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THE

ANCIENT HISTORY

OF

THE EGYPTIANS, CARTHAGINIANS, ASSYRIANS, BABYLONIANS, MEDES AND PERSIANS, GRECIANS, AND MACEDONIANS;

By M. ROLLIN,

LATE PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS, PRQFESSOR OF ELOQUENCE IN

THE ROYAL COLLEGE, AND MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF INSCRIPTIONS AND BELLES-LETTRES.

Translates from the French,

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED,

A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR,

BY THE REV. R. LYNAM, A. M.

ASSISTANT CHAPLAIN TO THE MAGDALEN HOSPITAL.

THE FIFTEENTH EDITION, REVISED AND CORRECTED; AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NINETEEN NEW PLATES.

IN EIGHT VOLUMES. VOUR:

LONDON:

Printed for W. Baynes and Son, Paternoster Row; R. Priestley, Holborn; W. Clarke, New Bond Street; T. and J. Allman, Princes Street, Hanover Square; J. Hearne, Strand; J. Dowding, Newgate Street; W. Mason, Pickett Street; W. Wright, Fleet Street; C. Rice, Mount Street, Berkeley Square; M. Doyle, Holborn; W. Crawford, Cheapside; Smith and Elder, Fenchurch Street; J. F. Setchell, King Street: Deighton and Sons, Cambridge; Talboys, and Vincent, Oxford ; H. Mozley, Derby; T. Ingalton, Eton: H. S. Baynes and Co. Edinburgh :

M. Keene, R. M. Tims, and J. Cumming, Dublin.

Printed by J. F. Dove, St. John’s Square. i

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So See REV. WILLIAM FREDERICK BAYLAY, | eae ee

TO THE

CHAPLAIN TO THE HONOURABLE

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

THIS EDITION OF

ROLLIN’S ANCIENT HISTORY

is respectfully inscribed

AS A TRIFLING MARK OF ESTEEM AND GRATITUDE,

BY HIS

VERY HUMBLE SERVANT,

THE PRINTER.

St. Jown’s SQuaRE, Feb. 4, 1823.

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ADVERTISEMENT.

The learned quotations have been carefully examined and corrected: and, what has long been a deszderatum in all the English editions, a Lirr of the AurHorR has been prefixed.

The whole of the plates (nineteen in number) have been engraved expressly for this Edition: and a com- petent person has been employed to examine the maps.

The proprietors therefore think they may fairly af- firm, that the present is the most complete and hand- some Edition ever published,

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

Ir is a remarkable instance of literary injustice, that the Author of the Ancient History, while describing the events of empires, and delineating the manners of nations, and the characters of individuals, has been suffered (in this country at least) to have the actions of his own life condemned to the silence of utter ob- livion. Numerous editions of these volumes have passed, in all forms, through the British press, without the smallest memoir having been conceded to the spot- less fame of the learned writer. A curiosity to become acquainted with the lives of those whose works have gra- tified us, and a desire of comparing their actions in the turbulence of the world with their sentiments in the calm of the closet, are feelings so natural and universal, that we trust we shall not be refused the thanks of the Eng- lish readers of Rollin, for endeavouring to supply, from the best sources to which we have access, a sketch of the life of the amiable historian.

Charles Rollin was born in the city of Paris, on the 30th of January, 1661. He derived no celebrity from his parentage: he was the second son of a cutler at Pa- ris, and was originally destined, like his elder brother, to follow the business of his father. A Benedictine friar, whom he sometimes served at mass, discovered in him more intelligence and love of learning, than he could submit to see sacrificed to a mechanical occupation. He declared to Rollin’s mother his opinion of her son’s ability, and descanted upon the advantage of cultiva- ting such eminent talents, The affectionate parent, who was a widow, thought herself precluded by necessity from a scheme which her discernment approved. She urged her inability to defray the expenses of a learned education for her son: but this obstacle being after-

x. MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

wards surmounted by the zeal of the benevolent eccle- siastic,* young Rollin was dismissed from toils to which he was superior, and full of eager delight commenced the more pleasing labours of college.

He pursued his studies with that avidity ‘which grows by what it feeds on;’ and the wonderful celerity of his progress soon requited the patronage of his Benedic- tine friend. The amiableness of his heart disclosed it- self as visibly as the quickness of his genius. The alteration of his views and circumstances did not swell his bosom into any disdain of his former condition ; and his behaviour to his mother was changed in no- thing, but the greater delicacy of his tenderness and submission. She was made to participate in the tri- umphs and honours of her son; as she often found, under her humble mansion, persons of high birth and eminent stations soliciting that young Rollin might pass the vacations with their sons, who were his fellow- students at college.

After having studied the humanities and philosophy at the college of Plessis, he devoted three years to theology at the Sorbonne, one of the most famous schools in Europe for divinity. His teacher in rheto- ric was M. Hersan, a professor of considerable reputa- tion in France, This gentleman conceived such an exalted opinion of Rollin’s virtue and abilities, that he declared he was sometimes tempted to call him divine. When any composition of prose or verse was required from him, the professor was not ashamed to commend his pupil even to the disparagement of himself. ‘ Ap- ply (he would say) to Rollin; he will do it better than

can.’f

When M. Hersan relinquished his duties at the col- lege of Plessis, our Author, though only in the twenty-

* He obtained for young Rollin ‘une bourse’ at the college of Plessis. Speaking of the ‘ boursiers,’ Rollin observes, (Traité des Etudes, tom. 4. p. 371.) ‘ Ils sont les enfants de la maison ; et les col- léges, dans leur origine, ont été fondés pour eux.’ They are upon the foundation, therefore, like the scholars at the colleges of Cambridge.

+ Vie de Rollin prefixed to Traité des Etudes. To this, once for all, we acknowledge many obligations.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XI

third year of his age, was judged by the university — competent to succeed so able and learned a master. Nothing but his own modesty debarred him from the honour: he consented however to become professor of an inferior class, and in 1687 was advanced to the chair of rhetoric. In the following year M. Hersan, with the permission of the king, resigned, in favour of Rollin, the professorship of eloquence in the Royal college. The warm eulogies and accumulated benefits which

our Author received from his venerable master, might have awakened in hearts, less susceptible than his, some lively emotions of gratitude. Rollin always de- lighted to pay the most affectionate acknowledgments to his benefactor. At the end of his second vo- lume of 7'raité des Etudes, he has given to the world M. Hersan’s character, which, if drawn with fidelity (and we doubt not it is), exhibits a union of learning and virtue, to which there are few parallels. He thus speaks of him: ‘ He was accustomed to behave towards me in the character of parent as well as master, having always loved me as his son. In the classes he took particular care of my instruction, destining me even then to be his successor. [can say, without flattery, that no one ever possessed greater talent for making his pu- pils relish the beauties of authors, and for inspiring them with emulation. The funeral oration of M. Le Tellier, chancellor, which he pronounced in the Sorbonne, and which is the only piece of prose that he permitted to be published, is sufficient to shew how far he excelled in delicacy of taste; and the verses which we have from his pen may pass for models in that kind of com- position. Buthe was still more estimable for the qua- lities of his heart, than those of his mind. Kindness, simplicity, modesty,* disinterestedness, contempt of riches, generosity carried almost to excess, these vir- tues constituted his character. He never availed him- self of the unbounded confidence which a powerful minister} placed in him, except for the purpose of ob- liging others. At the time I was principal of the col-

* ¢ He would never allow himself to be chosen rector of the uni- versity.’ + M. de Louvois.

Xil MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

lege of Beauvais, he sacrificed, from kindness to myself and love to the public, two thousand crowns to defray there the expense of some necessary repairs and embel- lishments. But the last years of his life, though spent in retirement and obscurity, surpassed all the rest. He withdrew to Compiégne, the place of his birth. There, separated from all society, occupied solely in the study of sacred history, which had always been his delight, having continually in his mind the thought of death* and eternity, he devoted himself entirely to the service of the poor children of the town. He built for them a school, perhaps the most handsome in the kingdom, and established a master for their instruction. He fulfilled the office of one himself: he assisted very frequently at their lessons: he almost always had some of them at his table: he clothed many: he distributed to all, at stated seasons, different rewards for their encourage- ment: and his sweetest consolation was to think, that after his death these children would make for him the same prayer that the famous Gerson, whose humility led him to become schoolmaster at Lyons, requested in his will to be made for him by his pupils: “ My God, my Creator, have pity upon thy poor servant, John Ger- son.” He has had the blessing to die poor in some sort in the midst of the poor; that which remained of his property having hardly sufficed for a last endow- ment which he had made of Sisters of Charity for the instruction of girls, and the care of sick persons.’

Such was the preceptor ; and we shall see the pupil, who has given this account, practising similar virtues, and engaged in occupations equally useful. Although Rollin was intrusted, at an early period of life, with the duties of a very important situation, he acquitted himself in them with all the wisdom and gravity of age, no less than with the zeal and activity of youth. Con- sidering that nothing could be more necessary to a stu- dent than a knowledge of his native tongue, he re- quired his pupils to pay a more strict attention to the

* “He published a collection of extracts which he had made upon this subject, called, Pensées édifiantes sur la mort, tirées des propres paroles de l' Ecriture sainte et des saints Peres,’

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. Xi}

French language, and to make themselves familiar with the chefs dauvre of poetry and eloquence which it contains. Classical learning appears to have been in a declining state; for the knowledge of the Greek language had been ; so much neglected, that Rollin is called the reviver of it in the university. To fix the minds of his pupils more attentively upon their stu- dies, he established examinations, to which the public were admitted, and in which it was the duty of the scholars to give an account of, and answer questions relative to, the Latin or Greek authors they had read during the preceding years. These exercises were found so useful, and were so agreeable to the taste of the nation, that without any decree of the university, they were adopted by all the colleges ; and from these they passed into private schools, and penetrated (our Author tells us) into all the provinces.

Although sensible of the duty of respecting the cus- toms of the university, there was one practice to which he declared an invincible repugnance, from that love of propriety which in his bosom was paramount to all other considerations. It was a custom, supported much more by its antiquity than its wisdom, for the profes- sors to compose tragedies, the parts of which were sustained by their pupils. Rollin argues most strenu- ously in his fourth volume of 7raité des Htudes against these theatrical exhibitions: and as part of his reason- ing applies to the annual performances of Terence’s plays, at one of our great public schools, it may be worth while to give a short abstract of his opinions upon the subject.

After adverting to the inconvenience and the labour to which the professors were subjected by the practice, he complains that it often happened that the scholars, under the pretext of preparing for the tragedy, eee doned or neglected their regular studies for nearly two months. He next alludes to the expenses incurred. He declares that the pupils did not gain even the ad- vantage of improving their elocution: that Quintilian*

* Ne gestus quidem omnis ac motus a comeedis petendus est. Quanquam enim utrumque eorum ad quemdam modum prestare

XIV MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

remarks after Cicero, that there is a great difference between the delivery of players and of orators: why, therefore, accustom the young to a faulty manner, which they will be compelled to abandon, when they come to speak upon real business in public? He adds, that the greatest objection against scenical exhibitions, is the injury which it is probable will be inflicted upon the piety and morals of the young performers. It is natural enough they should be seized with a desire of gaining ocular instruction in the best manner of filling their parts ; and for that purpose they may frequent the theatre too often, and imbibe such a taste for plays, as may be followed with fatal results. If our seminaries are to be converted into playhouses, the passion of love, even in its most honourable form, should be ex- cluded. All that makes one feel the impression of love (says M. de Fenelon*), ‘the more it is softened and disguised, the more dangerous it appears to me.’ M. de la Rochefoucault condemns plays for the same reason.

Rollin’s concluding objection is of such a solemn and weighty nature, that we shall give the translation of his own words :—‘ There had crept in an abuse still more intolerable, one expressly forbidden by the law of Godt (I know not what was the origin of the pro-

debet orator, plurimim tamen aberit a scenico. Quintil. lib. 1. cap. 11. * Education des Filles.

+ ‘ The woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto a man, neither shall a man put on a woman’s garment: for all that do so are abomination unto the Lord thy God.’ Deut. xxii. 5.

In Bishop Mant’s Bible we meet with the following note to this passage. ‘It was an idolatrous custom for men to wear the flowered garments of women, when they worshipped Venus; and for women to wear a coat of mail and armour, when they wor- shipped Mars; these dresses being accounted more pleasing to them, as better suiting their particular characters; for Venus was supposed to be the goddess of pleasure and love, and Mars the god of arms and war. The idolatrous notion of deities of different sexes was a great corruption of the knowledge of the true God; and gave great occasion for debauchery and impurities, even in their religious worship. It was this custom which the present law was designed to discountenance.’ Lowman.

Without questioning the correctness of this statement, we may

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XV

hibition), and which kept its ground a long time in the university : it was that of robing the young pupils in female dresses in the tragedies. Can the world have been ignorant during so many years that such a custom (to use the expression of Scripture) was an abomina- tion in the sight of God? The imprudence of some person, who perhaps had little knowledge or little re- ligion, may have first introduced it; and men afterwards followed, without- reflection, a practice which the found established.’ Since the university has forbidden it, all persons have opened their eyes, and complied with a regulation so wise and necessary. Those who had the most concern in it, were chiefly persuaded by what they heard related of a gentleman who was an able professor,* and still more remarkable for his vir- tue ; who at his death evinced extreme pain at having followed a custom, which he knew had been to some scholars an occasion of immorality (déréglement). That is the time and situation in which we should place our- selves to judge soberly of what we should follow, and what we should avoid.’

M. Rollin proceeds with obvious satisfaction to relate the manner in which the exhibition of tragedies was formally condemned by the corporation of the city of Toulouse, and literary exercises adopted instead at the college of Esquile. In our Author’s time most of the colleges at Paris had relinquished the obnoxious custom, and it was afterwards totally abandoned atthe university. Why do we (who often boast so loudly of our superior virtue and discernment) retain amongst us a practice which was condemned in France, and exploded from the country, nearly a centuryago? If all the force of Rollin’s arguments respecting the criminality of such a custom could be annihilated, what possible benefit can accrue from the annual performances at Westminster-school ? observe, that the prohibition, ‘a man shall not put on a woman’s garment,’ is so express and unqualified, that every violation of it, for whatever purpose, must be accounted a sin. The words ‘all that do so are abomination unto the Lord,’ declare the sin to be of such a heinous nature, that a Christian should tremble at the

thought of being wantonly guilty of it. * M.de Belleville, professor of rhetoric in the college of Plessis.

XVI MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

Although we must admire the delicacy and philan- thropy of many of Terence’s sentiments, yet the ideas which predominate in his scenes, are those of soft lovers and lying slaves. How far the scholars of Westmin- ster are obliged to submit to these scenic exhibitions, and how far the yoke is one which cannot be dis- carded, is a deliberation which concerns those who are intrusted with the government of the school. It can- not be impossible that the female characters at least should be expunged: and is it not fit that moral pro- priety should be more consulted than dramatic harmo- ny? Parents, who consider it the most important part of their duty carefully to guard the virtuous principles of their children, cannot follow a more zealous guide than the amiable Rollin. We warn them, therefore, to hesitate before they sanction a custom from which his feelings always recoiled with the most lively abhorrence.

After having held the professorship of rhetoric at the college of Plessis with great reputation for the space of eight or ten years, our Author resigned his post, with the view of devoting his leisure to the study of ancient history. But his absence from the university was short: he was recalled in the end of the year 1694 to fill the situation of rector. This dignity he enjoyed two years successively; which prolongation of his ofice was a rare distinction, and an honourable proof of the confidence which Alma Mater reposed in his zeal and abilities. 3

Of the numbers of strangers who visit Paris, to gratify their curiosity and indulge in pleasure, how many are ignorant that the capital of luxuries contains a venerable seat of learning. The metropolitan uni- versity of France is renowned for the antiquity of its origin, the eminence of its professors, and the erudi- tion of its scholars. Pope Honorius III. called it a pa- radise of delights which the hand of the Most High had planted at Paris, the school of all kinds of literature. The University styled herself the eldest daughter of king's ; a title which she might justly assume on ac- count of the many important privileges anciently be- stowed upon. her by royal favour. Her schools at

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. ° XVI.

first consisted of four divisions, according to the num- ber of nations or tribes, of which she formed the uni- versity. The distinction of nations or tribes was after- wards merged in the four faculties of divinity, civil and canon law, physic, and the sciences. The rector.was the supreme head of the whole body. : On being elected to this high station, Rollin presided in it with the most laudable vigilance and assiduity: . he was strict in maintaining the discipline of the col- leges: he revived the ancient customs, and introduced some salutary reforms. He complied with the statutes of the university which enjoined him to visit the col- leges ; although his predecessors had thought them- selves at liberty to neglect this useful duty. He con- verted into a law the practice of commencing the lecture, in the classes of humanity and philosophy, with the explanation of some passage of Scripture. With the same view of extending biblical knowledge, he pub- lished, for the benefit of the inferior classes, a collection of maxims selected from the Old and New Testament. Although there was no man more humble and inoffen- sive, when he was only personally concerned ; he was very tenacious of the rights of his office, considering that the dignity of the university was united with his own. ‘At a public thesis of law (says Amelot de la Houssaye), he would never suffer that the Archbishop of Sens, Fortin de la Hoguette, should take precedence of him.’ He mortified the pride of another archbishop with a severe reproof of a practical nature. At the feast of Candlemas, it was the rector’s duty, prescribed by ancient custom, to present a wax taper to the king and the queen, and, among other eminent persons, to the arch- bishop of Paris. The metropolitan, M. de Harlay, not feeling much gratification at this honour, adopted a very unceremonious method of receiving it. Upon the arrival of the deputies of the university, a gentleman of his household appeared, who made the Archbishop’s apologies, and received the taper in his stead. M. Rol- lin, aware of the indignity put upon his predecessors, and expecting the same himself, took suitable precau- tions, and determined to resent indifference with indif- VOu. TS b

XV MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

ference. When therefore he had arrived with all his train in the court before the porch of Notre-Dame, in- stead of waiting upon M. de Harlay, he sent the syndic of the university with orders to carry the taper to the archbishop’s gentleman. :

His office of rector expiring, Rollin was engaged in superintending the education of the nephews of Cardi- nal de Noailles. The Abbé Vittement recalled him to a public station by obtaining for him the place of Prin- cipal of the college of Beauvais. Rollin at first ex- pressed some repugnance at the thought of filling such a situation ; not, we suppose, from any indolent love of ease, but from an anxious sensibility which magnified in his apprehension the difficulties he would have to encounter. Such appears to have been the state of his feelings when he wrote to M. Duguet, a learned theo- logian, by whose persuasion chiefly Rollin’s scruples were overcome. ‘ You have almost forced me (declares our Author to him) to undertake an important and dif- ficult office ; you are bound to assist me in bearing the weignt of it. I have to instruct in religion, youths who are becoming numerous; it is for you to furnish me with such lights and instructions as I ought to impart to them.’ The connexion of learned men is often as ad- vantageous to the public, as it isagreeableto themselves. The consequence of Rollin’s entreaty was, that M. Du- guet composed his Commentaires sur louvrage des siv Jours et sur la Genese. The first volume of this work, printed separately under the title of Explication sur Couvrage des six yours, is an excellent performance, in which the useful throughout is enlivened with the agreeable.* ;

The college of Beauvais soon exhibited proofs of the estimation in which Rollin’s talents were held by his countrymen. This society, which previously had been almost deserted, began to abound with scholars under the government of its new principal. A singular instance is given of the uncommon reputation which he enjoyed. A rich gentleman of one of the provinces, attracted by Rollin’s fame, brought his son to be re-

* Siécles Littéraires de la France,

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. X1X

ceived as a pensioner in the college of Beauvais. Rol- lin declared his inability to admit him, as the number of pensioners was already inconveniently great; and, to convince the father, he conducted him through all the apartments and dormitories, which were completely occupied. However, parental expectation was not to be so easily frustrated: ‘I have come to Paris (ex- claimed the father) on purpose to bring you my son; I shall depart to-morrow, and I will send him to you with a bed; I have but him, you may put him in the court, in fic cellar, if you please, but let him be in your college, and from that moment I| shall have no uneasi- ness about him.’ The goodness of Rollin could not re- sist such an appeal as this. He was obliged to receive the youth, and to dispose of him in his own apartments, until he could place him amongst the other scholars.

In our Author’s time the duties of a principal resem- bled those of a master of a seminary, more than of a head of a college, in modern days. It was his province not only to guard the discipline, and preside over the stu- dies of the scholars, but also to instruct them in reli- gious and moral duties, and even attend to their diet and personal comforts. With what care, what vigilance and affection, each of these parts of his office should be fulfilled, Rollin has explained at length in his 77aité des Etudes. The description must have been easy to him; for (according to the testimony of those who knew him), in particularizing the duties of a principal, he has given the details of what was his own invariable practice.

Heendeavoured to perpetuate among his countrymen the accomplishments of learning, and the principles of correct taste. There is no purer joy (he declares*) to a scholar and a man of virtue, than to contribute by his exertions to qualify youths for the office of skilful pro- fessors ; and the pleasure is heightened, if he acts upon motives of gratitude, to repay in some measure the be- nefits which he himself has received from the university. Rollin’s actions were in conformity with this generous sentiment. He was too amiable not to be warmed with

* Traité des Etudes. b 2

XX MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

a grateful remembrance of the manner in which he him- self had been raised to eminence: it was impossible he should forget the benevolence of his Benedictine friend, the favours of M. Hersan, and the dignities which the university had bestowed upon him. He requited these obligations by labouring to advance others in that ho- nourable course which he himself had trodden. One of the most learned of his pupils was M. Crevier, the author of several voluminous works. This gentleman continued Rollin’s Roman History, but in the task has proved himself inferior to his master. He published also, besides other works, a History of the Roman Emperors: and there is an edition of Livy, which passes under his name, although he is not entitled to the cre- dit of the whole performance. The origin of this work deserves to be recorded. The notes of Crevier’s-Livy, which are concise and learned, were the result of lite- rary conversations held between Rollin, some of the professors of the college of Beauvais, the Abbé d’As- feld, and others. M. Crevier, as the youngest person, had the task of digesting and compiling the matter of these discussions. They took place when the duties of college were finished, and originated in the zeal of Rol- lin, who considered them as no more than a recreation. Thus, even the leisure of this learned man was inge- niously employed, and became productive of benefit to the republic of letters.

But no virtues and no qualifications, however distin- guished, could protect him from the rage of religious animosity. He was persecuted for Jansenism, a crime which those, who are not much acquainted with theo- logical controversies, may desire to be explained tothem. The name of Cornelius Jansen or Jansenius, bishop of Ypres, has become celebrated on account of his posthu- mous work, called Augustinus, which is deeply impreg- nated with Calvinistic sentiments. About the middle of the seventeenth century this book was made the pre- text of a violent controversy in France. The Jesuits, incensed against the followers of Jansen, and inflamed with the lust of dominion, more perhaps than the love of truth, caused the following articles, as expressing the

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. Xxl

Bishop of Ypres’s faith, to be condemned by the Faculty of Theology at Paris, and afterwards by Pope Innocent the Tenth.

1. There are divine precepts which even good men cannot obey without the assistance of God.

2. That no man can resist the influence of divine grace on his mind.

3. That to render human actions meritorious, it is not necessary for them to be free from necessity, but con- straint.

4. That the doctrine of free-will is a gross error.

5. That Jesus Christ died not for all men, but only for the elect.

The Jansenists uttered complaints and replies: and as the propositions, which were declared heretical, were not given in the words of Jansen, they denied that they | were to be found in his book. In the sequel, the two parties were entangled in a vehement dispute concern- ing the extent of divine grace. The Jesuits main- tained, ‘that there is a general grace bestowed upon all mankind, but in such a sense subordinated to free-will, that this grace is rendered efficacious or in- efficacious as the will chooses, without any additional assistance from God, and without needing any thing exterior to itself to make its operations effectual; on which account it is distinguished by the epithet szff:- cient. The Jansenists, on the contrary, affirm, that no grace is actually sufficient, unless it be also efficacious; that is, that all those principles which do not determine the will to act effectively, are insufficient for action, be- cause, they say, no one can act without efficacious grace. * The ablest advocates of the Jansenists were M. Arnauld, and other members of the Society of Port Royal ; together with the celebrated Blaise Pascal, a man whose profound and universal genius it is impos- sible to contemplate without astonishment. If it were ever allowable to rejoice at a controversy, it would be when it gives birth to such admirable works as Pascal’s Provincial Letters. The eloquence of Frenchmen of the most opposite tastes and sentiments, has been

* Provincial Letters. Letter 2. |

XXll MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

employed in panegyrizing this extraordinary produe- tion. It was the opinion of Voltaire, that the best co- medies of Moliere do not surpass the Provincial Letters in wit, nor the discourses of Bossuet excel them in sub- limity. The Bishop of Meaux himself, who is perhaps the most eloquent of all the moderns, being interrogated what work (omitting his own writings) he should. most desire to be the author of, answered, the Provincial Letters. D’Alembert and Boileau have contributed eulogies equally warm and unqualified as the preced- ing. The work, which so many acute judges have con- spired to praise, was eventually the chief cause of the extinction of the order of the Jesuits. Pascal made a transition from the subject of sufficient and efficacious grace, to attack the principles and morality of his ad- versaries: and he exposed their artful iniquity with so much pungency of ridicule, and so much vehemence of reproof, that they became universally contemptible. Al- though their order was not suppressed in Europe, nor expelled even from France, till more than a century af- terwards; yet they gradually lost their authority, and were unable to withstand the keenness and the weight of those arguments which Pascal had taught their ene- mies to wield against them. They retained their power, however, long enough to inflict consummate vengeance upon the society of Port Royal. When the ferocious Jesuit Michael Le Tellier was appointed confessor to Louis XIV., that monastery, which had become illus- trious by the residence of learned scholars, and devout nuns, was razed to the ground, and the very dead dis- interred to gratify the revenge of the disciples of the fanatic Loyola.

Rollin’s offences consisted in the constancy with which he retained his friendship for some of the exiled mem- bers of Port Royal, and in the courage which animated him to write in defence of what he considered to be the doctrines of truth. Thus rendering himself hateful to a powertul party, he became the victim of their intrigues, and was finally ordered to quit the college of Beauvais. He bore this injury with great magnanimity. Although compelled unjustly to forego the duties of a principal,

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXII

he still retained the most anxious regard for the youth over whom he had presided. His chief concern was to — see such a successor in his place, as would be most © competent to support the interests and reputation of the college. The person whom his own judgment approved was M. Coffin: and when he was assured that the ap- pointment of this gentleman was agreeable to others as well as himself, he found his bosom relieved of the greatest inquietude which disturbed him. On the even- ing of the 6th of June, 1712, after having paid in cha- pel the sacrifice of devotion to his heavenly Protector, Rollin silently left the college, without any attendant, and with little consolation but what was afforded him by a mind conscious of its integrity. The scholars were not aware till after his departure, that the connex- ion with their virtuous principal was dissolved. When the unwelcome intelligence was announced to them, then (says M. Crevier, who was a witness of the scene) it was evident how much Rollin was beloved. As soon as it was known with certainty, that he had departed from the college never to enter it again in his former capacity, the grief of the scholars was loud and univer- sal. The Boursiers expressed their regret in a more honourable manner than by empty lamentations. Rol- lin had been accused of negligence to them in particular : in order to confute this calumny, and repair as far as possible an injury to which they had been made ac- cessory, they addressed to him a letter, and all put their signatures to a testimonial, avouching their deep- est respect and gratitude to the master from whom they had been so unexpectedly separated.

Rollin fixed his residence in a retired part of Paris, where he had purchased a small house, which he in- habited until his death. The concerns of education, and the interests of the youth of France, still occupied his attention. His solitude was constantly intruded upon by parents, who came to consult him respecting their children. They seemed to think they should not fully discharge their duty to their offspring, unless they sought the benefit of M. Rollin’s judicious advice. His kindness satisfied the parental anxieties of all who

XXi1V. MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

approached him; but his most tender regard was re- served for his late scholars of the college of Beauvais. In this M. Coffin sympathized with him, and paid so much deference to his predecessor’s judgment, as not to venture to undertake any thing of importance with- out his counsel.

The fruit of Rollin’s leisure, and first production from his pen, was an edition of Quintilian’s Institutions, which has been republished in London, and is the chief edition which is used in the schools of our Gallie neighbours. In this publication our Author gave a pre- face, written in pure Latinity, ably characterizing the merit of the great Roman rhetorician, and explaining the utility of his work for the purpose of forming both the orator and the man of virtue. As the book was designed chiefly for juvenile scholars, he retrenched those parts of the author, which seemed obscure and redundant. He elucidated the text with a selection of short notes, and prefixed a summary to the head of each chapter. |

This edition appeared in 1715, and the same year the university appointed him Procureur, or chief of the nation of France. In this office he had an opportunity of giving a public specimen of that eloquence, in the study and explanation of which so many years of his life had been employed. The regency under Louis XV. had just bestowed upon the citizens the privilege of gratuitous instruction; which favour they were ena- bled to grant by securing a fixed stipend to each pro- fessor of the university. The funds to defray these salaries, were levied from the department of the Post. This tax was no more than a debt of justice to the uni- versity, which had made the first attempt, in France, for the establishment of posts, by those messengers who used to conduct the young students from foreign na- tions to Paris, and were the only agents of communi- cation between them and their country. Rollin having to express the public thanks for the bounty of Louis, endeavoured (as he himself informs us*) to explain the earnest and careful manner in which the university la- * Dedication to Traité des Etudes.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXV

boured to imbue the minds of her scholars not only with learning, but much more with tenets of probity and religion. His discourse was so gratifying to the mem- bers of the learned body, which he represented, that they requested him to expand his thoughts, and to dis- cuss in detail what he had been obliged to treat in a very brief and cursory manner. The following is their decree extracted from the records of the university.

‘Anno Domini 1720, die 13 Januarii.

‘ Placuit per amplissimum Rectorem, Universitatis nomine, gratias maximas agi haberique domino Carolo Rollin, cumque ei precibus agi, ut orationem suam ty- pis imprimat ac faciat publici juris; sin vinci modes- tia non possit, saltem partem eam sue orationis que est de Ratione docendi in Academia Parisiensi usur- pari consueta, fusius aliquanto atque uberius, per sin- gula capita explicet, etc. Atque ita ab amplissimo Rectore conclusum fuit, signatum Cofhini, Rector.’

Considering this request as obligatory as a com- mand, Rollin took up his pen, and produced his 7razté des Etudes, or Manner of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres. This work, which is very comprehen- sive in its plan, is divided into six parts. In the first, the Author treats of the study of languages, the French, the Latin, and the Greek. In the second, he discourses of poetry; and in the third, of rhetoric. The two next are appropriated to history and philosophy ; and the last, which is intended to direct the judgment of teach- ers, enters into a detail concerning the management of youth, and the government of a college. These sub- jects are discussed, if not always in a profound, at least in an agreeable manner. Rollin possessed the French art of saying common things in a pleasant way; and his disquisitions often shew more oratorical neatness, than philosophical depth. Those who can read Blair's Lec- tures in their own language, need not undertake the task of studying the 7raité des Etudes. Still, the pe- rusal of the latter work will repay the reader of taste ; as besides displaying the most anxious and watchful

XXV1 MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

zeal for the good of the community, it developes the character, and embodies many of the chief beauties, of the best French and classical writers. The book is curious also, as unfolding the ancient institutes and dis- cipline of the university of Paris. Perplexed as parents are liable to be, with a multiplicity of novel schemes of education, let them determine that no system is com- plete, which does not embrace all the points which Rollin enumerates—learning, morals, and religion. The ancient university of Paris (we are assured by him*) aimed at three objects: first, to cultivate the minds of youth, and adorn them with all the knowledge which they are capable of receiving; next, to rectify and regulate their hearts by the principles of honour and probity, in order to make them good citizens ; and lastly, as the perfection and consummation of the work, to actuate them with the spirit of sincere Christians.

From the time of the delivery of Rollin’s public ha- rangue to the completion of his Zraité des Etudes, was a period of nearly ten years; at the end of which the university again elevated him to the office of Rector. Rollin had not abandoned his principles, nor his ene- mies softened their intolerance. Ina discourse which he delivered on the 11th of December, 1730, he shewed that neither time nor persecution had convinced him of the error of those doctrines, which had occasioned his for- mer disgrace. How far he was indiscreet in thus re- kindling religious feuds, we have not precise information enough to enable us to determine. Although it seems irreconcilable with his character that he should be guilty of: any acrimonious bitterness in avowing his opinions, yet his delinquency was considered as un- pardonable as before. The honours, which would have expired in a few months, were violently seized from him: he was displaced from his post, and driven into his former retirement.

Intolerance could not snatch the pen from his hands, nor close the press against his publications. To assist those studies of youth, over which he was debarred from

* Discours Préliminaire.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXVll

personally presiding, he composed his Ancient History, which appeared in thirteen volumes at different times, between 1730 and 1738. Of all his works, this is the one which has obtained for its author the greatest de- gree of celebrity: it has spread his renown through the most intelligent nations of Europe; and what is no small _ distinction, has made his name as familiar to English readers, as the names of the most esteemed writers among their own countrymen. A reputation so emi- nent must be built upon solid merit. The author of the Ancient History has effected much more than he professed to undertake ; since his volumes, rising above the rank of an ordinary accompaniment to scholastic studies, contain a fund of knowledge and gratification suitable to the taste of every description of readers. They are so deeply imbued with the spirit and learn- ing of antiquity, that those who are debarred from the original works of the classical writers, cannot go to a better source to form correct notions of the temper and manners of ancient people: while the more accom- plished scholar will be delighted to find the substance of his studies embodied, and presented to the review of his mind, in one consistent work.

The plan of the Ancient History, which embraces the events of many centuries, and the exploits of many na- tions, required that its author should possess a very extensive range of erudition. It was necessary to search all the stores of antiquity, in order to ascend to the most distant epochs of the Egyptian and Assyrian annals, and to describe the numerous transactions of Carthaginians, and Greeks, and Macedonians. Ac- cordingly we find, there is scarcely a classical writer from whom Rollin has not enriched his pages: histo- rians and poets, philosophers and orators, are all con- strained in turn to furnish incidents and allusions, and embellish the account of their own, or preceding ages. The variety of scenes and events, through which the reader is carried, is sufficient to stimulate the dullest curiosity, and sustain an ardent interest in the mind. We are transported to the greatest cities of the world, to Carthage, to Athens and Babylon, amidst a suc-

XXV111 MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

cession of events which possess all the liveliness and splendour of romance without its exaggerations. We become familiarized with the most noble characters of antiquity : we accompany Hannibal in his invasion of Italy, follow Cyrus to the throne of Persia, and are amazed at the daring achievements of Alexander in his rapid conquest of the East. We pass from the tu- ~ mults of the camp to the noise of the forum, and learn how Pericles and Demosthenes swayed the minds of the capricious Athenians; or retiring to the converse of philosophers, we hear Socrates discourse upon the rules of practical wisdom, and wonder how so much acuteness and magnanimity should be repaid with an in- famous death. In short, we meet with such a number of curious incidents, noble sentiments, and weighty apo- phthegms, that the chief spoils of ancient times being collected together, only a moderate industry is requi- site to store them in our minds.

Upon the moral instruction to be gained from the perusal of history, Rollin always carefully enlarges. His pages are almost as thickly interspersed with re- flections as those of Euripides; but with more propriety, as it is the peculiar province of history to instruct by maxims drawn from experience, while tragedy aspires to purify the soul by the emotions of terror and pity. Our Author’s custom of moralizing so diffusely, is to be at- tributed to his solicitude for the virtuous principles of - the young, for whose benefit chiefly his Ancient His- tory was compiled. Persons however of riper age and more mature judgment may be delighted with his sen- timents. It was a compliment paid him by that Duke of Cumberland who was his contemporary: ‘I know not how M. Rollin manages: every where else reflections weary me ; in his book they charm me, and I never lose a single word of them.’ Whatever opinion we may form of the profusion with which his sentiments are lavished, it is impossible not to admire their excellent tendency. Nothing can be more pure, more noble, and more pious, than our Author’s reflections. In estimating the qua- lities of any great character, his judgment is never daz- zled by the lustre of specious exploits: he makes the

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XX1X

true glory of actions to consist in the virtuous motives which inspired them, and the degree of utility which followed, or was likely to follow, their execution.

As the education ofall the learned part of Christendom is grounded upon a close acquaintance with the writings of Pagan authors, nothing should be more carefully guarded against, than an anomalous mixture of Christian and Heathen principles. An unqualified admiration of Heathen characters, will gradually infuse into the heart the tenets of Heathen morality; so that a scholar often, by a process imperceptible to himself, incorpo- rates the sentiments of Paganism with the profession of Christianity. Rollin was aware of this danger, to which the lovers of classical literature are exposed. To counteract it, he determines the merit of Pagan ac- tions by the standard of Christian morality. Nor is this unjust: to judge men by a perfect law which they did not possess, would be a flagrant breach of equity ; but to estimate actions in the abstract by any rule which is not rigidly correct, would be voluntarily to mislead our own understandings. In the perusal, therefore, of An- cient History, it is sufficient sometimes to admire the magnanimity of the great characters which it portrays, without imitating their conduct. Rollin is generally careful to intercept our admiration, whenever it is likely to exceed due bounds; and he animadverts upon the sentiments which might be excusable in a Heathen, but can admit of no palliation under the light which revealed religion has imparted. This correctness and delicacy of moral feeling, which pervades our Author's work, will considerably enhance its value with those who know how artfully their principles may be attacked in the midst of historical disquisition. It would have detracted nothing from their elegance, but would have » obviated the reproach, which they bear, of disinge- nuous and rancorous hostility to the Christian reve- lation, if the two most accomplished historians of our own country had not deviated from the track before them, in order to asperse a faith, the excellence of which they were too arrogant and self-sufficient to ap- preciate. Rollin labours to establish, and not con-

XXX MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

found, the principles of his readers: his taste as well as virtue would not allow him to interrupt the pleasures of fancy, or the emotions of the heart, by a silly and unexpected sneer. If he enchants us not with all the graces of Hume or Gibbon, neither does he attempt to perplex us with their insidious sophisms. To study his volumes is to accustom ourselves to form correct sentiments, and to nourish a generous enthusiasm for piety and virtue.

His style (of which it is not fair to judge with rigo- rous minuteness from a translation, which was executed many years ago) possesses a graceful ease, and harmo- nious sweetness. It is formed upon the model of Xenophon; with the writings of which historian he had an accurate acquaintance, as they constituted his fa- vourite study. He has imitated his beauties with so much success, that as the disciple of Socrates was de- nominated the Attic Bee, so the pupil of Hersan has been styled the Bee of France.*

Amidst many excellences his work does not exhibit much historical acumen. He is not eminent for that critical sagacity, which guides the reader satisfactorily through various discrepancies, preserves him from be- ing imposed upon by the hasty accounts of historians, and often collects the truth from a few scattered hints or allusions, ingeniously compared together. Rollin confides with too much credulity in the unfounded anecdotes and exaggerated relations of the ancient writers ; and while his facts are not always authentic, neither is his chronology remarkable for its accuracy. Minor defects have been observed. Important and trifling occurrences are sometimes mingled together in awkward confusion: and he has contributed to the in- equality of style, which disfigures his book, by fre- quently borrowing fifty or sixty pages together from different modern writers.| These obligations he inge-

* “Un honnéte homme, Rollin, dit M. Montesquieu (CEuvres posth.) a, par ses ouvrages d’Histoire, enchanté le public. C’est le coeur qui parle au cceur; on sent une secréte satisfaction d’entendre parler la vertu: c’est l’abeille de la France,’

+ Siécles Littéraires de la France.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXXI

nuously avows, and never affects to treat in a new way the subjects, which have been discussed satisfactorily by others before him.

The reputation of our Author’s writings attracted the notice of the great, from whom he received many flattering marks of regard. The Prince Royal of Prussia, afterwards Frederick II. cherished a warm esteem fo: him, and in one of his letters complimented him with a sentiment worthy of Meceenas: ‘ Des hommes tels que vous marchent a coté des souverains. The Queen of England had expressed a desire to maintain a corre- spondence with him, but the plan was frustrated by her death. The Duke of Orleans intrusted to him the superintendence of the studies of his son, and wished him to take every Monday an account of the young prince's proficiency. Such intercourse as this, however honourable, was too distant to supply the place of that friendship, which seldom subsists in its full warmth of af- fection, but between equals. Amongst the private friends of Rollin were ranked many men whose talents and si- tuations reflected a degree of honour upon the persons, whom they judged worthy of their intimate regard. The Abbé d’Asfeld is particularly named as the most tender and amiable friend of our Author. The souls — of these two virtuous men were attracted together and united by a close conformity of sentiments, by the same earnest piety, and the same pure taste in the stu- dies of literature. Rollin allowed the Abbé to partici- pate in all his labours and in all his pleasures. He dis- burdened his anxieties to him, while he was at the head of the college of Beauvais ; and assisted himself by his judgment during the composition of his learned works. He made him also the companion of his rural walks ; in which the two friends perused together the Lives of Plutarch, thus contriving that the beauties of nature and the beauties of learning should be tasted at the same time, and each be heightened by the other.

Rollin softened the pressure of old age by the in- nocent pleasures of conviviality. During the last years of his life he yielded, more freely than before, to the numerous invitations with which his society was

XXX1l MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

courted. Every day almost he dined abroad with his friends; excepting Sundays and festivals, when his piety kept him at home, that he might be able to at- tend vespers. At these entertainments his kindness and address always effected some useful object. Parents were benefited by his experienced counsels ; and the children, whom they presented to him, were encouraged by his tenderness, and improved by his skilful interrogatories. If sometimes after the repast (his biographer relates) he happened to slip away without being observed by any one, he was sure to be found in an adjoining apartment with a young scholar, who was giving an account to him of some passage of history, or reciting some choice piece of eloquence or poetry.

Thus he enjoyed one of those pure gratifications, which Cicero* enumerates as compatible with the con- dition of old age: ‘Quid enim est jucundius senectute stipata studiis juventutis? An ne eas quidem vires se- nectuti relinquemus, ut adolescentulos doceat, instituat, ad omne officii munus instruat? quo quidem opere quid potest esse preclarius?’ He verified, also, the same orator’s commendation of age: ‘Sed videtis, ut se- nectus non modo languida atque iners non sit, verum etiam sit operosa, et semper agens aliquid et moliens ; tale scilicet, quale cujusque studium in superiore vita fuit.’ He was sixty years old when he took up the pen the first time to write in his native language; and he was nearly ten years older when he commenced his Ancient History, a laborious work, which seemed to require the vigorous application of youth, in order to execute it. The love of ease did not overcome his in- dustry even at seventy-five ; for it was at such an ad- vanced stage of life that he ventured to undertake a new work. This was the Roman History from the foundation of Rome to the battle of Actium; the first volume of which was published with the last of the Ancient History. It appears by his letters that he de- liberated some time with his pious friends, whether he should commence an arduous undertaking at a declin-

* De Senectute.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXXIll

ing age, which he desired to consecrate entirely to the studies and meditations of religion. It was represented to him, that the sacrifice of his leisure being so advan- tageous to youth, could not fail to be acceptable to his Creator. He was persuaded by this reasoning, and lived to finish nearly half of the intended work. This last performance does not possess sufficient merit to exalt it to a comparison with the Ancient History ; which inferiority has been supposed to arise, either from the natural decay of age, which had enfeebled his powers, or from the fierceness and tumult of the events of the Roman republic, which might be disgusting to his tranquil disposition, and the peaceful sentiments of old age. His desire of being useful, or else that garrulity which increases with years, betrayed him into an unpardonable excess of moralizing. While he merely indicates many important events, he dwells with pro- lixity upon those which furnish opportunity for the serious reflections with which he was burdened. The greatest benefit of the work to a French reader is, that he may enjoy in it the finest parts of Livy elegantly translated into his own language.* M. Crevier conti- nued the History from the ninth to the sixteenth vo- lume; and however little praise Rollin’s part of the per- formance has received, his pupil’s has been commended still less. | But our Author’s name had acquired sufficient lustre from his former publications; and as his days had been honourably spent, so they were triumphantly closed. In the short illness, which was fatal to him, when the last sacraments were being administered, his friends and pupils were overpowered with grief, and could not refrain from tears. Elated with Christian hope, and anticipating the glorious reward of his labours, he piously reproved their lamentations, by declaring : ‘I wish to see no tears and no marks of affliction ; this day with us is a festival.’ Supported by such holy sentiments he joyfully expired, after a long life, which had been extended to the eighty-first year. Themem-

* Siécles Littéraires. VO 1. Cc

XXXIV MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

bers of the university were present at the solemnity of his funeral ; but the customary eulogy by a public dis- course was denied him. The same religious hatred, which persecuted him during his life, saddened his obsequies, and suppressed the praise which was due to his memory. Neither his venerable age, nor his nu- merous virtues, had been able to preserve him from the aspersions of calumny. He had been accused of con- cealing in his humble mansion a press, from which issued anonymous pamphlets, inimical to the peace of both church and state. The informations against him were so positive and urgent, that Cardinal Fleury, the minister, ordered the police to examine his house ; and the search was as rigorous, as the accusation had been malicious and groundless. Thus in life and in the grave, this most harmless man was the victim of Jesu- itical hatred. Louis XVI. endeavoured to cancel the. injustice which had been done him, and ordered a sta- tue to be erected to his memory, among those of the most illustrious men of France.

To this honour he was indisputably entitled, by be- ing adorned with all those excellences which consti- tute a great and amiable character. In Rollin we ad- mire learning ennobled by virtue, and virtue exalted by piety. He lived in a brilliant era of French lite- rature, in an age of the most perfect orators and poets. Although his works do not elevate him to the renown of the most eminent writers of his country, yet his ta- lents were very considerable, his learning extensive, and his taste pure and classical. Of his virtues we may affirm, that they were almost without a blemish. We see him presiding over the education of the youth of France with as much affection and vigilance, as if he were the patriarch of the whole nation, and had adopted all the children of the country as his sons. We observe him in retirement constantly practising the lessons which he taught, and portraying the loveli- ness of virtue by the efficacy of a good example.

Depressed by an obscure birth and an humble for- tune, Rollin had to surmount many difficulties, in order to gain the eminent posts of learning. It was his own

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXXV

strength chiefly on which he was compelled to rely ; as he had no friends, but those whom his exemplary conduct and superior talents happened to conciliate. When his success had equalled his merit, and perhaps surpassed his ambition, his mind was as humble as if he had remained in the obscurity in which he was born. He never affected any disdain of his former condition, nor attempted to conceal the meanness of his birth; on the contrary, he gave notoriety to it by his own pen, and ina Latin epigram reminds one of his friends, that he took his flight from the caves of Aitna to the tops of Pindus.

Doctissimo viro N. Bosquillon, cim ei cultellum in xenia mitteret.

ZEtna heec, non Pindus, tibi mittit munera: morem Cyclopes Musis preecipuere suum.

Translatum AStneis me Pindi in culmina ab antris Hic se, si nescis, culter, amice, docet.* —

At the time he was caressed by the most illustrious persons in Europe, he lived ina style as simple and unostentatious as that of the plainest citizen. His house was so small, that it could sometimes with diffi- culty contain the numerous visitants who flocked to

* There are some other verses by Rollin which are a proof of his amiable condescension. He sent to young Lepelletier a large taper, such as it was customary to present to the presidents of par- liament at the feast of Candlemas; at the same time he addressed to him the following lines, which must be understood as spoken by the university.

Ad venustulum et elegantulum et peramabilem Pelteriolum, cim ei, tanquam futuro quondum senatis principi, cereum mitteret.

Incipe, parve puer, dono cognoscere matrem, Venturique istud pignus honoris habe. Talia supremi queis sedes summa senatts Contigerit, soleo munera ferre viris. Te manet heec sedes: summum Themis ipsa tribunal (Vera cano) patri destinat, inde tibi.+ Cura sit interea ludo tibi fingere corpus, Mox animum pulchris artibus ipsa colam. Academia Parisiensis, primogenita regum filia, 31 Jan. 1695.

+ This prediction was verified: for twelve years afterwards, M. Lepelletier was first president, and he was succeeded by his son.

eZ

XXXVI MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

him. Splendour and parade were wearisome to him. When courtesy compelled him to be present at those entertainments, which had no attraction but the luxury of the repast, and the rank of the guests, he always re- turned home dissatisfied. ‘Those dinners (he would complain) ‘where one does nothing but dine, fatigue me: I reckon such days lost.’ He preferred the tables of virtuous citizens, who were zealous for the education of their children: with them he had always an oppor- tunity to discharge his duty ; These (he would say) are my dukes and peers.’

His moderation was a virtue which proceeded from disinterestedness, and not a duty imposed by unavoid- -able poverty. He had many opportunities of enrich- ing himself, all of which he magnanimously overlooked or rejected. He never availed himself of his intercourse with the great for the purpose of self-aggrandizement ; although his income at the time of his greatest prospe- rity, was scarcely three thousand livres.* He relin- quished those profits which would have been only the just remuneration of his study and labours: for the sole stipulation which he made with the bookseller who published his works was, that he might be allowed to indemnify him, if he should happen to incur any loss.

After he had quitted the college of Beauvais, his friend and protector the president of Mesmes secretly solicited for him a pension upon an ecclesiastical be- nefice. When he was upon the point of obtaining his request, he sent for Rollin to communicate the in- telligence, which he thought would be joyfully received. But our Author, having heard the proposal, exclaimed with surprise, ‘A pension, my Lord, forme! why, what service have I rendered the church, that I should pos- sess ecclesiastical revenues?’ The president reminded him, that the Christian education which he had given to so many youths was a service rendered to the church as well as the state ; and urged him, as he was far from rich, to accept the assistance which was offered. ‘My Lord (replied Rollin), I am richer than the king ; and firmly persisted in rejecting property to which he thought

* One hundred and twenty-five pounds.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXXVII

none but churchmen entitled. The impropriators of this country have been too long in possession of church lands, to feel any scruples concerning the validity of their titles: when however they see half the clergy im- poverished, and themselves abounding in wealth, they might very aptly put the question to their consciences, ‘What service have we done to the church, that we should possess ecclesiastical revenues? The property which has been so long enjoyed by them, and the right to which has been solemnly recognised, no moderate and peaceable subject would desire to see disturbed : but when the clergy, who are compelled to undergo an expensive education, and afterwards to devote their time and studies to ecclesiastical functions, are envied a mechanic’s pittance, which is all that most of them ever gain from the altar ; surely they may be permitted to silence clamour, and repel odium, by pointing to the impropriators, and asking what those laymen have done for the church, that they possess its revenues, without any of the dispute or obloquy which the clergy en- counter ?

Although straitened in his circumstances, Rollin is commended for great liberality and beneficence. He assisted with his purse the scholars whom he intended for professors, and who were too indigent to defray the entire expenses attendant upon their studies. Every - month his servant distributed alms to a considerable amount: and on one occasion, being informed of the increase of the price of bread, he wrote to his faith- ful domestic from the chateau d’Asfeld: ‘ You must double the ordinary distribution for the last month, and for this: you must even make it triple, if you think it ne- cessary. Do not be afraid of impoverishing me by giving too much: itis laying out my money at great interest.’

In devotion, our Author was rigid, and even super- stitious. During the time of the popular fanaticism respecting the Abbé Paris,* Rollin was to be seen pray- ing at the tomb of the pious deacon.

* Francis Paris, a famous deacon of Paris, was the eldest son of acounsellor of parliament. After the death of his father, he

XXXVI MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

He said his breviary with the most punctual regu- larity. He heard mass every day, and always received the sacrament on Sundays. He cherished a singular devotion towards the Virgin Mary; and on the days consecrated to her worship, he usually went to Notre- Dame, where he heard mass, communicated, and passed part of the morning in prayers. Every year, if he was at Paris in the month of October, he made on foot the pilgrimage of St. Denys, during the festival of that apostle of France.

He visited also every year his parish church of St. John en Gréve, in order to renew his baptismal vows at the sacred font.

It was a practice which he commenced when he was principal, and afterwards continued till his death, to pray every day to the infant Jesus Christ for the young, to the Virgin Mary for mothers, and to St. Joseph for fathers and masters.

During Lent he practised great austerities, and ob- served the discipline of the primitive ages of the church. Such is the picture which has been drawn of Rollin’s devotion. Protestants perhaps may be tempted to smile at some of his superstitious performances; but it

relinquished all his property to his brother, and retiring from the world, devoted himself to prayer, and the rigorous duties of peni- tence. He submitted even to manual labours, and wove stockings for the poor, whom he considered as his brethren. He died in his retreat in 1727, being 37 years of age. His brother having erected a tomb for him in the cemetery of St. Medard, the poor whom the deacon had relieved, some rich persons who had been edified, and many females who had been instructed by him, resorted to the se- pulchre, to pray and exercise their devotion. Among the multi- tudes of sick persons who at last flocked to the tomb, a few cures were effected, which were considered by the Jansenists as miracu- lous, but which might be naturally occasioned by violent convul- sions, which would ‘ produce a removal of disorders depending upon obstruction.’ The disturbance at length became so great, that the government was obliged to order the cemetery to be closed in January, 1732.

The Parisian miracles (with two other instances still more weak) Mr. Hume has been audacious and silly enough to compare with the miracles recorded in the New Testament. Dr. Paley has re- plied to the sophist in his Evidences, part. i. prop. 2. chap. 2.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. XXXIxX

is their duty, while they shun his errors, to imitate his piety, and the amiable virtues which were engendered by it.

aes has been usual to prefix to the English edition of the Ancient History a letter from Bishop Atterbury ; and as the great celebrity of the writer makes it interesting, we shall not presume to withhold it.

A Letter written by the Right Reverend Dr. Francis ATTERBURY, late Lord Bishop of Rochester, to M. Roun, in commendation of this Work.

REVERENDE ATQUE ERUDITISSIME VIR,

Cum, monente amico quodam, qui juxta edes tuas habitat, scirem te Parisios revertisse, statui salutatum te ire, ut primum per valetudinem liceret. Id officii, ex pedum infirmitate aliquandiu dilatum, cum tandem me impleturum sperarem, frustra fui; domi non eras. Restat, ut quod coram exequi non potul, scriptis saltem literis preestem; tibique ob ea omnia, quibus a te auc- tus sum, beneficia, grates agam, quas habeo certé, et semper habiturus sum, maximas.

Revera munera illa librorum nuperis a te annis edi- torum egregia ac perhonorifica mihi visa sunt. Multi enim facio, et te, vir preestantissime, et tua omnia quee- cunque in isto literarum genere perpolita sunt; in quo quidem Te ceteris omnibus ejyusmodi scriptoribus facilé antecellere, atque esse eundem et dicendi et sentiendi magistrum optimum, prorsts existimo ; cumque in ex- colendis his studiis aliquantulum ipse et opere et tem- poris posuerim, liberé tamen profiteor me, tua cum le- gam ac relegam, ea edoctum esse a te, non solim que nesciebam prorsus, sed etiam que antea didicisse mihi visus sum. Modesté itaque nimitim de opere tuo sentis, cum juventuti tantum instituendee elaboratum id esse contendis. Ea certé scribis, que 4 viris istiusmodi re- rum haud imperitis, cum voluptate et fructu legi pos- sunt. Vetera quidem et satis cognita revocas in me- moriam; sed ita revocas, ut illustres, ut ornes; ut

xl MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

aliquid vetustis adjicias quod novum sit, alienis quod omnino tuum: bonasque picturas bona in luce collo- cando efficis, ut etiam iis, a quibus seepissimé conspec- tee sunt, elegantiores tamen solito appareant, et placeant magis.

Certé, dum Xenophontem sepius versas, ab illo et ea que a te plurimis in locis narrantur, et ipsum ubi- que narrandi modum videris traxisse, stylique Xeno- phontei nitorem ac venustam simplicitatem non imitari tantum, sed plané assequi: ita ut si Gallicé scisset Xe- nophon, non aliis illum, in eo argumento quod tractas, verbis usurum, non alio prorsus more scripturum, ju- dicem.

Heec ego, haud assentandi caus4 (quod vitium procul a me abest), sed veré ex animi sententia dico. Cum enim pulchris a te donis ditatus sim, quibus in eodem aut in‘alio quopiam doctrine genere referendis impa- rem me sentio, volui tamen propensi erga te animi gra- tique testimonium proferre, et te aliquo saltem munus- culo, etsi perquam dissimili, remunerari.

Perge, vir docte admodtim et venerande, de bonis literis, quee nunc neglectz passim et spretee jacent, bene mereri ; perge juventutem Gallicam (quando illi solum- modo te utilem esse vis) optimis et preeceptis et exem- plis informare.

Quod ut facias, annis etatis tue elapsis multos adji- ciat Deus! iisque decurrentibus sanum te prestet atque incolumem. Hoc ex animo optat ac vovet

Tui observantissimus Franciscus RoFFENSsIs.

Pransurum te mecum post festa dixit mihi amicus ille noster, qui tibi vicinus est. Cum statueris tecum quo die adfuturus es, id illi significabis. Me certé annis malisque debilitatum, quandocunque veneris, domi in- venies. .

6° Kal. Jan. 1731.

MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN. xh

TRANSLATION.

REVEREND AND MOST LEARNED SIR,

WueEn I was informed by a friend who lives near you, that you were returned to Paris, I resolved to wait on you, as soon as my health would permit. After having been prevented by the gout for some time, I was in hopes at length of paying my respects to you at your house, and went thither, but found you not at home. It is incumbent on me, therefore, to do that in writing, which I could not in person, and for all the © favours you have been pleased to confer upon me, to return you the warmest acknowledgments which, as I now feel, I shall ever continue to cherish.

And indeed I esteem the books you have lately pub- lished, as presents of uncommon value, and such as do me very great honour. For I have the highest esteem, most excellent Sir, both for you, and for every thing that comes from so masterly a hand as yours, in the kind of learning of which you treat; in which I sin- cerely believe that you far excel all other writers, and are at the same time the best master both of speaking and thinking well: andI freely confess that, though I had applied some time and pains in cultivating such studies, when I read your volumes over and over again, I am instructed by you not only in things of which I was entirely ignorant, but also those which I fancied myself to have learned before. You have, therefore, too modest an opinion of your work, when you declare it composed solely for the instruction of youth. What you write may undoubtedly be read with pleasure and improvement by persons who are proficients in learning of that kind. For whilst you call to mind ancient facts and things sufficiently known, you do it in such a manner, that you illustrate, you embellish them; still adding something new to the old, something entirely your own to the labours of others: by placing good pictures in a good light, you make them appear with unusual elegance and more exalted beauties, even to those who have seen and studied them most.

In your frequent correspondence with Xenophon,

xlil MEMOIRS OF ROLLIN.

you have certainly extracted from him, both what you relate in many places, and every where his very man- ner of relating; you seem not only to have imitated, but attained, the shining elegance and beautiful sim- plicity of that author’s style: so that had Xenophon excelled in the French language, in my judgment, he would have used no other words, nor written in any other manner, upon the subjects you treat, than you have done.

I do not say this out of flattery (which is far from being my vice), but from my real sentiments and opi- nion. As you have enriched me with your handsome presents, which I know how incapable I am of repaying either in the same or in any other kind of learning, I was willing to testify my gratitude and affection for you, and at least to make you some small, though ex- ceedingly unequal, return.

Go on, most learned and venerable Sir, to deserve well of sound literature, which now lies universally neglected and despised. Go on, in forming the youth of France (since you will have their utility to be your sole view) upon the best precepts and examples.

Which that you may effect, may it please God to add many years to your life, and during the course of them to preserve you in health and security. This is the earnest wish and prayer of,

Your most faithful friend, Francis Rorren.

P.S. Our friend, your neighbour, tells me you in- tend to dine with me after the holidays. When you have fixed upon the day, be pleased to let him know it. Whenever you come, you will be sure to find one so

weak with age and sufferings, as I am, at home. December 26, 1731. It is proper to add, that the volumes of the Ancient History not being published by the Author all at one time, there were several prefaces or introductions for

the different parts of the work. These by the English editors have been retrenched and incorporated into

one. ReL London, Feb. 5, 1823.

CONTENTS

OF

THE EIGHT VOLUMES.

VOL,: 5. Boox I.—The ancient history of the Egyptians. Boox II.—The history of the Carthaginians.

VODit Boox II. continued.—The history of the Carthaginians. Boox III.—The history of the Assyrians.

Boox IV.—The foundation of the empire of the Persians and

Medes, by Cyrus: containing the reigns of Cyrus, of Cambyses, and Smerdis the Magian.

Boox V.—The history of the origin and first settlement of the several states and governments of Greece.

Boox VI.—The history of the Persians and Grecians.

VOTE: Boox VI. continued.—The history of the Persians and Grecians. Booxs VII. and VIII.—The history of the Persians and Grecians.

Boox 1X.—The history of the Persians and Grecians ; continued during the first fifteen years of the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon.

VOLE.

Boox IX. continued.—The ancient history of the Persians and Grecians.

Boox X.—The ancient history of the Persians and Grecians.

Boox XI.—The history of Dionysius the elder and younger, tyrants of Syracuse.

Booxs XII. and XIII.—The history of the Persians and Grecians. Book X1V.—the history of Philip.

VOL. V: Boox XV.—The history of Alexander. Boox XVJ.—The history of Alexander’s successors.

xliv CONTENTS OF THE EIGHT VOLUMES.

VOL. VI.

Booxs XVII. and XVIII.—The history of Alexander’s successors. Boox XIX.—Sequel of the history of Alexander’s successors.

VOL. VIt.

Boox XIX. continued.—Sequel of the history of Alexander’s successors.

Booxs XX. and XXI.—The history of Alexander’s successors continued.

VOL. VIII. Boox XXII.—The history of Syracuse. Boox XXIII.—The history of Pontus. Boox XXIV.—The history of Egypt. Chronological Table. General Index.

CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

Page PreFrace. The usefulness of profane mes a with : regard to religion . : é ° ae | Of religion : : : ; . a . -xXvi Of the feasts . ° - : . : : ° XXIX The Panathena : : : : : : : . ibid. Feasts of Bacchus. : : : eee ' » XXXi The feast of Eleusis . : ; ; . ‘ : XXXIll Of auguries, oracles, &c. . : ‘ : : : XXXVIi Of auguries : : : : : : : 50 MEXVUL Of oracles . ; ; : . ; ; ° Hee Of the games and combats . , es : : ae | Of the Athlete, or combatants . , ‘ is i eS) Of wrestling : : : ° : : ° - lvii Of boxing, or the cestus ‘ Ser cs ‘ Been |b. Of the pancratium . : . , . ‘ eb < Of the discus, or quoit : : : ; : : . ibid. Of the pentathlum : ‘ : ‘ . : ‘ 64 Ofraces . : : ; : : ‘ ° ; Ree bit Of the foot-race . eta : : ° : ° a Exdit Of the horse-races_. : : ‘ : : ' . Ixiv Of the chariot-races_ . : + Ixy Of the honours and rewards granted to the victors . ‘ + lxix The different taste of the Greeks and Romans i in regard to public shows . : ; » xxi Of the prizes of wit, and the shows and representations of the theatre . ‘ : ; Ixxiv

Extraordinary fondness of the Athenians for the entertainments

of the stage. Emulation of the poets in disputing the prizes

in those representations. A short idea of dramatic poetry Ixxvi The origin and progress of tragedy. Poets who excelled in it

at Athens: Aischylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Ixxvii Of the ancient, middle, and new comedy. ‘ . Lexxviii The theatre of the ancients described - . ‘ - XCV1 Passion for the representations of the theatre one of the prin-

cipal causes of the decline, Teeengey) and auisw ta of the

Athenian state ° ‘ ° ‘ee Epochas of the Jewish history : ; : ° ha PER i Roman history. : +0 01x

The origin and condition of the Elotee, « or Helots ° : Ce Lycurgus, the Lacedemonian laweiver ‘ : AE a War between the Argives and the Lacedeemonians 2 <a CXS

Wars between the Messenians and Lacedzemonians : . CXiil

xlvyi CONTENTS OF VOL, I.

Page The first Messenian war : : : , : . CXiil The second Messenian war . ‘ : : ‘ CXVIIi The kingdom of Egypt : : : : ; ; » CXXV Syria ; , 5 : 5 : . ibid. Macedonia : ‘ ; , : CXXVI Thrace and ee : : : ‘ CXXvil Kings of Bithynia ; : ° : . . ibid. — Pergamus . ‘ : : : : : . ibid. -——— Pontus : ; ; : : ; 20) SCxXViit — Cappadocia : : 2 , : : CXXiX Armenia . ; : , e : CXXX Epirus : : . : : : s . ibid. Tyrants of Heraclea . : : ‘ : : - -CXXKIL Kings of Syracuse. . : : : : 2. CRRXILE Other kings : . ; A : ; : oe POX xXIY BOOK I. THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS.

Part I. The description of Egypt: with an account of what is most curious and remarkable in that country . . 138 Cuap. I. Thebais ; : ‘ P 3 136 II. Middle Egypt, or Heptanomis : ; ; welod Sect. I. The obelisks : : : : » 139 II. The pyramids . : : : : . . 140

III. The labyrinth : : : : : . 143 IV. The lake of Meeris G ; ; : ; oad V. The inundations of the Nile . A ; 2 e145

1. The sources of the Nile . : : - . 146 2. The cataracts of the Nile . ; : . 147 3. Causes of the inundations of the Nile ‘ . 148 4. The time and continuance of the inundations _ . ibid. 5. The height of the inundations . , Eso 6. The canals of the Nile and spiral pumps aon ‘7. The fertility caused by the Nile : - 152 8. Two different prospects exhibited by the Nile . 154 9. The canal formed by the Nile, by which a com- munication is made between the two seas . ibid. Cuapr. III. Lower Egypt . . . 155 Part II. Of the manners and customs of the Baepien . 160 Cuar. I. Concerning the kings and government 161 II. Concerning the priests and religion of the Egyptians 167 Sect. I. The worship of the various deities . ; : - 469

IJ. The ceremonies of the Egyptian funerals : fav Cuap. III. Of the Egyptian soldiers and war. . . 179

IV. Of their arts and sciences . . 180 V. Of their husbandmen, shepherds, anid artificers ate? VI. Of the fertility of Egypt : : . 186

Part III. The history of the kings of Egypt SH ons . 192 The kings of Egypt : . : : . 194

CONTENTS OF VOL. I. xl vii

BOOK II. |

THE HISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. Page Part I. Of the character, manners, religion, and government, of the Carthaginians . 231 Secr. I. Carthage formed after the model of Tyre, of ‘which that city was acolony . : , : . ibid. II. The religion of the Carthaginians . . . . 232 III. Form of the government of Carthage. ; - 238 The suffetes ° : : , : : ~ 239 The senate : : ; : : ° . 240 The people . : . : . 241 The tribunal of the Hundred ‘ ° : - ibid Defects in the government of Carthage . ° - 243 IV. Trade of Carthage, the first source of its wealth and power. » 245 V. The mines of Spain, the second source of the tiches and power of reese ‘ ; : : . 247

Vie Wart. : ‘ : ; . . . 248

VII. Arts and sciences : ‘ - 252 VIII. The character, manners, and qualities, of the Car-

thaginians ; ‘ . ~ 255

Part II. The history of the Carthaginians ° . ° - 258 Cuap. I. The foundation of Carthage, and its aggrandizement,

till the time of the first Punic war . . - ibid.

