,
and organs, cornets, and sackbuts, he was overtaken with admira-
tion, and told an English gentleman 8 of very good quality (who
then accompanied him) " That they were led in great blindness at
Eome by our own nation, who made the people there believe, that
there was not in England, either archbishop, or bishop, or cathe-
dral, or any church or ecclesiastical government ; but that all
was pulled down to the ground, and that the people heard their
ministers in woods, and fields, amongst trees, and brute beasts :
but, for his own part, he protested, that (unless it were in the
pope's chapel) he never saw a more solemn sight, or heard a more
heavenly sound.1' " Well," said the English gentleman, " I am
glad of this your so lucky and first sight ; ere long you will be of
another mind, and, I hope, work miracles when you return to
Eome, in making those that are led in this blindness, to see and
understand the truth.1' "It is" (said the intelligencer) "the
chief cause of my coming, to see with mine own eyes, and truly to
inform others." Whereupon the said English gentleman accom-
panied him to London, and so to the court, where he saw and
heard many things to confirm the gentleman's report, for the
8 Told an English gentleman.'] [Sir Edward Hobby.]

618 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

government of the church, and civil carriage of the people, in their
obedience to the clergy and magistrates in the commonwealth.
Afterwards this intelligencer had private speech with sir Francis
Walsingham (then principal secretary to her majesty) who related
all this to the archbishop with due approbation of his Kentish
journey; confessing that he should reverence and honour him
therefore while he lived9. And although he were one of the

9 While he lived.'] "My lord of London " (Dr. Bancroft), "there seriously
put his majesty " (king James I.) " in mind of the speeches which the French
ambassador, Mons. Rosni, gave out concerning our church of England, both
at Canterbury after his arrival ; and after, at the court, upon the view of our
solemn service and ceremonies : namely, that if the reformed churches in
France had kept the same orders amongst them, which we have ; he was as-
sured that there would have been many thousands of protestants more there,
than now there are." — Barlow's Sum of the Hampton Court Conference, 1604.
p. 37, 8. 4to.

Rosny, afterwards better known as the great due de Sully, was ambassador
extraordinary with Louis Galluccio de 1' Hospital, marquis de Vitry, in 1603,
and his testimony on such a point can scarcely be estimated too highly, con-
sidering his general qualifications for forming a judgment on such matters,
and his special fitness, as being himself a French protestant.

The account which next follows relates to a French embassy, that of
Antoine Coiffier, dit Ruze, marquis d'Effiat (afterwards mare'chal of France,
the father of Cinq Mars), with Tanneguy le Veneur, comte de Tillieres, imme-
diately before the marriage of Charles I. with the princess Henrietta Maria.
It was in the year 1625 :

" At the same time, among those persons of gallantry that came into Eng-
land, to make up the splendor of the embassage, and were present at this
feast d'amour, as some of themselves called it, there was an abbat, but a gentle-
man that held his abbacy, a la mode de France, in a lay capacity.

" He had received the gift of our service book, and to requite the donor,
having much of a scholar, and of ingenious breeding, he laid aside all other
business to read it over. Like a vowed person to another profession he was
not hasty to praise it, but suspended his sentence till he might come in place
to see the practice of it. — It was well thought of by him, that the trial of the
soundness in religion consists not altogether in the draught of a book, but in
the motion likewise, and exercise of it. The abbat made his mind known to
the lord keeper by sir George Goring, now earl of Norwich, that he would
gladly be present in the abbey of Westminster, upon our Christinas- day, in
the morning, to behold and hear how that great feast was solemnized in our
congregations, which heard very ill beyond the seas for profaneness ; whereas
the book for uniformity of publick prayer which he had received, though it
was not set off with much ceremony to quicken devotion, yet it wanted
neither a stamp of reverence, nor the metal of godliness. — Yet he would be
careful in launching out so far in curiosity to give no scandal to catholicks,
whose jealousie might perhaps suspect him, as if he thought it lawful to use

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

honourable counsellors, before mentioned *, that seemed to favour
the precise faction, yet, undoubtedly, he was, after this time a kind

both ours and the church of Rome's communion.— Therefore he made suit to
be placed where none could perceive him, and that an interpreter of the
liturgy might assist him to turn the book, and to make right answers to such
questions as fell by the way into his animadversions. None more forward
than the lord keeper to meet the abbat in this request. Veritas oculatos
testes non reformidat. The abbat kept his hour to come to church upon
that high feast, and a place was well fancied aloft, with a lattice and curtains
to conceal him. Mr. William Boswell, like Philip riding with the treasurer
of queen Candace in the same chariot, sate with him, directing him in the
process of all the sacred offices performed, and made clear explanation to all
his scruples. The church work of that ever-blessed day fell to the lord
keeper (archbishop Williams) to perform it, but in the place of the dean of
that collegiate church. He sung the service, preached the sermon, conse-
crated the Lord's table, and being assisted by some of the prebendaries, dis-
tributed the elements of the Holy Communion to a great multitude, meekly
kneeling upon their knees. Four hours and better were spent that morning
before the congregation was dismissed with the episcopal blessing. The
abbat was entreated to be a guest at the dinner provided in the college-hall,
where all the members of that incorporation feasted together, even to the
Eleemosynaries, called the Beads-men of the foundation, no distinction being
made, but high and low eating their meat with gladness together, upon the
occasion of our Saviour's nativity, that it might not be forgotten that the
poor shepherds were admitted to worship the babe in the manger, as well as
the potentates of the east, who brought rich presents to offer up at the
shrine of his cradle. All having had their comfort both in spiritual and
bodily repast, the master of the feast, and the abbat, with some few besides,
retired into a gallery. The good abbat presently showed that he was bred up
in the Franco- gallican liberty of speech, and without further proem defies the
English that were roosted in the abbies of France, for lying varlets above all
others he ever met.

" We have none of then* good word, I am sure, says the keeper, but what
is it that doth empassion you for the present against them ? That I shall
calmly tell your lordship, says the abbat. I have been long inquisitive what
outward face of God's worship was retained in your church of England ;
what decorums were kept in the external communion of your assemblies.
St. Paul did rejoice to behold good order among the Colossians, as well as to
hear of the steadfastness of their faith (Coloss. ii. 5). Therefore, waving
polemical points of doctrine, I demanded after those things that lay open to
the view, and pertained to the exterior visage of the house of God.— And that
my intelligence might not return by broken merchants, but through the best
hands, I consulted with none but English in the affairs of their own home,
and with none but such as had taken the scapular, or habit of some sacred

Before mentioned.'] See p. 583.

620 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

friend to the archbishop, and did him many good offices with the
queen.

order upon them in affairs of religion.— But, Jesu, how they have deceived
me ! What an idea of deformity, limned in their own brain, have they hung
up before me ! They told me of no composed office of prayer used in all
these churches by authority, as I have found it this day, but of extempora-
neous babblings. They traduced your pulpits, as if they were not possessed
by men that be ordained by imposition of hands, but that shop-keepers and
the scum of the people usurp that place in course one after another, as they
presumed themselves to be gifted. Above all, they turned their reproaches
against your behaviour at the sacrament, describing it as a prodigious monster
of profaneness : that your tables, being furnished with meats and drinks, you
took the scraps and relics of your bread and cups, and call upon one another
to remember the passion of our Lord Jesus. All this I perceive is infernally
false. And though I deplore your schism from the Catholick church, yet I
should bear false witness if I did not confess that your decency, which I
discerned at that holy duty, was very allowable both in the consecrator and
receiver.

" My brother abbat, says the lord keeper with a smile, I hope you will
think the better of our religion, since on Christ's good day your own eyes
have made this observation among us. The better of the religion ? says the
abbat, taking the words to relate to the reformed of France. Nay, taking all
together which I have seen among you (and he brought it out with great
acrimony of voice and gesture), I will lose my head, if you and our Huguenots
are of one religion. I protest, sir, says the keeper, you divide us without
cause : for the harmony of Protestant confessions divulged to all the world do
manifest our consonancy in faith and doctrine. And for diversity in outward
administrations, it is a note as old as Irenseus which will justify us from a
rupture, that variety of ceremonies in several churches, the foundation being
preserved, doth commend the unity of faith. I allow what Irenaeus writes,
says the abbat, for we ourselves use not the same offices and breviaries in all
places. But why do not the Huguenots at Charenton, and in other districts,
follow your example ? Because, says the lord keeper, no part of your kingdom
but is under the jurisdiction of a diocesan bishop, and I know you will not
suffer them to set up another bishop in the precincts of that territory, where
one is established before; that would savour of schism in earnest. And
where they have no means to maintain God's worship with costly charge, and
where they want the authority of a bishop among them, the people will arro-
gate the greatest share in government. So that in many things you must
excuse them, because the hand of constraint is upon them. — But what con-
strains them, says the abbat, that they do not solemnize the anniversary feast
of Christ's nativity as you do ? nay, as we do ? For it is for no better reason
than because they would be unlike to us in every thing. — Do you say this
upon certainty ? says the keeper. Yes, or call me poltroon, if I feign it, says
the other. In good truth, says the keeper, you tell me news. I was ever, as
Tully writes of himself to Atticus, in curiositate Wviriivoc, apt to search
narrowly into foreign churches, and I did never suspect that our brethren
that live with you were deficient in that duty. For the churches of the Low

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. «;o|

Howbeit, some of near alliance unto sir Francis, bearing them-
selves very boldly upon his favour, would oftentimes handle the
archbishop very roughly, and much provoke him by vain speeches,
and brags of their own worth and scholarship ; and (being mere
lay -men) would very unmannerly compare themselves with the
best conformable divines, for true knowledge, and understanding
of the Scriptures. But the archbishop smiling at their vanities,
would notwithstanding courteously handle and entreat them in
his own house, according to the true rule of hospitality; not
unlike unto Pericles, who being reviled by a lewd fellow in the
market-place all the day long, returned no bad language, but dis-
patched his affairs in hearing the suppliants, and determining their
causes ; and when night came on, the party followed him still,
railing upon him till he came to his own house. It being now

Countries, of Heidelberg, Helvetia, Flassia, Breme, and others, do observe a
yearly day to the memory of our Saviour's birth. I conceive the like for
Geneva. For when Calvin had retired to Basil, some mutation about holy
feasts was made in Geneva. Upon his return thither again, Hallerius, both
in his own, and in Musculus's name, complains that the celebration of that
memorable feast was neglected. Calvin returns him answer (the epistle is
extant, dated anno 1551, Jan.) : ' Sancte testari possum me inscio ac ne op-
tante quidem hanc rem fuisse transactam. Ex quo sum revocatus, hoc
temperamentum quaesivi ut Christi natalis celebrareretur vestro more.' But
will you have the judgment of protestant divines when they were in a globe
and collection together from all quarters. At the synod of Dort, convened
about six years past, all the divines, with the assessors from the states, inter-
mitted their sessions against the feast of Christ's nativity with common
suffrages, and the reason is given in plain words. Sessio 36. Decemb. 19.
' Quia eo tempore festum natalis D N. Jesu Christi instabat, propter cujus
celebrationem,' &c. It will be the harder for those of the religion in France
to answer for this omission. Yet judge more charitably than to think they
do it only out of crossness to dis-conform to your practice. He that runs
backward further than he need from his adversary plays his prize like a
coward. And I use to say it often, that there ought to be no secret antipa-
thies in divinity or in churches, for which no reason can be given. But let
every house sweep the dust from their own door. We have done our en-
deavour, God be praised, to model a church-way, which is not afraid to be
searched into by the sharpest critics for purity and antiquity. But as Pacat
said in his Paneg. in another case, ' Parum est quando coeperit, terminum non
habebit.' Yet I am confident it began when Christ taught upon earth, and I
hope it shall last till He comes again.— I will put my attestation thus to your
confidence, says the abbat, that I think you are not far from the kingdom of
heaven. So with mutual smiles and embraces they parted."— Racket's Life
of Archbishop Williams, p. 210—12. London, 1693.

622 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

dark, Pericles, as he entered in, commanded one of his servants
to light him home.

You see now of what an excellent nature this archbishop was ;
how far from giving offence, how ready to forgive a wrong, mer-
ciful, compassionate, and tender-hearted. Yet was he not void
(as no man is) of infirmities. The holy Scripture noteth of Elias,
that he was a man subject to the like passions as we are, (James v.
1 7). But, as Horace saith,

" optimus ille

Qui minimis urgetur." (Serm. lib. i. sat. 3.)

So may it be confessed of this archbishop, that the greatest, or
rather only fault known in him was choler ; and yet in him so
corrected, not by philosophy alone (as Socrates confessed of his
faults) but by the word and grace of God, as it rather served for
a whetstone of his courage in just causes, than any weapon
whetted against the person, goods, or good name of any other.
So that it may (as I am verily persuaded) be rightfully said of him
that he was such a magistrate as Jethro advised Moses to take
in judging the people of God, and such a bishop as St. Paul
requireth in the church of Christ. Provide (saith Jethro, Exod.
xviii. 21) among all the people, men of courage, fearing God, dealing
truly, hating covetousness, and appoint such over them to be rulers.
And a bishop (saith St. Paul) must be unreprovable, the husband
of one wife, watching, temperate, modest, harbarous, apt to teach,
not given to wine, no striker, not given to filthy lucre, but gentle, no
fighter, not covetous, one that can rule his own house honestly. He
may not be a young scholar, lest he, being puffed up, fall into tJie
condemnation of the devil. He must also be well reported of, even
of them which are without, lest he fall into rebuke, and the snare of
the devil. (1 Tim. c. iii.)

And now what is there that the devil himself, with all his imps.
popish, or schismatical libellers, can rebuke or condemn, in this
good archbishop\s saintly life? Let them examine his actions, in
all his carriage and course, if so they can convince him in any
thing that was not agreeable to the directions of Jethro for a
magistrate, and answerable unto the rule of Saint Paul for a
bishop.

As for good works (whereof the papists so vainly brag, as par-
ticular effects of their superstitious doctrines, yea, for which
heaven itself is a due reward by condignity) many towns, citi> -

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

and counties can yield a plentiful testimony for him in this behalf;
namely, Lincoln, Worcester, the marches of Wales, Kent, and
Surry, wherein he lived ; and, in particular, that notable monu-
ment of our time, his Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Croydon2,
which he built very fair, and college-wise, for a warden, and eight
and twenty brothers and sisters. He built also near unto it a
goodly free school, with a schoolmaster's house, allowing unto the
schoolmaster twenty pounds by year for ever. All which he per-
formed with such alacrity, and good success, that he hath been
heard divers times to profess with great comfort, that, notwith-
standing the charge of the purchase and building was not small
unto him, in comparison of his estate (who neither impaired
house-keeping, nor retinue at that time) yet when he had finished
and done that whole work, he found himself no worse in his estate
than when he first began, which he ascribed unto the extraordi-
nary blessing and goodness of God.

After the finishing of this hospital, among many other his good
deeds, the French leiger embassador in England, called Boys Sici3,
enquired what works the archbishop had published, for that he
would willingly read his books, who was reputed the peerless pre-
late for piety and learning in our days, and whom in conference,
he found so grave, godly, and judicious ; when it was answered,
that he only published certain books in the English tongue, in
defence of the ecclesiastical government (although it be very well
known to many who were near unto him, that he left divers
learned treatises in written-hand, well worthy the printing) and
that it was thereupon incidentally told the embassador that he
had founded an hospital, and a school, he used these words ; pro-
fecto hospitale, ad sublevandam paupertatem, et schola, ad instruen-
dam juventutem, sunt optimi libri, quos archiepiscopus conscribere
potuit ; Truly an hospital to sustain the poor, and a school to
train up youth, are the worthiest books that an archbishop could
set forth.

And albeit the archbishop had ever a great affection to lie at
his mansion house at Croydon, for the sweetness of the place,
especially in summer time ; whereby also he might sometimes
retire himself from the multiplicity of businesses and suitors in the
vacations : yet, after he had built his hospital, and his school, he

2 In Croydon.'] See p. 497.

3 Called Boys Sici.'] Jean de Thumery, seigneur de Boissise. Sec p. 4<)s.

624 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

was farther in love with the place than before. The chief com-
fort of repose or solace that he took, was in often dining at the
hospital among his poor brethren, as he called them. There he
was often visited by his entire and honourable friends the earl of
Shrewsbury, Worcester, and Cumberland, the lord Zouch, the
bishop of London, and others of near place about her majesty, in
whose company he chiefly delighted.

In the absence of his friends, he would be exceeding chearful
and affable with his own gentlemen and servants, though his
bounty towards them and the poor did not consist in words, but
in deeds, for he was very liberal in rewarding them, both with
leases, offices, and otherwise with supplies, as their occasions
required, out of his purse ; and would, I make no question, have
done much more for them out of his own estate, if he had had
ability, and time (after his sickness first seized upon him) to dis-
pose of his worldly affairs.

As his bounty was very great towards his own (for in that
number likewise he always accounted the poor society of his
hospital) so were his hands every where reached out to the neces-
sities of all sorts. Yea such was his charity, that if he had seen
poor men addicted to labour, he would have given them money,
and waste ground to employ in gardening, or some such use as
might be for their relief. Or if he heard that any of his poor
neighbours were decrepit, or destitute of means to follow their
trade, he would supply their needs either with money or fuel, and
sometimes poor watermen's wants with boats, and such like;
wherein he dealt no worse with them, than that famous bishop of
Lincoln, Robert Grosthead, dealt with his poor kinsman ; in
whose behalf when he was solicited to advance him, and thereupon
enquiring what course of life he followed, and receiving answer
that he was an husbandman ; " Why then," (quoth he) " if his
plough be broken, I will repair it, or, rather than fail, bestow ;i
new one upon him, whereby he may go on in his course of life ;
but so to advance him as to make him forget his trade, or condi-
tion in which he was brought up, that mean I not to do."

I fear lest I have held the reader too long in these priv
matters ; therefore I will for brevity sake omit to speak of the
fair library which he left behind him, with many other memorable
things (worthy the observation) and return again unto his public
affairs.

The archbishop (respecting the welfare of the church and public

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 625

cause) albeit he was very confident of the king's princely wisdom
by the experience he had thereof (being now an ancient coun-
sellor) and well understanding the passages of matters betwixt
his majesty and the state of our country, (whereby he did conceive
that it was not probable so wise and learned a prince could be
overcome with the conceits of such innovators, whose fancies
could not stand but with hazard of the state) yet he held it most
expedient to send that reverend gentleman, master doctor Nevill,
dean of Canterbury, into Scotland to his majesty, in the name of
the bishops and clergy of England, to tender their bounden duties,
and to understand his highness's pleasure for the ordering and
guiding of clergy causes. The dean brought a most gracious
answer of his highnesses purpose, which was to uphold and main-
tain the government of the late queen as she left it settled.
Which answer did much comfort the archbishop ; and the rather
because it did yield full satisfaction unto some others, who per-
ad venture might conceive some doubt of alteration, by reason of
the puritan brags, and their affections unto the presbyterial
government in Scotland.

In this mean while the preparations were great for solemniza-
tion of the late queen's funeral, which being performed very sump-
tuously, as became the dignity of so great a prince, the arch-
bishop, as he was the principal in the custody of the kingdom, and
chief in all councils of state, under his majesty in his absence,
(for there is no interregnum in England, as Watson the priest
did traiterously pretend) so in this last solemnity of obsequy unto
his ever honoured sovereign and mistress he was the most eminent
person in the whole land, and principal mourner, who received
the offering, and had the banners presented unto him.

After this, when at his majesty's first entrance into England,
the king had spoken with him at Theobalds, whereby he more
fully conceived his religious pleasure touching the affairs of this
commonwealth, he was therewith put into heart, especially when
after his coming to London, he did again perceive his resolution
for the continuance of the well-settled state of the church, which
made him more cheerfully prepare himself for performance of his
duty (as a thing belonging unto his place) against the day of coro-
nation, July 25, 1603.

At which time the archbishop, with all due ceremonies and
observances for so great a solemnity, crowned and anointed his
sacred majesty king James in the collegiate church of Westmin-

VOL. nr. s s

626 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

ster. Then also and there he crowned our most noble and gra-
cious queen Anne, his majesty's happy and fruitful wife, whose
blessed seed God grant so to encrease and continue as there may
never be wanting thereof to rule and reign in this kingdom.

The puritan faction did not surcease until by their importunity
they obtained a conference * before his highness, which continued
for three days. His majesty having now at full heard their objec-
tions, and the bishops answers, (the weakness of the one, and the
forcible reasons of the other, much confirming his royal mind in
his former opinion) was pleased immediately thereupon to signify
publicly 5 his resolution for the continuance of the religion and
ecclesiastical government formerly established ; highly commend-
ing the wisdom, care, and constancy of his sister the late queen
Elizabeth, in constituting and maintaining all things so well, as
also approving the bishops learning, wisdom, and endeavour to
uphold so godly and well-governed a church, which himself (by
God's assistance) would ever advance and defend. Likewise he
gave present command touching the new printing of the Common
Prayer-book, for the further ratifying of the Liturgy and Orders
of our church.

The parliament now growing on, the archbishop, that he might
be the better prepared, did appoint a meeting at Fulham, at the
bishop of London's house, to confer with some of the bishops and
judges of his court, concerning the affairs of the church which
were then to be treated upon. As he was thus going in his barge

4 Obtained a conference.'] An account of this conference, which is import-
ant, as exhibiting a view of the state of the controversy at that time between
the orthodox clergy and the puritans, and the perusal of which, in this place,
is therefore recommended to the reader, was drawn up, at the command of
Whitgift, by Dr. William Barlow, and entitled, " The Summe and Substance
of the Conference, which it pleased his Excellent Majestic to have with the
Lords Bishops, and other of his Clergie, at which the most of the Lordes of
the Councell were present, in his Majesties Privy-Chamber at Hampton
Court, January 14, 1603. London, printed by John Windet, 1604." 4to.
It was republished in the first volume of The Phtenix, in the year 1 707 : and
has appeared again, recently, in a valuable and seasonable collection of Tracts,
called The Churchman's Remembrancer. The reader may also consult Wil-
kins, vol. iv. p. 373 — 5, p. 377, 8, and p. 406, 7; Winwood's Memo/
vol. ii. p. 13 — 16 ; Harington's Nugce Antiques, vol. i. p. 181, 2 ; Strype's Whit-
gift, Records, b. iv. no. 45; and Fuller's Church History, book ix. p. 7 — 21.

5 To signify publicly.] See Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 377, 8, Proclamation for
authorizing uniformity and the Book of Common Prayer ; also, p. 406, 7,
Proclamation enjoining conformity to the established service1.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. <;27

upon an extraordinary cold day, and having his barge-cloth tied
up (as his custom was) to the top of the bales, the wind blew very
sharply, so that the young gentlemen (shaking with cold) desired
to have the cloth down, which he would by no means permit,
because the water was rough, and he would therefore see his way!
By reason whereof the flashing of the water and sharpness of the
air did so pierce the archbishop (being above threescore and thir-
teen years of age) that he complained the same night of a great
cold which he had then taken in the mould of his head.

Notwithstanding which distemperature, for performance of his
accustomed duty unto the king's majesty (as formerly unto the
queen) he went upon the next sabbath following (being the first
Sunday in Lent) over unto the court at Whitehall, where meeting
the then bishop of London, they both had long speech with his
highness about the affairs of the church, both before and after his
majesty's coming from the chapel. For which cause, staying long
at the court, and having fasted until near one of the clock, as he
was going from his majesty unto the council-chamber to dinner,
he was taken with a dead palsy, whereby all his right side was
benumbed, and he bereaved of his speech. From the council-
chamber he was, by means of his dearest friends, the lord chan-
cellor, the lord treasurer, and the bishop of London, with the aid
of the king's servants, carried to the lord treasurer's chamber, and
afterwards in his barge conveyed home to Lambeth.

His majesty (being much troubled with the report of his sick-
ness) came upon the Tuesday following to visit and comfort him
with very kind and gracious speeches ; saying, " That he would
beg him of God in his prayer ; which if he could obtain, he should
think it one of the greatest temporal blessings that could be given
him in this kingdom." The archbishop made offer to speak to
his majesty in Latin ; but neither his highness, nor any there
present, well understood what he said, save only that by the last
words, pro Ecclesia Dei, pro Ecclesia Dei (which in earnest man-
ner, with his eyes and hands lift up, he oftentimes iterated) his
majesty conceived (as it pleased him afterwards to report) that
he continued the suit, which sundry times before, and at his last
attendance on his highness, he had earnestly recommended unto
his royal and special care in behalf of the church.

After his majesty's departure, the archbishop had neither per-
fect use of his speech, nor ability to write his mind, as he did
desire by the signs that he used for ink and paper. Which being

ss 2

628 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT.

brought unto him, and he making offer to write, had no feeling of
his pen, for it fell out of his hands. When he perceived his im-
potency to write, after two or three assays, he fetched a great
sigh, and lay down again ; and on Wednesday following (at eight
of the clock at night) the last of February, 16036, he quietly, and
like a lamb, died, the servant of Christ, as in the time of his
sickness, by many infallible signs, was manifest unto myself and
those that attended him at that time of his visitation. Which
cannot be better testified by any than by doctor Barlow, the now
bishop of Lincoln, together with doctor Buckeridge (now bishop
of Rochester,) and doctor Charryor, his then household chaplains,
who for the most part were continually with him, from the begin-
ning of his sickness until the end of the same. Of the manner of
whose death, though some undiscreet men have censured un-
charitably, yet I may truly say, as Solon did for the happy ends
of Cleobis and Biton, who, in the absence of their mother's oxen,
did yoke themselves, and drew her in her coach to the temple,
and after their sacrifices performed, went to bed, and were found
the next morning dead, without hurt or sorrow : so fared it with
this good archbishop, who wanting the assistance of some, who
by their places should have undergone with him the charge of
guiding and supporting of ecclesiastical affairs, took the yoke and
burden thereof upon himself for his mother the churches sake.
And when he had performed his oblations of prayer and thanks-
giving to God, was carried to bed, and there died, without suffer-
ing hurt or sorrow. Thus he, as Abraham, (of whom he was a
true son,) yielded up the spirit, and died in a good age, an old man,
and of great years, and was gathered unto his people. (Genes, xxv.
8.) He was bishop of Worcester six years and five months, and
archbishop of Canterbury twenty years and five months.

Now though he lived and died, no doubt, a chosen and beloved
servant of God, and one, who as a learned man 7 truly saith, had
devoutly consecrated both his whole life to God, and his painful
labours to the church, yet there wanted not some who after his
death sought by an infamous libel 8 to stain the glory of his ever
honourable name. But their malice was soon discovered, and the

6 1603.] *. <?. 1604, according to the historical year. See vol. ii. p. 491, n.
Compare also pp. 625 and 629 of this volume.

7 As a learned man.'] [Camden's Britannia, Comitat. Cant. p. 338.]

8 An infamous libel.'] He was libelled by Lewis Pickering. See Strype's
Whitgift, p. 579.

ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFf. 629

author, at least the publisher, punished by an honourable sen-
tence, given in the high court of star-chamber.

And if what was then spoken by their lordships, and the rest
of that great and judicious court, concerning this archbishop's
piety, wisdom, learning and government, were published in print,
he that would have adventured to write any thing more of him
might justly have been condemned of indiscretion. Therefore,
as a burden that I am not able to undergo, I forbear to enter
into any particular relation of their speeches and sentence.

His funeral was very honourably (as befitted his place) solemn-
ized at Oroydon the 27th of March following, 1604, where the
earl of Worcester and the lord Zouch did him the honour in
attending the hearse and carrying his banners. Doctor Babing-
ton, bishop of Worcester, made his funeral sermon ; who likewise
was his pupil in Cambridge, and performed that duty (among
many other due observances of him in his life-time) with very
great commendation, chusing for his text a portion of Scripture
most fitting the worthiness of his person. But Jehoiada waxed
old, and was full of days and died. An hundred and thirty years
old was he when he died. And they buried him in the city of David,
with the kings, because he had done good in Israel, and toward God
and his house. (2 Chron. xxiv. 15, 16.)

Having now committed the body of this most reverend per-
sonage (which was sometime the mansion of a most excellent soul)
unto his grave (where it rests in assured expectation of a glorious
resurrection) I will, for conclusion, speak somewhat of the out-
ward shape and proportion thereof. He was of a middle stature,
of a grave countenance, and brown complexion, black hair and
eyes ; he wore his beard neither long nor thick. For his small
timber, he was of a good quick strength, straight and well shaped
in all his limbs to the habit of his body, which began somewhat
to burnish towards his latter years.

And thus, gentle reader, that I may not extend this discourse
beyond the period of his life, who was the subject thereof, I with-
draw my pen from paper, intreating either thy friendly acceptance
of this my labour, or thy farther pains in writing and publishing
some more complete and learned observations of thine own, touch-
ing this renowned archbishop's actions and fame, which could not,
without great shame unto myself and others his followers, be buried
in darkness with his body.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

. . . Here much I ruminate, as much I may,
With other views of men and manners now
Than once, and others of a life to come.

COWPER.

INTRODUCTION.

IF that great master of language and art, sir Henry Wotton,
the late provost of Eton college, had lived to see the publication
of these sermons, he had presented the world 1 with the author's
life exactly written. And it was pity he did not ; for it was a
work worthy his undertaking, and he fit to undertake it ; betwixt
whom, and the author, there was so mutual a knowledge, and such
a friendship contracted in their youth, as nothing but death could
force a separation. And, though their bodies were divided, their
affections were not : for, that learned knight's love followed his
friend's fame beyond death and the forgetful grave; which he
testified by intreating me, whom he acquainted with his design,
to inquire of some particulars that concerned it, not doubting but
my knowledge of the author, and love to his memory, might make
my diligence useful. I did most gladly undertake the employ-
ment, and continued it with great content till I had made my col-
lection ready to be augmented and completed by his matchless
pen : but then, death prevented his intentions.

When I heard that sad news, and heard also that these ser-
mons were to be printed2, and want the author's life, which I

1 Presented the world.'] See in Reliquice Wottoniana, p. 360, 1, a letter of
sir Henry to Izaac Walton.

2 These sermons were to be printed.'] Eighty Sermons by that learned and
rev. divine, John Donne, D.D., late dean of St. Paul's. 1640. fol.

From the dedication by his son to king Charles I., it appears that the world
was much indebted for this publication to the advice and encouragement of
archbishop Laud.

" The leave and encouragement I have had for the publishing these ser-
mons from the person most intrusted by your majesty in the government of
the church, and most highly dignified in it, I think I ought in this place to
mention for his honour, that they who receive any benefit from hence, may
know in part to whom to acknowledge it; and that this, whatever it is, is
owing to him to whom they stand otherwise so deeply engaged for his pro-
vidence and care, next under your majesty, over the truth, and peace, and
dignity of the church of England ; for which he will not want lasting acknow-
ledgments amongst wise and good men." Such a testimony, at the critical

634 INTRODUCTION.

thought to be very remarkable : indignation or grief (indeed 1
know not which) transported me so far, that I reviewed my for-
saken collections, and resolved the world should see the best plain
picture of the authors life that my artless pencil, guided by the
hand of truth, could present to it.

And, if I shall now be demanded, as once Pompey's poor bond-
man was a, (the grateful wretch had been left alone on the sea-
shore, with the forsaken dead body of his once glorious lord and
master ; and was then gathering the scattered pieces of an old
broken boat to make a funeral pile to burn it, which was the cus-
tom of the Romans,) " Who art thou that alone hast the honour
to bury the body of Pompey the great ?" so, who am I that do
thus officiously set the authors memory on fire? I hope the
question will prove to have in it more of wonder than disdain :
but wonder indeed the reader may, that I who profess myself art-
less, should presume with my faint light to shew forth his life,
whose very name makes it illustrious ! But, be this to the
disadvantage of the person represented, certain I am, it is to
the advantage of the beholder, who shall here see the author's
picture in a natural dress, which ought to beget faith in
what is spoken : for, he that wants skill to deceive, may safely
be trusted.

And if the author's glorious spirit, which now is in heaven, can
have the leisure to look down and see me, the poorest, the
meanest of ah1 his friends, in the midst of this officious duty, con-
fident I am, that he will not disdain this well-meant sacrifice to
his memory: for, whilst his conversation made me and many
others happy below, I know his humility and gentleness was
then eminent ; and, I have heard divines say, those virtues that
were but sparks upon earth, become great and glorious flames in
heaven.