Conquests of the Carthaginians in Africa - . ° - 261 — Sardinia . . + 263 — Spain - . . - 264 Sicily - - . - 267 Cuap. II. The history of pean, from the first Punic war

to its destruction . . . . . « 299 Art. I. The first Punic war - “ . . - 300 The Libyan war; or against the mercenaries - . - 322 The second Punic war . . : si 300 Theremote and more immediate causes of fie second Punic war 334. War proclaimed . : ° . - 341 The beginning of the Peron eae war . . - 342

The passage of the Rhone . . : . . - 344 The march after the battle of the HORE: . : - 346

Passage over the Alps . . . - 348 Hannibal enters Italy . . . : . - 35] Battle of the cavalry near the Ticinus - . . - 353

Trebia . . . . . : - 356 — Thrasymene . . . - 360 Hannibal’s conduct with respect e Pabius . . - 363 The state of affairs in Spain . . : - 368 The battle of Canne- — - : . . . - ibid. Hannibal takes up his winter-quarters in Capua , - 375 The transactions relating to Spain and Sardinia - 378

The ill success of Hannibal. The sieges of Capua and Rome ibid

xvii CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Page The defeat and death of the two Scipios in Spain” - - 381 Asdrubal - . . : - 382 Scipio conquers all Spain. Is appointed consul, and sails

into Africa. Hannibal is recalled : - 385 Interview between Hannibal and ecpieys in Africa, followed by abattle - . . . : - 390 A peace concluded Pereeen: the Carhagiicn and the Ro- mans. The end of the second Punic war - . - 392 A short reflection on the government of Carthage, in the time of the second Punic war - . : - 396 The interval between the second and ie Punic war - 397 Secr..I. Continuation of the history of Hannibal . - ibid. Hannibal undertakes and.completes the reformation of the courts of justice, and the treasury of earthaee . - ibid. - Hannibal’s retreat and death . : . - 400

‘character and eulogium : . : - 409

PREFACE. ili

another* because of the unrighteous dealings and wicked- ness committed therein.

We discover this important truth in going os sprees at back to the most remote antiquity, and the men, after the. Origin of profane history; I mean, to the flood. dispersion of the posterity of Noah into

the several countries of the earth where they settled. Liberty, chance, views of interest, a love for certain countries, and similar motives, were, in outward appearance, the only causes of the different choice which men made in these various migrations. But the Scriptures inform us, that amidst the trouble and confusion that followed the sudden change in the language of Noah’s de- scendants, God presided invisibly over all their counsels and deliberations; that nothing was transacted but by the Almighty’s appointment; and that he alone guided* and settled all mankind, agreeably to the dictates of his mercy and justice: >The Lord scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth.

It is true, indeed, that God, even in those early ages, had a peculiar regard for that people, whom he was one day to consider as his own. He pointed out the country which he designed for them; he caused it to be possessed by another laborious nation, who applied themselves to culti- vate and adorn it; and to improve the future inheritance of the Israelites. He then fixed, in that country, the like number of families, as were to be settled in it, when the sons of Israel should, at the appointed time, take posses- sion of it; and did not suffer any of the nations, which were not subject to the curse pronounced by Noah against Canaan, to enter upon an inheritance that was to be given up entirely to the Israelites. -++Quando dividebat Alitisst- mus gentes, quando separabat filios Adam, constituit ter- minos populorum juxta numerum filiorum Israel. But this peculiar regard of God to his future people, does not in- terfere with that which he had for the rest of the nations of the earth, as is evident from the many passages of Scrip- ture, which teach us, that the entire succession of ages is present to him; that nothing is transacted in the whole

2 Ecclus. x. 8. b Gen. xi. 8, 9.'

* The ancients themselves, according to Pindar, (Olymp. Od. vii.) had retained some idea, that the dispersion of men was not the effect of chance, but that they had been settled in different countries by the ap- pointment of Providence.

+ “ When the Most High divided to the nations their inheritance, when he separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel” (whom he had in view). This is one of the interpretations given to this passage. Vide Bp. Mant’s Bible. Deut. xxxii. 8.

b2

iv PREFACE.

universe, but by his appointment; and that he directs the several events of it from age toage. Tu es Deus conspec- tor seculorum. A seculo usque in seculum respicis. We must therefore consider, as an indis- God alone has putable principle, and as the basis and fixed the fateof foundation of the study of profane history, all ee ee that the providence of the Almighty has, Mis wi peonlé. from all eternity, appointed the establish- and the reign of ment, duration, and destruction, of king- his Son. doms and empires, as well in regard to the general plan of the whole universe, known only to God, who constitutes the order and wonderful har- mony of its several parts; as particularly with respect to the people of Israel, and still more with regard to the Messiah, and the establishment of the Church, which is his great work, the end and design of all his other works, and ever present to his sight; “Netum a seculo est Domino opus suum. God has vouchsafed to discover to us, in Holy Scripture, a part of the relation of the several nations of the earth to his own people; and the little so discovered, diffuses great light over the history of those nations, of whom we shall have but a very imperfect idea, unless we have re- course to the inspired writers. ‘They alone display, and bring to light, the secret thoughts of princes, their inco- herent projects, their foolish pride, their impious and cruel ambition: they reveal the true causes and hidden springs of victories and overthrows; of the grandeur and declen- sion of nations; the rise and ruin of states; and teach us, what indeed is the principal benefit to be derived from history, the judgment which the Almighty forms both of princes and empires, and consequently what idea we our- selves ought to entertain of them. Not to mention Egypt, that served at first Powerful kings asthe cradle (if I may be allowed the ex- appointed to pu- pression) of the holy nation; and which ce protect afterward was a severe prison, and a es fiery furnace to* it; and, at last, the scene of the most astonishing ‘miracles that God ever wrought favour of Israel; not to mention, I say, Egypt, the mighty empires of Nineveh and Babylon fur- nish a thousand proofs of the truth here advanced. -Their most powerful monarchs, Tiglath-Pileser, Shal-

b Ecclus. xxxvi. 17. xxxix. 19. ¢ Acts, xv. 18. * “| will bring you out from under the burdens of the Egyptians, and will rid you out of their bondage.” Exod. vi. 6. “ Out of the iron fur- nace, even out of Egypt.” Deut. iv. 20.

PREFACE. | Vv

maneser, Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar, and many more, were, in God’s hand, as so many instruments, which he employed to punish the transgressions of his people. ‘He lifted up an ensign to the nations from far, and hissed unto them from the end of the earth, to come and receive his orders. He himself put the sword into their hands, and appointed their marches daily. He breathed courage and ardour into their soldiers; made their armies indefatigable in labour, and invincible in battle; and spread terror and consterna- tion wherever they directed their steps.

The rapidity of their conquests ought to have enabled them to discern the invisible hand which conducted them. But, says one of these* kings in the name of the rest, “By the strength of my hand I have done it, and by my wisdom ;

for Tam prudent: and I have removed the bounds of the people, and have robbed their treasures, and I have put down the inhabitants like a valiant man. And my hand hath found as a nest the riches of the people: and as one gathereth eggs that are left, have I gathered all the earth; and there was none that moved the wing, or opened the mouth, or peeped.

But this monarch, so august and wise in his own eye, how did he appear in that of the Almighty? Only asa subaltern agent, a servant sent by his master: ‘The rod of his anger, and the staff in his hand. God’s design was to chastise, not to extirpate, his children. But Sennacherib shad it in his heart to destroy and cut off all nations. What then will be the issue of this kind of contest between the designs of God, and those of this prince? "At the time that he fancied himself already possessed of Jerusalem, the Lord, with a single blast, disperses all his proud hopes; destroys, in one night, a hundred fourscore and five thou- sand of his forces: “and+ putting a hook in his nose, and a bridle in his lips (as though he had been a wild beast), he leads him back to his own dominions, covered with infamy, through the midst of those nations, who, but a little before, had beheld him in all his pride and haughtiness.

Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, appears still more visibly governed by a Providence, to which he himself is an entire stranger, but which presides over all his delibera- tions, and determines all his actions.

4 [gai. v. 26—30. x. 28—34. xiii. 4, 5.

e Isai. x. 13,14. ‘ Isai.x.5. & Ibid.ver.7. © Ubid.. verte.

* Sennacherib.

+ ‘“‘ Because thy rage against me and thy tumult is come up into mine ears, therefore 1 will put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou. camest.” 2 Kings, xix. 28.

ar | PREFACE.

i Being come at the head of his army to two highways, the one of which led to Jerusalem, and the other to Rab- bath, the chief city of the Ammonites, this king, not know- ing which of them it would be best for him to strike into, debates for some time with himself, and at last casts lots. God makes the lot fall on Jerusalem, to fulfil the menaces he had pronounced against that city, viz. to destroy it, to burn the temple, and lead its inhabitants into captivity.

k One would imagine, at first sight, that this king had been prompted to besiege Tyre, merely from a political view, viz. that he might not leave behind him so powerful and well-fortified a city; nevertheless, a superior will had decreed the siege of Tyre. God designed, on one side, to humble the pride of Ithobal its king, who fancying himself wiser than Daniel, whose fame was spread over the whole east; and ascribing entirely to his rare and uncommon pru- dence the extent of his dominions, and the greatness of his riches, persuaded himself that he was ‘a god, and sat in the seat of God. On the other side, he also designed to chas- tise the luxury, the voluptuousness, and the pride, of those haughty merchants, who thought themselves kings of the sea, and sovereigns over crowned heads; and especially, that inhuman joy of the Tyrians, who looked upon the fall of Jerusalem (the rival of Tyre) as their own aggrandize- ment. ‘These were the motives which prompted God him- self to lead Nebuchadnezzar to Tyre; and to make him execute, though unknowingly, his commands. IpciRco ecce EGO ADDUCAM ad Tyrum Nabuchodonosor.

* 'To recompense this monarch, whose army the Almighty had caused “fo serve a great service against Tyre (these are God’s own words); and to compensate the Babylonish troops, for the grievous toils they had sustained during a thirteen years’ siege; "I will give, saith the Lord God, the land of Egypt unto Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon; and he shall take her multitude, and take her spoil, and take her prey, and it shall be the wages for his army.

The same Nebuchadnezzar°, eager to immortalize his name by the grandeur of his exploits, was determined to heighten the glory of his conquests by his splendour and magnificence, in embellishing the capital of his empire with pompous edifices, and the most sumptuous ornaments. But whilst a set of adulating courtiers, on whom he lavished the

! Ezek. xxi. 19—23. k Chap. xxvi, xxvii, XXviii. ' Chap. xxviii. 2. ™ Chap. xxix. 18, 20. " Ibid. ver. 19. ° Dan. iv. 1—34.

* 'This incident is related more at large in the history ofthe Egyptians, under the reign of Amasis.

PREFACE. Vii

highest honours and immense riches, make all places re- sound with his name, an august senate of watchful spirits is formed, who weigh, in the balance of truth, the actions of kings, and pronounce upon them a sentence from which there lies no appeal. The king of Babylon is cited before this tribunal, in which there presides the Supreme Judge, who, to a vigilance which nothing can elude, adds a holi- ness that will not allow of the least irregularity. Vigil et sanctus. In this tribunal all Nebuchadnezzar’s actions, which were the admiration and wonder of the public, are examined with rigour; and a search is made into the in- ward recesses of his heart, to discover his most hidden thoughts. How will this formidable inquiry end? At the instant that Nebuchadnezzar, walking in his palace, and revolving, with a secret complacency, his exploits, his grandeur, and magnificence, is saying to himself, ? Is not this great Babylon that I built for the house of the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honour of my majesty ? in this very instant, when, by vainly flattering himself that he held his power and kingdom from himself alone, he usurped the seat of the Almighty; a voice from heaven pronounces his sentence, and declares to him, that, ‘his kingdom was departed from him, that he should be driven Srom men, and his dwelling -be with the beasts of the field, until he knew that the Most High ruled in the kingdoms of men, and gave them to whomsoever he would.

This tribunal, which is for ever assembled, though invi- sible to mortal eyes, pronounced the like sentence on those famous conquerors, on those heroes of the pagan world, who, like Nebuchadnezzar, considered themselves as the sole authors of their exalted fortune; as independent on authority of every kind, and as not holding of a superior power.

As God appointed some princes to be the instruments of his vengeance, he made others the dispensers of his good- ness. He ordained Cyrus to be the deliverer of his people ; and, to enable him to support with dignity so glorious a function, he endued him with all the qualities which consti- tute the greatest captains and princes: and caused that ex- cellent education to be given him, which the heathens so much admired, though they neither knew the Author nor true cause of it.

We see in profane history the extent and swiftness of his conquests, the intrepidity of his courage, the wisdom of his views and designs; his greatness of soul, his noble genero- sity; his truly paternal affection for his subjects; and, on

P Dan. iv. 30. 4 Chap. iv. 31, 32.

viii PREBACE,

their part, the grateful returns of love and tenderness, which made them consider him rather as their protector and father, - than as their lord and sovereign. We find, I say, all these particulars in profane history ; but we do not perceive the secret principle of so many exalted qualities, nor the hid- den spring which set them in motion.

_ But Isaiah discloses them, and delivers himself in words suitable to the greatness and majesty of the God who in- spired him. He* represents this all-powerful God of armies as leading Cyrus by the hand, marching before him, con- ducting him from city to city, and from province to pro- vince; subduing nations before him, loosening the loins of kings, breaking in pieces gates of brass, cutting in sunder the bars of iron, throwing down the walls and bulwarks of cities, and putting him in possession of the treasures of darkness, and the hidden riches of secret places.

"The prophet also tells us the cause and motive of all these wonderful events. It was in order to punish Baby- lon, and to deliver Judah, that the Almighty conducts Cy- rus, step by step, and gives success to all his enterprises. “I have raised him up in righteousness, and I will direct all his ways. For Jacob my servant's sake, and Israel mine elect. But this prince is so blind and ungrateful, that he does not know his master, nor remember his benefactor. ‘I have surnamed thee, though thou hast not known me.— I girded thee, though thou hast not known me.

Men seldom form to themselves a right A fine image of judgment of true glory, and the duties es- the regal office. —_ sential to regal power. The Scripture alone gives us a just idea of them, and this it does in a wonderful manner, “under the image of a very large and strong tree, whose top reaches to heaven, and whose branches extend to the extremities of the earth. As its foliage is very abundant, and it is bowed down with fruit, it constitutes the ornament and felicity of the plains around it. It supplies a grateful shade, and a secure re- treat to beasts of every kind: animals, both wild and tame, are safely lodged beneath it, the birds of heaven dwell in its branches, and it supplies food to all living creatures.

T Isai. xlv.13,14. * Chap. xlvy.13.4. ‘Chap.xlv.4,5. "Dan. iv. 10, 11.

* “Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him ; and I will loose the loinsof kings, to vpen before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut:

‘I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight; will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron:

“* And I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou mayest know, that I the Lord which cali thee by thy name, am the God of Israel.” Isai. xlv. 1—3. _

PREFACE. , ix

Can there be a more just or more instructive idea of the kingly office, whose true grandeur and solid glory does not consist in that splendour, pomp, and magnificence, which surround it; nor in that reverence and exterior homage which are paid to it by subjects, and which are justly due to it; but in the real services and solid advantages it pro- cures to nations, whose support, defence, security, and asylum, it forms (both from its nature and institution), at the same time that it is the fruitful source of blessings of every kind; especially with regard to the poor and weak, who ought to find, beneath the shade and protection of royalty, a sweet peace and tranquillity not to be interrupted or disturbed; whilst the monarch himself sacrifices his ease, and experiences alone those storms and tempests from which he shelters all others ? :

I think that I observe this noble image, and the execu- tion of this great plan (religion only excepted) realized in the government of Cyrus, of which Xenophon has given us a picture, in his beautiful preface to the history of that prince. He has there specified a great number of nations, which, though separated from each other by vast tracts of country, and still more widely by the diversity of their manners, customs, and language, were however all united, by the same sentiments of esteem, reverence, and love, for a prince, whose government they wished, if possible, to have continued for ever, so much happiness and tranquil- lity did they enjoy under it.*

To this amiable and salutary govern- Ajustideaofthe ment, let us oppose the idea which the sa- conquerorsofan- Cred writings give us of those monarchs tiquity. © and conquerors so much boasted by anti- quity, ae instead of making the happi- ness of mankind the sole object of their care, were prompt- ed by no other motives than those of interest and ambition. *The Holy Spirit represents them under the symbols of monsters: generated from the agitation of the sea, from the tumult, confusion, and dashing of the waves one against the other; and under the image of cruel wild beasts, which spread terror and desolation universally, and are for ever vorging themselves with blood and slaughter ; bears, lions, tigers, and leopards. How strong and expressive 1s this colouring !

Nevertheless, it is often from such destructive models,

that the rules and maxims of the education generally be-

2 Dan. vii. ~ ~ , ss , * ’RovvyOn ixOupiay ipBareiv rocatrny tov Tavtag adr yxapitecPat, Wore de TH avTOU youn akwoy cuBepvacbat.

x PREFACE.

stowed on the children of the great are borrowed ; and it is these ravagers of nations, these scourges of mankind, they propose to make them resemble. By inspiring them with the sentiments of a boundless ambition, and the love of false glory, they become (to borrow an expression from Scripture) ’young lions ; they learn to catch the prey, and devour men—to lay waste cities, to turn lands and their ful- ness into desolation by the noise of their roaring. And when this young lion is grown up, God tells us, that the noise of his exploits, and the renown of his victories, are nothing but a frightful roaring, which fills all places with terror and desolation.

The examples I[ have hitherto mentioned, extracted from the history of the Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, and Persians, prove sufliciently the supreme power exercised by God over all empires; and the relation he has thought fit to establish between the rest of the nations of the earth and his own peculiar people. The same truth appears as conspicuously under the kings of Syria and Egypt, suc- cessors of Alexander the Great; between whose history, and that of the Jews under the Maccabees, every body knows the close connexion.

To these incidents I cannot forbear adding another, which, though universally known, is not therefore the less remarkable; I mean the taking of Jerusalem by Titus. * When he had entered that city, and viewed all the fortifi- cations of it, this prince, though a heathen, owned the all- powerful arm of the God of Israel; and, in a rapture of admiration, cried out, ‘‘ It is manifest that the Almighty has fought for us, and has driven the Jews from those towers; since neither the utmost human force, nor that of all the engines in the world, could have effected it.”

Besides the visible and sensible con- God has always nexion of sacred and profane history, there disposed of hu- jig another more secret and more distinct manevents,with relation with respect to the Messiah, for relation to the ; ‘ reignofthe Mes- Whose coming the Almighty, whose work siah, ' was ever present to his sight, prepared man- kind from far, even by the state of ignorance and dissoluteness in which he suffered them to be immersed during four thousand years. It was to make mankind sen- sible of the necessity of our having a Mediator, that God permitted the nations to walk after their own ways; while neither the light of reason, nor the dictates of philosophy, could dispel the clouds of error, or reform their depraved inclinations.

Y Ezek. xix. 3. 7. « Joseph. J, iii. c. 46.

PREFACE. Xi

When we take a view of the grandeur of empires, the majesty of princes, the glorious actions of great men, the order of civil societies, and the harmony of the different members of which they are composed, the wisdom of le- gislators, and the learning of philosophers, the earth seems to exhibit nothing to the eye of man but what is great and resplendent; nevertheless, in the eye of God it was equally barren and uncultivated, as at the first instant of the crea- tion. * The earth was without form and void. This is say- ing but little; it was wholly polluted and impure (the reader will observe that I speak here of the heathens), and ap- peared, to God, only as the haunt and retreat of ungrateful and perfidious men, as it did at the time of the flood. » The earth was corrupt before God, and was filled with violence.

Nevertheless, the Sovereign Arbiter of the universe, who, pursuant to the dictates of his wisdom, dispenses both light and darkness, and knows how to check the impetuous tor- rent of human passions, would not permit mankind, though abandoned to the utmost corruptions, to degenerate into absolute barbarity, and brutalize themselves, in a manner, by the extinction of the first principles of the law of nature, as is seen in several savage nations. Such an obstaele would have too much retarded the rapid progress, promised by him to the first preachers of the doctrine of his Son.

He darted from far, into the minds of men, the rays of several yreat truths, to dispose them for the reception of others more important. He prepared them for the instruc- tions of the gospel, by those of philosophers; and it was with this view that God permitted the heathen professors to examine, in their schools, several questions, and es- tablish several principles, which are nearly allied to reli- eion; and to engage the attention of mankind, by the bril- liancy of their disputations. It is well known, that the phi- losophers inculcate in every part of their writings, the ex- istence of a God, the necessity of a Providence that pre- sides over the government of the world, the immortality of the soul, the ultimate end of man, the reward of the good and punishment of the wicked, the nature of those duties which constitute the band of society, the character of the virtues that are the basis of morality, as prudence, justice, fortitude, temperance, and other similar truths, which, though incapable of guiding men to righteousness, were yet of use to scatter certain clouds, and to dispel certain ob- scurities.

It is by an effect of the same providence, which prepared, from far, the ways of the gospel, that, when the Messiah

* Genyi2; > Chap. vi. 11.

ei PREFACE. revealed himself in the flesh, God had united together al- most all nations, by the Greek and Latin tongues; and had subjected to one monarch, from the ocean to the Euphrates, all the people not united by language, in order to give a more free course to the preaching of the apostles. The study of profane history, when entered upon with judgment and maturity, must lead us to these reflections, and point out to us the manner in which the Almighty makes the em- pires of the earth subservient to the establishment of the kingdom of his Son. It ought likewise to teach us how to appre- Exterior talents Ciate all that glitters most in the eye of the indulged to the WoOrld, and is most capable of dazzling it. heathens. Valour, fortitude, skill in government, pro- | found policy, merit in magistracy, capacity for the most abstruse sciences, beauty of genius, delicacy of taste, and perfection in all arts: these are the objects which profane history exhibits to us, which excite our ad- miration, and often our envy. But at the same time this very history ought to remind us, that the Almighty, ever since the creation, has indulged to his enemies all those shining qualities which the world esteems, and on which it frequently bestows the highest eulogiums; while, on the contrary, he often refuses them to his most faithful servants, ‘whom he endues with talents of an infinitely superior na- ‘ture, though men neither know their value, nor are desirous of them. ‘° Happy ts that people that is in such a case: yea, happy is that people, whose God is the Lord. I shall conclude this first part of my pre- We must not be face with a reflection which results natu- too profuse in rally from what has been said. Since it is aa applauses of certain, that all these great men, who are em. ° : so much boasted of in profane history, were so unhappy as not to know the true God, and to dis- please him; we should therefore be cautious and circum- spect in the praises which we bestow upon them. * St. Austin, in his Retractions, repents his having lavished so many encomiums on Plato, and the followers of his philo- sophy ; because these, says he, were impious men, whose doctrine, in many points, was contrary to that of Jesus Christ. However, we are not to imagine, that St. Austin sup-

©-Psalcexliy. 15:

* Laus ipsa, quad Platonem vel Platonicos seu Academicos philosophos tantiim extuli, quanitiim impios homines non oportuit, non immeritd mihi displicuit ; presertim quorum contra errores magnos defendenda est Chris- tiana doctrina. Retract. |. i. c. 1.

PREFACE. oe xiii poses it to be unlawful for us to admire and praise what- ever is either beautiful in the actions, or true in the maxims, of the heathens. He * only advises us to correct whatever is erroneous, and to approve whatever is conformable to recti- tude and justice in them. He applauds the Romans on many occasions, and particularly in his book ‘De. Civitate Dei, which is one of the last and finest of his works. He there shews, that the Almighty raised them to be victorious over nations, and sovereigns ofa great part of the earth, because of the gentleness and equity of their government (alluding to the happy ages of the Republic); thus bestowing on vir- tues that were merely human, rewards of the same kind, with which that people, blind on this subject, though so enlight- ened On others, were so unhappy as to content themselves. St, Austin therefore does not condemn the encomiums which are bestowed on the heathens, but only thé excess of them.

Students ought to take care, and especially we, who by the duties of our profession are obliged to be perpetually conversant with heathen authors, not to enter too far into the spirit of them; not to imbibe, unperceived, their senti- ments, by lavishing too great applauses on their heroes; nor to give into excesses which the heathens indeed did not consider as such, because they were not acquainted © with virtues of a purer kind. Some persons, whose friend- ship I esteem as [ ought, and for whose learning and judg- ment I have the highest regard, have found this defect in some parts of my work, on the Method of teaching and studying the Belles Lettres, &c.; and are of opinion, that I have gone too great lengths in the encomiums which T be- stow on the illustrious men of paganism. [ indeed own, that the expressions on those occasions are sometimes too strong and too unguarded: however, I imagined that I had supplied a proper corrective to this, by the hints which I have interspersed in those four volumes; and, therefore,. that it would be only losing time to repeat them: not to mention my having laid down, in different places, the prin- ciples which the fathers of the church establish on: this head, declaring, with St. Austin, that without true piety, that is, without a sincere worship of the true God, there’ can be no true virtue; and that no virtue can be such, whose object is worldly glory; a truth, says this father, acknowledged. universally by those who are inspired with real and solid piety. 4Illud constat inter omnes veraciter pios, neminem sine vera pietate, id est, vert Det vero cultu,

d Lib. v. cap. 19. 21, &c. © De Civitate Dei, lib. v. c. 19, * Id in quoque corrigendum, quod pravum est ; quod autem rectum est, approbandum. We Bapt. cont. Donat. 1. vil. c. 16.

Kiv PREFACE, veram posse habere virtutem ; nec eam veram esse, quando glorie servit humane.

¢When I observed that Perseus had not resolution enough to kill himself, I do not thereby pretend to justify the prac- tice of the heathens, who looked upon suicide as lawful ; but simply to relate an incident, and the judgment which Paulus A:milius passed on it. Had I barely hinted a word or two against that custom, it would have obviated all mis- take, and left no room for censure.

The ostracism, employed in Athens against persons of the greatest merit; theft connived at, as it appears, by Ly- curgus in Sparta; an equality of good established in the same city, by the authority of the state, and things of a like nature, may admit of some difficulty. However, I shall pay a more immediate attention to these* particulars, when the course of the history brings me to them ; and shall avail myself with pleasure of such lights as the learned and un- prejudiced may favour me by communicating.

In a work like that I now offer the public, intended more immediately for the instruction of youth, it were heartily to be wished, that not one single thought or expression might occur, that could contribute to inculcate false or dangerous principles. When I first set about writing the present history, | proposed this for my maxim, the import- ance of which I perfectly conceive, but am far from ima- gining that I have always observed it, though it was my intention to do so; and therefore on this, as on many other occasions, I shall stand in need of the reader’s indulgence.

As I write principally for young persons, and for those who do not intend to make very deep researches into an- cient history, I shall not burden this work with a sort of erudition, that might have been naturally introduced into it, but does not suit my purpose. My design is, in giving a continued. series of ancient history, to extract from the Greek and Latin authors all that I shall judge most useful and entertaining with respect to the transactions, and most instructive with regard to the reflections.

I should wish to be able to avoid, at the same time, the dry sterility of epitomes, which convey no distinct idea to the mind; and the tedious accuracy of long histories, which tire the reader’s patience. Iam sensible that it is difficult to. steer'exactly between the two extremes; and although, in the two parts of history of which this first volume con- sists, I have retrenched a great part of what we meet with

© Vol. iv. p. 385. ‘* This Mr. Rollin has done admirably in the several volumes of his Ancient History.

PREFACE. a

in ancient authors, they may still be thought too long: but I was afraid of spoiling the incidents, by being too studi- ous of brevity. However, the taste of the public shall be my guide, to which I shall endeavour to conform hereafter. I was so happy as not to displease the public in my first* attempt. I wish the present work may be equally success- ful, but dare not raise my hopes so high. The subjects I there treated, viz. polite literature, poetry, eloquence, and curious and detached pieces of history, gave me an oppor- tunity of introducing into it from ancient and modern au- thors, whatever is most beautiful, affecting, delicate, and just, with regard both to thought and expression. The beauty and justness of the things themselves which I of-. fered the reader, made him more indulgent to the manner in which they were presented to him; and. besides, the va- riety of the subjects supplied the want of those graces which might have been expected from the style and composition. But I have not the same advantage in the present work, the choice of the subjects not being entirely at my discre- tion. Ina connected history, an author is often obliged to relate a great many things that are not always very in- teresting, especially with regard to the origin and rise of empires; and these parts are generally overrun with thorns, and offer very few flowers. However, the sequel will fur- nish matter of a more pleasing nature, and events that en- gage more strongly the reader’s attention; and I shall take care to make use of the valuable materials which the best authors will supply. In the mean time, I must entreat the reader to remember that in a wide extended and beautiful region, the eye does not every where meet with golden har- vests, smiling meads, and fruitful orchards}. but sees, at different intervals, wild and less cultivated tracts of land. And, to use another comparison, furnished by + Pliny, some trees in the spring emulously shoot forth a numberless mul- titude of blossoms, which by this rich dress (the splendour and vivacity of whose colours charm the eye) proclaim a happy abundance in a more advanced season; while other ttrees, of a less gay appearance, though they bear good fruits, have not however the fragrance and beauty of blossoms, nor seem to share in the joy ofreviving nature. The reader will easily apply this image to the composition of history.

* The Method of teaching and studying the Belles Lettres, &e..

+ Arborum flos est pleni veris indicium, et anni renascentis ; flos gaudium arborum. Tune se novas, aliasque quam sunt, ostendunt, tunc variis colo- rum picturis in. certamen usque luxuriant. Sed hoe negatum plerisque. Non enim omnes florent, et sunt tristes quedam, queque non sentiunt gaudia annorum ; nec ullo flore exhilarantur, natalesve pomorum recursus annuos versicolort nuntio promittunt. Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. Ixvi. c. 25.

t As the fig-trees.

Vi PREFACE:

‘lo adorn and enrieh my own, I will be so ingetiuous as to confess, that I do not scruple, nor am ashamed, to rifle from all quarters, and that IF often do not cite the authors from whom [ transcribe, because of the liberty I occa- sionally take to make some slight alterations. Ihave made the best use in my power of the solid reflections that occur in the second and third parts of the Bishop of Meaux’s* Universal History, which is one of the most beautiful and most useful books in our language. I have also received great assistance from the Jearned Dean Prideaux’s Con- nexion of the Old and New Testament, in which he has traced and cleared up, in an admirable manner, the parti- culars relating to ancient history. I shall take the same liberty with whatever comes in my way, that may suit my design, and contribute to the perfection of my work.

I am very sensible, that it is not so much for a person’s reputation, thus to make use of other men’s labours, and that it is ina manner renouncing the name and quality of author. But I am not over fond of that title; and shall be extremely well pleased, and think myself very happy, if I can but deserve the name of a good compiler, and supply my readers with a tolerable history ; who will not be over solicitou. to inquire whether it be an original composition ef myo, or not, provided they are but pleased with it.

I canine. determine the exact number of volumes which this work will make; but am persuaded there will be no less than ten or twelve. + Students, with a very moderate application, may easily go through this course of history in a year, without interrupting their other studies. Ac- _cording to my plan, my work should be given to the highest form but one. Youths in this class are capable of plea- sure and improvement from this history; and-I would not have them enter upon that of the Romans till they study rhetoric. :

It would have been useful, and even necessary, to have given some idea of the ancient authors from whence I have extracted the facts which I here relate. But the course itself of the history will naturally give me an opportunity of mentioning them.

In the mean time, it may not be impro- The judgment: per to take notice of the superstitious cre- we oughttoform qdulity with which most of these authors are of the auguries, reproached, on the subject of auguries, aus- prodigies, and —. ais oracles, of the . Pices, prodigies, dreams, and oracles. And, ancients. indeed, we are shocked to see*writers, so 7 ‘judicious in all other respects, lay it down

* Mons. Bossuet. + Former editions of this work were printed in ten volumes.

PREFACE. Xvi

as a kind of law, to relate these particulars with a scrupu- lous accuracy; and to dwell gravely on a tedious detail of trifling and ridiculous:ceremonies, such as the flight of birds to the right or left hand, signs discovered in the smoking entrails of beasts, the ereater or less greediness of chickens in pecking corn, and a thousand similar absurdities.

It must be confessed, that a sensible reader cannot, with- out astonishment, see persons among the ancients in the highest repute for wisdom and knowledge; generals who were the least liable to be influenced by popular opinions, and most sensible how necessary it is to take advantage of auspicious moments; the wisest councils of princes per- fectly well skilled in the arts of government; the most august assemblies of grave senators; in a word, the most powerful and most learned nations in all ages: to see, I say, all these so unaccountably weak, as to make to depend on these trifling practices, and absurd observances, the de- cision of the greatest affairs, such as the declaring of war, the giving battle, or pursuing a victory—deliberations that were of the utmost importance, and on which the fate and welfare of kingdoms frequently depended.

But, at the same time, we must be so just as to own, that their manners, customs, and laws, would not permit * i ‘en, in these ages, to dispense with the observation of thes prac- tices: that education, hereditary tradition transmitted from immemorial time, the universal belief and consent of dif- ferent nations, the precepts, and even examples of philoso- phers; that all these, I say, made the practices in question appear venerable in their eyes : and that these ceremonies, how absurd soever they may appear to us, and are really so in themselves, constituted part of the religion and pub- lic worship of the ancients:

This religion was false, and this worship mistaken; yet the principle of it was laudable, and founded in nature: the stream was corrupted, but the fountain was pure. Man assisted only by his own light, sees nothing beyond the present moment. Futurity is to him an abyss invisible to the most keen, the most piercing sagacity, and exhibits nothing on which he may with certainty fix his views, or form his resolutions. He is equally feeble and impotent with regard to the execution of his designs. He is sensible, that he is dependant entirely on a Supreme Power, that disposes all events with absolute authority, and which; in spite of his utmost efforts, and of the wisdom of the best concerted schemes, by raising only the smallest obstacles and slightest disappointments, renders it impossible for him to execute his measures.

VOU. 4, c

Xvill - PREFACE.

This obscurity and weakness oblige him to have re- course to a superior. knowledge and power: he is forced, both by his immediate wants, and the strong desire he has to succeed in all his undertakings, to address that Being who he is sensible has reserved to himself alone the know- ledge of futurity, and the power of disposing it as he sees fitting. He accordingly directs prayers, makes vows, and offers sacrifices, to prevail, if possible, with the Deity, to reveal himself, either in dreams, in oracles, or other signs which may manifest his will; fully convinced that nothing can happen but by the divine appointment; and that it is a man’s greatest interest to know this supreme will, in or- der to conform his actions to it.

This religious principle of dependance on, and venera- tion of, the Supreme Being, is natural to man: it is im- printed deep in his heart; he is reminded of it, by the in- ward sense of his extreme indigence, and by all the objects which surround him; and it may be affirmed, that this per- petual recourse to the Deity, is one of the principal foun- dations of religion, and the strongest band by which man is united to his Creator. :

Those who were so happy as to know the true God, and were chosen to be his peculiar people, never failed to address him in all their wants and doubts, in order to obtain his succour, and to know his will. He accordingly vouch- safed to reveal himself to them; to conduct them by appa- ritions, dreams, oracles, and prophecies; and to protect them by miracles of the most astonishing kind.

But those who were so blind as to substitute falsehood in the place of truth, directed themselves, for the like aid, to fictitious and deceitful deities, who were not able to answer their expectations, nor recompense the homage that mortals paid them, any otherwise than by error and illusion, and a fraudulent imitation of the conduct of the true God.

Hence arose the vain observation of dreams, which, from a superstitious credulity, they mistook for salutary warnings from heaven; those obscure and equivocal an- swers of oracles, beneath whose veil the spirits of darkness concealed their ignorance; and, by a studied ambiguity, reserved to themselves an evasion or subterfuge, whatever might be the event. To this are owing the prognostics with regard to futurity, which men fancied they should find in the entrails of beasts, in the flight and singing of birds, in the aspect of the planets, in fortuitous accidents, and

In the caprice of chance; those dreadful prodigies that filled a whole nation with terror, and which, it was

=

PREFACE. xix

believed, nothing could expiate but mournful ceremonies, and even sometimes the effusion of human blood: in fine, those black inventions of magic, those delusions, enchant- ments, sorceries, invocations of ghosts, and many other kinds of divination. |

All I have here related was a received usage, observed by the heathen nations in general: and’ this usage was founded on the principles of that religion of which I have given a short account. We have a signal proof of this in that passage of the Cyropzdia,” where Cambyses, -the father of Cyrus, gives that young prince such noble instruc- tions; instructions admirably well adapted to form the great captain and great king. He exhorts him, above all things, to pay the highest reverence to the gods; and not to undertake any enterprise, whether important or inconsi- derable, without first calling upon and consulting them; he enjoins him to honour the priests and augurs, as being their ministers and the interpreters of their will, but yet not to trust or abandon himself so implicitly and blindly to them, as not by his own application, to learn every thing relating to the science of divination, of auguries and auspices. The reason which he gives for the subordination and depend- ance in which kings ought to live with regard to the gods, and the benefit derived from consulting them in all things, is this: How clear-sighted soever mankind may be in the ordinary course of affairs, their views are always very narrow and bounded with regard to futurity; whereas the Deity, at a single glance, takes in all ages and events. As the gods, says Cambyses to his son, are eternal, they know equally all things, past, present, and to come. With regard to the mortals who address them, they give salutary counsels to those whom they are pleased to favour, that they may not be ignorant of what things they ought, or ought not to undertake. If it is observed, that the deities do not give the like counsels to all men, we are not to wonder at it, since no necessity obliges them to attend to. the welfare of those persons on whom they do not vouchsafe to confer their favour.

Such was the doctrine of the most learned and most en- lightened nations, with respect to the different kinds of divination; and it is no wonder that the authors who wrote the history of those nations, thought it incumbent on them to give an exact detail of such particulars as constituted part of their religion and worship, and was frequently, in a

w Xenoph. in Cyrop. I. i, p. 25, 27. c2

3x PREFACE.

manner, the soul of their deliberations, and the standard of their conduct. I therefore was of opinion, for the same reason, that it would not be proper for me to omit entirely, in the ensuing history, what relates to this subject, though I have, however, retrenched a great part of it.

Archbishop Usher is my usual guide in chronology. In the history of the Carthaginians I commonly set down four eras: The year from the creation of the world, which, for brevity’s sake, I mark thus, A.M.; those of the foun- dation of Carthage and Rome; and lastly, the year before the birth of our Saviour, which I suppose to be the 4004th year of the world; wherein I follow Usher and others, though they suppose it to be four years earlier.

We shall now proceed to give the reader the proper pre- liminary information concerning this work, according to the order in which it is executed.

To know in what manner the states and kingdoms were founded, that have divided the universe; the steps where- by they rose to that pitch of grandeur related in history; by what ties families and cities were united, in order to con- stitute one body or society, and to live together under the same laws and a common authority; it will be necessary to trace things back, in a manner, to the infancy of the world, and to those ages in which mankind, being dispers- ed into different regions (after the confusion of tongues), began to people the earth.

In these early ages every father was the supreme head of his family; the arbiter and judge of whatever contests and divisions might arise within it; the natural legislator over his little society; the defender and protector of those, who by their, birth, education, and weakness, were under his protection and safeguard, and whose interests pater- nal tenderness rendered equally dear to him as his own.

But although these masters enjoyed an independent au- thority, they made a mild and paternal use of it. So far from being jealous of their power, they neither governed with haughtiness, nor decided with tyranny. As they were obliged by necessity to associate their family in their do- mestic labours, they also summoned them together, and asked their opinion in matters of importance. In this manner all affairs were transacted in concert, and for the common good.

The laws which paternal vigilance established in this little. domestic senate, being dictated with no other view than to promote the general welfare; concerted with such children as were come to years of maturity, and accepted

PREFACE. xxi by the inferiors with a full and free consent; were reli- giously kept and preserved in families as an hereditary polity, to which they owed their peace and security.

But different motives gave rise to different laws. One

man, overjoyed at the birth of a first-born son, resolved to distinguish him from his future children, by bestowing on him a more considerable share of his possessions, and giving him a greater authority in his family. Another, more attentive to the interest of a beloved wife, or darling daughter whom he wanted to settle in the world, thought it incumbent on him to secure their rights and increase their advantages. The solitary and cheerless state to which a wife would be reduced in case she should become a widow, affected more intimately another man, and made him provide beforehand, for the subsistence and comfort of a woman who formed his felicity. From these differ- ent views, and others of the like nature, arose the different customs of nations, as well as their rights, which are in- finitely various. _ In proportion as every family increased, by the birth of children, and their marrying into other families, they ex- tended their Jittle domain, and formed, by insensible de- grees, towns and cities.

These societies growing, in process of time, very nu- merous; and the families being divided into various branches, each of which had its head, whose different in- terests and characters might interrupt the general tran- quillity; it was necessary to intrust one person with the government of the whole, in order to unite all these chiefs or heads under a single authority, and to maintain the public peace by a uniform administration, The idea which men still retained of the paternal government, and the happy effects they had experienced from it, prompted them to choose from among their wisest and most virtuous men, him in whom they had observed the tenderest and most fatherly disposition. Neither ambition nor ‘cabal had the least share in this choice; probity alone, and the repu- tation of virtue and equity, decided on these occasions,. and gave the preference to the most worthy.*

To heighten the lustre of their newly acquired dignity, and enable them the better to put the laws in execution, as well as to devote themselves entirely to the public good; to defend the state against the invasions of their neighbours, and the factions of discontented citizens; the ~ title of king was bestowed upon them, a throne was erected,

* Quos ad fastigium hujus majestatis non ambitio popularis, sed spectate inter bonos moderatio provehebat. Justin. |. 1. c.1.

xxii PREFACE.

and a sceptre put into their hands; homage was paid them, officers were assigned, and guards appointed for the security of their persons; tributes were granted; they were invested with full powers to administer justice, and for this purpose were armed with a sword, in order to restrain injustice, and punish crimes.

At first,* every city had its particular king, who, being more solicitous to preserve his dominion than to enlarge it, confined his ambition within the limits of his native country. But the almost unavoidable feuds which break out between neighbours; jealousy against a more power- ful king; a turbulent and restless spirit; a martial dispo- sition, or thirst of aggrandisement; or the display of abi- lities; gave rise to wars, which frequently ended in the entire subjection of the vanquished, whose cities were possessed by the victor, and increased insensibly his do- minions. Thus,} a first victory paving the way to a se- cond, and making a prince more powerful and enterpri- sing, several cities and provinces were united under one monarch, and formed kingdoms of a greater or less extent, according to the degree of ardour with which the victor had pushed his conquests.

But among these princes were found some, whose am- bition being too vast to confine itself within a single king- dom, broke over all bounds, and spread universally like a torrent, or the ocean; swallowed up kingdoms and nations; and fancied that glory consisted in depriving princes of their dominions, who had not done them the least injury; in carrying fire and sword into the most re- mote countries, and in leaving every where bloody traces of their progress! Such was the origin of those famous empires which included a great part of the world.

Princes made a various use of victory, according to the diversity of their dispositions or interests. Some, con- sidering themselves as absolute masters of the con- quered, and imagining they were sufliciently indulged in sparing their lives, bereaved them, as well as their chil- dren; of their possessions, their country, and their liberty; subjected them to a most severe captivity ; employed them in those arts which are necessary for the support of life, in the lowest and most servile offices of the house, in the painful toils of the field; and frequently forced them, by

* Fines imperti tueri magis quam proferre mos erat. Intra suam cuique patriam regna finiebantur. Justin. 1.1. ¢. 1.

+ Domitis proximis, cim accessione virium fortior ad altos transiret, et proxima queque victoria instrumentum sequentis esset, totius ortentis popu- los subegit. Justin. ibid.

PREFACE. X Xiti

the most inhuman treatment, to dig in mines, and ransack the bowels of the earth, merely to satiate their avarice ; and hence mankind were divided into freemen and slaves, masters and bondmen.

Others introduced the custom of transporting whole na- _ tions into new countries, where they settled them, and gave them lands to cultivate.

Other princes again, of more gentle dispositions, cen- tented themselves with only obliging the vanquished na- tions to purchase their liberties, and the enjoyment of their laws and privileges, by annual tributes laid on them for that purpose; and sometimes they would suffer kings to sit peaceably on their thrones, upon condition of their paying them some kind of homage. ho .

But such of these monarchs as were the wisest and ablest politicians, thought it glorious to establish a kind of equa- lity betwixt the nations newly conquered and their other subjects; granting the former almost all the rights and pri- vileges which the others enjoyed: and by this means the great number of nations, that were spread over different and far distant countries, constituted, in some measure, but one city, at least but one people.

Thus I have given a general and concise idea of mankind, from the earliest monuments which history has preserved on this subject ; the particulars whereof I shall endeavour to relate, in treating of each empire and nation. I shall not touch upon the history of the Jews, nor that of the Romans. i

The history of the Carthaginians, that of the Assyrians and the Lydians, which occurs in the second volume, is supported by the best authorities; but it is highly neces- sary to review the geography, the manners and customs of the different nations here treated of; and first with regard to the religion, manners, and institutions of the Persians and Grecians ; because these shew their genius and character, which, we may call, in some measure, the soul of history. For to take notice only of facts and dates, and confine our curiosity and researches to them, would be imitating the imprudence of a traveller, who, in visiting many coun- tries, should content himself with knowing their exact distance from each other, and consider only the situation of the several places, their buildings, and the dresses of the people ; without giving himself the least trouble to coh- verse with the inhabitants, in order to inform himself of their genius, manners, disposition, laws, and government. Homer, whose design was to give, in the person of Ulysses,

XXi¥V PREFACE.

‘ a model of a wise and intelligent traveller, tells us, at the very opening of his Odyssey, that his hero informed him- self very exactly of the manners and customs of the several people whose cities he visited; in which he ought to be imitated by every person who applies himself to the study of history.

As Asia will hereafter be the principal scene of the his- tory we are now entering upon, it may not be improper to give the reader such a general idea of it, as may at least make him acquainted with its most considerable provinces and cities. :

The northern and eastern parts of Asia are less known in ancient history.

To the north are ASIATIC SARMATIA and ASIATIC Scy- THIA, which answer to Tartary.

Sarmatia is situated between the river. Tanais, which se- parates Europe and Asia, and the river Rha, or Volga. Scythia is divided into two parts; the one on this, the other on the other side of mount Imaus. The nations of Scythia best known to us are the Sace and Massagete.

The most eastern parts are, SERICA, Cathay; SINARUM REGIO, China; and Inpia. This last country was better known anciently than the two former. It was divided into two parts; the one on this side the Ganges, included be- tween that river and the Indus, which now composes the dominions of the Great Mogul; the other part was that on the other side of the Ganges.

The remaining part of Asia, of which much greater men- tion is made in history, may be divided into five or six parts, taking it from east to west.

I. Upper Asia, which begins at the river Indus. The chief provinces are GEDROSIA, CARMANIA, ARACHOSIA, DRANGIANA, BAcTRIANA, the capital of which was Bac- tra; SoGDIANA, MARGIANA, HyRCANIA, near the Cas- pian Sea; PartTuia, MEDIA, its chief city Ecbatana ; Persia, the cities of Persepolis and Elymais; SUSIANA, the city of Susa; Assyria, the city of Nineveh, situated on the river Tigris; MESOPOTAMIA, between the Euph- rates and Tigris; BABYLONIA, the city of Babylon on the river Euphrates. |

If. ASIA BETWEEN THE PonTUS EUXINUS AND THE CaspPIAN SEA. Therein we may distinguish four provinces. 1. Coucuis, the river Phasis, and mount Caucasus. 2. IBF- RIA. 3. ALBANIA; which two last-mentioned provinces _ how form part of Georgia. 4. The greater ARMENIA. This 1s separated from the lesser by the Euphrates; from Meso-

PREFACE. XXKV

potamia by mount Taurus ; and from Assyria by mount Niphates. Its cities are Artaxata and Tigranocerta, and the river Araxes runs through it.

Til. Asra Minor. This may be divided into four or five parts, according to the different situation of its provinces.

1. Northward, the shore of the Pontus Euxinus; Pon- TUS, under three different names. Its cities are, Trapezus, not far from which are the people called Chalybes or Chal- dai; Themiscyra, a city on the river Thermodon, and fa- mous for having been the abode of the Amazons. Papu- LAGONIA, BITHYNIA3; the cities of which are, Nice, Pru- sa, Nicomedia, Chalcedon opposite to Constantinople and Heraclea.

2. Westward, going down by the shores of the Aigean sea: Mysia, of which there are two. The LESSER, in which stood Cyzicus, Lampsacus, Parium, Abydos oppo- site to Sestos from which it is separated only by the Dar- danelles; Dardanum, Sigeum, Ilion, or Troy ; and almost on the opposite side, the little island of Tenedos. The rivers are, the 4sepus, the Granicus, and the Simois. Mount Ida. ‘This region is sometimes called Phrygia Minor, of which T'roas is part.

TheGREATER Mysia. Antandros, Trajanopolis, Adra- myttium, Pergamus. Opposite to this Mysia is the island of LESBos; the cities of which are, Methymna, where the celebrated Arion was born; and Mitylene, which has given to the whole island its modern name Metelin.

Mousa. Elea, Cume, Phocea. -

Tonia. Smyrna, Clazomene, Teos, Lebedus, Colophon, Ephesus, Priene, Miletus.

Caria. Laodicea, Antiochia, Magnesia, Alabanda. The river Meander.

Doris. Halicarnassus Cnidos.

Opposite to these four last countries, are the islands Curios, SAMos, PATHMoS, Cos; and lower, towards the south, RHODES.

3. Southward, along the Mediterranean ;

LyctiA, the cities of which are, Telmesus, Patara. The river Xanthus. Here begins mount Taurus, which runs the whole length of Asia, and assumes different names, ac- cording to the several countries through which it passes.

PAMPHYLIA. Perga, Aspendus, Sida.

Ciuicia. Seleucia, Corycium, Tarsus, on the river Cyd- nus. Opposite to Cilicia is the island of Cyprus. The cities are, Salamis, Amathus, and Paphos. 7

4. Along the banks of the Euphrates, going up northward;

The LESSER ARMENIA. Comana, Arabyza, Melitene,

XVI PREFACE,

Satala. The river Melas, which empties itself into the Euphrates.

5. Inland: ? :

Cappapocia; the cities whereof are, Neocesarea, Co- mana Pontica, Sebastia, Sebastopolis, Diocesarea, Cesarea, otherwise called Mazaca, and Tyana. ‘

LycAONIA and IsauRIaA. Iconium, Isauria. Pisipia. Seleucia and Antiochia of Pisidia.

Lypia. Its cities are, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia. The rivers are, Caystrus, and Hermus, into which the Pac- tolus empties itself. Mount Sipylus and Tmolus.

PuryciA Major. Synnada, Apamia.

IV. Syria, now named Suria, called under the Ro- man emperors the East, the chief provinces of which are,

1. PALESTINE, by which name is sometimes understood all Judea. Its cities are, Jerusalem, Samaria, and Cesarea Palestina. The river Jordan waters it. The name of Pa- lestine is also given to the land of Canaan, which extended along the Mediterranean; the chief cities of which were Gaza, Ascalon, Azotus, Accaron, and Gath.

2. PH@NIcIA, whose cities are, Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and Berytus. Its mountains, Libanus, and Antilibanus.

3. SYRIA, properly so called, or ANTIOCHENA; the cities whereof are, Antiochia, Apamia, Laodicea, and Se- leucia.

4. ComMAGENA. The city of Samosata.

5. Cauesyria. The cities are, Zeugma, Thapsacus, Palmyra, and Damascus.

V. ARABIA PETR&ZA. Its cities are, Petra, and Bostra. Mount Casius. DESERTA. FELIX.

Of Religion.

It is observable, that in all ages and in every country the several nations of the world, however various and opposite in their characters, inclinations, and manners, have always united in one essential point; the inherent opinion of an adoration due to a Supreme Being, and of external forms calculated to evince such a belief. Into whatever country we cast our eyes, we find priests, altars, sacrifices, festi- vals, religious ceremonies, temples, or places consecrated to religious worship. Among every people we discover a reverence and awe of the Divinity ; an homage and honour paid to him; and an open profession of an entire de- pendance upon him in all their undertakings, in all their necessities, in all their adversities and dangers. In- capable of themselves to penetrate into futurity and to en- sure success, we find them careful to consult the Divinity

PREFACE. XXvil

by oracles, and by other methods of a like nature; and to merit his protection by prayers, vows, and offerings. It is by the same supreme authority they believe the most so- lemn treaties are rendered inviolable. It is that which gives sanction to their oaths; and to it by imprecations is referred the punishment of such crimes and enormities as escape the knowledge and power of men. Qn all their pri- vate concerns, voyages, journeys, marriages, diseases, the Divinity is still invoked. With him their every repast be- gins and ends. No war is declared, no battle fought, no enterprise formed, without his aid being first implored; to which the glory of the success is constantly ascribed by public acts of thanksgiving, and by the oblation of the most precious of the spoils, which they never fail to set apart as appertaining by right to the Divinity.

No variety of opinion is discernible in regard to the foundation of this belief. If some few persons, depraved by false philosophy, presume from time to time to rise up against this doctrine, they are immediately disclaimed by the public voice. They continue singular and alone, with- out making parties, or forming sects: the whole weight of the public authority falls upon them; a price is set upon their heads; whilst they are universally regarded as exe- crable persons, the bane of civil society, with whom it is criminal to have any kind of commerce.

So general, so uniform, so perpetual a consent of all the nations of the universe, which neither the prejudice of the passions, the false reasoning of some philosophers, nor the authority and example of certain princes, have ever been able to weaken or vary, can proceed only from a first prin- ciple, which forms a part of the nature of man; from an inward sentiment implanted in his heart by the Author of his being; and from an original tradition as ancient as the world itself. ehiaie

Such were the source and origin of the religion of the ancients; truly worthy of man, had he been capable of persisting in the purity and simplicity of these first princi- ples: but the errors of the mind, and the vices of the heart, those sad effects of the corruption of human nature, have strangely disfigured their original beauty. ‘There are still some faint rays, some brilliant sparks of light, which a ge- neral depravity has not been able to extinguish utterly ; but they are incapable of dispelling the profound darkness of the gloom which prevails almost universally, and presents nothing to view but absurdities, follies, extravagances, li- centiousness, and disorder; in a word, a hideous chaos of frantic excesses and enormous vices.

XXVili PREFACE.

Can any thing be more admirable than these principles laid down by Cicero?* ‘That we ought above all things to be convinced that there is a Supreme Being, who presides over all the events of the world, and disposes every thing as sovereign lord and arbiter: that it is to him mankind are indebted for all the good they enjoy: that he penetrates into, and is conscious of, whatever passes in the most se- cret recesses of our hearts: that he treats the just and the impious according to their respective merits: that the true means of acquiring his favour, and of being pleasing in his sight, is not by employing of riches and magnificence in the worship that is paid to him, but by presenting him with a heart pure and blameless, and by adoring him with an unfeigned profound veneration.

Sentiments so sublime and religious were the result of the reflections of some few who employed themselves in the study of the heart of man, and had recourse to the first principles of his institution, of which they still retained some valuable relics. But the whole system of their reli- gion, the tendency of their public feasts and ceremonies, the essence of the Pagan theology, of which the poets were the only teachers and professors, the very example of the gods, whose violent passions, scandalous adventures, and abominable crimes, were celebrated in their hymns or odes, and proposed in some measure to the imitation, as well as adoration, of the people: these were certainly very unfit means to enlighten the mind of men, and to form them to virtue and morality.

It is remarkable, that in the greatest solemnities of the Pagan religion, and in their most sacred and venerable mys- teries, far from perceiving any thing which can recommend ‘virtue, piety, or the practice of the most essential duties of ordinary life, we find the authority of laws, the imperious power of custom, the presence of magistrates, the assembly of all orders of the state, the example of fathers and mo- ‘thers, all conspire to train up a whole nation-from their in- fancy in an impure and sacrilegious worship, under the name, and in a manner under the sanction, of religion itself; as we shall soon see in the sequel.

After these general reflections upon Paganism, it is time to proceed to a particular account of the religion of the Greeks. I shall reduce this subject, though infinite in it-

* Sit hoc jam a principio persuasum civibus: dominos esse omnium rerum ac moderatores devs, eaque que geruntur eorum geri judicio ac numine ; eosdemque optimeé de genere hominum mereri; et, qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid in se admittat, qua mente, qua pietate religiones colat, intueri ;

prorumque et impiorum habere rationem-—Ad divos adeunto casté. Pieta- tem adhibento, opes amovento. Cic. de Leg. |. ii. n. 15 et 19.

PREFACE. XxXix

self, to four articles, which are, 1. The feasts. 2. The ora- cles, auguries and divinations.. 3. The games and combats. 4. The public shows and representations of the theatre. In each of these articles, I shall treat only of what appears most worthy of the reader’s curiosity, and has most relation to this history. I omit saying any thing of sacrifices, having given a sufficient idea of them elsewhere.*

Of the Feasts.

AN infinite number of feasts were celebrated in the se- veral cities of Greece, and especially at Athens, of which I shall describe only three of the most famous; the Pana- thenea, the feasts of Bacchus, and those of Eleusis.

The Panathenea.

‘Tus feast was celebrated at Athens in honour of Minerva, the tutelary goddess of that city, to which she gave her name,} as well as to the feast of which we are speaking. Its institution was ancient, and it was called at first the Athenea; but after Theseus had united the several towns of Attica into one city, it took the name of Panathenea. These feasts were of two kinds, the great and the less, which were solemnized@with almost the same ceremonies ; the less annually, and the great upon the expiration of every fourth year.

In these feasts were exhibited racing, the gymnastic com- bats, and the contentions for the prizes of music and poetry. ‘Ten commissaries, elected from the ten tribes, presided on this occasion, to regulate the forms, and distribute the re- wards to the victors. This festival continued several days.

In the morning of the first day a race was run on foot, in which each of the runners carried a lighted torch in his hand, which they exchanged continually with each other, without interrupting the race. They started from the Cera- micus, one of the suburbs of Athens, and crossed the whole city. The first that came to the goal, without having put out his torch, carried the prize. In the afternoon they ran the same course on horseback.

The gymnastic or athletic combats followed the races. The place for that exercise was upen the banks of the Tlis- sus, a small river, which runs through Athens, and empties itself into the sea at the Pirzeus.

Pericles first instituted the prize of music. In this dis- pute were sung the praises of Harmodius and Aristogiton, who, at the expense of their lives, delivered Athens from the tyranny of the Pisistratide; to which was afterward

* Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. i. + ’AOHyy.

XXX PREFACE.

added the eulogium of Thrasybulus, who expelled the thirty tyrants. The prize was warmly disputed, not only amongst the musicians, but still more so among the poets; and it was highly glorious to be declared victor in this contest. fEschylus is reported to have died with grief upon seeing the prize adjudged to Sophocles, who was much younger than himself.

These exercises were followed by a general procession, wherein was carried, with great pomp and ceremony, a sail, embroidered with gold, on which were curiously delineated the warlike actions of Pallas against the Titans and Giants. This sail was affixed to a vessel, which bore the name of the zoddess. The vessel, equipped with sails, and with a thousand oars, was conducted from the Ceramicus to the temple of Eleusis, not by horses or beasts of draught, but by machines concealed in the bottom of it, which put the oars in motion, and made the vessel glide along.

The march was solemn and majestic. At the head of it were old men who carried olive branches in their hands, SadrAopdpor; and these were chosen for the symmetry of their shape, and the vigour of their complexion. Athenian matrons, of great age, also accompanied them in the same equipage.

The grown and robust men formed the second class. They were armed’ at all points, and had bucklers and lances. After them came the strangers that inhabited Athens, carrying mattocks, instruments proper for tillage. Next followed the Athenian women of the same age, at- tended by the foreigners of their own sex, carrying vessels in their hands for the drawing of water.

The third class was composed of the young persons of both sexes, selected from the best families in the city. The young men wore vests, with crowns upon their heads, and sang a peculiar hymn in honour of the goddess. The maids carried baskets, cavnpdpor, in which were placed the sacred utensils proper to the ceremony, covered with veils, to keep them from the sight of the spectators. The person, to whose care those sacred things were intrusted, was bound to observe a strict continence for several days be- fore he touched them, or distributed them to the Athenian virgins ;* or rather, as Demosthenes says, his whole life and conduct ought to have been a perfect model of virtue and purity. It was a high honour for a young woman to be chosen for so noble and august an office, and an insupportable affront to be deemed unworthy of -* Odyi mooeionpévoy ypEp@y aoOpoy ayvevery povoy, AAA Tov Bioy Oro nyvevxévat, Demost. in extrema Aristocratia.

PREFACE. XXxi

it. We shall see that Hipparchus offered this indignity to the sister of Harmodius, which extremely incensed the conspirators against the Pisistratidz. These Athenian virgins were followed by the foreign young women, who carried umbrellas and seats for them.

The children of both sexes closed the at of the pro- cession.

In this august ceremony, the pafwoot were appointed to sing certain verses of Homer; a manifest proof of the es- timation in which the works of that poet were held, even with regard to religion. Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, first introduced that custom.

I have observed elsewhere,* that in the gymnastic games of this feast, a herald proclaimed, that the people of Athens had conferred a crown of gold upon the celebrated physician Hippocrates, in gratitude for the signal services which he had rendered the state during the pestilence.

In this festival the people of Athens put themselves, and the whole republic, under the protection of Minerva, the tutelary goddess of their city, and implored of her all kind of prosperity. From the time of the battle of Marathon, in these public acts of worship, express mention was made of the Platzans, and they were joined in all things with the people of Athens.

Feasts of Bacchus.

Tuer worship of Bacchus had been brought out of Egypt to Athens, where several feasts had been established in honour of the god; two particularly more remarkable than all the rest, called the great and the less feasts of Bacchus. The latter were a kind of preparation for the former, and were celebrated in the open field about autumn. They were named Lenza, from a Greek word‘ that signifies a wine-press. ‘The great feasts were commonly called Dio- nysia, from one of the names of that god,> and were solem- nized in the spring within the city.

In each of these feasts the public were entertained with games, shows, and dramatic representations, which were attended with a vast concourse of people, and exceeding magnificence, as will be seen hereafter: at the same time the poets disputed the prize of poetry, submitting to the judgment of arbitrators, expressly chosen for that purpose, their pieces, whether tragic or comic, which were then re- presented before the people.

These feasts continued many days. ‘Those who were ini- tiated, mimicked whatever the poets had thought fit to

* Vol. iii. c. 3. § 2. ® Anvoc. > Dionysius.

«xxii PREFACE.

feign of the god Bacchus. They covered themselves with the skins of wild beasts, carried a thyrsus in their hands, a kind of pike with ivy-leaves twisted round it; had drums, horns, pipes, and other instruments calculated to make a great noise; and wore upon their heads wreaths of ivy and vine branches, and of other trees sacred to Bacchus. Some represented Silenus, some Pan, others the Satyrs, all dressed in suitable masquerade. Many of them were mounted on asses; others dragged* goats along for sa- crifices.. Men and women, ridiculously dressed in this manner, appeared night and day in public; and imitating drunkenness, and dancing with the most indecent gestures, ran in throngs about the mountains and forests, scream- ing and howling furiously; the women especially seemed more outrageous than the men; and, quite out of their senses, in their +furious transports invoked the god, whose feast they celebrated, with loud cries; evot Baxye, @ laxxé, or IdBakxe, or Ila Baxye.

This troop of Bacchanalians was followed by the virgins of the noblest families in the city, who were called kavynpdoo, from carrying baskets on their heads, covered with vine leaves and ivy.

To these ceremonies others were added, obscene to the last excess, and worthy of the god who chose to be ho- noured in sucha manner. The spectators gave in to the prevailing humour, and were seized with the same frantic spirit. Nothing was seen but dancing, drunkenness, de- bauchery, and all that the most abandoned licentiousness can conceive of gross and abominable. And this an entire people, reputed the wisest of all Greece, not only suffered, but admired and practised. I say an entire people; for Plato,{ speaking of the Bacchanalia, says in direct terms, that he had seen the whole city of Athens drunk at once. | : :

‘Livy informs us, that this licentiousness of the Bac- chanalia having secretly creptinto Rome, the most horrid disorders were committed there under cover of the night, and the inviolable secrecy which all persons who were initiated into these impure and abominable mysteries, were obliged, under the most horrid imprecations, to ob- Serve. ‘The senate, being apprised of the affair, put a stop

¢ Liv. |. xxxix. n. 8, 18. * Goats were sacrificed, because they spoiled the vines. + From this fury of the Bacchanalians these feasts were distinguished by the name of Orgia. ’Opy1}, ira, furor. c _ | Ldoay ieackuny tiv wodw mepi ra Awviora peOdovoay. Lib. i. de

Leg. p. 637.

PREFACE, eh Hitt

to those sacrilegious feasts by the most severe penalties; and first banished the practisers of them from Rome, and afterward from Italy. These examples inform us, *how far a mistaken sense of religion, that covers the greatest crimes with the sacred name of the Divinity, is capable of misleading the mind of man. |

The Feasts of Eleusis.

THERE is nothing in all Pagan antiquity more celebrated than the feast of Ceres Eleusina. The ceremonies of this festival were called, by way of eminence, the mysteries, | from being, according to Pausanias, as much above all others, as the gods are above men. Their origin and in- stitution are attributed to Ceres herself, who, in the reign of Erechtheus, coming to Eleusis, a small town of Attica, in search of her daughter Proserpine, whom Pluto had carried away, and finding the country afflicted with a famine, invented corn as a remedy for that evil, with which she rewarded the inhabitants. +She not only taught them the use of corn, but instructed them in the principles of probity, charity, civility, and humanity; from whence her mysteries were called Qzsuopdpia, and Initia. To these first happy lessons fabulous antiquity ascribed the cour- tesy, politeness, and urbanity, so remarkable among the Athenians.

These mysteries were divided into the less and the greater; of which the former served as a preparation for the latter. The less were solemnized in the month of An- thesterion, which answers to our November; the great in the month Boedromion, which corresponds to August. Only Athenians were admitted to these mysteries; but of them, each sex, age, and condition, had a right to be received. All strangers were absolutely excluded, so that Hercules, Castor and Pollux, were obliged to be adopted as Athe- nians in order to their admission; which, however, extend- ed only to the lesser mysteries. I shall consider princi- pally the great, which were celebrated at Eleusis.

Those who demanded to be initiated into them, were

* Nihil in speciem fallacius est quam prava religio, ubi deorum numen pretenditur sceleribus. Liv. xxxix. n. 16. ‘ eee

+ Multa eximia divinaque videntur Athene tue peperisse, atque in vitam hominum attulisse ; tum nihil melius illis mystertis, quibus ex agresti im- manique vité exculti ad humanitutem et mitigati sumus, initiaque ut appel- lantur, ita re vera principia vite cognovimus. Cic. |. ii. de Leg. n. 36.

Teque Ceres, et Libera, quarum sacra, sicut opiniones hominum ac reli- giones ferunt, longé maximis atque occultissimis ceremonits continentur: a quibus initia vite atque victis, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Id. Cic. in Verr. de Supplic. n. 186.

VOL. 1, d

XXXiV PREFACE.

- obliged, before their reception, to purify themselves in the lesser mysteries, by bathing in the river Ilissus, by saying certain prayers, offering sacrifices, and, above all, by living in strict continence during a certain interval of time pre- scribed them. That time was employed in instructing them in the principles and elements of the sacred doctrine of the great mysteries.

When the time for their initiation arrived, they were brought into the temple; and to inspire the greater reve- rence and terror, the ceremony was performed in the night. Wonderful things took place upon this occasion. Visions were seen, and voices heard of an extraordinary kind. A sudden splendour dispelled the darkness of the place, and disappearing immediately, added new horrors to the gloom. Apparitions, claps of thunder, earthquakes, heightened the terror and amazement; whilst the person to be admit- ted, overwhelmed with dread, and sweating through fear, heard, trembling, the mysterious volumes read to him, if in such a condition he was capable of hearing at all. ‘These nocturnal rites gave birth to many disorders, which the severe law of silence imposed on the persons initiated, prevented from coming to light, *as St. Gregory Nazian- zen observes. What cannot superstition effect upon the mind of man, when once his imagination is heated? The president in this ceremony was called Hierophantes. He wore a peculiar habit, and was not permitted to marry. The first who served in this function, and whom Ceres herself instructed, was Eumolpus; from whom his succes- sors were called Eumolpide. He had three colleagues; 4one who carried a torch; another a herald, ‘whose office was to pronounce certain mysterious words; and a third to attend at the altar.