Before I proceed further, I am to intreat the reader to takt
notice, that when doctor Bonnets sermons were first printed, this
was then my excuse for daring to write his life; and I dare nor
now appear without it.

season when it was given, is honourable to both parties. The sermons were
published only a few months before the archbishop's impeachment, and
when he had been now for some time the object of bitter maledictions and
persecution from his enemies.
* Plutarch.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

MASTER John Donne was born in London, in the year 1573, of
good and virtuous parents ; and, though his own learning and
other multiplied merits may justly appear sufficient to dignify both
himself and his posterity ; yet, the reader may be pleased to
know, that his father was masculinely and lineally descended from
a very ancient family in Wales, where many of his name now live,
that deserve and have great reputation in that country.

By his mother he was descended of the family of the famous
and learned sir Thomas More, sometime lord chancellor of Eng-
land ; as also, from that worthy and laborious judge Kastall !, who
left posterity the vast statutes of the law of this nation most
exactly abridged.

He had his first breeding in his father's house, where a private
tutor had the care of him, until the tenth year of his age ; and,
in his eleventh year, was sent to the university of Oxford ; having
at that time a good command both of the French and Latin
tongue. This and some other of his remarkable abilities, made
one then give this censure of him ; That this age had brought
forth another Picus Mirandula ; of whom story says, That he was
rather born, than made wise by study.

There he remained for some years in Hart Hall, having for the
advancement of his studies tutors of several sciences to attend
and instruct him, till time made him capable, and his learning
expressed in public exercises declared him worthy to receive his
first degree in the schools ; which he forbore by advice from his
friends, who being for their religion of the Romish persuasion,
were conscionably averse to some parts of the oath that is always

1 Judge Raatall.'] See Life of More, in vol. ii. p. 49-

636 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

tendered at those times, and, not to be refused by those that
expect the titulary honour of their studies.

About the fourteenth year of his age, he was transplanted from
Oxford to Cambridge ; where, that he might receive nourishment
from both soils, he staid till his seventeenth year; all which
time he was a most laborious student, often changing his studies,
but endeavouring to take no degree, for the reasons formerly
mentioned.

About the seventeenth year of his age, he was removed to
London, and then admitted into Lincoln's Inn, with an intent to
study the law ; where he gave great testimonies of his wit, his
learning, and of his improvement in that profession ; which
never served him for other use than an ornament and self-satis-
faction.

His father died before his admission into this society ; and being
a merchant, left him his portion in money (it was 3000£.). His
mother, and those to whose care he was committed, were watchful
to improve his knowledge, and to that end appointed him tutors
both in the mathematicks, and in all the other liberal sciences, to
attend him. But with these arts they were advised to instil into
him particular principles of the Romish church ; of which those
tutors profest (though secretly) themselves to be members.

They had almost obliged him to their faith ; having for their
advantage, besides many opportunities, the example of his dear
and pious parents, which was a most powerful persuasion, and did
work much upon him, as he professeth in his preface to his
Pseudo-Martyr; a book of which the reader shall have some
account in what follows.

He was now entered into the eighteenth year of his age ; and
at that time had betrothed himself of no religion that might give
him any other denomination than a Christian. And reason and
piety had both persuaded him, that there could be no such sin
as schism, if an adherence to some visible church were not
necessary.

About the nineteenth year of his age, he being then unre-
solved what religion to adhere to, and, considering how much it
concerned his soul to choose the most orthodox, did therefore
(though his youth and health promised him a long life) to rectify
all scruples that might concern that, presently lay aside all study
of the law ; and, of all other sciences that might give him a de-
nomination ; and began seriously to survey, and consider tin;

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 637

body of divinity, as it was then controverted betwixt the reformed,
and the Eoman church. And as " God's blessed Spirit did then
awaken him to the search, and in that industry did never forsake
him," (they be his own words b) " so he calls the same Holy Spirit
to witness this protestation ; that in that disquisition and search,
he proceeded with humility and diffidence in himself; and, by
that which he took to be the safest way ; namely, frequent prayers,
and an indifferent affection to both parties ;" and indeed, truth
had too much light about her to be hid from so sharp an in-
quirer ; and he had too much ingenuity, not to acknowledge he
had found her.

Being to undertake this search, he believed the cardinal Bellar-
mine to be the best defender of the Roman cause, and therefore
betook himself to the examination of his reasons. The cause was
weighty : and wilful delays had been inexcusable both towards
God and his own conscience; he therefore proceeded in this
search with all moderate haste, and about the twentieth year of
his age, did shew the then dean of Gloucester (whose name my
memory hath now lost) all the cardinal's works marked with
many weighty observations under his own hand; which works
were bequeathed by him at his death as a legacy to a most dear
friend.

About a year following he resolved to travel ; and the earl of
Essex going first to Gales2, and after the island voyages, the first
anno 1596, the second 1597, he took the advantage of those
opportunities, waited upon his lordship, and was an eye-witness
of those happy and unhappy employments.

But he returned not back into England, till he had staid some
years first in Italy, and then in Spain, where he made many
useful observations of those countries, their laws and manner of
government, and returned perfect in their languages.

The time that he spent in Spain was at his first going into Italy
designed for travelling to the Holy Land, and for viewing Jeru-
salem and the sepulchre of our Saviour. But at his being in the
furthest parts of Italy, the disappointment of company, or of a
safe convoy, or the uncertainty of returns of money into those
remote parts, denied him that happiness: which he did often
occasionally mention with a deploration.

Not long after his return into England, that exemplary pattern

b In his Preface to Pseudo-Martyr. ' Caks.~\ Cadiz.

638 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

of gravity and wisdom, the lord Elsemore3, then keeper of the
great seal, and lord chancellor of England, taking notice of his
learning, languages, and other abilities, and much affecting his
person and behaviour, took him to be his chief secretary ; sup-
posing and intending it to be an introduction to some more
weighty employment in the state ; for which his lordship did
often protest he thought him very fit.

Nor did his lordship in this time of master Donne's attendance
upon him, account him to be so much his servant, as to forget
he was his friend ; and to testify it, did always use him with
much courtesy, appointing him a place at his own table, to
which he esteemed his company and discourse to be a great
ornament.

He continued that employment for the space of five years,
being daily useful, and not mercenary to his friends. During
which time he (I dare not say unhappily) fell into such a liking,
as (with her approbation) increased into a love with a young
gentlewoman that lived in that family, who was niece to the lady
Elsemore, and daughter to sir George More, then chancellor of
the garter and lieutenant of the Tower.

Sir George had some intimation of it, and knowing prevention
to be a great part of wisdom, did therefore remove her with
much haste from that to his own house at Lothesley, in the
county of Surry ; but too late, by reason of some faithful pro-
mises which were so interchangeably passed, as never to be
violated by either party.

These promises were only known to themselves : and the friends
of both parties used much diligence, and many arguments, to kill
or cool their affections to each other : but in vain ; for, love is a
flattering mischief, that hath denied aged and wise men a fore-
sight of those evils that too often prove to be the children of that
blind father : a passion ! that carries us to commit errors with as
much ease as whirlwinds remove feathers, and begets in us an
unwearied industry to the attainment of what we desire. And
such an industry did, notwithstanding much watchfulness against
it, bring them secretly together (I forbear to tell the manner
how) and at last to a marriage too, without the allowance of
those friends, whose approbation always was, and ever will In
necessary, to make even a virtuous love become lawful.

3 Lord Elsemore.'] See p. 604.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 639

And that the knowledge of their marriage might not fall, like
an unexpected tempest, on those that were unwilling to have it
so ; and, that pre-apprehensions might make it the less enormous,
when it was known : it was purposely whispered into the ears of
many that it was so, yet by none that could affirm it. But, to
put a period to the jealousies of sir George (doubt often begetting
more restless thoughts than the certain knowledge of what \\v
fear) the news was, in favour to Mr. Donne, and with his allow-
ance, made known to sir George, by his honourable friend and
neighbour Henry, earl of Northumberland: but it was to sir
George so immeasureably unwelcome 4, and so transported him,

4 So immeasureably unwelcome.'] Since the publication of the former editions
of this collection, a work has appeared, under the title of " The Loseley
Manuscripts. . . . Edited by A. J. Kempe, Esq. 1836." 8vo. It is a selec-
tion from the muniments of the More family, and contains (pp. 328 — 44)
some curious letters of Donne, and others, relating to his clandestine mar-
riage. The following is from his first letter to sir George More :

" Sir,

" If a very respective feare of yor displeasure, and a doubt that
my L. whom I know owt of yor worthiness to love yow much, would be so
compassionate wth yow as to add his anger to yors, did not so much increase
my sicknes as that I cannot stir, I had taken the boldnes to have donne the
office of this letter by wayting upon yow myself to have given yow truthe and
clearnes of this matter between yor daughter and me, by wch I know yor
wisdome wyll proportion the punishm1. So long since as her being at York
House this had foundac'on, and so much then of promise and contract built
upon yt, as wth owt violence to conscience might not be shaken. At her
lyeng in town this last Parliam*, I found meanes to see her twice or thrice.
We both knew the obligac'ons that lay upon us, and we adventurd equally,
and about three weeks before Christmas we were married. And as at the
doinge, there were not usd above fyve persons, of wch I protest to yow by my
salvation, there was not one that had any dependence or relation to yow, so
in all the passage of it did I forbear to use any suche person, who by further-
inge of yt might violate any trust or duty towards yow. The reasons why I
did not foreacquaint yow wth it (to deale wth the same plainnes that I have
used) were these. I knew my p'sent estate lesse than fitt for her, I knew
(yet I knew not why) that I stood not right in yor opinion. I knew that to
have given any intimac'on of yt had been to impossibilitate the whole inattr.
And then having these honest purposes in or harts, and those fetters in or
consciences, methinks we should be pardoned, if or fault be but this, that
wee did not, by fore-revealinge of yt, consent to or hindrance and torment.
Sr, I acknowledge my fault to be so great, as I dare scarse offer any other
prayer to yow in myne owne behalf then this, to beleeve this truthe, that I
neythr had dishonest end nor meanes. But for her whom I tender much
more then my fortunes or lyfe (els I woould I might neythr joy in this lyfr.

640 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

that as though his passion of anger and inconsideration, might
exceed theirs of love and error, he presently engaged his sister
the lady Elsemore, to join with him to procure her lord to dis-
charge Mr. Donne of the place he held under his lordship. — This
request was followed with violence ; and though sir George were
remembered, that errors might be overpunished, and desired
therefore to forbear till second considerations might clear some
scruples ; yet, he became restless until his suit was granted, and
the punishment executed. And though the lord chancellor did
not at Mr. Donne's dismission, give him such a commendation as
the great emperor Charles the fifth did of his secretary Eraso,
when he presented him to his son and successor Philip the
second, saying, " That in his Eraso, he gave to him a greater
gift than all his estate, and all the kingdoms which he then re-
signed to him :" yet the lord chancellor said, " He parted with a
friend, and such a secretary as was fitter to serve a king than a
subject."

Immediately after his dismission from his service, he sent a sad
letter to his wife, to acquaint her with it ; and, after the sub-
scription of his name, writ,

John Donne, Anne Donne, Undone,
and God knows it proved too true.

For this bitter physic of Mr. Donne's dismission was not strong
enough to purge out all sir George's choler; for, he was not
satisfied till Mr. Donne and his sometime compupil in Cambridge
that married him, namely, Samuel Brook (who was after doctor
in divinity, and master of Trinity college), and his brother Mr.
Christopher Brook, sometime Mr. Donne's chamber-fellow in
Lincoln's-Inn, who gave Mr. Donne his wife, and witnessed the
marriage, were all committed to three several prisons.

Mr. Donne was first enlarged, who neither gave rest to his
body or brain, nor to any friend in whom he might hope to have
an interest, until he had procured an enlargement for his two
imprisoned friends.

He was now at liberty, but his days were still cloudy ; and
being past these troubles, others did still multiply upon him ; for
his wife was (to her extreme sorrow) detained from him ; and,

nor enjoy the next), I humbly beg of yow that she may not to her danger feele
the terror of yor soclaine anger."

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 641

though with Jacob he endured not an hard service for her, yet he
lost a good one, and was forced to make good his title, and to get
possession of her by a long and restless suit in law ; which proved
troublesome and sadly-chargeable to him, whose youth, and travel,
and needless bounty, had brought his estate into a narrow
compass.

It is observed, and most truly, that silence and submission are
charming qualities, and work most upon passionate men ; and it
proved so with sir George ; for these, and a general report of
Mr. Donne's merits, together with his winning behaviour (which
when it would intice, had a strange kind of elegant irresistible
art) these and time had so dispassionated sir George, that as the
world had approved his daughter's choice, so he also could not
but see a more than ordinary merit in his new son : and this at
last melted him into so much remorse (for love and anger are so
like agues, as to have hot and cold fits ; and love in parents,
though it may be quenched, yet is easily rekindled, and expires
not till death denies mankind a natural heat) that he laboured
his son's restoration to his place ; using to that end, both his
own and his sister's power to her lord ; but with no success ; for
his answer was, " That though he was unfeignedly sorry for what
he had done, yet it was inconsistent with his place and credit, to
discharge and re-admit servants at the request of passionate
petitioners."

Sir George's endeavour for Mr. Donne's re-admission was by
all means to be kept secret ; for men do more naturally reluct for
errors, than submit to put on those blemishes that attend their
visible acknowledgment. — But however, it was not long before sir
George appeared to be so far reconciled, as to wish their happi-
ness ; and not to deny them his paternal blessing ; but yet he
refused to contribute any means that might conduce to their
livelyhood.

Mr. Donne's estate was the greatest part spent in many and
chargeable travels, books, and dear-bought experience ; he was
out of all employment that might yield a support for himself and
wife, who had been curiously and plentifully educated ; both tlu-ir
natures were generous, and accustomed to confer, and not to
receive courtesies. These and other considerations, but chiefly
that his wife was to bear a part in his sufferings, surrounded him
with many sad thoughts, and some apparent apprehensions of
want.

VOL. in.

642 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

But his sorrows were lessened and his wants prevented by the
seasonable courtesy of their noble kinsman sir Francis Wolly 5 of
Pirford in Surry, who intreated them to a cohabitation with him,
where they remained with much freedom to themselves, and equal
content to him for some years ; and, as their charge encreased
(she had yearly a child), so did his love and bounty.

It hath been observed by wise and considering men, that wealth
hath seldom been the portion, and never the mark to discover
good people ; but, that Almighty God, who dispose th all things
wisely, hath of his abundant goodness denied it (he only knows
why) to many, whose minds he hath enriched with greater bless-
ings of knowledge and virtue, as the fairer testimonies of his love
to mankind ; and this was the present condition of this man of
so excellent erudition and endowments; whose necessary and
daily expences were hardly reconcileable with his uncertain and
narrow estate. Which I mention, for that at this time there was
a most generous offer made him for the moderating of his worldly
cares ; the declaration of which shall be the next employment of
my pen.

God has been so good to his church, as to afford it in every
age some such men to serve at his altar as have been piously
ambitious of doing good to mankind ; a disposition that is so
like to God himself, that it owes itself only to him who takes a
pleasure to behold it in his creatures. These times c he did bless
with many such ; some of which still live to be patterns of apos-
tolical charity, and of more than human patience. I have said
this, because I have occasion to mention one of them in my
following discourse ; namely, Dr. Morton, the most laborious and
learned bishop of Durham ; one, that God hath blessed with per-
fect intellectuals, and a chearful heart at the age of ninety-four
years (and is yet living) ; one, that in his days of plenty had so
large a heart as to use his large revenue to the encouragement of
learning and virtue, and is now6 (be it spoken with sorrow)
reduced to a narrow estate, which he embraces without repining ;

5 Wolly.'] First cousin to Donne's wife; for some account of him see
Manning and Bray's History of Surrey, vol. i. p. 155, and vol. iii. p. 96; and
see also Kempe's Loseley Manuscripts, p. 323.

c 1608.

6 And is now.'] This life was first published in the year 1640 ; but the time
here referred to is that of the second edition, which came out in 1G~>
date which sufficiently accounts for the tone of expression in the text.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

and still shews the beauty of his mind by so liberal a hand, u if
this were an age in which to-morrow were to care for itself. I
have taken a pleasure in giving the reader a short, but true cha-
racter of this good man, my friend, from whom I received thi-
following relation.— He sent to Mr. Donne, and intreated to
borrow an hour of his time for a conference the next day. After
their meeting, there was not many minutes passed before he spake
to Mr. Donne to this purpose : " Mr. Donne, the occasion on
sending for you is to propose to you what I have often revolved
in my own thought since I last saw you ; which nevertheless I
will not declare but upon this condition, that you shall not return
me a present answer, but forbear three days, and bestow some
part of that time in fasting and prayer ; and after a serious con-
sideration of what I shall propose, then return to me with your
answer. Deny me not, Mr. Donne ; for it is the effect of a true
love, which I would gladly pay as a deb due for yours to me."
This request being granted, the doctor exprest himself thus :
" Mr. Donne, I know your education and abilities ; I know
your expectation of a state-employment ; and I know your fitness
for it ; and I know too, the many delays and contingencies that
attend court-promises ; and let me tell you that my love begot by
our long friendship, and your merits, hath prompted me to such
an inquisition after your present temporal estate, as makes me no
stranger to your necessities ; which I know to be such as your
generous spirit could not bear, if it were not supported with a
pious patience. You know I have formerly perswaded you to
wave your court-hopes, and enter into holy orders ; which I now
again persuade you to embrace, with this reason added to my
former request : the king hath yesterday made me dean of Gloces-
ter, and I am also possessed of a benefice 7, the profits of which

7 Possessed of a benefice.'] "He willingly and freely offered to resign unto
him the rectory of Long-Marston in Yorkshire, being of the yearly value
(plus minus] of two hundred pounds per annum; yet to this friendly motion
he would not then give his assent, but put it by, in hope (as it should seem)
of some other preferment, for which he thought himself more fit.

" And long after, the said Mr. Donne, having grappled with many extre-
mities at home, he passed over into France, where he gave himself to the
study of the laws : and from Amiens, as I remember, he writ a letter to his
always true friend dean Morton, wherein he requested his advice, whether
taking the degree of a doctor in that profession of the laws, it might not be
conducible and advantageous unto him to practise at home in the Arches,
London. Unto whom the dean then returned him answer, that in his judg-

T t 2

644 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

are equal to those of my deanery. I will think my deanery
enough for my maintenance (who am, and resolve to die a single
man) and will quit my benefice, and estate you in it, (which the
patron is willing I shall do) if God shall incline your heart to
embrace this motion. Remember, Mr. Donne, no man's educa-
tion or parts make him too good for this employment, which is to
be an ambassador for the God of glory, that God who by a vile
death opened the gates of life to mankind. Make me no present
answer, but remember your promise, and return to me the third
day with your resolution/'

At the hearing of this Mr. Donne's faint breath and perplext
countenance gave a visible testimony of an inward conflict;
but he performed his promise, and departed without returning
an answer till the third day, and then his answer was to this
effect :

" My most worthy and most dear friend, since I saw you, I
have been faithful to my promise, and have also meditated much
of your great kindness, which hath been such as would exceed
even my gratitude ; but that it cannot do ; and more I cannot
return you ; and I do that with an heart full of humility and
thanks, though I may not accept of your offer. But, sir, my
refusal is not for that I think myself too good for that calling, for
which kings, if they think so, are not good enough : nor, for that
my education and learning, though not eminent, may not, being
assisted with God's grace, and humility, render me in some mea-
sure fit for it ; but, I dare make so dear a friend as you are my

ment he thought the ministry in the church of God would be safer, and fitter
for him : whereupon he desisted from further prosecution of those studies.

" For doubtless the holy Spirit had the greatest stroke and power to incline
and draw him to that sacred profession : for myself have long since seen his
picture in a dear friend's chamber of his in Lincoln's-inn, all enveloped with
a darkish shadow, his face and feature hardly discernible, with this ejaculation
and wish written thereon, Domine illumina tenebras meas, which long after
was really accomplished, when by king James' weighty and powerful persua-
sions he took holy orders.

" For a close concerning this learned gentleman, I will add one instance of
his ripe and sudden wit. For at one time, when bishop Morton gave him a
good quantity of gold (then a useful token), saying, Here, Mr. Donne, take
this, gnld is restorative ; he presently answered, Sir, I doubt I shall never
restore it back again ; and I am assured that he never did." — Life of Dr.
Thomas Morton, late bishop of Duresme, by J. N. (Dr. Joseph Nelson) Yorke,
A.D. 1699, p. 99.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

confessor : some irregularities of my life have been so visible to
some men, that though I have, I thank God, made my peace with
him by penitential resolutions against them, and by the assistance
of his grace banished them my affections; yet this, which <md
knows to be so, is not so visible to man, as to free me from their
censures, and it may be that sacred calling from a dishonour.
And besides; whereas it is determined by the best of casui
that God's glory should be the first end, and a maintenance the
second motive to embrace that calling; and though each man
may propose to himself both together, yet the first may not be
put last without a violation of conscience, which he that searches
the heart will judge. And truly my present condition is such,
that if I ask my own conscience, whether it be reconcileable to
that rule, it is at this time so perplexed about it, that I can neither
give myself nor you an answer. You know, sir, who says, Happy
is that man, whose conscience doth not accuse him for that thing
which he does. To these I might add other reasons that disswade
me ; but I crave your favour that I may forbear to express them,
and thankfully decline your offer."

This was his present resolution ; but, the heart of man is not
in his own keeping ; and he was destined to this sacred service by
an higher hand ; a hand so powerful, as at last forced him to a
compliance : of which I shall give the reader an account before I
shall give a rest to my pen.

Mr. Donne and his wife continued with sir Francis Wolly till
his death ; a little before which time, sir Francis was so happy as
to make a perfect reconciliation betwixt sir George and his for-
saken son and daughter ; sir George conditioning by bond, to pay
to Mr. Donne 800£. at a certain day, as a portion with his wife,
or 20£. quarterly for their maintenance, as the interest for it, till
the said portion was paid.

Most of those years that he lived with sir Francis, he studied
the civil and canon laws; in which he acquired such a perfection
as was judged to hold proportion with many who had made that
study the employment of their whole life.

Sir Francis being dead, and that happy family dissolved, Mr.
Donne took for himself a house in Mitcham (near to Croydon in
Surrey) a place noted for good air, and choice company: tlu-iv
his wife and children remained : and for himself he took lodging
in London, near to Whitehall, whither his friends and occasions
drew him very often, and where he was as often visited by many

646 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

of the nobility and others of this nation, who used him in their
counsels of greatest consideration ; and with some rewards for his
better subsistence.

Nor did our own nobility only value and favour him, but his
acquaintance and friendship was sought for by most ambassadors
of foreign nations, and by many other strangers, whose learning
or business occasioned their stay in this nation.

He was much importuned by many friends to make his constant
residence in London ; but he still denied it, having settled his
dear wife and children at Mitcham, and near some friends that
were bountiful to them and him : for they, God knows, needed it :
and that you may the better now judge of the then present condi-
tion of his mind and fortune, I shall present you with an extract
collected out of some few of his many letters.

" And the reason why I did not send an answer to your

last week's letter, was, because it then found me under too great
a sadness ; and at present it is thus with me : there is not one
person, but myself, well of my family. I have already lost half a
child, and with that mischance of her's, my wife has fallen into
such a discomposure, as would afflict her too extremely, but that
the sickness of all her other children stupifies her: of one of
which, in good faith, I have not much hope : and these meet with
a fortune so ill provided for physic, and such relief, that if God
should ease us with burials, I know not how to perform even that :
but, I flatter myself with this hope, that I am dying too ; for I

cannot waste faster than by such griefs. As for,

" From my hospital at Mitcham,

"Aug. 10. " JOHN DONNE."

Thus he did bemoan himself : and thus in other letters.

— " For, we hardly discover a sin, when it is but an omission
of some good, and no accusing act ; with this or the former, I
have often suspected myself to be overtaken ; which is, with an
over earnest desire of the next life : and though I know it is not
merely a weariness of this, because I had the same desire when I
went with the tide, and enjoyed fairer hopes than I now do ; yet
I doubt worldly troubles have encreased it. It is now spring, and
all the pleasures of it displease me ; every other tree blossoms,
and I wither : I grow older and not better ; my strength dimi-
nisheth, and my load grows heavier ; and yet, I would fain be or

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 647

do something : but, that I cannot tell what, is no wonder in this
time of my sadness ; for, to choose is to do ; but, to be no part
of any body, is as to be nothing ; and so I am, and shall so judge
myself unless I could be so incorporated into a part of the world,
as my business to contribute some sustentation to the whole. This
I made account I began early, when I undertook the study of our
laws : but was diverted by leaving and embracing the worst
voluptuousness, an hydroptique immoderate desire of human learn-
ing and languages : beautiful ornaments indeed to men of great
fortunes ; but mine is grown so low as to need an occupation :
which I thought I entered well into, when I subjected myself to
such a service as I thought might exercise my poor abilities : and
there I stumbled, and fell too : and now I am become so little, or
such a nothing, that I am not a subject good enough for one of
my own letters. — Sir, I fear my present discontent does not pro-
ceed from a good root, that I am so well content to be nothing,
that is, dead. But, sir, though my fortune hath made me such,
as that I am rather a sickness or a disease of the world, than any
part of it, and therefore neither love it nor life; yet, I would
gladly live to become some such thing as you should not repent
loving me. Sir, your own soul cannot be more zealous for your
good then I am, and, God who loves that zeal in me, will not
suffer you to doubt it. You would pity me now, if you saw me
write, for my pain hath drawn my head so much awry, and holds
it so, that my eye cannot follow my pen. I therefore receive you
into my prayers with mine own weary soul, and commend myself
to your's. I doubt not but next week will bring you good news,
for I have either mending or dying on my side : but, if I do con-
tinue longer thus, I shall have comfort in this, that my blessed
Saviour in exercising his justice upon my two worldly parts, my
fortune and my body, reserves all his mercy for that which most
needs it, my soul, which is, I doubt, too like a porter, that is
very often too near the gate, and yet goes not out. Sir, I profess
to you truly, that my lothness to give over writing now, seems to
myself a sign that I shall write no more —

" Your poor friend, and

" God's poor patient,
f/f 7. " JOHN DONNE."

By this you have seen a part of the picture of his narrow
fortune, and the perplexities of his generous mind : and, thus it

648 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

continued with him for about two years; all which time his
family remained constantly at Mitcham ; and, to which place he
often retired himself, and destined some days to a constant study
of some points of controversy betwixt the English and Roman
church ; and especially those of supremacy and allegiance. And,
to that place and such studies he could have wedded himself
during his life : but, the earnest persuasion of friends became
at last to be so powerful, as to cause the removal of himself and
family to London, where sir Robert Drury, a gentleman of a
very noble estate, and a more liberal mind, assigned him and his
wife an useful apartment in his own large house in Drury Lane,
and, not only rent-free, but was also a cherisher of his studies,
and such a friend as sympathized with him and his in all their joy
and sorrows.

At this time of Mr. Donne's, and his wife's living in sir Robert's
house, the lord Hay 8 was by king James sent upon a glorious
embassy to the then French king Henry the fourth, and sir
Robert put on sudden resolution to accompany him to the French
Court, and to be present at his audience there. And sir Robert
put on as sudden a resolution, to solicit Mr. Donne to be his
companion in that journey. And this desire was suddenly made
known to his wife, who was then with child, and otherways under
so dangerous a habit of body, as to her health, that she profest
an unwillingness to allow him any absence from her ; saying, her
divining soul boded her some ill in his absence ; and therefore,
desired him not to leave her. This made Mr. Donne lay aside
all thoughts of the journey, and really to resolve against it. But
sir Robert became restless in his persuasions for it; and Mr.
Donne was so generous, as to think he had sold his liberty when
he received so many charitable kindnesses from him : and told
his wife so ; who did therefore with an unwilling- willingness give
a faint consent to the journey, which was proposed to be but for
two months : for, about that time they determined their return. —
Within a few days after this resolve, the embassador, sir Robert,
and Mr. Donne left London ; and were the twelfth day got all safe
to Paris. — Two days after their arrival there, Mr. Donne was
left alone, in that room in which sir Robert, and he, and some
other friends had dined together. To this place sir Robert

8 Lord Hay.] James Hay, created baron Hay of Sawley 29th of June,
1615, viscount Doncaster 5th of July, 1617, and earl of Carlisle 13th of
September, 1622. He was much employed in embassies. He died in 1636.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

returned within half an hour; and, as he left, so he found Mr.
Donne alone ; but, in such an ecstasy, and so altered as to his
looks, as amazed sir Robert to behold him: insomuch that h«
earnestly desired Mr. Donne to declare what had befallen him in
the short time of his absence? To which Mr. Donne was not
able to make a present answer: but, after a long and perpl. \t
pause, did at last say, " I have seen a dreadful vision since I Ban
you. I have seen my dear wife pass twice by me through this
room, with her hair hanging about her shoulders, and a dead
child in her arms : this I have seen since I saw you." To which
sir Eobert replied ; " Sure sir, you have slept since I saw you ;
and this is the result of some melancholy dream, which I desire
you to forget, for you are now awake." To which Mr. Donne's
reply was ; "I cannot be surer that I now live, than that I
have not slept since I saw you: and am as sure that at her
second appearing she stopt and looked me in the face and vanisht."
— Best and sleep had not altered Mr. Donne's opinion the next
day : for he then affirmed this vision with a more deliberate, and
so confirmed a confidence, that he inclined sir Eobert to a faint
belief that the vision was true. — It is truly said, that desire and
doubt have no rest : and it proved so with sir Eobert, for he
immediately sent a servant to Drury house with a charge to
hasten back, and bring him word, whether Mrs. Donne were
alive ? and if alive, in what condition she was as to her health ?
— The twelfth day the messenger returned with this account. —
That he found and left Mrs. Donne very sad, and sick in her
bed : and that after a long and dangerous labour she had been
delivered of a dead child. And, upon examination, the abortion
proved to be the same day, and about the very hour that Mr.
Donne affirmed he saw her pass by him in his chamber.

This is a relation that will beget some wonder : and, it well
may ; for most of our world are at present possest with an opinion
that visions and miracles are ceased. And, though it is most
certain, that two lutes, being both strung and tuned to an equal
pitch, and then, one played upon, the other that is not touched,
being laid upon a table at a fit distance, will (like an echo to a
trumpet) warble a faint audible harmony, in answer to the same
tune : yet many will not believe there is any such thing, as a
sympathy of souls ; and I am well pleased, that every reader do
enjoy his own opinion : but, if the unbelieving will not allow tin-
believing reader of this story a liberty to believe that it may IK-

650 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

true ; then, I wish him to consider, many wise men have believed,
that the ghost of Julius Caesar did appear to Brutus, and that
both St. Austin and Monica his mother had visions in order to
his conversion. And, though these and many others (too many
to name) have but the authority of human story, yet the incre-
dible reader may find in the sacred story, (1 Sam. xxviii.) that
Samuel did appear to Saul even after his death (whether really or
not, I undertake not to determine). And, Bildad in the book of
Job, says these words. (Job iv.) A spirit passed before my face,
the hair of my head stood up, fear and trembling came upon me,
and made all my bones to shake. Upon which words I will make
no comment, but leave them to be considered by the incredulous
reader ; to whom I will also commend this following considera-
tion ; that there be many pious and learned men, that believe
our merciful God hath assigned to every man a particular
guardian angel 9, to be his constant monitor ; and to attend him
in all his dangers, both of body and soul. And the opinion that
every man hath his particular angel, may gain some authority, by
the relation of St. Peters miraculous deliverance out of prison,
(Acts xii.) not by many, but by one angel. And this belief may
yet gain more credit, by the reader's considering that when Peter
after his enlargement knocked at the door of Mary the mother
of John ; and Rhode, the maid servant, being surprised with
joy that Peter was there, did not let him in, but ran in haste
and told the disciples (who were then and there met together)
that Peter was at the door ; and, they not believing it, said she
was mad: yet, when she again affirmed it, though they then
believed it not, yet they concluded, and said : It is his angel.