_ Besides these officers, one of the principal magistrates of the city was appointed to take care that all the cere- monies of this feast were exactly observed. He was called the king,’ and was one of the nine Archons. His business was to offer prayers and sacrifices. The people gave him four assistants, one chosen from the family of the Eumol- pidz, a second from that of the Ceryces, and the two last from two other families. He had besides ten other minis- ters to assist him in the discharge of his duty, and parti- cularly in offering sacrifices, from whence they derived

‘\ their name.?

4 Aadodyoe. © Kijové, f Baowdede. § ’Eripednrai. 4 ‘Teoomotol. * Oldev ‘EXevoly ratra, cai of rv cwrupivwy Kat cowie dvTwy akwy érrai. Orat. de saer. lumin.

PREFACE. XXXYV

The Athenians initiated their children of both sexes very early into these mysteries, and would have thought it cri- minal to have let them die without such an advantage. It was their general opinion, that this ceremony was an en- gagement to lead a more virtuous and regular life; that it recommended them to the peculiar protection of the god- desses (Ceres and Proserpine), to whose service they de- voted themselves; and procured to them a more perfect and certain happiness in the other world; whilst, on the contrary, such as had not been initiated, besides the evils they had to apprehend in this life, were doomed, after their descent to the shades below, to wallow eternally in dirt, filth, and excrement. ‘Diogenes the Cynic believed nothing of the matter, ‘and when his friends endeavoured to per- suade him to avoid such a misfortune, by being initiated before his death—“< What,” said he, ‘shall Agesilaus and Epaminondas lie amongst mud and dung, whilst the vilest Athenians, because they have been initiated, pos- sess the most distinguished places in the regions of the blessed?” Socrates was not more credulous; he would not be initiated into these mysteries, which was perhaps one reason that rendered his religion suspected.

*Without this qualification, none were admitted to enter the temple of Ceres; and Livy informs us of two Acarna- nians, who, having followed the crowd into it upon one of the feast-days, although out of mistake and with no ill design, were both put to death without mercy. It was also a capital crime to divulge the secrets and mysteries of this feast. Upon this account Diagoras the Melian was pro- scribed, and a reward set upon his head. It very nearly cost the poet Aéschylus his life, for speaking too freely of it in some of his tragedies. The disgrace of Alcibiades proceeded from the same cause. *Whoever had violated this secrecy, was avoided as a wretch accursed and ex- communicated. ‘Pausanias, in several passages, wherein he mentions the temple of Eleusis, and the ceremonies

i Diogen. Laért. |. vi. p. 389. kay. 1. Xaxt6-7. 14; ! Lib. i. p. 26, and 71. * Est et fideli tuta silentio Merces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrum Vulgarit arcane, sub isdem

Sit trabibus, fragilemve mecum

Solvat phaselum. Hor. Od. 2. lib. iii. Safe is the silent tongue, which none can blame, Who keeps the faithful secret merits fame: Beneath one roof ne’er let him rest with me, -

Who Ceres’ mysteries reveals; In one frail bark ne’er let us put to sea,

Nor tempt the jarring ee with spreading sails.

d

XXXVi PREFACE.

practised there, stops short, and declares he cannot pro-. ceed, because he had been forbidden by a dream or vision.

This feast, the most celebrated of profane antiquity, was of nine days’ continuance. It began the fifteenth of the month Boedromion. After some previous ceremonies and sacrifices on the first three days, upon the fourth, in the evening, began the procession of the Basket; which was laid upon an open chariot slowly drawn by oxen, *and followed by a long train of the Athenian women. They all carried mysterious baskets in their hands, filled with several things, which they took great care to conceal, and covered with a veil of purple. This ceremony represent- ed the basket into which Proserpine put the flowers she was gathering when Pluto seized and carried her off.

The fifth day was called the day of the Torches; because at night the men and women ran about with them in imi- tation of Ceres, who having lighted a torch at the fire of mount Aitna, wandered about from place to place in search of her daughter.

The sixth was the most famous day of all. It was called Tacchus, which is the same as Bacchus, the son of Jupiter and Ceres, whose statue was then brought out with great ceremony, crowned with myrtle, and holding a torch inits hand. The procéssion began at the Ceramicus, and passing through the principal places of the city, continued to Eleusis. The way leading to it was called the sacred way, and lay across a bridge over the river Cephisus. ™This procession was very numerous, and generally con- sisted of thirty thousand persons. ‘The temple of Eleusis, where it ended, was large enough to contain the whole of this multitude; and "Strabo says, its extent equal to that of the theatres, which every body knows were capable of holding a much greater number of people. The whole way re-echoed with the sound of trumpets, clarions, and other musical instruments. Hymns were sung in honour of the goddesses, accompanied with dancing, and other extraordinary marks of rejoicing. ‘The route before men- tioned, through the sacred way, and: over the Cephisus, was the usual one: but after the Lacedzmonians, in the Peloponnesian war, had fortified Decelia, the Athenians were obliged to make their procession by sea, till Alci- biades re-established the ancient custom.

m Herod. |. viii. c. 65. 2 L, ix. p. 395. * Tardaque Eleusine matris volventia plaustra. Virg. Georg. lib. i. ver. 163. The Eleusinian mother’s mystic car Slow rolling

PREFACE. ‘ XXXvil

The seventh day was solemnized by games, and the gym- nastic combats, in which the victor was awarded with a measure of barley; without doubt because it was at Eleu- sis the goddess first taught the method of raising that grain, and the use of it. The two following days were em- ployed in some particular ceremonies, neither important nor remarkable.

During this festival it was prohibited, under very great penalties, to arrest any person whatsoever, in order to their being imprisoned, or to present any bill of complaint to the judges. It was regularly celebrated every fifth year, that is, after a revolution of four years; and history does not mention that it was ever interrupted, except upon the taking of Thebes by Alexander the Great.° The Athe- nians, who were then upon the point of celebrating the great mysteries, were so much affected with the ruin of that city, that they could not resolve, in so general an affliction, to solemnize a festival which breathed nothing but merriment and rejoicing. "It was continued down to the time of the Christian emperors. Valentinian would have abolished it, if Preetextatus, the proconsul of Greece, had not represented, in the most lively and affecting terms, the universal sorrow which the abrogation of that feast would occasion among the people; upon which it was suffered to subsist. It is supposed to have been finally suppressed by Theodosius the Great; as were all the rest of the Pagan solemnities.

Of Auguries, Oracles, &c.

NoTrHING is more frequently mentioned in ancient his- tory, than oracles, auguries, and divinations. No war was made, or colony settled; nothing of consequence was undertaken, either public or private, without hav- ing first consulted the gods. This was a custom uni- versally established amongst the Egyptian, Assyrian, Grecian, and Roman nations; which is no doubt a proof, as has been already observed, that it was derived from ancient tradition, and that it had its origin in the religion and worship of the true God. It is not indeed to be ques- tioned, but that God, before the deluge, did manifest his will to mankind in different methods, as he has since done to his people, sometimes in his own person and vivd voce, sometimes by the ministry of angels or of prophets in- spired by himself, and at other times by apparitions or in dreams. When the descendants of Noah dispersed them-

° Plut. in vit. Alex. p. 671. P Zozim. Hist. I. iv.

XXXViil PREFACE.

selves into different regions, they carried this tradition along with them, which was every where retained, though altered and corrupted by the darkness and ignorance of idolatry. None of the ancients have insisted more upon the necessity of consulting the gods on all occasions by auguries and oracles than Xenophon; and he founds that necessity, as I have more than once observed elsewhere, upon a principle deduced from the most refined reason and discernment. He represents, in several places, that man of himself is very frequently ignorant of what is ad- vantageous or pernicious to him; that, far from being ca- pable of penetrating the future, the present itself escapes him: so narrow and short-sighted is he in all his views, that the slightest obstacles can frustrate his greatest de- signs; that the Divinity alone, to whom all ages are pre- ‘sent, can impart a certain knowledge of the future to him: that no other being has power to facilitate the success of his enterprises; and that it is reasonable to believe he will enlighten and protect those, who adore him with the purest ° affection, who invoke him at all times with greatest con-

stancy and fidelity, and consult him with most sincerity and integrity.

Of Auguries.

WHAT areproach is it to human reason, that so luminous a principle should have given birth to the absurd reason- ings, and wretched notions, in favour of the science of au- gurs and soothsayers, and been the occasion of espousing, with blind devotion, the most ridiculous puerilities: should have made the most important affairs of state depend upon a bird’s happening to sing upon the right or left hand ; upon the greediness of chickens in pecking their grain; the inspection of the entrails of beasts; the liver’s being entire -and in good condition, which, according to them, did some- times entirely disappear, without leaving any trace or mark of its having ever subsisted ! To these superstitious obser- vances may be added, accidental rencounters, words spoken by chance, and afterward turned into good or bad pas- sages; forebodings, prodigies, monsters, eclipses, comets ; every extraordinary phenomenon, every unforeseen acci- dent, with an infinity of chimeras of the like nature.

Whence could it happen, that so many great men, illus- trious generals, able politicians, and even learned philoso- phers, have actually given in to such absurb imaginations ? Plutarch, in particular, so estimable in other respects, is to be pitied for his servile observance of the senseless cus-

PREFACE. xia

toms of the Pagan idolatry, and his ridiculous credulity in dreams, signs, and prodigies. PHe tells us in his works, that he abstained a great while from eating eggs, upon ac- count of a dream, with which he has not thought fit to make us farther acquainted. |

The wisest of the Pagans knew well how to appreciate the art of divination, and often spoke of it to each other, and even in public, with the utmost contempt, and ina manner best adapted to expose its absurdity. The grave censor Cato was of opinion, that one soothsayer could not look at another without laughing. Hannibal was amazed at the simplicity of Prusias, whom he had advised to give battle, upon his being diverted from it by the inspection of the entrails of a victim. ‘‘ What,’ said he, “ have you more confidence in the liver of a beast, than in so old and experienced a captainas Tam?” Marcellus, who had been five times consul, and was augur, said, that he had disco- vered a method of not being put to a stand by the sinister flight of birds, which was, to keep himself close shut up in his litter. |

Cicero explains himself upon the subject of auguries without ambiguity or reserve. Nobody was more capable of speaking pertinently upon it than himself (as M. Morin observes in his dissertation upon the same subject). As he was adopted into the college of augurs, he had made himself acquainted with their most abstruse secrets, and had all possible opportunity of informing himself fully in their science. That he did so, sufficiently appears from the two books he has left us upon divination, in which, it may be said, he has exhausted the subject. In the second, wherein he refutes his brother Quintus, who had espoused the cause of the augurs, he combats and defeats his false reasonings with a force, and at the same time with so refined and delicate a raillery, as leaves us nothing to wish; and he demonstrates by proofs, each more convincing than the other, the falsity, contrariety, and impossibility, of that art. *But what is very surprising, in the midst of all his argu- ments, he takes occasion to blame the generals and magis- trates, who on important conjunctures had contemned the prognostics; and maintains, that the use of them, as great

P Sympos, lib. ii. Quest. 3. p. 635.

* Errabat nultis in rebus antiquitas ; quam vel usu jam, vel doctrind, vel vetustate immutatam videmus. Detineter autem et ad opinionem vulgi, et ad magnas utilitates reip. mos, religio, disciplina, jus augurum, collegw aue- toritas. Nee verd non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius, L. Junius con-

sules, qui contra auspicia navigdrunt. Parendum enim fuit religioni, nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Divin. |. ii. n. 70, 71.

xl PREFACE.

an abuse as it was in his own opinion, ought nevertheless to be respected, out of regard to religion, and the prejudices of the people. . |

_ All that Ihave hitherto said tends to prove, that Paganism was divided into two sects, almost equally enemies of reli- gion; the one by their superstitious and blind regard for auguries, the other by their irreligious contempt and deri- sion of them.

The principle of the first, founded on one side upon the ignorance and weakness of man in the affairs of life, and on the other upon the prescience of the Divinity and his al- mighty providence, was true; but the consequence deduced from it in favour of auguries, false andabsurd. They ought to have proved that it was certain, that the Divinity him- self had established these external signs to denote his in- tentions, and that he had obliged himself to a punctual conformity to them upon all occasions: but they had no- thing of this in their system. These auguries and divina- tions therefore were the effect and invention of the igno- rance, rashness, curiosity, and blind passions, of man, who presumed to interrogate God, and to oblige him to give an- swers upon every idle imagination and unjust enterprise.

The others, who gave no real credit to any thing enjoined by the science of augury, did not fail, however, to observe its trivial ceremonies through policy, in order the better to subject the minds of the people to themselves, and to re- concile them to their own purposes, by the assistance of superstition: but by their contempt for auguries, and their inward conviction of their falsity, they were led into a dis- belief of the Divine Providence, and to despise religion itself; conceiving it inseparable from the numerous absur- dities. of this kind, which rendered it ridiculous, and conse- quently unworthy a man of sense.

Both the one and the other behaved in this manner, be- cause, having mistaken the Creator, and abused the light of nature, which might have taught them to know and to adore him, they were deservedly abandoned to their own darkness, and toa reprobate mind; and, if we had not been enlightened by the true religion, we, even at this day, should give ourselves up to the same superstitions.

Of Oracles.

No country was ever richer in, or more productive of, oracles, thanGreece. I shall confine myself to those which were the most noted.

The oracle of Dodona, a city of the Molossians, in Epirus,

PREFACE. xli

was much celebrated; where Jupiter gave answers either by vocal oaks, * or doves, which had also their language, or by resounding basins of brass, or by the mouths of priests and priestesses.

The oracle of Trophonius in Beeotia, though he was no- thing more than a hero, was in great reputation. After many preliminary ceremonies, as washing in the river, of- fering sacrifices, drinking a water called Lethe, from its quality of making people forget every thing, the votaries went down into his cave, by small ladders, through a very narrow passage. At the bottom was another little cavern, the entrance of which was also exceeding small. There they lay down upon the ground, with a certain composition of honey in each hand, which they were indispensably | obliged to carry with them. Their feet were placed within the opening of the little cave; which was no sooner done, than they perceived themselves borne into it with great force and velocity. Futurity was there revealed to them; but not to allin the same manner. Some saw, others heard, wonders. From thence they returned quite stupified, and out of their senses, and were placed in the chair of Mne- mosyne, the goddess of memory; not without great need of her assistance to recover their remembrance, after their great fatigue, of what they had seen and heard; admitting they had seen or heard any thing at all. Pausanias, who had consulted that oracle himself, and gone through all these ceremonies, has left a most ample description of it; to which ‘Plutarch adds some particular circumstances, which I omit, to avoid a tedious prolixity.

‘The temple and oracle of the Branchide, in the neigh- bourhood of Miletus, so called from Branchus, the son of Apollo, was very ancient, and in great esteem with all the Tonians and Dorians of Asia. Xerxes, in his return from Greece, burnt this temple, after the priests had delivered its treasures to him. That prince, in return, granted them an establishment in the remotest parts of Asia, to secure them against the vengeance of the Greeks. After the war was over, the Milesians re-established that temple with a magnificence which, according to Strabo, surpassed that of

4 Pausan. I. ix. p. 602. 604. r Plut. de gen. Socr. p. 590. * Herod. J. i.c. 157. Strab. |. xiv. p. 634.

* Certain instruments were fastened to the tops of oaks, which, being shaken by the wind, or by some other means, gave a confused sound. Servius observes, that the same word, in the Thessalian language, signi- fies dove and pr ophetess, which had given room for the fabulous tradition of doves that spoke. It was easy to make those brazen basins sound by some secret means, and to give what signification they pleased to a con- fused and inarticulate noise.

xiii PREFACE.

all the other temples of Greece. When Alexander. the Great had overthrown Darius, he utterly destroyed the city where the priests Branchidz had settled, of which their descendants were at that time in actual possession, punish- ing in the children the sacrilegious perfidy of their fathers.

‘Tacitus relates something very singular, though not very probable, of the oracle of Claros, a town of Ionia, in Asia Minor, near Colophon. ‘“‘ Germanicus,” says he, ‘* went to consult Apollo at Claros. It is not a woman that gives the answers there, as at Delphi, but a man, chosen out of certain families, and almost always of Miletus. It is suffi- cient to let him know the number and names of those who come to consult him. After which he retires into a cave, and having drunk of the waters of a spring within it, he delivers answers in verse upon what the persons have in their thoughts, though he is often ignorant, and knows no- thing of composing in measure. It is said, that he foretold to Germanicus his sudden death, but in dark and ambigu- ous terms, according to the custom of oracles.”

I omit a great number of other oracles, to proceed to the most famous of them all. It is very obvious, that I mean the oracle of Apollo at Delphi. He was worshipped there under the name of the Pythian, a title derived from the ser- pent Python, which he had killed, or from a Greek word, that signifies to inquire, rv8éc0a, because people came thither to consult him. From thence the Delphic priestess was Called Pythia, and the games there celebrated, the Pythian games.

Delphi was an ancient city of Phocisin Achaia. Itstood upon the declivity, and about the middle, of the mountain Parnassus, built upon a small extent of even ground, and surrounded with precipices, that fortified it without the help of art. "Diodorus says, that there was a cavity upon Par- nassus, from whence an exhalation rose, which made the goats dance and skip about, and intoxicated the brain. A shepherd having approached it, out of a desire to know the causes of so extraordinary an effect, was immediately seized with violent agitations of body, and pronounced words, which, without doubt, he did not understand himself; but which, however, foretold futurity. Others made the same experiment, and it was soon rumoured throughout the neighbouring countries. The cavity was no longer ap- proached without reverence. The exhalation was con- cluded to have something divine in it. A priestess was appointed for the reception of its effects, and a tripod placed upon the vent, called by the Latins, Cortina, perhaps from

'Tacit. Annal. I. ii. c. 54. « Lib. xiv. p. 427, 428.

PREFACE. xliii

the skin* that covered it. From thence she gave her ora- cles. ‘The city of Delphi rose insensibly round about this cave; and a temple was erected, which, at length, became very magnificent. The reputation of this oracle almost effaced, or at least very much exceeded, that of all others.

At first a single Pythia sufficed to answer those who came to consult the oracle, as they did not yet amount to any great number; but in process of time, when it grew into universal repute, a second was appointed to mount the tri- pod alternately with the first, and a third chosen to succeed in case of death, or disease. There were other assistants besides these to attend the Pythia in the sanctuary, of whom the most considerable were called prophets ;’ it was their business to take care of the sacrifices, and to inspect them. To these the demands of the inquirers were delivered by word of mouth, orin writing; and they returned the answers as we shall see in the sequel.

We must not confound the Pythia with the Sibyl of Del- phi. The ancients represent the latter as a woman that roved from country to country, venting her predictions. She was at the same time the Sibyl of Delphi, Erythre, Babylon, Cumz, and many other places, from her having resided in them all.

The Pythia could not prophesy till she was intoxicated by the exhalation from the sanctuary of Apollo. ‘This mi- raculous vapour had not that effect at all times and upon all occasions. The god was not always in the inspiring humour. At first he imparted himself only once a year, but at length he was prevailed upon to visit the Pythia every month. All days were not proper, and upon some it was not permitted to consult the oracle. These unfor- tunate days occasioned an oracle’s being given to Alex- ander the Great worthy of remark. He went to Delphi to consult the god, at a time when the priestess pretended it was forbidden to ask him any questions, and would not enter the temple. Alexander, who was always warm and tenacious, took hold of her by the arm to force her into it, when she cried out, *Ah, my son, you are not to be resisted ! or, My son, you are invincible! Upon which words he de- clared he would have no other oracle, and was contented with that he had received.

The Pythia, before she ascended the tripod, was a long time preparing for it by sacrifices, purifications, a fast of three days, and many other ceremonies. ‘The god denoted his approach by the moving of a laurel, that stood before

* Corium. Y Woddynra. * Avicnrog él, @ Tat. 00pn n ’

xliv PREFACE.

the gate of the temple, which shook also to its very foun- dations. |

As soon* as the divine vapour, like a penetrating fire, had diffused itself through the entrails of the priestess, her hair stood upright upon her head, her looks grew wild, she foamed at the mouth, a sudden and violent trembling seized her whole body, with allthe+ symptoms of distraction and frenzy. She uttered, at intervals, some words almost inar- ticulate, which the prophets carefully collected, and ar- ranged with a certain degree of order and connexion. Af- ter she had been a certain time upon the tripod, she was reconducted to her cell, where she generally continued many days to recover from her fatigue; and, as Lucan says,’ a sudden death was often either the reward or punishment of her enthusiasm :

Numinis aut pana est mors immatura recepti, Aut pretium. :

The prophets had poets under them, who made the ora- cles into verses, which were often bad enough, and gave occasion to remark, that it was very surprising, that Apollo, who presided over the choir of the muses, should inspire his priestess no better. But Plutarch informs us, that it was not the god who composed the verses of the oracle. He inflamed the Pythia’s imagination, and kindled in her soul that living light, which unveiled all futurity to her. The words she uttered in the heat of her enthusiasm, having neither method nor connexion, and coming only by starts, if that expression may be used, from the bottom of her sto-

y Lib. v. * Cui talia fanti Ante fores, subitd non vultus, non color unus, Non compte mansere come: sed pectus anhelum, Lt rabie fera corda tument ; majorque videri, Nec mortale sonans ; afflata est numine quando Jam propiore dei. Virg. in. |. vi. v. 46—51.

+ Among the various marks which God has given us in the Scriptures to distinguish his oracles from those of the devil, the fury or madness, at- tributed by Virgil to the Pythia, et rabie fera corda tument, is one. It is I, saith God, that shew the falsehood of the diviner’s predictions, and give to such as divine, the motions of fury and madness; or, according to Isa. xliv. 25, That frustrateth the tohens of the liar, and maketh diviners mad. Instead of which, the prophets of the true God constantly gave the divine answers in an equal and calm tone of voice, and with a noble tranquillity of behaviour. Another distinguishing mark is, that the demons gave their oracles in secret places, by-ways, and in the obscurity of caves; whereas God gave his in open day, and before all the world. JZ have not spoken in secret, in a dark place of the earth, Isa. xlv. 19. I have not spokenin secret from the beginning. Isa. xlviii. 16. So that God did not permit the devil to imitate his oracles, without imposing such conditions upon him, as might distinguish between the true and false inspiration.

PREFACE. xily

mach, or rather’ from her belly, were collected with care by the prophets, who gave them afterward to the poets to be turned into verse. ‘These Apollo left to theirown genius and natural talents; as we may suppose he did the Pythia when she herself composed verses, which, though not of- ten, happened sometimes. The substance of the oracle was inspired by Apollo, the manner of expressing it was the priestess’s own: the oracles were however often given in prose. |

The general characteristics of oracles were * ambiguity, obscurity, and convertibility (if I may use that expression), so that one answer would agree with several various, and sometimes directly opposite, events. By the help of this artifice, the demons, who of themselves are not capable of knowing futurity, concealed their ignorance, and amused the credulity of the Pagan world. When Crcesus was upon the point of invading the Medes, he consulted the oracle of Delphi upon the success of that war, and was answered, that by passing the river Halys, he would ruin a great em- pire. What empire, his own, or that of his enemies? He was to guess that; but whatever the events might be, the oracle could not fail of being in the right. As much may be said upon the same god’s answer to Pyrrhus:

Aio te, AXacida, Romanos vincere posse.

I repeat it in Latin, because the equivocality, which equally implies, that Pyrrhus could conquer the Romans, and the Romans Pyrrhus, will not subsist in a translation. - Under the cover of such ambiguities, the god eluded all difficulties, and was never in the wrong. :

It must, however, be confessed, that sometimes the an- swer of the oracle was clear and circumstantial. I have related, in the history of Croesus, the stratagem he made use of to assure himself of the veracity of the oracle, which was, to demand of it, by his ambassador, what he was doing at a certain time prefixed. The oracle of Delphi replied, in verse, that he was causing a tortoise and a lamb to be dressed in a vessel of brass, which was really the case. *The em- peror Trajan made a similar trial of the god at Heliopolis, by sending him a letter} sealed up, to which he demanded an answer. The oracle made no other return, than to com-

* ’Ryyaorpipvboc. @ Macrob. |. i. Saturnal. c. xxiii.

* Quid si aliquis dixerit multa ab idolis esse predicta ; hoc sciendum, quod semper mendacium Junxerint veritati, et sie sententias temperarint, ut, seu boni seu mali quid accidisset, utrumque possit intelligi. Hieronym. in cap. xlii. Isaize. He cites the two examples of Croesusand Pyrrhus.

+ One method of consulting the oracle was by sealed letters, which were Jaid upon the altar of the god unopened.

sui PREFACE. |

mand a blank paper, well folded and sealed, to be delivered to him. Trajan, upon the receipt of it, was struck with amazement to see an answer so correspondent with his own letter, in which he knew he had written nothing. The won- derful* facility with which demons can transfer themselves almost in an instant from place to place, made it not im- possible for them to give the two answers, which I have last mentioned, and to foretell in one country, what they had seen in another; this is Tertullian’s opinion,

Admitting it to be true, that some oracles have been fol- lowed precisely by the events foretold, we may believe that God, to punish the blind and sacrilegious credulity of the Pagans, has sometimes permitted the demons to have a knowledge of things to come, and to foretell them distinctly enough. Which conduct of God, though very much above human comprehension, is frequently attested in the Holy Scriptures.

It has been questioned, whether the oracles, mentioned in profane history, should be ascribed to the operations of demons, or only to the wickedness and imposture of men. Vandale, a Dutch physician, has maintained the latter opi- nion; and Monsieur Fontenelle, when a young man, adopted it, in the persuasion (to use his own words) that it was in- different, as to the truth of Christianity, whether the ora- cles were the effect of the agency of spirits, or a series of impostures. Father Baltus, the Jesuit, professor of the Holy Scriptures in the university of Strasburgh, has refuted them both in a very solid treatise, wherein he demonstrates, invincibly, from the unanimous authority of the Fathers, that demons were the real agents in the oracles. He at- tacks, with equal force and success, the rashness and pre- sumption of the Anabaptist physician; who, calling in question the capacity and discernment of those holy doc- tors, secretly endeavoured to efface the high idea all true believers should entertain of those great leaders of the church, and to depreciate their venerable authority, which is so great a difficulty to all who deviate from the principles of ancient tradition. Now if that was ever certain and uniform in any thing, it is so in this point; for all the Fa- thers of the church, and ecclesiastical writers of all ages, maintain, and attest, that the devil was the author of idol- atry in general, and of oracles in particular.

* Omnis spiritus ales. Hoc et angeli et demones. Igitur momento ubique sunt ; totus orbis illis loeus unus est: quid ubi geratur tam facile sciunt, quam enuntiant. . Velocitas divinitatis creditur, quia substantia ignoratur.— Ceterim testudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis Pythius eo modo renun-

reat quo supra diximus. Momento apud Lydiam fuerat. ‘ertull. in polog.

PREFACE. xlvi

This opinion does not hinder our believing that the priests and priestesses were frequently guilty of fraud and imposture in the answers of the oracles. For is not the devil the father and prince of lies? In the Grecian history, we have seen more than once the Delphic priestess suffer herself to be corrupted by presents. It was from that motive, she persuaded the Lacedzmonians to assist the people of Athens in the expulsion of the thirty tyrants; that she caused Demaratus to be divested of the royal dignity, to make way for Cleomenes; and dressed up an oracle to support the imposture of Lysander, when he en- deavoured to change the succession to the throne of Sparta. And I am apt to believe that Themistocles, who well knew the importance of acting against the Persians by sea, in- spired the god with the answer he gave, to defend them- selves with wooden walls. ‘Demosthenes, convinced that the oracles were frequently suggested by passion or inter- est, and suspecting, with reason, that Philip had instructed them to speak in his favour, boldly declared, that the Pythia philippized; and bade the Athenians and Thebans remember that Pericles and Epaminondas, instead of listening to, and amusing themselves with, the frivolous answers of the oracle, those idle bugbears of the base and cowardly, consulted only reason in the choice and execu- tion of their measures.

The same Father Baltus examines, with equal success, a second point in dispute, namely, the cessation of oracles. | Mr. Vandale, to oppose with some advantage a truth so glorious to Jesus Christ, the subverter of idolatry, had falsified the sense of the Fathers, by making them say, that oracles ceased precisely at the moment of Christ’s birth. The learned apologist for the Fathers shews, that they all allege that oracles ceased after our Saviour’s birth, and the preaching of his gospel; not on a sudden, but in propor- tion as his salutary doctrines: became known to mankind, and gained ground in the world. This unanimous opinion of the Fathers is confirmed by the unexceptionable evi- dence of great numbers of the Pagans, who agree with them as to the time when the oracles ceased.

What an honour to the Christian religion was this silence imposed upon the oracles by the victory of Jesus Christ! Every Christian had this power. ‘Tertullian, in one of his apologies, challenges the Pagans to make the experiment, and consents that a Christian should be put to death, if he did not oblige those givers of oracles to confess themselves

4 Plut. in Demosth. p, 854. ¢ Tertull. in Apolog.

xlviti PREFACE.

devils. ‘Lactantius informs us, that every Christian could silense them by only the sign of the cross. And all the world knows, that when Julian the Apostate was at Daph- ne, a suburb of Antioch, to consult Apollo; the god,-not- withstanding all the sacrifices offered to him, continued mute, and only recovered his speech to answer those who inquired the cause of his silence, that they must ascribe it to the interment of certain bodies in the neighbourhood. Those were the bodies of Christian martyrs, amongst which was that of St. Babylas.

This triumph of the Christian religion ought to give us a due sense of our obligations to Jesus Christ, and, at the same time, of the darkness to which all mankind were abandoned before his coming. We have seen, amongst the Carthaginians, *fathers and mothers, more cruel than wild beasts, inhumanly giving up their children, and an- nually depopulating their cities, by destroying the most vigorous of their youth, in obedience to the bloody dictates of their oracles and false gods. The victims were chosen without any regard to rank, sex, age, or condition. Such bloody executions were honoured with the name of sa- crifices, and designed to make the gods _ propitious. ‘“‘What greater evil,” cries Lactantius, ‘ could they in- flict in their most violent displeasure, than thus to de- prive their adorers of all sense of humanity, to make them cut the throats of their own children, and pollute their sacrilegious hands with such execrable parricides!”

A thousand frauds and impostures, openly detected at Delphi, and every where else, had not opened men’s eyes, nor in the least diminished the credit of the oracles; which subsisted upwards of two thousand years, and was carried to an inconceivable height, even in the minds of the great- est men, the most profound philosophers, the most power-_ ful princes, and generally among the most civilized na- tions, and such as valued themselves most upon their wisdom and policy. The estimation they were in, may be judged from the magnificence of the temple of Delphi, and the immense riches amassed in it through the super- stitious credulity of nations and monarchs.

: f Lib. de ver sapient. c. xxvii.

* Tam barbaros, tam immanes Suisse homines, ut parricidium suum, id est tetrum atque execrabile humano generi facinus, sacrificium vocarent. Cim teneras atque innocentes animas, que maximé est a@tas parentibus dulcior, sine ullo respectu pietatis extinguerent, immanitatemque omnium bestiarum, que tamen fetus suos amant, feritate superarent. O dementiam insanabi- lem! Quid illis isti dit amplius facere possent si essent iratissimi, quam fa- ctunt propitii? Cixm suos cultores parricidiis inquinant, orbitatibus mactant, humamis sensibus spoliant. Lactant. 1.i. c. 21.

PREFACE. xlix

eThe temple of Delphi having been burnt about the fifty-eighth Olympiad, the Amphictyons, those celebrated judges of Greece, took upon themselves the care of re- building it. ‘They agreed with an architect for 300 talents, which amounts to 900,000 livres.* The cities of Greece were to furnish that sum. The inhabitants of Delphi were taxed a fourth part of it, and collected con- tributions in all parts, even in foreign nations, for that service. Amasis, at that time king of Egypt, and the Grecian inhabitants of his country, contributed consider- able sums towards it. The Alcmzonidz, a potent fa- mily of Athens, took upon themselves the conduct of the building, and made it more magnificent, by consider- able additions of their own, than had been proposed in the model.

Gyges, king of Lydia, and Croesus, one of his succes- sors, enriched the temple of Delphi with an incredibie number of presents. Many other princes, cities, and private persons, by their example, in a kind of emulation of each other, had heaped up in it tripods, vases, tables, shields, crowns, chariots, and statues of gold and silver of all sizes, equally infinite in number and value. The pre-_ sents of gold which Croesus alone made to this temple, amounted, according to Herodotus," to upwards of 254 talents; that is, about 762,000 French livres;+ and per- haps those of silver to as much. Most of these presents were in being at the time of Herodotus. ‘Diodorus Sicu- lus, adding those of other princes to them, makes their amount 10,000 talents, or 30,000,000 of livres.

kAmongst the statues of gold, consecrated by Croesus in the temple of Delphi, was placed that of his female baker, the occasion of which was this. Alyattes, Croesus’s father, having married a second wife, by whom he had children, she laid a plan to get rid of her son-in-law, that the crown might descend to her own issue. For this purpose she engaged the female baker to put poison into a loaf, that was to be served at the young prince’s table. The woman, who was struck with horror at the crime (in which she ought to have had no part at all), gave Croesus notice of it. The poisoned loaf was served to the queen’s own chil- dren, and their death secured the crown to the lawful suc- cessor. When he ascended the throne, in gratitude to his benefactress, he erected a statue to her in the temple of Delphi. But, it may be said, could a person of so mean'a

5 Herod. 1. ii. c. 180. and I. v. ¢, 62. b Herod. |. i. @ 50, 51. i Diod. 1. xvi. p. 453. k Plut. de Pyth. orac. p. 401.

* About 44,428/. sterling. + About 33,5002. { About 1,300,0007, V.0E.-%. €

1 PREFACE.

condition deserve so great an honour? Plutarch answers in the affirmative; and with a much better title, he says, than many of the so-much-vaunted conquerors and heroes, who have acquired their fame only by murder and devas- tation.

It is not to be wondered at, that such immense riches should have tempted the avarice of mankind, and exposed Delphi to being frequently pillaged. Without mentioning more ancient times, Xerxes, who invaded Greece witha million of men, endeavoured to seize upon the spoils of this temple. Above a hundred years after, the Phoceans, near neighbours of Delphi, plundered it at several times. The same rich booty was the sole motive of the irruption of the Gauls into Greece under Brennus. The guardian god of Delphi, if we may believe historians, sometimes defended this temple by surprising prodigies; and at others, either from impotence or want of presence of mind, suffered himself to be plundered. When Nero made this temple, so famous throughout the universe, a visit, and found in it five hundred brass statues of illustrious men and gods to his liking, which had been consecrated to Apollo (those of gold and silver having undoubtedly dis- appeared upon his approach), he ordered them to be taken down, and shipping them on’‘board his vessels, carried them with him to Rome.

Those who are desirous of more particular information concerning the oracles and riches of the temple of Delphi, may consult some dissertations upon this subject, printed | in the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres, of which I have made good use, according to my custom.

Of the Games and Combats.

GAMES and combats made a part of the religion, and had a share in almost all the festivals, of the ancients; and for that reason it is proper that they should find a place in this work. Whether we consider their origin, or the de- sign of their institution, we shall not be surprised at their being so prevalent in the best-governed states.

Hercules, Theseus, Castor, and Pollux, and the greatest heroes of antiquity, were not only the institutors or re- storers of them, but thought it glorious to share in the ex- ercise of them, and mefitorious to succeed therein. These subduers of monsters, and of the common enemies of man- kind, thought it no disgrace to them to aspire-to the vic- tories in these: combats; nor that the new wreaths, with

1 Vol. iii.

PREFACE. fi

which their brows were encircled in the solemnization of these games, detracted from. the lustre of those they had before acquired. Hence the most famous poets made these combats the subject of their verses; the beauty of whose poetry, whilst it immortalized themselves, seemed to promise an eternity of fame to those whose victories it celebrated. Hence arose that uncommon ardour which animated all Greece, to tread in the steps of those ancient heroes, and, like them, to signalize themselves in the pub- lic combats.

A reason more solid, and originating in the very nature of these combats, and of the people who used them, may be given for their prevalence. The Greeks, by nature warlike, and equally intent upon forming the bodies and minds of their youth, introduced these exercises, and an- nexed honours to them, in order to prepare the younger sort for the profession of arms, to confirm their health, to render them stronger and more robust, to inure them to fatigues, and to make them intrepid in close fight, in which, the use of fire-arms being then unknown, strength of body generally decided the victory. ‘These athletic exercises supplied the place of those in use amongst our nobility, as dancing, fencing, riding the great horse, &c.; but they did not confine themselves to a graceful mien, nor to the beau- ties of a shape and face; they were for joining strength to the charms of person.

It is true, these exercises, so illustrious by their foun- ders, and so useful in the ends at first proposed from them, introduced public masters, who taught them to young persons, and, from practising them with success, made public show and ostentation of their skill. This sort of men applied themselves solely to the practice of this art, and, carrying it to an excess, they formed it into a kind of science, by the addition of rules and refinements; often challenging each other out of a vain emulation, till at length they degenerated into a profession of people who, without any other employment or merit, exhibited them- selves as a sight for the diversion of the public. Our dancing-masters are not unlike them in this respect, whose natural and original designation was to teach youth a grace- ful manner of walking, and a good address; but now wesee them mount the stage, and perform ballets in the garb of comedians, capering, jumping, skipping, and making va- riety of strange unnatural motions. We shall see, in the sequel, what opinion the wiser among the ancients had of their professed combatants and wrestling-masters,

There were four games solemnized in Greece. The

e2-

lii PREFACE.

Olympic, so called from Olympia, otherwise Pisa, a town of Elis in Peloponnesus, near which they were celebrated, after the expiration of every four years, in honour of Jupi- ter Olympicus. The Pythian, sacred to Apollo *Pythius, so called from the serpent Python, killed by him; they were celebrated at Delphi every four years. The Nemean, which took their name from Nemeza, a city and forest of Peloponnesus, and were either instituted or restored by Hercules, after he had slain the lion of the Nemzean forest. They were solemnized every two years. And lastly, the Isthmian, celebrated upon the isthmus of Corinth, every four years, in honour of Neptune. ™Theseus was the re- storer of them, and they continued even after the ruin of Corinth. That persons might be present at these public sports with greater quiet and security, there was a general suspension of arms, and cessation of hostilities, throughout all Greece, during the time of their celebration.

In these games, which were solemnized with incredible magnificence, and drew together a prodigious concourse ‘of spectators and combatants from all parts, a simple wreath was all the reward of the victors. In the Olympic games, it was composed of wild olive; in the Pythian, of laurel; in the Nemzan, of green parsley ;> and in the Isth- mian, of the same herb dried. The institutors of these games wished that it should be implied from hence, that honour alone, and not mean and sordid interest, ought to be the motive of great actions. Of what were men not ca- pable, accustomed to act solely from so glorious a princi- ple! °We have seen, in the Persian war, that Tigranes, one of the most considerable captains in the army of Xerxes, having heard the prizes in the Grecian games described, cried out with astonishment, addressing himself to Mardo- nius, who commanded in chief, +Heavens! against what men are you leading us? Insensible to interest, they combat only for glory! Which exclamation, though looked upon. by Xerxes as an effect of abject fear, abounds with sense and judgment. —

PIt was from the same principle that the Romans, whilst they bestowed upon other occasions crowns of gold of great value, persisted always in giving only a wreath of oaken leaves to him who had saved the life of a citizen. «*O manners, worthy of eternal remembrance!” cried

m Paus. |. ii. p. 88. » Apium. ° Herod. 1. viii. c. 26. P Plin. |. xvi. c. 4. * Several reasons are given for this name. + Tarai, Mapddme, xotovg tx’ dvdpac tyayec "paxnoopévove 7péEac, ot ov EOL XONMATWY Tov ay@va ToLOvYTaL, GAG TEpi aoETIIC.

\ PREFACE. lili Pliny, in relating this laudable custom. ‘“O grandeur, truly Roman, that would assign no other reward but ho- nour, for the preservation of a citizen! a service, indeed, above all reward; thereby sufficiently evincing their opi- nion, that it was criminal to save a man’s life from the motive of lucre and interest!” O mores eternos, qui tan- ta opera honore solo donaverint ; et cium reliquas coronas auro commendarent, salutem civis in pretio esse noluerint, clara professione servari quidem hominem nefas esse lucri causa !

Amongst all the Grecian games, the Olympic held unde- niably the firstrank; and that for threereasons. They were sacred to Jupiter, the greatest of the gods; instituted by Hercules, the first of the heroes; and celebrated with more pomp and magnificence, amidst a greater concourse of spectators attracted from all parts, than any of the rest.

i[f Pausanias may be believed, women were prohibited to be present at them upon pain of death; and during their continuance, it was ordained, that no woman should ap- proach the place where the games were celebrated, or pass on that side of the river Alpheus. One only was so bold as to violate this law, and slipped in disguise amongst those who were training the wrestlers. She was tried for the offence, and would have suffered the penalty enacted by the law, if the judges, in regard to her father, her brother, and her son, who had all been victors in the Olympic games, had not pardoned her offence, and saved her life.

This law was very conformable with the manners of the Greeks, amongst whom the ladies were very reserved, sel- dom appeared in public, had separate apartments, called Gynecea, and never ate at table with the men when strangers were present. It was certainly inconsistent with decency to admit them at some of the games, as those of wrestling and the Pancratium, in which the combatants fought naked.

"The same Pausanias tells us, in another place, that the priestess of Ceres had an honourable seat in these games, and that virgins were not denied the liberty of being present at them. For my part, I cannot conceive the reason of such inconsistency, which indeed seems incredible.

The Greeks thought nothing comparable to the victory in these games. They looked upon it as the perfection of glory, and did not believe it permitted to mortals to desire any thing beyond it. *Cicero assures us, that with them it was no less honourable than the consular dignity in its

4 Pausan. |. v. p. 297. T Ibid. 1}. vi. p. 382. * Olympiorum victoria, Gracis consulatus ille antiquus videbatur. Tuscul.

Quest. lib. ii. n. 41.

liv - PREFACE.

original splendour with the ancient Romans. And in an- other place he says, that *to conquer at Olympia, was al- most, in the estimation.of the Grecians, more great and glo- rious, than to receive the honour of a triumph at Rome. Horace speaks in still stronger terms of this kind of victory. +He is not afraid to say, that it exalts the victor above hu- man nature ; they were no longer men, but gods.

We shall see hereafter what extraordinary honours were paid to the victor, of which one of the most affecting was, to date the year with hisname. Nothing could more effec- tually stimulate their endeavours, and make them regard- less of expenses, than the assurance of immortalizing their names, which, through all future ages, would be enrolled - in their annals, and stand in the front of all laws made in the same year with the victory. To this motive may be added the joy of knowing, that their praises would be cele- brated by the most famous poets, and form the subject of conversation in the most illustrious assemblies ; for these odes were sung in every house, and formed a part in every entertainment. What could be a more powerful incentive to a people, who had no other object and aim than that of human glory ?

I shall confine myself upon this head to the Olympic games, which continued five days; and shall describe, in as brief a manner as possible, the several kinds of combats of which they were composed. M. Burette has treated this subject in several dissertations, printed in the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres; wherein purity, perspi- cuity, and elegance of style, are united with profound eru- dition. I make no scruple in appropriating to my use the riches of my brethren; and, in what I have already said upon the Olympic games, have made very free with the late Abbé Massieu’s remarks upon the Odes of Pindar.

The combats which had the greatest share in the solem- nity of the public games, were boxing, wrestling, the pan- cratium, the discus or quoit, and racing. 'To these may be added, the exercises of leaping, throwing the dart, and that of the trochus, or wheel; but as these were neither important nor of any great reputation, I shall content myself with having only mentioned them in this place. For the better methodising the particulars of these games and exercises,

* Olympionicum esse apud Grecos prope majus fuit et gloriosius quam Rome triumphasse. Pro Flacco, num. xxxi. + Palmaque nobilis Terrarum dominos evehit ad deos. Od. i. lib. 1. Sive quos Elea domum reducit Palma celestes. Od. ii. lib. iv.

PREFACE. lv

it will be necessary to begin with an account of the Ath- letze, or combatants. ars

Of the Athlete, or Combatants.

Tur term Athlete is derived from the Greek word d0doc, which signifies labour, combat. This name was given to those who exercised themselves with an intention to dis- pute the prizes in the public games. The art by which they formed themselves for these encounters, was called Gymnastic, from the Athletz’s practising naked.

Those who were designed for this profession frequented, from their most tender age, the Gymnasia or Palestre, which were a kind of academies maintained for that pur- pose at the public expense. In these places, such young people were under the direction of different masters, who employed the most effectual metliods to inure their bodies for the fatigues of the public games, and to train them for the combats. The regimen they were under was very hard and severe. At first they had no other nourishment than dried figs, nuts, soft cheese, and a coarse heavy sort of bread, called paZa. ‘They were absolutely forbidden the use of wine, and enjoined continence; which Horace ex- presses thus:

Qui studet optatam cursu contingere metam

Multa tulit fecitque puer, sudavit et alsit, Abstinuit venere et vino.— Art. Poet. v. 412.

Who in the Olympic race the prize would gain, Has borne from early youth fatigue and pain, Excess of heat and cold has often try’d,

Love’s softness banish’d, and the glass deny’d.

St. Paul, by a comparison drawn from the Athletz, exhorts the Corinthians, near whose city the Isthmian games were celebrated, to a sober and penitent life. Those who strive, says he, for the mastery, are temperate in all things : Now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown, but we an incor- ruptible. *Tertullian uses the same thought to encourage the martyrs. He makes a comparison from what the hopes of victory made the Athletz endure. He repeats the severe and painful exercises they were obliged to undergo; the continual denial and constraint in which they passed the best years of their lives; and the voluntary privation which they imposed upon themselves, of all that was most pleas- ing and grateful to their passions. It is true, the Athletz did not always observe so severe a regimen, but at length * Nempe enim et Athlete segregantur ad strictiorem disciplinam, ut ro- bori edificando vacent ; continentur a luxurid, a cibis latioribus, @ potu jucundiore ; coguntur, eructantur, fatigantur. ‘Tertul. ad Martyr. —

lvi PREFACE.

substituted in its stead a voracity and indolence extremely remote from it.

The Athlete, before their exercises, * were rubbed with oils and ointments, to make their bodies more supple and vigorous. At first they made use of a belt, with an apron or scarf fastened to it, for their more decent appearance in the combat; but one of the combatants happening to lose the victory by this covering’s falling off, that accident was the occasion of sacrificing modesty to convenience, and re- trenching the apron for the future. The Athletz were naked only in some exercises, as wrestling, boxing, the pancratium, and the foot-race. They practised a kind of novitiate in the Gymnasia for ten months, to accomplish themselves in the several exercises by assiduous applica- tion ; and this they did in the presence of such, as curiosity or idleness conducted to look on. But when the celebra- tion of the Olympic games drew nigh, the Athletze who were to appear in them were kept to double exercise.

Before they were admitted to combat, other proofs were required ; as to birth, none but Greeks were to be received. It was also necessary that their manners should be unex- ceptionable, and their condition free. No foreigner was admitted to combat in the Olympic games; and when Alex- ander, the son of Amyntas, king of Macedon, presented himself to dispute the prize, his competitors, without any regard to the royal dignity, opposed his reception as a Macedonian, and consequently a barbarian and a stranger; nor could the judges be prevailed upon to admit him, till he had proved in due form his family originally descended from the Argives.

The persons who presided in the games were called Agonothete, Athlothete, and Hellanodice: they registered the name and country of each champion; and upon the opening of the games a herald proclaimed the names of the combatants. ‘They were then made to take an oath, that they would religiously observe the several laws prescribed in each kind of combat, and do nothing contrary to the es- tablished orders and regulations of the games. Fraud, ar- tifice, and excessive violence, were absolutely prohibited ; and the maxim so generally received elsewhere, +that it is indifferent whether an enemy is conquered by deceit or va- lour, was banished from these combats. The address of a - combatant, expert in all the niceties of his art, who knows how to shift and ward dexterously, to put the change upon his adversary with art and subtilty, and to improve the

* The persons employed in this office were called Alipte, + Dolus an virtus, quis in hoste requirat?

PREFACE. Ivii

least advantages, must not be confounded here with the cowardly and knavish cunning of one who, without regard to the laws prescribed, employs the most unfair means to vanquish his competitor. Those who disputed the prize in the several kinds of combats, drew lots for their prece- dency in them.

It is time to bring our champions to blows, and to run over the different kinds of combats, in which they exercised themselves.

Of Wrestling.

WRESTLING is one of the most ancient exercises of which we have any knowledge, having been practised in the time of the patriarchs, as the wrestling of the angel with Jacob proves.’ Jacob supported the angel’s attack so vi- gorously, that the latter, perceiving he could not throw so rough a wrestler, was induced to make him lame by touch- ing the sinews of his thigh, which immediately shrunk up.

Wrestling, among the Greeks, as well as other nations, was practised at first with simplicity, little art, and in a na- tural manner; the weight of the body, and the strength of the muscles, having more share in it than address and skill. Theseus was the first that reduced it to method, and refined it by the rules of art. He wasalso the first who established the public schools called Palestre, where the young people had masters to instruct them in it.

The wrestlers, before they began the combat, were rub- bed all over in a rough manner, and afterward anointed with oils, which added to the strength and flexibility of their limbs. But as this unction, by making the skin too slippery, rendered it difficult for them to take hold of each other, they remedied that inconvenience, sometimes by rolling themselves in the dust of the Palzstra, some- - times by throwing a fine sand upon each other, kept for that purpose in the Xystz, or porticoes of the Gymnasia.

Thus prepared, the wrestlers began their combat. They were matched two against two, and sometimes several couples contended at the same time. In this combat, the whole aim and design of the wrestlers was, to throw their adversary upon the ground. Both strength and art were employed for this purpose : They seized each other by the arms, drew forwards, pushed backwards, used many dis- tortions and twistings of the body ; locking their limbs into each other’s, seizing by the neck, throttling, pressing in their arms, struggling, plying on all sides, lifting from the ground, dashing their heads together like rams, and twisting one

* Gen. xxxil. 24.

iviii PREFACE:

another’s necks. The most considerable advantage in the wrestler's art, was to make himself master of his adver- sary’s legs, of which a fall was the immediate consequence. | From whence Plautus says in his Pseudolus, speaking of wine, * He is a dangerous wrestler, he presently trips up the heels. ‘The Greek terms drooxeAiZav and rrepviZav, and the Latin word supplantare, seem to imply, that one of these arts consisted in stooping down to seize the antagonist un- der the soles of his feet, and in raising them up to give him a fall.

In this manner the Athletz wrestled standing, the com- bat ending with the fall of one of the competitors. But when it happened that the wrestler who was down drew his adversary along with him, either by art or accident, the combat continued upon the sand, the antagonists tumbling and twining with each other in a thousand different ways, till one of them got uppermost, and compelled the other to ask quarter, and confess himself vanquished. ‘There was a third sort of wrestling called ’Axpoxerpiopic, from the Ath- letz’s using only their hands in it, without taking hold of the body, as in the other kinds ; and this exercise served as prelude to the greater combat. It consisted in interming- ling their fingers, and in squeezing them with all their force ; in pushing one another, by joining the palms of their hands together; in twisting their fingers, wrists, and other joints of the arm, without the assistance of any other mem- ber; and the victory was his, who obliged his opponent to ask quarter.

The combatants were to fight three times successively, and to throw their antagonists at least twice, before the prize could be adjudged to them.

* Homer describes the wrestling of Ajax and Ulysses; - Ovid, that of Hercules and Achelous; Lucan, of Hercules and Antzus; and Statius, in his Thebaid, that of Tydeus and Agylleus.

The wrestlers of greatest reputation amongst the Greeks, were Milo of Crotona, whose history I have related else- where at large, and Polydamas. The latter, alone and without arms, killed a furious lion upon mount Olympus, in imitation of Hercules, whom he proposed to himself asa model in this action. Another time, having seized a bull by one of his hinder legs, the beast could not get loose with- out leaving his hoof in his hands. He could hold a cha- riot behind, while the coachman whipped his horses in vain

* Iliad. 1. xxiii. v. 708, &c. Ovid. Metam. 1. ix. v. 31, &c. Phars. 1. iv. v.612. Stat. 1. vi. v. 847. * Captat pedes primiom, luctator dolosus est.

PREFACE. lix

to make them go forward. Darius Nothus, king of Persia, hearing of his prodigious strength, was desirous of seeing him, and invited himto Susa. Three soldiers of that prince’s guard, and of that band which the Persians called immortal, esteemed the most warlike of their troops, were ordered to fallupon him. Our champion fought, and killed them all three.

Of Boxing, or the Cestus.

BoxINeé is a combat at blows with the fist, fromt whence it derives its name. The combatants covered their fists with a kind of offensive arms, called Cestus, and their heads with a sort of leather cap, to defend their temples and ears, which were most exposed to blows, and to deaden their violence. The Cestus was a kind of gauntlet, or glove, made of straps of leather, and plated with brass, lead, or iron. Their use was tostrengthen the hands.of the com- batants, and to add violence to their blows.

Sometimes the Athletz came immediately to the most violent blows, and began their onset in the most furious manner. Sometimes whole hours passed in harassing and fatiguing each other, by a continual extension of their arms, rendering each other's blows ineflectual, and endeavouring by that sparring to keep off their adversary. But when they fought with the utmost fury, they aimed chiefly at the head and face, which parts they were most careful to de- fend, by either avoiding or parrying the blows made at them. When a combatant came on to throw himself with all his force and vigour upon another, they had a surprising ad- dress in avoiding the attack, by a nimble turn of the body, which threw the imprudent adversary down, and deprived him of the victory.

However fierce the combatants were against each other, their being exhausted by the length of the combat, would frequently reduce them to the necessity of making a truce; upon which the battle was suspended by mutual consent for some minutes, that were employed in recovering their fatigue, and rubbing off the sweat in which they were bathed: after which they renewed the fight, till one of them, by let- ting fall his arms, through weakness and faintness, ex- plained that he could no longer support the pain or fatigue, and desired quarter; which was confessing himself van- quished.

Boxing was one of the roughest and ab dangerous of the eymnastic combats; because, besides the danger of being crippled, the combatants ran the hazard of their lives. They sometimes fell down dead, or dying, upon the sand; though that seldom happened, except the vanquished per-

Ix PREFACE.

son persisted too long in not acknowledging his defeat ; yet it was common for them to quit the field with a counte- nance so disfigured, that it was not easy to know them af- terward ; carrying away with them the sad marks of their vigorous resistance, such as bruises and contusions in the face, the loss of an eye, their teeth knocked out, their jaws broken, or some more considerable fracture.

We find in the poets, both Latin and Greek, several de- scriptions of this kind of combat. In Homer, that of Epeus and Euryalus; "in Theocritus, of Pollux and Amycus; in Apollonius Rhodius, the same battle of Pollux and Amy- cus; in Virgil, that of Dares and Entellus; and in Statius, and Valerius Flaccus, of several other combatants.

Of the Pancratium.

THE Pancratium* was so called from two Greek words, which signify, that the whole force of the body was neces- sary for succeeding in it. It united boxing and wrestling in the same fight, borrowing from one its manner of strug- gling and flinging, and from the other, the art of dealing blows and of avoiding them with success. In wrestling it was not permitted to strike with the hand, nor in boxing to seize each other in the manner of the wrestlers; but in the Pancratium, it was not only allowed to make use of all the gripes and artifices of wrestling, but the hands and feet, and even the teeth and nails, might be employed to conquer an antagonist.

This combat was the most rough and dangerous. A Pancratiast in the Olympic games (called Arrichion, or Ar- rachion), perceiving himself almost suffocated by his ad- versary, who had got fast hold of him by the throat, at the same time that he held him by the foot, broke one of his enemy’s toes, the extreme anguish of which obliged him to ask quarter at the very instant that Arrichion himself ex- pired. . The Agonothetez crowned Arrichion, though dead, and proclaimed him victor. Philostratus has left us a very lively description of a painting, which represented this combat.

Of the Discus, or Quoit.

THE Discus was a kind of quoit of a round form, made sometimes of wood, but more frequently of stone, lead, or other metal; asironor brass. Those who used this exer- cise were called Discoboli, that is, flingers of the Discus. The epithet xarwyadioc, which signifies borne upon the

" Dioscor. Idyl. xxii. Argonautic, lib. ii. Aineid. I.v. Thebaid. |. vii. Argonaut. |. iv. - * [lay kparoc.

PREFACE. | Ixi shoulders, given to this instrument by Homer, sufficiently shews that it was of too great a weight to be carried from place to place in the hands only, and that the shoulders were necessary for the support of such a burden for any length of time. ~ |

The intent of this exercise, as of almost all the others, was to invigorate the body, and to make men more capable of supporting the weight and use of arms. In war they were often obliged to carry such loads, as appear exces- sive in these days, either of provisions, fascines, palisades ; or in scaling of walls, when, to equal the height of them, several of the besiegers mounted upon the shoulders of each other.

The Athletz, in hurling the Discus, put themselves into the posture best adapted to add force to their cast; that is, they advanced one foot, upon which they leaned the whole weight of their bodies. ‘They then poised the Discus in their hands, and whirling it round several times almost ho- rizontally, to add force to its motion, they threw it off with the joint strength of hands, arms, and body, which had all a share in the vigour of the discharge. He that flung the Discus farthest was the victor.

The most famous painters and sculptors of antiquity, in their endeavours to represent naturally the attitudes of the Discoboli, have left to posterity many masterpieces in their several arts. Quintilian exceedingly extols a statue of that kind, which had been finished with infinite care and ap- plication by the celebrated Myron: *What can be more finished, says he, or express more happily the muscular dis- tortions of the body in the exercise of the Discus, than the Discobolus of Myron ?

Of the Pentathlum.

THE Greeks gave this name to an exercise composed of five others. It is the common opinion, that those five ex- ercises were wrestling, running, leaping, throwing the dart, and the Discus. It is believed that this sort of combat was decided in one day, and sometimes the same morning : and that to obtain the prize, which was single, it was re- quired that a combatant should be the Victor in all thos exercises. |

The exercise of leaping, and throwing the javelin, of which the first consisted in leaping a certain length, and the other in hitting a mark with a javelin at a certain dis- tance, contributed to the forming of a soldier, by making

* Quid tam distortum et elaboratum, quam est tlle Discobolus Myronis? Quintil. lib. ii, cap. 13.

Ixii PREFACE,

him nimble and active in battle, and expert in flinging the spear and dart.

Of Races.

' Or all the exercises which the Athletz cultivated with so much pains and industry to enable them to appear inthe — public games, running held the foremost rank. The Olym- pic games generally opened with races, and were solem- nized at first with no other exercise.

The place where the Athletz exercised themselves in running, was generally called the Stadium by the Greeks ; as was that wherein they disputed in earnest for the prize. As the lists or course for these games was at first but one *Stadium in length, it took its name from its measure, and was called the Stadium, whether precisely of that extent, or of a much greater. Under that denomination was in- cluded not only the space in which the Athletz ran, but also that which contained the spectators of the gymnastic games. The place where the Athletz contended, was called Scamma, from its lying lower than the rest of the Stadium, on each side of which, and at the extremity, ran an ascent, or kind of terrace, covered with seats and benches, upon which the spectators were seated. The most remarkable parts of the Stadium were its entrance, middle, and ex- tremity.

The entrance of the course, from whence the competitors started, was marked at first only by a line drawn on the sand from side to side of the Stadium. ‘To that at length was substituted a kind of barrier, which was only a cord strained tight in the front of the horses or men that were to run. It was sometimes a rail.of wood. The opening of this barrier was the signal for the racers to start.

The middle of the Stadium was remarkable only by the circumstance of having the prizes allotted to the victors set up there. +St. Chrysostom draws a fine comparison from this custom. As the judges, says he, in the races and other games, expose in the midst of the Stadium, to the view of the Champions, the crowns which they are to receive ; in like man- ner the Lord, by the mouth of his prophets, has placed, in the midst of the course, the prizes which he designs for those who have the courage to contend for them.

* The Stadium was a measure of distance among the Greeks, and_ was, according to Herodotus, I. ii. c. 149, six hundred feet in-length. Pliny says, lib. ii. c. 23, that it was six hundred and twenty-five. Those two ‘authors may be reconciled by considering the difference between the Greek and Roman foot; besides which, the length of the Stadium varies,

according to the difference of times and places. + Hom. lv. in Matth. c. 16.

PREFACE. Ix ii

At the extremity of the Stadium was a goal, where the foot-races ended, but in those of chariots and horses they were to run several times round it without stopping, and afterward conclude the race by regaining the other extre- mity of the lists, from whence they started.

There were three kinds of races, the chariot, the horse, and the foot-race. I shall begin with the last, as the more simple, natural, and ancient.

1. Of the Foot-race.

THE runners, of whatever number they were, ranged themselves in a line, after having drawn lots for their places. *W hilst they waited the signal to start, they practised, by way of prelude, various motions to awaken their activity, and to keep their limbs pliable and in a right temper. They kept themselves in wind by small leaps, and making Tittle excursions, that were a kind of trial of their speed and agi- lity. Upon the signal being given, they flew towards the goal, with a rapidity scarce to be followed by the eye, which was solely to decide the victory. For the Agonistic laws prohibited, under the penalty of infamy, the attaining it by any foul method.

In the simple race, the extent of the Stadium was run but once, at the end of which the prize attended the victor; that is, he who came in first. Im the race called AfavAoc, the competitors ran twice that length; thatis, after having arrived at the goal, they returned to the barrier. To these may be added a third sort, called AoArydc, which was the longest of all, as its name implies, and was composed of several Diauli. Sometimes it consisted of twenty-four Stadia backwards and forwards, turning twelve times round the goal.

|There were some runners in ancient times, as well among the Greeks as Romans, who have been much celebrated for their swiftness. YPliny tells us, that it was thought prodi-

y Plin. 1. vii. c. 20. . Tune rite citatos - Explorant, acuuntque gradus, variasque per artes Instimulant docto languentia membra tumultu. Poplite nunc flexo sidunt, nunc lubrica forti Pectora collidunt plausu: nunc ignea tollunt Crura brevemque fugam nec opino fine reponunt. ; Stat. Theb. lib. vi. v. 587, &c. They try, they rouse their speed, with various arts ; Their languid limbs they prompt to act their parts, Now with bent hams, amidst the practis’d crowd, They sit; now strain their lungs, and shout aloud ; Now a short flight with fiery steps they trace, And with a sudden stop abridge the mimic race.

Ixiv PREFACE.

gious in Phidippides to run eleven hundred and forty Sta- dia? between Athens and Lacedzmon in the space of two days, till Anystis, of the latter place, and Philonides, the runner of Alexander the Great, went twelve hundred Stadia* in one day, from Sicyon to Elis. These runners were de- nominated ijuep0dodu0r, as we find in that passage of He- rodotus’, which mentions Phidippides. In the consulate of Fonteius and Vipsanus, in the reign of Nero, a boy of nine years old ran seventy-five thousand paces*® between noon and night. Pliny adds, that in his time there were runners, who ran one hundred and sixty thousand paces? in the Circus. Our wonder at such a prodigious speed will increase (continues he), ‘if we reflect, that when Tiberius went to Germany to his brother Drusus, then at the point of death, he could not arrive there in less than four-and- twenty hours, though the distance was but two hundred thousand paces‘, and he changed his carriage three times,* and went with the utmost diligence.

2. Of the Horse-races.

THE race of a single horse with a rider was less cele- brated among the ancients, yet it had its favourers amongst the most considerable persons, and even kings themselves, and was attended with uncommon glory to the victor. Pin- dar, in his first ode, celebrates a victory of this kind, ob- tained by Hiero, king of Syracuse, to whom he gives the title of KéAne, that is, Victor in the horse-race ; which name was given to the horses carrying only a single rider, Ké\nrec. Sometimes the rider led another horse by the bri- dle, and then the horses were called Desultorit, and their riders Desultores ; because, after a number of turns in the Stadium, they changed horses, by dexterously vaulting from one to the other. A surprising address was necessary upon this occasion, especially in an age unacquainted with the use of stirrups, and when the horses had no saddles, which made the leap still more difficult. Among the African troops there were also cavalry} called Desultores, who vaulted from one horse to another, as occasion required; and these were generally Numidians.

2 57 leagues. 2 60 leagues. > Herod. |. vi. c. 106. © 30 leagues. 4 More than 53 leagues. © Val. Max.'h:v: ¢; 6. f 67 leagues.

* He had only a guide and one officer with him.

+ Nec omnes Numide in dextro locati cornu, sed quibus desultorum in mo- dum binos trahentibus equos, inter acerrimam sepe pugnam, in recentem equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat; tanita velocitas ipsis, tamque docile equorum genusest. Livy. lib. xxiii.

PREFACE. Ixy

3. Of the Charicé-races.

Tuis kind of race was the most renow.ied of ali the exer- cises used in the games of the ancients, and that from whence most honour redounded to the victors; which is not to be wondered at, if we consider whence it arose. It is plein that it was derived from the constant custom of princes, heroes, and great men, of fighting in battle upon chariots. Homer has an infinity of examples of this kind. This custom being admitted, it is natural to suppose it very -agreeable to those heroes, to have their charioteers as ex- pert as possible in driving, as their success depended, in a very great measure, upon the address of their drivers. It was anciently, therefore, only to persons of the first consi- deration, tiuat this office was confided. Hence arose a laud- able emulation to excel others in the art of guiding a cha- riot, and a kind of necessity to practise it very much, in or- der to succeed. The high rank of the persons who made use of chariots, ennobled, as it always happens, an exer- cise peculiar to them. The other exercises were adapted to private soldiers and horsemen, as weestling, running, and the single-horse-race ; but the use of chariots in the field was always reserved to princes, and generals of armies.

Hence it was, that all those who presented themselves in the Olympic games to dispute the prize in the chariot- races, were persons considerable either for their riches, their birth, their employments, or great actions. Kings themselves eagerly aspired to this glory, from the belief that the title of victor in these games was scarce inferior to that of conqueror, and that the Olympic palm added new dignity to the splendours ofathrone. Pindar’s odes inform us, that Gelon and Hiero, kings of Syracuse, were of that opinion. Dionysius, who reigned there long after them, carried the same ambition much higher. Philip of Mace- don had these victories stamped upon hiscoins, and seemed as much gratified with them as with those obtained against the enemies 6: his state. °All the world knows the answer of Alexander the Great on this subject. When his friends asked him whether he would not dispute the prize of the races in these games? Yes, said he, ef kings were to be my antagonists. Which shews, that he would not have dis- dained these contests, if there had been competitors in them worthy of him.

The chariots were generally drawn by two or four horses, ranged abreast: bige, quadrige. Sometimes mules sup- plied the place of horses, and then the chariot was called

e Plut. in Alex. p. 666. VOL. ! f

Ixvi PREFACE.

d7wijvn. Pindar, in the fifth ode of his first book, celebrates one Psaumis, who had obtained a triple victory: one by a chariot drawn by four horses, r<Ooim7w; another by one drawn by mules, drnvn; and the third by a single horse, xéAntt, Which the title of the ode expresses.

These chariots, upon a signal given, started together from a place called Carceres. ‘Their places were regulated by lot, which was not an indifferent circumstance as to the victory ; for as they were to turn round a boundary, the chariot on the left was nearer than those on the right, which consequently had a greater compass to take. It appears from several passages in Pindar, and especially from one in Sophocles, which I shall cite very soon, that they ran twelve times round the Stadium. He that came in first the twelfth round was victor. The chief art consisted in taking the best ground at the turning of the boundary: for if the charioteer drove too near it, he was in danger of dashing ‘the chariot to pieces; and if he kept too wide ofit, his near- est antagonist might cut between him, and get foremost.

It is obvious that these chariot-races could not be run without some danger ; for as the* motion of the wheels was very rapid, and it was requisite to graze against the bound- ary in turning, the least error in driving would have broken the chariot in pieces, and might have dangerously wounded the charioteer. An example of which we find in the Elec- tra of Sophocles, who gives an admirable description of a chariot-race run by ten competitors. ‘The pretended Ores- tes, at the twelfth and last round, which was to decide the victory, having only one antagonist, the rest having been thrown out, was so unfortunate as to break one of his wheels against the boundary, and falling out of his seat en- tangled in the reins, the horses dragged him violently for- wards along with them, and tore him to pieces. But this very seldom happened. *To avoid such danger, Nestor gave the following directions to his son Antilochus, who was going to dispute the prize in the chariot-race. My son, says he, drive your horses as near as possible to the bound- ary; for which reason, always incline your body over your chariot, get the left of your competitors, and encouraging the horse on the right, give him the rein, whilst the near horse, hard held, turns the boundary so close that the nave of the wheel seems to graze upon it; but have a care of running against the stone, lest you wound your horses, and dash the chariot in pieces.

f Hom. II. L. xxiii. v. 334, &e.

* Metaque fervidis evitata rotis. Horat. Od. i. lib. i. The goal shunn’d by the burning wheels.

PREFACE. Ixvil

- Father Montfaucon mentions a difficulty, in his opinion of much consequence, in regard to the places of those who contended for the prize in the chariot-race. They all started indeed from the same line, and at the same time, and so far had no advantage of each other ; but he, whose lot gave him the first place, being nearest the boundary at the end of the career, and having but a small compass to describe in turn- ing about it, had less way to make than the second, third, fourth, &c. especially when the chariots were drawn by four horses, which took up a greater space between the first and the others, and obliged them to make a larger circle in coming round. ‘This advantage twelve times together, as must happen, admitting the Stadium was to be run round twelve times, gave such a superiority to the first, as seemed to assure him infallibly of the victory against all his com- petitors. ‘To me it seems that the fleetness of the horses, joined with the address of the driver, might countervail this odds: either by getting before the first, or by taking his place ; if not in the first, at least insome of the subsequent rounds; for it is not to be supposed, that in the progress of the race, the antagonists always continued in the same order in which they started. They often changed places ina short interval of time, and in that variety and vicissitude consisted all the diversion of the spectators.

It was not required, that those who aspired to the victory should enter the lists, and drive their chariots in person. Their being spectators of the games, or even sending their horses thither, was sufficient; but in either case, it was previously necessary to register the names of the persons for whom the horses were to run, either in the chariot or single-horse-races.

& At the time that the city of Potidza surrendered to Philip, three couriers brought him advices; the first, that the Illyrians had been defeated in a great battle by his ge- neral Parmenio; the second, that he had carried the prize of the horse-race in the Olympic games; and the.-third, that the queen was delivered of a son. Plutarch seems to insi- nuate, that Philip was equally delighted with each of these circumstances.

h Hierg sent horses to Olympia, to run for the prize, and caused a magnificent pavilion to be erected for them. Upon this occasion Themistocles harangued the Greeks, to per- suade them to pull down the tyrant’s pavilion, who had re- fused his aid against the common enemy, and to hinder his horses from running with the rest. It does not appear that any regard was had to this remonstrance ; for we find, by

¢ Plut. in Alex. p. 666. h Plut. in Themist. p. 124. {2

lxviii PREFACE.

one of Pindar’s odes, composed in honour of Hiero, that he won the prize in the equestrian races.

‘No one ever carried the ambition of making a great figure in the public games of Greece so far as Alcibiades, in which he distinguished himself in the most splendid man- ner, by the great number of horses and chariots which he kept only for the races. There never was either private person or king, that sent, as he did, seven chariots at once to the Olympic games, wherein he carried the first, second, and third prizes; an honour no one ever had before him. The famous poet Euripides celebrated these victories in an ode, of which Plutarch has preserved a fragment. The vic- tor, after having made a sumptuous sacrifice to Jupiter, gave a magnificent feast to the innumerable multitude of spectators at the games. It is not easy to comprehend, how the wealth of a private person should suffice for so enormous an expense: but Antisthenes, the scholar of So- crates, who relates what he saw, informs us, that many ci- ties of the allies, in emulation ofeach other, supplied Alci- biades with all things necessary for the support of such in- credible magnificence; equipages, horses, tents, sacrifices, the most exquisite provisions, the most delicate wines; in a word, all that was necessary to the support of his table or train. ‘The passage is remarkable; for the same author assures us, that this was notonly done when Alcibiades went to the Olympic games, but in all his military expeditions and journeys by land or sea. Wherever, says he, Alci- biades travelled, he made use of four of the allied cities as his servants. Ephesus furnished him with tents, as magnifi- cent as those of the Persians ; Chios took care to provide for his horses ; Cyzicum supplied him with sacrifices, and provi- sions for his table; and Lesbos gave him wine, with whatever else was requisite for his house.

I must not omit, in speaking of the Olympic games, that the ladies were admitted to dispute the prize in them as well as the men; and that many of them obtained it. ‘Cynisca, sister of Agesilaus king of Sparta, first opened this new path of glory to her sex, and was proclaimed conqueror in the race of chariots with four horses. 'This victory, of which till then there had been no example, did net fail of being celebrated with all possible splendour. ™A magni- ficent monument was erected at Sparta in honour of Cynis- ca; and the Lacedzmonians, though otherwise very little sensible to the charms of poetry, appointed a poet to trans- mit this new triumph to posterity, and to immortalize its me-

i Plut. in Alcibiad. p. 196, | k Pausan. |]. iii. p. 172. | Thid. p. 188. m Ibid. p. 172.

PREFACE. Ixix

mory by an inscription in verse. "She herself dedicated a chariot of brass, drawn by four horses, in the temple of Delphi; in which the charioteer was also represented; a certain proof that she did not driveit herself. °In process of time, the picture of Cynisca, drawn by the famous Apel- les, was annexed to it, and the whole adorned with many inscriptions in honour of that Spartan heroine.

Of the Honours and Rewards granted to the Victors.

THESE honours and rewards were of several kinds. The acclamations of the spectators in honour of the victors were only a prelude to the prizes designed them. These prizes were different wreaths of wild olive, pine, parsley, or laurel, according to the different places where the games were ce- lebrated. Those crowns were always attended with branches of palm, that the victors carried in their right hands ; which custom, according to Plutarch,’ arose (perhaps) from a property of the palm-tree, which displays new vigour the more endeavours are used to crush or bend it, and is a symbol of the courage and resistance of the champion who had obtained the prize. As he might be victor more than once in the same games, and sometimes on the same day, he might also receive several crowns and palms.

When the victor had received the crown and palm, a he- rald, preceded by a trumpet, conducted him through the Stadium, and proclaimed aloud the name and country of the successful champion, who passed in that kind of review be- fore the people, whilst they redoubled their acclamations and applauses at the sight of him.

When he returned to his own country, the people came out in a body to meet him, and conducted him into the city, adorned with all the marks of his victory, and riding upon a chariot drawn by four horses. He made his entry not through the gates, but through a breach purposely made in the walls. Lighted torches were carried before him, anda numerous train followed to do honour to the procession.

The athletic triumph almost always concluded with feasts made for the victors, their relations, and friends, either at the expense of the public, or by private individuals, who regaled not only their families and friends, but often a great part of the spectators. ‘Alcibiades, after having sacrificed to the Olympian Jupiter, which was always the first care of the victor, treated the whole assembly. Leophron did the same, as Athenzeus reports; who adds, that Empedo-

" Pausan. I. v. p. 309. ° Td. 1. vi. p. 344. P Sympos. |. viii. queest. 4. a Plut. in Alcib. p. 196. Libs 1, fsa:

Ixx PREFACE.

cles of Agrigentum, having conquered in the same games, and not having it in his power, being a Pythagorean, to re- gale the people with flesh or fish, caused an ox to be made of a paste, composed of myrrh, incense, and all sorts of spices, of which pieces were given to all who were present.

One of the most honourable privileges granted to the ath- letic victors, was the right of precedency at the public games. At Sparta it was a custom tor the king to take them with him in military expeditions, to fight near his person, and to be his guard; which, with reason, was judged very honour- able. Another privilege, in which advantage was united with honour, was that of being maintained for the rest of their lives at the expense of their country. “That this ex- pense might not become too chargeable to the state, Solon reduced the pension of a victor in the Olympic games to five hundred drachmas ;* in the Isthmian to a hundred ;" and in the rest in proportion. The victor and his country con- sidered this pension less as a relief of the champion’s indi- gence, than as a mark of honour and distinction. They were also exempted from all civil offices and employments.

The celebration of the games being over, one of the first cares of the magistrates, who presided in them, was to in- scribe, in the public register, the name and country of the Athletz who had carried the prizes, and to annex the spe- cies of combat in which they had been victorious. The chariot-race had the preference to all other games. Hence the historians, who date occurrences by the Olympiads, as Thucydides, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Diodorus Sicu- lus, and Pausanias, almost always express the Olympiad by the name and country of the victors in that race.

The praises of the victorious Athlete were amongst the Greeks one of the principal subjects of their lyric poetry. We find that all the odes of the four books of Pindar turn upon it, each of which takes its title from the games in which the combatants signalized themselves, whose victo- ries those poems celebrate. The poet, indeed, frequently enriches his matter, by calling in to the champion’s assist- ance, Incapable alone of inspiring all the enthusiasm ne- cessary, the aid of the gods, heroes, and princes, who have any relation to his subject; and to support the flights of imagination, to which he abandons himself. Before Pin- dar, the poet Simonides practised the same manner of wri- ting, intermingling the praises of the gods and heroes with those of the champions whose victories he sang. “It is re- lated upon this head, that one of the victors in boxing,

_ * Diog. Laert.in Solon, p. 37. t About 1. " About 22. x Cic. de Orat. |. ii, n. 352, 353. + Pheed. 1. ii. fab, 24. Quintil. ]. xi, c, 2.

PREFACE. IXxt called Scopas, having agreed with Simonides for a poem upon his victory, the poet, according to custom, after having given the highest praises to the champion, expatiated in a long digression to the honour of Castor and Pollux. Sco- pas, satisfied in appearance with the performance of Simo- nides, paid him, however, only the third part of the sum agreed on, referring him for the remainder to the Tyndari- dz, whom he had celebrated so well. And in fact he was well paid by them, if we may believe the sequel; for, at the feast given by the champion, whilst the guests were at ta- ble, a servant came to Simonides, and told him, that two men, covered with dust and sweat, were at the door, and desired to speak with him in all haste. He had scarce set his foot out of the chamber, in order to go to them, when the roof fell in, and crushed the champion, with all his guests, to death.

Sculpture united with poetry to perpetuate the fame of the champions. Statues were erected to the victors, especially in the Olympic games, in the very place where they had been crowned, and sometimes in that of their birth also; which was commonly done at the expense of their country. Amongst the statues which adorned Olympia, were those of several children of ten or twelve years old, who had ob- tained the prize at that age in the Olympic games. They did not only raise such monuments to the champions, but to the very horses to whose swiftness they were indebted ‘for the Agonistic crown: and ¥Pausanias mentions one, which was erected in honour of a mare, called Aura, whose history is worth repeating. Phidolas her rider, having fallen off in the beginning of the race, the mare continued to run in the same manner as if he had been upon her back. She outstripped all the rest; and upon the sound of the trumpets, which was usual towards the end of the race to animate the competitors, she redoubled her vigour and cou- rage, turned round the goal; and, as if she had been sensi- ble that she had gained the victory, presented herself before the judges of the games. The Eleans declared Phidolas victor, with permission to erect a monument to himself and the mare that had served him so well.

The different Taste of the Greeks and Romans, in regard to Public Shows.

Brrore I make an end of these remarks upon the com- bats and games so much in estimation amongst the Greeks, I beg the reader’s permission to make a reflection, that may

y Lib. vi, p. 368.

xxii PREFACE.

seive to explain the difference of characier beiween the Greeks and Romans, with regard to this subject.

The most common entertainment of the latter, at which the fair sex, by navure tender and compassionate, were pre- sent in throngs, was the combat of the gladiators, and of men with bears and lions; in which the cries of the wounded and dying, and the abundant effusion of human blood; sup- plied a grateful spectacle for a whole people, who feasted their cruel eyes with the savage pleasure of seeing men murder one another in cool blood; and in the times of the persecutions, with the tearing in pieces of old men and in- fants, of women and tender virgins, whose age and weak- ness are apt to excite compassion in the hardest hearts.

In Greece these combats were absolutely unknowa, and were only introduced into some cities, after their subjection to the Roman people. *The Athenians, however, whose distinguishing characteristics were benevolence and hu- manity, never admitted them into their city; and when it was proposed to introduce the combats of the gladiators, that they might not be outdone by the Corinthians in that point, First throw down, cried out an *Athenian from the midst of the assembly, throw down the altar, erected above a thousand years ago by our ancestors to Mercy.

It must be allowed that in this respect the conduct and wisdom of the Greeks were infinitely superior to that of the Romans. I speak of the wisdom of Pagans. Convinced that the multitude, too much governed by the objects of sense to be sufficiently amused and entertained with the pleasures of the understanding, could be delighted only with sensible objects, both nations were studious to divert them with games and shows, and such external contrivances as were proper to affect the senses; in the institution of which, each ev.nced and followed its peculiar inclination and dis- position.

The Romans, educated in war, and accustomed to bat- tles, always retained, notwithstanding the politeness upon which they piqued themselves, something of their ancient ferocity; and hence it was, that the effusion of blood, and the murders exhibited in their public: shows, far from in- Spiring them with horror, formed a grateful entertainment to them.

The insolent pomp of triumphs flowed from the same source, and argued no less inhumanity. To obtain this honour, it was necessary to prove, that eight or ten thou-

* Lucian. in vit. Demonact. p. 1014: * It was Demonax, a celebrated philosopher, whose d‘sciple Lucian had been. He flourished in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.

PREFACE. xxii

sand men had been killed in battle. The spoils, which were carried with so much ostentation, proclaimed, that an in- finity of worthy families had been reduced to the utmost misery. ‘The innumerable troop of captives had been free persons a few days before, and were often distinguishable for honour, merit, and virtue. The representation of the towns that had been taken in the war, explained that they had sacked, plundered, and burni, the most opulent cities ; and had either destroyed or enslaved their inhabitants. In short, nothing was more inhuman, than to drag kings and princes in chains before the chariot of a Roman citizen, and to insu!t their misfortunes and humiliation in that public manner.

The triui:aphal arches, erected under the emperors, where the enem‘es appeared with chains upon their hands and legs, could proceed only from a haughty fierceness of disposition, and an inhuman pride, that took delight in immortalizing the shame and sorrow of subjected nations.

4 The joy of the Greeks after a victory was far more mo- dest. They erected trophies, indeed, but of wood, a sub- stance of no long duration, which time would soon consume; and these it was prohibited to renew. Plutarch’s reason for this is admirable.* After time had destroyed and ob- literated the marks of dissension and enmity that had divided nations, it would have been the excess of odious and bar- barous animosity, to have thought of re-establishing them, to perpetuate the remembrance of ancient quarrels, which could not be buried too soon in silence and oblivion. He adds, that the trophies of stone and brass, since substituted | to those of wood, reflect no honour upon those who intro- duced the custom.

>T am pleased with the grief depicted on Agesilaus’s’ countenance, after a considerable victory, wherein a great number of his enemies, that is to say, of Greeks, were left upon the field, and to hear him utter, with sighs and groans, these words, so full of moderation and humanity: Oh,-un- happy Greece, to deprive thyself of so many brave citizens, and to destroy those who had been sufficient to have conquered all the Barbarians !

The same spirit of moderation and humanity prevailed in the public shows of the Greeks. Their festivals had no- thing mournful or afilictive in them. Every thing in those feasts tended to delight, friendship, and harmony; and in

@ Plut. in Quest. Rom. p. 273. > Plut. in Lacon. Apophthegm. p. 211. *"Ore Tov xpdvov Ta onpsia Tic TodG Tobc ToEMIoUC Stapopac apavpovyToc, avrove avakapBavew Kai Kavorovtiy éripPovor tori Kai guramrexXOnporv.

Ixxiv PREFACE,

that consisted one of the greatest advantages which resulted to Greece from the solemnization of these games. ‘The re- publics, separated by distance of country and diversity of interests, having the opportunity of meeting from time to time, in the same place, and in the midst of rejoicing and festivity, allied themselves more strictly with one another, stimulated each other against the Barbarians and the com- mon enemies of their liberty, and made up their differences by the mediation of some neutral state in alliance with them. The same language, manners, sacrifices, exercises, and worship, all conspired to unite the several little states of Greece into one great and formidable nation; and to pre- serve amongst them the same disposition, the same princi- ples, the same zeal for their liberty, and the same fondness for the arts and sciences.

Of the Prizes of Wit, and the Shows and Representations of the Theatre.

I HAVE reserved, for the conclusion of this head, another kind of competition, which does not at all depend upon the strength, activity, and address of the body, and may be called with reason the combat of the mind: wherein the orators, historians, and poets, made trial of their capacities, and submitted their productions to the censure and judgment of the public. The emulation in this sort of dispute was so much the more lively and ardent, as the victory in question might justly be deemed to be infinitely superior to all others, because it affects the man more nearly, is founded on his personal and internal qualities, and decides upon the merit of his intellectual capacity; which are advantages we are apt to aspire after with the utmost vivacity and passion, and of which we are least of all inclined to renounce the glory to others.

It was a great honour, and at the same time a most sen- sible pleasure, for writers, who are generally fond of fame and applause, to have known how to unite in their favour the suffrages of so numerous and select an assembly as that of the Olympic games; in which were present all the finest geniuses of Greece, and all who were most capable of judg- ing of the excellency of a work. This theatre was equally open to history, eloquence, and peetry.

¢ Herodotus read his history at the Olympic games to all Greece, assembled at them, and was heard with such applause, that the names of the nine Muses were given to the nine books which compose his work, and the people cried out wherever he passed, That is he, who has written our

© Lucian. in Herod. p. 622.

PREFACE. Ixxy

history, and celebrated our glorious successes against the Barbarians so excellently.

All who had been present at the games, caused _after- ward every part of Greece to resound with the name and glory of this illustrious historian.

Lucian, who writes the fact which I have related, adds, that after the example of Herodotus, many of the sophists and rhetoricians went to Olympia, to read the harangues of their composing; finding that the shortest and most cer- tain method of acquiring a great reputation in a little time.

‘Plutarch observes, that Lysias, the famous Athenian orator, contemporary with Herodotus, pronounced a speech in the Olympic games, wherein he congratulated the Greeks upon their reconciliation with each other, and their having united to reduce the power of Dionysius the Tyrant, as upon the greatest action they had ever done.

° We may judge of the eagerness of the poets to signalize themselves in these solemn games, from that of Dionysius himself. That prince, who had the foolish vanity to be- lieve himself the most excellent poet of his time, appointed readers, called in Greek papwédoi (rhapsodists ), to read se- veral pieces of his composing at Olympia. When they be- gan to pronounce the verses of the royal poet, the strong and harmonious voices of the readers occasioned a pro- found silence, and they were heard at first with the great- est attention, which continually decreased as they went on, and turned at last into downright horse-laughs and hooting; so miserable did the verses appear. ‘ He com- forted himself for this disgrace by a victory he gained some time after in the feast of Bacchus at Athens, in which he caused a tragedy of his composition to be represented.

The disputes of the poets in the Olympic games were no- thing in comparison with the ardour and emulation that prevailed at Athens; which is what remains to be said ypon this subject, and therefore I shall conclude with it, taking occasion to give my readers, at the same time, a short view of the shows and representations of the theatre of the ancients. Those who would be more fully informed on this subject, will find it treated at large in a work lately made public by the reverend Father Brumoi, the Jesuit; a work which abounds with profound knowledge and erudi- tion, and with reflections entirely new, deduced from. the nature of the poems of which it treats. I shall make con- siderable use of that piece, and often without citing it; which is not uncommon with me.

4 Plut. de vit. Orat. p. 836. * Diod. |. xiv, p. 318. f Diod. |. xv. p. 381.

Ixxvi PREFACE.

Extraordinary Fondness of the Athenians for the Entertain- ments of the Stage. Emulation of the Poets in disputing the Prizes in those Representations. A short Idea of Dra- matic Poetry.

No people ever expressed so much ardour and eagerness for the entertainments of the theatres as the Greeks, and especially the Athenians. ‘The reason is obvious; as no people ever demonstrated such extent of genius, nor car- ried so far the love of eloquence and poesy, taste for the sciences, justnéss of sentiments, elegance of ear, and deli- cacy in all the refinements of language. *A poor woman, who sold herbs at Athens, discovered Theophrastus to be a stranger, by a single word which he affectedly made use of in expressing himself. The common people got the trage- dies of Euripides by heart. The genius of every nation expresses itself in the people’s manner of passing their time, and in their pleasures. The great employment and delight of the Athenians were to amuse themselves with works of wit, and to judge of the dramatic pieces, that were acted by public authority several times a year, espe- cially at the feasts of Bacchus, when the tragic and comic poets disputed for the prize. 'The former used to present four of their pieces at a time ; except Sophocles, who did not think fit to continue so laborious an exercise, and con- fined himself to one performance, when he disputed the prize.

The state appointed judges, to determine upon the merit of the tragic or comic pieces, before they were represented in the festivals. They were acted before them in the pre- sence of the people; but undoubtedly with no great prepa- ration. The judges gave their suffrages, and that perfor- mance, which had the most voices, was declared victorious, received the crown as such, and was represented with all possible pomp at the expense of the republic. This did not, however, exclude such pieces, as were only in the second or third class. The best had not always the pre- ference; for what times have been exempt from party, ca- price, ignorance, and prejudice? & A‘lian is very angry with the judges, who, in one of these disputes, gave only the second place to Euripides. He accuses them of judg- ing either without capacity, or of suffering themselves to be bribed. It is easy to conceive the warmth and emulation. which these disputes and public rewards excited amongst

8 /Blian, |. ii. c. 8.

* Attica anus Theophrastum, hominem alioqui disertissimum, annotaté untus affectatione verbi, hospitem dixit. Quint. 1. viii. c. 1.

PREFACE. Ixxvii

the poets, and how much they contributed to the perfection to which Greece carried dramatic performances.

The dramatic poem introduces the persons themselves, speaking and acting upon the stage: in the epic, on the contrary, the poet only relates the different adventures of his characters. It is natural to be delighted with fine de- scriptions of events, in which illustrious persons and whole nations are interested ; and hence the epic poem had its origin. But we are quite differently affected with hearing those persons themselves, with being the confidants of their most secret sentiments, and auditors and spectators of their resolutions, enterprises, and the happy or unhappy events at- tending them. To read and sce an action, are quite different things ; we are infinitely more moved with what is acted, than with what we merely read. Our eyes as well as our minds are addressed at the same time. The spectator, agreeably deceived by an imitation so nearly approaching life, mistakes the picture for the original, and thinks tke object real. This gave birth to dramatic poetry, which includes tragedy and comedy.

To these may be added the satyric poem, which derives its name from the satyrs, rural gods, who were always the chief characters in it; and not from the satire, a kind of abusive poetry, which has no resemblance to this, and is of a much later date. The satyric poem was neither tragedy nor comedy, but something between both, participating of the character of each. The poets, who disputed the prize, generally added one of these pieces to their tragedies, to allay the gravity and solemnity of the one, with the mirth and pleasantry of the other. There is but one example of this ancient poem come down to us, which is the Cyclops of Euripides.

I shall confine myself upon this head to tragedy an comedy; both which had their origin amongst the Greeks, who looked upon them as fruits of their own growth, of which they could never have enough. Athens was re- markable for an extraordinary appetite of this kind. These two poems, which were for a long time comprised under the general name of tragedy, received there by degrees such improvements, as at length raised them to their highest perfection.

The Origin and Progress of Tragedy. Poets who excelled in it at Athens; Atschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides.

THERE had been many tragic and comic. poets before

Thespis; but as they had made no alterations in the origi-

evil | PREFACE.

nal rude form of this poem, and as Thespis was the first that made any improvement in it, he was generally es- teemed its inventor. -Before him, tragedy was no more than a jumble of buffoon tales in the comic style, inter- mixed with the singing of a chorus in praise of Bacchus; for it is to the feasts of that god, celebrated at the time of the vintage, that tragedy owes its birth.

La tragédie, informe et grossiere en naissant, N’étoit qu’un simple choeur, ot chacun en dansant, Et du dieu des raisins entonnant les louanges, S’éfforgoit d’attirer de fertiles vendanges. La, le vin et la joie éveillant les esprits, Du plus habile chantre un bouc étoit le prix. Boileau, Art. Poet. chant. iii.

Formless and gross did tragedy arise,

A simple chorus, rather mad than wise;

For fruitful vintages the dancing throng Roar’d to the god of grapes a drunken song: Wild mirth and wine sustain’d the frantic note, And the best singer had the prize, a goat.

Thespis made several alterations in it, which Horace de- scribes after Aristotle, in his Art of Poetry. The *first was to carry his actors about in a cart, whereas before they used to sing in the streets, wherever chance led them. Another was to have their faces smeared over with wine- lees, instead of acting without disguise, as at first. He also introduced a character among the chorus, who, to give the actors time to rest themselves and to take breath, re- peated the adventures of some illustrious person; which recital, at length, gave place to the subjects of tragedy.

Thespis fut le premier, qui barbouillé de lie, Promena par les bourgs cette heureuse folie, _ Et d’acteurs mal ornés chargeant un tombereau, Amusa les passans d’un spectacle nouveau. Boileau, Art. Poet. chant. iii.

First Thespis, smear’d with lees, and void of art, The grateful folly vented from a cart;

And as this tawdry actors drove about,

The sight was new, and charm’d the gaping rout.

* baa tragice genus invenisse camane — witur, et plaustris vexisse poémata Thespis, Que canerent agerentque peruncti fecibus ora.—Hor. de Art. Poet.

When Thespis first exposed the tragic Muse, Rude were the actors, and a cart the scene, Where ghastly faces, smear’d with lees of wine, Frighted the children, and amused the crowd. . ‘ Roscom. Art. of Poet.

PREFACE. Ixxix

*Thespis lived in the time of Solon. That A.M. 3440. wise legislator, upon seeing his pieces Ant. J.C, 564. performed, expressed his dislike, by strik- ing his staff against the ground; appre- hending that these poetical fictions, and idle stories, from mere theatrical representations, would soon become matters of importance, and have too great a share in all public and private affairs. ' It is not so easy to invent, as to improve A. M. 3464. the inventions of others. The alterations . Ant. J.C.540. ‘Thespis made in tragedy, gave room for Aischylus to maké new and more con- siderable of his own. He was born at Athens, in the first year of the sixtieth Olympiad. He took upon him the profession of arms, at a time when the Athenians reckoned almost as many heroes as citizens. He was at the battles of Marathon, Salamis, and Platzea, where he did his duty. But his disposition called him A.M. 3514. elsewhere, and put him upon entering into Ant, J.C. 490. another course, where no less glory was to be acquired; and where he was soon without any competitors. As a superior genius, he took upon him to reform, or rather to create tragedy anew; of which he has, in consequence, been always acknow- ledged the inventor and father. Father Brumoi, in a dis- sertation which abounds with wit and good sense, explains the manner in which Aéschylus conceived the true idea of tragedy from Homer’s epic poems. The poet himself used to say, that his works were the remnants of the feasts given by Homer in the [iad and Odyssey. Tragedy, therefore, took a new form under him. He gave *masks to his actors, adorned them with robes and trains, and made them wear buskins. Instead of a cart he erected a theatre of a moderate elevation, and entirely changed their style; which from being merry and burlesque, as at first, became majestic and serious. Eschyle dans le choeur jetta les personages : D’un masque plus honnéte habilla les visages:

Sur les ais d’un théatre en public exhaussé Fit paroitre ’acteur d’un brodequin chaussé.— Boileau, Art. Poet.

k Plut. in Solon. p. 95. * Post hune persone palleque repertor honeste Aischylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis, Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.—Hor. de Art. Poet. This Aschylus (with indignation) saw, And built a stage, found out a decent dress, Bronght vizards in, a civiler disguise, And taught men how to speak and how to act.—Roscom. Art. Poet.

1xxx PREFACE. From A‘schylus the chorus learnt new grace: He veil’d with decent masks the actor’s face,

Taught him in buskins f.rst to tread the stage, And raised a theatre 1o please the age.

But that was only the external part or body of tragedy. Its soul, which was the most important and essential ad- dition of Aischylus, consisted in the vivacity and spirit of the action, sustained by the dialogue of the persens of the drama introduced by him; in the artful working up of the stronger passions, especially of terror and pity, which, by alternately afflicting and agitating the soul with mournful or terrible objects, produce a grateful pleasure and delight from that very trouble and emotion; in the choice of a subject, great, noble, interesting, and contained within due bounds by the unity of time, place, and action: in short, it is the conduct and disposition of the whole piece, which, by the order and harmony of its parts, and the happy connexion of its incidents and intrigues, holds the mind of the spectator in suspense till the catastrophe, and then restores him his tranquillity, and dismisses him with satis- faction.

The chorus had been established before Aischylus, as it composed alone, or next to alone, what was then called tragedy. He did not therefore exclude it, but, on the con- trary, thought fit to incorporate it, to sing as chorus between the acts. ‘Thus it supplied the interval of resting, and was a kind of person of the drama, employed * either in giving useful advice and salutary instructions, in espousing the party of innocence and virtue, in being the depository of secrets, and the avenger of violated religion, or in sustain- ing all those characters at the same time, according to Ho-

* Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile Defendat, neu quid medios intereinat actus, Quod non proposito conducat, et hereat apte. Ile bonis faveatque, et concilietur amicis, Et regat tratos, et amet peccare timentes. Ile dapes laudet mense brevis; ille salubrem Justitiam, legesque, et apertis otia portis. Iile tegat commissa, deosque precetur et oret, Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.—Hor. de Art. Poet.

The chorus should supply what action wants, And hath a generous and manly part; Bridles wild rage, loves rigid honesty, And strict observance of impartial laws, Sobriety, security, and peace, And begs the gods to turn blind Fortune’s wheel, To raise the wretched, and pull down the proud ; But nothing must be sung between the acts, But what someway conduces to the plot. Roscom. Art. of Poetry

PREFACE. Ixxxi

race. The corypheus, or principal person of the chorus, spoke for the rest.

In one of Auschylus’s pieces, called the Eumenides, the poet represents Orestes at the bottom of the stage, sur- rounded by the furies, laid asleep by Apollo. Their figure must have been extremely horrible, as it is related, that upon their waking and appearing tumultuously on the thea- tre, where they were to act as a chorus, some women miscar- ried with the surprise, and several children died of the fright. The chorus at that time consisted of fifty actors. After this accident, it was reduced to fifteen by an express law, and at length to twelve.

I have observed, that one of the alterations made by Aischylus in tragedy, was the mask worn by his actors. These dramatic masks had no resemblance to ours, which — Only cover the face, but were a kind of case for the whole head, and which, besides the features, represented the beard, the hair, the ears, and even the ornaments used by women in their head-dresses. These masks varied ac- cording to the different pieces that were acted. The subject is treated at large in a dissertation of M. Boin- din’s, inserted in the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres.°

I could never comprehend, as I have observed,” in speak- ing of pronunciation, how masks came to continue so long upon the stage of the ancients; for certainly they could not be used, without considerably deadening the spirit of the action, which is principally expressed in the counte- nance, the seat and mirror of what passes inthe soul. Does it not often happen, that the blood, according as it is put in motion by different passions, sometimes covers the face with a sudden and modest blush, sometimes inflames it with the heat of rage and fury, sometimes retires, leay- ing it pale with fear, and at others diffuses a calm and amiable serenity over it? All these affections are strongly imaged and distinguished in the lineaments of the face. The mask deprives the features of this energetic language, and of that life and soul, by which it is the faithful inter- preter of all the sentiments of the heart. I do not wonder, therefore, at Cicero’s remark upon the action of Roscius.* Our ancestors, says he, were better judges than we are. They could not wholly approve even Roscius himself whilst he performed in a mask.

*Vol.iv. P Manner of Teaching, vol. iv.

* Qud meliis nostriill senes, qui personatum, ne Roscium quidem, mag-

nopere laudabant, Lib. iii, de Orat. n. 221.

VOL. I. g

Ixxxil PREFACE,

ZEschylus was in the sole possession of the glory of the stage, with almost every voice in his favour, when a young rival made his appearance to dispute the palm with him.

This was Sophocles. He was born at Co-

A.M.3509. lonos, a town in Attica, in the second year

Ant. J.C.495. of the seventy-first Olympiad. His father was a blacksmith, or one who kept people of

that trade to work for him. His first essay was a master- piece. When, upon the occasion of Cimon’s having found the bones of Theseus, and their being brought to Athens, a dispute between the tragic poets was appointed, Sophocles entered the lists with Auschylus, and car-

A.M. 3534. ried the prize against him. The ancient

Ant.J.C.470. victor, laden till then with the wreaths he had acquired, believed them all lost by failing of the last, and withdrew in disgust into Sicily to king Hiero, the protector and patron of all the learned in disgrace at Athens. He died there soon after in a very singular manner, if we may believe Suidas. As he lay asleep in the fields, with his head bare, an eagle, taking his bald crown for a stone, let a tortoise fall upon it, which killed him. Of ninety, or at least seventy tragedies, com- posed by him, only seven are now extant.

Nor have those of Sophocles escaped the injury of time better, though one hundred and seventeen in number, and according to some one hundred and thirty. He retained to extreme old age all the force and vigour of his genius, as appears from a circumstance in his history. His children, unworthy of so great a father, upon pretence that he had lost his senses, summoned him before the judges, in order to obtain a decree, that his estate might be taken from him, and put into their hands. He made no other defence, than to read a tragedy he was at that time composing, called Gidi- pus at Colonos, with which the judges were so charmed, that he carried his cause unanimously; and his children, detested by the whole assembly, got nothing by their suit, but the shame and infamy due to so flagrant ingratitude. He was twenty times crowned victor. Some say he ex- pired in repeating his Antigone, for want of power to re- cover his breath, after a violent endeavour to pronounce a long period to the end; others, that he died of joy upon his being declared victor, contrary to his expectation. The figure of a hive was placed upon his tomb, to perpetuate the name of Bee, which had been given him, from the sweet- ness of his verses: whence it is probable, the notion was derived of the bees having settled upon his lips, when in

PREFACE. Ixxxili

his cradle. He died in his ninetieth year,

A.M. 3599. the fourth of the ninety-third Olympiad,

Ant. J.C. 405. after having survived Euripides six years, who was not so old as himself.

The latter was born in the first year of

A.M. 3524. the seventy-fifth Olympiad, at Salamis,

Ant. J. C. 480. whither his father Mnesarchus and mother

Clito had retired, when Xerxes was pre- paring for his great expedition against Greece. He ap- plied himself at first to philosophy, and, amongst others, had the celebrated Anaxagoras for his master. But the danger incurred by that great man, who was very near being made the victim of his philosophical tenets, inclined him to the study of poetry. He discovered in himself a genius for the drama, unknown to him at first ; and employed it with such success, that he entered the lists with the great masters of whom we have been speaking. *His works sufficiently denote his profound application to philosophy. They abound with excellent maxims of morality: and it is in that view that Socrates in his time, and +Cicero long after him, set so high a value upon Euripides.

One cannot sufficiently admire the extreme delicacy ex- pressed by the Athenian audience on certain occasions, and their solicitude to preserve the reverence due to moral- ity, virtue, decency, and justice. It is surprising to observe the warmth with which they unanimously reproved what- ever seemed inconsistent with them, and called the poet to an account for it, notwithstanding his having a well-founded excuse, as he had given such sentiments only to persons notoriously vicious, and actuated by the most unjust pas- sions.

Euripides had put into the mouth of Bellerophon a pom- pous panegyric upon riches, which concluded with this thought: Riches are the supreme good of the human race, and with reason excite the admiration of the gods and men. The whole theatre cried out against these expressions ; and he would have been banished directly, if he had not desired the sentence to be respited till the conclusion of the piece, in which the advocate for riches perished miserably.

He was in danger of incurring serious inconveniences from an answer he puts into the mouth of Hippolytus. Pheedra’s nurse represented to him, that he had engaged himself under an inviolable oath to keep her secret. My

* Sententiis densus, et in tis que a sapientibus sunt, pene ipsis est par. Oiuiptilclax. eek.

+ Cui (Euripidi ) tu quantim credas nescio ; ego certé singulos ejus ver- sus singula testimonia puto. pist. viii. 1. 14, ad Famil.

g 2

Ixxxlv PREFACE.

tongue, it is true, pronounced that oath, replied he, but my heart gave no consent to it. ‘This frivolous distinction ap- peared to the whole people, as an express contempt of the religion and sanctity of an oath, that tended to banish all Sincerity and good faith from society and the intercourse of life.

Another maxim* advanced by Eteocles in the tragedy called the Phoenicians, and which Cesar had always in his mouth, is no less pernicious: If justice may be violated at all, it is when a throne is in question ; in other respects, let it. be duly revered. It is highly criminal in Eteocles, or rather in Euripides, says Cicero, to make an exception in that very point wherein such violation is the highest crime that can be committed. Eteocles is a tyrant, and speaks like a tyrant, who vindicates his unjust conduct by a false maxim ; and it is not strange that Czsar, who was a tyrant by nature, and equally unjust, should lay great stress upon the sentiments of a prince whom he so much resembled. But what is remarkable in Cicero, is his falling upon the poet himself, and imputing to him as a crime, the having advanced so pernicious a principle upon the state.

*Lycurgus, the orator, who lived in the time of Philip and Alexander the Great, to re-animate the spirit of the tragic poets, caused three statues of brass to be erected, in the name of the people, to A&schylus, Sophocles, and Euri- pides; and having ordered their works to be transcribed, he appointed them to be carefully preserved amongst the public archives, from whence they were taken from time to time to be read; the players not being permitted to re- present-them on the stage.

The reader expects, no doubt, after what has been said relating to the three poets, who invented, improved, and carried tragedy to its perfection, that I should point out the peculiar excellences of their style and character. For that I must refer to Father Brumoi, who will do it much better than it isin my power. After having laid down, as an undoubted principle, that the epic poem, that is to say Homer, pointed out the way for the tragic poets; and hay- ing demonstrated, by reflections drawn from human nature, upon what principles and by what degrees, this happy imi-

* Plut. in vit. x. orat. p. 841.

* Ipse autem socer (Casar ) in ore semper Grecos versus Euripidis de Pheenissis habebat, quos dicam ut potero, incondité fortasse, sed tamen ut res possit intelligz :

Nam, si violandum est jus, regnandi gratia Violandum est ; aliis rebus pietatem colas. Capitalis Eteocles, vel potiis Euripides, quiid unum, quod omnium scele- atissimum fuerit, exceperit. Offic. |. iii. n. 32.

PREFACE. IXxxv

tation was conducted to its end; he goes on to describe the three poets above mentioned, in the most lively and bril- liant colours. )

Tragedy took at first from Aischylus, its inventor, a much more lofty style than the Iliad; that is, the magnum loqui mentioned by Horace. Perhaps Aischylus, who had a full conception of the grandeur of the language of tragedy, carried it too high. It is not Homer’s trumpet, but some- thing more. His pompous, swelling, gigantic diction, re- sembles rather the beating of drums and the shouts of bat- tle, than the noble harmony of the trumpets. The eleva- tion and grandeur of his genius would not permit him to speak the language of other men, so that his Muse seemed rather to walk in stilts, than in the buskins of his own in- vention.

Sophocles understood much better the true excellence of the dramatic style: he therefore copies Homer more closely, and blends in his diction that honeyed sweetness, from whence he was denominated the Bee, with a gravity that gives his tragedy the modest air of a matron, compelled to appear in public with dignity, as Horace expresses it.

The style of Euripides, though noble, is less removed from the familiar ; and he seems to have affected rather the pathetic and the elegant, than the nervous and the lofty.

As Corneille, says Father Brumoi in another place, after having opened to himself a path entirely new and unknown to the ancients, seems like an eagle towering in the clouds, from the sublimity, force, unbroken progress, and rapidity in his flight; and, as Racine, in copying the ancients in a manner entirely his own, imitates the swan, that sometimes floats upon the air, sometimes rises, then falls again, with an elegance of motion, and a grace peculiar to herself; so /Eschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, have each of them a particular characteristic and method. The first, as the in- ventor and father of tragedy, is like a torrent rolling impe- tuously over rocks, forests, and precipices; the second re- sembles a * canal, which flows gently through delicious cardens; and the third a river, that does not follow its course in a continued line, but loves to turn and wind his silver wave through flowery meads and rural scenes.

This is the character which Father Brumoi gives of the

* I know not whether the idea of a canal that flows gently through deli- cious gardens, is well adapted to designate the character of Sophocles, which is peculiarly distinguished by nobleness, grandeur, and elevation. That of an impetuous and rapid stream, whose waves, from the violence of their motion, are loud, and to be heard afar off, seems to me a more

suitable image of that poet.

[XXXVi PREFACE,

three poets, to whom the Athenian stage was indebted for its perfection in tragedy. *A®schylus drew it out of its original chaos and confusion, and made it appear in some degree of lustre ; but it still retained the rude unfinished air of things in their beginning, which are generally defective in point of art and method. Sophocles and Euripides added infinitely to the dignity of tragedy. ‘The style of the first, as has been observed, is more noble and majestic; of the latter, more tender and pathetic ; each perfect in their way. In this diversity of character, it is difficult to decide which is most excellent. The learned have always been divided upon this head; as we are at this day, with re- spect to the + two poets of our own nation, whose tragedies have made our stage illustrious, and not inferior to that of Athens. |

I have observed, that the tender and pathetic distin- guishes the compositions of Euripides, of which Alexander of Phere, the most cruel of tyrants, was a proof. That barbarous man, upon seeing the Troades of Euripides acted, found himself so moved with it, that he quitted the theatre before the conclusion of the play; professing that he was ashamed to be seen in tears for the distress of He- cuba and Andromache, who had never shewn the least com- passion for his own citizens, of whom he had butchered such numbers.

When I speak of the tender and pathetic, I would not be understood to mean a passion that softens the heart into effeminacy, and which, to our reproach, is almost alone, or at least more than any other passion, ‘received upon our stage, though rejected by the ancients, and condemned by the nations around us of greatest reputation for their genius, and taste for the sciences and polite learning. The two great principles for moving the passions amongst the ancients, were terror and pity.t. And indeed, as we naturally refer every thing to ourselves, or our own particular interest, when we see persons of exalted rank or virtue sinking un- der great evils, the fear of the like misfortunes, with which we know that human life is on all sides invested, seizes upon us, and from a secretimpulse of self-love, we find our- selves sensibly affected with the distresses of others; be- sides which, the sharing a+ common nature with the rest of our species, makes us sensible to whatever befals them.

' OdBo0¢ kai Eeoe * Tragaedias primus in lucem Aischylus protulit: sublimis et gravis, et grandiloquus sepe usque ad vitium:; sed rudis in plertsque et incompositus. Quintil. |. x. c, 1. + Corneille and Racine. { Homo sum: humani nihil a me alienum puto. Ter.

PREFACE. IXXXVil Upon a close and attentive inquiry into those two passions, they will be found the most deeply inherent, active, exten- sive, and general, affections of the soul; including all or- ders of men, great and small, rich and poor, of whatever age or condition. Hence the ancients, accustomed to con- sult nature, and to take her for their guide in all things, with reason conceived terror and compassion to be the — soul of tragedy; and that those affections ought to prevail in it. The passion of love was in no estimation amongst. them, and had seldom any share in their dramatic pieces ; though with us it is a received opinion, that they cannot be supported without it.

It is worth our trouble to examine briefly in what man- ner this passion, which has always been deemed a weak- ness and a blemish in the greatest characters, got such foot- | ing upon our stage. Corneille, who was the first who brought the French tragedy to any perfection, and whom all the rest have followed, found the whole nation en- amoured with the perusal of romances, and little disposed to admire any thing not resembling them. From the desire of pleasing his audience, who were at the same time his judges, he endeavoured to move them in the manner they had been accustomed to be affected ; and, by introducing love in his scenes, to bring them the nearer to the predomi- nant taste of the age for romance. From the same source arose that multiplicity of incidents, episodes, and adven- tures, with which our tragic pieces are crowded and ob- scured; so contrary to probability, which will not admit such a number of extraordinary and surprising events in the short space of four-and-twenty hours; so contrary to the simplicity of ancient tragedy; and so adapted to con- ceal, by the assemblage of so many different objects, the sterility of the genius of a poet, more intent upon the mar- vellous, than upon the probable and natural.

Both the Greeks and Romans have preferred the iambic to the heroic verse in their tragedies; not only because the first has a kind of dignity better adapted to the stage, but, whilst it approaches nearer to prose, retains sufficiently the air of poetry to please the ear: and yet has too little of it to put the audience in mind of the poet, who ought - not to appear at all in representations, where other persons are supposed to speak and act. Monsieur Dacier makes a very just reflection on this subject. He says, that it is the misfortune of our tragedy to have almost no other verse than what it has in common with epic poetry, elegy, pas- toral, satire, and comedy; whereas the learned languages have a great varicty of versification.

IXXXVIii- PREFACE.

This inconvenience is highly obvious in our tragedy ; which consequently is obliged to lose sight of nature and probability, as it obliges heroes, princes, kings, and queens, to express themselves in a pompous strain in their familiar conversation, which it would be ridiculous to attempt in real life. The giving utterance to the most impetuous pas- sions in a uniform cadence, and by hemistichs and rhymes, would undoubtedly be tedious and offensive to the ear, if the charms of poetry, the elegance of expression, and the spirit of sentiments, and perhaps, more than all of them, the resistless force of custom, had not in a manner subject- ed our reason, and spread a veil before our judgment.

it was not chance, therefore; which suggested to the Greeks the use of iambics in their tragedy. Nature itself seems to have dictated that kind of verse to them. In- structed by the same unerring guide, they made choice of a different versification for the chorus, better adapted to the motions of the dance, and the variations of the song; be- cause it was necessary for poetry here to shine out in all its lustre, whilst the mere conversation between the real actors was suspended. ‘The chorus was an embellishment of the representation, and a relaxation to the audience, and therefore required more exalted poetry and numbers te support it, when united with music and dancing.

Of the Old, Middle, and New Comedy.

WHILST tragedy was thus rising to perfection at Athens,

comedy, the second species of dramatic poetry, and which, till then, had been much neglected, began to be cultivated with more attention. Nature was the common parent of both. We are sensibly affected with the dangers, dis- tresses, misfortunes, and, in a word, with whatever relates to the lives and conduct of illustrious persons ; and this gave birth to tragedy. And we are as curious to know the adventures, conduct, and defects, of our equals; which sup- ply us with occasions of laughing, and being merry at the expense of others.. Hence comedy derives itself; which is properly an image of private life. Its design is to ex- pose defects and vices upon the stage, and, by affixing ridi- cule to them, to make them contemptible ; and consequent- ly, to instruct by diverting. Ridicule,.therefore (or, to ex- press the same word by another, pleasantry), ought to pre- vail in comedy. _ This species of entertainment took at different times three different forms at Athens, as well from the genius of the poets, as from the influences of the government, which occasioned various alterations in it.

PREFACE. IXxxix

The old comedy, so called * by Horace, and which he dates after the time of Aischylus, retained something of its original rudeness, and the liberty it had been used to take of throwing out coarse jests, and reviling the spectators from the cart of Thespis. Though it was become regular in its plan, and worthy of a great theatre, it had not learnt to be more reserved. It represented real transactions, with the names, dress, gestures, and likeness, in masks, of whomsoever it thought fit to sacrifice to the public derision. In a state where it was held good policy to unmask what- ever carried the air of ambition, singularity, or knavery, comedy assumed the privilege to harangue, reform, and ad- vise, the people upon their most important interests. No one was spared in a city of so much liberty, or rather licentiousness, as Athens was at that time. Generals, ma- gistrates, government, the very gods were abandoned to the poet’s satirical vein; and all was well received, provided the comedy was diverting, and the Attic salt not wanting.

" In one of these comedies, not only the priest of Jupiter determines to quit his service, because no more sacrifices are offered to the god; but Mercury himself comes, in a starving condition, to seek his fortune amongst mankind, and offers to serve as a porter, sutier, bailiff, guide, door- keeper; in short, in any capacity, rather than return to heaven. In another*, the same gods, reduced to the extre- mity of famine, from the birds having built a city in the air, whereby their provisions are cut off, and the smoke of incense and sacrifices prevented from ascending to heaven, depute three ambassadors in the name of Jupiter to conclude a treaty of accommodation with the birds, upon such condi- tions as they shall approve. The chamber of audience, where the three famished gods are received, is a kitchen well stored with excellent game of all sorts. Here Hercules, deeply smitten with the smell of roast meat, which he appre- hends to be more exquisite and nutritious than that of in- cense, begs leave to make his abode, and to turn the spit, and assist the cook upon occasion. The other pieces of Aristophanes abound with strokes still more satirical and severe upon the principal divinities.

I am not much surprised at the poet’s insulting the gods, and treating them with the utmost contempt, as from them he had nothing to fear; but I cannot help wondering at his having brought the most illustrious and powerful persons of Athens upon the stage, and presuming to attack the

* Successit vetus his comedia non sine multé Laude. Hor. in Art. Poet. " Plutus. The Birds.

xe PREFACE.

government itself, without any manner of respect or re- serve.

Cleon having returned triumphant, contrary to the gene- ral expectation, from the expedition against Sphacteria, was looked upon by the people as the greatest captain of that age. Aristophanes, to set that bad man in a true light, who was the son of a tanner, and a tanner himself, and whose rise was owing solely to his temerity and impudence, was so bold as to make him the subject of a comedy,’ without being awed by his power and influence: but he was obliged to play the part of Cleon himself, and appeared for the first time upon the stage in that character; not one of the come- dians daring to represent it, nor to expose himself to the resentment of so formidable an enemy. His face was smeared over with wine-lees; because no workman could be found, that would venture to make a mask resembling Cleon, as was usual when persons were brought upon the stage. In this piece he reproached him with embezzling the public treasures, with a violent passion for bribes and presents, with craft in seducing the people, and denies him the glory of the action at Sphacteria, which he attributes chiefly to the share his colleague had in it.

In the Acharnians, he accuses Lamachus of having been made general, rather by bribery thanmerit. He imputes to him his youth, inexperience, and idleness; at the same time that he, and many others, whom he covertly designates, convert to their own use the rewards due only to valour and real services. He reproaches the republic with their prefer- ence of the younger citizens to the elder, in the government of the state, and the command of their armies. He tells them plainly, that when peace shall be concluded, neither Cleo- nymus, Hyperbolus, nor many other such knaves, all men- tioned by name, shall have any share in the public affairs ; they being always ready to accuse their fellow-citizens of crimes, and to enrich themselves by such informations.

In his comedy called the Wasps, imitated by Racine in his Plaideurs, he exposes the mad passion of the people for pro- secutions and trials at law, and the enormous injustice fre- quently committed in passing sentence and giving judgment.

The poet,* concerned to see the republic obstinately bent upon the unhappy expedition to Sicily, endeavours to ex- citein the people athorough disgust for so ruinous awar, and to inspire them with the desire of a peace, as much the in- terest of the victors as the vanquished, after a war of seve- ral years’ duration, equally pernicious to each party, and capable of involving all Greece in ruin.

¥ 'The Knights. «The Peace.

PREFACE. xcl

None of Aristophanes’s pieces. explains better his bold- ness, in speaking upon the most delicate affairs of the state in the crowded theatre, than his comedy called Lysistrata. One of the principal magistrates of Athens had a wife of that name, who is supposed to have taken it into her head to compel Greece to conclude a peace. She relates, how, during the war, the women, inquiring of their husbands the result of their counsels, and whether they had not resolved to make peace with Sparta, received no answers but impe- rious looks, and orders to mind their own business: that, however, they perceived plainly to what a low condition the government was declined: that they took the liberty to re- monstrate mildly to their husbands upon the sad conse- quences of their rash determinations, but that their humble representations had no other effect than to offend and enrage them: that, at length, being confirmed by the general opi- nion of all Attica, that there were no longer any men in the state, nor heads for the administration of affairs, their pa- tience being quite exhausted, the women had thought it pro- per and advisable to take the government upon themselves, and preserve Greece, whether it would or no, from the folly and madness of its resolves. For her part, she declares, that she has taken possession of the city and treasury, in order, says she, to prevent Pisander and his confede- rates, the four hundred administrators, from exciting trou- bles, according to their custom, and from robbing the pub- lic asusual. (Was ever any thing so bold?) She goes on to prove, that the women only are capable of retrieving affairs, by this burlesque argument; that admitting things to be in such a state of perplexity and confusion, the sex, accus- tomed to untangling their threads, were the only persons to set them right again, as being best qualified. with the ne- cessary address, patience, and moderation. The Athenian politics are thus made inferior to those of the women, who are only represented in a ridiculous light, to turn the deri- sion upon their husbands, who were engaged in the admi- nistration of the government.

These extracts from Aristophanes, taken almost word for word from Father Brumoi, seemed to me very proper togive an insight into that poet’s character, and the genius of the ancient comedy, which was, as we see, a Satire of the most poignant and severe kind, that had assumed*to itself an in- dependency from respect to persons, and to which nothing was sacred. It is no wonder that.Cicero condemns so li- centious and uncurbed a liberty.* It might, he says, have

* Quem illa non attigit, vel potiis quem non vexavit ? Esto, populares ho- mines, improbos, 1n remp. seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum

ar PREFACE.

been tolerable, had it attacked only bad citizens, and sedi- tious orators, who endeavoured to raise commotions in the state,such as Cleon, Cleophon, and Hyperbolus: but when a Pericles, who for many years had governed the common- wealth both in war and peace with equal wisdom and au- thority (he might have added, and a Socrates, declared by Apollo the wisest of mankind) is brought upon the stage to be laughed at by the public, itis as if our Plautus or Ne- vius had attacked the Scipios, or Czcilius had dared to revile Marcus Cato in his plays. . ms

That liberty is still more offensive to us, who are born and live under a monarchical government, which is far from be- ing favourable to licentiousness. But without intending to justify the conduct of Aristophanes, which is certainly in- excusable, I think, to judge properly of it, it would be ne- cessary to lay aside the prejudices of birth, nations, and times, and to imagine we live in those remote ages, in a state purely democratical. We must not fancy Aristophanes to have been a person of little consequence in his republic, as the comic writers generally are in our days. The king of Persia had a very different idea of him. ‘It is a known story, that in an audience of the Greek ambassadors, his first inquiry was after a certain comic poet (meaning Ari- stophanes), that put all Greece in motion, and gave such effectual counsels against him. Aristophanes did that upon the stage, which Demosthenes did afterward in the public assemblies. The poet’s reproaches were no less animated than the orator’s. In his comedies he uttered the same sentiments as he had a right to deliver from the public rostrum. ‘They were addressed to the same people, upon the same occasions of the state, the same means of success, and the same obstacles to their measures. In Athens, the whole people were the sovereign, and each of them had an equal share in the supreme authority. Uponthis they were continually intent, were fond of discoursing upon it them- selves, and of hearing the sentiments of others. The public affairs were the business of every individual; on which they were desirous of being fully informed, that they might know how to conduct themselves on every occasion of war or peace, which frequently offered, and to decide upon their own, as well as upon the destiny of their allies or enemies. Hence rose the liberty taken by the comic poets, of dis-

lesit: patiamur—Sed Periclem, ciim jam sue civitati maximé auctoritate

plurimos annos domi et belli prefuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scend,

non plits decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset, aut Nevius, P. et Cn. Sci-

piont, aut Cecilius M. Catoni maledicere. Ex fragm. Cic. de Rep. lib. iv. © Aristoph. in Acharn.

PREFACE. Xclil

cussing affairs of the state in their performances. The peo- ple were so far from being offended at it, or at the manner in which those writers treated the principal persons of the state, that they conceived their liberty in some measure to consist in it.

Three *poets particularly excelled in the old comedy; Eupolis, Cratinus, and Aristophanes. The last is the only one of them whose pieces have come down to us entire; and out of the great number which he composed, eleven are all that remain. He flourished in an age when Greece abounded with great men, and was contemporary with So- crates and Euripides, whom he survived. During the Pelo- ponnesian war, he made his greatest figure; less as a writer to amuse the people with his comedies, than as’ censor of the government, retained to reform the state, and to be al- most the arbiter of his country.

He is admired for an elegance, poignancy, and happiness of expression, or, in a word, that Attic salt and spirit, to

which the Roman language could never attain, and for+ which Aristophanes is more remarkable than any other of the Greek authors. His particular excellence was raillery. None ever touched what was ridiculous in the characters whom he wished to expose with such success, or knew better how to convey it in allits full force to others. Butit would be necessary to have lived in his times, to be qualified to judge of this. The subtle salt and spirit of the ancient raillery, according to Father Brumoi, is evaporated through length of time, and what remains of it is become flat and insipid to us; though the sharpest part will retain its vigour throughout all ages.

Two considerable defects are justly imputed to this poet, which very much obscure, if not entirely efface, his glory.

* Eupolis, atque Cratinus, Aristophanesque poeta, Atque alii, quorum comedia prisca virorum est, Si quis erat dignus describt, quod malus, aut fur, Quod mechus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioqut of te Famosus ; multé cum libertate notabant.—Hor. Sat. iv. 1.1,

With Aristophanes’ satiric rage,

When ancient comedy amused the age,

Or Eupolis’s or Cratinus’ wit,

And others that all-licensed poem. writ ;

None, worthy to be shewn, escaped the scene, No public knave, or thief of lofty mien ;

The loose adult’rer was drawn forth to sight; The secret murd’rer trembling lurk’d the night ; Vice play’d itself, and each ambitious spark ; All boldly branded with the poet’s mark.

+ Antiqua comedia sinceram illam sermonis Attict gratiam propé sola retinet. Quintil.

XciV PREFACE.

These are, low buffoonery, and gross obscenity; and it has in vain been attempted to offer, in excuse for the first of these faults, the charaeter of his audience; the bulk of which generally consisted of the poor, the ignorant, and dregs of the people, whom, however, it was as necessary to please, as the learned and the rich. The depraved taste of the lower order of people, which once banished Cratinus and his company, because his scenes were not grossly comic enough for them, is no excuse for Aristophanes, as Menan- der could find out the art of changing that grovelling taste, by introducing aspecies of comedy, not altogether so modest as Plutarch seems to insinuate, yet much less licentious than any before his time.

The gross obscenities, with which all Aristophanes’s comedies abound, have no excuse; they only denote to what a pitch the libertinism of the spectators, and the de- pravity of the poet, had proceeded. Had he even impreg- nated them with the utmost wit, which however is not the case, the privilege of laughing himself, or of making others laugh, would have been too dearly purchased at the ex- pense of decency and good manners.* And in this case it may well be said, that it were better to have no wit at all, than to make so ill a use of it.+ F. Brumoi is very much to be commended for having taken care, in giving a general idea of Aristophanes’s writings, to throw a veil over those parts of them that might have given offence to modesty. Though such behaviour be the indispensable rule of religion, it is not always observed by those who pique themselves most on their erudition, and sometimes prefer the title of Scholar to that of Christian.

The old comedy subsisted till Lysander’s time, who, upon having made himself master of Athens, changed the form of the government, and put it into the hands of thirty of the principal citizens. ‘The satirical liberty of the theatre was offensive to them, and therefore they thought fit to put a stop to it. The reason of this alteration is evident, and confirms the reflection made before upon the privilege which the poets possessed of criticising with impunity the persons at the head of the state. The whole authority of Athens was then invested in tyrants. The democracy was abolished. The people had no longer any share in the government. They were no more the prince; their sovereignty had ex- pired. The right of giving their opinions and suffrages upon affairs of state was at an end; nor dared they, either in

* Nimium risis pretium est, si probitatis impendio constat. Quintil. lib. vi. c. 3. + Non pejus duxerim tardi ingenit esse, quammali. Quintil. lib. i. ¢. 3.

PREFACE. xcv

their own persons or by the poets, presume to censure the sentiments and conduct of their masters. The calling per- sons by their names upon the stage was prohibited ; but poetical ill-nature soon found the secret of eluding the in- tention of the law, and of making itself amends for the re- straint which was imposed upon it by the necessity of using feigned names. It then applied itself to discover what was ridiculous in known characters, which it copied to the life, and from thence acquired the double advantage of gratify- ing the vanity of the poets, and the malice of the audience, na more refined manner: the one had the delicate plea- sure of putting the spectators upon guessing their meaning, and the other of not being mistaken in their suppositions, and of affixing the right name to the characters represented. Such was the comedy, since called the Middle Comedy, of which there are some instances in Aristophanes.

It continued till the time of Alexander the Great, who having entirely assured himself of the empire of Greece by the defeat of the Thebans, caused a check to be put upon the licentiousness of the poets, which increased daily. From thence the New Comedy took its birth, which was only an imitation of private life, and brought nothing upon the stage but feigned names, and fictitious adventures.

Chacun peint avec artdans ce nouveau miroir, S’y vit avec plaisir, ou crut ne s’y pas voir. L’avare des premiers rit du tableau fidéle D’un avare souvent tracé sur son modeéle ; Et mille fois un fat, finement exprimé, Méconnut le portrait sur lui-méme formé. Boileau, Art. Poet. chant. tii.

In this new glass, whilst each himself survey’d, He sat with pleasure, though himself was play’d ; The miser grinn’d whilst avarice was drawn, Nor thought the faithful likeness was his own; His own dear self no imaged fool could find, But saw a thousand other fops design’d.

This may properly be called fine comedy, and is that of Menander. Of one hundred and eighty, or rather eighty plays, according to Suidas, composed by him, all of which Terence is said to have translated, there remain only a few fragments. We may form a just judgment of the merit of the originals from the excellence of the copy. Quintilian, in speaking of Menander, is not afraid to say,* that with the beauty of his works, and the height of his reputation, he obscured, or rather obliterated, the fame of all other writers

* Atque ille quidem omnibus ejusdem operis auctoribus abstulit nomen, et fulgore quodam sue claritatis tenebras obduxit. Quintil. lib. x.c. 1.

xevi PREFACE.

in the same way. He observes, in another passage, that his own times were not so just + to his merit as they ought to have been, which has been the fate of many others ; but that he was sufliciently made amends by the favourable opinion of posterity. And indeed Philemon, a comic poet, who flourished about the same period, though older than Menander, was preferred before him.

The Theatre of the Ancients described.

I HAVE already observed, that Aischylus was the first founder of a fixed and durable theatre adorned with suit- able decorations. It was at first, as well as the amphithe- atres, composed of wooden planks, the seats in which rose one above another ; but those having one day broke down, by having too great a weight upon them, the Athenians, excessively enamoured of dramatic representations, were induced by that accident to erect those superb structures, which were imitated afterwards with so much splendour by the Roman magnificence. What I shall say of them, has almost as much relation to the Roman as the Athenian theatres ; and is extracted entirely from M. Boindin’s learn- ed dissertation upon the theatre of the ancients,‘ who has treated the subject in its fullest extent.

The theatre of the ancients was divided into three prin- cipal parts; each of which had its peculiar appellation. The division for the actors was called in general the scene, or stage; that for the spectators was particularly termed the theatre, which must have been of vast extent,‘ as at Athens it was capable of containing above thirty thousand persons; and the orchestra, which amongst the Greeks was the place assigned for the pantomimes and dancers, though at Rome it was appropriated to the senators and vestal virgins.

The theatre was of a semicircular form on one side, and square on the other. The space contained within the semicircle, was allotted to the spectators, and had seats placed one above another to the top of the building. The Square part in the front of it, was appropriated to the actors ; and in the interval, between both, was the orchestra. - The great theatres had three rows of porticoes, raised one upon another, which formed the body of the edifice, and at the same time three different stories for the seats. From the highest of those porticoes the women saw the representation, sheltered from the weather. The rest of

+ Quidam, sicut Menander, justiora posterorum, quam su@ etatis, judicia sunt consecuti, Quintil. lib. iil. c. 6. © Memoirs of the Acad. of Inscript. &c. vol. i. p. 136, &c. f Strab. J. 1x. p.395. Herod. I, viii. c. 65.

PRERACE. XCVii

the theatre was uncovered, and all the business of the stage was performed in the open air.

Each of these stories consisted of nine rows of seats, including the landing-place, which divided them from each other, and served as a passage from side to side. But as this landing-place and passage took up the space of two benches, there were only seven to sit upon, and conse- quently in each story. there were seven rows of seats. They were from fifteen to eighteen inches in height, and twice as much in breadth; so that the spectators had room to sit at their ease, and without being incommoded by the legs of the people above them, no foot-boards being provided for them.

Each of these stories of benches were divided in two dif- ferent manners; in theirheight by the landing-places, called by the Romans Precinctiones, and in their circumferences by several stair-cases, peculiar to each story, which inter- secting them in right lines, tending towards the centre of the theatre, gave the form of wedges to the quantity of seats between them, from whence they were called Cunez.

Behind these stories of seats were covered galleries, through which the people thronged into the theatre by great Square openings, contrived for that purpose in the walls next the seats. Those openings were called Vomitoria, from the multitude of people crowding through them into their places.

As the actors could not be heard to the extremity of the theatre, the Greeks contrived a means to supply that defect, and to augment the force of the voice, and make it more distinct and articulate. For that purpose they invented.a kind of large vessels of copper, which were disposed under the seats of the theatre, in such a manner, as made all sounds strike upon the ear with more force and distinctness.

The orchestra being situated, as I have observed, be- tween the two other parts of the theatre, of which one was circular and the other square, it participated of the form of each, and occupied the space between both. It was di- vided into three parts.

The first and most considerable was more particularly called the orchestra, from a Greek word! that signifies to dance. It was appropriated to the pantomimes and dancers, and to all such subaltern actors as played between the acts, and at the end of the representations.

The second was named @upéAn, from its being square, in the form of an altar. Here the chorus was generally placed.

Ooyetabat. VOL. U: h

XcevVili PREFACE.

And in the third, the Greeks disposed their band of mu- sic. They called it vrooxhvov, from its being situate at the bottom of the principal part of the theatre, to which they gave the general name of the scene.

I shall describe here this third part of the theatre, called the scene; which was also subdivided into three different

arts.

The first and most considerable was properly called the scene, and gave its name to this whole division. It occu- pied the whole front of the building from side to side, and was the place allotted for the decorations. This front had two small wings at its extremity, from which hung a large curtain, that was let down to open the scene, and drawn up between the acts, when any thing in the representation made it necessary.

The second called by the Greeks indifferently tpooxhyov, and Aoyeiov, and by the Romans Proscenium, and Pulpitum, was a large open space in front of the scene, in which the actors performed their parts, and which, by the help of the decorations, represented either a public square or forum, a common street, or the country; but the place so repre- sented was always in the open air.

The third division was a part reserved behind the scenes, and called by the Greeks wapaocxjvov. Here the actors dressed themselves, and the decorations were locked up. In the same place were also kept the machines, -of which the ancients had abundance in their theatres.

As only the porticoes and the building of the scene were roofed, it was necessary to draw sails, fastened with cords to masts, over the rest of the theatre, to screen the audience from the heat of the sun. But as this contrivance did not prevent the heat, occasioned by the perspiration and breath of so numerous an assembly, the ancients took care to al- lay it by a kind of rain; conveying the water for that use above the porticoes, which falling again in form of dew through an affinity of small pores concealed in the statues, with which the theatre abounded, did not only diffuse a grateful coolness all around, but the most fragrant exhala- tions along with it; for this dew was always perfumed. Whenever the representations were interrupted by storms, the spectators retired into the porticoes behind the seats of the theatre. .

The fondness of the Athenians for representations of this kind cannot be expressed. Their eyes, their ears, their imagination, their understanding, all shared in the satisfac- tion. Nothing gave them so sensible a pleasure in drama- tic performances, either tragic or comic, as the strokes

PREFACE. Xcix

which were aimed at the affairs of the public; whetber pure chance occasioned the application, or the address of the poets, who knew how to reconcile the most remote subjects with the transactions of the republic. They entered by that means into the interests of the people, took occasion to soothe their passions, authorize their pretensions, justify, and sometimes condemn, their conduct, entertain them with agreeable hopes, instruct them in their duty in certain nice conjunctures; in consequence of which they often not only acquired the applauses of the spectators, but credit and in- fluence in the public affairs and counsels: hence the thea- tre became so grateful, and so interesting to the people. It was in this manner, according to some authors, that Eu- ripides artfully adapted his tragedy of Palamedes* to the sentence passed against Socrates; and pointed out, by an illustrious example of antiquity, the innocence of a philo- sopher, oppressed by malignity supported by power and faction.