More observations of this nature, and inferences from them,
might be made to gain the relation a firmer belief; but I forbear,
least I, that intended to be but a relator, may be thought to be
an engaged person for the proving what was related to me. And
yet, I think myself bound to declare, that though it was not told
me by Mr. Donne himself, it was told me (now long since) by a
person of honour, and of such intimacy with him, that he know
more of the secrets of his soul, than any person then living : and
I think they told me the truth ; for, it was told with such cir-

9 Guardian angel.~] See bishop Richard Montague's very able, learned and
eloquent discourse, Immediate Address unto God alone, first delivered in a Ser-
mon before his Majesty at Windsor, since revised and enlarged to a just treatise;
Of Invocation of Saints (and Angels). 1624. 4to.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. <;:,|

cumstances, and such asseveration, that (to say nothing of my
own thoughts) I verily believe he that told it me, did him.-.-lV
believe it to be true.

I forbear the reader's farther trouble as to the relation, and
what concerns it ; and will conclude mine, with commending to
his view a copy of verses given by Mr. Donne to his wife at the
time that he then parted from her. And I beg leave to tell, that
I have heard some critics, learned both in languages and poetry
say, that none of the Greek or Latin poets did ever equal them.

A VALEDICTORY, FORBIDDING TO MOURN.

As virtuous men pass mildly away,

And whisper to their souls to go,
Whilst some of their sad friends do say,

The breath goes now, and some say no :

So let us melt, and make no noise ;

No wind-sighs, or tear-floods us move ;
'Twere profanation of our joys,

To tell the laity our love.

Movings of th' earth cause harms, and fears ;

Men reckon what they did or meant :
But trepidation of the spheres,

Though greater far, is innocent.

Dull sublunary lovers' love,

(Whose soul is sense,) cannot admit
Absence ; because that doth remove

Those things that elemented it.

But we by a soul so much refin'd,

That our souls know not what it is,
Inter-assured of the mind,

Care not, hands, eyes, or lips to miss.

Our two souls l therefore which are one,

Though I must go, endure not yet
A breach, but an expansion,

Like gold, to airy thinness beat.

If we be two, we are two so

As stiff twin-compasses are two :
Thy soul, the fixed foot, makes no show

To move, but does, if th' other do.

1 Our two souls.'] " To the following comparison of a man that travels, and
his wife that stays at home, with a pair of compasses, it may be doubt<
whether absurdity or ingenuity has the better claim."-Johnson's Critique
what he calls the Metaphysical Poets, in his Life of Cowley, Works, vol. ix.
p. 38.

652 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

And, though thine in the centre sit,

Yet, when my other far does roam,
Thine leans, and hearkens after it,

And grows erect as mine comes home.

Such thou must be to me, who must

Like th* other foot, obliquely run :
Thy firmness makes my circle just,

And me to end, where I begun.

I return from my account of the vision, to tell the reader, that
both before Mr. Donne's going into France, at his being there,
and after his return, many of the nobility, and others that were
powerful at court, were watchful and solicitous to the king for
some secular employment for him. The king had formerly both
known and put a value upon his company ; and also had given
him some hopes of a state employment; being always much
pleased when Mr. Donne attended him, especially at his meals,
where there were usually many deep discourses of general learn-
ing : and very often friendly disputes or debates of religion be-
twixt his majesty and those divines, whose places required their
attendance on him at those times : particularly the dean of the
chapel: who then was bishop Montague (the publisher of the
learned and eloquent works of his majesty) and the most reve-
rend doctor Andrews, the late learned bishop of Winchester,
who was then the king's almoner.

About this time, there grew many disputes that concerned the
oath of supremacy and allegiance, in which the king had ap-
peared, and engaged himself by his public writings now extant :
and, his majesty discoursing with Mr. Donne, concerning many
of the reasons which are usually urged against the taking of
those oaths, apprehended such a validity and clearness in his
stating the questions, and his answers to them, that his majesty
commanded him to bestow some time in drawing the arguments
into a method, and then to write his answers to them ; and,
having done that, not to send, but be his own messenger and
bring them to him. To this he presently and diligently applied
himself, and, within six weeks brought them to him under his
own hand-writing, as they be now printed ; the book bearing the
name of Pseudo-Martyr, printed anno 1610.

When the king had read and considered that book, he per-
suaded Mr. Donne to enter into the ministry ; to which at that
time he was, and appeared very unwilling, apprehending it (such

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 653

was his mistaken modesty) to be too weighty for his abilities ;
and though his majesty had promised him a favour, and many
persons of worth mediated with his majesty for some secular
imployment for him (to which his education had apted him), and
particularly the earl of Somerset, when in his greatest height of
favour ; who being then at Theobalds with the king, where one of
the clerks of the council died, that night the earl posted a mes-
senger for Mr. Donne to come to him immediately, and at Mr.
Donne's coming, said " Mr. Donne, to testify the reality of my
affection, and my purpose to prefer you, stay in this garden till
I go up to the king, and bring you word that you are clerk of
the council : doubt not my doing this, for I know the king loves
you, and know the king will not deny me.11 But the king gave a
positive denial to all requests, and having a discerning spirit re-
plied, " I know Mr. Donne is a learned man, has the abilities of
a learned divine, and will prove a powerful preacher ; and my
desire is to prefer him that way ; and in that way I will deny you
nothing for him/'1 After that time, as he professeth d, the king
descended to a persuasion, almost to a solicitation of him to enter
into sacred orders ; which though he then denied not, yet he
deferred it for almost three years. All which time he applied
himself to an incessant study of textual divinity, and to the at-
tainment of a greater perfection in the learned languages, Greek
and Hebrew.

In the first and most blessed times of Christianity, when the
clergy were looked upon with reverence, and deserved it, when
they overcame their opposers by high examples of virtue, by a
blessed patience and long suffering ; those only were then judged
worthy the ministry, whose quiet and meek spirits did make them
look upon that sacred calling with an humble adoration and fear
to undertake it; which indeed requires such great degrees of
humility, and labour, and care, that none but such were then
thought worthy of that celestial dignity. And such only were
then sought out, and solicited to undertake it. This I have men-
tioned, because forwardness and inconsideration could not in Mr.
Donne, as in many others, be an argument of insufficiency or
unfitness ; for he had considered long, and had many strifes within
himself concerning the strictness of life and competency of learn-
ing required in such as enter into sacred orders ; and doubtless,
considering his own demerits, did humbly ask God with St. Paul,

d In his book of Devotions.

654 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

Lord, who is sufficient for these things ? and with meek Moses,
Lord, who am I? And sure, if he had consulted with flesh and
blood, he had not for these reasons put his hand to that holy
plough. But God, who is able to prevail, wrestled with him, as
the angel did with Jacob, and marked him ; marked him for his
own ; marked him with a blessing ; a blessing of obedience to the
motions of his blessed Spirit. And then, as he had formerly asked
God with Moses, Who am 1 ? so now, being inspired with an
apprehension of God's particular mercy to him, in the king's and
others solicitations of him, he came to ask king David's thankful
question, Lord, who am /, that thou art so mindful of me ? So
mindful of me as to lead me for more than forty years through
this wilderness of the many temptations and various turnings of
a dangerous life ; so merciful to me as to move the learnedest of
kings to descend to move me to serve at the altar ; so merciful
to me as at last to move my heart to embrace this holy motion !
Thy motions I will and do embrace : and I now say with the
blessed Virgin, Be it with thy servant as seemeth best in thy sight :
and so blessed Jesus, I do take the cup of salvation, and will
call upon thy name, and will preach thy gospel.

Such strifes as these St. Austin had when St. Ambrose endea-
voured his conversion to Christianity ; with which he confesseth
he acquainted his friend Alipius. Our learned author (a man fit
to write after no mean copy) did the like. And declaring his
intentions to his dear friend Dr. King, then bishop of London, a
man famous in his generation, and no stranger to Mr. Donne's
abilities, (for he had been chaplain to the lord chancellor at the
time of Mr. Donne's being his lordship's secretary,) that reverend
man did receive the news with much gladness ; and, after some
expressions of joy, and a persuasion to be constant in his pious
purpose, he proceeded with all convenient speed to ordain him
first deacon, and then priest not long after.

Now the English church had gained a second St. Austin ; for
I think none was so like him before his conversion ; none so
like St. Ambrose after it : and if his youth had the infirmities of
the one, his age had the excellencies of the other ; the learning
and holiness of both.

And now all his studies, which had been occasionally diffused.
were all concentred in divinity. Now he had a new calling8, IK--.V

2 A new calling.] Mrs. Pilkington, in her Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 150, has
recorded the following anecdote as related by dean Swift ; but how far it may

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 655

thoughts, and a new employment for his wit and eloquence ; now
all his earthly affections were changed into divine love, and all the
faculties of his own soul were engaged in the conversion of others :
in preaching the glad tidings of remission to repenting sinners,
and peace to each troubled soul. To these he applied himself
with all care and diligence : and now such a change was wrought
in him, that he could say with David, Oh how amiable are thy
tabernacles, 0 Lord God of Hosts ! Now he declared openly, that
when he required a temporal, God gave him a spiritual blessing ;
and that he was now gladder to be a door-keeper in the house of
God, than he could be to enjoy the noblest of all temporal em-
ployments.

Presently after he entered into his holy profession the king
sent for him, and made him his chaplain in ordinary, and pro-
mised to take a particular care for his preferment.

And though his long familiarity with scholars and persons of
greatest quality was such as might have given some men boldness
enough to have preached to any eminent auditory, yet his mo-
desty in this employment was such, that he could not be per-
suaded to it, but went usually accompanied with some one friend,
to preach privately in some village not far from London ; his first
sermon being preached at Paddington. This he did till his
majesty sent and appointed him a day to preach to him at White-
he authentic or not, I do not venture to pronounce : " When doctor Donne,
afterwards dean of St. Paul's, London, took possession of the first living he
ever had, being a speculative man, he took a walk into the church-yard,
where the sexton was digging a grave, and throwing up a skull, the doctor
took it up, to contemplate thereon ; and found a small sprig, or headless
nail, sticking in the temple, which he drew out secretly, and wrapt it up in
the corner of his handkerchief; he then demanded of the grave-digger,
whether he knew whose skull that was ? He said he did, very well ; declaring
it was a man's who kept a brandy-shop, an honest drunken fellow, who one
night taking two quarts of that comfortable creature, was found dead in his
bed the next morning. Had he a wife ? said the doctor. Yes, sir. Is she
living? Yes. What character does she bear? A very good one; only
indeed the neighbours reflected on her, because she married the day after her
husband was buried ; though, to be sure, she had no great reason to grieve
afyer him. This was enough for the doctor, who under pretence of visiting
all his parishioners called on her; he asked her several questions, and
amongst others, What sickness her first husband died of? She giving him
the same account he had before received, he suddenly opened the hand-
kerchief, and cried in an authoritative voice, Woman, do you know this nail?
She was struck with horror at the unexpected demand, and instantly owned
the fact."

656 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

hall ; and though much were expected from him, both by his
majesty and others, yet he was so happy (which few are) as to
satisfy and exceed their expectations ; preaching the word so as
shewed his own heart was possest with those very thoughts and
joys that he laboured to distil into others : a preacher in earnest ;
weeping sometimes for his auditory, sometimes with them : always
preaching to himself, like an angel from a cloud, but in none ;
carrying some, as St. Paul was, to heaven in holy raptures, and
enticing others by a sacred art and courtship to amend their
lives : here picturing a vice so as to make it ugly to those that
practised it ; and a virtue so as to make it be beloved even by
those that loved it not ; and all this with a most particular grace
and an inexpressible addition of comeliness.

There may be some that may incline to think (such indeed as
have not heard him) that my affection to my friend hath trans-
ported me to an immoderate commendation of his preaching.
If this meets with any such, let me intreat, though I will omit
many, yet that they will receive a double witness for what I say;
it being attested by a gentleman of worth (Mr. Chidley3, a fre-
quent hearer of his sermons) in part of a funeral elegy writ by
him on Dr. Donne, and is a known truth, though it be in verse.

" . . . . Each altar had his fire —
He kept his love, but not his object : wit
He did not banish, but transplanted it ;
Taught it both time and place, and brought it home
To piety, which it doth best become.
For say, had ever pleasure such a dress ?
Have you seen crimes so shap'd, or loveliness
Such as his lips did clothe religion in ?
Had not reproof a beauty passing sin ?
Corrupted nature sorrowed that she stood
So near the danger of becoming good.
And when he preach'd she wish'd her ears exempt
From piety, that had such power to tempt.
How did his sacred flattery beguile
Men to amend ? "

More of this, and more witnesses might be brought, but I for-
bear, and return.

3 Chidley.'] "John Chudleigh, M.A. of Wadham college, in Oxford, and
the eldest son of sir George Chudleigh, bart., of Alston, in Devonshire."-
Zouch.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 657

That summer, in the very same month in which he entered
into sacred orders, and was made the king's chaplain, his majesty
then going his progress, was entreated to receive an entertain-
ment in the university of Cambridge. And Mr. Donne attending
his majesty at that time, his majesty was pleased to recommend
him to the university, to be made doctor in divinity *. Doctor
Harsnet (after archbishop of York) was then vice-chancellor,
who knowing him to be the author of that learned book the
Pseudo-Martyr, required no other proof of his abilities, but pro-
posed it to the university, who presently assented, and expressed
a gladness that they had such an occasion to entitle him to be
theirs.

His abilities and industry in his profession were so eminent,
and he so known and so beloved by persons of quality, that
within the first year of his entering into sacred orders he had
fourteen advowsons of several benefices presented to him ; but
they were in the country, and he could not leave his beloved
London, to which place he had a natural inclination, having
received both his birth and education in it, and there contracted
a friendship with many, whose conversation multiplied the joys of
his life ; but an employment that might affix him to that place
would be welcome, for he needed it.

Immediately after his return from Cambridge his wife died,
leaving him a man of a narrow unsettled estate, and (having
buried five) the careful father of seven children then living, to
whom he gave a voluntary assurance never to bring them under
the subjection of a step-mother; which promise he kept most
faithfully, burying with his tears all his earthly joys in his most
dear and deserving wife's grave, and betook himself to a most
retired and solitary life.

In this retiredness, which was often from the sight of his
dearest friends, he became crucified to the world, and all those
vanities, those imaginary pleasures that are daily acted on that
restless stage ; and they were as perfectly crucified to him. Nor
is it hard to think (being passions may be both changed and
heightened by accidents) but that that abundant affection which
once was betwixt him and her, who had long been the delight of

4 Doctor in divinity.'] This was in March 1614-15. A considerably different
account of the circumstances attendant on the taking of this degree, may be
found in Nichols's Progresses of king James I., vol. iii. p. 60. 1828. See also
Lord Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. i. p. 396.

VOL. in. u u

658 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

his eyes and the companion of his youth ; her with whom he had
divided so many pleasant sorrows and contented fears, as common
people are not capable of ; not hard to think but that she being
now removed by death, a commeasurable grief took as full a pos-
session of him as joy had done ; and so indeed it did : for now his
very soul was elemented of nothing but sadness ; now grief took
so full a possession of his heart as to leave no place for joy ; if it
did, it was a joy to be alone, where like a pelican in the wilder-
ness, he might bemoan himself without witness or restraint, and
pour forth his passions like Job in the days of his affliction,
Oh that I might have the desire of my heart ! Oh that God would
grant the thing that I long for ! for then, as the grave is become her
house, so I would hasten to make it mine also, that we two might
there make our beds together in the dark. Thus as the Israelites
sate mourning by the rivers of Babylon, when they remembered
Sion, so he gave some ease to his oppressed heart by thus venting
his sorrows. Thus he began the day and ended the night ;
ended the restless night and began the weary day in lamentations.
And thus he continued, till a consideration of his new engage-
ments to God, and St. Paul's Wo is me if I preach not the gospel,
dispersed those sad clouds that had then benighted his hopes,
and now forced him to behold the light.

His first motion from his house was to preach where his
beloved wife lay buried (in St. Clement's church, near Temple-
bar, London,) and his text was a part of the prophet Je-
remiah's Lamentation : Lo, I am the man that have seen
affliction.

And indeed his very words and looks testified him to be truly
such a man ; and they with the addition of his sighs and tears,
expressed in his sermon, did so work upon the affections of his
hearers as melted and moulded them into a companionable sad-
ness, and so they left the congregation ; but then their houses
presented them with objects of diversion, and his presented him
with nothing but fresh objects of sorrow, in beholding many help-
less children, a narrow fortune, and a consideration of the many
cares and casualties that attend their education.