Accident was often the occasion of sudden and unfore- seen applications, which from their appositeness were very agreeable to the people. Upon this verse of Auschylus, in praise of Amphiaraus,

’Tis his desire Not to appear, but be the great and good,

the whole audience rose up, and unanimously applied it to Aristides". The same thing happened to Philopoemen at the Nemzean games. At the instant he entered the theatre, these verses were singing upon the stage;

ea ee

He comes, to whom we owe Our liberty, the noblest good below.

Allthe Greeks cast their eyes upon Philopoemen', and with clapping of hands, and acclamations of joy, expressed their veneration for the hero.

‘In the same manner at Rome, during the banishment of Cicero, when some verses of +Accius, which reproached the Greeks with their ingratitude in suffering the banish- ment of Telamon, were repeated by Aisop, the best actor of his time, they drew tears from the eyes of the whole as- sembly.

Upon another, though very different, occasion, the Ro-

h Plat. in Aristid. p. 320. _ 4 Plut. in Philopoem. p. 362. - k Cic. in Orat. pro Sext. n. 120, 123. * Itis not certain whether this piece was prior or posterior to the death of Socrates. : + O dash Argivi, inanes Gratt, immemores beneficit, - Exulare sivistis, swistis pelli, pulsum patimini. h 2

76 PREFACE.

man people applied to Pompey the Great some verses to: this effect :

! "Tis our unhappiness has made thee great; and then addressing the people; The time shall come when you shall late deplore So great a power confided to such hands ; the spectators obliged the actor to repeat these verses se- veral times.

Fondness for theatrical Representations one of the principal Causes of the Decline, Degeneracy, and Corruption, of the Athenian State.

WHEN wecompare the happy times of Greece, in ailich Europe and Asia resounded with nothing but the fame of the Athenian victories, with the later ages, when the power of Philip and Alexander the Great had in a manner reduced it to slavery, we shall be surprised at the strange alteration in that republic. But what is most material, is the inves- tigation of the causes and progress of this declension: and these M. de Tourreil has discussed in an admirable manner in the elegant preface to his translation of Demosthenes’ Orations.

There were no longer, he observes, at Athens, any traces of that manly and vigorous policy, equally capable of planning good and retrieving bad success. Instead of that, there remained only an inconsistent loftiness, apt to evapo- rate in pompous decrees. ‘They were no more those Athe- nians, who, when menaced by a deluge of Barbarians, de- molished their houses to build ships with the timber, and whose women stoned the abject wretch to death that pro- posed to appease the great king by tribute orhomage. The love of ease and pleasure had almost entirely extinguished that of glory, liberty, and independence.

Pericles, that great man, so absolute, that those who en- vied him treated him asa second Pisistratus, was the first author of this degeneracy and corruption. With the design of conciliating the favour of the people, he ordained that upon such days as games or sacrifices were celebrated, a certain number of oboli should be distributed amongst them; and that in the assemblies in which affairs of state were to be discussed, every individual should receive a certain pecuniary gratification in right of being present. Thus the members of the republic were seen for the first time to sell their care in the administration of the govern- ment, and to rank amongst servile employments the most noble functions of the sovereign power.

' Cie. ad Attic. 1. ii. Epist:19. Val. Max. L. vi. c. 2.

PREFACE. Ci

It was not difficult to foresee where so excessive an abuse

would end: and, to remedy it, it was proposed to establish a fund for the support of the war, and to make it a capital crime to. advise, upon any account whatsoever, the appli- cation of it to other uses; but, notwithstanding, the abuse - always subsisted. At first it seemed tolerable, whilst the citizen, who was supported at the public expense, endea- voured to deserve it by doing his duty in the field for nine months together. Every one was to serve in his turn, and whoever failed was treated as a deserter without distinction: but at length the number of the transgressors carried it against the law; and impunity, as it commonly happens, multiplied their number. People accustomed to the de- lightful abode of a city, where feasts and games were per- petually taking place, conceived an invincible repugnance for labour and fatigue, which they looked upon as un- worthy of free-born men.

It was therefore necessary to find amusement for this indolent people, to fill up the great void of an unactive, useless life. Hence arose principally their fondness, or rather frenzy, for public show. 'The death of Epaminon- das, which seemed to promise them the greatest advantage, gave the final stroke to their ruin and destruction. Their courage, says Justin”, did not survive that illustrious The- ban. Freed from a rival, who kept their emulation alive, they sunk into a lethargic sloth and effeminacy. The funds for armaments by land and sea were soon lavished upon games and feasts. The seaman’s and soldier’s pay was distributed to the idle citizen. An indolent and luxurious mode of life enervated every breast. The representations of the theatre were preferred to the exercises of the camp. Valour and military knowledge were entirely disregarded. Great captains were in no estimation; whilst good poets and excellent comedians engrossed the universal applause.

Extravagance of this kind makes it easy to comprehend in what multitudes the people thronged to the dramatic performances. As no expense was spared in embellishing them, exorbitant sums were sunk in the service of the. theatre. If, says Plutarch’, an accurate calculation were to be made, what each representation of the dramatic pieces cost the Athenians, it would appear, that their expenses in playing the Bacchanalians, the Phoenicians, Qidipus, An- tigone, Medea, and Electra (tragedies written either by So- phocles or Euripides), were greater than those which had been employed against the Barbarians in defence of the liberty, and for the preservation of Greece. This gavea

" Justin. |. vi. c. 9. ° Plut..de glor. Athen. p. 349.

Cii PREFACE.

Spartan just reason to exclaim, on seeing an estimate of the enormous sums laid. out in these contests of the tragic poets, and the extraordinary pains taken by the magis- trates who presided in them?, that a people must be void of sense to apply themselves in so warm and serious a manner to things so frivolous. For, added he, games should be only games ; and nothing is more unreasonable than to purchase a short and trivial amusement at so great a price. Plea- sures of this kind agree only with public rejoicings and sea- sons of festivity, and were designed to divert people at their leisure hours ; but should by no means interfere with the affairs of the public, nor the necessary expenses of the go- vernment.

After all, says Plutarch, in the passage which I have already cited, of what utility have these tragedies been to Athens, though so much boasted by the people, and ad- mired by the rest of the world? I find that the prudence of Themistocles enclosed the city with strong walls; that the fine taste and magnificence of Pericles improved and adorned it; that the noble fortitude of Miltiades preserved its liberty; and that the moderate conduct of Cimon ac- quired it the empire and government of all Greece. If the wise and learned poetry of Euripides, the sublime diction of Sophocles, the lofty buskin of Aischylus, have obtained equal advantages for the city of Athens, by delivering it from impending calamities, or by adding to its glory, I am willing (he goes on) that dramatic pieces should be placed in competition with trophies of victory, the poetic theatre with the field of battle, and the compositions of the poets wiih the great exploits of the generals. But what a com- parison would this be? On the one side would be seen a few writers, crowned with wreaths of ivy, and dragging a goat or an ox after them, the rewards and victims assigned them for excelling in tragic poetry: on the other, a train of illustrious captains, surrounded by the colonies which they founded, the cities which they captured, and the nations which they subjected. Itis not to perpetuate the victories | of Aischylus and Sophocles, but in remembrance of the glorious battles of Marathon, Salamis, Eurymedon, and many others, that so many feasts are celebrated every month with such pomp by the Grecians.

The inference which Plutarch draws from hence, in which we ought to agree with him, is, that it was the highest im- prudence in the * Athenians thus to prefer pleasure to duty,

P Plut. Sympos. I. vii. quest. vii. p. 710.

*’Anapravovow ’AOnvaiot peydda, Thy crovddy sig THY Tadidy Karavadio- KOvTEC, TouTéoTe peydhwy arocridwy Samdvag Kai orpaTeyparwy ipddia KaTa- xopnyovrrec eig 7d Oéarpor.

PREFACE. cili

fondness for the theatre to the love of their country, trivial shows to application to public business, and to consume, in useless expenses and dramatic entertainments, the funds intended for the support of fleets and armies. Macedon, till then obscure and inconsiderable, well knew how to take advantage of the * Athenian indolence and effeminacy ; and Philip, instructed by the Greeks themselves, amongst whom he had for several years applied himself success- fully to the art of war, was not long before he gave Greece a master, and subjected it to the yoke, as we shall see in the sequel.

I am now to open an entirely new scene to the reader’s view, not unworthy his curiosity and attention. We have seen two states of no great consideration, Media and Persia, extend themselves far and wide, under the conduct of Cyrus, like a torrent or a conflagration; and, with amazing rapidity, conquer and subdue many provinces and kingdoms. We shall see now that vast empire setting the nations under its dominion in motion, the Persians, Medes, Phoenicians, Egyptians, Babylonians, Indians, and many others; and falling, with all the forces of Asia and the East upon a little country, of very small extent, and destitute of all foreign assistance; I mean Greece. When, on the one hand, we behold so many nations united together, such preparations of war made for several years with so much diligence; in- numerable armies by sea and land, and such fleets, as the sea could hardly contain; and, on the other hand, two weak cities, Athens and Lacedzmon, abandoned by all their allies, and left almost entirely to themselves; have we not reason to believe, that these two little cities are going to be utterly destroyed and swallowed up by so formidable an enemy; and that no footsteps of them will be left remain- ing? And yet we shall find that they will prove victorious ; and by their invincible courage, and the several battles they gain both by sea and land, will make the Persian empire lay aside all thoughts of ever again turning their arms against Greece.

The history of the war between the Persians and the Greeks will illustrate the truth of this maxim, that it is not the number, but the valour of the troops, and the conduct of the generals, on which depends the success of military expeditions. The reader will admire the surprising courage

* Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Grecorum, sordidum et obscu- rum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret; et Philippus, obses triennio Thebis habitus, Epaminonde et Pelopide virtutibus eruditus, regnum Mace- donia, Grecia et Asie cervicibus, velut jugum servitutis, imponeret. Just. 1. vi. c. 9.

civ PREFACE.

and intrepidity of the great men at the head of the Grecian affairs, whom neither all the world in motion against them could deject, nor the greatest misfortunes disconcert; who undertook, with a handful.of men, to make. head against innumerable armies; who, notwithstanding such a prodi- gious inequality of forces, dared to hope for success; who even compelled victory to declare on the side of merit and virtue ; and taught all succeeding generations what infinite resources are to be found in prudence, valour, and ex- perience; ina zeal for liberty and our country ;.in the love of our duty; and in all the sentiments of noble and gene- rous souls.

This war of the Persians against the Grecians will be followed by another amongst the Greeks themselves, but of a very different kind from the former. In the latter, there will scarce be any actions, but what in appearance are of little consequence and seemingly unworthy of a reader’s curiosity who is fond of great events: in this he will meet with little besides private quarrels between certain cities, or some small commonwealths ; some inconsiderable sieges (excepting that of Syracuse, one of the most important re- lated in ancient history), though several of these sieges were of no short duration; some battles between armies, where the numbers were small, and but little blood shed. What is it then, that has rendered these wars so famous in history? Sallust informs us in these words: * The actions of the Athenians doubtless were great ; and yet I believe they were somewhat less than fame will have us conceive of them. But because Athens abounded in noble writers the acts of that republic are celebrated throughout the whole world as most glorious ; and the gallantry of those heroes who performed them, has had the good fortune to be thought as transcendent as the eloquence of those who have described them. ;

Sallust, though jealous enough of the glory the Romans had acquired by a series of distinguished actions, with which their history abounds, yet does justice in this passage to the Grecians, by acknowledging, that their exploits were truly great and illustrious, though somewhat inferior, in his opi- nion, to their fame. What is then this foreign and borrowed lustre, which the Athenian. actions have derived from the

* Atheniensium res geste, sicuti ego existimo, satis ample magnificeque fuerunt ; veriim aliquanto minores tamen, quam famd feruntur. Sed quia provenére ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensium facta pro maximis celebrantur. Ita eorum, que fecére, virtus tanta habe- tur, quantim eam verbis potuere extollere: preclara angenia, Sallust. in Bell. Catilin.

PREFACE. ev

eloquence of their historians? It is, that the whole universe agrees in looking upon them as.the greatest and most glo- rious that ever were performed: Per terrarumorbem Athe- niensium facta PRO MAXIMIS CELEBRANTUR. All nations, seduced and enchanted as it were with the beauties of the Greek authors, think that people’s exploits superior to any thing that was ever done by any other nation. This, ac- cording to Sallust, is the service which the Greek authors have done the Athenians, by their excellent manner of de- scribing their actions ; and very unhappy it is for us, that our history, for want of similar assistance, has left a thou- sand brilliant actions and fine sayings unrecorded, which would have been put in the strongest light by the writers of antiquity, and have done great honour to our country.

But be this as it may, it must be confessed, that we are not always to judge of the value of an action, or the merit of the persons who shared in it, by the importance of the event. Itis rather in such sieges and engagements as we find recorded in the history of the Peloponnesian war, that the conduct and abilities of a general are truly conspicuous. Accordingly, it is observed, that it was chiefly at the head of small armies, and in countries of no great extent, that our best generals of the last age displayed their great ca- pacity, and shewed themselves not inferior to the most ce- lebrated captains of antiquity. In actions of this sort chance has no share, and does not cover any oversights that are committed. Every thing is conducted and carried on by the prudence of the general. He is truly the soul of the forces, which neither act nor move but by his direction. He sees every thing, and is present every where. Nothing escapes his vigilance and attention. Orders are seasona- bly given, and seasonably executed. Contrivances, strata- gems, false marches, real or feigned attacks, encampments, decampments ; in a word, every thing depends upon him alone. , i

On this account, the reading of the Greek historians, such as Thucydides, Xenophon, and Polybius, is of infinite ser- vice to young officers ; because those historians, who were also excellent commanders, enter into all the: particulars of the events which they relate, and lead the readers, as it were, by the hand, through all the sieges and battles they describe ; shewing them, by the example of the greatest generals of antiquity, and by a kind of anticipated experi- ence, in what manner. war is to be carried on.

Nor is it only with regard to military exploits, that the Grecian history affords us such excellent models. We shall there find celebrated legislators, able politicians, magis-

cvi | PREFACE.

trates born for government, men that have excelled in all arts and sciences, philosophers that carried their inquiries as far as was possible in those early ages, and who have left us such maxims of morality, as might put many Chris- tians to the blush.

If the virtues of those who are celebrated in history may serve us for models in the conduct of our lives; their vices and failings, on the other hand, are no Jess proper to cau- tion and instruct us; and the strict regard, which an histo- rian is obliged to pay to truth, will not allow him to dissem- ble the latter, through fear of eclipsing the lustre of the for- mer. Nor does what I here advance contradict the rule laid down by Piutarch, on the same subject, in his preface to the life of Cimon. He requires, that the illustrious actions of great men be represented in their full light; but as to the faults, which may sometimes escape them through passion or surprise, or into which they may be drawn by the neces- sity of affairs,* considering them rather asa certain degree of perfection wanting to their virtue, than as vices or crimes that proceed from any corruption of the heart: such im- perfections as these, he would have the historian, out of compassion to the weaknesses of human nature, which pro- duces nothing entirely perfect, content himself with touch- ing very lightly; in the same manner as an able painter, when he has a fine face to draw, in which he finds some little blemish or defect, does neither entirely suppress it, nor think himself obliged to represent it with a strict exact- ness ; because the one would spoil the beauty of the pic- ture, and the other would destroy the likeness. The very comparison Plutarch uses, shews that he speaks only of slight and excusable faults. But as to actions of injustice, violence, and brutality, they ought not to be concealed nor disguised on any pretence; nor can we suppose, that the same privilege should be allowed in history as in painting, which invented the} profile, to represent the side face of a prince who had lost one eye, and by that means ingeniously concealed so disagreeable a deformity. History, the most essential rule of which is sincerity, will by no means ad- mit of such indulgences, as indeed would deprive it of its greatest advantage.

Shame, reproach, infamy, hatred, and the execrations of the public, which are the inseparable attendants on criminal

4 In Cim. p. 479, 480. * "EMelupara paddov dperije rude } kaxiag movypeipara. +, Habet in picturd speciem tota facies. Apelles tamen imaginem Anti- ee ene tantiim altero ostendit, ut amissi oculi deformitas lateret. Quintil. oli. ce. 13,

PREFACE. evli

and brutal actions, are no less proper to excite a horror for vice, than the glory, which perpetually attends good actions, is to inspire us with the love of virtue. And these, accord- ing to* Tacitus, are the two ends which every historian ought to propose to himself, by making a judicious choice of what is most extraordinary both in good and evil, in order to occasion that public homage to be paid to virtue which is justly due to it, and to create the greater abhorrence for vice, on account of that eternal infamy that attends it.

The history which I am writing furnishes but too many examples of the latter sort. With respect to the Persians, it will appear, by what is said of their kings, that those princes whose power has no other bounds than those of their will, often abandon themselves to all their passions ; that nothing is more difficult than to resist the illusions of a man’s own greatness, and the flatteries of those that sur- round him; that the liberty of gratifying all one’s desires, and of doing evil with impunity, is a dangerous situation ; that the best dispositions can hardly withstand such a temp- tation; that even after having begun their career favoura- bly, they are insensibly corrupted by softness and effemi- nacy, by pride, and their aversion to sincere counsels; and that it rarely happens they are wise enough to consider, that, when they find themselves exalted above all laws and re- straints, they stand then most in need of moderation and wisdom, both in regard to themselves and others ; and that in such a situation they ought to be doubly wise and doubly strong, in order to set bounds within, by their reason, to a power that has none without.

With respect to the Grecians, the Peloponnesian war will shew the miserable effects of their intestine divisions, and the fatal excesses into which they were led by their thirst of dominion; scenes of injustice, ingratitude, and perfidy, together with the open violation of treaties, or mean artifices and unworthy tricks to elude their execu- tion. It will shew, how scandalously the Lacedzmonians and Athenians debased themselves to the Barbarians, in order to beg aids of money from them: how shamefully the great deliverers of Greece renounced the glory of all their past labours and exploits, by stooping and making their court to haughty and insolent satrapz, and by going suc- cessively, with a kind of emulation, to implore the protec- tion of the common enemy, whom they had so often con-

* Exequi sententias haud institui, nisi insignes per honestum, aut notabilt dedecore: quod precipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, ut- que pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamid metus sit. Tacit. Annal. i ¥ lil. Cc. 65. i

eviil PREFACE.

quered ; and in what manner. they employed the. succours they obtained from them, in oppressing their ancient allies, and extending their own territories by unjust and violent methods.

On both sides andsometimes in the same person, we shall find a surprising mixture of good and bad, of virtues and vices, of glorious actions and mean sentiments ; and some- times, perhaps, we shall be ready to ask ourselves, whether these can be the same persons and the same people, of whom such different things are related; and whether it be possible, that such a bright and shining light, and such thick clouds of smoke and darkness, can proceed from the same source?

The Persian history includes the space of one hundred and seventeen years, during the reigns of six kings of Per- sia: Darius, the first of the name, the son of Hystaspes; Xerxes the first; Artaxerxes, surnamed Longimanus; Xerxes the second; Sogdianus (these two last reigned but a very little time); and Darius the second, commonly called Darius Nothus. This history begins at the year of the world 3483, and extends to the year 3600. As this whole period naturally divides itself into two parts, I shall also divide it into two distinct books.

The first part, which consists of ninety years, extends from the beginning of the reigr of Darius the first, to the forty-second year of Artaxerxes, the same year in which the Peloponnesian war began; that is, from the year of the world 3483, to the year 3573. This part chiefly contains the different enterprises and expeditions of the Persians against Greece, which never produced more great men and great events, nor ever displayed more conspicuous or more solid virtues. Here will be seen the famous battles of Marathon, Thermopyle, Artemisium, Salamis, Platza, Mycale, Eurymedon, &c. Here the most eminent com- manders of Greece signalized their courage; Miltiades, Leonidas, Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon, Pausanias, Pe- ricles, Thucydides, &c.

To enable the reader the more easily to recollect what passed within the space of time among the Jews, and also among the Romans, the history of both which nations is entirely foreign to that of the Persians and Greeks, I shall ie set down in few words. the principal epochas relating to them.

Epochas of the Jewish History.

THE people of God were at this time returned from their Babylonish captivity to Jerusalem, under the conduct of Zorobabel. Usher is of opinion, that the history of Esther

PREFACE. clx

ought to be placed in the reign of Darius. The Israelites, under the shadow of this prince’s protection, and animated by the earnest exhortations of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, did at last finish the building of the temple, which had been interrupted for many years by the cabals of their enemies. Artaxerxes was no less favourable to the Jews than Darius: he first of all sent Ezra to Jeru- salem, who restored the public worship, and the observa tion of the law; then Nehemiah, who caused walls to be built round the city, and fortified it against the attacks of their neighbours, who were jealous of its reviving great- ness. It is thought that Malachi, the last of the prophets,, was contemporary with Nehemiah, or that he prophesied not long after him.

This interval of the sacred history extends from the reign of Darius I. to the beginning of the reign of Darius Nothus; that is to say, from the year of the world 3485, to the year 3081. After which the Scripture is entirely silent, till the. time of the Maccabees.

Epochas of the Roman History.

THE first year of Darius I. was the 233d of the building of Rome. ‘Tarquin the Proud was then on the throne, and. about ten years afterwards was expelled, when the consular government was substituted to that of the kings. In the succeeding part of this period happened the war against Porsenna ; the creation of the tribunes of the people; Co-. riolanus’s retreat among the Volsci, and the war that ensued thereupon; the wars of the Romans against the Latins, the Veientes, the Volsci, and other neighbouring nations; the death of Virginia under the Decemvirate; the disputes be- tween the people and senate about marriages and the con- sulship, which occasioned the creating of military tribunes instead of consuls. This period of time terminates in the 323d year from the foundation of Rome.

The second part, which consists of twenty-seven years, extends from the 43d year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, to the death of Darius Nothus; that is, from the year of the world 3573, to the year 3600. It contains the first nineteen years of the Peloponnesian war, which continued twenty- seven, of which Greece and Sicily were the seat, and wherein the Greeks, who had before triumphed over the Barbarians, turned their arms against each other. Among the Athenians, Pericles, Nicias; and Alcibiades; among the Lacedzmonians, Brasidas, Gylippus, and Lysander, distinguished themselves in the most extraordinary manner.

Rome continues to be agitated by different disputes be-

cx PREFACE.

tween the senate and the people. ‘Towards the end of this period, and about the 350th year of Rome, the Romans formed the siege of Veji, which lasted ten years. I have already observed, that eighty years A.M. 2900. after the taking of Troy, the Heraclide, Ant.J.C.1104. that is, the descendants of Hercules, re- turned into the Peloponnesus, and made themselves masters of Lacedamon, where two brothers, Eurysthenes and Procles, sons of Aristodemus, reigned jointly together. ‘Herodotus observes, that these two bro- thers were, during their whole lives, at variance; and that almost all their descendants inherited the like disposition of mutual hatred and antipathy; so true it is, that the so- vereign power will admit of no partnership, and that two kings will always be too many for one kingdom! However, after the death of these two, the descendants of both still continued to sway the sceptre jointly: and what is very remarkable, these two branches subsisted for near nine hundred years, from the return of the Heraclidz into the Peloponnesus, to the death of Cleomenes, and supplied Sparta with kings without interruption, and that generally in a regular succession from father to son, especially in the elder branch of the family.

The Origin and Condition of the Elote, or Helots.

WHEN the Lacedemonians first began to settle in Pelo- ponnesus, they met with great opposition from the inha- bitants of the country, whom they were obliged to subdue one after another by force of arms, or receive into their alliance on easy and equitable terms, with the imposition of a small tribute. Strabo* speaks of a city called Elos, not far from Sparta, which, after having submitted to the yoke, as others had done, revolted openly, and refused to pay the tribute. Agis, the son of Eurysthenes, newly set- tled on the throne, was sensible of the dangerous tendency of this first revolt, and therefore immediately marched with an army against them, together with Sotis, his colleague. They laid siege to the city, which, after a pretty long re- sistance, was forced to surrender at discretion. This prince thought it proper to make such an example of them as should intimidate all their neighbours, and deter them from the like attempts, and yet not alienate their minds by too cruel a treatment; for which reason he put none to death. He spared the lives of all the inhabitants, but at the same time deprived them of their liberty, and reduced them all to a state of slavery. From thenceforward they were employed

t Lib. vi. c. 52. * Lib. viii. p. 365. Plut. in Lycurg. p. 40.

PREFACE. cxi

in all mean and servile offices, and treated with extreme rigour. These were the people who were called Elote, or Helots. The number of them exceedingly increased in process of time, the Lacedzmonians giving undoubtedly the same name to all the people whom they reduced to the same condition of servitude. As they themselves were averse to labour, and entirely addicted to war, they left the cultivation of their lands to these slaves, assigning every one of them a certain portion of ground, the produce of which they were obliged to carry every year to their respec- tive masters, who endeavoured, by all sorts of ill usage, to make their yoke more grievous and insupportable. This was certainly very bad policy, and could only tend to breed a vast number of dangerous enemies in the very heart of the state, who were always ready to take arms and revolt on every occasion. The Romans acted more prudently ; for they incorporated the conquered nations into their state, by associating them into the freedom of their city, and thereby converted them from enemies, into brethren and fellow-citizens.

Lycurcus, the Lacedemonian Lawgiver.

*EURYTION, or Eurypon, as he is named by others, suc- ceeded Soiis. In order to gain the affection of his people, and render his government agreeable, he thought fit to recede in some points from the absolute power exercised by the kings his predecessors; this rendered his name so dear to his subjects, that all his descendants were, from him, called Eurytionidz. But this relaxation gave birth to horrible confusion, and an unbounded licentiousness in Sparta, and for a long time occasioned infinite mischiefs. The people became so insolent, that nothing could restrain them. If Eurytion’s successors attempted to recover their authority by force, they became odious; and if, through complaisance or weakness, they chose to dissemble, their mildness served only to render them contemptible; so that order in a manner was abolished, and the laws no longer regarded. These confusions hastened the death of Lycur- gus’s father, whose name was Eunomus, and who was killed in an insurrection. Polydectes, his eldest son and successor, dying soon after without children, every body expected that Lycurgus would have been king. And indeed he was so in effect, as long as the pregnancy of his bro- ther’s wife was uncertain; but as soon as that was manifest, he declared that the kingdom belonged to her child, in case it proved a son; and from that moment he took upon him- |

‘ Plut. in Lycurg. p. 10.

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self the administration of the government, as guardian ta his unborn nephew, under the title of Prodicos; which was the name given by the-Lacedzmonians to the guardians of their kings. When the child was born, Lycurgus took him in his. arms, and cried out to the company that was present, Behold, my lords of Sparta, your new-born king! andiat the same time, he put the infant into the king’s seat, and named him Charilaus, because of the joy the people ex- pressed upon occasion of his birth. The reader will find, in the second volume of this history, all that relates to the history of Lycurgus, the reformation he made, and the excellent laws he established in Sparta. Agesilaus: was at this time king in the elder branch of the family.

War between the Argives and the Lacedemonians.

"Some time after this, in the reign of Theopompus, a war broke out between the Argives and Lacedzmonians, on account of a little country, called Thyrea, that lay upon the confines of the two states, and to which each of them pretended a right. When the two armies were ready to engage, it was agreed on both sides, in order to spare the effusion of blood, that the quarrel should be decided by three hundred of the bravest men chosen from their re- spective armies; and that the land in question should become the property of the victorious party. 'To leave the combatants more room to engage, the two armies retired to some distance. Those generous champions then, who had all the courage of two mighty armies, boldly advanced towards each other, and fought with so much resolution and fury, that the whole number, except three men, two: on the side of the Argives, and one on that of the Lace- dzmonians, lay.dead upon the spot; and only the night parted them. ‘The two Argives, looking upon themselves as the conquerors, made what haste they could to Argos to carry the news; the single Lacedzmonian, Othryades by name, instead of retiring, stripped the dead bodies of the Argives, and carrying their arms into the Lacedzmo- nian camp, continued in his post. The next day the two armies returned to the field of battle. Both sides laid equal claim to the victory: the Argives, because they had more of their champions left alive than the enemy had; the Lacedzmonians, because the two Argives that re- mained alive had fled; whereas their single soldier had re- mained master of the field of battle, and -had carried: off the spoils of the enemy: in short, they could not determine the dispute without coming to another.engagement. Here for-

" Herod..-I: i. c,: 825 >

PREFACE. cxiii

tune declared in favour of the Lacedzemonians, and the little territory of Thyrea was the prize of their victory. But Othryades, not able to bear the thoughts of surviving his brave companions, or of enduring the sight of Sparta after their death, killed himself on the same field of battle where tl had fought, resolving to have one fate and tomb with them.

Wars between the Messenians and Lacedemonians.

THERE were no less than three several wars between the Messenians and the Lacedemonians, all of them very fierce and bloody. Messenia was a country in Pelopon- nesus, towards the west, and not far from Sparta: it was of considerable strength, and was governed by its'own kings.

The first Messenian War.

*The first Messenian war lasted twenty A.M. 3261. years, and broke out the second year of Ant.J.C.743. the ninth Olympiad. The Lacedawmoni- ans pretended to have received several considerable injuries from the Messenians, and among others, that of having had their daughters ravished by the inhabitants of Messenia, when they went, according to custom, to a temple, that stood on the borders of the two nations; as also that of the murder of Telecles, their king, which was a consequence of the former outrage. Proba- bly a desire of extending their dominion, and of seizing a territory which lay so convenient for them, might be the true cause of the war. But be that as it may, the war broke out in the reign of Polydorus and Theopompus, kings of Sparta, at the time when the office of-archon at

Athens was still decennial. yEuphaes, the thirteenth descendant from Hercules, was then king of Messenia. He gave the command of his army to Cleonnis. ‘The Lacedzemonians opened the cam- paign with the siege of Amphea, a small inconsiderable city, which, however, they thought would suit them very well as a place for military stores. The town was taken by storm, and all the inhabitants put to the sword. This first blow served only to animate the Messenians, by . shewing them what they were to expect from the enemy, if they did not defend themselves with vigour. ‘The Lace- dzemonians, on their part, bound themselves by an oath, not to lay down their arms, nor return to Sparta, till they had made themselves masters of all the cities and

x Pausan. J. iv. p. 216—242. Justin. 1. iii. c. 4. Y Pausan. I. iv. p. 225, 226. VOI. 1

exiv PREFACE. |

lands belonging to the Messenians: so much did they rely upon their strength and valour. |

“Two battles were fought, wherein the loss was nearly equal on both sides. But after the second, the Messenians suffered extremely through the want of provisions, which occasioned a great desertion in their troops, and at last brought a pestilence among them.

Hereupon they consulted the oracle of Delphi, which directed them, in order to appease the wrath of the gods, to offer up a virgin of the royal blood in sacrifice. Aris- tomenes, who was of the race of the Epytides, offered his own daughter. The Messenians then considering, that if they left garrisons in all their towns, they should extremely weaken their army, resolved to abandon them all, except Ithome, a little place seated on the top of a hill of the same name, about which they encamped and fortified them- selves. In this situation were seven years spent, during which nothing passed but slight skirmishes on both sides, the Lacedzmonians not daring in all that time to force the enemy to a battle.

Indeed, they almost despaired of being able to reduce them: nor was there any thing but the obligation of the oath, by which they had bound themselves, that made them continue so burdensome a war. *What gave them the greatest uneasiness was, their apprehension, lest their absence from their wives for so many years, an absence which might still continue many more, should destroy their families at home, and leave Sparta destitute of citizens. ‘To prevent this misfortune, they sent home such of their soldiers as were come to the army since the forementioned oath had been taken, and made no scruple of prostituting their wives to their embraces. The children that sprung from this unlawful intercourse, were called Par- theniz, a name given them to denote the infamy of their birth. As soon as they were grown up, not being able to endure such an opprobrious distinction, they banished themselves from Sparta with one consent, and under the conduct of *Phalantus, went and settled at Tarentum in Italy, after driving out the ancient inhabitants. >» At last, in the eighth year of the war, which was the thirteenth of Euphaes’s reign, a fierce and bloody battle was fought near Ithome. Euphaes pierced through the battalions of Theopompus with too much heat and preci- pitation for a king. He there received a multitude of

2 Pausan. |. iv. 227—234. @ Diod. |. xv. p. 378.

» Pausan. |. iv. p. 234, 235. Diod. in Frag. * Et regnata petam Laconi rura Phalanto. Hor. Od. yi. 1. 2.

PREFACE. CXV

wounds, several of which were mortal. He fell, and seemed to give up the ghost. Whereupon wonderful efforts of courage were exerted on both sides; by the one, to carry off the king; by the other, to save him. Cleonnis killed eight Spartans, who were dragging him along, and spoiled them of their arms, which he committed to the custody of some of his soldiers. He himself received several wounds, all in the fore-part of his body, which was a certain proof that he had never turned his back upon his enemies. Aris- tomenes, fighting on the same occasion, and for the same end, killed five Lacedzemonians, whose spoils he likewise carried off, without receiving any wound. In short, the king was saved and carried off by the Messenians; and, all mangled and bloody as he was, he expressed great joy that they had not been worsted. Aristomenes, after the battle was over, met Cleonnis, who, by reason of his wounds, could neither walk by himself, nor with the assistance of those that lent him their hands. He therefore took him upon his shoulders, without quitting his arms, and carried him to the camp.

As soon as they had applied the first dressing to the wounds of the king of Messenia and of his officers, there arose a new contention among the Messenians, that was pursued with as much warmth as the former, but was ofa very different kind, and yet the consequence of the other. The affair in question was, the adjudging the prize of glory to him that had signalized his valour most in the late en- gagement. It was a custom among them, which had long been established, publicly to proclaim, after a battle, the name of the man that had shewed the greatest courage. Nothing could be more proper to animate the officers and soldiers, to inspire them with resolution and intrepidity, and to stifle the natural apprehension of death and danger. Two illustrious champions entered the lists on this occa- sion, namely, Cleonnis and Aristomenes.

The king, notwithstanding his weak condition, atiended by the principal officers of his army, presided in the coun- cil, where this important dispute was to be decided. Each competitor pleaded his own cause. Cleonnis founded his pretensions upon the great number of the enemies he had slain, and upon the multitude of wounds he had received in the action, which were so many undoubted testimonies of the courage with which he had faced both death and danger ; whereas, the condition in which Aristomenes came out of the engagement, without hurt and without wound, seemed to shew, that he had been very careful of his own person, or, at most, could only prove, that he had been more

i2

cxvi PREFACE.

fortunate, but not more brave or courageous, than himself. And as to his having carried him on his shoulders into the camp, that action indeed might serve to prove the strength of his body, but nothing farther; and the thing in dispute at this time, says he, is not strength but valour.

The only thing Aristomenes was reproached for, was, his not being wounded; therefore he confined himself to that point. J am, says he, called fortunate, because I have escaped from the battle without wounds. If that were owing to my cowardice, I should deserve another epithet than that of fortunate ; and instead of being admitted to dispute the prize, ought to undergo the rigour of the laws that punish cowards. But what is objected to me as a crime, is in truth my greatest glory. For, if my enemies, astonished at my valour, durst not venture to attack or oppose me, it is no small degree of merit that I made them fear me ; or if, whilst they engaged me, I had at the same time strength to cut them in pieces, and skill to guard agaist their attacks, Imust then have been at once both valiant and prudent. For whoever, in the midst of an engagement, can expose himself to dangers with caution and security, shews, that he excels at the same time both in the virtues of the mind and the body. As for courage, no man living can reproach Cleonnis with any want of it; but for his honour’s sake, I am sorry that he should appear to want gratitude.

After the conclusion of these harangues, the question was put to the vote. The whole army is in suspense, and im- patiently waits for the decision. No dispute could be so warm and interesting as this. It is not a competition for gold or silver, but solely for honour. The proper reward of virtue is pure disinterested glory. Here the judges are unsuspected. ‘The actions of the competitors still speak for them. It is the king himself, surrounded with his of- ficers, who presides and adjudges. A whole army are the witnesses. The field of battle is a tribunal without par- tiality and cabal. In short, all the votes concurred in fa- vour of Aristomenes, and adjudged him the prize.

¢ Kuphaes died not many days after the decision of this affair. He had reigned thirteen years, and during all that time had been engaged in war with the Lacedzmonians. As he died without children, he left the Messenians at liberty to choose his successor. Cleonnis and Damis were candidates. in opposition to Aristomenes; but he was elected king in preference to them. When he was on the throne, he did not scruple to confer on his two rivals the

© Pausan. I. v’ p. 235, 241.

PREFACE. €XVIl

principal offices of the state: all strongly attached to the — public good, even more than to their own glory; competi- tors, but not enemies; these great men were actuated by a zeal for their country, and were neither friends nor adver- saries to one another, but for its preservation.

In this relation, I have followed the opinion of the late

Monsieur *Boivin the elder, and have made use of his learned dissertation upon a fragment of Diodorus Siculus, which the world was little acquainted with. He supposes and proves in it, that the king spoken of in that fragment is Euphaes ; and that Aristomenes is the same that Pausanias calls Aristodemus, according to the custom of the ancients who were often called by two different names. _ Aristomenes, otherwise called Aristodemus, reigned near seven years, and was equally esteemed and beloved by his subjects. “The war still continued all this time. ‘Towards the end of his reign he beat the Lacedzemonians, took their king Theopompus, and, in honour of Jupiter of Ithome, sacrificed three hundred of them, among whom their king was the principal victim. Shortly after, Aristodemus sa- crificed himself upon the tomb of his daughter, in conformity to the answer of an oracle. Damis was his successor, but without taking upon him the title of king.

‘After his death, the Messenians never had any success in their affairs, but found themselves in a very wretched and hopeless condition. Being reduced to the last extrem- ity, and utterly destitute of provisions, they abandoned Ithome, and fled to such of their allies as were nearest to them. The city was immediately razed, and the other part of the country submitted. ‘They were made to engage by oath never to forsake the party of the Lacedzmonians, and never to revolt from them; a very useless precaution, only proper to make them add the guilt of perjury to their re- bellion. Theirnew masters imposed no tribute upon them; but contented themselves with obliging them to bring to the Spartan market one half of the corn they should reap every harvest. It was likewise stipulated, that the Messe- nians, both men and women, should attend, in mourning, the funerals either of the kings or chief citizens of Sparta; which the Lacedzemonians probably looked upon as a mark of

dependance, and asa kind of homage paid

A.M. 3281. to their nation. Thus ended the first Mes- Ant, J. C. 723. senian war, after having lasted twenty

_years. 3 :

4 Clem. Alex. in Protrep. p. 20. Euseb. in Prep. 1. iv. c. 16. — © Pausan. I. iv. p. 241, 242. * Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, vol. ii, p. 84—113.

exviii PREFACE.

The second Messenian War.

f THE lenity with which the Lacedzmonians treated the Messenians at first, was of no long duration. When once they found the whole country had submitted, and thought the people incapable of giving them any farther trouble, they returned to their natural character of insolence and haughtiness, that often degenerated into cruelty, and some- times even into ferocity. Instead of treating the vanquished with kindness, as friends and allies, and endeavouring by gentle methods to win those whom they had subdued by force, they seemed intent upon nothing but aggravating their yoke, and making them feel the whole weight of sub- jection. They laid heavy taxes upon them, delivered them up to the avarice of the collectors of those taxes, gave no ear to their complaints, rendered them no justice, treated them with contempt like vile slaves, and committed the most heinous outrages against them.

Man, who is born for liberty, can never reconcile himself to servitude : the most genile slavery exasperates, and pro- vokes him to rebel. What could be expected then from so cruel a one as that under which the Messenians groaned ? After having endured it with great uneasiness* near forty years, they resolved to throw off the yoke, and to recover their ancient liberty. This was in the fourth year of the

SAT sen twenty-third Olympiad: the office of archon Ant. J.C. 694, atAthens was then made annual; and Anax- ander and Anaxidamus reigned at Sparta.

The Messenians’ first care was to strengthen themselves by the alliance of the neighbouring nations. These they found well inclined to enter into their views, as very agree- able to their own interests. For it was not without jea- lousy and apprehensions, that they saw so powerful a city rising up in the midst of them, which manifestly seemed to aim at extending her dominion over al] the rest. The peo- ple therefore of Elis, the Argives and Sicyonians, declared for the Messenians. Bat before their forces were joined, a batile was fought between the Lacedzmonians and Mes- senians. +Aristomenes, the second of that name, was at the head of the latter. He was a commander of intrepid courage, and of great abilities in war. The Lacedzmonians

f Pausan. p. 242. 261. Justin. J. iii.-c. 5.

* Cium per complures annos gravia servitutis verbera, plerumque et vin- cula, ceieraque capitivitaiis mala perpessi essent, post longam penarum pa- tientiam bellum instaurant. Justin. |. iii. ¢. 5.

+ According to several historians, there was another Aristomenes in the first Messenian war, Diod. 1. xv. p. 378.

PREFACE. cxix

were beaten in this engagement. Aristomenes, to give the enemy at first an advantageous opinion of his bravery, knowing what influence it has on the success of future en- terprises, boldly ventured to enter into Sparta by night, and upon the gate of the temple of Minerva, surnamed Chalcicecos, to hang up a shield, on which was an inscrip- tion, signifying, that it was a present offered by Aristome- nes to the goddess out of the spoils of the Lacedzmonians.

This bravado did in reality astonish the Lacedzmonians. But they were still more alarmed at the formidable league that was formed against them. The Delphic oracle, which they consulted, in order to know by what means they should be successful in this war, directed them to send to Athens for a commander, and to submit to his counsel and con- duct. This was avery mortifying step toso haughty a city as Sparta. But the fear of incurring the god’s displeasure by a direct disobedience, prevailed over all other consider- ations. ‘They sent an embassy therefore to the Athenians. The people of Athens were somewhat perplexed at the re- quest. On the one hand, they were not sorry to see the Lacedeimonians at war with their neighbours, and were far from desiring to furnish them with a good general: on the other, they were afraid also of disobeying the god. To ex- tricate themselves out of this difiiculty, they offered the La- cedzemonians Tyrtzus. He was a poet by profession, and had something original in the turn of his mind, and disa- greeable in his person; for he was lame. Notwithstand- ing these defects, the Lacedzmonians received him as a general sent them by Heaven itself. Their success did not at first answer their expectation, for they lost three battles successively.

The kings of Sparta, discouraged by so many disap- pointments, and out of all hopes of better success for the future, were absolutely bent upon returning to Sparta, and marching home again with their forces. Tyrtzus opposed this design very warmly, and at length brought them over to his opinion. He addressed the troops, and repeated to them some verses he had made with that intention, and on which he had bestowed great pains and application. He first endeavoured to comfort them for their past losses, which he imputed to no fault of theirs, but only to ill for- tune, or to fate, which no buman wisdom can surmount. He then represented to them, how shameful it would be for Spartans to fly from an enemy; and how glorious it would be for them rather to perish sword in hand, if it was so de- creed by fate, in fighting for their country. Then, as if all danger was vanished, and the gods, fully satisfied and ap-

exx PREFACE.

peased with their late calamities, were entirely turned to their side, he set victory before their eyes as present and certain, and as if she herself were inviting them to battle. sAll the ancient authors, who have made any mention of the style and character of Tyrtzeus’s poetry, observe, that it was full of a certain fire, ardour, and enthusiasm, that inflamed the minds of men, that exalted them above them- selves, that inspired *them with something generous and martial, that extinguished all fear and apprehension of dan- ger or death, and made them wholly intent upon the preser- vation of their country and their own glory.

Tyrtzus’s verses had really this effect on the soldiers upon this occasion. ‘They all desired, with one voice, to march against the enemy. Being become indifferent as to their lives, they had no thoughts but to secure themselves the honour of a burial. To this end they all tied strings round their right arms, on which were inscribed their own and their fathers’ names, that, if they chanced to be killed in the battle, and to have their faces so altered through time, or accidents, as not to be distinguishable, it might certainly be known who each of them was by these marks. Soldiers determined to die are very valiant. This appeared in the battle that ensued. It was very bloody, the victory being a long time disputed on both sides: but at last the Messe- nians gave way. When Tyrtaus went afterwards to Spar- ta, he was received with the greatest marks of distinction, and incorporated into the body of citizens.

The gaining of this battle did not put an end to the war, which had already lasted three years. Aristomenes, having assembled the remains of his army, retired to the top of a mountain, of difficult access, which was called Ira. The conquerors attempted to carry the place by assault, but that brave prince defended himself there for the space of eleven years, and performed the most extraordinary ac- tions of valour. He was at last obliged to quit it, only by surprise and treachery, after having defended it like a lion. Such of the Messenians as fell into the hands of the Lace- dzemonians on this occasion, were reduced to the condition of the Helots. The rest, seeing their country ruined, went and settled at Zancle, a city in Sicily, which afterwards took its name from this people, and was called Messana;: the same place as is called at this day Messina. Aristo- menes, after having conducted one of his daughters to Rhodes, whom he had given in marriage to the tyrant of

& Plat. 1.i.de Legib. p.629. Plut. in Agid. et Cleom. p. 805. * aicwme mares animos in martia bella erstbus exacutt. Hor. in Art. Poet.

PREFACE. cxxi

that place, thought of passing on to Sardis, to remain with Ardys, king of the Lydians, or to Ecbatana, with Phra- ortes, king of the Medes; but death prevented the execu- tion of all his-designs.

The second Messenian war was of four- teen years’ duration, and ended the first year of the twenty-seventh Olympiad.

There was a third war between these people and the La- cedzmonians, which began both at the time, and on the oc- casion, of a great earthquake that happened at Sparta. ‘We shall speak of this war in its place.

The history, of which it remains for me to treat in this work, is that of the successors of Alexander, and compre- hends the space of two hundred and ninety-three years ; from the death of that monarch, and the commencement of the reign of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, in Egypt, to the death of Cleopatra, when that kingdom became a Roman province, under the emperor Augustus.

The history will present to our view a series of. all the crimes which usually arise from inordinate ambition; scenes of jealousy and perfidy, treason, ingratitude, and flagrant abuses of sovereign power; cruelty, impiety, an utter ob- livion of the natural sentiments of probity and honour, with the violation of all laws human and divine, will rise before us. We shall behold nothing but fatal dissensions, destruc- tive wars, and dreadful revolutions. Men, originally friends, brought up together, and natives of the same country, com- panions in the same dangers, and instruments in the accom- plishment of the same exploits and victories, will conspire to tear in pieces the empire they had al! concurred to form at the expense of their blood. We shall see the captains of Alexander sacrifice the mother, the wives, the brother, and sisters, of that prince, to their own ambition; without sparing even those to whom they themselves either owed, or gave, life. We shall no longer behold those glorious times of Greece, that were once so productive of great men and great examples; or, if we should happen to discover some traces and remains of them, they will only resemble the gleams of lightning that shoot along in a rapid track, and attract attention only in consequence of the profound darkness that precedes and follows them.

Tacknowledge myself to be sufficiently sensible how much a writer is to be pitied, for being obliged to represent human nature in such colours and lineaments as dishonour her, and which cannot fail of inspiring disgust, and a secret affliction in the minds of those who are made spectators of such a picture. History loses whatever is most interesting and

A. M. 3334. Ant. J. C. 670.

exxil PREFACE,

most capable of conveying pleasure and instruction, when she can only produce those effects, by inspiring the mind with horror for criminal actions, and by a representation of the calamities which usually succeed them, and are to be considered as their just punishment. It is difficult to engage the attention of a reader, for any considerable time, on ob- jects which only raise his indignation; and it would be af- fronting him, to seem desirous of dissuading him from the excess of inordinate passions, of which he conceives him- self incapable.

How is it possible to diffuse any interest through a nar- ration, which has nothing to offer but a uniform series of vices and great crimes; and which makes it necessary to enter into a particular detail of the actions and characters of men born for the calamity of the human race, and whose very name should not be transmitted to pesterity ? It may even be thought dangerous, to familiarize the minds of the generality of mankind to uninterrupted scenes of too suc- cessful iniquity ; and to be particular in describing the un- just success which waited on those illustrious criminals, the long duration of whose prosperity being frequently attended with the privileges and rewards of virtue, may be thought an imputation on Providence, by persons of weak under- standings.

This history, which seems likely to prove very disagree- able, from the reasons I have just mentioned, will become more so from the obscurity and confusion in which the se- veral transactions will be involved, and which it will be diffi- cult, if not impossible, to remedy. ‘Ten or twelve of Alex- ander’s captains were engaged in a course of hostilities against each other, for the partition of his empire after his death; and to secure to themselves some portion greater or less, of that vast body. Sometimes feigned friends, some- times declared enemies, they are continually forming differ- ent parties and leagues, which are to subsist no longer than is consistent with the interest of each individual. Mace- donia changed its master five or six times in a very short space; by what means then can order and perspicuity be preserved, in so prodigious a variety of events that are per- petually crossing and breaking in upon each other?

Besides which, I am no longer supported by any ancient authors capable of conducting me through this darkness and confusion. Diodorus will entirely abandon me, after hav- ing been my guide for some time ; and no other historian will appear to take his place. No proper series of affairs will remain ; the several events are not to be disposed into any regular connexion with each other; nor will it be pos-

PREFACE. CXXiii

sible to point out, either the motives to the resolutions formed, or the proper character of the principal actors in this scene of obscurity. 1 think myself happy when Poly- bius, or Plutarch, lend me their assistance. Inmy account of Alexander’s successors, whose transactions are, perhaps, the most complicated and perplexed part of ancient history, Usher, Prideaux, and Vaillant, will be my usual guides; - and, on many occasions, I shall only transcribe from Pri- deaux ; but, with all these aids, I shallnot promise to throw so much light upon this history as I could desire.

After a war of more than twenty years, the number of the principal competitors was reduced to four: Ptolemy, Cas- sander, Seleucus, and Lysimachus; the empire of Alex- ander was divided into four fixed kingdoms, agreeably to the prediction of Daniel, by a solemn treaty concluded be- tween the parties. Three of these kingdoms, Egypt, Mace- donia, Syria, or Asia, will have a regular succession of mo- narchs, sufficiently clear and distinct; but the fourth, which comprehended Thrace, with part of the Lesser Asia, and some neighbouring provinces, will suffer a number of va- riations.

As the kingdom of Egypt was that which was subject to the fewest changes, because Ptolemy, who was established there as governor, at the death of Alexander, retained the possession of it ever after, and left it to his posterity ; we shall, therefore, consider this prince as the basis of our chro- nology, and our several epochas shall be fixed from him.

The fifth volume contains the events for the space of one hundred and twenty years, under the first four kings of Egypt, viz. Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, who reigned thirty- eight years; Ptolemy Philadelphus, who reigned forty ; Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned twenty-five ; and Ptolemy Philopator, whose reign continued seventeen.

In order to throw some light upon the history contained therein, I shall, in the first place, give the principal events of it, in a chronological abridgment. |

Introductory to which, | must desire the reader to ac- company me in some reflections, which have not escaped Monsieur Bossuet, with relation to Alexander. This prince, who was the most renowned and illustrious conqueror in all history, was the last monarch of his race. Macedonia, his ancient kingdom, which his ancestors had governed for so many ages, was invaded from all quarters, as a vacant suc- cession; and after ithad long been a prey to the strongest, it was at last transferred to another family. If Alexander had continued peaceably in Macedonia, the grandeur of his empire would not have excited the ambition of his captains;

CXXIV PREFACE.

and he might have transmitted the sceptre of his progenitors to his own descendants; but, as he had not prescribed any bounds to his power, he was instrumental in the destruction of his house, and we shall behold the extermination of his family, without the least remaining traces of them in history. His conquests occasioned a vast effusion of blood, and fur- nished his captains with a pretext for murdering one an- other. These were the effects that flowed from the boasted bravery of Alexander, or rather from that brutality, which, under the specious names of ambition and glory, spread desolation, and carried fire and sword through whole pro- vinces, without the least provocation, and shed the blood of multitudes who had never injured him.

We are not to imagine, however, that Providence aban- doned these events to chance; but, as it was then prepar- ing all things for the approaching appearance of the Mes- siah, it was vigilant to unite all the nations that were to be first enlightened with the Gospel, by the use of one and the same language, which was that of Greece: and the same Providence made it necessary for them to learn this foreign tongue, by subjecting them to such masters as spoke no other. The Deity, therefore, by the agency of this lan- guage, which became more common and universal than any other, facilitated the preaching of the apostles, and rendered it more uniform.

The partition of the empire of Alexander the Great among the generals of that prince, immediately after his death, did not subsist for any length of time, and hardly took place, if we except Egypt, where Ptolemy had first established himself, and on the throne of which he always maintained himself without acknowledging any superior.

- It was not till after the battle of Ipsus A. M. 3704. in Phrygia, wherein Antigonus, and his Ant. J. C. 300. son Demetrius, surnamed Poliorcetes, were defeated, and the former lost his life, that this partition was fully regulated and fixed. The em- pire of Alexander was then divided into four kingdoms, by a solemn treaty, as had been foretold by Daniel. Pto- lemy had Egypt, Libya, Arabia, Coelesyria, and Palestine. Cassander, the son of Antipater, obtained Macedonia and Greece. Lysimachus acquired Thrace, Bithynia, and some other provinces on the other side of the Hellespont and the Bosphorus. And Seleucus had Syria, and all that part of the greater Asia which extended to the other side of the Euphrates, and as far as the river Indus,

Of these four kingdoms, those of Egypt and Syria sub-

sisted, almost without any interruption, in the same fami-

PREFACE. cCxxv

lies, through a long succession of princes. The kingdom of Macedonia had several masters of different families suc- cessively. That of Thrace was at last divided into seve- ral branches, and no longer constituted one entire body, by which means all traces of regular succession ceased to subsist. ?

I. The Kingdom of Egypt.

THE kingdom of Egypt had fourteen monarchs, includ- ing Cleopatra, after whose death, those dominions became a province of the Roman empire. All these princes had the common name of Ptolemy, but each of them was like- wise distinguished by a peculiar surname. They had also the appellation of Lagides, from Lagus the father of that Ptolemy who reigned the first in Egypt. The fifth and sixth volumes contain the histories of six of these kings, and I shall give their names a place here, with the duration of their reigns, the first of which commenced immediately upon the death of Alexander the Great.

A. M. Ptolemy Soter. He reigned thirty-eight years 3680. and some months.

Ptolemy Philadelphus. He reigned forty years,

3718. including the two years of his reign in the life- time of his father.

3758. Ptolemy Euergetes, twenty-five years. 3783. Ptolemy Philopator, seventeen.

3800. Ptolemy Epiphanes, twenty-four. 3824. Ptolemy Philometor, thirty-four.

II. The Kingdom of Syria.

THE kingdom of Syria had twenty-seven kings; which makes it evident, that their reigns were often very short: and indeed several of these princes waded to the throne through the blood of their predecessors.

They are usually called the Seleucide, from Seleucus, who reigned the first in Syria. History reckons up six kings of this name, and thirteen who are called by that of Antiochus; but they are all distinguished by different sur- names. Others of them assumed different names, and the last, Antiochus XIII. was surnamed Epiphanes, Asiati- cus, and Commagenus. In his reign Pompey reduced Sy- ria into a Roman province, after it had been governed by kings for the space of two hundred and fifty years, accord- ing to Eusebius.

The kings of Syria, the transactions of whose reigns are contained in the fifth and sixth volumes, are eight in number.

CXXVi PREFACE: A. M.

3704. Seleucus Nicator. He reigned twenty years. 372A. Antiochus Soter, nineteen.

3743. Antiochus Theos, fifteen.

3758. Seleucus Callinicus, twenty.

3778. Seleucus Ceraunus, three.

3781. Antiochus the Great, thirty-six.

3817. Seleucus Philopator, twelve.

3829, Antiochus Epiphanes, brother of Seleucus Phi-

lopator, eleven. Ill. The Kingdom of Macedonia.

MAcEDONIA frequently changed its mas- A. M. 3707. __ ters, after the solemn partition had been made between the four princes. Cassander died three or four years after that partition, and left three sons. Philip,the eldest, died shortly after his father. The other two contended for the crown without enjoying it, both dying soon after without issue. | Demetrius Poliorcetes, Pyrrhus, and Lysi- A. M. 3710. machus made themselves masters of all, or the greatest part of Macedonia; sometimes in conjunction, and at other times separately. After the death of Lysimachus, Seleucus A. M. 3723. possessed himself of Macedonia, but did not long enjoy it. Ptolemy Ceraunus having slain the preced- A. M. 3724. ing prince, seized the kingdom, and possessed it but a very short time, having lost his life in a battle with the Gauls, who had made an irruption into that country.

A. M. 9728. Sosthenes, who defeated the Gauls, reigned

but a short time in Macedonia. Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius A. M. 3728. Poliorcetes, at length obtained the peaceable possession of the kingdom of Macedonia, and transmitted it to his descendants, after he had reigned thirty-four years. : He was succeeded by his son Demetrius, A.M. 3762. who reigned ten years, and then died, leaving a son named Philip, who was but two years old. Antigonus Doson reigned twelve years in the quality of guardian to the young prince. . Philip after the death of Antigonus, as- A. M. 3784. cended the throne at the age of fourteen years, and reigned something more than forty.

A. M. 3772.

PREFACE. CXXVii

His son Perseus succeeded him, and reign-

A. M.3824. edabout eleven years. He was defeated and

taken prisoner by Paulus Acmilius ; and Ma-

cedonia, in consequence of that victory, was added to the provinces of the Roman empire.

IV. The Kingdom of Thrace, and Bithynia, &c.

Turis fourth kingdom, composed of several separate pro- vinces very remote from one another, had not any succes- sion of princes, and did not long subsist in its first condi- tion; Lysimachus, who first obtained it, having been killed in a battle after a reign of twenty years, and all his family being exterminated by assassinations, his dominions were dismembered, and no longer constituted one kingdom.

Beside the provinces which were divided among the cap- tains of Alexander, there were others which had been either formed before, or were then erected, into different states, independent of the Greeks, whose power greatly increased in process of time.

Kings of Bithynia.

Wuitst Alexander was extending his con- A.M. 3686. quests in the East, Zypethes had laid the foundations of the kingdom of Bithynia. It is not certain who this Zypethes was, unless that * Pau- sanias, from his name, conjectures that he was a Thracian. His successors, however, are better known. Nicomedes I. This prince invited the Gauls A. M. 3726. to assist him against his brother, with whom he was engaged in a war. Prusias I. Prusias Il. surnamed the Hunter, in whose A.M.3820. court Hannibal took refuge, and assisted him with his counsels, in his war against Eu- menes I]. king of Pergamus. Nicomedes II. was killed by his son Socrates. Nicomedes ITI. was assisted by the Romans in his wars with Mithridates, and bequeathed to them at his death the kingdom of Bithynia, as a testimonial of his gratitude to them ; by which means these territories became a Roman province. Kings of Pergamus. THis kingdom at first comprehended only one of the

smallest provinces of Mysia, on the coast of the Aigean sea, over-against the island of Lesbos.

* Lib. v. p. 310.

CXX Vill PREFACE:

It was founded by Philetzrus, a eunuch, A. M. 3721. who had served under Docimus, a com- Ant. J.C. 283. mander of the troops of Antigonus. Liysi- machus confided to him the treasures he had deposited in the castle of the city of Pergamus, and he became master both of these and the city after the death of that prince. He governed this little sovereignty for the space of twenty years, and then left it to Eumenes his nephew. Eumenes J. enlarged his principality, by A.M. 3741. the addition of several cities, which he took Ant. J. C. 263. from the kings of Syria, having defeated Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, in a battle. He reigned twenty-two years. He was succeeded by Attalus I. his cou- A.M. 3763. sin-german, who assumed the title of king, Ant.J. C. 241. after he had conquered the Galatians; and transmitted it to his posterity, who enjoyed it to the third generation. Heassisted the Romans in their war with Philip, and died after a reign of forty-three years. He left four sons. | His successor was Eumenes IT. his eldest A.M. 3807. son, who founded the famous library of Ant. J.C.197. Pergamus. He reigned thirty-nine years, and left the crown to his brother Attalus, in the quality of guardian to one of his sons whom he had by Stratonice, the sister of Ariarathes king of Cappadocia. The Romans enlarged his dominions considerably, after the victory they obtained over Antiochus the Great. _ Attalus II. espoused Stratonice his bro- A.M.3845. ther’s widow, and took extraordinary care Ant. J. C. 159. of his nephew, to whom he left the crown, after he had worn it twenty-one years. Attalus III. surnamed Philometor, dis- A. M. 3866. tinguished himself by his barbarous and Ant. J.C. 138. extraordinary conduct. He died after he had reigned five years, and bequeathed his riches and dominions to the Romans. Aristonicus, who claimed the succession, A.M. 3871. endeavoured to defend his pretensions Ant. J. C. 133. against the Romans, but the kingdom of Pergamus was reduced, after a war of four years, into a Roman province. Kings of Pontus. THE kingdom of Pontus, in Asia Minor, A.M. 3490. — was anciently dismembered from the mo- Ant. J. C. 514. narchy of Persia, by Darius the son of Hystaspes, in favour of Artabazus, who is

PREFACE. cxxix

said, by some historians, to have been the son of one of those Persian lords who conspired against the Magi. Pontus is a region of Asia Minor, situated partly along the coast of the Euxine sea ( Pontus Euxinus ), from which it derives its name. It extends from the river Halys, as far as Colchis. Several princes reigned in that country since Artabazus. The sixth monarch was Mithridates I. who A.M.3600. is properly considered as the founder of Ant. J. C. 404. the kingdom of Pontus, and his name was assumed by the generality of his successors. He was succeeded by his son Ariobar-

A.M. 3641. zanes, who had governed Phrygia under

Ant. J. C. 363. Artaxerxes Mnemon: he reigned twenty- six years.

His successor was Mithridates II. An-

A.M.3667. tigonus suspecting, in consequence of a

Ant. J. C. 337. dream, that he favoured Cassander, had determined to destroy him, but he eluded the danger by flight. This prince was called Kriorjec, or the Founder, and reigned thirty-five years. Mithridates III., who succeeded him, pavers ne added Cappadocia and Paphlagonia to his dominion, and reigned thirty-six years.

After the reigns of two other kings, Mithridates IV. the ereat-grandfather of Mithridates the Great, ascended the throne, and espoused a daughter of Seleucus Callinicus, king of Syria, by whom he had Laodice, who was married to Antiochus the Great.

He was succeeded by his son Pharnaces,

A.M. 3819. | who had some disagreement with the kings Ant. J.C. 185. of Pergamus. He made himself master of

Sinope, which afterwards became the capi- tal of the kingdom of Pontus.

After him reigned Mithridates V., surnamed Euergetes, the first who was called the friend of the Romans, because he had assisted them against the Carthaginians in the third Punic war.

He was succeeded by his son Mithri-

A. M. 3880. dates VI. surnamed Eupator. This is the

Ant. J. C. 124. great Mithridates who sustained so long a war with the Romans: he reigned sixty- six years.

Kings of Cappadocia. STRABO’* informs us, that Cappadocia was divided into 4 Strab. |. xii. p. 534. YOULL k

cxxx PREFACE.

two Satrapies, or governments, under the Persians, as it also was under the Macedonians. The maritime part of Cappadocia formed the kingdom of Pontus: the other tracts constituted Cappadocia properly so called, or Cappadocia Major, which extended along mount Taurus, and to a great distance beyond it.

When Alexander’s captains divided the

A. M. 3682. provinces of his empire among themselves, Aut. J. C. 322. Cappadocia was governed by a prince

named Ariarathes. Perdiccas attacked and defeated him, after which he caused him to be slain.

His son Ariarathes re-entered the kingdom of his father some time after this event, and established himself so ef- fectually, that he left it to his posterity.

The generality of his successors assumed the same name, and will have their place in the series of the history.

Cappadocia, after the death of Archelaus, the last of its kings, became a province of the Roman empire, as the rest of Asia also did much about the same time.

_ Kings of Armenia.

ARMENIA, a vast country of Asia, extending on each side of the Euphrates, was conquered by the Persians; after which it was transferred, with the rest of the empire, to the Macedonians, and at last fell to the share of the Ro- mans. It was governed for a great length of time by its own kings, the most considerable of whom was Tigranes, who espoused the daughter of the great Mithridates, king of Pontus, and was also engaged in a long war with the Romans. This kingdom supported itself many years, be- tween the Roman and Parthian empires, sometimes de- pending on the one and sometimes on the other, till at last the Romans became ils masters.

Kings of Epirus.

EPIRUS is a province of Greece, separated from Thes- saly and Macedonia by mount Pindus. The most power- ful people of this country were the Molossians.

The kings of Epirus pretended to derive their descent from Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, who established himself in that country; and called themselves Atacidz, from Ma- - cus, the grandfather of Achilles.

’The genealogy of the latter kings, who were the only sovereigns of this country of whom any accounts remain, is variously related by authors, and consequently must be doubtful and obscure. |

® Diod. |. xvi. p. 465. Justin. 1. viii. c. 6. Plat. in Pyrrho.

PREFACE. CXXXi

Arymbas ascended the throne, after a long succession of kings; and as he was then very young, the states of Epirus, who were sensible that the welfare of the people depends on the proper education of their princes, sent him to Athens, which was the residence and centre of all the aris and sciences, in order to cultivate, in that excellent school, such knowledge as was necessary to form the mind of a king. He there learned the art of reigning, and * as he surpassed all his ancestors in ability and knowledge, he was in con- sequence infinitely more esteemed and heloved by his peo- ple than they had been. When he returned from Athens, he made laws, established a senate and magistracy, and regulated the form of the government.

Neoptolemus, whose daughter Olympias had espoused Philip king of Macedon, attained. an equal share in the regal government with Arymbas his eldest brother, by the influence of his son-in-law. After the death of Arymbas, fBacidas, his son, ought to have been his successor; but Philip had still sufficieut influence to procure his expulsion from the kingdom by the Molossians, who establised Alex- ander, the son of Neoptolemus, sole monarch of Epirus.

Alexander espoused Cleopatra, the daughter of Philip, and marched with an army into Italy, where he lost his life in the country of the Brutians.

/Eacidas then ascended the throne, and reigned without any associate in Epirus. He espoused Phthia, the daugh- ter of Menon the Thessalian, by whom he had two daugh- ters, Deidamia and Troias, and one son, the celebrated Pyrrhus.

As he was marching to the assistance of Olympias, his troops mutinied against him, condemned him to exile, and slaughtered most of his friends. Pyrrhus, who was then an infant, happily escaped this massacre.

Neoptolemus, a prince of the blood, but whose particu- lar extraction is little known, was placed on the throne by the people of Epirus. |

Pyrrhus, being recalled by his subjects at the age of twelve years, first shared the sovereignty with Neoptole- mus; but having afterwards divested him of his dignity, he reigned alone.

This history will treat of the various ad-

A. M. 3733. ventures of this prince. He died in the Ant. J. C. 271. city of Argos, in an attack to make himself

master of it.

Helenus, his son, shened after him for some time in Epirus, which was afterwards united to the Roman empire.

* Quanto doctior majoribus, tanto et gratior populo fuit. Just. 1. xvii. c.3. kez

€XXXii PREFACE.

Tyrants of Heraclea.

HERACLEA is a city of Pontus, anciently founded by the Boeotians, who sent a colony into that country by the order of an oracle.