In this time of sadness he was importuned by the grave
benchers of Lincoln's Inn, who were once the companions and
friends of his youth, to accept of their lecture, which by reason
of Dr. Gataker's removal from thence, was then void ; of which
he accepted, being most glad to renew his intermitted friendship

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 659

with those whom he so much loved ; and where he had been a
Saul, though not to persecute Christianity, or to deride it, yet
in his irregular youth to neglect the visible practice of it,
there to become a Paul, and preach salvation to his beloved
brethren.

And now his life was as a shining light among his old friends :
now he gave an ocular testimony of the strictness and regularity
of it : now he might say as St. Paul adviseth his Corinthians,
Be ye followers of me, as I follow Christ, and walk as ye have
me for an example ; not the example of a busy-body, but of a
contemplative, a harmless, an humble, and an holy life and
conversation.

The love of that noble society was expressed to him many
ways ; for, besides fair lodgings that were set apart and newly
furnished for him with all necessaries, other courtesies were also
daily added ; indeed, so many and so freely, as if they meant
their gratitude should exceed his merits ; and in this love-strife
of desert and liberality they continued for the space of two years,
he preaching faithfully and constantly to them, and they liberally
requiting him. About which time the emperor of Germany
died, and the Palsgrave, who had lately married the lady Eliza-
beth, the king's only daughter, was elected and crowned king
of Bohemia, the unhappy beginning of many miseries in that
nation.

King James, whose motto (Beati pacifici) did truly speak the
very thoughts of his heart, endeavoured first to prevent, and after
to compose the discords of that discomposed state ; and amongst
other his endeavours did send them the lord Hay, earl of5 Don-
caster, his ambassador, to those unsettled princes: and by a
special command from his majesty Dr. Donne was appointed to
assist and attend 6 that employment to the princes of the union ;
for which the earl was most glad, who had always put a great
value on him, and taken a great pleasure in his conversation and
discourse ; and his friends of Lincoln's Inn were as glad, for
they feared that his immoderate study and sadness for his wife's

5 Lord Hay, earl of.~\ Viscount Doncaster, earl of Carlisle. See note at
p. 648.

6 Assist and attend.'] This was in the spring of the year 16 19. See Letters
to several Persons of Honour, written by Dr. John Donne, &c. 1654. 4to. p.
174, 5, and p. 222—5.

uu 2

660 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

death would, as Jacob said, make his days few, and respecting
his bodily health, evil too ; and of this there were many visible
signs.

At his going, he left his friends of Lincoln's Inn, and they
him, with many reluctations ; for though he could not say as
St. Paul to his Ephesians, Behold you, to whom I have preached
the kingdom of God, shall from henceforth see my face no more, yet
he, believing himself to be in a consumption, questioned, and
they feared it ; all concluding that his troubled mind, with the
help of his unintermitted studies, hastened the decays of his weak
body. But God, who is the God of all wisdom and goodness,
turned it to the best : for this employment (to say nothing of
the event of it) did not only divert him from those too serious
studies and sad thoughts, but seemed to give him a new life by a
true occasion of joy to be an eye-witness of the health of his
most dear and most honoured mistress the queen of Bohemia,
in a foreign nation, and to be a witness of that gladness which
she expressed to see him ; who, having formerly known him as
a courtier, was much joyed to see him in a canonical habit, and
more glad to be an ear-witness of his excellent and powerful
preaching.

About fourteen months after his departure out of England, he
returned to his friends of Lincoln's Inn, with his sorrows mode-
rated and his health improved, and there betook himself to his
constant course of preaching.

About a year after 7 his return out of Germany, Dr. Gary was
made bishop of Exeter, and by his removal the deanery of
St. Paul's being vacant, the king sent for Dr. Donne, and
appointed him to attend him at dinner the next day. When
his majesty was sat down, before he had eat any meat, he said
after this pleasant manner, " Dr. Donne, I have invited you to
dinner; and though you sit not down with me, yet I will carve
to you of a dish that I know you love well ; for knowing you
love London, I do therefore make you dean of Paul's ; and
when I have dined, then do you take your beloved dish home to
your study, say grace there to yourself, and much good may it
do you."

Immediately after he came to his deanery he employed work-

7 About a year after.'] He was elected dean Nov. 27, 1621. — Le Neve's
Fasti, p. 185.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 661

men to repair and beautify the chapel ; suffering, as holy David
once vowed, his eyes and temples to take no rest, till he had first
beautified the house of God.

The next quarter following, when his father-in-law, sir George
More (whom time had made a lover and admirer of him) came to
pay to him the conditioned sum of twenty pounds, he refused to
receive it, and said (as good Jacob did, when he heard his beloved
son Joseph was alive, It is enough) "You have been kind to me
and mine : I know your present condition is such as not to
abound ; and I hope mine is or will be such as not to need it. I
will therefore receive no more from you upon that contract ;" and
in testimony of it freely gave him up his bond.

Immediately after his admission into his deanery, the vicarage
of St. Dunstan in the West, London, fell to him by the death of
Dr. White ; the advowson of it having been given to him long
before by his honourable friend, Richard earl of Dorset, then the
patron, and confirmed by his brother, the late deceased Edward,
both of them men of much honour.

By these and another ecclesiastical endowment which fell to
him about the same time, given to him formerly by the earl of
Kent, he was enabled to become charitable to the poor, and kind
to his friends, and to make such provision for his children, that
they were not left scandalous as relating to their or his profession
and quality.

The next parliament, which was within that present year, he
was chosen prolocutor to the convocation ; and about that time
was appointed by his majesty, his most gracious master, to preach
very many occasional sermons, as at St. Paul's Cross, and other
places. All which employments he performed to the admiration
of the representative body of the whole clergy of this nation.

He was once, and but once, clouded with the king's displea-
sure ; and it was about this time ; which was occasioned by some
malicious whisperer, who had told his majesty that Dr. Donne
had put on the general humour of the pulpits, and was become
busy in insinuating a fear of the king's inclining to popery, and a
dislike of his government : and particularly for the king's then
turning the evening lectures 8 into catechising, and expounding

8 Turning the evening lectures.'] The king's directions concerning preachers
and preaching may be seen in Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 723 ;
Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 97 ; Wilkins' Condi, vol. iv. p. 465, &c. It would
be easy to inlarge upon the extravagant outcries which these directions

662 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

the Prayer of our Lord, and the Belief, and Commandments. His
majesty was the more inclinable to believe this, for that a person
of nobility and great note, betwixt whom and Dr. Donne there
had been a great friendship, was at this very time discarded the
court (I shall forbear his name, unless I had a fairer occasion)
and justly committed to prison ; which begot many rumours in
the common people, who in this nation think they are not wise
unless they be busy about what they understand not ; and espe-
cially about religion.

occasioned amongst the Puritans and Calvinists; but let us be contented
rather to turn ourselves to the healing, wise, and pious observations of the
excellent bishop Hall.

" It was the observation of the learnedest king that ever sate hitherto in
the English throne, that the cause of the miscarriage of our people into
popery and other errors, was their ungroundedness in the points of Catechism.
How should those souls be but carried about with every wind of doctrine,
that are not well ballasted with solid informations ? Whence it was that his
said late majesty, of happy memory, gave publick order for bestowing the
later part of God's day in familiar catechising ; than which nothing could be
devised more necessary, and behoveful to the souls of men. It was the igno-
rance, and ill-disposedness of some cavillers, that taxed this course as pre-
judicial to preachings ; since in truth the most useful of all preaching is
catechetical. This being the grounds, the other raiseth the walls and roof.
This informs the judgment, that stirs up the affections. What good use is
there of those affections that run before the judgment ; or of those walls that
want a foundation ? For my part, I have spent the greater part of my life in
this station of our holy service ; I thank God, not unpainfully, nor unprofit-
ably. But there is no one thing whereof I repent so much, as not to have
bestowed more hours in this publick exercise of catechism, in regard whereof
I would quarrel with my very sermons, and wish that a great part of them
had been exchanged for this preaching conference. Those other divine dis-
courses enrich the brain and the tongue ; this settles the heart. Those other
are but the descants to this plain song. Contemn it not, my brethren, for
the easy and noted homeliness. The most excellent and most beneficial
things are most familiar." — Dedication to The Old Religion, Works, vol. ii.
folio. Doctor Donne himself vindicated the Directions respecting catechising
very ably and satisfactorily in a sermon preached at Paul's Cross, Sept. 15,
1622, and printed singly, in the same year. See p. 44 — 68. In one of his
letters he speaks thus of this affair : " The directions which his majesty gave
for preachers had scandalized many ; therefore, he descended to pursue them
with certain reasons of his proceedings therein ; and I had commandment to
publish them at the Cross to as great a congregation as ever I saw together ;
where they received comfortable assurance of his majesty's constancy in
religion, and of his desire that all men should be bred in the knowledge of
such things as might preserve them from the superstition of Rome." —
Letters, &c. p. 231.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 663

The king received this news with so much discontent and rest-
lessness, that he would not suffer the sun to set and leave him
under this doubt, but sent for Dr. Donne, and required his an-
swer to the accusation ; which was so clear and satisfactory, that
the king said he was right glad he rested no longer under the
suspicion. When the king had said this, Dr. Donne kneeled
down and thanked his majesty, and protested his answer was
faithful and free from all collusion, and therefore desired that he
might not rise till, as in like cases he always had from God, so he
might have from his majesty, some assurance that he stood clear
and fair in his opinion. At which the king raised him from his
knees with his own hands, and protested he believed him ; and
that he knew he was an honest man, and doubted not but that he
loved him truly. And having thus dismissed him, he called some
lords of his council into his chamber, and said with much earnest-
ness, " My doctor is an honest man : and, my lords, I was never
better satisfied with an answer than he hath now made me : and
I always rejoice when I think that by my means he became a
divine."

He was made dean the fiftieth year of his age ; and in his
fifty-fourth year a dangerous sickness seized him, which inclined
him to a consumption. But Grod, as Job thankfully acknowledged,
preserved Ms spirit, and kept his intellectuals as clear and perfect
as when that sickness first seized his body ; but it continued long
and threatened him with death, which he dreaded not.

In this distemper of body, his dear friend doctor Henry King
(then chief residentiary of that church, and late bishop of Chi-
chester) a man generally known by the clergy of this nation, and
as generally noted for his obliging nature, visited him daily ; and
observing that his sickness rendered his recovery doubtful, he
chose a seasonable time to speak to him to this purpose.

" Mr. dean, I am by your favour no stranger to your temporal
estate, and you are no stranger to the offer lately made us for the
renewing a lease of the best prebend's corps belonging to our
church ; and you know it was denied, for that our tenant being
very rich, offered to fine at so low a rate as held not proportion
with his advantages : but I will either raise him to an higher sum,
or procure that the other residentiaries shall join to accept of
what was offered : one of these I can and will by your favour do
without delay, and without any trouble either to your body or
mind. I beseech you to accept of my offer, for I know it will be

664 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

a considerable addition to your present estate, which I know
needs it."

To this, after a short pause, and raising himself upon his bed,
he made this reply.

" My most dear friend, I most humbly thank you for your
many favours, and this in particular : but, in my present condition,
I shall not accept of your proposal ; for doubtless there is such a
sin as sacrilege ; if there were not, it could not have a name in
Scripture. And the primitive clergy were watchful against all
appearances of that evil ; and indeed then all Christians looked
upon it with horror and detestation ; judging it to be even an
open defiance of the power and providence of almighty God, and
a sad presage of a declining religion. But instead of such Chris-
tians, who had selected times set apart to fast and pray to God
for a pious clergy which they then did obey, our times abound
with men that are busy and litigious about trifles and church
ceremonies ; and yet so far from scrupling sacrilege that they
make not so much as a quaere what it is. But I thank God I
have ; and dare not now upon my sick bed, when almighty God
hath made me useless to the service of the church, make any
advantages out of it. But if he shall again restore me to such a
degree of health as again to serve at his altar, I shall then gladly
take the reward which the bountiful benefactors of this church
have designed me ; for God knows my children and relations will
need it. In which number my mother (whose credulity and
charity has contracted a very plentiful to a very narrow estate)
must not be forgotten. But, doctor King, if I recover not, that
little worldly estate that I shall leave behind me (that very little,
when divided into eight parts) must, if you deny me not so
charitable a favour, fall into your hands, as my most faithful
friend and executor ; of whose care and justice I make no more
doubt than of God's blessing on that which I have conscientiously
collected for them ; but it shall not be augmented on my sick bed ;
and this I declare to be my unalterable resolution."

The reply to this was only a promise to observe his request.

Within a few days his distempers abated ; and as his strength
increased so did his thankfulness to almighty God, testified in his
most excellent book of Devotions, which he published at his
recovery. In which the reader may see the most secret thoughts
that then possessed his soul, paraphrased and made public ; a
book that may not unfitly be called a sacred picture of spiritual

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 665

ecstasies, occasioned and appliable to the emergencies of that
sickness ; which book, being a composition of meditations, disqui-
sitions, and prayers, he writ on his sick bed ; herein imitating the
holy patriarchs, who were wont to build their altars in that place
where they had received their blessings.

This sickness brought him so near to the gates of death, and
he saw the grave so ready to devour him, that he would often say
his recovery was supernatural. But that God that then restored
his health continued it to him till the fifty-ninth year of his life.
And then in August 1630, being with his eldest daughter, Mrs.
Harvy, at Abury-hatch, in Essex, he there fell into a fever, which
with the help of his constant infirmity (vapours from the spleen)
hastened him into so visible a consumption, that his beholders
might say, as St. Paul of himself, Pie dies daily ; and he might
say with Job, My welfare passeth away as a cloud, the days of my
affliction have taken hold of me, and weary nights are appointed
for me.

Reader, this sickness continued long, not only weakening but
wearying him so much that my desire is, he may now take some
rest ; and that before I speak of his death, thou wilt not think it
an impertinent digression to look back with me upon some obser-
vations of his life, which, whilst a gentle slumber gives rest to
his spirits, may, I hope, not unfitly exercise thy consideration.

His marriage was the remarkable error of his life ; an error
which though he had a wit able and very apt to maintain para-
doxes, yet he was very far from justifying it: and though his
wife's competent years, and other reasons might be justly urged
to moderate severe censures ; yet, he would occasionally condemn
himself for it : and doubtless it had been attended with an heavy
repentance, if God had not blessed them with so mutual and cor-
dial affections, as in the midst of their sufferings made their bread
of sorrow taste more pleasantly than the banquets of dull and
low-spirited people.

The recreations of his youth were poetry, in which he was so
happy, as if nature and all her varieties had been made only to
exercise his sharp wit, and high fancy ; and in those pieces which
were facetiously composed and carelessly scattered (most of them
being written before the twentieth year of his age) it may appear
by his choice metaphors, that both nature and all the arts joined
to assist him with their utmost skill.

It is a truth, that in his penitential years, viewing some of

666 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

those pieces that had been loosely (God knows too loosely) scat-
tered in his youth, he wished they had been abortive, or, so short
lived that his own eyes had witnessed their funerals. But, though
he was no friend to them, he was not so fallen out with heavenly
poetry as to forsake that : no not in his declining age ; witnessed
then by many divine sonnets, and other high, holy, and harmo-
nious composures. Yea, even on his former sick-bed he wrote
this heavenly hymn, expressing the great joy that then possest
his soul in the assurance of God's favour to him when he com-
posed it.

AN HYMN TO GOD THE FATHER.

Wilt them forgive that sin where I begun,

Which was my sin, though it were done before ?

Wilt thou forgive that sin through which I run,
And do run still though still I do deplore ?
When thou hast done, thou hast not done,
For I have more.

Wilt thou forgive that sin, which I have won

Others to sin, and made my sin their door ?
Wilt thou forgive that sin which I did shun

A year or two, but wallowed in a score ?

When thou hast done, thou hast not done,
For I have more.

I have a sin of fear, that when I've spun

My last thread, I shall perish on the shore :
But swear by thyself, that at my death thy Son

Shall shine as he shines now, and heretofore ;

And having done that, thou hast done,

I fear no more.