‘When the Athenians, having conquered the Persians, had imposed a tribute on the cities of Greece and Asia Minor, for the fitting out and support of a fleet intended for the defence of the common liberty, the inhabitants of Heraclea, in consequence of their attachment to the Per- sians, were the only people who refused to acquiesce in so just a contribution. _Lamachus was therefore sent against them, and he ravaged their territories; but a violent tem- pest having destroyed his whole fleet, he beheld himself abandoned to the mercy of that people, whose innate fe- rocity might naturally have been increased, by the severe treatment they had lately received. But * they had re- course to no other vengeance than kindness; they furnish- ed him with provisions and troops for his return, and were willing to consider the depredations which had been com- mitted in their country as advantageous to them, if at that price they could convert the enmity of the Athenians into friendship.

| Some time after this event, the populace A.M.3640. of Heraclea excited a violent commotion Ant.J.C.364. against the rich citizens and senators, who having implored assistance to no effect,

first from Timotheus the Athenian, and afterwards from Epaminondas the Theban, were necessitated to recall Clearchus a senator to their defence, whom themselves had banished; but his exile had neither improved his morals nor rendered him a better citizen than he was before. He therefore made the troubles, in which he found the city involved, subservient to his design of subjecting it to his own power. With this view he openly declared for the people, caused himself to be invested with the highest office in the magistracy,. and assumed a sovereign autho- rity in a short time. Being thus become a professed ty- rant, there were no kinds of violence to which he had not recourse against the rich and the senators, to satiate his avarice and cruelty. He proposed for his model Diony-

¢ Justin. |. xvi. c. 3—5. Diod.1. xv. p. 390.

* Heraclienses honestiorem beneficii, quam ultionis oceasionem rati, in- structos commeatibus auxiliisque dimittunt ; bene agrorum suorum popula- tionem impensam existimantes, si, quos hostes habuerant, amicos reddidis- sent. Justin.

PREFACE. CXXXii

sius the Tyrant, who had established his power over the Syracusans at the same time. |

After a hard and inhuman servitude of twelve years, two young citizens, who were Plato’s disciples, and had been instructed in his maxims, formed a conspiracy against Clearchus, and slew him; but though they delivered their country from the tyrant, the tyranny still subsisted.

oR SARA ¢Timotheus, the son of Clearchus, as-

Ant.J.C. 352, | Sumed his place, and pursued his conduct for the space of fifteen years.

‘He was succeeded by his brother Dio-

A. M. 3667. nysius, who was in danger of being dispos-

Ant. J. C. 337. sessed of his authority by Perdiccas; but

as this last was soon destroyed, Dionysius

contracted a friendship with Antigonus, whom he assisted | against Ptolemy in the Cyprian war.

He espoused Amastris, the widow of Craterus, and daughter of Oxiathres, the brother of Darius. This alliance inspired him with so much courage, that he assumed the title of king, and enlarged his dominions by the addition of several places which he seized on the confines of He- raclea.

He died two or three years before the

A.M. 3700. battle of Ipsus, after a reign of thirty-three Ant. J. C.304. years, leaving two sons and a daughter

under the tutelage and regency of Amastris.

This princess was rendered happy in her administration, by the affection Antigonus entertained for her. She found- ed a city, and called it by her own name; into which she transplanted the inhabitants of three other cities, and es- poused Lysimachus, after the death of Antigonus.‘

Kings of Syracuse.

AONE G0Rk H1R0, and his son Hieronymus, reign-

Ant. J.C. 269, © at Syracuse ; the first fifty-four years, the second but one year.

A.M. 3789. Syracuse recovered its liberty by the. Ant.J.C.215. death of the last, but continued in the in-

here terest of the Carthaginians, which Hiero- Ant. J.C.213, "ymus had caused it to espouse. His con- ) - duct obliged Marcellus to form the siege of that city, which he took the following year. I shall reuse upon the history of these two kings in another place.

4 Diod. |. xvi. p. 435. © Ebid. p. 478. f Fbid. |. xx. p. 833.

CXXKXIV PREFACE.

- Other Kings.

SEVERAL kings likewise reigned in the Cimmerian Bos- phorus, as also in Thrace, Cyrene in Africa, Paphlagonia, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, and a variety of other places; but their history is very uncertain, and their successions have but little regularity.

These circumstances are very different with respect to the kingdom of the Parthians, who formed themselves, as we shall see in the sequel, into such a powerful monarchy, as became formidable even to the Roman empire. That of the Bactrians received its original about the same pe- riod: I shall treat of each in their proper places.

ee

CATALOGUE of the Editions of the principal GREEK AUTHORs cited in this WoRK.

Heropotus. Francof. An. 1608. THUCYDIDES. Apud Henricum Stephanum, An. 1588.

XENOPHON. Luteite Parisiorum, apud Socielatem Grecarum Edilionum, An. 1625. .

PouysBius. Parisiis, An. 1609.

Dioporus SicuLus. Hanovie, Typis Wechelianis, An. 1604.

Prurarcuus. Lutelice Parisiorum apud Socielatem Grecarum Editionum, An. 1624.

STRABO. Luteltie Parisiorum, Typis regiis, An. 1620. ATHENZUS. Lugduni, An. 1612. PAUSANIAS. Hanovie, Typis Wechelianis, An. 1613.

APPIANUS ALEXANDER. Apud Henric. Stephan. An. 1592.

Puato. Ex nova Joannis Serrani interpretatione. Apud Henricum Siephanum, An. 1578.

ARISTOTELES. Lutelie Parisiorum, apud Societatem Grecarum Editionum, An. 1619.

IsocRATES. Apud Paulum Stephanum, An. 1604.

DiocENES LAERTIUS. Apud Henricum Stephanum, An, 1594.

DEMOSTHENES. Francof. An. 1604. ArRiANus. Lugd. Batav. An. 1704.

BOOK I.

|

THE

ANCIENT HISTORY

OF THE

EGYPTIANS.

ed

PARTS. | Description of Egypt : with an Account of whatever is

most curious and remarkable in that Country.

icypr comprehended anciently, within limits of no very great extent, a prodigious number of cities,* and an incredible multitude of inhabitants.

It is bounded on the east by the Red Sea and. the Isthmus of Suez ; on the south by Ethiopia, on the west by Libya, and on the north by the Mediterranean. The Nile runs from south to north, through the whole coun- try, about two hundred leagues j in length. This coun- try is enclosed on each side with a ridge of mountains, which very often leave, between the foot of the hills and the river Nile, a tract of ground of not above half a day’s journey in length,” and sometimes less.

On the west side, the plain grows wider in some places, and extends to twenty-five or thirty leagues. The great- est breadth of Egypt is from Alexandria to Damietta, being about fifty leagues.

Ancient Egypt may be divided into three principal parts: Upper Egypt, otherwise called Thebais, which was the most southern part; Middle Egypt, or Hepta- nomis, so called from the San Nomi or districts it con-

@ It is related that under Amasis, there were twenty thousand inha-

bited cities in Egypt. Herod. |. ii. c. 177.

> A day’s journey is twenty-four eastern, or thirty-three English miles and a quarter.

Loo DESCRIPTION

tained: Lower Egypt, which included what the Greeks called Delta, and all the country as far as the Red Sea, and along the Mediterranean to Rhinocolura, or mount Ca- sius. Under Sesostris,° all Egypt became one kingdom, and was divided into thirty-six governments or Nomi: ten in Thebais, ten in Delta, and sixteen in the country. between both.

The cities of Syene and Elephantina divided Egypt from Ethiopia; and in the days of Augustus were the boundaries of the Roman empire: Claustra olim Romanz

Imperii, Tacit. Annal. lib. ii. cap. 61.

CHAP ek THEBAIS.

Tues, from whence Thebais had its name, might vie with the noblest cities in the universe. Its hundred gates, celebrated by Homer," are universally known ; and acquired it the surname of Hecatompylos, to distin- guish it from the other Thebes in Boeotia. Its popula- tion was proportionate to its extent ;° and, according to history, it could send out at once two hundred chariots and ten thousand fighting men at each of its gates. The Greeks and Romans have celebrated its magnificence and grandeur,’ though they saw it only in its ruins; so au- gust were the remains of this city.

In the Thebaid,£ now called Said, have been disco- vered temples and palaces which are still almost entire, adorned with innumerable columns and statues. One palace especially is admired, the remains whereof seem to have existed purely to eclipse the glory of the most pompous edifices. Four walks extending farther than the eye can see, and bounded on each side with sphinxes, composed of materials as rare and extraordinary as their size is remarkable, serve as avenues to four porticoes, whose height is amazing to behold. And even they who

© Strabo, |. xvii. p. 787. 4 Hom. Il, i. ver. 381. © Strabo, lL. xvii. p. 816. f Tacit. Ann. |. ii. c. 60. & Thevenot’s Travels.

OF EGYPT. 137

have given us the description of this wonderful edifice, had not time to go round it ; and are not sure that they saw above half: however, what they had a sight of was astonishing. A hall, which in all appearance stood in the middle of this stately palace, was supported by a hun- dred and twenty pillars six fathoms round, of a propor- tionable height, and intermixed with obelisks, which so many ages have not been able to demolish. Painting had displayed all her art and magnificence in this edifice. The colours themselves, which soonest feel the injury of time, still remain amidst the ruins of this wonderful structure, and preserve their beauty and lustre; so hap- pily could the Egyptians imprint a character of immor- tality on all their works. Strabo," who was on the spot, describes a temple he saw in Egypt, very much resem- bling that of which I have been speaking.

The same author,’ describing the curiosities of The- bais, speaks of a very famous statue of Memnon, the remains whereof he had seen. It is said that this statue, when the beams of the rising sun first shone upon it in the morning, uttered an articulate sound.* And indeed Strabo himself was an ear-witness of this; but then he doubts whether the sound came from the statue.

CHAP. II.

Mippie Eecyrpr, or HEPTANOMISs.

Memputs was the capital of this part of Egypt. In this city were to be seen many stately temples; among them that of the god Apis, who was honoured here after a particular manner. I shall speak of it hereafter, as well as of the pyramids which stood in the neighbourhood of this place, and rendered it so famous. Memphis was situated on the west side of the Nile.

Grand Cairo,! which seems to have succeeded Mem-

h Lib. xvii. p. 805. i Pp. 816. k Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum preci- pua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem so- num reddens, &c. Zacit. Annal. |. li. c. 61. - ' Theyenot.

138 DESCRIPTION

phis, is built on the other side of that river. ‘The castle of Cairo is one of the greatest curiosities in Egypt. It stands on a hill without the city, has a rock for its foun- dation, and is surrounded with walls of a vast height and solidity. You go up to the castle by a way hewn out of the rock, and which is so easy of ascent, that loaded horses and camels get up without difficulty. The great- est rarity in this castle is Joseph’s well, so called, either because the Egyptians are pleased with ascribing what is most remarkable among them to that great man, or because such a tradition has been preserved in the coun- try. This is a proof, at least, that the work in question is very ancient ; and it is certainly worthy the magnifi- cence of the most powerful kings of Egypt. This well has, as it were, two stories, cut out of the solid rock to _ a prodigious depth. ‘The descent to the reservoir of water, between the two wells, is by a staircase seven or eight feet broad, consisting of two hundred and twenty steps, and so contrived, that the oxen employed to throw up the water, ge down with all imaginable ease, the de- scent being scarcely perceptible. ‘The well is supplied from a spring, which is almost the only one in the whole country. The oxen are continually turning a wheel with a rope, to which a number of buckets are fastened. The water thus drawn from the first and lowermost well is conveyed by a little canal into a reservoir, which forms the second wel] ; from whence it is drawn to the top in the same manner, and then conveyed by pipes to all parts of the castle. As this well is supposed by the in- habitants of the country to be of great antiquity, and has indeed much of the antique manner of the Egyptians, I thought it might deserve a place among the curiosities of ancient Egypt. /

Strabo™ speaks of a similar engine, which, by wheels and pulleys, threw up the water of the Nile to the top of a very high hill; with this difference, that, instead of oxen, a hundred and fifty slaves were employed to turn these wheels.

The part of Egypt of which we now speak, is famous

™ Lib. xvii. p. 807.

OF EGYPT. 139

for several rarities, each of which deserves a particular examination. I shall mention only the principal, such as the obelisks, the pyramids, the labyrinth, the lake of Meeris, and the Nile.

Sect. I. THe OBELISKsS.

Egypt seemed to place its chief glory in raising mo- numents for posterity. Its obelisks form at this day, on account of their beauty as well as height, the principal ornament of Rome ; and the Roman power, despairing to equal the Egyptians, thought it honour ous to borrow the monuments of their kings.

An obelisk isa quadrangular, taper, high spire, or py- ramid, raised perpendicularly, and terminating in a point, to serve as an ornament to some open square; and is very often covered with inscriptions or hieroglyphics, that is, with mystical characters or symbols used by the Egyptians to conceal and disguise their sacred things, and the mysteries of their theolo

Sesostris erected in the city of Heliopolis two obelisks of extreme hard stone, brought from the quarries of Syene, at the extremity of Egypt... They were each one hundred and twenty cubits high, that is, thirty fathoms, or one hundred and eighty feet.° The emperor Augus- tus, having made Egypt a province of the empire, caused > these two obelisks to be transported to Rome, one whereof was afterwards broken to pieces. He dared not venture to make the same attempt upon a third, — which was of a monstrous size.” It was made in the reign of Rameses: it is said that twenty thousand men were employed in the cutting of it. Constantius, more daring than Augustus, caused it to be removed to Rome, Two of these obelisks are still to be seen there, as well as another a hundred cubits, or twenty-five fathoms high, and eight cubits, or two fathoms, in diameter. Caius Cesar had it brought from Egypt in a ship of so

odd a form, that, according to cae the like had never been seen.

» Diod. lib. i. p. 87.

° Jt is proper to observe, once for all, that an Egyptian cubit, accord-

ing to Mr. Greaves, was one foot nine inches and about 3 of our measure. P Plin. 1. xxxvi. c. 8, 9. 4 Plin., |. Xxxvi. c. 9.

140 DESCRIPTION

Every part of Egypt abounded with this kind of obe- lisks ; they were for the most part cut in the quarries of Upper Egypt, where some are now to be seen half finished. But the most wonderful circumstance is, that the ancient Egyptians should have had the art and contrivance to dig even in the very quarry a canal, through which the water of the Nile ran in the time of its inundation ; from whence they afterwards raised up the columns, obelisks, and statues, on rafts " proportioned to their weight, in order to convey them into Lower Egypt. And as the country was intersected every where with canals, there were few places to which those huge bodies might not be carried with ease ; although their weight would have broken every other kind of engine. ;

Sect. IJ. Tue PyraAmips.

A pyramid is a solid or hollow body,* having a large, and generally a square base, and terminating in a point.

There were three pyramids in Egypt more famous than the rest, one whereof was justly ranked among the seven wonders of the world; they stood not very far from the city of Memphis. I shall take notice here only of the largest of the three. This pyramid, like the rest, was built on a rock, having a square base, cut on the outside as so many steps, and decreasing gradu- ally quite to the summit. It was built with stones of a prodigious size, the least of which were thirty feet, wrought with wonderful art, and covered with hierogly- phics. According to several ancient authors, each side was eight hundred feet broad, and as many high. The summit of the pyramid, which to those who viewed it from below, seemed a point, was a fine platform, com- posed of ten or twelve massy stones, and each side of that platform sixteen or eighteen feet long.

M. de Chazelles, of the Academy of Sciences, who went purposely on the spot in 1693, gives us the follow-

ing dimensions :—

* Rafts are pieces of flat timber put together, to carry goods on rivers. * Herod. 1. ii. c. 124, &c. Diod. 1. i. p. 39-41. | Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 12.

OF BEY PI 141

- ‘The side of the square base 110 fathoms. The fronts are equilateral triangles,

and therefore the superficies of oe iON the base is | : The perpendicular height 773 fathoms. The solid contents 313,590 cubical fathoms.

A hundred thousand men were constantly employed about this work, and were relieved every three months by the same number. ‘Ten complete years were spent in hewing out the stones, either in Arabia or Ethiopia, and in conveying them to Egypt; and twenty years more in building this immense edifice, the inside of which contained numberless rooms and apartments. There were expressed on the pyramid, in Egyptian cha- racters, the sums it cost only for garlic, leeks, onions, and other vegetables of this description, for the work- men; and the whole amounted to sixteen hundred ta- lents of silver,’ that is, four millions five hundred thou- sand French livres; from whence it was easy to conjec- ture what a vast sum the whole expense must have amounted to.

Such were the famous Egyptian pyramids, which by their figure, as well as size, have triumphed over the in- juries of time and the Barbarians. But what efforts soever men may make, their nothingness will always appear. ‘These pyramids were tombs ; and there is still to be seen, in the middle of the largest, an empty sepul- chre, cut out of one entire stone, about three feet deep and broad, and a little above six feet long." Thus all this bustle, all this expense, and all the labours of so many thousand men for so many years, ended in pro- curing for a prince, in this vast and almost boundless pile of building, a little vault six feet in length. Besides, the kings who built these pyramids, had it not in their power to be buried in them; and so did not enjoy the sepulchre they had built. The public hatred which they incurred, by reason of their unheard-of cruelties to their subjects, in laying such heavy tasks upon them, occa- sioned their being interred in some obscure place, to

t About 200,000/. sterling. " Strabo mentions the sepulchre, lib. xvii. p. 808,

142 DESCRIPTION

prevent their bodies from being exposed to the fury and vengeance of the populace.

This last circumstance,” which historians have taken particular notice of, teaches us what judgment we ought to pass on these edifices, so much boasted of by the an- cients. It is but just to remark and esteem the noble genius which the Egyptians had for architecture; a ge- nius that prompted them from the earliest times, and before they could have any models to imitate, to aim in all things at the grand and magnificent ; and to be in- tent on real beauties, without deviating in the least from a noble simplicity, in which the highest perfection of the art consists. But what idea ought we to form of those princes, who considered as something grand, the raising by a multitude of hands, and by the help of money, immense structures, with the sole view of ren- dering their names immortal; and who did not scruple to destroy thousands of their subjects to satisfy their vain- glory! They differed very much from the Romans, who sought to immortalize themselves by works of a magni- ficent kind, but, at the same time, of public utility.

Pliny” gives us, in few words, a just idea of these py- ramids, when he calls them a foolish and useless osten- tation of the wealth of the Egyptian kings; Reguwm pe- cunié otiosa ac stulta ostentatio : and adds, that by a just punishment their memory is buried in oblivion ; the his- torians not agreeing among themselves about the names of those who first raised those vain monuments; Jnter eos non constat a quibus facte@ sint, justissimo casu oblite- ratis tante vanitatis auctoribus. Ina word, according _ to the judicious remark of Diodorus, the industry of the architects of those pyramids is no less valuable and praise- worthy, than the design of the Egyptian kings is con- temptible and ridiculous.

But what we should most admire in these ancient monuments, is, the true and standing evidence they give of the skill of the Egyptians in astronomy ; that is, ma science which seems incapable of being brought to per- - fection, but by a long series of years, and a great num- _ber of observations. M. de Chazelles, when he mea- Y Diod. lib. i. p. 40. - Ww Lib, xxxvi. cap. 12.

OF EGYPT. 143

sured the great pyramid in question, found that the four sides of it were turned exactly to the four quarters of the world; and consequently shewed the true meridian of that place.. Now, as so exact a situation was in all pro- bability purposely pitched upon by those who piled up this huge mass of stones above three thousand years ago, it follows, that during so long a space of time, there has been no alteration in the heavens in that respect, or (which amounts to the same thing) in the poles of the earth or the meridians. This is M. de Fonitenelle’s re- mark in his eulogium of M. de Chazelles.

Sect. II]. Tne Lasyrintu.

What has been said concerning the judgment we ought to form of the pyramids,* may also be applied to the labyrinth, which Herodotus, who saw it, assures us was still more surprising than the pyramids. It was built at the southern extremity of the lake of Moeris, whereof mention will be made presently, near the town of Croco- diles, the same with Arsinoeé. It was not so much one single palace, as a magnificent pile composed of twelve palaces, regularly disposed, which had a communication with each other. Fifteen hundred rooms, interspersed with terraces, were ranged round twelve halls, and dis- covered no outlet to such as went to see them. ‘There was the like number of buildings under ground. These subterraneous structures were designed for the burying- place of the kings, and also (who can speak this without confusion, and without deploring the blindness of man !) for keeping the sacred crocodiles, which a nation, so wise in other respects, worshipped as gods.

In order to visit the rooms and halls of the labyrinth, it was necessary, asthe reader will naturally suppose, for people to take the same precaution as Ariadne made Theseus use, when he was obliged to go and fight the Minotaur in the labyrinth of Crete. Virgil describes it in this manner : |

Ut quondam Creta feriur labyrintbas in alta Parietibus textum cecis iter ancipitemque Mille viis babuisse dolum, qua signa sequendi Falleret indeprensus et irremeabilis error.’

* Herod. 1. ii. c. 148, Diod. |. i. p.42. Plin. J. xxxvi.c.13. Strab. I, Xvi. p, Sil. y /Eneid, |. vy. ver. 588, &c.

4

144 : DESCRIPTION

Hic labor ille domfis, et inextricabilis error. Deedalus, ipse dolos tecti ambagesque resolvit, Ceca regens filo vestigia.”

And as the Cretan labyrinth of old,

With wand’ring ways, and many a winding fold, Involved the weary feet without redress,

Ina round error, which deny’d recess:

Not far from thence he grav’d the wondrous maze; A thousand doors, a thousand winding ways.

Secr. IV. hae Lake or Manis.

The noblest and most wonderful of all the structures or works of the kings of Egypt, was the lake of Meeris :* accordingly, Herodotus considers it as vastly superior to the pyramids and labyrinth. As Egypt was more or less fruitful in proportion to the inundations of the Nile; and as in these floods, the too great or too little rise of the waters was equally fatal to the lands, king Meeris, to prevent these two inconveniences, and to correct, as far as lay in his power, the irregularities of the Nile, thought proper to call art to the assistance of nature ; and so caused the lake to be dug, which afterwards went by his name. This lake was in circumference about three thousand six hundred stadia,” that is, about one hundred and eighty French leagues, and three hundred feet deep. Two pyramids, on each of which was placed a colossal statue, seated on a throne, raised their heads to the height of three hundred feet, in the midst of the lake, whilst their foundations took up the same space under the water; a proof that they were erected before the cavity was filled, and a demonstration that a lake of such vast extent was the work of man’s hands, in one prince’s reign. This is what several historians have re- lated concerning the lake Meeris, on the testimony of the inhabitants of the country. And M. Bossuet, the bishop of Meaux, in his discourse on universal history, relates the whole as fact. For my part, I will confess that I do not see the least probability in it. Is it possible to conceive, that a lake of a hundred and eighty leagues in circumference, could have been dug in the reign of

2 /Bneid, |. vi. ver. 27, &e. 2 Herod. 1. ii. c. 140. Strabo, I. xvii. p- 787. Diod. 1. i. p. 47. Plin. lL. v.c. 9. Pomp. Mela, I. i. > Vide Herod. et Diod. Pliny agrees almost with them.

OF EGYPT. 145

one prince? In what manner, and where, could the earth taken from it be conveyed? What should prompt the Egyptians to lose the surface of so much land? By what arts could they fill this vast tract with the superfluous waters of the Nile? Many other objections might be made. In my opinion, therefore, we ought to follow Pomponius Mela, an ancient geographer ; especially as his account is confirmed by several modern travellers. According to that author, this lake is but twenty thou- sand paces, that is, seven or eight French leagues, in cir- cumference. Meeris, aliquando campus, nunc lacus, vi- ginti millia passuum in circuitu patens.°

This lake had a communication with the Nile, by a great canal, more than four leagues long,* and fifty feet broad. Great sluices either opened or shut the canal and lake, as there was occasion.

The charge of opening or shutting them amounted to fifty talents, that is, fifty thousand French crowns.’ The fishing of this lake brought the monarch immense sums ; but its chief utility related to the overflowing of the Nile. When it rose too high, and was like to be at- tended with fatal consequences, the sluices were opened, and the waters, having a free passage into the lake, co- vered the lands no longer than was necessary to enrich them. On the contrary, when the inundation was too low, and threatened a famine, a sufficient quantity of water, by the help of drains, was let out of the lake, to water the lands. In this manner the irregularities of the Nile were corrected ; and Strabo remarks, that, in his time, under Petronius, a governor of Egypt, when the inundation of the Nile was twelve cubits, a very | great plenty ensued; and even when it rose but to eight cubits, the dearth was scarce felt in the country ; doubt- less because the waters of the lake made up for those of the inundation, by the help of canals and drains.

SECT. V. Tue INunNDATIONS OF THE NILE:

The Nile is the greatest wonder of Egypt. As it seldom rains there, this river, which waters the whole.

¢ Mela, |. i « Kighty-five stadia. © 11,2501. sterling. VOL. I. L

146 DESCRIPTION

country by its regular inundations, supplies that defect, by bringing, as a yearly tribute, the rains of other coun- tries; which made a poet say ingeniously, The Egyp- tian pastures, how great soever the drought may be, never implore Jupiter for rain : Te propter nullos tellus tua postulat imbres, Arida nec pluvio supplicat herba Jovi.‘ ;

To multiply so beneficent a river, Egypt was cut into numberless canals, of a length and breadth proportioned to the different situations and wants of the lands. The Nile brought fertility every where with its salutary streams; united cities one with another, and the Medi- terranean with the Red Sea; maintained trade at home and abroad, and fortified the kingdom against the ene- my; so that it was at once the nourisher and protector of Egypt.

The fields were delivered up to it; but the cities that were raised with immense labour, and stood like islands in the midst of the waters, looked down with joy on the plains which were overflowed, and at the same time en- riched, by the Nile.

This is a general idea of the nature and effects of this river, so famous among the ancients. But a wonder so astonishing in itself, and which has been the object of the curiosity and admiration of the learned in all ages, seems to require a more particular description, in which I shall be as concise as possible.

1. The Sources of the Nile.

The ancients placed the sources of the Nile in the mountains of the moon (as they are commonly called), in the tenth degree of south latitude. But our modern travellers have discovered that they lie in the twelfth degree of north latitude; and by that means they cut off about four or five hundred leagues of the course which the ancients gave that river. It rises at the foot ofa great mountain in the kingdom of Gojam in Abys- sinia, from two springs, or eyes, to speak in the language

‘Seneca ( Nat. Quest. |. iy. c.2.) ascribes these verses to Ovid, but they are Tibullus’s.

|

OF EGYPT. 147

of the country, the same word in Arabic signifying eye and fountain. These springs are thirty paces from one another, each as large as one of our wells or a coach- wheel. The Nile is increased with many rivulets which run into it; and after passing through Ethiopia in a very winding course, flows at last: into Egypt.

2. The Cataracts of the Nile.

This name is given to some parts of the Nile, where the water falls down from the steep rocks. This river, which at first glided smoothly along the vast deserts of Ethiopia, before it enters Egypt, passes by the cataracts. Then growing on a sudden, contrary to its nature, raging and violent in those places where it is pent up and re- strained; after having at last broken through all obsta- cles in its way, it precipitates itself from the top of some rocks to the bottom, with so loud a noise, that it is heard three leagues off.

The inhabitants of the country, accustomed by long practice to this sport, exhibit here a spectacle to travel- lers that is more terrifying than diverting. ‘Two of them go into a little boat, the one to guide it, the other to throw out the water. After having long sustained the. violence of the raging waves by managing their little boat very dexterously, they suffer themselves to be car- ried away with the impetuous torrent as swift as an ar- row. ‘The affrighted spectator imagines they are going to. be swallowed up in the precipice down which they fall; when the Nile, restored to its natural course, dis~

¢ Excipiunt eum (Nilum) cataractz, nobilis insigni spectaculo locus. —lIllic excitatis primtim aquis, quas sine tumultu leni alveo duxerat, violentus et torrens per malignos transitus prosilit, dissimilis sibi——- tandemque eluctatus obstantia, in vastam altitudinem subito destitutus cadit, cum ingenti circumjacentium regionum strepitu; quem perferre gens ibi & Persis collocata non potuit, obtusis assiduo fragore auribus, et ob hoc sedibus ad quietiora translatis. Inter miracula fluminis incredi- bilem incolarum audaciam accepi. Bini parvula navigia conscendunt, quorum alter navem regit, alter exhaurit. Deinde multim inter rapidam insaniam Nili et reciprocos fluetus volutati, tandem tenuissimos canales tenent, per quos angusta rupium effugiunt: et cum toto flumine effusi navigium ruens manu temperant, magnoque spectantium metu in caput nixi, cium jam adploraveris, mersosque atque obrutos tanta mole credi- deris, longé ab co in quem ceciderant loco navigant, tormenti modo missi. Nec mergit cadens unda, sed planis aquis tradit. Senec. Nat. Quest, |. iv. c. 2.

L 2

148 | DESCRIPTION

covers them again, at a considerable distance, on its smooth and calm waters. ‘This is Seneca’s account, which is confirmed by our modern travellers.

3. Causes of the Inundations of the Nile.

The ancients’ have invented many subtile reasons for the Nile’s great increase, as may be seen in Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Seneca. But it is now no longer a matter of dispute, it being almost universally allowed, that the inundations of the Nile are owing to the great rains which fall in Ethiopia, from whence this river flows. These rains swell it to such a degree, that Ethiopia first, and then Egypt, are overflowed ; and that which at first was but a large river, rises like a sea, and overspreads the whole country.

Strabo observes,’ that the ancients only guessed that the inundations of the Nile were owing to the rains which fall in great abundance in Ethiopia; but adds, that se- veral travellers have since been eye-witnesses of it; Pto- lemy Philadelphus, who was very curious in all things relating to arts and sciences, having sent thither able persons, purposely to examine this matter, and to ascer- tain the cause of so uncommon and remarkable an effect.

A. The Time and Continuance of the Inundations.

Herodotus," and after him Diodorus Siculus, and se- veral other authors, declare, that the Nile begins to swell in Egypt at the summer solstice, that is, about the end of June, and continues to rise till the end of Sep- tember ; and then decreases gradually during the months of October and November ; after which it returns to its channel, and resumes its wonted course. This account agrees very nearly with the relations of all the moderns, and is founded in reality on the natural cause of the in- undation, viz. the rains which fall in Ethiopia. Now, according to the constant. testimony of those who have been on the spot, these rains begin to fall in the month

» Herod. 1. ii. c. 19—27. Diod. 1. i. p. 35—39. . Senec. Nat. Quest. I. iv. c, 1 & 2, Lib. xvii. p. 789. © * Herod. 1. ii. c. 19. Diod. 1. i. p. 32.

* OF: EGY-PT. <: 149

of April, and continue, during five months, till the end of August and beginning of September. The Nile’s in- crease in Egypt must, consequently, begin three weeks or a month after the rains have begun to fall in Abyssi- nia; and accordingly travellers observe, that the Nile begins to rise in the month of May, but so slowly at the first, that it probably does not yet overflow its banks. The inundation happens not till about the end of June, and lasts the three following months, according to He- rodotus.

I must point out to such as consult the originals, a contradiction in this place between Herodotus and Dio- dorus on one side; and between Strabo, Pliny, and So- linus, on the other.. These last shorten very much the continuance of the inundation; and suppose the Nile to draw off from the lands.in three months or a hundred days. And what adds to the difficulty, is, that Pliny seems to ground his opinion on the testimony of He- rodotus: Jn totum autem revocatur Nilus intra ripas in Libra, ut tradit Herodotus, centesimo die. I leave to the learned the reconciling of this contradiction.

5. The Height of the Inundations.

The just height of the inundatian,' according to Pliny, is sixteen cubits. When it rises but to twelve or thirteen, a famine is threatened ; and when it exceeds sixteen, there is danger. It must be remembered, that a cubit is a foot and a half. The emperor Julian takes notice,” in a letter to Ecdicius, prefect of Egypt, that the height of the Nile’s overflowing was fifteen cubits, the 20th of September, in 362. ‘The ancients do not agree entirely with one another, nor with the moderns, with regard to the height of the inundation; but the difference is not very considerable, and may proceed, 1. from the dispa- rity between the ancient and modern measures, which it is hard to estimate on a fixed and certain foot; 2. from

' Justum incrementum est cubitorum xvi. Minores aque non omnia rigant: ampliores detinent tardius recedendo. He serendi tempora ab- sumunt solo madente; ille non dant sitiente. Utrumque reputat pro- vincia. In duodecim cubitis famem sentit, in tredecim etiamnum esurit; quatuordecim cubita hilaritatem efferunt, quindecim securitatem, sexde- cim delicias. Pl, |. v. c. 9. m Jul. Epist. 50.

150 | DESCRIPTION

the carelessness of the observers and historians; 3. from the real difference of the Nile’s increase, which was not so great the nearer it approached the sea.

As the riches of Egypt depended on the inundation of the Nile,” all the circumstances and different degrees of its increase had been carefully considered ; and by a long series of regular observations, made during many years, the inundation itself discovered what kind of harvest the ensuing year was likely to produce. The kings had placed at Memphis a measure on which these different increases were remarked; and from thence notice was given to all the rest of Egypt, the inhabitants of which knew, by that means, beforehand, what they might fear or promise themselves from the harvest. Strabo° speaks of a well on the banks of the Nile near the town of Syene, made for that purpose.

The same custom is observed to this day at Grand Cairo. In the court of a mosque there stands a pillar, on which are marked the degrees of the Nile’s increase; and common criers every day proclaim in all parts of the city, how high it is risen. The tribute paid to the Grand Seignior for the lands, is regulated by the inundation. ‘The day on which it rises to a certain height, is kept as a grand festival, and solemnized with fire-works, feast- ings, and all the demonstrations of public rejoicing ; and in the remotest ages, the overflowing of the Nile was always attended with a universal joy throughout all Egypt, that being the fountain of its happiness.

The heathens ascribed the inundation of the Nile to their god Serapis ;” and the pillar on which was marked the increase, was preserved religiously in the temple of that idol. ‘The emperor Constantine having ordered it to be removed into the church of Alexandria, the Egyp- tians spread a report, that the Nile would rise no more by reason of the wrath of Serapis; but the river over- flowed and increased as usual the following years. Julian the apostate, a zealous protector of idolatry, caused this’ pillar to be replaced in the same temple, out of which it was again removed by the command of Theodosius.

® Diod. 1.i. p. 33. © Lib. xvii. p. 817. P Socrat. l,i. c. 18. Sozom. I], v. c. 3.

OF EGYPT. 151

6. The Canals of the Nile and Spiral Pumps.

Divine Providence, in giving so beneficent a river to Egypt, did not thereby intend that the inhabitants of it should be idle, and enjoy so great a blessing without taking any pains. One may naturally suppose, that as the Nile could not of itself cover the whole country, great labour was to be used to facilitate the overflowing of the lands; and numberless canals cut, in order to convey the waters to all parts. The villages, which stand very thick on the banks of the Nile on eminences, have each their canals, which are opened at proper times, to let the water into the country. ~The more distant villages have theirs also, even to the extremities of the kingdom. ‘Thus the waters are successively conveyed to the most remote places. Persons are not permitted to cut the trenches to receive the waters, till the river is at a certain height; nor to open them all at once; be- cause otherwise some lands would be too much over- flowed, and others not covered enough. They begin with opening them in Upper, and afterwards in Lower Egypt, according to the rules prescribed in a roll or book, in which all the measures are exactly set down. By this means the water is husbanded with such care, that it spreads itself over all the lands. The countries overflowed by the Nile are so extensive, and lie so low, and the number of canals so great, that of all the waters which flow into Egypt during the months of June, July, and August, it is believed that not a tenth part of them ‘reaches the sea.

But as, notwithstanding all these canals, there are still abundance of high lands which cannot receive the benefit of the Nile’s overflowing; this want is supplied by spiral pumps, which are turned by oxen, in order to bring the water into pipes, which convey it to these lands. Diodorus‘ speaks of a similar engine invented by Archimedes in his travels mto Egypt, which is called Cochlea Aigyptia.

1 Lib. i. p. 30. and lib. v. p. 213.

152 DESCRIPTION

4, The Fertility caused by the Nile.

There is no country in the world where the soil is more fruitful than in Egypt; which is owing entirely to the Nile. * For whereas other rivers, when they overflow lands, wash away and exhaust their vivific moisture; the Nile, on the.contrary, by the excellent slime it brings along with it, fattens and enriches them in such a manner, as sufficiently compensates for what the foregoing harvest had impaired. ‘The husbandman, in this country, never tires himself with holding the plough, or breaking the clods of earth. As soon as the Nile retires, he has nothing to do but to turn up the earth, and temper it with a little sand, in order to lessen its rankness ; after which he sows it with great ease, and with little or no expense. ‘Two months after it is co- vered with all sorts of corn and pulse. The Egyptians generally sow in October and November, according as the waters draw off; and their harvest is in March and April.

The same land bears, in one year, three or four differ- ent kinds of crops. Lettuces and cucumbers are sown first; then corn; and, after harvest, several sorts of pulse which are peculiar to Egypt. As the sun is extremely hot in this country, and rains fall very seldom in it, it is natural to suppose that the earth would soon be parched, and the corn and pulse burnt up by so scorching a heat, were it not for the canals and reservoirs with which Egypt abounds; and which, by the drains from thence, amply supply wherewith to water and refresh the fields and gardens.

The Nile contributes no less to the nourishment of cattle, which is another source of wealth to Egypt. The Egyptians begin to turn them out to grass in November, and they graze till the end of March. Words could never express how rich their pastures are; and how fat the flocks and herds (which, by reason of the mildness of the air, are out night and day) grow in a very little time.

* Cum czteri amnes abluant terras et eviscerent; Nilus adeo nihil exedit nec abradit, ut contra adjiciat vires.—Ita juvat agros duabus ex causis, et quod inundat, et quod oblimat. . Senec. Nat. Quest, |. iv. c. 2.

OF EGYPT. 153 During the inundation of the Nile, they are fed with hay and cut straw, barley and beans, which are their common food. A man cannot, says Corneille de Bruyn im his Travels,’ help observing the admirable providence of God towards this country, who sends at a fixed season such great quantities of rain in Ethiopia, in order to water Egypt, where a shower of rain scarce ever falls ; and who, by that means, causes the driest and most sandy soil, to become the richest and most fruitful country in the universe. |

Another thing to be observed here, is that (as the inhabitants say) in the beginning of June and the four following months the north-east winds blow constantly, in order to keep back the waters, which otherwise would draw off too fast; and to hinder them from discharging themselves into the sea, the entrance to which. these winds bar up, as it were, from them. The ancients have not omitted this circumstance.

The same Providence, whose ways are wonderful and infinitely various,‘ displayed itself after a quite differ- ent manner in Palestine, in rendering it exceeding fruit- ful; not by rains, which fall during the course of the year, as 1s usual in other places; nor by a peculiar inun- dation, like that of the Nile in Egypt; but by sending fixed rains at two seasons, when his people were obe- dient to him, to make them more sensible of their con- tinual dependance upon him. God himself commands them, by his servant Moses, to make this reflection : The land whither thou goest in to possess it, is not as the land of Egypt, from whence ye came out, where thou sowedst thy seed, and wateredst it with thy foot, as a gar- den of herbs : but the land whither ye go to possess tt, 1s a land of hills and valleys, and drinketh water of the rain of heaven." After this, God promises to give his people, so long as they shall continue obedient to him, the former and the latter rain: the first in autumn, to bring up the corn; and the second in the spring and summer, to make it grow and ripen.

5 Vol. ii. t Multiformis sapientia. Eph. iii. 10. " Deut. xi. 10—18.

154 | DESCRIPTION

8. The different Prospects exhibited by the Nile.

There cannot be a finer sight than Egypt at two seasons of the year. ™ For if a man ascends some mountain, or one of the largest pyramids of Grand Cairo, in the months of July and August, he beholds a vast sea, in which numberless towns and villages appear, with several causeys leading from place to place; the whole interspersed with groves and fruit-trees, whose tops only are visible; all which forms a delightful pros- pect. This view is bounded by mountains and woods, which terminate, at the utmost distance the eye can dis- cover, the most beautiful horizon that can be imagined. On the contrary, in winter, that is to say in the months of January and February, the whole country is like one continued scene of beautiful meadows, whose verdure, enamelled with flowers, charms the eye. The spectator - beholds, on every side, flocks and herds dispersed over all the plains, with infinite numbers of husbandmen and gardeners. ‘The air is then perfumed by the great quantity of blossoms on the orange, lemon, and other trees ; and is so pure, that a wholesomer or more agree- able is not found in the world; so that nature, being then dead, as it were, in all other climates, seems to be alive only for so delightful an abode.

Q. The Canal formed ly the Nile, by which a Com-

munication is made between the two. Seas.

* The canal, by which a communication was made be- tween the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, ought to have a place here, as it was not one of the least ad- vantages which the Nile procured to Egypt. Sesostris, or, according to others, Psammetichus, first projected the design, and began this work. Necho, successor to the last prince, laid out immense sums upon it, and em- ployed a prodigious number of men. It is said, that

’ Tlla facies pulcherrima est, cum jam se in agros Nilus ingessit. La- tent campi, operteque sunt valles: oppida insularum modo extant. Nul- lum in. Mediterraneis, nisi per navigia, commercium est: majorque est letitia in gentibus, qud minus terrarum suarum vident., Senec. Nat. Quest. |. iv. ¢. 2.

: eos. l. ii. c. 158. Strab. |. xvii. p. 804. Plin. I. vi. c. 29. Diod. »1. p. 29.

OF EGYPT. 1399

above six score thousand Egyptians perished in the un- dertaking. He gave it over, terrified by an oracle, which told him that he would thereby open a door for Barba- rians (for by this name they called all foreigners) to enter Egypt. The work was continued by Darius, the first of that name ; but he also desisted from it, upon his being told, that as the Red Sea lay higher than Egypt, it would drown the whole country. But it was at last finished under the Ptolemies, who, by the help of sluices, opened or shut the canal as there was occasion. It began not far from the Delta, near the town of Bubastus. It was a hundred cubits, that is, twenty-five fathoms broad, so that two vessels might pass with ease; it had depth enough to carry the largest ships; and was about a thou- sand stadia, that is, above fifty leagues long. ‘This canal was of great service to the trade of Egypt. But it is now almost filled up, and there are scarce any remains of it to be seen. |

Cir, til

Lower Ecypt.

I am now to speak of Lower Egypt. Its shape, which resembles a triangle, or Delta, A, gave occasion to its bearing the latter name, which is that of one of the Greek letters. Lower Egypt forms a kind of island; it begins at a place where the Nile is divided into two large canals, through which it empties itself into the Medi- terranean: the mouth on the right hand is called the Pelusian, and the other the Canopic, from two cities in their neighbourhood, Pelusium and Canopus, now called Damietta and Rosetta. Between these two large branches, there are five others of less note. This island is the best cultivated, the most fruitful, and the richest part of Egypt. Its chief cities (very anciently) were Heliopolis, Hera- cleopolis, Naucratis, Sais, Tanis, Canopus, Pelusium ; and, in later times, Alexandria, Nicopolis, &c. It was in the country of Tanis that the Israelites dwelt.

156 DESCRIPTION

*'There was at Sais'a temple dedicated to Minerva, who is supposed to be the same as Isis, with the follow- ing inscription: Lam whatever hath been, and is, and shall be ; and no mortal hath yet pierced through the veil that shrouds me.

* Heliopolis, that is, the city of the sun, was so called from a magnificent temple there dedicated to that planet. Herodotus, and other authors after him, relate some par- ticulars concerning the Phoenix and this temple, which, if true, would indeed be very wonderful. Of this kind of birds, if we may believe the ancients, there is never’ but one at a time in the world. He is brought forth in Arabia, lives five or. six hundred years, and is of the size of an eagle. His head is adorned with a shining and most beautiful crest ; the feathers of his neck are of a gold colour, and the rest of a:purple ; his tail is white, intermixed with red, and his eyes sparkling like stars. When he is old, and finds his end approaching, he builds a nest with wood and aromatic spices, and then dies. Of his bones and marrow, a worm is produced, out of which another Phoenix is formed. His first care is to solem- nize his parent's obsequies, for which purpose he makes up a ball in the shape of an egg, with abundance of per- fumes of myrrh, as heavy as he can carry, which he often essays beforehand ; then he makes a hole in it, where he deposits his parent’s body, and closes it carefully with myrrh and other perfumes. After this he takes up the precious load on his shoulders, and flying to the altar of the sun, in the city of Heliopolis, he there burns it.

- Herodotus and Tacitus dispute the truth of some of the circumstances of this account, but seem to suppose it true in general. Pliny, on the contrary, in the very beginning of his account of it, insinuates plainly enough, that he looks upon the whole as fabulous; and this is _ the opinion of all modern authors.

This ancient tradition, though grounded on an evident falsehood, hath yet introduced into almost all languages, the custom of giving the name of phoenix to whatever is

2 Plutar. de Isid. p. 354.

* Strab. 1]. xvii. p: 805. Herod. |. ii..c. 73... Plin. 1. x. c. 2. Tacit. Ann. I. vi. c, 28.

OF EGYPT... 157

singular and uncommon in its kind: Kara avis in terris, says Juvenal,” speaking of the difficulty of finding an ac- complished woman in all respects. And Seneca observes the same of a good man.‘

What is reported of swans, viz. that they never sing but in their expiring moments, and that then they war- ble very melodiously, is likewise grounded merely on a vulgar error: and yet it is used, not only by the poets, but also by the orators, and even the philosophers. O mu¢is quoque piscilus donatura cycni, st libeat, sonum, says Ho- race“ to Melpomene. Cicero compares the excellent dis- course which Crassus made in the senate, a few days be- fore his death, to the melodious singing of a dying swan : Illa tanquam cycnea fuit divini hominis vox et oratio. De Orat. |. iii. n. 6. And Socrates used to say, that good men ought to imitate swans, who, perceiving by a secret instinct, and a sort of divination, what advantage there is in death, die singing and with joy: Providentes quid in morte boni sit, cum cantu_et voluptate moriuntur. Tusc. Qu. |. i, n. 73. I thought this short digression might be of service to youth ; and return now to my subject. 7 .

It was in Heliopolis, ° that an ox, under the name of Mnhevis, was worshipped as a god. Cambyses, king of Persia, exercised his sacrilegious rage on this city ; burn- ing the temples, demolishing the palaces, and destroying the most precious monuments of antiquity in it. There are still to be seen some obelisks which escaped his fury ; and others were brought from thence to Rome, to which city they are an ornament even at this day.

Alexandria, built by Alexander the Great, from whom its had its name, vied almost in magnificence with the ancient cities in Egypt. It stands four days’ journey from Cairo, and was formerly the chief mart of all the trade of the east. ‘The merchandises were unloaded at Portus Muris,£ a town on the western coast of the Red Sea; from whence they were brought upon camels to

b Sat. vi. | ¢ Vir bonus tam cito nec fieri potest, nec intelligi—tanquam Phoenix, semel anno quingentesimo nascitur. Ep. 40.

@ Od. iii. 1. iv. © Strab. |. xvii. p. 805. i Strab. 1. svi. p.. 78h. s Or Myos Hormos.

158 DESCRIPTION

a town of Thebais, called Cophat, and afterwards con- veyed down the Nile to Alexandria, whither merchants resorted from all parts.

It is well known that the trade of the East hath at all times enriched those who carried it on. This was the chief source of the vast treasures that Solomon amassed, and which enabled him to build the magnificent temple of Jerusalem. David, by conquering Idumea," became master of Elath and Esion-geber, two towns situated on the eastern shore of the RedSea. From these two ports, Solomon sent fleetsto Ophir and ‘Tarshish,' which always brought back immense riches.‘ This traffic, after having been enjoyed some time by the Syrians, who regained Idumzea, passed from them into the hands of the Ty- rians. ‘These got all their merchandise conveyed, by the way of Rhinocolura (a sea-port town lying between the confines of Egypt and Palestine), to Tyre, from whence they distributed them all over the western world. Hereby the Tyrians enriched themselves exceedingly, under the Persian empire, by the favour and protection of whose monarchs they had the full possession of this trade. But when the Ptolemies had made themselves masters of Egypt, they soon drew all this trade into their kingdom, by building Berenice and other ports on the western side of the Red Sea, belonging to Egypt ; and fixed their chief mart at Alexandria, which thereby rose to be the city of the greatest trade in the world. There it continued for a great many centuries after ; and all the traffic which the western parts of the world from that time had with Persia, India, Arabia, and the eastern coasts of Africa, was wholly carried on through the Red Sea and the mouth of the Nile, till a way was discovered, a little above two hundred years since, of sailing to those parts by the Cape of Good Hope. After this, the Por- tuguese for some time were masters of this trade; but now it is in a‘manner engrossed wholly by the English and Dutch. This short account of the East-India trade,

h 2 Sam. viii. 14. i 1 Kings, ix. 26. « He got in one voyage 450 talents of gold, 2 Chron. viii. 18; which amounts to three millions two hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling. Prid. Connex. vol. i. ad ann. 740, not. 1 Strab. |. xvi. p. 481.

OF EGYPT. 159 from Solomon’s time, to the present age, is extracted from Dr. Prideaux.™

"For the convenience of trade, there was built near Alexandria, in an island called Pharos, a tower which bore the same name. At the top ofthis tower was kept a fire, to light such ships as sailed by night near those dangerous coasts, which were full of sands and shelves, from whence all other towers, designed for the same use, have derived their name, as, Pharo di Messina, &c. The famous architect Sostratus built it by order of Ptolemy Philadelphus, who expended eight hundred talents upon it.° It was reckoned one of the seven wonders of the world. Some, through a mistake, have commended that prince, for permitting the architect to put his name in the inscription which was fixed on the tower instead of his own.? It was very short and plain, according to the manner of the ancients. Sostratus Cnidius Dexiphanis F’, Diis Servatoribus pro navigantibus : i.e. Sostratus the Cnidian, son of Dexiphanes, to the protecting deities, for the use of sea-faring people. But certainly Ptolemy must have very much undervalued that kind of immor- tality which princes are generally so fond of, to suffer, that his name should not be so much as mentioned in the inscription of an edifice so capable of immortalizing him. What we read in Lucian" concerning this matter, deprives Ptolemy of a modesty, which indeed would be very ill placed here. This author informs us, that Sos- tratus, to engross in after-times the whole glory of that noble structure to himself, caused the inscription with his own name to be carved in the marble, which he after- wards covered with lime, and thereon put the king’s name. The lime soon mouldered away ; and by that means, instead of procuring the architect the honour with which he had flattered himself, served only to dis- cover to future ages his mean fraud and ridiculous vanity.

Riches failed not to bring into this city, as they usually do in all places, luxury and licentiousness ; so that the

P Pattlr Pes " Strab. 1. xvii. p. 791, Plin. |. xxxvi. c, 12 ° Eight hundred thousand crowns, or 180,000/, sterling. P Magno animo Ptolemzi regis, quod in eA permiserit Sostrati Cnidii architecti structures nomen inscribi. Plin. 4 De scribend. Hist. p. 706.

160 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

Alexandrian voluptuousness became a proverb." In this city arts and sciences were also industriously cultivated : witness that stately edifice, surnamed the Museum, where _the literati used to meet, and were maintained at the pub- lic expense; and the famous library, which was aug- mented considerably by Ptolemy Philadelphus ; and which, by the magnificence of the kings his successors, at last contained seven hundred thousand volumes. In Ceesar’s wars with the Alexandrians, * part of this library (situate in the ‘ Bruchion), which consisted of four hun- dred thousand volumes, was unhappily consumed by fire.

PART H.

OF TIIE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE EGYPTIANS.

Eeypr was ever considered, by all the ancients, as the most renowned school for wisdom and politics, and the source from whence most arts and sciences were derived. This kingdom bestowed its noblest labours and finest arts on the improvement of mankind; and Greece was so sensible of this, that its most illustrious men, as Homer, Pythagoras, Plato; even its great legislators, Lycurgus and Solon, with many more whom it is needless to men- tion, travelled into Egypt, to complete their studies, and draw from that fountain whatever was most rare and valuable in every kind of learning. God himself has given this kingdom a glorious testimony ; when praising Moses, he says of him, that he was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians."

To give some idea of the manners and customs of Egypt, I shall confine myself principally to these particu- lars: its kings and government; priests and religion ; soldiers and war; sciences, arts, and trades.

The reader must not be surprised if he sometimes finds, in the customs I take notice of, a kind of contradiction: This circumstance is owing either to the difference of

* Ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis. Quintil.

* Plut. in. Cas. p. 731. Seneca de tranquil, anim. c. ix. * A quarter or division of the city of Alexandria. " Acis, Vil. 22.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 161

countries and nations, which did not always follow the same usages; or to the different way of thinking of the historians whom I copy.

CHAP. I.

CoNCERNING THE KINGS AND GOVERNMENT.

Tue Egyptians were the first people who rightly un- derstood the rules of Government. A nation so grave and serious immediately perceived, that the true end of politics is, to make life easy, and a people happy.

The kingdom was hereditary; but, according to Diodorus,‘ the Egyptian princes conducted themselves ina different manner from what is usually seen in other monarchies, where the prince acknowledges no other rule of his actions than his own arbitrary will and plea- sure. But here, kings were under greater restraint from the laws than their subjects. ‘They had some particular ones digested by a former monarch, that composed part of what the Egyptians called the sacred books. Thus every thing being settled by ancient custom, they never sought to live in a different way from their ancestors.

No slave nor foreigner was admitted into the immediate service of the prince; such a post was.too important to be intrusted to any persons, except those who were the most distinguished by their birth, and had received the most excellent education; to the end, that as they had the liberty of approaching the king’s person day and night, he might, from men so qualified, hear nothing which was unbecoming the royal majesty ; nor have any sen- timents instilled into him but such as were of a noble and generous kind. For, adds Diodorus, it is very rarely seen that kings fly out into any vicious excess, unless those who approach them approve their irregularities, or serve as instruments to their passions. 3 !

The kings of Egypt freely permitted, not only the quality and proportion of what they ate and drank to be prescribed them (a thing customary in Egypt, whose in-

t Diod., I. i. p. 63, &e.

VOL. I. eae.

162 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

habitants were all sober, and whose air inspired frugality), but even that all their hours, and almost every action, should be under the regulation of the laws.

In the morning at day-break, when the head is clear- est, and the thoughts most unperplexed, they read the several letters they received ; to form a more just and dis- tinct idea of the affairs which were to come under their consideration that day.

As soon as they were dressed, they went to the daily sacrifice performed in the temple; where, surrounded with their whole court, and the victims placed before the altar, they assisted at the prayer pronounced aloud by the high- priest, in which he asked of the gods, health and all other blessings for the king, because he governed his people with clemency and justice, and made the laws of his king- dom the rule and standard of his actions. ‘The high- priest entered into a long detail of his royal virtues, ob- serving, that he was religious to the gods, affable to men, moderate, just, magnanimous, sincere; an enemy to falsehood ; liberal; master of his passions; punishing crimes with the utmost lenity, but boundless in reward- ing merit. He next spoke of the faults which kings night be guilty of ; but supposed, at the same time, that they never committed any, except by surprise or igno- rance ; and loaded with imprecations such of their minis- ters as gave them ill counsel, and suppressed or disguised the truth. Such were the methods of conveying instruc- tion to their kings. It was thought that reproaches would only sour their tempers ; and that the most eftec- tual method to inspire them with virtue, would be to point out to them their duty in praises conformable to the sense of the laws, and pronounced in a solemn man- ner before the gods. After the prayers and sacrifices were ended, the counsels and actions of great men were _ read to the ‘king out of the sacred books, in order that he might govern his dominions according to their maxims, and maintain the laws which had made his Dee ee

and their subjects so happy.

- I have already observed, that the quantity as well as quality of what he ate or drank were prescribed, by the laws, to the king: his table was covered with nothing

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 163

but the most common food; because eating in Egypt was designed, not to tickle the palate, but to satisfy the cravings of nature. One would have concluded (observes the historian), that these rules had been laid down by some able physician, who was attentive only to the health of the prince, rather than by a legislator. The same simplicity was seen in all other things; and we read in Plutarch" of a temple in Thebes, which had one of its pillars inscribed with imprecations against that king who first introduced profusion and luxury into Egypt.

The principal duty of kings, and their most essential function, is the administering justice to their subjects. Accordingly, the kings of Egypt cultivated more imme- diately this duty ; convinced that on this depended not only the ease and comfort of individuals, but the happi- ness of the state ; which would be a herd of robbers rather than a kingdom, should the weak be unprotected, and the powerful enabled by their riches and influence to commit crimes with impunity.

Thirty judges were selected out of the principal cities, to form a body for dispensing justice through the whole kingdom. ‘The prince, in filling these vacancies, chose such as were most renowned for their honesty ; and put at their head, him who was most distinguished for his knowledge and love of the laws, and was had in the most universal esteem. ‘They had revenues assigned them, to the end that, being freed from domestic cares, they might devote their whole time to the execution of the laws. Thus honourably maintained by the generosity of the prince, they administered gratuitously to the peo- ple that justice to which they have a natural right, and which ought to be equally open to all; and, in some sense, to the poor more than the rich, because the latter find a support within themselves ; whereas the very con- dition of the former exposes them more to injuries, and therefore calls louder for the protection of the laws. To guard against surprise, affairs were transacted by writing in the assemblies of these judges. That false eloquence was dreaded, which dazzles the mind, and moves the pas- sions. “Truth could not be expressed with too much

" De Isid. & Osir. p. 354. M 2

164 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

plainness, as it alone was to have the sway in judgments ; because in that alone the rich and poor, the powerful and weak, the learned and the ignorant, were to find re- lief and security. The president of this senate wore a collar of gold set with precious stones, at which hung a figure represented blind, this being called the emblem of truth. When the president put this collar on, it was un- derstood as a signal to enter upon business. He touched the party with it who was to gain his cause, and this was the form of passing sentence.

The most excellent circumstance in the laws of the Egyptians, was, that every individual, from his infancy, was nurtured in the strictest observance of them. A new custom in Egypt was a kind of miracle.* All things there ran in the old channel; and the exactness with which little matters were adhered to, preserved those of more importance ; and consequently no nation ever re- tained their laws and customs longer than the Egyptians.

Wilful murder was punished with death,’ whatever might be the condition of the murdered person, whether he was free-born or otherwise. In this the humanity and equity of the Egyptians were superior to that of the Romans, who gave the master an absolute power of life and death over his slave. The emperor Adrian, indeed, abolished this law ; from an opinion, that an abuse of this nature ought to be reformed, let its antiquity or autho- rity be ever so great.

Perjury was also punished with death, * because that crime attacks both the gods, whose majesty is trampled upon by invoking their name to a false oath; and men, by breaking the strongest tie of human society, viz. sin- cerity and veracity.

The false accuser was condemned to undergo the punishment which the person accused was to have suf- fered, had the accusation been proved. ‘

He who had neglected or refused to save a man’s life when attacked, if it was in his power to assist him, was punished as rigorously as the assassin :® but if the unfor- tunate person could not be succoured, the offender was

° Plat. in Tim. p. 656. 4 Diod. 1. i. p. 70. ¢ Pag.69. , ® Thid. s Ibid.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 165

at least to be impeached ; and penalties were decreed for any neglect of this kind. ‘Thus the subjects were a guard and protection to one another; and the whole body of the community united against the designs of the bad.

No man was allowed to be useless to the state; > but every one was obliged to enter his name and place of abode in a public register, that remained in the hands of the magistrate, and to describe his profession, and his means of support. If he gave a false account of himself, he was immediately put to death.

To prevent borrowing of money, the parent of sloth, frauds, and chicane,* king Asychis made a very judicious law. The wisest and best-regulated states, as Athens and Rome, ever found insuperable difficulties, in contriving a just medium, to restrain, on one hand, the cruelty of the creditor in the exaction of his loan ; and on the other, the knavery of the debtor, who refused or neglected to. pay his debts. Now Egypt took a wise course on this occasion ; and, without doing any injury to the personal liberty of its inhabitants, or ruining their families, pur- sued the debtor with incessant fears of infamy in case he were dishonest. No man was permitted to borrow mo- ney without pawning to the creditor the body of his fa- ther, which every Egyptian embalmed with great care, and kept reverentially in his house (as will be observed in the sequel), and therefore might be easily moved from one place to another. Bu. it was equally impious and infamous not to redeem soon so precious a pledge; and he who died without having discharged this duty, was deprived of the customary honours paid to the dead.*

Diodorus ' remarks an error committed by some of the Grecian legislators. They forbid, for instance, the takmg away (to satisfy debts) the horses, ploughs, and other im- plements of husbandry employed by peasants; judging it inhuman to reduce, by this security, these poor men

h Diod. I. i. p. 69. i Herod. |. ii. c. 136.

k This law put the whole sepulchre of the debtor into the power of the creditor, whoremoved to his own house the bedy of the father: the debtor refusing to discharge his obligation, was to be deprived of burial, either in his father’s sepulchre or any other; and whilst he lived, he was.not per- mitted to bury any person descended from-him., Mydé aire éxsivp redev~

rhoavrt eivar ragig Kupjca—pnr Gddov pydéva roy tavrov amoyevomevoy Oaya. Herod. 1 Diod. |. i. p. 71.

166 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

to an impossibility of discharging their debts, and getting their bread: but, at the same time, they permitted the creditor to imprison the peasants themselves, who alone were capable of using these implements ; which exposed them to the same inconveniences, and at the same time deprived the government of persons who belong, and are necessary to it; who labour for the public emolument, and over whose person no private man has any right.

Polygamy was allowed in Egypt,’ except to the priests, who could marry but one woman. Whatever was the condition of the woman, whether she was free or a slave, her children were deemed free and legitimate.

One custom that was practised in Egypt,” shews the profound darkness into which such‘nations as were most celebrated for their wisdom have been plunged ; and this is the marriage of brothers with their sisters, which was not only authorized by the laws, but even, in some mea- sure, originated from their religion, from the example and practice of such of their gods, as had been the most anciently and universally adored in Egypt, that is, Osiris and Isis.

A very great respect was there paid to old age." The young were obliged to rise up for the old; and on every occasion, to resign to them the most honourable seat. The Spartans borrowed this law from the Egyptians.

The virtue in the highest esteem among the Egyp- tians, was gratitude. ‘The glory which has been given them of being the most grateful of all men, shews that they were the best formed of any nation for social life. Benefits are the band of concord, both public and pri- vate. He who acknowledges favours, loves to confer them; and in banishing ingratitude, the pleasure of doing good remains so pure and engaging, that it is impossible for a man to be insensible of it. But it was particularly towards their kings that the Egyptians prided themselves on evincing their gratitude. They honoured them whilst living, as so many visible representations of the Deity ; and after their death lamented for them as the fathers of their country. These sentiments of respect and tender- ness proceeded from a strong persuasion, that the Divi-

| Diod. lib. i. p. 72. | -™ Ibid. p.22,. —® Herod... ii. ¢. 20.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 167

nity himself had placed them upon the throne, as he dis- tinguished them so greatly from all other mortals: and that kings bore the most noble characteristics of the Supreme Being, as the power and will of doing good to others were united in their persons.

CHAT. i.

CoNCERNING THE PRIESTS AND RELIGION OF THE EGYPTIANS.

Priests in Egypt held the second rank tokings. They. had great privileges and revenues; their lands were ex- empted from all imposts ; of which some traces are seen in Genesis, where it is said, Joseph made it a law over the land of Egypt, that Pharaoh should have the fifth part, except the land of the priests only, which became not Pharaoh’s.°

The prince usually honoured them with a large share in his confidence and government, because they, of all his subjects, had received the best education, had ac quired the greatest knowledge, and were most strongly attached to the king’s person and the good of the public. They were at one and the same time the depositaries of religion and of the sciences; and to this circumstance was owing the great respect which was paid them by the na- tives as well as foreigners, by whom they were alike con- sulted upon the most sacred things relating to the mys- teries of religion, and the most profound subjects in the several sciences.

The Egyptians pretend to be the first institutors of festivals and processions in honour of the gods.’ One festival was celebrated in the city of Bubastus, whither persons resorted from all parts of Egypt, and upwards of seventy thousand, besides children, were seen at it. Another, surnamed the feast of the lights, was solem- nized at Sais. All persons, throughout Egypt, who did not go to Sais, were obliged to illuminate their windows.

‘ Different animals were sacrificed in different coun-

° Gen, xvii. 26, P Herod. I. ii. c. 60. P [bid. c. 39.

168 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

tries; but one common and general ceremony was ob- served in all sacrifices, viz. the laying of hands upon the head of the victim, loading it at the same time with im- precations; and praying the gods to divert upon that victim all the calamities which might threaten Egypt.

It is to Egypt that Pythagoras owed his favourite doctrine of the Metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls." The Egyptians believed, that at the death of men, their souls transmigrated into other human bodies ; and that, if they had been vicious, they were imprisoned in the bodies of unclean or ill-conditioned beasts, to expiate in them their past transgressions ; and that after a revolution of some centuries, they again animated other human bodies.

The priests had the possession of the sacred books, which contained, at large, the principles of government, as well as the mysteries of divine worship. Both were commonly involved in symbols and enigmas," which, under these veils, made truth more venerable, and excited more strongly the curiosity of men. The figure of Harpocrates, in the Egyptian sanctuaries, with his finger - upon his mouth, seemed to intimate, that mysteries were there enclosed, the knowledge of which was revealed to very few. The sphinxes, placed at the entrance of all temples, implied the same. It is very well known, that pyramids, obelisks, pillars, statues, in a word, all public monuments, were usually adorned with hieroglyphics, that is, with symbolical writings; whether these were characters unknown to the vulgar, or figures of animals, under which was couched a hidden and _parabolical meaning. Thus, .by a hare, was signified a lively and piercing attention,° because this creature has a very deli- cate sense of hearing. ‘The statue of a judge without hands, and with eyes fixed upon the ground, symbolized the duties of those who were to exercise the judiciary functions.?

It would require a volume to treat fully of the religion of the Egyptians. But I shall confine myself to two articles, which form the principal part of it; and these

™ Diod. Li. p. 88. ® Plut. de Isid. & Osir. p. 354. ° Plut. Sympos. |. iv. p. 670. P Id. de Isid. p; 355.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 169

are, the worship of the different deities, and the cere- monies relating to funerals.

Sect. I. THe WorsHIP OF THE VARIOUS DEITIES.

Never were any people more,superstitious than the Egyptians ; they had a great number of gods, of differ- ent orders and degrees, which I shall omit, because they _ belong more to fable than to history. Among the rest, two were universally adored in that country, and these were Osiris and Isis, which are thought to be the sun and moon.: and indeed the worship of those planets gave rise to idolatry. |

Besides these gods, the Egyptians worshipped a great number of beasts; as the ox, the dog, the wolf, the hawk, the crocodile, the ibis,’ the cat, &c. Many of these beasts were the objects of the superstition only of some particular cities ; and whilst one people worshipped one species of animals as gods, their neighbours held the same animals in abomination. ‘This was the source of the continual wars which were carried on between one city and another; and this was owing to the false policy of one of their kings, who, to deprive them of the oppor- tunity and means of conspiring against the state, endea- voured to draw off their attention, by engaging them in religious contests. I call this a false and mistaken policy ; because it directly thwarts the true spirit of government, the aim of which is, to unite all its members in the strict- est ties, and to make all its strength consist in the perfect harmony of its several parts.