1 have the rather mentioned this hymn, for that he caused it
to be set to a most grave and solemn tune, and to be often sung
to the organ by the choristers of St. Paul's Church, in his own
hearing, especially at the evening service ; and at his return from
his customary devotions in that place, did occasionally say to a
friend, " The words of this hymn have restored to me the same
thoughts of joy that possest my soul in my sickness when I com-
posed it. And, O the power of church-music ! that harmony
added to this hymn has raised the affections of my heart, and
quickened my graces of zeal and gratitude ; and I observe, that
1 always return from paying this public duty of prayer and
praise to God, with an unexpressible tranquillity of mind, and a
willingness to leave the world/1

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 667

After this manner, did the disciples of our Saviour, and the
best of Christians in those ages of the church nearest to his time,
offer their praises to Almighty God. And the reader of St.
Augustine's life may there find, that towards his dissolution he
wept abundantly, that the enemies of Christianity had broke in
upon them, and prophaned and ruined their sanctuaries; and,
because their public hymns and lauds were lost out of their
churches. And after this manner have many devout souls lifted
up their hands and offered acceptable sacrifices unto almighty
God where Dr. Donne offered his, and now lies buried.

But now, oh Lord, how is that place become ) -, ,,
desolate'! }

Before I proceed further, I think fit to inform the reader, that
not long before his death he caused to be drawn a figure of the
body of Christ extended upon an anchor, like those which pain-
ters draw when they would present us with the picture of Christ
crucified on the cross : his varying no otherwise than to affix him
not to a cross but to an anchor (the emblem of hope). This he
caused to be drawn in little, and then many of those figures thus

9 Become desolate.'] "Thus fell Laud (Jan. 10, 1644), and St. Paul's fell
with him; the yearly contribution toward whose repair, anno 1641, when he
was plunged into his troubles, fell from the sum of 15,000/. and upward to
somewhat less than 1500/., and afterwards by degrees to nothing. No less
than 17,138/. 13s. 4d., which remained in the chamber of London toward the
carrying on of the work, is seized on by an order of both houses of parlia-
ment, for the beginning of their war against the king. Most of the materials
intended for finishing the work were turned into money; and the rest
bestowed on the parish of St. Gregory's, for the rebuilding of that church :
and all the scaffolding of the tower or steeple allotted to the payment of
Jephson's regiment, who challenged an arrear of 1746Z. 155. 8d. for their
service in that cruel and unnatural war. The pavement of the church digged
up, and sold to the wealthier citizens for beautifying their country houses :
the floor converted into saw-pits in many places, for cutting out such timber
as was turned into money : the lead torn off in some places also ; the timber
and arches of the roof being thereby exposed to wind and weather ; part of
the stonework which supported the tower or steeple fallen down, and threat-
ening the like ruin unto all the rest : the gallant portico at the west end
thereof obscured first by a new house looking towards Ludgate ; and after-
wards turned into an exchange for haberdashers of small wares, hosiers, and
such petty chapmen : and finally the whole body of it converted to a stable
or horse-garrison, for the better awing of that city, whose pride and faction
raised the fire, and whose purse added fewel to it, for the inflaming of the
kingdom."— Heylin's Life of Archbishop Laud, p. 538.

668 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

drawn to be engraven very small in Helitropian stones, and set in
gold, and of these he sent to many of his dearest friends to be
used as seals, or rings, and kept as memorials of him, and of his
affection to them.

His dear friends and benefactors, sir Henry Goodier, and sir
Robert Drewry, could not be of that number ; nor could the lady
Magdalen Herbert, the mother of George Herbert, for they had
put off mortality, and taken possession of the grave before him :
but sir Henry Wootton, and Dr. Hall, the then late deceased
bishop of Norwich, were ; and, so were Dr. Duppa, bishop of Salis-
bury, and Dr. Henry King, bishop of Chichester (lately deceased),
men, in whom there was such a commixture of general learning,
of natural eloquence, and Christian humility, that they deserve a
commemoration by a pen equal to their own, which none have
exceeded.

And in this enumeration of his friends, though many must be
omitted, yet that man of primitive piety, Mr. George Herbert,
may not ; I mean that George Herbert, who was the author of
the Temple, or Sacred Poems and Ejaculations : a book, in which
by declaring his own spiritual conflicts, he hath comforted and
raised many a dejected and discomposed soul, and charmed them
into sweet and quiet thoughts : a book, by the frequent reading
whereof, and the assistance of that spirit that seemed to inspire
the author, the reader may attain habits of peace and piety, and
all the gifts of the Holy Ghost and heaven : and may by still
reading, still keep those sacred fires burning upon the altar of so
pure a heart, as shall free it from the anxieties of this world, and
keep it fixt upon things that are above. Betwixt this George
Herbert and Dr. Donne there was a long and dear friendship,
made up by such a sympathy of inclinations, that they coveted
and joyed to be in each others company ; and this happy friend-
ship was still maintained by many sacred endearments ; of which,
that which followeth may be some testimony.

TO MR. GEORGE HERBERT ; SENT HIM WITH ONE OF MY
SEALS OF THE ANCHOR AND CHRIST,

(A sheaf of snakes used heretofore to be my seal, which is the
crest of our poor family.)

Qui prius assuetus serpentum falce tabellas

Signare, haec nostrae symbola parva domus
Adscitus domui domini.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 669

Adopted in God's family, and so

My old coat lost, into new arms I go.
The cross my seal in baptism spread below,

Does by that form into an anchor grow.
Crosses grow anchors ; bear as thou should'st do

Thy cross, and that cross grows an anchor too.
But he that makes our crosses anchors thus,

Is Christ ; who there is crucified for us.

Yet with this I may iny first serpents hold :

(God gives new blessings, and yet leaves the old)
The serpent may as wise my pattern be ;

My poison, as he feeds on dust, that's me.
And, as he rounds the earth to murder, sure

He is my death ; but on the cross my cure.
Crucify nature then ; and then implore

All grace from him, crucified there before.
When all is cross, and that cross anchor grown,

This seal's a catechism, not a seal alone.
Under that little seal great gifts I send,

Both works and prayers, pawns and fruits of a friend.
Oh may that saint that rides on our great seal,

To you that bear his name large bounty deal.

JOHN DONNE.

IN SACRAM ANCHORAM PISCATORIS ; GEORGE HERBERT.

Quod crux nequibat fixa clavique additi,
Tenere Christum scilicet ne ascenderet
Tuive Christum

Although the cross could not Christ here detain,

When nail'd unto 't, but he ascends again :

Nor yet thy eloquence here keep him still,

But only whilest thou speak'st ; this anchor will :

Nor canst thou be content unless thou to

This certain anchor add a seal, and so

The water and the earth, both unto thee

Do owe the symbol of their certainty.

Let the world reel, we and all ours stand sure,

This holy cable's from all storms secure.

GEORGE HERBERT.

I return to tell the reader, that besides these verses to his
dear Mr. Herbert, and that hymn that I mentioned to be sung in
the quire of St. Paul's church ; he did also shorten and beguile
many sad hours by composing other sacred ditties ; and he writ
an hymn on his death-bed, which bears this title.

670 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

AN HYMN TO GOD, MY GOD, IN MY SICKNESS,

March 23, 1630.

Since I am coming to that holy room,
Where, with thy quire of saints for evermore
I shall be made thy music, as I come
I tune my instrument here at the door,
And, what I must do then, think here before.

Since my physicians by their loves are grown
Cosmographers ! and I their map, who lie
Flat on this bed .

So, in his purple wrapt receive me, Lord !

By these, his thorns, give me his other crown :

And, as to other souls I preach'd thy word,

Be this my text : my sermon to mine own.

" That, he may raise, therefore, the Lord throws down."

If these fall under the censure of a soul, whose too much mix-
ture with earth makes it unfit to judge of these high raptures
and illuminations ; let him know that many holy and devout men
have thought the soul of Prudentius to be most refined, when
not many days before his death he charged it to present his God
each morning and evening with a new and spiritual song ; justi-
fied by the example of king David and the good king Hezekiah,
who upon the renovation of his years paid his thankful vows to
almighty God in a royal hymn, which he concludes in these
words, The Lord was ready to save, therefore I will sing my songs
to the stringed instruments all the days of my life in the temple of
my God.

The latter part of his life may be said to be a continued study ;
for as he usually preached once a week, if not offcener, so after his
sermon he never gave his eyes rest, till he had chosen out a new
text, and that night cast his sermon into a form, and his text into
divisions ; and the next day betook himself to consult the fathers,
and so commit his meditations to his memory, which was excel-
lent. But upon Saturday he usually gave himself and his mind
a rest from the weary burthen of his week's meditations, and
usually spent that day in visitation of friends, or some other diver-
sions of his thoughts, and would say, that he gave both his body
and mind that refreshment, that he might be enabled to do the

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 671

work of the day following, not faintly, but with courage and
chearfulness.

Nor was his age only so industrious, but in the most unsettled
days of his youth, his bed was not able to detain him beyond the
hour of four in the morning : and it was no common business that
drew him out of his chamber till past ten. All which time was
employed in study ; though he took great liberty after it ; and if
this seem strange, it may gain a belief by the visible fruits of his
labours : some of which remain as testimonies of what is here
written : for he left the resultance of fourteen hundred authors,
most of them abridged and analysed with his own hand ; he left
also six score of his sermons, all written with his own hand ; also
an exact and laborious treatise concerning Self-murder, called
Biathanatos ; wherein all the laws violated by that act are dili-
gently surveyed and judiciously censured ; a treatise written in
his younger days, which alone might declare him then not only
perfect in the civil and canon law, but in many other such studies
and arguments, as enter not into the consideration of many that
labour to be thought great clerks, and pretend to know all things.

Nor were these only found in his study ; but all businesses that
past of any public consequence, either in this, or any of our neigh-
bour nations, he abbreviated either in Latin, or in the language
of that nation, and kept them by him for useful memorials. So
he did the copies of divers letters and cases of conscience that
had concerned his friends, with his observations and solutions of
them ; and, divers other businesses of importance ; all particularly
and methodically digested by himself.

He did prepare to leave the world before life left him ; making
his will when no faculty of his soul was damped or made defective
by pain or sickness, or he surprized by a sudden apprehension of
death: but it was made with mature deliberation, expressing
himself an impartial father by making his children's portions
equal ; and a lover of his friends, whom he remembered with
legacies fitly and discreetly chosen and bequeathed. I cannot
forbear a nomination of some of them ; for, methinks they be
persons that seem to challenge a recordation in this place ; as
namely, to his brother-in-law sir Thomas Grimes, he gave that

striking clock which he had long worn in his pocket to his

dear friend and executor Dr. King (late bishop of Chichester)
that model of gold of the synod of Dort, with which the states
presented him at his last being at the Hague and the two

672 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

pictures of Padre Paulo and Fulgentio x, men of his acquaintance
when he travelled Italy, and of great note in that nation for their

remarkable learning. To his ancient friend Dr. Brook (that

married him) master of Trinity college in Cambridge, he gave the

picture of the blessed Virgin and Joseph. To Dr. Winniff

(who succeeded him in the deanery) he gave a picture called the

Sceleton. To the succeeding dean, who was not then known,

he gave many necessaries of worth, and useful for his house ; and
also several pictures and ornaments for the chapel, with a desire
that they might be registered, and remain as a legacy to his suc-
cessors. To the earls of Dorset and Carlisle, he gave several

pictures ; and so he did to many other friends ; legacies, given
rather to express his affection, than to make any addition to their
estates : but unto the poor he was full of charity, and unto many
others, who by his constant and long continued bounty might
entitle themselves to be his alms-people : for all these, he made
provision ; and so largely, as having then six children living,
might to some appear more than proportionable to his estate. I
forbear to mention any more, lest the reader may think I trespass
upon his patience : but I will beg his favour to present him with
the beginning and end of his will.

" In the name of the blessed and glorious Trinity, Amen. I
John Donne, by the mercy of Christ Jesus, and by the calling
of the church of England priest, being at this time in good
health and perfect understanding (praised be God therefore) do
hereby make my last wih1 and testament in manner and form
following :

" First, I give my gracious God an intire sacrifice of body and
soul, with my most humble thanks for that assurance which his
blessed spirit imprints in me now of the salvation of the one, and
the resurrection of the other ; and for that constant and chearful
resolution which the same spirit hath established in me to live
and die in the religion now professed in the church of England.
In expectation of that resurrection, I desire my body may be
buried, in the most private manner that may be, in that place of
St. Paul's church, London, that the now residentiaries have at my
request designed for that purpose, &c. — —And this my last will

1 Padre Paulo and Fulgentio.'] Paolo Sarpi and his celebrated friend. See
the Life of Wotton, in this collection.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 673

and testament, made in the fear of God (whose mercy I humbly
beg, and constantly rely upon in Jesus Christ) and in perfect love
and charity with all the world (whose pardon I ask, from the
lowest of my servants, to the highest of my superiors) written all
with my own hand, and my name subscribed to every page, of
which there are five in number.

" Sealed Decemb. 13. 1630."

Nor was this blessed sacrifice of charity expressed only at his
death, but in his life also, by a chearful and frequent visitation of
any friend whose mind was dejected, or his fortune necessitous :
he was inquisitive after the wants of prisoners, and redeemed
many from thence that lay for their fees or small debts ; he was
a continual giver to poor scholars, both of this and foreign
nations. Besides what he gave with his own hand, he usually
sent a servant, or a discreet and trusty friend, to distribute
his charity to all the prisons in London at all the festival
times of the year, especially at the birth and resurrection of
our Saviour. He gave an hundred pounds at one time to an
old friend, whom he had known live plentifully, and by a too
liberal heart and carelessness, became decayed in his estate :
and, when the receiving of it was denied, by the gentleman's
saying " He wanted not ;" for the reader may note, that as
there be some spirits so generous as to labour to conceal and
endure a sad poverty, rather than expose themselves to those
blushes that attend the confession of it ; so there be others to
whom nature and grace have afforded such sweet and compas-
sionate souls, as to pity and prevent the distresses of mankind ;
which I have mentioned because of Dr. Donne's reply, whose
answer was, " I. know you want not what will sustain nature, for
a little will do that ; but my desire is, that you who in the days
of your plenty have cheared and raised the hearts of so many of
your dejected friends, would now receive this from me, and use it
as a cordial for the cheering of your own ;" and upon these terms
it was received. He was an happy reconciler of many differences
in the families of his friends, and kindred, (which he never under-
took faintly ; for such undertakings have usually faint effects) and
they had such a faith in his judgment and impartiality, that he
never advised them to do any thing in vain. He was even to her
death a most dutiful son to his mother, careful to provide for her
Bnpportation, of which she had been destitute, but that God

VOL. III. X X

674 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

raised him up to prevent her necessities ; who having sucked in
the religion of the Roman church with her mother's milk, spent
her estate in foreign countries, to enjoy a liberty in it, and died
in his house but three months before him.

And to the end it may appear how just a steward he was of his
lord and master's revenue, I have thought fit to let the reader
know, that after his entrance into his deanery, as he numbered his
years, he (at the foot of a private account, to which God and his
angels were only witnesses with him) computed first his revenue,
then what was given to the poor, and other pious uses ; and
lastly, what rested for him and his ; and, having done that, he
then blest each year's poor remainder with a thankful prayer ;
which, for that they discover a more than common devotion, the
reader shall partake some of them in his own words :

So all is that remains \
this year j

Deo Opt. Max. benigno
Largitori, a me, et ab iis
Quibus hsec a me reservantur,
Gloria et gratia in eternum.
Amen.

So, that this year, God hath \
blessed me and mine with )

Multiplicatse sunt super
Nos misericordiae tuse
Domine

Da Domine, ut quse ex immensa
Bonitate tua nobis elargiri
Dignatus sis, in quorumcunque
Manus devenerint, in tuam
Semper cedant gloriam.

Amen.

In fine horum sex annorum manet

Quid habeo quod non accepi a Domino ?
Largitur etiam ut quee largitus est
Sua iterum fiant, bono eorum usu ; ut
Quemadmodum nee officiis hujus mundi,
Nee loci in quo me posuit, dignitati, nee

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 675

Servis, nee egenis, in toto hujus anni
Curriculo mihi conscius sum me defuisse ;
Ita et liberi, quibus quse supersunt,
Supersunt, grato animo ea accipiant,
Et beneficum authorem recognoscant.

Amen.

But I return from my long digression.

We left the author sick in Essex, where he was forced to
spend much of that winter, by reason of his disability to remove
from that place ; and having never for almost twenty years
omitted his personal attendance on his majesty in that month
in which he was to attend and preach to him ; nor, having ever
been left out of the roll and number of Lent-preachers, and there
being then (in January 1630) a report brought to London, or
raised there, that Dr. Donne was dead ; that report gave him
occasion to write this following letter to a dear friend.