Every nation had a great zeal for their gods. -dmong us, Says Cicero," zé zs very common to see temples robbed, and statues carried off; but it was never hnown, that any person in Egypt ever abused a crocodile, an ibis, or cat ; for its inhabitants would have suffered the most extreme torments, rather than be guilty of such sacrilege. It was death for any person to kill one of these animals volun- tarily ;* and even a punishment was decreed against him who should have killed an ibis, or cat, with or without

4 Or Egyptian stork. ¥ De nat. Deor, |. i. n. 82. Tusc. Quest. 1. v. n. 78, * Herod. |. ii. c. 65,

170 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

design. Diodorus' relates an incident, to which he him- self was an eye-witness during his stay in Egypt :—A Ro- man having inadvertently, and without design, killed a cat, the exasperated populace ran to his house ; and nei- ther the authority of the king, who immediately de- tached a body of his guards, nor the terror of the Roman name, could rescue the unfortunate criminal. And such was the reverence which the Egyptians had for these animals, that in an extreme famine they chose to eat one another, rather than feed upon their imagined deities. Of all these animals, the bull Apis, called Epaphus by the Greeks, was the most famous." Magnificent temples were erected to him; extraordinary honours were paid him while he lived, and still greater after his death. Egypt went then into a general mourning. His obsequies were solemnized with such a pomp as is hardly credible. In the reign of Ptolemy Lagus, the bull Apis dying of old age,* the funeral pomp, besides the ordinary expenses, amounted to upwards of fifty thousand French crowns.” After the last honours had been paid to the deceased god, the next care was to pro- vide him a successor ; and all Egypt was sought through for that purpose. He was known by certain signs, which distinguished him from all other animals of that species ; upon his forehead was to be.a white spot, in form of a crescent ; on his back, the figure of an eagle; upon his tongue that of a beetle. As soon as he was found, mourning gave place to joy; and nothing was heard, in all parts of Egypt, but festivals and rejoicings. ‘The new god was brought to Memphis, to take possession of his dignity, and there installed with a great number of ce- remonies. The reader will find hereafter, that Camby- ses, at his return from his unfortunate expedition against Ethiopia, finding all the Egyptians in transports of joy for the discovery of their new god Apis, and imagining that this was intended as an insult upon his misfortunes,

t Diod. 1. i. p. 74, 75. " Herod. |. ili. c. 27, &c. Diod. l.i. p. 76. Plin. 1. viii. c. 46.

x Pliny affirms, that he was not allowed to exceed a certain term of years; and was drowned in the priests’ well. Non est fas eum certos vita excedere annos, mersumque in sacerdotum fonte enecant.—Nat. Hist... viii. c. 46. ¥ Above 11,250/. sterling.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. Vet

killed, in the first impulse of his fury, the young bull, who by that means had but a short enjoyment of his divinity. .- 7 |

It is plain, that the golden calf set up near mount Sinai by the Israelites, was owing to their abode in Egypt, and an imitation of the god Apis: as well as those which were afterwards set up by Jeroboam (who had resided a considerable time in Egypt) in the two extremities of the kingdom of Israel.

The Egyptians, not contented with offering incense to animals, carried their folly to such an excess, as to ascribe a divinity to the pulse and roots of their gardens. For this they are ingeniously reproached by the satirist:

Who has not heard where Egypt’s realms are named, What monster-gods her frantic sons have framed? Here Ibis gorged with well-grown serpents, there The Crocodile commands religious fear.

Where Memnon’s statue magic strings inspire With vocal sounds, that emulate the lyre; And Thebes, (such, Fate, are thy disastrous turns !) Now prostrate o’er her pompous ruins mourns ; A monkey-god, prodigious to be told!

Strikes the beholder’s eye with burnish’d gold. To godship here blue Triton’s scaly herd,

The river-progeny is there preferr’d:

Through towns Diana’s power neglected lies, Where to her dogs aspiring temples rise :

And should you leeks or onions eat, no time Would expiate the sacrilegious crime. Religious nations sure, and blest abodes, Where ev’ry orchard is o’er-run with gods.

It is astonishing to see a nation which boasted its su- periority above all others with regard to wisdom and learning, thus blindly abandon itself to the most gross and ridiculous superstitions. Indeed, to read of animals and vile insects, honoured with religious worship, placed

7 Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demens Aigyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adorat Pars heec; illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin. Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci,

Dimidio magicz resonant ubi Memnone chorde, Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis.

illic coeruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illic

Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam.

Porrum et coepe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu.

O sanctas gentes, quibus heec nascuntur in hortis Numina! Juven. Satin. xv.

172 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

in temples, and maintained with great care and at an extravagant expense ;” to read, that those who murdered them were punished with death, and that these animals were embalmed, and solemnly deposited in tombs. as- signed them by the public; to hear, that this extrava- gance was carried to such lengths, as that leeks and oni- ons were acknowledged as deities; were invoked in ne- cessity, and depended upon for succour and protection; are absurdities which we, at this distance of time, can scarce believe ; and yet they have the evidence of all an- tiquity. You enter, says Lucian,* into a magnificent temple, every part of which glitters with gold and silver. You there look attentively for a god, and are cheated with a stork, an ape, or a cat; a just emblem, adds that author, of too many palaces, the masters of which are far from being the brightest ornaments of them.

Several reasons are assigned for the worship paid to animals by the Egyptians.

The first is drawn from fabulous history. It is pre- tended that the gods, in a rebellion made against them by men, fled into Egypt, and there concealed themselves under the form of different animals; and that this gave birth to the worship which was afterwards paid to those animals, 3

The second is taken from the benefit which these se- veral animals procure to mankind :* Oxen by their la- bour; sheep by their wool and milk ; dogs by their service in hunting, and guarding houses, whence the god Anubis was represented with a dog’s head: the ibis, a bird very much resembling a stork, was worshipped, because he put to flight, the winged serpents, with which Egypt would otherwise have been grievously infested ; the cro- codile, an amphibious creature, that is, living alike upon land and water, of a surprising strength and size,* was worshipped, because he defended Egypt from the incur-

* Diodorus affirms, that in his time the expense amounted to no less than one hundred thousand crowns, or 22,500/. sterling. Lib. i. p. 76.

@ Imag. » Diod.1.1.:p. 77, Kc.

©Tpsi qui irridentur A’gyptii, nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam utilita-

oe ana ex e& caperent, consecraverunt. Cie. lib. i. De natura Deor.

* Which, according to Herodotus, is more than seventeen cubits in length. L. ii.c. 68. :

OF THE EGYPTIANS... 173

sions of the wild Arabs ; the ichneumon was adored, be- cause he prevented the too great increase of crocodiles, which might have proved destructive to Egypt. Now the little animal in question does this service to the country two ways. First, it watches the time when the crocodile is absent, and breaks his eggs, but does not eat them. Secondly, when the crocodile is asleep upon the banks of the Nile (and he always sleeps with his mouth open), the ichneumon, which lies concealed in the mud, leaps at once into his mouth; gets down to his entrails, which he gnaws; then piercing his belly, the skin of which is very tender, he escapes with safety; and thus, by his address and subtilty, returns victorious over so terrible an animal.

Philosophers, not satisfied with reasons which were too trifling to account for such strange absurdities as dishonoured the heathen system, and at which themselves secretly blushed ; have, since the establishment of Chris- tianity, supposed a third reason for the worship which the Egyptians paid to animals ; and declared, that it was not offered to the animals themselves, but to the gods, of whom they are symbols. Plutarch,* in his treatise where | he examines professedly the pretensions of Isis and Osiris, the two most famous deities of the Egyptians, says as follows: Philosophers honour the image of God wherever they find it, even in inanimate beings, and consequently more in those which have life. We are therefore to ap- prove, not the worshippers of these animals, but those who, by their means, ascend to the Deity; they are to be consi- dered as so many mirrors, which nature holds forth, and in which the Supreme Being displays himself in a wonder- Jul manner ; or, as so many instruments, which he makes use of to manifest outwardly his incomprehensible wisdom. Should men, therefore, for the embellishing of statues, amass together all the gold and precious stones in the world, the worship must not be referred to the statues ; for the Deity does not exist in colours artfully disposed, nor in frail matter destitute of sense and motion. Plutarch says in the same treatise,' that as the sun and moon, heaven, earth, and the sea, are common to all men, but have different

eP. 382. . P. 377, 378.

174 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

names according to the difference of nations and languages ; in like manner, though there is but one Deity, and one Providence which governs the universe, and which has se- veral subaltern ministers under it ; men give to this Deity, which is the same, different names; and pay it different honours, according to the laws and customs of every country.

But were these reflections, which offer the most ra- tional vindication that can be suggested of idolatrous worship, sufficient to cover the absurdity of it; could it be called a raising of the divine attributes in a suitable manner, to direct the worshipper to admire and seek for the image of them in beasts of the most vile and con- temptible kinds, as crocodiles, serpents, and cats? Was not this rather degrading and debasing the Deity, of whom even the most stupid usually entertain a much greater and more august idea P

And even these philosophers were not always so just, as to ascend from sensible beings to their invisible Au- thor. The Scriptures tell us, that these pretended sages deserved, on account of their pride and ingratitude, to be given over to a reprobate mind ; and whilst they professed themselves wise, to become fools, for having changed the glory of the incorruptible God, into an image made like to corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed beasts, and creeping things." To shew what man is when left to him- self, God permitted that very nation, which had carried human wisdom to its greatest height, to be the theatre in which the most ridiculous and absurd idolatry was acted. And, on the other side, to display the almighty power of his grace, he converted the frightful deserts of Egypt into a terrestrial paradise ; by peopling them, in the time ap- pointed by his providence, with numberless multitudes of illustrious hermits, whose fervent piety and rigorous pe- nance have done so much honour to the Christian reli- gion. I cannot forbear giving here a famous instance of it ; and I hope the reader will excuse this kind of di- gression. .

The great wonder of Lower Egypt, says Abbé Fleury

h Rom. i. 22, 23.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 175

in his Ecclesiastical History,’ was the city of Oxyrinchus, peopled with monks, both within and without, so that they were more numerous than its other inhabitants. The public edifices and idol-temples had been converted into monasteries, and these likewise were more in num- ber than the private houses. ‘The monks lodged even over the gates and in the towers. The people had twelve churches to assemble in, exclusive of the oratories belonging to the monasteries. ‘There were twenty thou- sand virgins, and ten thousand monks in this city, every part of which echoed night and day with the praises of God. By order of the magistrates, sentinels were posted at the gates, to take notice of all strangers and poor who _ came into the city ; and the inhabitants vied with each other who should first receive them, in order to have an opportunity of exercising their hospitality towards them.

Secr. II. THe CEREMONIES OF THE EGYPTIAN FUNERALS.

I shall now give a concise account of the funeral ce- remonies of the Egyptians.

The honours which have been paid in all ages and na- tions to the bodies of the dead, and the religious care which has always been taken of sepulchres, seem to insi- nuate a universal persuasion, that bodies were lodged in sepulchres merely as a deposit or trust.

We have already observed, in our mention of the py- ramids, with what magnificence sepulchres were built in Egypt; for, besides that they were erected as so many sa- cred monuments, destined to transmit to future times the memory of great princes ; they were likewise considered as the mansions where the body was to remain during a long succession of ages: whereas common houses were called inns,* in which men were to abide only as travel- lers, and that during the course of a life which was too short to engage their affections.

When any person in a family died, all the kindred and friends quitted their usual habits, and put on mourning ; and abstained from baths, wine, and dainties of every

i'Tom, v. p. 25, 26. kK Diod. I. i. p. 47.

176 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

_ kind. This mourning continued forty or seventy days ; probably according to the quality of the person.

Bodies were embalmed three different ways.' The most magnificent was bestowed on persons of distin- guished rank, and the expense amounted to a talent of silver, or three thousand French livres.™

Many hands were employed in this ceremony.” Some drew the brain through the nostrils, by an instrument made for that purpose. Others emptied the bowels and intestines, by cutting a hole in the side, with an Ethiopian stone that was as sharp as arazor; after which the cavi- ties were filled with perfumes and various odoriferous drugs. As this evacuation (which was necessarily at- tended with some dissections) seemed in some measure cruel and inhuman ; the persons employed fled as soon as the operation was over, and were pursued with stones by the standers-by. But those who embalmed the body were honourably treated. They filled it with myrrh, cinnamon, and all sorts of spices. After a certain time, the body was swathed in lawn fillets, which were glued together with a kind of very thin gum, and then crusted over with the most exquisite perfumes. By this means, it is said, that the entire figure of the body, the very li- neaments of the face, and even the hairs on the lids and eye-brows, were preserved in their natural perfection. The body thus embalmed was delivered to the relations, who shut it up in a kind of open chest, fitted exactly to the size of the corpse; then they placed it upright against the wall, either in their sepulchres (if they had any) or in their houses. ‘These embalmed bodies are what we now call Mummies, which are still brought from Egypt, and are found in the cabinets of the curious. This shews the care which the Egyptians took of theirdead. Their gra- titude to their deceased relations was immortal. Chil- dren, by seeing the bodies of their ancestors thus pre- served, recalled to mind those virtues for which the pub- lic had honoured them ; and were excited to a love of those laws which such excellent persons had left for their security. We find that part of these ceremonies were

1 Herod. I, ii. c. 85, &c. m About 1377. 10s. sterling. " Diod, 1. i. p. 81.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. ya 4

performed in the funeral honours paid to Joseph in ey & ae

I have said that the public recognised the virtues of deceased persons, because that, before they could be ad- mitted into the sacred asylum of the tomb, they under- went a solemn trial. And this circumstance in the Egyp- tian funerals, is one of the most remarkable to be found in ancient history. |

It was a consolation among the heathens, to a dying man to leave a good name behind him ; and they ima- gined that this is the only human blessing of which death cannot deprive us. But the Egyptians would not suffer praises to be bestowed indiscriminately on all deceased persons. This honour was to be obtained only from the public voice. The assembly of the judges met on the other side of a lake, which they crossed in a boat. He who sat at the helm was called Charon, in the Egyptian language; and this first gave the hint to Orpheus, who had been in Egypt and after him, to the other Greeks, to invent the fiction of Charon’s boat. As soon as a man was dead, he was brought to his trial. ‘The public ac- cuser was heard. If he proved that the deceased had led a bad life, his memory was condemned, and he was de- prived of burial. ‘The people admired the power of the laws, which extended even beyond the grave ; and every one, struck with the disgrace inflicted on thedead person, was afraid to reflect dishonour on his own memory, and his family. But if the deceased person was not con- victed of any crime, he was interred in an honourable manner.

A still more astonishing circumstance, in this public inquest upon the dead, was, that the throne itself was no protection from it. Kings were spared during their lives, because the public peace was concerned in this forbear- ance; but their quality did not exempt them from the judgment passed upon the dead, and even some of them were deprived of sepulture. This custom was imitated by the Israelites. We see, in Scripture, that bad kings were not interred in the monuments of their ancestors. This practice suggested to princes, that if their majesty placed them out of the reach of men’s judgment while

VOL. I. | N

178 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

they were alive, they would at last be liable to it, when death should reduce them to a level with their subjects. _ When thereforea favourablejudgment was pronounced on a deceased person, the next thing was to proceed to the ceremonies of interment. In his panegyric, no men- tion was made of his birth, because every Egyptian was deemed noble. No praises were considered as just or true, but such as related to the personal merit of the de- ceased. He was applauded for having received an excel- lent education in his younger years ; and in his more ad- vanced age, for having cultivated piety towards the gods, justice towards men, gentleness, modesty, moderation, and all other virtues which constitute the good man. Then all the people besought the gods to receive the deceased into the assembly of the just, and to admit him as partaker with them of their everlasting felicity.

To conclude this article of the ceremonies of funerals, it may not be amiss to observe to young pupils, the dif- ferent manners in which the bodies of the dead were treated by the ancients. Some, as we observed of the Egyptians, exposed them to view after they had been embalmed, and thus preserved them to after-ages ; others, as the Romans, burnt them on a funeral pile; and others, again, laid them in the earth.

The care to preserve bodies without lodging them in tombs, appears injurious to human nature in general, and to those persons in particular to whom respect is designed to be shewn by this custom; because it exposes too visi- bly their wretched state and deformity ; since whatever care may be taken, spectators see nothing but the melan- choly and frightful remains of what they once were. The custom of burning dead bodies has something in it cruel and barbarous, in destroying so hastily the remains of persons once dear to us. ‘That of interment is certainly the most ancient and religious. It restores to the earth what had been taken from it ; and prepares our belief of a second restitution of our bodies, from that dust of which they were at first formed.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 179

-CHAP. III.

Or THE EcypTiAN SOLDIERS AND War.

Tue profession of arms was in great repute among the Egyptians. After the sacerdotal families, the most illus- trious, as with us, were those devoted toa military life. ‘They were not only distinguished by honours, but by ample liberalities. Every soldier was allowed twelve Aroure ; that is, a piece of arable land very near answer- ing to half a French acre,° exempt from all tax or tri- bute. Besides this privilege, each soldier received a daily allowance of five pounds of bread, two of flesh, and a quart of wine.’ This allowance was sufficient to sup- port part of their family. Such an indulgence made them more affectionate to the person of their prince, and the interests of their country, and more resolute in the defence of both; and as Diodorus‘ observes, it was thought inconsistent with good policy, and even common sense, to commit the defence of a country to men who had no interest in its preservation.

Four hundred thousand soldiers were kept in conti- nual pay ;° all natives of Egypt, and trained up in the ex- actest discipline. ‘They were inured to the fatigues of war, by a severe and rigorous education. ‘There is an art of forming the body as well as the mind. This art, lost by our sloth, was well known to the ancients, and especially to the Egyptians. Foot, horse, and chariot- races, were performed in Egypt with wonderful agility, and the world could not shew better horsemen than the Egyptians. The Scripture in several places * speaks ad- vantageously of their cavalry.

Military laws were easily preserved in Egypt, because

° Twelve Aroure. An Egyptian Aroura was 10,000 square cubits, equal to three roods, two perches, 55% square feet of our measure.

P The Greek is, oitvov résoapec dovoripec, which some have made to sig- nify a determinate quantity of wine, or any other liquid : others, regarding the etymology of the word dpvorijo, have translated it by. haustrum, a bucket, as Lucretius, lib. v. 51; others by Aaustus, a draught, or sup. He- rodotus says, this allowance was given only to the two thousand guards, who attended annually on the kings. Lib. ii. ce. 168.

4 Lib. i. p- 67. r Herod. L. ii. c. 164. 168. * Cant.i.9. Isa. xxxvi. 9.

N 2

180 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

sons received them from their fathers; the profession of war, as all others, being transmitted from father to son. Those who fled in battle, or discovered any signs of cowardice, were only distinguished by some particular ‘mark of ignominy;' it being thought more advisable to restrain them by motives of honour, than by the terrors of punishment. |

But notwithstanding this, I will not pretend to say, that the Egyptians were a warlike people. _ It is of little advantage to have regular and well-paid troops; to have armies exercised in peace, and employed only in mock fights : it is war alone, and real combats, which form the soldier. Egypt loved peace, because it loved justice, and ‘maintained soldiers only for its security. Its inhabitants, content with a country which abounded in all things, had no ambitious dreams of conquest. ‘The Egyptians extended their reputation in a very different manner, by sending colonies into all parts of the world, and with them laws and politeness. ‘They triumphed by the wis- dom of their counsels, and the superiority of their know- ledge ; and this empire of the mind appeared more noble and glorious to them, than that which is achieved by arms and conquest. But, nevertheless, Egypt has given birth to illustrious conquerors, as will be observed hereafter, when we come to treat of its kings.

CHAP. IV.

Or THEIR ARTS AND SCIENCES.

Tue Egyptians had an inventive genius, but directed it only to useful projects. Their Mercuries filled Egypt with wonderful inventions, and left it scarcely ignorant of any thing which could contribute to accomplish the mind, or procure ease and happiness. The discoverers of any useful invention received, both living and dead, rewards worthy of their profitable labours. It is this which consecrated the books of their two Mercuries, and stamped them with a divine authority. The first libra-

t Diod. p. 76.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 181

ries were in Egypt; and the titles they bore inspired an eager desire to enter them, and dive into the secrets they contained. ‘They were called the remedy for the diseases of the soul," and that very justly, because the soul was there cured of ignorance, the most dangerous, and the parent of all other maladies.

As their country was level, and the sky always serene _ and unclouded, the Egyptians were among the first who observed the courses of the planets. ‘These observations. led them to regulate the year* from the course of the sun; for, as Diodorus observes, their year, from the most remote antiquity, was composed of three hundred sixty- five days and six hours. ‘To adjust the property of their lands, which were every year covered by the overflowing of the Nile, they were obliged to have recourse to sur- veys : and this first taught them geometry. They were great observers of nature, which, in a climate so serene, and under so intense a sun, was vigorous and fruitful.

By this study and application they invented or im- proved the science of physic. The sick were not aban- doned to the arbitrary will and caprice of the physician. He was obliged to follow fixed rules, which were the ob- servations of old and experienced practitioners, and writ- ten in the sacred books. While these rules were observed, the physician was not answerable for the success ; other- wise, a miscarriage cost him his life. ‘This law checked, indeed, the temerity of empirics ; but then it might pre- vent new discoveries, and keep the art from attaining to its just perfection. Every physician, if Herodotus’ may be credited, confined his practice to the cure of one dis- ease only; one was for the eyes, another for the teeth, and so on, ’ |

"« Wuyiic tarpetoy

x It will not seem surprising that the Egyptians, who were the most an- cient observers of the celestial motions, should have arrived to this know- ledge, when ‘it is considered, that the lunar year, made use of by the Greeks and Romans, though it appears so inconvenient and irregular, supposed nevertheless a knowledge of the solar year, such as Diodorus Si- culus ascribes to the Egyptians. It will appear at first sight, by calcula- ting their intercalations, that those who first divided the year in this man- ner, were not ignorant, that to three hundred sixty-five days some hours were to be added, to keep pace with the sun. Their only error lay in

supposition, that only six hours were wanting: whereas an addition of al- most eleven minutes more was requisite. Y Lib. ii. c. 84,

182 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

What we have said of the pyramids, the labyrinth, and that infinite number of obelisks, temples, and palaces, whose precious remains still strike the beholder with ad- miration, and in which the magnificence of the princes - “who raised them, the skill of the workmen, the riches of the ornaments diffused over every part of them, and the just proportion and beautiful symmetry of the parts, in which their greatest beauty consisted, seemed to vie with each other ; works, in many of which the liveliness of the colours remains to this day, in spite of the rude hand of time, which commonly deadens or destroys them: all this, I say, shews the perfection to which architecture, painting, sculpture, and all other arts, had arrived in Egypt. |

The Egyptians entertaimed but a mean opinion of those gymnastic exercises, which did not contribute to invigorate the body, or improve health;’ as well as of music,* which they considered as a diversion not only useless but dangerous, and only fit to enervate the mind.

alate

CHAP: -Y¥.

Or THEIR HusBANDMEN, SHEPHERDS, AND ARTIFICERS.

HusBANDMEN, shepherds, and artificers, formed the three classes of lower life in Egypt, but were neverthe- less had in very great esteem, particularly husbandmen and shepherds.” ‘The body politic requires a superiority and subordination of its several members ; for as, in the natural body, the eye may be said to hold the first rank, yet its lustre does not dart contempt upon the feet, the hands, or even on those parts which are less honourable. In like manner, among the Egyptians, the priests, sol- diers, and scholars, were distinguished by particular ho- nours ; but all professions, to the meanest, had their share in the public esteem, because the despising any man, whose labours, however mean, were useful to the state, was thought a crime.

* Diod. 1.1. p. 73.

* Thy d& povouriy vopifovow od pdvoy dxonoroy bmdpyev, AA Kai Bda- Bepay, we dv tkOndivovoay rag rév dvdpiy Wuydg. ” Diod, 1. i. p. 67, 68.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 183

A better. reason than the foregoing, might have in- spired them at the first with these sentiments of equity and moderation, which they so long preserved. As they all descended from Cham,° their common father, the me- -mory of their still recent origin occurrmg to the minds of all in those first ages, established among them a kind of equality, and stamped, in their opinion, a nobility on every person derived from the common stock. Indeed, the difference of conditions, and the contempt with which persons of the lowest rank are treated, are owing merely to the distance from the cammon root; which makes us forget that the meanest plebeian, when his descent is traced back to the source, is equally noble with those of the most elevated rank and titles.

Be that as it will, no profession in Egypt was consi- dered as grovelling or sordid. By this means arts were raised to their highest perfection. ‘The honour which cherished them mixed with every thought and care for their improvement. Every man had his way of life as- signed him by the laws, and it was perpetuated from fa- ther to son. ‘Two professions at one time, or a change of that which a man was born to, were never allowed. By this means, men became more able and expert in em- ployments which they had always exercised from their infancy ; and every man adding his own experience to that of his ancestors, was more capable of attaining perfection in his particular art. Besides, this wholesome institu- tion, which had been established anciently throughout Egypt, extinguished all irregular ambition; and taught every man to sit down contented with his condition, without aspiring to one more elevated, from interest, vain-glory, or levity.

From this source flowed numberless inventions for the improvement of all the arts, and for rendering life more commodious, and trade more easy. I once could not believe that Diodorus! was in earnest, in what he relates concerning the Egyptian industry, vz. that this people had found out a way, by an artificial fecundity, to hatch eggs without the sitting of the hen ; but all modern tra- vellers declare it to be a fact, which certainly is worthy

¢ Or Ham, 1 Diod. |, i. p. 67.

184 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

our investigation, and is said to be practised also in Eu- rope. Their relations inform us, that the Egyptians stow eggs in ovens, which are heated to such a tempera- ment, and with such just proportion to the natural warmth of the hen, that the chickens produced by these means are as strong as those which are hatched the natural way. The season of the year proper-for this operation is, from the end of December to the end of April; the heat in Egypt being too violent in the other months. During these four months, upwards of three hundred thousand eggs are laid in these ovens, which, though they are not

all successful, nevertheless produce vast numbers of fowls _ at an easy rate. The art lies in giving the ovens a due de- gree of heat, which must not exceed a fixed proportion. About ten days are bestowed in heating these ovens, and very near as much time in hatching theeggs. Itis very entertaining, say these travellers, to observe the hatching of these chickens, some of which shew at first nothing but their heads, others but half their bodies, and others again come quite out of the egg: these last, the moment they are hatched, make their way over the unhatched eggs, and form a diverting spectacle. Corneille le Bruyn, in his Travels,° has collected the observations of other tra- vellers on this subject. Pliny‘ likewise mentions it; but it appears from him, that the Egyptians, anciently, em- ployed warm dung, not ovens, to hatch eggs.

I have said, that husbandmen particularly, and those who took care of flocks, were in great esteem in Egypt, some parts of it excepted, where the latter were not suf- fered. It was, indeed, to these two professions that Egypt owed its riches and plenty. It is astonishing to reflect what advantages the Egyptians, by their art and labour, drew from a country of no great extent, but whose soil was made wonderfully fruitful by the inundations of the Nile, and the laborious industry of the inhabitants.

It will be always so with every kingdom, whose go- vernors direct all their actions to the public welfare. The

© Tom. ii. p. 64. f Lib. x. c. 54.

& Swineherds, in particular, had a general ill name throughout Egypt,

as they had the care of soimpure an animal. Herodotus (I. ii. c. 47.) tells

us, that they were not permitted to enter the Egyptian temples, nor “would any. man give them his daughter in marriage.

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 185

culture of lands, and the breeding of cattle, will be an inexhaustible fund of wealth in all countries, where, as in Egypt, these profitable callings are supported and encouraged by maxims of state and policy: and we may consider it as a misfortune, that they are at present fallen into so general a disesteem; though it is from them that the most elevated ranks (as we esteem them) are fur- nished, not only with the necessaries, but even the luxu- ries, of life. Hor, says Abbé Fleury, in his admirable work, Of the Manners of the Israelites, where the sub- ject I am upon is thoroughly examined, it is the peasant who feeds the citizen, the magistrate, the gentleman, the ecclesiastic : and whatever artifice and craft may be used to convert money into commodities, and these back again into money ; yet all must ultimately be owned to be re- ceived from the products of the earth, and the animals which it sustains and nourishes. Nevertheless, when we compare men’s different stations of life together, we give the lowest place to the husbandman: and with many peo- ple a wealthy citizen, enervated with sloth, useless to the public, and void of all merit, has the preference, merely because he has more money, and lives a more easy and de- lightful life.

But let us imagine to ourselves a country where so great a difference is not made between the several conditions; where the life of a nobleman is not made to consist in idle- ness and doing nothing, but in a careful preservation of his liberty; that is, in a due suljection to the laws and the constitution ; by a man’s subsisting upon his estate with- out a dependance on any one, and being contented to enjoy a little with liberty, rather than a great deal at the price of mean and base compliances: a country, whose sloth, effeminacy, and the ignorance of things necessary for life, are held in just contempt; and where pleasure ts less va- lued than health and bodily strength: in such a country, it will be much more for a man’s reputation to plough, and heen flocks, than to waste all his hours in sauntering from place to place, in gaming and expensive diversions.

But we need not have recourse to Plato’s common- wealth, for instances of men who have led these useful lives, It was thus that the greatest part of mankind

186 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

lived during near four thousand years; and that not only the Israelites, but the Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Romans, that is to say, nations the most civilized, and most renowned for arms and wisdom. ‘They all incul- cate the regard which ought to be paid to agriculture, and the breeding of cattle: one of which (without saying any thing of hemp and flax, so necessary for our clothing) supplies us by corn, fruits, and pulse, with not only a plentiful but delicious nourishment; and the other, be- sides its supply of exquisite meats to cover our tables, almost alone gives life to manufactures and trade, by the skins and stuffs it furnishes.

Princes are commonly desirous, and their interest cer- tainly requires it, that the peasant who, in a literal sense, sustains the heat and burden of the day, and pays so great a proportion of the national taxes, should meet with fa- vour and encouragement. But the kind and good in- tentions of princes are too often defeated by the insatiable and merciless avarice of those who are appointed to col- lect their revenues. History has transmitted to usa fine saying of Tiberius on this head:—A prefect of Egypt having augmented the annual tribute of the province, and, doubtless, with the view of making his court to the emperor, remitted to him a sum much larger than was customary; that prince, who, in the beginning of his reign, thought, or at least spoke justly, answered, That it was his design not to flay, but to shear his sheep.”

CHAP, V1.

Or THE FERTILITY OF EeypPrT.

Unper this head, I shall treat only of some plants peculiar to Egypt, and of the abundance of corn which it produced. |

Papyrus. This is a plant from the root of which shoot out a great many triangular stalks, to the height of six or seven cubits. ‘The ancients’ writ at first upon palm-

\ Xiphilin. in apophthegm. Tib. Ces.

KsipeoOai pov ra mp6Bara, dN’ obk drrokipetOar BovrAopa. aia i Phin. 1, xiii. Ca. 11. A

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 187

leaves; next on the inside of the bark of trees, from whence the word Jiber, or book, is derived; after that, upon tables covered over with wax, on which the cha- racters were impressed with an instrument called Stylus, sharp-pointed at one end to write with, and flat at the other, to efface what had been written; which gave oc- casion to the following expression of Horace: : - Szpe stylum vertas, iterum que digna legi sint

Scripturus: Sat. lib. i. x. ver. 72.

Oft turn your style, if you desire to write

Things that will bear a second reading— The meaning of which is, that a good performance is not

to be expected without many erasures and corrections.

- At last the use of paper“ was introduced, and this was made of the bark of Papyrus, divided into thin flakes or leaves, which were very proper for writing: and this Pa- pyrus was likewise called Byblus:

Nondum flumineas Memphis contexere byblos

Noverat.— Lucan.

Memphis as yet-knew not to form in leaves

The watry byblos.

Pliny calls it a wonderful imvention,' so useful to life, that it preserves the memory of great actions, and im- mortalizes those who achieved them. Varro ascribes this invention to Alexander the Great, when he built Alex- andria; but he had only the merit of making paper more common, for the invention was of much greater anti- quity. The same Pliny adds, that Eumenes, king of Pergamus, substituted parchment instead of paper; in emulation of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, whose library he was ambitious to excel by this invention, which had the advantage over paper. Parchment is the skin of a sheep, dressed and made fit to write upon. It was called Perga- menum from Pergamus, whose kings had the honour of the invention. All the ancient manuscripts are either upon parchment or vellum, which is calf-skin, and a great deal finer than the common parchment. Itis very

k The Papyrus was divided into thin flakes (into which it naturally patted), which being laid ona table, and moistened with the glutinous waters of the Nile, were afterwards pressed together, and dried in the sun.

- 1 Posted promiscué patuit usus rei, qué constat immortalitas hominum. --. Chartz usu maximé humanitas constat in memoria.

188 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

curious to see white fine paper wrought out of filthy rags picked up in the streets. The plant Papyrus was use- ful likewise for sails, tackling, clothes, coverlets,™ &c.

Linum. Flax is a plant whose bark, full of fibres or strings, is useful in making fine linen. ‘The method of making this linen in Egypt was wonderful, and carried to such perfection, that the threads which were drawn out of them, were almost too small for the observation of the sharpest eye. Priests were always habited in linen, and never in woollen ; and all persons of distinction ge- nerally wore linen-clothes. This flax formed a consi- derable branch of the Egyptian trade, and great quan- tities of it were exported into foreign countries. The manufacture of flax employed a great number of hands in Egypt, especially of the women, as appears from that passage of Isaiah, in which the prophet menaces Egypt with a drought of so terrible a nature, that it should in- terrupt every kind of labour: Moreover, they that work in fine flax, and they that weave net-works, shall be con- founded.” We likewise find in Scripture, that one effect of the plague of hail, called down by Moses upon Egypt,° was the destruction of all the flax which was then bolled. This storm was in March.

Byssus. This was another kind of flax? extremely . fine and delicate, which often received a purple dye. It was very dear; and none but rich and wealthy persons could afford to wear it. Pliny, who gives the first place to the Asbeston or Asbestinum (Zz. e. the incombustible flax), places the Byssus in the next rank; and says, that the dress and ornaments of the ladies were made of it.’ It appears from the Holy Scriptures, that it was chiefly from Egypt that cloth made of this fine flax was brought : Fine linen with broidered work from Egypt."

™ Phin. 1. xix. ¢. 1. Bisa Sino, ° Exod. ix. 31. ® Plin. lib. xix. c. 1.

9 Proximus Byssino mulierum maximeé deliciis genito: inventum jam est etiam [scilicet Linum] quod ignibus non absumetur, vivum id vocant, _ ardentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni magis, quam possent aquis: i.e. A flax is now found out, which is proof against the violence of fire; itis called living flax; and we have seen table napkins of it glowing in the fires of our dining-rooms ; and receiving a lustre and a cleanliness from flames, which no water could have given it. ¥ Ezek. xxvii. 7,

‘OF THE EGYPTIANS. 189

- T take no notice of the Lotus, a very common plant, and in great request among the Egyptians, of whose berries in former times they made bread. ‘There was - another Lotus in Africa, which gave its name to the Lo- tophagi, or Lotus eaters; because they lived upon the fruit of this tree, which had so delicious a taste, if Homer may be credited, that it made those who ate it forget all the sweets of their native country, as Ulysses found to his cost in his return from Troy.

In general, it may be said, that the Egyptian pulse and fruits were excellent ; and might, as Pliny observes,‘ have sufficed singly for the nourishment of the inhabitants ; such was their excellent quality, and so great their plenty. And indeed working men lived then almost upon nothin else, as appears from those who were employed in build- ing the pyramids.

Besides these rural riches, the Nile, from its fish, and the fatness, it gave to the soil for the feeding of cattle, furnished the tables of the Egyptians with the most ex- quisite fish of every kind, and the most succulent flesh. This it was which made the Israelites so deeply regret the loss of Egypt, when they found themselves in the wilderness. Who, say they, in a plaintive, and at the same time seditious tone, shall give us flesh to eat ? We remember the flesh which we did eat in Egypt freely ; the cucumbers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlick." We sat by the flesh-pots, and. we did eat bread to the full.”

But the great and matchless wealth of Egypt arose from its corn, which, even in an almost universal famine, en- abled it to support all the neighbouring nations, as it par- ticularly did under Joseph’s administration. In_ later ages it was the resource and mostcertain granary of Rome and Constantinople. It is a well-known story, how a calumny raised against St. Athanasius, viz. of his having threatened to prevent in future the importation of corn

® Tov & Soric AwToto Payor pedendéa KapToy,

Oi ér’ arayyeina WAAL HOErEV, ode vieoOar. Odyss. ix. ver. 94, 95. My 7 Tic AwToto gayGy, vdoroio AAOnrar. ver. 102. t AEgyptus frugum quidem fertilissima, sed ut propé sola iis carere pos-

sit, tanta est ciborum ex herbis abundantia, Plin. |. xxi. c. 15. "Numb, xi, 4, 5. < Exod. xvi. 3. .

190 “MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

into Constantinople from Alexandria, incensed the em- peror Constantine against that holy bishop, because he knew that his capital-city could not subsist without the corn which was brought to it from Egypt. The same reason induced all the emperors of Rome to take so great a care of Egypt, which they considered as the nursing- mother of the world’s metropolis.

Nevertheless, the same river, which enabled this pro- vinceto subsist the two most populous cities in the world, sometimes reduced even Egypt itself to the most terrible famine ; and it is astonishing that Joseph’s wise foresight, which in fruitful years had made provision for seasons of sterility, should not have taught these so-much-boasted politicians, to adopt similar precautions against thechanges and inconstancy of the Nile. Pliny, in his panegyric upon Trajan, paints with wonderful strength the ex- tremity to which that country was reduced by a famine under that prince’s reign, and his generous relief of it. The reader will not be displeased to read here an extract of it, in which a greater regard will be had to Pliny’s thoughts than to his expressions.

The Egyptians, says Pliny, who gloried that they needed neither rain nor sun to produce their corn, and who believed they might confidently contest the prize of plenty with the most fruitful countries of the world, were condemned to an unexpected drought, and a fatal sterility, from the greatest part of their territories being deserted and left unwatered by the Nile, whose inun- dation is the source and sure standard of their abun- dance. ‘They then implored that assistance from their prince, which they had been accustomed to expect only from their river.’ The delay of their relief was no longer than that which employed a courier to bring the melan- choly news to Rome; and one would have imagined, that this misfortune had befallen them only to display, with greater lustre, the generosity and goodness of Cesar. It was an ancient and general opinion,’ that our city could

_Y Inundatione, id est, ubertate regio fraudata, sic opem Cesaris invoca- vit, ut solet amnem suum.

* Percrebuerat antiquitds urbem nostram nisiopibus Aigypti ali susten-

tarique non posse. Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quod victorem

OF THE EGYPTIANS. 191

not subsist without provisions drawn from Egypt. “This vain and proud nation boasted, that, though conquered, they nevertheless fed their conquerors; that by means of their river, either abundance or scarcity were entirely in their own disposal. - But we now have returned the Nile his own harvests, and given him back the provisions he sent us. Let the Egyptians be then convinced, by their own experience, that they are not necessary to us, and are only our vassals. Let them know that their ships do not so much bring us the provision we stand in need of, as the tribute which they owe us. And let them never forget, that we can do without them, but that they can never do without us. This most fruitful province had been ruined, had it not worn the Roman chains. The Egyptians, in their sovereign, found a deliverer, and ‘a father. Astonished at the sight of their granaries, filled without any labour of their own, they were at a loss to know to whom they owed this foreign and gratuitous plenty. The famine of a people, though at such a distance from us, yet so speedily stopped, served only to let them feel the advantage of living under ourempire. The Nile may, in other times, have diffused more plenty on Egypt, but never more: glory upon us.* May Heaven, content with this proof of the people’s patience and the prince’s generosity, restore for ever back to Egypt its ancient fertility !

Pliny’s reproach to the Egyptians, for their vain and foolish pride with regard to the inundations of the Nile, points out one of their most peculiar characteristics, and recalls to my mind a fine passage of Ezekiel, where God thus speaks to Pharaoh, one of their kings: Behold, Jam against thee, Pharaoh, king of Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his rivers, which hath said, My. river is my own, and I have made it for myself.” God perceived an insupportable pride in the heart of this prince: a sense of security and confidence in the inun- dations of the Nile, mdependent entirely on the in- fluences of heaven ; as though the happy effects of this

quidem populum pasceret tamen, quddque in suo flumine, in suis manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset. Refudimus Nilo suas copias. Re- cepit frumenta que miserat, deportatasque messes revexit. *Nilus Aigypto quidem szpe, sed gloriz nostra nunquam largior iluxit. > Ezek. xxix. 3. 9.

192 HISTORY OF THE

inundation had been owing to nothing but his own care and labour, or those of his predecessors: The river is mine, and I have made it.

Before I conclude this second part, which treats of the manners of the Egyptians, I think it incumbent on me to bespeak the attention of my readers to different pas- sages scattered in the history of Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, and Moses, which confirm and illustrate part of what we meet with in profane authors upon this subject. They will there observe the perfect polity which reigned in Egypt, both in the court and the rest of the kingdom ; the vigilance of the prince, who was informed of all trans- actions, had a regular council, a chosen number of mi- nisters, armies ever well maintained and disciplined, both of horse, foot, and armed chariots; intendants in all the provinces ; overseers or guardians of the public granaries ; wise and exact dispensers of the corn lodged inthem; a court composed of great officers of the crown, a captain of his guards, a chief cup-bearer, a master of his pantry ; in a word, all things that compose a prince’s household, and constitute a magnificent court. But above all these, the readers will admire the fear in which the threatenings of God were held,° the inspector of all actions, and the judge of kings themselves; and the horror the Egyptians had for adultery, which was acknowledged to be a crime of so heinous a nature, that it alone was capable of bring- ing destruction on a nation.

Jira aed ited i THE HISTORY OF THE KINGS OF EGYPT.

No part of ancient history is more obscure or uncertain, than that of the first kings of Egypt. This proud nation, fondly conceited of its antiquity and nobility, thought it glorious to lose itself in an abyss of infinite ages, which seemed to carry its pretensions backward to eternity. According to its own historians,° first gods, and after- wards demi-gods or heroes, governed it successively, through a series of more than twenty thousand years.

© Gen. xii. 10—20. 4 Diod. 1.1. p. 41.

KINGS OF EGYPT. 193

But the absurdity of this vain and fabulous claim 1s easily discovered.

To gods and demi-gods, men succeeded as rulers or kings in Egypt, of whom Manetho has left us thirty dynasties or principalities. This Manetho was an Egyp- tian high priest, and keeper of the sacred archives of Egypt, and had been instructed in the Grecian learning: he wrote a history of Egypt, which he pretended to have extracted from the writings of Mercurius and other an- cient memoirs, preserved in the archives of the Egyptian temples. He drew up this history under the reign, and at the command, of Ptolemy Philadelphus. -If his thirty dynasties are allowed to be successive, they make up a series of time of more than five thousand three hundred years, to the reign of Alexander the Great; but this is a manifest forgery. Besides, we find in Eratosthenes,* who was invited to Alexandria by Ptolemy Euergetes, a catalogue of thirty-eight kings of Thebes, all different from those of Manetho. The clearing up of these dif- ficulties has put the learned to a great deal of trouble and labour. The most effectual way to reconcile such con- tradictions, is to suppose, with almost all the modern writers upon this subject, that the kings of these differ- ent dynasties did not reign successively after one another, but many of them at the same time, and in different countries of Egypt. ‘There were in Egypt four princi- pal dynasties; that of Thebes, of Thin, of Memphis, and of Tanis. I shall not here give my readers a list of the kings who have reigned in Egypt, of most of whom we have only the names transmitted tous. I shall only take notice of what seems to me most proper, to give youth the necessary light into this part of history, for whose sake principally I engaged in this undertaking; and I shall confine myself chiefly to the memoirs left us by Hero- dotus and Diodorus Siculus, concerning the Egyptian kings, without even scrupulously preserving the exactness of succession, at least in the early part of the monarchy, which is very obscure; and without pretending to recon- cile these two historians. Their design, especially that of Herodotus, was not to lay before us an exact series

e An historian of Cyrene. VOR VT, O

194 HISTORY OF THE

of the kings of Egypt, but only to pomt out those princes whose history appeared to them most important and in- structive. I shall follow the sane plan, and hope to be forgiven, for not having involved either myself or my readers in a labyrinth of almost inextricable difficulties, from which the most able can scarce disengage them- selves, when they pretend to follow the series of history, and reduce it to fixed and certain dates. ‘The curious may consult the learned pieces,’ in which this subject is treated in all its extent. |

I am to promise, that Herodotus, upon the credit of the Egyptian priests whom he had consulted, gives us a great number of oracles and singular incidents, all which, though he relates them as so many facts, the judicious reader will easily discover to be what they really are; I mean, fictions.

The ancient history of Egypt comprehends 2158 years, and is naturally divided into three periods.

The first begins with the establishment of the Egyp- tian monarchy, by Menes, or Misraim, the son of Cham,®* in the year of the world 1816; and ends with the de- struction of that monarchy by Cambyses, king of Persia, in the year of the world 3479. ‘This first period con- tains 1063 years.

The second period is intermixed with the Persian and Grecian history, and extends to the death of Alexander the Great, which happened in the year 3681, and con- sequently includes 202 years.

The third period is that in which a new monarchy was formed in Egypt by the Lagide, or Ptolemies, de- seendants from Lagus; to the death of Cleopatra, the last queen of Egypt, in 3974 ; and this last comprehends 203 years.

I shall now treat only of the first period, reserving the two others for the zeras to which they belong.

The Kings of Egypt. A.M.1sic. . Menges. Historians are unanimously Ant. J.C. 2188. agreed, that Menes was the first king of

Sir John Marsham’s Canon Chronic. ; Father Pezron; the Dissertations of F. Tournemine, and Abbé Sevin, &c. ¢ Or Ham.

KINGS OF EGYPT. 195

Egypt. It is pretended, and not without foundation, that he is the same with Misraim, the son of Cham.

Cham was the second son of Noah. When the fa- mily of the latter, after the extravagant attempt of build- ing the tower of Babel, dispersed themselves into differ- ent countries, Cham retired to Africa; and it doubtless was he who afterwards was worshipped as a god, under the name of Jupiter Ammon. He had four children, Chus,? Misraim, Phut, and Canaan. Chus settled in Ethiopia; Misraim in Egypt, which generally is called in Scripture after his name, and by that of Cham’ his father; Phut took possession of that part of Africa, which lies westward of Egypt; and Canaan, of the country which afterwards bore his name. ‘The Canaanites are certainly the same people who are called almost always Phoenicians by the Greeks, of which foreign name no reason can be given, any more than of the oblivion of the true one.

I return to Misraim. He is allowed‘ to be the same with Menes, whom all historians declare to be the first king of Egypt, the institutor of the worship of the gods, and of the ceremonies of the sacrifices.

Busiris, some ages after him, built the famous city of Thebes, and made it the seat of his empire. We have elsewhere taken notice of the wealth and magnificence of this city. This prince is not to be confounded with Busiris, so infamous for his cruelties.

Osymanpyas. Diodorus' gives a very particular description of many magnificent edifices, raised by this king; one of which was adorned with sculptures and paintings of exquisite beauty, representing his expedition against the Bactrians, a people of Asia, whom he had invaded with four hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse, In another part of the edifice was ex- hibited an assembly of the judges, whose president wore, on his breast, a picture of Truth, with her eyes shut, and

; h Or Cush, Gen. x. 6. _

iThe footsteps of its old name (Mesraim) remain to this day among the Arabians, who call it Mesre; by the testimony of Plutarch it was called Xnpia, Chemia, by an easy corruption of Chomia, and this for Cham, or Ham.

k Herod, |. ii. p. 99. Diod.1. i. p. 42. ' Diod. I, i. pt 44, 45.

o 2

196 HISTORY OF THE

himself was surrounded with books; an emphatic em- blem, denoting that judges ought to be perfectly versed in the laws, and impartial in the administration of them.

The king likewise was painted here, offering to the gods gold and silver, which he drew every year from the mines of Egypt, amounting to the sum of sixteen millions.”

Not far from hence was seen a magnificent library, the oldest mentioned in history. Its title or inscription on the front was, The office, or treasury, of remedies for the diseases of the soul. Near it were placed statues, re~ presenting all the Egyptian gods, to each of whom the king made suitable offerings : by which he seemed to be desirous of informing posterity that his life and reign had been crowned with piety to the gods, and justice to men.

His mausoleum displayed uncommon magnificence : it was encompassed with a circle of gold, -a cubit in breadth, and 365 cubits in circumference ; each of which shewed the rising and setting of the sun, moon, and the rest of the planets. For, so early as this king’s reign, the Egyptians divided the year into twelve months, each consisting of thirty days; to which they added every year five days and six hours. The spectator did not know which to admire most in this stately monument, whether the richness of its materials, or the genius and industry of the artists.

Ucnorevs, one of the successors of Osymandyas, built the city of Memphis.° This city was 150 furlongs, or more than seven leagues in circumference, and stood at the point of the Delta, in that part where the Nile di- vides itself into several branches, or streams. Southward from the city, he raised a lofty mole. On the right and left he dug very deep moats to receive the river. ‘These were faced with stone, and raised, near the city, by strong causeys; the whole designed to secure the city from the inundations of the Nile, and the incursions of the enemy. A city so advantageously situated, and so strongly fortified, that it was almost the key of the Nile,

_ ™ ‘Three thousand two hundred myriads of mine. - | ” See Sir Isaac Newton’s Chronology, p. 30. | ° Diod. p. 46.

RINGS: OF EGY? T. ‘197

and, by this means, commanded the whole country, be- came soon the usual residence of the Egyptian kings. It kept possession of this honour, till Alexandria was built by Alexander the Great. 3 Maris. This king made. the famous lake which went by his name, and whereof mention has been al- ready made. : | Egypt had long been governed by its yee ee er native princes, when strangers, called Shepherd-kings (Hycsos in the Egyptian language), from Arabia or Phoenicia, invaded and seized a great part of Lower Egypt, and Memphis itself; but Upper Egypt remained unconquered, and the kingdom of Thebes existed till the reign of Sesostris. These fo- reign princes governed about 260 years. Under one of these princes, called riey hata Pharaoh in Scripture’ (a name common to | all the kings of Egypt), Abraham arrived there with his wife Sarah, who was exposed to great hazard, on account of her. exquisite beauty, which reaching the prince’s ear, she was by him taken from Abraham, upon the supposition that she was not his wife, but only his sister. TuHetumosis, or Amosis, having ex- Aapar a sye pelled the Shepherd-kings, reigned in Lower Egypt. peter. Long after his reign, Joseph was brought Ant. J.C. 172g, 2 Slave into Egypt, by some Ishmaelitish merchants; sold to Potiphar; and by a series of wonderful events, enjoyed the supreme autho- rity, by his being raised to the chief employment of the kingdom. I shall pass over his history, as it is so uni- versally known. But I must take notice of a remark of Justin (the epitomizer of ‘Trogus Pompeius,’ an excel- lent historian of the Augustan age), viz. that Joseph, the youngest of Jacob’s children, whom his brethren, through envy, had sold to foreign merchants, being endowed from heaven with the interpretation of dreams,’

1 Gen. xii. 10—20. * Lib. Xxxvi. c. 2. . * Justin ascribes this gift of heaven to Joseph’s skill in magical arts: Cum magicas ibi artes (Egypti sc.) solerti ingenio percepisset, &e.

198 HISTORY OF THE

and a knowledge of futurity, preserved, by his uncom- mon prudence, Egypt from the famine with which it was menaced, and was extremely caressed by the king. Jacob also went into Egypt with his ee rats whole family, which met with the kind- est treatment from the Egyptians, whilst Joseph’s important services were fresh in their memories. But after his death, say the Scriptures, there arose up a new hing, which knew not Joseph.* RAMESES-MIAMUM, according to arch- bishop Usher, was the name of this king, who is called Pharaoh in Scripture. He reigned sixty-six years, and oppressed the Israelites in a most grievous manner. He set over them task-masters, to affiict them with their burdens, and they built for Pha- raoh treasure-cities, Pithom and Raamses*—and the Egyptians made the children of Israel to serve with rigour ; and they made their lives bitter with hard lbond- age, in mortar and in brick, and in all manner of service in the field; all their service wherein they made them serve, was with rigour.” This king had two sons, Ame- nophis and Busiris. | AMENOPHIS, the eldest, succeeded him. Ty He was the Pharaoh, under whose reign the Israelites departed out of Egypt, and was drowned in passing the Red Sea. - Father Tournemine makes Sesostris, Pisa eee of whom we shall speak immediately, the haraoh who raised the persecution against the Israelites, and oppressed them with the most painful toils. This is exactly agreeable to the account given, by Diodorus, of this prince, who employed in his Egyptian works only foreigners; so that we may place the memorable event of the passage of the Red Sea, under his son Pheron;’ and the characteristic of im- piety ascribed to him by Herodotus, greatly strengthens

A.M. 2427. Ant. J. C. 1577.

Exod. i. 8.

" Feb. urbes thesaurorum. UXX. urbes munitas. ‘These cities avere appointed to preserve, as in a storehouse, the corn, oil, and other pro- ducis of Egypt. Vatab. * Exod. i. 11. 18, 14.

Y This name bears a great resemblance to Pharaoh, which was com- mon to the Egyptian kings.

KINGS OF EGYPT. 199

the probability of this conjecture. The plan I have proposed to follow in this history, excuses me from entering into chronological discussions.

Diodorus,’ speaking of the Red Sea, has made one remark very worthy our observation; A tradition (says that historian) has been transmitted through the whole nation, from father to son, for many ages, that once an extraordinary ebb dried up the sea, so that its bottom was seen; and that a violent flow immediately after brought back the waters to their former channel.—It is evident, that the miraculous passage of Moses over the Red Sea is here hinted at; and I make this remark, purposely to admonish young students, not to slip over in their perusal of authors, these precious remains of antiquity; especially when they bear, like this passage, any relating to religion.

Archbishop Usher says, that Amenophis left two sons, one called Sesothis, or Sesostris, and the other Armais. ‘The Greeks call him Belus, and his two sons Egyptus and Danaus.

SESOSTRIS* was not only one of the most powerful kings of Egypt, but one of the greatest conquerors that antiquity boasts of.

His father, whether by inspiration, caprice, or, as the Egyptians say, by the authority of an oracle, formed a design of making his son a conqueror. This he set about after the Egyptian manner, that is, in a great and noble way. All the male children, born the same day with Sesostris, were, by the king’s order, brought to court. Here they were educated as if they had been his own children, with the same care bestowed on Se- sostris, with whom they were brought up. He could not possibly have given him more faithful ministers, nor officers who more zealously desired the success of his arms. The chief part of their education was, the inuring thera, from their infancy, to a hard and laborious life, in order that they might one day be capable of sustain- ing with ease the toils of war. ‘hey were never suffered to eat, till they had run, on foot or horseback, a con- siderable race. Hunting was their most common exercise.

2 Lib. iii. p. 74. * Herod. I. ii. cap. 102.110. Diod. 1. i. p. 48. 54.

A

200 HISTORY OF THE

Elian remarks, that Sesostris was taught by Mercury, who instructed- him in politics, and the art of govern- ment. This Mercury is he whom the Greeks called Trismegistus, 7. e. thrice great. Egypt, his native country, owes to him the invention of almost every art. The two books, which go under his name, bear such evident characters of novelty, that the forgery is no longer doubted. There was another Mercury, who also was very famous amongst the Egyptians for his rare knowledge; and of much greater antiquity than he of whom we have been speaking. Jamblicus, a priest of Egypt, affirms, that it was customary with the Egyp- tians to affix the name of Hermes, or Mercury, to all the new books or inventions that were offered to the public.

When Sesostris was more advanced in years, his father sent him against the Arabians, in order to acquire military knowledge. Here the young prince learned to bear hunger and thirst; and subdued a nation which till then had never been conquered. The youths edu- cated with him attended him in all his campaigns.

Accustomed by this conquest to martial toils, he was next sent by his father to try his fortune westward. He invaded Libya, and subdued the greatest part of that vast country.

Sresostris. During this expedition anew @ ioo1, his father died, and left him capable of attempting the greatest enterprises. He formed no less a design than that of the conquest of the world. But before he left his kingdom, he provided for his domestic security, in winning the hearts of his subjects by his generosity, justice, and a popular and obliging behaviour. He was no less studious to gain the affection of his officers and soldiers, whom he wished to be ever ready to share the last drop of their blood in his service; persuaded that his enterprises would all be unsuccessful, unless his army should be attached to his person by all the ties of esteem, affection, and interest. He divided the country into thirty-six governments (called Nomi), and bestowed them on persons of merit, and the most approved fidelity.

b Ta vonpara éxpovowOijvat, lib. xii. c. 4.

KINGS OF EGY PT, 201

In the mean time he made the requisite preparations, levied forces, and headed them with officers of the great- est bravery and reputation, and these were taken chiefly from among the youths who had been educated with him. He had seventeen hundred of these officers, who were all capable of inspiring his troops with resolution, a love of discipline, and a zeal for the service of their prince. His army consisted of six hundred thousand foot, and twenty-four thousand horse, besides twenty- seven thousand armed chariots.

He began his expedition by invading Ethiopia, si- tuated on the south of Egypt. He made it tributary; and obliged the nations of it to furnish him annually with a certain quantity of ebony, ivory, and gold.

He had fitted out a fleet of four hundred sail, and ordering it to advance to the Red Sea, made himself master of the isles and cities lying on the coasts of that sea. He himself heading his land army, over-ran and subdued Asia with amazing rapidity, and advanced far- ther into India than Hercules, Bacchus, and in after- times Alexander himself had ever done; for he subdued the countries beyond the Ganges, and advanced as far as the Ocean. One may judge from hence how unable the more neighbouring countries were to resist him. The Scythians, as far as the river Tanais, as well as Armenia and Cappadocia, were conquered. He left a colony in the ancient kingdom of Colchos, situated to the east of the Black Sea, where the Egyptian customs and manners have been ever since retained. Herodotus saw in Asia Minor, from one sea to the other, monuments of his victories. In several countries was read the following inscription engraven on pillars: Sescstris, hing of kings, and lord of lords, subdued this country by the power of his arms. Such pillars were found even in Thrace, and his empire extended from the Ganges to the Danube. In his expeditions, some nations bravely defended their liberties, and others yielded them up without making the least resistance. ‘This disparity was denoted by him in hieroglyphical figures, on the monuments, erected to perpetuate the remembrance of his victories, agreeable to the Egyptian practice.

202 HESTORY OF THE

The scarcity of provisions in Thrace stopped the pro- gress of his conquests, and prevented his advancing farther in Europe. One remarkable circumstance. is observed in this conqueror, who never once thought, as others had done, of preserving his acquisitions; but contenting himself with the glory of having subdued and despoiled so many nations; after having made wild havoc up and down the world for nine years, he con- fined himself almost within the ancient limits of Egypt, a few neighbouring provinces excepted; for we do not find any traces or footsteps of this new empire, either under himself or his successors. .

He returned therefore Jaden with the spoils of the vanquished nations, dragging after him a numberless multitude of captives, and covered with greater glory than any of his predecessors; that glory I mean which employs so many tongues and pens in its praise; which consists in invading a great number of provinces in a hostile way, and is often productive of numberless cala- mities. He rewarded his officers and soldiers with a truly royal magnificence, in proportion to their rank and merit. He made it both his pleasure and duty, to put the companions of his victory in such a condition as might enable them to enjoy, during the remainder of their days, a calm and easy repose, the just reward of their past toils.

With regard to himself, for ever careful of his own reputation, and still more of making his power advan- tageous to his subjects, he employed the repose which peace allowed him, in raising works that might con- tribute more to the enriching of Egypt, than the im- mortalizing his name; works, in which the art and in- dustry of the workman were more admired, than the immense sums which had been expended on them.

A hundred famous temples, raised as so many monu- ments of gratitude to the tutelar gods of all the cities, were the first, as well as the most illustrious, testimonies of his victories; and he took care to publish in the in- scriptions on them, that these mighty works had been completed without burdening any of his subjects. He made it his glory to be tender of them, and to employ

KINGS OF EGYPT. 203

only captives in these monuments of his conquests. The Scriptures take notice of something like this, where they speak of the buildings of Solomon.’ But he prided himself particularly in adorning and enrich- ing the temple of Vulcan at Pelusium, in acknowledg- ment of the protection which he fancied that god had bestowed on him, when, on his return from his expe- ditions, his brother had a design of destroying him in that city, with his wife and children, by setting fire to the apartment where he then lay.

His great work was, the raising, in every part of Egypt, a considerable number of high banks, or moles, on which new cities were built, in order that these might be a security for men and beasts during the inundations of the Nile.

From Memphis, as far as the sea, he cut, on both sides of the river, a great number of canals, for the con- veniency of trade, and the conveying of provisions, and for the settling an easy correspondence between such cities as were most distant from one another. Besides the advantages of trafhc, Egypt was, by these canals, made inaccessible to the cavalry of its enemies, which before had so often harassed it by repeated incursions.

He did still more. ‘To secure Egypt from the inroads of its nearer neighbours, the Syrians and Arabians, he fortified all the eastern coast from Pelusium to Helio- polis, that is, for upwards of seven leagues.°

Sesostris might have been considered as one of the most illustrious and most boasted heroes of antiquity, had not the lustre of his warlike actions, as well as his pacific virtues, been tarnished by a thirst of glory, and a blind fondness for his own grandeur, which made him forget that he was a man. The kings and chiefs of the conquered nations came, at stated times, to do homage to their victor, and pay him the appointed tribute. On every other occasion, he treated them with sufficient humanity and generosity. But when he went to the temple, or entered his capital, he caused these princes

b 9 Ohron. viii. 9: But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no servants for his work. © 150 stadia, about 18 miles English.

~ Fs

204 HISTORY OF THE

to be harnessed to his car, four abreast, instead of horses; and valued himself upon his being thus drawn by the lords and sovereigns of other nations. What I am most surprised at, is, that Diodorus should rank this foolish and inhuman vanity among the most shining ac- tions of this prince.

Being grown blind in his old age, he died by his own hands, after having reigned thirty-three years, and left his kmgdom infinitely rich. His empire, nevertheless, did not reach beyond the fourth generation. But there still remained, so low as the reign of Tiberius, magnifi- cent monuments, which showed the extent of Egypt under Sesostris,* and the immense tributes which were paid to it.*

I now go back to some facts which took place in this period, but which were omitted, in order that I might not break the thread of the history, and now I shall but barely mention them.

About the zerain question, the Egyptians settled themselves in divers parts of the earth. The colony, which Cecrops led out of Egypt, built twelve cities, or rather as many towns, of which he composed the kingdom of Athens.

We observed, that the brother of Sesostris, called by the Greeks Danaus, had formed a design to murder him, on his return to Egypt, after his conquests. But being defeated in his horrid project, he was obliged to fly. He thereupon retired to Pelopon- nesus, where he seized upon the kingdom of Argos, which had been founded about four hundred years before by Inachus. |

A.M. 2448.

A. M. 2530.

Busiris, brother of Amenophis, so infa- mous among the ancients for his cruelties, exercised his tyranny at that time on the banks of the Nile; and barbarously murdered all foreigners who landed in his country : this was probably during the absence of Sesostris.

A. M. 2533.

4 Tacit. Ann. I. ii. c. 60.

_© Legebantur indicta gentibus tributa—haud minis magnifica quam nunc vt Parthorum aut potentid Romané jubentur—Inscribed on pillars, were read the tributes imposed on vanquished nations, which were not inferior to those new paid to the Parthian and Roman powers.

. A. M. 2549.

KINGS OF EGY PT. 205

_ About the same time, Cadmus brought from Syria into Greece the invention of let- ters. Some pretend, that these characters or letters were Egyptian, and that Cadmus himself was a native of Egypt, and not of Phoenicia; and the Egyptians, who ascribe to themselves the invention of every art, and boast a greater antiquity than any other nation, give to their Mercury the honour of inventing letters. Most of the learned agree,’ that Cadmus carried the Pheenician or Syrian letters into Greece, and that those letters were the same as the Hebraic; the Hebrews, who formed but a small nation, being comprehended under the general name of Syrians. Joseph Scaliger, in his notes on the Chronicon of Eusebius, proves, that the Greek letters, and those of the Latin alphabet formed from them, derive their original from the ancient Phoenician letters, which are the same with the Samaritan, and were used by the Jews before the Babylonish captivity. Cadmus carried only sixteen let- ters into Greece,’ eight others being added afterwards. I return to the history of the Egyptian kings, whom I shall hereafter rank in the same order as Herodotus has assigned to them. PuEron succeeded Sesostris in his king- A.M. 2647. dom, but not in his glory. Herodotus? re- Ant. J. C. 1457. J ates but one action of his, which shews how greatly he had degenerated from the religious sen- timents of hisfather. In an extraordinary inundation of the Nile, which exceeded eighteen cubits, this prince, en- raged at the wild havoc which was made by it, threw a javelin at the river, as if he intended thereby to chastise its insolence ; but was himself immediately punished for his impiety, if the historian may be credited, with the loss of sight.

‘ The reader may consult, on this subject, two learned dissertations of Abbé Renaudot, inserted in the second volume of the History of the Acade- my of Inscriptions.

8 The sixteen letters brought by Cadmus into Greece, are a, B, y, 6, €, t, Kk, A, fy v, 0, 7,0, 0,7, v. Palamedes, at the siege of Troy, 2. e. upwards of two hundred and fifty years lower than Cadmus, added the fonr follow- ing, £, 0, ¢, x; and Simonides, a long time after, invented the four others,

namely, n, w, 2, w. es Herod. Lii. ec. 111. Diod. 1. i. p. 54.

206 HISTORY OF THE

‘Proteus. “He was of Memphis, = ae ae where, in Herodotus’s time, his temple me" was still standing, in which was a chapel dedicated to Venus the Stranger. Itis conjectured that this Venus was Helen. For in the reign of this monarch, Paris the Trojan, returning home with Helen, whom he had stolen, was driven by a storm into one of the mouths of the Nile, called Canopic ; and from thence was con- ducted to Proteus at Memphis, who reproached him in the strongest terms for his base perfidy and guilt, in ‘stealing the wife of his host, and with her all the effects in his house. He added, that the only reason why he did not punish him with death (as his crime deserved) was, because the Egyptians were careful not to imbrue their hands in the blood of strangers: that he would keep Helen, with all the riches that were brought with her, in order to restore them to their lawful owner: that as for himself (Paris), he must either quit his dominions in three days, cr expect to be treated as an enemy. ‘The king’s order was obeyed. Paris continued his voyage, and ar- rived at Troy, whither he was closely pursued by the Grecian army. ‘The Greeks summoned the ‘Trojans to surrender Helen, and with her all the treasures of which her husband had been plundered. ‘The Trojans answered, that neither Helen, nor her treasures, were in their city. And indeed, was it at all likely, says Herodotus, that Priam, who was so wise an old prince, should choose to see i Herod. I. ii. c. 112. 120.

k T do not think myself obliged to enter here into a discussion, which would be attended with very perplexing difficulties, should I pretend to reconcile the series, or succession of the kings, as given by Herodotus, with the opinion of archbishop Usher. ‘This last supposes, with many other learned men, that Sesostris is the son of that Egyptian king who was drowned in the Red Sea, whose reign must consequently have begun in the year of the world 2513, and continued till the year 2547, since it lasted thirty-three years. Should we allow fifty years to the reign of Pheron his son, there would still be an interval of above two hundred years between Pheron and Proteus, who, according to Herodotus, was the immediate successor of the former; since Proteus livedat the time ofthe siege of Troy, which, according to Usher, was taken An. Mun. 2820. I know not whe- ther his almost total silence on the Egyptian kings after Sesostris, was owing to his sense of this difficulty. I suppose a long interval to have oc- curred between Pheron and Proteus: accordingly, Diodorus (lib.i. p. 54.)

fills it up with a great many kings: and the same must be said of some of the following kings.

KINGS OF EGYPT. 207

his children and country destroyed before his eyes, rather than give the Greeks the just and reasonable satisfaction they desired? But it was to no purpose for them to affirm with an oath that Helen was not in their city ; the Greeks, being firmly persuaded that they were trifled with, persisted obstinately in their unbelief: the deity, con- tinues the same historian, being resolved, that the Trojans, by the total destruction of their city and empire, should teach the affrighted world this lesson:' THatr GREAT CRIMES ARE ATTENDED WITH AS GREAT AND SIGNAL PUNISHMENTS FROM THE OFFENDED GODS. Menelaus, on his return from Troy, called at the court of king Pro- teus, who restored him Helen, with all her treasure. Herodotus proves, from some passages in Homer, that the voyage of Paris to Egypt was not unknown to this oet.

; Ruampsinitus. What is related by Herodotus” con- cerning the treasury built by this king, who was the richest of all his predecessors, and his descent into hell, has so much the air of romance and fiction, as to deserve no mention here.