" Sir,

" This advantage you and my other friends have by my
frequent fevers, that 1 am so much the oftener at the gates of
heaven ; and this advantage by the solitude and close imprison-
ment that they reduce me to after, that I am so much the
oftener at my prayers, in which I shall never leave out your
happiness ; and I doubt not, among his other blessings, God will
add some one to you for my prayers. A man would almost be
content to die (if there were no other benefit in death) to hear of
so much sorrow, and so much good testimony from good men as
I (God be blessed for it) did upon the report of my death. Yet
I perceive it went not through all ; for, one writ to me that some
(and he said of my friends) conceived I was not so ill as I
pretended, but withdrew myself to live at ease, discharged of
preaching. It is an unfriendly, and God knows an ill-grounded
interpretation ; for I have always been sorrier when I could not
preach, than any could be they could not hear me. It hath been
my desire, and God may be pleased to grant it, that I might die
in the pulpit. If not that, yet, that I might take my death in
the pulpit, that is, die the sooner by occasion of those labours.
Sir, I hope to see you presently after Candlemas, about which
time will fall my Lent- sermon at court, except my lord chamber-

x x 2

676 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

lain believe me to be dead, and so leave me out of the roll ; but
as long as I live, and am not speechless, I would not willingly
decline that service. I have better leisure to write, than you to
read ; yet I would not willingly oppress you with too much letter.
God so bless you and your son as I wish, to

" Your poor friend and servant

" in Christ Jesus,

" J. DONNE."
"Jan. 7, 1630."

Before that month ended, he was appointed to preach upon his
old constant day, the first Friday in Lent. He had notice of it,
and had in his sickness so prepared for that employment, that as
he had long thirsted for it, so, he resolved his weakness should not
hinder his journey ; he came therefore to London, some few days
before his appointed day of preaching. At his coming thither,
many of his friends (who with sorrow saw his sickness had left
him but so much flesh as did only cover his bones) doubted his
strength to perform that task ; and did therefore dissuade him
from undertaking it, assuring him however, it was like to shorten
his life. But, he passionately denied their requests ; saying, " he
would not doubt that that God who in so many weaknesses had
assisted him with an unexpected strength, would now withdraw it
in his last employment; professing an holy ambition to per-
form that sacred work." And, when to the amazement of some
beholders he appeared in the pulpit, many of them thought he
presented himself, not to preach mortification by a living voice,
but mortality by a decayed body and a dying face. And doubt-
less, many did secretly ask that question in Ezekiel (Ezek. xxxvii.
3) ; Do these bones live ? or, can that soul organize that tongue, to
speak so long time as the sand in that glass will move towards its
centre, and measure out an hour of this dying man's unspent life ?
Doubtless it cannot; and yet, after some faint pauses in his
zealous prayer, his strong desires enabled his weak body to dis-
charge his memory of his preconceived meditations, which were
of dying; the text being to God the Lord belong the issues from
death. Many that then saw his tears, and heard his faint
and hollow voice, professing they thought the text propheti-
cally chosen, and that Dr. Donne had preached his own funeral
sermon.

Being full of joy that God had enabled him to perform this

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 677

desired duty, he hastened to his house ; out of which he never
moved, till, like St. Stephen, he was carried by devout men to his
grave.

The next day after his sermon, his strength being much wasted,
and his spirits so spent, as indisposed him to business, or to talk,
a friend that had often been a witness of his free and facetious
discourse, asked him, " Why are you sad?" To whom he replied
with a countenance so full of cheerful gravity, as gave testimony
of an inward tranquillity of mind, and of a soul willing to take a
farewell of this world ; and said,

" I am not sad ; but most of the night past I have entertained
myself with many thoughts of several friends that have left me
here, and are gone to that place from which they shall not return ;
and, that within a few days I also shall go hence, and be no more
seen. And, my preparation for this change is become my nightly
meditation upon my bed, which my infirmities have now made
restless to me. But, at this present time, I was in a serious
contemplation of the providence and goodness of God to me ; to
me who am less than the least of his mercies ; and looking back
upon my life past, I now plainly see it was his hand that prevented
me from all temporal employment ; and that it was his will I
should never settle nor thrive till I entered into the ministry ; in
which, I have now lived almost twenty years (I hope to his glory),
and by which, I most humbly thank him, I have been enabled to
requite most of those friends which shewed me kindness when my
fortune was very low, as God knows it was : and (as it hath occa-
sioned the expression of my gratitude) I thank God most of them
have stood in need of my requital. I have lived to be useful and
comfortable to my good father-in-law sir George Moore, whose
patience God hath been pleased to exercise with many temporal
crosses. I have maintained my own mother, whom it hath
pleased God after a plentiful fortune in her younger days, to
bring to a great decay in her very old age. I have quieted the
consciences of many that have groaned under the burthen of a
wounded spirit, whose prayers I hope are available for me. I
cannot plead innocency of life, especially of my youth : but, I am
to be judged by a merciful God, who is not willing to see what I
have done amiss. And, though of myself I have nothing to pre-
sent to him but sins and misery, yet, I know he looks not upon
me now as I am of myself, but as I am in my Saviour, and hath
given me even at this present time some testimonies by his holy

678 . DOCTOR JOHN DOiNNE.

spirit, that I am of the number of his elect. I am therefore full
of unexpressible joy, and shall die in peace."

I must here look so far back, as to tell the reader, that at his
first return out of Essex to preach his last sermon, his old friend
and physician, Dr. Fox, a man of great worth, came to him to
consult his health; and that after a sight of him, and some
queries concerning his distempers, he told him " That by cordials,
and drinking milk twenty days together, there was a probability
of his restoration to health ;" but he passionately denied to drink
it. Nevertheless, Dr. Fox, who loved him most entirely, wearied
him with solicitations ; till he yielded to take it for ten days ; at
the end of which time, he told Dr. Fox, " he had drunk it more
to satisfy him than to recover his health ; and, that he would
not drink it ten days longer upon the best moral assurance of
having twenty years added to his life : for he loved it not ; and,
was so far from fearing death, which to others is the king of
terrors ; that he longed for the day of his dissolution."

It is observed, that a desire of glory or commendation is rooted
in the very nature of man ; and, that those of the severest and
most mortified lives, though they may become so humble as to
banish self-flattery, and such weeds as naturally grow there ; yet,
they have not been able to kill this desire of glory, but that, like
our radical heat, it will both live and die with us; and, many
think it should do so ; and, we want not sacred examples to jus-
tify the desire of having our memory to out-live our lives : which
I mention, because Dr. Donne, by the persuasion of Dr. Fox,
easily yielded at this very time to have a monument made for
him : but Dr. Fox undertook not to persuade him how, or what
monument it should be ; that was left to Dr. Donne himself.

A monument being resolved upon, Dr. Donne sent for a carver
to make for him in wood the figure of an urn, giving him direc-
tions for the compass and height of it ; and, to bring with it a
board of the just height of his body. These being got, then
without delay a choice painter was got to be in a readiness to
draw his picture, which was taken as folio weth. — Several char-
coal-fires being first made in his large study, he brought with
him into that place his winding-sheet in his hand, and, having
put off all his cloaths, had this sheet put on him, and so tied with
knots at his head and feet, and his hands so placed, as dead
bodies are usually fitted to be shrouded and put into their coffin,
or grave. Upon this urn he thus stood with his eyes shut, and

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 679

with so much of the sheet turned aside as might shew his lean,
pale, and death-like face, which was purposely turned toward the
east, from whence he expected the second coming of his and our
Saviour Jesus. In this posture he was drawn at his just height ;
and when the picture was fully finished, he caused it to be set by
his bed-side, where it continued, and became his hourly object 2
till his death: and, was then given to his dearest friend and
executor doctor Henry King, then chief residentiary of St. Paul's,
who caused him to be thus carved in one entire piece of white
marble, as it now stands in that church ; and by doctor Donne's
own appointment, these words were to be affixed to it as his
epitaph :

JOHANNES DONNE
SAC. THEOL. PROFESS.

POST VARIA STUDIA QU1BUS AB ANNIS TENERRIMIS FIDE-
LITER, NEC INFELICITER INCUBUIT ;
INSTINCTU ET IMPULSU SPIRITUS SANCTI,

MONITU ET HORTATU

REGIS JACOBI, ORDINES SACROS AMPLEXUS

ANNO SUI JESU, 1614*. ET SILE ^ETATIS 42.

DECANATU HUJUS ECCLESLE INDUTUS 27

NOVEMBRIS 1621.

EXUTUS MORTE ULTIMO DIE MARTII 1631.

HIC LICET IN OCCIDUO CINERE ASPICIT EUM

CUJUS NOMEN EST ORIENS.

And now, having brought him through the many labyrinths
and perplexities of a various life, even to the gates of death and
the grave ; my desire is, he may rest till I have told my reader,

2 His hourly object.'] It is related of the pious and truly primitive bishop
Ken, that when his physician had told him, in reply to an inquiry of his own,
how long he might probably live, about two or three days, his only observation
was, his usual expression, God's will be done. " It can be no wonder " (says
his son-in-law and biographer) "he should so little regard the terrors of
death, who had for many years travelled with his shroud in his portmanteau ;
as what, he often said, might be as soon wanted as any other of his habiliments;
and which was by himself put on, as soon as he came to Long Leate, giving
notice of it the day before his death, by way of prevention, that his body
might not be stripped."— Short Account of the Life of Thomas Ken, D.D.
sometime Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, by William Hawkins, of the Middle
Temple, Esq. p. 44. 8vo. 1713.

680 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

that I have seen many pictures of him, in several habits, and, at
several ages, and, in several postures : and, I now mention this,
because, I have seen one picture of him, drawn by a curious hand
at his age of eighteen ; with his sword and what other adorn-
ments might then suit with the present fashions of youth, and the
giddy gaieties of that age : and his motto then was,

" How much shall I be chang'd,
Before I am chang'd."

And, if that young, and his now dying picture, were at this
time set together, every beholder might say, " Lord ! how much
is Dr. Donne already changed, before he is changed ! " And,
the view of them might give my reader occasion, to ask himself
with some amazement, " Lord ! How much may I also, that am
now in health be changed, before I am changed ! before this
vile, this changeable body shall put off mortality ! " and, there-
fore to prepare for it. But this is not writ so much for

my reader's memento, as to tell him, that Dr. Donne would often
in his private discourses, and often publicly in his sermons,
mention the many changes both of his body and mind ; especially
of his mind from a vertiginous giddiness; and would as often
say, " His great and most blessed change was from a temporal,
to a spiritual employment ! " in which he was so happy, that he
accounted the former part of his life to be lost ; and the begin-
ning of it to be, from his first entering into sacred orders, and
serving his most merciful God at his altar.

Upon Monday after the drawing of this picture, he took his
last leave of his beloved study ; and, being sensible of his hourly
decay, retired himself to his bed-chamber : and that week sent at
several times for many of his most considerable friends, with
whom he took a solemn and deliberate farewell ; commending to
their considerations some sentences useful for the regulation of
their lives, and then dismist them, as good Jacob did his sons,
with a spiritual benediction. The Sunday following he appointed
his servants, that if there were any business yet undone that
concerned him or themselves, it should be prepared against
Saturday next : for, after that day he would not mix his thoughts
with any thing that concerned this world ; nor ever did : but, as
Job, so he waited for the appointed day of his dissolution.

And now he was so happy as to have nothing to do but to die ;

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 681

to do which, he stood in need of no longer time, for he had
studied it long ; and, to so happy a perfection, that in a former
sickness he called God to witness e " He was that minute ready
to deliver his soul into his hands, if that minute God would deter-
mine his dissolution." In that sickness he begged of God the
constancy to be preserved in that estate for ever ; and his patient
expectation to have his immortal soul disrobed from her garment
of mortality, makes me confident he now had a modest assurance
that his prayers were then heard, and his petition granted. He
lay fifteen days earnestly expecting his hourly change ; and, in
the last hour of his last day, as his body melted away and
vapoured into spirit, his soul having, I verily believe, some reve-
lation of the beatifical vision, he said, " I were miserable if I
might not die ;" and after those words, closed many periods of
his faint breath, by saying often, " Thy kingdom come, Thy will
be done." His speech, which had long been his ready and
faithful servant, left him not till the last minute of his life, and
then forsook him not to serve another master (for who speaks
like him) but died before him, for that it was then become
useless to him that now conversed with God on earth, as angels
are said to do in heaven, only by thoughts and looks. Being
speechless, and, seeing heaven by that illumination by which he
saw it ; he did as St. Stephen, look stedfastly into it, till he saw
the Son of man, standing at the right hand of God his Father ; and,
being satisfied with this blessed sight, as his soul ascended, and
his last breath departed from him, he closed his own eyes ; and
then, disposed his hands and body into such a posture as required
not the least alteration by those that came to shroud him.

Thus variable, thus virtuous was the life ; thus excellent, thus
exemplary was the death of this memorable man.

He was buried in that place of St. Paul's church which he
had appointed for that use some years before his death ; and, by
which he passed daily to pay his public devotions to almighty
God (who was then served3 twice a day by a public form of
prayer and praises in that place) but, he was not buried privately,
though he desired it; for, beside an unnumbered number of
others, many persons of nobility, and of eminency for learning,
who did love and honour him in his life, did shew it at his death,

e In his book of Devotions written then.

3 Was then served.'] Compare above, vol. ii. p. 420, n.

682 DOCTOR JOHN DONNE.

by a voluntary and sad attendance of his body to the grave, where
nothing was so remarkable as a public sorrow.

To which place of his burial some mournful friend repaired, and,
as Alexander the Great did to the grave of the famous Achilles,
so they strewed his with an abundance of curious and costly
flowers, which course they (who were never yet known) continued
morning and evening for many days ; not ceasing till the stones
that were taken up in that church to give his body admission
into the cold earth (now his bed of rest) were again by the
masons art so levelled and firmed, as they had been formerly ;
and his place of burial undistinguishable to common view.

The next day after his burial some unknown friend, some one,
of the many lovers and admirers of his virtue and learning, writ
this epitaph with a coal on the wall, over his grave.

" Reader ! I am to let thee know,
Donne's body only, lies below :
For, could the grave his soul comprise,
Earth would be richer than the skies."

Nor was this all the honour done to his reverend ashes ; for, as
there be some persons that will not receive a reward for that for
which God accounts himself a debtor; persons that dare trust
God with their charity, and without a witness ; so there was by
some grateful and unknown friend, that thought Dr. Donne's
memory ought to be perpetuated, an hundred marks sent to his
two faithful friends and executors, Dr. King and Dr. Montfort,
toward making of his monument. It was not for many years
known by whom ; but, after the death of Dr. Fox, it was known
that it was he that sent it ; and he lived to see as lively a repre-
sentation of his dead friend as marble can express; a statue
indeed so like Dr. Donne, that (as his friend sir Henry Wotton
hath expressed himself) " It seems to breathe faintly ; and pos-
terity shall look upon it as a kind of artificial miracle."

He was of stature moderately tall, of a straight and equally-
proportioned body, to which all his words and actions gave an
inexpressible addition of comeliness.

The melancholy and pleasant humour were in him so contem-
pered, that each gave advantage to the other, and made his com-
pany one of the delights of mankind.

His fancy was inimitably high, equalled only by his great wit ;
both being made useful by a commanding judgment.

DOCTOR JOHN DONNE. 683

His aspect was chearful, and such as gave a silent testimony of
a clear knowing soul, and of a conscience at peace with itself.

His melting eyes shewed that he had a soft heart, full of noble
compassion ; of too brave a soul to offer injuries, and too much a
Christian not to pardon them in others.

He did much contemplate (especially after he entered into his
sacred calling) the mercies of almighty God, the immortality of
the soul, and the joys of heaven ; and would often say, in a kind
of sacred ecstasy — Blessed be God that he is God, only and
divinely like himself.

He was by nature highly passionate, but more apt to reluct
at the excesses of it. A great lover of the offices of humanity,
and of so merciful a spirit, that he never beheld the miseries of
mankind without pity and relief.

He was earnest and unwearied in the search of knowledge ;
with which his vigorous soul is now satisfied, and employed in a
continual praise of that God that first breathed it into his active
body ; that body, which once was the temple of the Holy Ghost,
and is now become a small quantity of Christian dust.

But I shall see it reanimated.

J. W.

Feb. 15, 1639.

END OF VOL. III.

LONDON :

GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS,
ST. JOHN'S SQUARE.