Till the reign of this king, there had been some shadow, at least, of justice and moderation in Egypt ; but in the two following reigns, violence and cruelty usurped their place. ‘a

Cueops and CrepHren. ‘These two princes," who were truly brothers by the similitude of their manners, seem to have vied with each other which of them should distinguish himself most, by a barefaced impiety towards the gods, and a barbarous inhumanity to men. Cheops reigned fifty years, and his brother Cephren fifty-six years after him. They kept the temples shut during the whole time of their long reigns; and forbid the offering of sacrifices under the severest penalties. On the other hand, they oppressed their subjects by employing them in the most grievous and useless works ; and sacrificed the lives of numberless multitudes of men, merely to gratify a senseless ambition of immortalizing their names by edifices of an enormous magnitude, and a boundless

lOc rév peyddoy adicnuaror peyadat etoi kai at Timwpiat Tad THY Dear.

Mj Al Coa 2h 120; " Herod. |. ii. c, 124.128. Diod. 1.1. p, 57.

208 HISTORY OF THE

expense. It is remarkable, that those stately pyramids, which have so long -been the admiration of the whole world, were the effect of the irreligion and merciless cruelty of those princes.

-Mycerinus. He was the son of Cheops,’ but of a character opposite to that of his father. So far from walking in his steps, he detested his conduct, and pur- sued quite different measures. He again opened the temples of the gods, restored the sacrifices, did all that lay in his power to comfort his subjects, and make them forget their past miseries; and believed himself set over them for no other purpose but to exercise justice, and to make them taste all the blessings of an equitable and peaceful administration. He heard their complaints, dried their tears, alleviated their misery, and thought himself not so much the master as the father of his peo- ple. ‘This procured him the love of them all. Egypt resounded with his praises, and his name commanded veneration in all places.

One would naturally conclude, that so prudent and humane a conduct must have drawn down on Mycerinus the protection of the gods. But it happened far other- wise. [Elis misfortunes began from the death of a darling and only daughter, in whom his whole felicity consisted. He ordered extraordinary honours to be paid to her me- mory, which were still continued in Herodotus’s time. This historian informs us, that in the city of Sais, exqui- site odours were burnt, in the day-time, at the tomb of this princess; and that during the night a al was kept constantly burning.

He was told by an oracle, that his reign would con- tinue but seven years. And as he complained of this to the gods, and inquired the reason, why so long and prosperous a reign had been granted to his father and uncle, who were equally cruel andimpious, whilst his own, which he had endeavoured so carefully to render as equi- table and mild as it was possible for him to do, should be so short and unhappy; he was answered, that -these were the very causes of it, it being the will of the gods to oppress and afflict Egypt during the space of one hun-

° Herod. I. ii. p. 139, 140. Diod. p. 58.

KINGS OF EGYPT. ‘ 209

dred and fifty years, as a punishment for its crimes ; and that his reign, which was to have been like those of the preceding monarchs, of fifty years’ continuance, was shortened on account of his too great lenity. Mycerinus likewise built a pyramid, but much inferior in dimensions to that of his father. |

Asycuis. He enacted the law relating to loans,? which forbade a son to borrow money, without giving the dead body of his father by way of security for it. The law added, that in case the son took no care to redeem his father’s body by restoring the loan, both himself and his children should be deprived for ever of the rites of se- pulture. 2

He valued himself for having surpassed all his prede- cessors, by the building a pyramid of brick, more magni- ficent, if this king was to be credited, than any hitherto seen. ‘The following inscription, by its founder’s order, was engraved upon it: CoMPpARE ME NOT WITH PyY- RAMIDS BUILT OF STONE: WHICH I AS MUCH EXCEL AS JUPITER DOES ALL THE OTHER GODS.!

If we suppose the six preceding reigns (the exact dura- tion of some of which is not fixed by Herodotus) to com- prise one hundred and seventy years, there will remain an interval of near three hundred years to the reign of Sabachus the Ethiopian. In this interval I place a few circumstances related in Holy Scripture.

Puaraon, king of Egypt, gave his AM. oer, _daughter in marriage to Solomon king of Ant. J. C. 1013. § § & Israel ;" who received her in that part of Jerusalem called the city of David, till he had built her a palace. Sesacu or Shishak, otherwise called ABM Sesonchis. | It was to him that Jeroboam fled,* to avoid the wrath of Solomon, who intended to kill him. He abode in Egypt till Solomon’s death, and then re- P Herod. |. ii. c. 136.

a The remainder of the inscription, as we find it in Herodotus, is—for

men plunging long poles down to the bottom of the lake, drew bricks

(rXivOove eiovoay) out of the mud which stuck to them, and gave me this

form. ¥ ' | Kings, iii. 1. * 1 Kings, xi. 40. and xii.

VOL. I. P

210 HISTORY OF THE

turned to Jerusalem, when, putting himself at the head of the rebels, he won from Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, ten tribes, over whom he declared himself king. _ This Sesach, in the fifth year of the Pn Mr. os3-,. reign of Rehoboam, marched against Je- rusalem, because the Jews had transgress- ed against the Lord. He came with twelve hundred chariots of war, and sixty thousand horse.” He had brought numberless multitudes of people, who were all Libyans, Troglodytes, and Ethiopians." He made him- self master of all the strongest cities of Judah, and ad- vanced as far. as Jerusalem. Then the king and the princes of Israel having humbled themselves, and im- plored the protection of the God of Israel; God told them, by his prophet Shemaiah, that, because they hum- bled themselves, he would not utterly destroy them as they had deserved; but that they should be the servants of Sesach: in order that they might know the difference of his service and the service of the kingdoms of the coun- try.* Sesach retired from Jerusalem, after having plun- dered the treasures of the house of the Lord, and of the king’s house ; he carried off every thing with him, and even also the 300 shields of gold which Solomon had made. cir Zeraw, king of Ethiopia, and doubt- Ant. J. C.941, less of Egypt at the same time, made war upon Asa king of Judah.’ His army con- sisted of a million of men, and three hundred chariots of war. Asa marched against him, and drawing up his army in order of battle, in full reliance on the God whom he served: Lord, says he, it is nothing for thee to help, whether with many, or with them that have no power. Help us, O Lord our God, for we rest on thee, and in thy name we go against this multitude; O Lord, thou art our God, let not man prevail against thee. A prayer offered up with such strong faith was heard. God struck the Ethiopians with terror; they fled, and all were irrevo- cably defeated, being destroyed before the Lord, and be- Sore his host. 7 * 2 Chron. xii, 1—9.

"The English version of the Bible says, The Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the Ethiopians.

* Or, of the kingdoms of the earth. y 2Chron. xiy. 9—13.

KINGS OF EGYPT. A len

Anysis. He was blind,’ and under his reign Saga- cuus, king of Ethiopia, being encouraged by an oracle, entered Egypt with a numerous army, and possessed him- self of it. He reigned with great clemency and justice. Instead of putting to death such criminals as had been sentenced to die by the judges, he made them repair the causeys on which the respective cities to which they be- longed were situated. He built several magnificent tem- ples, and, among the rest, one in the city of Bubastus, of which Herodotus gives a long and elegant description. After a reign of fifty years, which was the time appointed by the oracle, he retired voluntarily to his old kingdom of Ethiopia ; and left the throne of Egypt to Anysis, who,

- during this time, had concealed himself in ae 7S Papas the fens. It is believed that this Saba- chus was the same with SO, whose aid was implored by Hoshea king of Israel, against Shalma- neser king of Assyria." A rapesee SETHON. He reigned fourteen years. Ait TC) a. He is the same with Sevechus, the son of Sabacon or So the Ethiopian, who reigned so long over Egypt. ‘This prince, so far from discharging the functions of a king, was ambitious of those of a priest; causing hirnself to be conse- crated high-priest of Vulcan. Abandoning himself en- tirely to superstition, he neglected to defend his kingdom by force of arms ; paying no regard to military men, from a firm persuasion that he should never have occasion for their assistance : he therefore was so far from endeavour- ing to gain their affections, that he deprived them of their privileges, and even dispossessed them of the reve- nues of such lands as his predecessors had given them.

He was soon made sensible of their resentment in a war that broke out suddenly, and from which he deli- vered himself solely by a miraculous protection, if Hero- dotus may be credited, who intermixes his account of this war with a great many fabulous particulars. Senacharib (so Herodotus calls this prince), king of the Arabians and Assyrians, having entered Egypt with a numerous army, the Egyptian officers and soldiers refused to march against

* Herod. ii. cap. 137. Diod. |. i. p. 59. @ 2 Kings, xvii. 4. P2

912 HISTORY OF THE

him. The high-priest of Vulcan, being thus reduced to the greatest extremity, had recourse to his god, who bid him not despond, but march courageously against the enemy with the few soldiers he could raise. Sethon obeyed. A small number of merchants, artificers, and others, who were the dregs of the populace, joined him ; and with this handful of men, he marched to Pelusium, where Senacharib had pitched his camp. The night fol- lowing, a prodigious multitude of rats entered the camp of the Assyrians, and gnawing all their bowstrings, and the thongs of their shields, rendered them incapable of making the least defence. Being disarmed in this man- ner, they were obliged to fly; and they retreated with the loss of a great part of their forces. Sethon, when he returned home, ordered a statue of himself to be set up in the temple of Vulcan, holding in his right hand a rat, and these words to be inscribed thereon: Ler THE MAN WHO BEHOLDS ME LEARN TO REVERENCE THE GODS.” It is very obvious that this story, as related here from Herodotus, is an alteration of that which is told in the Second Book of Kings.° We there see, that Sennacherib king of of the Assyrians, having subdued all the neigh- bouring nations, and made himself master of all the other cities of Judah, resolved to besiege Hezekiah in Jerusa- lem, his capital city. The ministers of this holy king, in spite of his opposition, and the remonstrances of the prophet Isaiah, who promised them, in God’s name, a sure and certain protection, provided they would trust in him only, sent secretly to the Egyptians and Ethiopians for succour. ‘Their armies, being united, marched to the relief of Jerusalem at the time appointed, and were met and vanquished by the Assyrians in a pitched battle. He pursued them into Egypt, and entirely laid waste the country. At his return from thence, the very night be- fore he was to have given a general assault to Jerusalem, which then seemed lost to all hopes, the destroying angel made dreadful havoc in the camp of the Assyrians; de- stroyed a hundred fourscore and five thousand men by fire and sword ; and proved evidently, that they had great

> "Ee tye ric dptwy, evosBre torw. © Chap. xix.

KINGS OFE GY PT, 213

reason to rely, as Hezekiah had done, on the promise of the God of Israel. |

This is the real fact. But as it was no ways honour- able to the Egyptians, they endeavoured to turn it to their own advantage, by disguising and corrupting the circumstances ofit. Nevertheless, the footsteps of this history, though so much defaced, ought yet to be highly valued, as coming from an historian of so great antiquity and authority as Herodotus.

The prophet Isaiah had foretold, at several times, that this expedition of the Egyptians, which had been con- certed, seemingly, with such prudence, conducted with the greatest skill, and in which the forces of two power- ful empires were united, in order to relieve the Jews, would not only be of no service to Jerusalem, but even destructive to Egypt itself, whose strongest cities would be taken, its territories plundered, and its inhabitants of all ages and sexes led into captivity. See the 18th, 19th, 20th, 30th, 31st, &c. chapters of his prophecy.

Archbishop Usher and Dean Prideaux suppose that it was at this period, that the ruin of the famous city No- Amon,* spoken of by the prophet Nahum, happened. That prophet says, that she was carried away—that her young children were dashed in pieces at the top of all the streets—that the enemy cast lots for her honourable men, and that all her great men were bound in chains.© He observes, that all these misfortunes befel that city, when Egypt and Ethiopia were her strength; which seems to refer clearly enough to the time of which we are here speaking, when Tharaca and Sethon had united their forces. However, this opinion is not without some dif- ficulties, and is contradicted by some learned men. It is sufficient for me, to have hinted it to the reader.

Till the reign of Sethon," the Egyptian priests com- puted three hundred and forty-one generations of

4The Vulgate calls that city Alexandria, to which the Hebrew gives the name of No-Amon; because Alexandria was afterwards built in the place where this stood. Dean Prideaux, after Bochart, thinks that it was Thebes, surnamed Diospolis. Indeed, the Egyptian Amon is the same with Jupiter. But Thebes is not the place where Alexandria was since

built. Perhaps there was another city there, which also was called No-

Amon. ie ¢ Nahum, iii. 8. 10. f Herod. |. ii. cap. 142.

214 HISTORY OF THE

men; which make eleven thousand three hundred and forty years; allowing three generations to a hundred years. They counted the like number of priests and kings. The latter, whether gods or men, had succeeded one another without interruption, under the name of Piromis, an Egyptian word signifying good and virtuous.

The Egyptian priests shewed Herodotus three hundred and forty-one wooden colossal statues of these Piromis, all ranged in order ina great hall. Such was the folly of the Egyptians, to lose themselves as it were in a remote antiquity, towhich no other people could dare to pretend.

Tuaraca. He it was who joined Sethon, with an Ethiopian army, to re- lieve Jerusalem. After the death of Se- thon, who had sitten fourteen years on the throne, ‘Tha- raca ascended it, and reigned eighteen years. He was the last Ethiopian king who reigned in Egypt.

After his death, the Egyptians, not being able to agree about the succession, were two years in a state of anarchy, during which there were great disorders and confusions among them.

A. M. 3299. Ant. J. C. 705.

Twelve Kings.

At last, twelve of the principal noble- A, M. 3319.

Ant. J.C. 6g5, ™en, conspiring together, seized upon the kingdom, and divided it amongst

themselves into as many parts." It was agreed by them, that each should govern his own district with equal power and authority, and that no one should attempt to invade or seize the dominions ofanother. They thought it ne- cessary to make this agreement, and to bind it with the most dreadful oaths, to elude the prediction of an oracle, which had foretold, that he among them who should offer his libation to Vulcan out of a brazen bowl, should gain the sovereignty of Egypt. ‘They reigned together fifteen years in the utmost harmony: and, to leave a famous monument of their concord to posterity, they jointly, and ata common expense, built the famous laby-

rinth, which was a pile of building consisting of twelve

& Afric. apud Syncel. p. 74. Diod. 1. i. p. 59. » Herod. |. ii. cap. 147. 152.

KINGS OF EGYPT. 215

large palaces, with as many edifices under ground as ap- peared above it. I have spoken elsewhere of this laby- rinth.

One day, as the twelve kings were assisting at a so- lemn and periodical sacrifice offered in the temple of Vulcan, the priests, having presented each of them a golden bowl for the libation, one was wanting; when Psammetichus,' without any design, supplied the want of this bow] with his brazen helmet (for each wore one), and with it performed the ceremony of the libation. This accident struck the rest of the kings, and recalled to their memory the prediction of the oracle above- mentioned. ‘They thought it therefore necessary to se- cure themselves from his attempts, and therefore, with one consent, banished him into the fenny parts of Egypt.

After Psammetichus had passed some years there, waiting a favourable opportunity to revenge himself for the affront which had been put upon him, a courier brought him advice, that brazen men were landed in Egypt. These were Grecian soldiers, Carians and Io- nians, who had been cast upon the coasts of Egypt by a storm ; and were completely covered with helmets, cui- rasses, and other arms of brass. Psammetichus immedi- ately called to mind the oracle, which had answered him, that he should be succoured by brazen men from the sea-coast. He did not-doubt but the prediction was now fulfilled. He therefore made a league with these strangers; engaged them with great promises to stay with him ; privately levied other forces; and put these Greeks at their head; when giving battle to the eleven kings, he defeated them, and remained sole possessor of Egypt.

Psammeticuus. As this prince owed

Cea his preservation to the Ionians and Cari- “~~” ans,* he settled them in Egypt (from

which all foreigners hitherto had been excluded); and by assigning them sufficient lands and fixed revenues, he made them forget their native country. By his order, Egyptian children were put under their care to learn the Greek tongue ; and on this occasion, and by this means,

i He was one of the twelve. _ k Herod. |. ii. c.:153, 154.

216 HISTORY OF THE

the Egyptians began to have a correspondence with the Greeks ; and from that era, the Egyptian history, which till then had been intermixed with pompous fables, by the artifice of the priests, begins, according to Herodo- tus, to speak with greater truth and certainty.

As soon as Psammetichus was settled on the throne, he engaged in war against the king of Assyria, on the subject of the boundaries of the two empires. This war was of long continuance. Ever since Syria had been conquered by the Assyrians, Palestine, being the only country that separated the two kingdoms, was the sub- ject of continual discord; as afterwards it was between the Ptolemies and the Seleucid. They were eternally contending for it, and it was alternately won by the stronger. Psammetichus, seeing himself the peaceable possessor of all Egypt, and having restored the ancient form of government,’ thought it high time for him to look to his frontiers, and to secure them against the As- syrian, his neighbour, whose power increased daily. For this purpose he entered Palestine at the head of an army.

Perhaps we are to refer to the beginning of this war, an incident related by Diodorus:™ that the Egyptians, provoked to see the Greeks posted on the right wing by the king himself, in preference to them, quitted the ser- vice, to the number of upwards of two hundred thou- sand men, and retired into Ethiopia, where they met with an advantageous settlement.

Be this as it will, Psammetichus entered Palestine,” where his career was stopped by Azotus, one of the prin- cipal cities of the country, which gave him so much trouble, that he was forced to besiege it twenty-nine years, before he could take it. This is the longest siege mentioned in ancient history.

This was anciently one of the five capital cities of the Philistines. The Egyptians having seized it some time before, had fortified it with such care, that it was their strongest bulwark on that side. Nor could Sennacherib enter Egypt, till he had first made himself master of this

'' This revolution happened about seven years after the? captivity of Manassch king of Judah. ; ™ Lib. i. p. 61. " Herod. lib, il. c. 157.

KINGS OF EGYPT. 217

city, which was taken by Tartan, one of his generals.° The Assyrians had possessed it hitherto ; and it was not till after the long siege just now mentioned, that the Egyptians recovered it.

In this period,’ the Scythians, leaving the banks of the Palus Meotis, made an inroad into Media, defeated Cyaxares the king of that country, and deprived him of all Upper Asia, of which they kept possession during twenty-eight years. They pushed their conquests in Syria, as far as to the frontiers of Egypt. But Psam- metichus. marching out to meet them, prevailed so far, by his presents and entreaties, that they advanced no far- ther, and by that means delivered his kingdom from these dangerous enemies.

Till his reign," the Egyptians had imagined themselves to be the most ancient nation upon earth. Psammeti- chus was decirous to prove this himself, and he employed a very extraordinary experiment for this purpose. He commanded (if we may credit the relation) two children, newly born of poor parents, to be brought up (in the country) in a hovel, that was to be kept continually shut. They were committed to the care of a shepherd (others say, of nurses, whose tongues were cut out), who was to feed them with the milk of goats ; and was commarided not to suffer any person to enter into this hut, nor him- self to speak even a single word in the hearing of these children. At the expiration of two years, as the shep- herd was one day coming into the hut to feed these children, they both cried out, with hands extended to- wards their foster-father, Leccos, beccos. ‘The shepherd; surprised to hear a language that was quite new to him; but which they repeated frequently afterwards, sent ad- vice of this to the king, who ordered the children to be brought before him, in order that he himself might be a witness to the truth of what was told him; and ac- cordingly both of them began, in his presence, to stam- mer out the sounds above-mentioned. Nothing now was wanting but to ascertain what nation it was that used this word ; and it was found, that the Phrygians called bread by this name. From this time they were

“isa, kX; 1, P Herod. I. 1. ¢. 105, q Herod. I. ii.-c. 2, 3.

218 HISTORY OF THE

allowed the honour of antiquity, or rather of priority, which the Egyptians themselves, notwithstanding their jealousy of it, and the many ages they had possessed this glory, were obliged to resign to them. As goats were brought to these children, in order that they might feed upon their milk, and historians do not say that they were deaf; some are of opinion that they might have learnt the word bec, or beccos, by mimicking the cry of those creatures.

_Psammetichus died in the 24th year of Josias king of Judah, and was succeeded by his son Nechao.

eee Necuao.’ This prince is often men-

“Tc me tioned in Scripture under the name of ele Phataow Neche:

He attempted to join the Nile to the Red Sea by cut- ting acanal from one to the other. The distance which separates them is at least a thousand stadia. After a hundred and twenty thousand workmen had lost their lives in this attempt, Nechao was obliged to desist ; the oracle which had been consulted by him having an- swered, that this new canal would open a passage to the Barbarians (for so the Egyptians called all other nations) to invade Egypt.

Nechao was more successful in another enterprise.' Skilful Phoenician mariners, whom he had taken into his service, having sailed from the Red Sea in erder to discover the coasts of Africa, went successfully round it ; and the third year after their setting out, returned to Egypt through the Straits of Gibraltar. This was a very extraordinary voyage, in an age when the compass was not known. It was made twenty-one centuries be- fore Vasco de Gama, a Portuguese (by discovering the Cape of Good Hope, in the year 1497), found out the very same way to sail to the Indies, by which these Phee- nicians had come from thence into the Mediterranean.

The Babylonians and Medes" having destroyed Nine- veh, and with it the empire of the Assyrians, were thereby

* Herod. I. ii. c. 158. ‘

* Allowing 625 feet (or 125 geometrical paces) to each stadium, the dis- tance will be 118 English miles and a little above one-third of a mile. Herodotus says, that this design was afterwards put in execution by Da- rius the Persian. B. ii. c. 158. * Herod. I. iv. c. 42.

" Joseph. Antiq. |. x. c. 6. 2 Kings, xxiii. 29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv. 20—25. |

KINGS OF EGYPT. 219

become so formidable, that they drew upon themselves the jealousy of all their neighbours. Nechao, alarmed at the danger, advanced to the Euphrates, at the head of a powerful army, in order to check their progress. Josiah, king of Judah, so famous for his uncommon piety, observing that he took his route through Judea, resolved to oppose his passage. With this view, he raised all the forces of his kingdom, and posted himself in the valley of Megiddo (a city on this side Jordan, belonging to the tribe of Manasseh, and called Magdolus by Herodotus). Nechao informed him by a herald, that his enterprise was not designed against him; that he had other enemies in view; and that he had undertaken this war in the name of God, who was with him: that for this reason he advised Josiah not to concern himself with this war, for fear lest it otherwise should turn to his disadvantage. However, Josiah was not moved by these reasons: he was sensible that the bare march of so powerful an army through Judea, would entirely ruin it. And be- sides, he feared that the victor, after the defeat of the Babylonians, would fall upon him, and dispossess him of part of his dominions. He therefore marched to engage Nechao; and was not only overthrown by him, but unfortunately received a wound, of which he died at Jerusalem, whither he had ordered himself to be carried. Nechao, animated by this victory, continued his march, and advanced towards the Euphrates. He defeated the Babylonians ; took Carchemish, a large city in that coun- try ; and securing to himself the possession of it by a strong garrison, returned to his own kingdom, after hav- ing been absent from it three months. | Being informed in his march homeward, that Jeho- ahaz had caused himself to be proclaimed king at Jerusa- lem, without first asking his consent, he commanded him to meet him at Riblah, in Syria.* The unhappy prince was no sooner arrived there, than he was put in chains by Nechao’s order, and sent prisoner to Egypt, where he died. From thence, pursuing his march, he came to Je- rusalem, where he placed Eliakim (called by him Jehoi- akim), another of Josiah’s sons, upon the throne, in the

* 2 Kings, xxiii. 33—35. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1.3, 4.

220 HISTORY OF THE

room of his brother: and imposed an annual tribute on - the land, of a hundred talents of silver, and one talent of gold.’ This being done he returned in triumph to etd Sasa a :

Herodotus,’ mentioning this king’s expedition and the victory gained by him at Magdolus* (as he calls it), says that he afterwards took the city Cadytis, which he re- presents as situated in the mountains of Palestine, and equal in extent to Sardis, the capital at that time not only of Lydia, but of all Asia Minor: this description can suit only Jerusalem, which was situated in the manner above described, and was then the only city in those parts that could be compared to Sardis. It appears beside from Scripture, that Nechao, after his victory, made himself master of this capital of Judea; for he was there in person, when he gave the crown to Jehoiakim. ‘The very name Cadytis, which in Hebrew signifies the Holy, clearly de- notes the city of Jerusalem, as is proved by the learned Dean Prideaux.”

Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, observ- ing that, since the taking of Carchemish by Nechao, all Syria and Palestine had shaken off their allegiance to him; and that his years and infirmities would not permit. him to march against the rebels in person, he therefore associated his son Nabu- chodonosor, or Nebuchadnezzar, with him in the empire, and sent him at the head of an army into those countries. This young prince vanquished the army of Nechao near

y The Hebrewsilver talent, according to Dr. Cumberland, is equivalen

to 3537. 11s. 103d. so that 100 talents, English money make s065.% ; Biever ceca? MOeG as elas iy eee 7 6d.

A. M. 3397. Ant. J. C. 607.

The gold talent, according to the same..........- 5075 15 72 The amount of the whole tribute... ......5 26004 40,435 3 12 Bibs, 62.150. * Megiddo.

> From the time that Solomon, by meaus of his temple, had made Jeru- salem the common place of worship to all Israel, it was distinguished from the rest of the cities by the epithet Holy, and in the Old Testament was called Air Hakkodesh, 7. e. the city of holiness, or the holy city. It bore this title upon the coins, and the shekel was inscribed Jerusalem Kedu- sha, i.e. Jerusalem the holy. At length Jerusalem, for brevity’s sake, was omitted, and only Kedusha reserved. The Syriac being the prevailing language, in Herodotus’s time, Kedusha, by a change in that dialect of sh into ¢h, was made Kedutha; and Herodotus giving it a Greek termination, it was writ Kdduric, or Cadytis. Prideaux’s Connexion of the Old and New Testament, vol. i. part i. p. 80, 81. Svo. edit.

KINGS OF EGYPT. 221

the river Euphrates, recovered Carchemish, and reduced the revolted provinces to their allegiance, as Jeremiah ° had foretold. Thus he dispossessed the Egyptians of all ‘that belonged to them,‘ from the little river ° of Egypt‘ to the Euphrates, which comprehended all Syria and Palestine. Nechao dying after he had reigned sixteen years, left the kingdom to his son. Race Psammis. His reign was but of six Ant.J.C.600, years duration :* and history has left us nothing memorable concerning him, ex- cept that he made an expedition into Ethiopia. It was to this prince that the Eleans sent a splendid embassy, after having instituted the Olympic games. They had established all the regulations, and arranged every circumstance relating to them, with such care, that, in their opinion, nothing seemed wanting to their perfec- tion, and envy itself could not find any fault with them. _ However, they did not desire so much to have the opi- nion, as to gain the approbation, of the Egyptians," who were looked upon as the wisest and most judicious people inthe world. Accordingly, the king assembled the sages of his nation. After every thing had been heard which could be said in favour of this institution, the Eleans were asked, whether citizens and foreigners were admitted in- differently to these games ; to which answer was made, that they were open to every one. To this the Egyptians - replied, that the rules of justice would have been more strictly observed, had foreigners only been admitted to these combats; because it was very difficult for the judges, in their award of the victory and the prize, not to be pre- judiced in favour of their fellow-citizens. pees Aprizs. In Scripture‘ he is called Pha- Ant.J.C.594, raoh-Hophra. He succeeded his father | Psammis, and reigned twenty-five years.

¢ Jor.’ xlvi.. 2. 42 Kings, xxiv. 7.

© This little river of Egypt, so often mentioned in Scripture, as the boundary of Palestine towards Egypt, was not the Nile, but a small river, which, running through the desert that Jay betwixt those two nations, was anciently the common boundary of both. So far the land which had been promised to the posterity of Abraham, and divided among them by lot, extended. Gen. xv. 18. Josh. xv. 4.

fA rivo Egypti. § Herod. |. ii. c. 160. " C. 160. iJer. xliv. 30.

939 HISTORY OF THE

During the first years of his reign," he was as fortu- nate as any of his predecessors. He turned his arms against the island of Cyprus; he besieged the city of Sidon by sea and land ; took it, and made himself master of all Phoenicia and Palestine.

So rapid a success elated his heart to a prodigious de- gree, and, as Herodotus informs us, swelled him with so much pride and infatuation, that he boasted, it was not in the power of the gods themselves to dethrone him ; so great was the idea he had formed to himself of the firm establishment of his own power. It was with a view to these arrogant notions, that Ezekiel put the vain and im- pious words following into his mouth: My river is mine own, and I have made it for myse/f.' But the true God proved to him afterwards that he hada master, and that he was amere man; and he had threatened him long before, by his prophets, with all the calamities he was resolved to bring upon him, in order to punish him for his pride.

Shortly after Hophra had ascended the throne, Zede- kiah king of Judah sent an embassy,‘ and concluded an alliance with him; and the year following, breaking the oath of fidelity which he had taken to the king of Baby- lon, he rebelled openly against him.

Notwithstanding God had so often forbidden his people to have recourse to the Egyptians, or to put any confi- dence in that people; notwithstanding the repeated ca- lamities which had ensued upon the various attempts which they had made to procure assistance from them ; they still thought this nation their most sure refuge in danger, and accordingly could not forbear applying to it. This they had already done in the reign of the holy king Hezekiah ; which gave occasion to God’s message to his people, by the mouth of his prophet Isaiah ;' Woe to them that go down to Egypt for help, and stay on horses and trust in chariots, because they are many : but they look not unto the Holy One of Israel, neither seek the Lord. The Egyptians are men, and not God ; and their horses flesh, not spirit: when the Lord shall stretch out his hand, both he that helpeth shall fall, and he that is holpen shall fall

* Herod. |. ii. c. 161. Diod. |. i. p. 62. i Ezek. xxix. 3. k Fizek. xvii. 15. 1 Chap. xxxi. 1. 3.

KINGS OF EGYPT. paae’

down, and they shall fail together. But neither the prophet nor the king was heard ; and nothing but the most fatal experience could open their eyes, and make them see evi- dently the truth of God’s threatenings.

The Jews behaved in the very same manner on this oc- casion. Zedekiah, notwithstanding all the remonstrances of Jeremiah to the contrary, resolved to conclude an al- liance with the Egyptian monarch: who, puffed up with the success of his arms, and confident that nothing could resist his power, declared himself the protector of Israel, and promised to deliver it from the tyranny of Nabucho- donosor. But God, offended that a mortal had dared to intrude himself into his place, thus declared himself to another prophet: Son of man, set thy face against Pha- raoh king of Egypt, and prophesy against him, and against all Egypt. Speak and say, Thus saith the Lord God; Behold, I am against thee, Pharaoh hing of Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his rivers, which hath said, “My river is mine own, and I have made it for myself. But I will put hooks in thy jaws,” &c. God, after comparing him to a reed, which breaks under the man who leans upon it, and wounds his hand, adds, Behold, [ will bring a sword upon thee, and cut off man and beast out of thee : the land of Egypt shall be de- solate, and they shall know that I am the Lord ; because he hah said, The river is mine, and I have made it." The same prophet, in several succeeding chapters,’ continues to foretell the calamities with which Egypt was going to be overwhelmed.

Zedekiah was far from giving credit to these predic- tions. When he heard of the approach of the Egyptian army, and saw Nabuchodonosor raise the siege of Jeru- salem, he fancied that his deliverance was completed, and anticipated a triumph. His joy, however, was but of short duration ; for the Egyptians seeing the Chaldeans advancing, did not dare to encounter so numerous and

well-disciplined an army. They there.

Sia icone fore marched back into their own country, and left the unfortunate Zedekiah exposed

to all the dangers of a war’ in which they themselves had

m Ezek. xxix. 2-—4. « Ezek. xxix. 8, 9. © Chaps RS1K, XXX, KKXI, XKXT. 7 POE: XXXVii. Gny:

224 HISTORY OF THE

involved him. Nabuchodonosor again sat down before ' Jerusalem ; took and burnt it, as Jeremiah had pro- phesied. ? Many years after,’ the chastisements Sa oe with which God had threatened Apries (Pharaoh- Hophra) began to fall upon him. For the Cyrenians, a Greek colony, which had settled in Africa, between Libya and Egypt, having seized upon and divided among themselves a great part of fhe country be- longing to the Libyans, forced these nations, who were thus dispossessed by violence, to throw themselves into the arms of this prince, and implore his protection. Im- mediately Apries sent a mighty army into Libya, to op- pose the Cyrenians ; but this army being defeated and almost cut to pieces, the Egyptians imagined that Apries had sent it into Libya, only to get it destroyed; and by that means to attain the power of governing his subjects without check or control. This reflection prompted the Egyptians to shake off the yoke of a prince whom they now considered as their enemy, But Apries, hearing of the rebellion, dispatched Amasis, one of his officers, to suppress it, and force the rebels to return to their allegi- ance. But the moment Amasis began to address them, they placed a helmet upon his head, in token of the ex- alted dignity to which they intended to raise him, and proclaimed him king. Amasis having accepted the crown, stayed with the mutineers, and confirmed them in their rebellion.

Apries, more exasperated than ever at this news, sent Patarbemis, another of his great officers, and one of the principal lords of his court, to put Amasis under an ar- rest, and bring him before him; but Patarbemis not be- ing able to carry off Amasis from the midst of the rebel army, by which he was surrounded, was treated by Apries, at his return, in the most ignominious and inhuman man- ner ; for his nose and ears were cut off by the command of that prince, who never considered, that only his want of power had prevented his executing his commission. So barbarous an outrage, committed upon a person of such high distinction, exasperated the Egyptians so

4 Herod. 1. ii. c. 161, &e. Diod. 1. i. p. 62.

KINGS OF EGYPT: 229

much, that the greatest part of them joined the rebels, and the insurrection became general. Apries was now forced to retire into Upper Egypt, where he supported himself some years, during which Amasis made himself master of the rest of his dominions,

The troubles which thus distracted Egypt, afforded Nabuchodonosor a favourable opportunity to invade that kingdom ; and it was God himself who inspired him with the resolution, This prince, who was the instrument of God’s wrath (though he did not know himself to be so) against a people whom he was resolved to chastise, had just before taken Tyre, where himself and his army had laboured under incredible difficulties. ‘To recompense their toils, God abandoned Egypt to their arms. It is wonderful to hear the Creator himself revealing his de- signs on this subject. There are few passages in Scripture more remarkable than this, or which give a clearer idea of the supreme authority which God exercises over all the princes and kingdoms of the earth: Son of man (says the Almighty to his prophet Ezekiel"), Nebuchadnezzar, hing of Babylon, caused his army to serve a great service against Tyrus: every head was made bald, and every shoulder was peeled :° yet had he no wages, nor his army, for the service he had served against it... Therefore thus saith the Lord God: Behold, I will give the land of Egypt unto Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, and he shall take her multitude, and take her spoil, and take her prey, and it shall be the wages for his army. J have given him the land of Egypt for his labour, wherewith he served against it, because they wrought for me, saith the Lord God. Says

¥ Chap. xxix. 18—20.

s'The baldness of the heads of the Babylonians was owing to the pressure of their helmets; and their peeled shoulders to their carrying baskets of earth and large pieces of timber, to join Tyre to the continent. Baldness was itself a badge of slavery ; and joined to the peeled shoulders, shews that the conqueror’s army sustained even the most servile labours in this memorable siege.

For the better understanding of this passage, we are to know that Nabuchodonosor sustained incredible hardships at the siege of ¥'yre; and that when the Tyrians saw themselves clusely attacked, the nobles con- veyed themselves and their richest effects on ship-board, and retired into other islands. So that when Nabuchodonosor took the city, he found no- thing to recompense the toil which he had undergone in this siege, S. Jerom.

VOL Q

226 HISTORY OF THE

another prophet: “He shall array himself with the land of Egypt, as a shepherd putteth on his garment, and he shall go forth from thence in peace. ‘Thus shall he load himself with booty, and thus cover his own shoulders, and those of his fold, with all the spoils of Egypt. Noble expressions ! which shew the ease with which all the power and riches of a kingdom are carried away, when God appoints the revolution; and shift, like a garment, to a new owner, who has no more to do but to take it, and clothe himself with it.

The king of Babylon, taking advantage therefore of the intestine divisions which the rebellion of Amasis had occasioned in that kingdom, marched thither at the head of hisarmy. He subdued Egypt from Migdol, or Mag- dol, a town on the frontiers of the kingdom, as far as Syene, in the opposite extremity, where it borders on Ethiopia. He made a horrible devastation wherever he came, killed a great number of the inhabitants, and made such dreadful havoc in the country, that the damage could not be repaired in forty years. Nabuchodonosor, having loaded his army with spoils, and conquered the whole kingdom, came to an accommodation with Amasis ; and leaving him as his viceroy there, returned to Babylon.

Apries (Pharaoh-Hophra) now leaving the place where he had concealed himself, advanced towards the sea-coast (probably on the side of Libya) ;* and hiring ° an army of Carians, Ionians, and other foreigners, he marched against Amasis, to whom he gave battle near Memphis; but being overcome, Apries was taken pri- soner, carried to the city of Sais, and there strangled in his own palace.

The Almighty had given by the mouth of his prophets, an astonishing relation of the several circumstances of this mighty event. It was He who had broken the power of Apries, which was once so formidable; and put the sword into the hand of Nabuchodonosor, in order that he might chastise and humble that haughty prince. Iam, said he,’ against Pharaoh hing of Egypt, and will break his arms, which were strong, but now are broken; and I will cause

* Jerem. xliii. 12. | * Herod. |. ii.c. 163. 169. Diod. 1. i. p»62. Y Ezek. xxx. 22. _

KINGS OF EGYPT. 27

the sword to fall out of his hand.—* But I will strengthen the arms of the king of Babylon, and put my sword into his hand. * And they shall know that 1 am the Lord.

He enumerates the towns which were to falla prey to the victors: ’Pathros, Zoan, No (called in the Vulgate Alexandria), Sin, Aven, Pibeseth, &c.° —

He takes notice particularly of the unhappy end of the king, who was to be delivered up to his enemies. -Thus saith the Lord: Behold, I will give Pharaoh-Hophra, the king of Egypt, into the hand of his enemies, and into the hand of them that seek his life.° |

Lastly he declares, that during forty years the Egyptians shall be oppressed with every species of calamity, and be reduced to so deplorable a state, That there shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt... The event verified this prophecy, which was gradually accomplished. Soon after the expiration of these forty years, Egypt was made a province of the Persian empire, to which its kings, though natives of the country, were tributary ; and thus the accomplishment of the prediction began. It was completely fulfilled on the death of Nectanebus, the last king of Egyptian extraction, A. M. 3654. Since that time Egypt has constantly been governed by foreigners. For since the ruin of the Persian monarchy, it has been subject successively to the Macedonians, the Romans, the Saracens, the Mamelukes, and lastly to the Turks, who possess it to this day.

God was not less punctual in the accomplishment of his prophecies, with regard to such of his own people as had retired, contrary to his prohibition, into Egypt, after the taking of Jerusalem, and had forced Jeremiah along with them.‘ The instant they had reached Egypt, and were arrived at Tahpanhes (or Tanis), the prophet, after having hid in their presence (by God’s command) stones in a grotto, which was near the king’s palace, declared to them, That Nabuchodonosor should soon arrive in

2 Ezek. xxx. 24. * Ver. 25. > Ver. 14—17. ¢ The names of these towns are given as they stand in our English ver- sion. In the margin are printed against Zoan, Tanis; against Sin, Pelu- sium; against Aven, Heliopolis; against Pibeseth, Pubastum; and by these last names they are mentioned in the original French of M. Rollin. 4 Jerem. xliv. 30. © Ezek. xxx. 13. f Jerem. xliii, xliv.

a2

228 HISTORY OF THE

Egypt, and that God would establish his throne in that very place ; that this prince would lay waste the whole kingdom, and carry fire and sword into all places ; that themselves should fall into the hand of these cruel ene- mies, when one part of them would be massacred, and the rest led captive to Babylon; that only a very small number should escape the common desolation, and be at last restored to their country. All these prophecies had their accomplishment in the appointed time. on Amasis. After the death of Apries, Ant. J. C. 569, Amasis became peaceable possessor of Egypt, and reigned over it forty years. He was, according to Plato,’ a native of the city of Sais.

As he was but of mean extraction,” he met with no respect in the beginning of his reign, but was only con- temned by his subjects: he was not insensible of this; but nevertheless thought it his interest to subdue their tempers by management and address, and win their affec- tions by gentleness and reason. He hada golden cis- tern, in which himself and those persons who were ad- mitted to his table, used to wash their feet : he melted it down, and had it cast into a statue, and then exposed the new god to public worship. ‘The people hasted in crowds to pay their adoration to the statue. The king having assembled the people, informed them of the vile uses to which this statue had once been put, which nevertheless was now the object of their religious prostrations: the application was easy, and had the desired success; the. people thenceforward paid the king all the respect that is due to majesty.

He always used to devote the whole morning to pub- lic business,’ to receive petitions, give audience, pro- nounce sentence, and hold his councils; the rest of the day was given to pleasure: and as Amasis, in hours of diversion, was extremely gay, and seemed to carry his mirth beyond due bounds, his courtiers took the liberty to represent to him the unsuitableness of such a beha- viour ; when he answered, that it was as impossible for the mind to be always serious and intent upon business, as for a bow to continue always bent.

& In Tim. » Herod. I. ii. c. 172, kA d. lcii..c. 73.

KiNGs OF EGYPT: 299

It was this king who obliged the inhabitants of every town to enter their names in a book, kept by the magis- trate for that purpose, with their profession, and manner of living. Solon inserted this custom among his laws.

He built many magnificent temples, especially at Sais, the place of his birth. Herodotus admired especially a chapel there, formed of one single stone, which was twenty-one cubits* in front, fourteen in depth, and eight in height ; its dimensions within were not quite so large: it had been brought from Elephantina, and two thou- sand men had employed three years in conveying it along the Nile.

Amasis had a great esteem for the Greeks. He granted them large. privileges; and permitted such of them as were desirous of settling in Egypt, to live in the city of Naucratis, so famous for its harbour. When the rebuilding of the temple of Delphi, which had been burnt, was debated on, and the expense was computed at three hundred talents,' Amasis furnished the Del- phians with.a very considerable sum towards discharging their quota, which was the fourth part of the whole charge.

He made an alliance with the Cyrenians, and married a wife from among them.

He is the only king of Egypt who conquered the is- land of Cyprus, and made it tributary.

Under his reign Pythagoras came into Egypt, being recommended to that monarch by the famous Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, who had contracted a friendship with Amasis, and will be mentioned hereafter. Pythagoras, during his stay in Egypt, was initiated in all the myste- ries of the country; and instructed by the priests in whatever was most abstruse and important in their reli- gion. It was here he imbibed his doctrine of the Me- tempsychosis, or transmigration, of souls.

In the expedition in which Cyrus conquered so great a part of the world, Egypt doubtless was. subdued, like the rest of the provinces; and Xenophon positively de- clares this in the beginning of his Cyropzedia, or institu-

k The cubit is one foot and almost ten inches. Vide supra. ' Or, 58,125. sterling.

230 HISTORY, &c.

tion of that prince.” Probably, after that the forty years of desolation, which had been foretold by the prophet, were expired, Egypt beginning gradually to regain strength, Amasis shook off the yoke, and recovered his liberty.

Accordingly, we find, that one of the first cares of Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, after he had ascended the throne, was to carry his arms into Egypt. On his ar- rival there, Amasis was just dead, and succeeded by his son Psammenitus.

PsaMMENITUvs. Cambyses, after having en ee raat gained a battle, pursued the enemy to Memphis ; besieged the city, and soon took it: however, he treated the king with clemency, granted him his life, and assigned him an honourable pension ; but being informed that he was secretly con- certing measures to reascend his throne, he put him to death. Psammenitus reigned but six months: all Egypt submitted immediately to the victor. The particulars of this history will be related more at large, when I come to that of Cambyses.

Here ends the succession of the Egyptian kings. From this era the history of this nation, as was before observed, will be blended with that of the Persians and Greeks, till the death of Alexander. At that period, a new mo- narchy will arise in Egypt, founded by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, which will continue to Cleopatra, that is, for about three hundred years. I shall treat each of these subjects, in the several periods to which they belong.

m *Ernpte dé wat ‘EAQver ray iy Ty Acig, karaBag dé éwi Oddarray, Kai Kuzpiwy cai Aiyurriwy, p. 5. edit. Hutchinsoni.

BOOK II.

undaieectsiedheteanaiaoestel sinibtiaiininnentsieenieediteatiian’

THE HISTORY

OF THE

CARTHAGINIANS

PART I.

CHARACTER, MANNERS, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT, OF THE CARTHAGINIANS.

Sect. I. CarTHAGE FORMED AFTER THE MODEL OF TYRE, OF WHICH THAT CITY WAS A COLONY.

Tue Carthaginians were indebted to the Tyrians, not only for their origin, but for their manners, language, customs, laws, religion, and their great application to commerce, as will appear from every part of the sequel. They spoke the same language with the Tyrians, and these the same with the Canaanites and Israelites ; that is, the Hebrew tongue, or at least a language, which was entirely derived from it. Their names had commonly some particular meaning: Thus Hanno signified gra- cious, bountiful; Dido, amiable, or well-beloved ; Sopho- nisba, one who keeps faithfully her husband's secrets.* From a spirit of religion, they likewise joined the name of God to their own, conformably to the genius of the Hebrews. Hannibal, which answers to Hananias, sig- nifies Baal [or the Lord] has been gracious to me. As- drubal, answering to Azarias, implies, the Lord will be our succour. It is the same with other names, Adher- bal, Maharbal, Mastanabal, &c. ‘The word Poeni, from which Punic is derived, is the same with Pheeni, or Phee-

* Bochart, part ii. |. ii. c. 16.

232 HISTORY OF THE

nicians, because they came originally from Phcenicia. In the Poenulus of Plautus is a scene written in the Pu- nic tongue, which has very much exercised the learned.”

But the strict union which always subsisted between the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, is still more remark- able. When Cambyses had resolved to make war upon the latter, the Phoenicians, who formed the chief strength of his fleet, told him plainly, that they could not serve him against their countrymen ;° and this declaration obliged that prince to lay aside his design. The Cartha- ginians, on their side, were never forgetful of the coun- try from whence they came, and to which they owed their origin. They sent regularly every year to Tyre,° a ship freighted with presents, as a quit-rent or acknow- ledgment paid to their ancient country; and an annual sacrifice was offered to the tutelar gods of Tyre by the Carthaginians, who considered them as their protectors likewise. They never failed to send thither the first-fruits of their revenues ; nor the tithe of the spoils taken from their enemies, as offerings to Hercules, one of the prin- cipal gods of Tyre and Carthage. The Tyrians, to se- cure from Alexander (who was then besieging their city) what they valued above all things, I mean their wives and children, sent them to Carthage ; where, though at a time when the inhabitants of the latter were involved in a furious war, they were received and entertained with such a kindness and generosity as might be expected from the most tender and opulent parents. Such unin- terrupted testimonies of a warm and sincere gratitude, doa nation more honour, than the greatest conquests and the most glorious victories.

Sect. II. Tuer Rexicion or THE CARTHAGINIANS.

It appears from several passages of the history of Car- thage, that its generals looked upon it as an indispen- sable duty, to begin and end all their enterprises with the worship of the gods. Hamnilcar,* father ef the great Hannibal, before he entered Spain in a hostile manner,

> The first scene of the fifth act, translated into Latin by Petit, in the second book of his Miscellanies. ¢ Herod. |. iii. c. 17—19. * Polyb. 944. Q. Curt. Liv. c. 2,3. © Zavi l, x*iv-n.1. Ubid 1-21,

CARTHAGINIANS. 233

offered upa sacrifice to the gods; and his son, treading in his steps, before he left Spain, and marched against Rome, went as far as Cadiz in order to pay the vows which he had made to Hercules, and to offer up new ones, in case that god should be propitious to him. After the battle of Cannz," when he acquainted the Carthagi- nians with the joyful news, he recommended to. them, above all things, the offering up a solemn thanksgiving to the immortal gods, for the several victories he had ob- tained. Pro his tantis totque victoriis verum esse grates dits immortalibus agi haberique.

Neither did individuals alone pride themselves upon displaying, on every occasion, this religious care to ho- nour the deity; but it evidently was the genius and dis- position of the whole nation.

Polybius® has transmitted to us a treaty of peace concluded between Philip, son of Demetrius, king of Macedon, and the Carthaginians, in which the great respect and veneration of the latter for the deity, and their inherent persuasion: that the gods engage in, and preside over, human affairs, and particularly over the solemn treaties made in their name and presence, are strongly displayed. Mention is therein made of five or six different orders of deities; and this enumeration ap- pears very extraordinary in a public instrument, such as a treaty of peace concluded between two nations. I will here present my reader with the very words of the histo- rian, as it will give some idea of the Carthaginian theo- logy. This treaty was concluded in the presence of Jupi- ter, Juno, and Apollo; in the presence of the demon or genius (Saivovoc) of the Carthaginians, of Hercules and Lolaus; in the presence of Mars, Triton, and Neptune ; in the presence of all the confederate gods of the Cartha- ginians; and of the sun, the moon, and the earth; in. the presence of the rivers, meads, and waters ; in the presence of all those gods who possess Carthage. What should we now say to an instrument of this kind, in which the tutelar angels and saints of a kingdom should be intro- duced? | i seats |

The Carthaginians had two deities to whom they paid

Cdoivil Sx neh, & L. vii. p. 502.

234 HISTORY OF THE a more particular worship, and who deserve to have some mention made‘of them in this place.

The first was the goddess Ccelestis, called likewise Urania, the same with the Moon, who was invoked in great calamities, and particularly in droughts, in order to obtain rain: ‘That very virgin Ceelestis, says Tertullian," the promiser of rain, Jsta ipsa Virgo Celestis pluviarum pollicitatrix. ‘Tertullian, speaking of this goddess and of Alisculapius, makes the heathens of that age a challenge, which is bold indeed, but at the same time very glorious to the cause of Christianity ; declaring, that any Chris- tian who may first come, shall oblige these false gods to confess publicly, that they are but devils ; and consenting that this Christian shall be immediately killed, if he does not extort such a confession from the mouth of these gods. Nisi se demones confessi fuerint Christiano men- tirt non audentes, ibidem illius Christiani procacissimi san- guinem fundite. St. Austin likewise makes frequent mention of this deity. What is now, says he,' become of Ceelestis, whose empire was once so great in Carthage ? This was doubtless the same deity, whom Jeremiah‘ calls the queen of heaven; and who was held in so much re- verence by the Jewish women, that they addressed their vows, burnt incense, poured out drink-offerings, and made cakes for her with their own hands, ut faciant pla- centas regine ceeli; and from whom they boasted their having received all manner of blessings, whilst they re- gularly paid her this worship; whereas, since they had failed in it, they had been oppressed with misfortunes of every kind.

The second deity particularly adored by the Carthagi- nians, and in whose honour human sacrifices were of- fered, was Saturn, known in Scripture by the name of Moloch; and this worship had passed from Tyre to Carthage. Philo quotes a passage from Sanchoniathon, which shews that the kings of Tyre, in great dangers, used to sacrifice their sons to appease the anger of the gods; and that one of them, by this action, procured himself divine honours, and was worshipped as a god,

» Apolog. c. xxiii. i In Psalm xeviili. k Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17—25.

CARTHAGINIANS. 250

under the name of the planet Saturn: to this doubtless was owing the fable of Saturn’s devouring his own chil- dren. Private persons, when they were desirous of avert- ing any great calamity, took the same method ; and, in imitation of their princes, were so very superstitious, that such as had no children, purchased those of the poor, in order that they might not be deprived of the merit of such a sacrifice. ‘This custom prevailed long among the Pheenicians and Canaanites, from whom the Israelites borrowed it, though forbidden expressly by Heaven. At first, these children were inhumanly burnt, either in a fiery furnace, like those in the valley of Hin- nom, so often mentioned in Scripture ; or enclosed ina flaming statue of Saturn. The cries of these unhappy victims were drowned by the uninterrupted noise of drums and trumpets.' Mothers™ made it a merit, and a part of their religion, to view this barbarous spectacle with dry eyes, and without so much as a groan; and if a tear or a sigh stole from them, the sacrifice was less ac- ceptable to the deity, and all the effects of it were en- tirely lost. This strength of mind,” or rather savage barbarity, was carried to such excess, that even mothers would endeavour, with embraces and kisses, to hush the cries of their children; lest, had the victim been offered with an unbecoming grace, and in the midst of tears, it should be displeasing to the god: Blanditzis et osculis comprimeLant vagitum, ne flebilis hostia immolaretur.° They afterwards contented themselves with making their children pass through the fire, as appears from several passages of Scripture; in which they frequently perished.

*The Carthaginians retained the barbarous custom of offering human sacrifices to their gods, till the ruin of their city :? an action which ought to have been called a

1 Piut. de superstit. p. 171.

™ Tlapsornce S& 4 pnrno areyxtoc Kai dorévaxroc, &c. The cruel and pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a tear falling from her, would have been punished by a fine; and still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut. de superstitione.

" Tertul. in Apolog. ° Minut. Felix. P.O. Cartal.. ivi-e:-6,

4 It appears from Tertullian’s Apology, that this barbarous custom pre-

vailed in Africa long‘after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penés Africam

Saturno immolabantur palam usque ad proconsulatum Tiberi, qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sut obumbratricibus scelerum votivis

236 HISTORY OF THE

sacrilege rather than a sacrifice. Sacrilegium veritis guam sacrum. It.was suspended only for some years, from the fear they were under of drawing upon themselves the indignation. and arms of Darius I. king of Persia, who forbade them the offering up of human sacrifices, and the eating the flesh of dogs : ‘ But they soon resumed this horrid practice ; since, in the reign of Xerxes, the suc- cessor to Darius, Gelon, the tyrar.t of Syracuse, having gained a considerable victory over the Carthaginians in Sicily, among other conditions of peace which he en- joined them, inserted this article; viz. That no more hu- man sacrifices should be offered to Saturn.. And, doubt- less, the practice of the Carthaginians, on this very oc- casion, made Gelon use this precaution. For during the whole engagement,° which lasted from morning till night, Hamilcar, the son of Hanno their general, was perpetually offering up to the gods sacrifices of living men, who were thrown in great numbers on a flaming pile; and seeing his troops routed and put to flight, he himself rushed into it, in order that he might not survive his own disgrace, and to extinguish, says St. Ambrose speaking of this action, with his own blood, this sacrile- gious fire, when he found that it had not proved of ser- vice to him.* |

In times of pestilence" they used to sacrifice a great

crucibus exposuit, teste militia patrie nostre, que id ipsum munus illi pro- consult functa est, i. e. Children were publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of ‘Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests them- selves on the trees which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate their crimes, of which the militia of our country are wit- nesses, who were the actors of this execution at the command of this pro- consul. Tertull. Apolog.c.9. ‘wo learned men are at variance about the proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for procon- sulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberi’, and thinks Tertullian, when he wrote his Apology, had forgot his name. However this be, it is certain that the memory of the incident here related by Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not been long dead. .

r Plut. de sera vindic. deorum, p. 552. ® Herod. |. vii..c. 167.

tIn ipsos quos adolebat sese precipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S. Amb.

" Cum peste laborarent, cruenta sacrorum religione et scelere pro re- medio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et impuberes (que etas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris admovebant, pa- cem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vita dii maximé rogari solent. Justin. 1. xviii. c. 6... The Gauls as well as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be credited.

CARTHAGINIANS. as 4

number of children to their gods, unmoved with pity for a tender age, which excites compassion in the most cruel enemies; thus seeking a remedy for their evils in guilt itself, and endeavouring to appease the gods by the most shocking barbarity.

Diodorus* relates an instance of this cruelty which strikes the reader with horror. At the time that Aga- thocles was just going to besiege Carthage, its inhabit- ants, seeing the extremity to which they were reduced, imputed all their misfortunes to the just anger of Saturn, because that, instead of offering up children nobly born, who were usually sacrificed to him, there had been fraudulently substituted in their stead the children of slaves and foreigners. ‘To atone for this crime, two hundred children of the best families in Carthage were sacrificed to Saturn; besides which, upwards of three hundred citizens, from a sense of their guilt of this pre- tended crime, voluntarily sacrificed themselves. Dio- dorus adds, that there was a brazen statue of Saturn, the hands of which were turned downward ; so that when a child was laid on them, it dropped immediately into a hollow, where was a fiery furnace.

Can this, says Plutarch,’ be called worshipping the gods ? Can we be said to entertain an honourable idea of them, if we suppose that they are pleased with slaughter, thirsty of human blood, and capable of requiring or accepting such offerings? Religion,’ says this judicious author, is placed between two rocks, that are equally dangerous to man, and injurious to the deity, I mean impiety and superstition. The one, from an affectation of free- thinking, believes nothing ; and the other, from a blind weakness, believes all things. Impiety, to rid itself of a terror which galls it, denies the very existence of the gods: whilst superstition, to calm its fears, capriciously forges gods, which it makes not only the friends, but protectors and models, of crimes. Had it not been better, says he farther,* for the Carthaginians to have had originally a Critias, or a Diagoras, who were open and undisguised atheists, for their lawgivers, than to have

FALEXX. py TOG: Y De superstitione, p. 169—171. * Idem, in Camill. p. 132. @ De superstitione.

238 HISTORY OF THE

established so frantic and wicked a religion? Could the Typhons and the giants (the avowed enemies of the gods), had they gained a victory over them, have esta- blished more abominable sacrifices ?

Such were the sentiments which a heathen entertained of this part of the Carthaginian worship. One would indeed scarce believe that mankind were capable of such madness and frenzy. Men do not generally of them- selves entertain ideas so destructive of all that nature considers as most sacred, as to sacrifice, to murder, their children with their own hands, and to throw them in cool blood into fiery furnaces! Sentiments so unnatural and barbarous, and yet adopted by whole nations, and even by the most civilized, by the Phcenicians, Carthaginians, Gauls, Scythians, and even the Greeks and Romans, and consecrated by custom during a long series of ages, can have been inspired by him only who was a murderer from the beginning; and who delights in nothing but the humiliation, misery, and perdition, of man.

Sect. III. Form oF THE GOVERNMENT OF CARTHAGE.

The government of Carthage was founded upon prin- ciples of the most consummate wisdom: and it is with reason that Aristotle” ranks this republic in the number of those that were had in the greatest esteem by the an- cients, and which were fit to serve as a model for others. He grounds his opinion ona reflection, which does great honour to Carthage, by remarking, that from its foun- dation to his time (that is, upwards of five hundred years), no considerable sedition had disturbed the peace, nor any tyrant oppressed the liberty, of that state. Indeed, mixed governments, such as that of Carthage, where the power was divided betwixt the nobles and the people, are subject to two inconveniences; either of degenerating into an abuse of liberty by the seditions of the populace, as frequently happened in Athens, and in all the Grecian republics ; or into the oppression of the public liberty by the tyranny of the nobles, as in Athens, Syracuse, Co- rinth, Thebes, and Rome itself under Sylla and Cesar.

6 De rep. I. ii. c. 11.

CARTHAGINIANS. 239

It is therefore giving Carthage the highest praise, to ob- serve, that it had found out the art, by the wisdom of its laws, and the harmony of the different parts of its go- vernment, to shun, during so long a series of years, two rocks that are so dangerous, and on which others so often split.

oe were to be wished, that some ancient author had left us an accurate and regular description of the customs and laws of this famous republic. For want of such assistance, we can only give our readers a confused and imperfect idea of them, by collecting the several passages which lie scattered up and down in authors. Christopher Hend- rich has obliged the learned world in this particular ; and his work* has been of great service to me.

The government of Carthage,* like that of Sparta and Rome, united three different authorities, which counter- poised and gave mutual assistance to one another. ‘These authorities were, that of the two supreme magistrates, called Suffetes ;° that of the senate ; and that of the peo- ple. ‘There afterwards was added the tribunal of One Hundred, which had great credit and influence in the

republic. | The Suffetes.

The power of the Suffetes was only annual, and their authority in Carthage answered to that of the consuls at Rome.’ In authors they are frequently called kings, dic- tators, consuls, because they exercised the functions of all three. History does not inform us of the manner of their election. They were empowered to assemble the senate :* in which they presided, proposed subjects for deliberation, and collected the votes ;" and they likewise presided in all debates on matters of importance. Their authority was not limited to the city, nor confined to civil affairs: they

¢ Itis entitled, Carthago, sive Carthaginensium respublica, $c. Franco- furti ad Oderam, ann. 1664. 4 Polyb. |. iv. p. 493.

© This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and Phoe- nicians, signifies judges—Shophetim.

f Ut Rome consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges creaban- tur. Corn. Nep. in vité Annibalis,c.’7. The great Hannibal was once one of the Suffetes.

& Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos erat, vocaverunt. iv. 1. xxx.n. 7.

» Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. 1. xxxiv. n. 62.

240 HISTORY OF THE

aad

sometimes had the command of the armies. We find, that when their employment of Suffetes expired, they were made preetors, which was aconsiderable office, since, besides conferring upon them the privilege of presiding in some causes, it also empowered them to propose and enact new laws, and call to account the receivers of the public revenues, as appears from what Livy’ relates con- cerning Hannibal on this head, and which I shall take notice of in the sequel.

The Senate.

The Senate, composed of persons who were venerable on account of their age, their experience, their birth, their riches, and especially their merit, formed the coun- cil of state; and were, if I may use that expression, the soul of the public deliberations. Their number is not exactly known: it must, however, have been very great, since a hundred were selected from it to forma separate assembly, of which I shall immediately have occasion to speak. In the Senate, all affairs of consequence were de- bated, the letters from generals read, the complaints of provinces heard, ambassadors admitted to audience, and peace or war determined, as is seen on many occasions.

When the sentiments and votes were unanimous,“ the senate decided supremely, and there lay no appeal from it. When there was a division, and the senate could not be brought to an agreement, the affair was then laid be- fore the people, on whom the power of deciding thereby devolved. The reader will easily perceive the great wis- dom of this regulation ; and how happily it was adapted to crush factions, to produce harmony, and to enforce and corroborate good counsels: such an assembly being ex- tremely jealous of its authority, and not easily prevailed upon to let it pass into other hands. Of this we have a memorable instance in Polybius : '—When, after the loss of the battle fought in Africa, at the end of the second Punic war, the conditions of peace offered by the victor were read in the senate ; Hannibal, observing that one of the senators opposed them, represented, in the strong- est terms, that as the safety of the republic lay at stake,

iL, xxxiii, n. 46,47. © Arist. loc. cit. 1 L. xv. p. 706, 707.

CARTHAGINIANS. | 941

it was of the utmost importance for the senators to be

unanimous in their resolutions, to prevent such a debate

from coming before the people ;_ and he carried his point.

This, doubtless, laid the foundation, in the infancy of the

republic, of the senate’s power, and raised its authority to

so great a height. And the same author observes,” in. another place, that whilst the senate had the administra-

tion of affairs, the state was governed with great wisdom,

and was successful in all its enterprises.

The People.

It appears from every thing related hitherto, that even so low as Aristotle’s time, who gives so beautiful a pic- ture, and bestows so noble a eulogium on the govern- ment of Carthage, the people spontaneously left the care of public affairs, and the chief administration of them, to the senate: and this it was which made the republic so powerful. But things changed afterwards. For the peo- ple, grown insolent by their wealth and conquests, and forgetting that they owed these blessings to the prudent conduct of the senate, were desirous of having a share in the government, and arrogated to themselves almost the’ whole power. From that period, the public affairs were transacted wholly by cabals and factions: and this Poly- bius assigns as one of the chief causes of the ruin of Carthage.

The Tribunal of the Hundred.

This was a body composed of a hundred and four per- sons ; though often, for brevity’s sake, they are called only the Hundred. These, according to Aristotle, were the

- same in Carthage, as the Ephori in Sparta; whence it - appears, that they were instituted to balance the power of the nobles and senate; but with this difference, that the Ephori were but five in number, and continued in office but a year; whereas these were perpetual, and were up- wards of a hundred. It is believed, that these Centumviri are the same with the hundred judges, mentioned by Justin,” who were taken out of the senate, and appointed to in-

A.M. 3609. A. Carth. 487.

m Polyb, 1. vi. p. 494. 2 L. xix. c. ii WO TLie2ks R

242 HISTORY OF THE

quire into the conduct of their generals. The exorbitant power of Mago’s family, which, by its engrossing the chief employments both of the state and the army, had thereby the sole direction and management of all affairs, gave occasion to this establishment. It was intended as a curb to the authority of their generals, which, whilst the armies were in the field, was almost boundless and ab- solute; but, by this institution, it became subject to the laws, by the obligation their generals were under, of giv- ing an account of their actions before these judges on their return from the campaign: U¢ hoc metu ita in bello imperia cogitarent, ut domi judicia legesque respicerent.° Of these hundred and four judges, five had a particular jurisdiction superior to that of the rest; but it is not known how long their authority lasted. This council of five was like the council of ten in the Venetian senate. A: vacancy in their number could be filled by none but themselves. They also had the power of choosing those who composed the council of the hundred. Their au- thority was very great, and for that reason none were elected into this office but persons of uncommon merit ; and it was not judged proper to annex any salary or re- ward to it; the single motive of the public good, being thought a tie sufficient to engage honest men to a con- scientious and faithful discharge of theirduty. Polybius,? in his account of the taking of New Carthage by Scipio, distinguishes clearly two orders of magistrates established in Old Carthage; for he says, that among the prisoners taken at New Carthage, were two magistrates. belonging to the body or assembly of old men [éx rine Tepovotac |: so he calls the council of the hundred ; and fifteen of the senate [é« ry¢ ZvyxAnrov}. Livy’ mentions only the fifteen of the senators ; but, in another place, he names the old men; and tells us, that they formed the most venerable council of the government, and had great authority in thesenate. * Carthaginenses—Oratores ad pacem peten-

° Justin. |. xix. P L. x. p. 824. edit. Gronov. Wb XXVi Dole) xXx, n. 16. * M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were es- . tablished at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. ‘The chief of these officers took from Hantilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful youth, named Asdru bal, on

CARTHAGINIANS. 243

dam mittunt triginta seniorum principes. Id erat sanctius apud illos concilium, maximaque ad ipsum senatum regen- dum vis.

Establishments, though constituted with the greatest wisdom and the justest harmony of parts, degenerate, however insensibly, into disorder and the most destruc- tive licentiousness. ‘These judges, who by the lawful exe- cution of their power were a terror to transgressors, and the great pillars of justice, abusing their almost unlimited authority, became so many petty tyrants. We shall see this verified in the history of the great Hannibal, who; _ during his preetorship, after his return to Africa, employed

eee all his influence to reform so horrid an

A. Carth. 682. abuse; and made the authority of these

judges, which before was perpetual, only

annual, about two hundred years from the first founding the tribunal of the One Hundred.

Defects in the Government of Carthage.

Aristotle, among other reflections made by him on the government of Carthage, remarks two great defects in it, both which, in his opinion, are repugnant to the views of a wise lawgiver and the maxims of sound policy.

The first of these defects was, the investing the same person with different employments, which was considered at Carthage as a proof of uncommon merit. But Aris- totle thinks this practice highly prejudicial to the public welfare. For, says this author, a man possessed but of one employment, is much more capable of acquitting himself well in the execution of it ; because affairs are then examined with greater care, and sooner dispatched. We never see, continues our author, either by sea or land, the same officer commanding two different bodies, or the same pilot steering two ships. Besides, the welfare of the state requires that places and preferments should be divided, in order to excite an emulation among men of merit: whereas the bestowing of them on one man, too a report that Hamilcar was more familiar with this youth than was con- sistent with modesty. Erat pretered cumeo [ Amilcare] adolescens illustris et formosus Hasdrubal, quem nonnulli diligi turpis quam par erat, ab

‘Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo factum est ut 4 prafecto morum Hasdrubalcum eo vetaretur esse. Corn. Nep. in Vita Amilcaris. -

R 2

244 HISTORY OF THE

often dazzles him by so distinguishing a preference; and always fills others with jealousy, discontent, and murmurs.

The second defect taken notice of by Aristotle in the government of Carthage, was, that in order for a man to attain the first posts, a certain income was required (be- sides merit and noble birth). By which means, poverty might exclude persons of the most exalted merit, which he considers as a great evil ina government. For then, says he, as virtue is wholly disregarded, and money is all- powerful, because all things are attained by it; the ad- miration and desire of riches seize and corrupt the whole community. Add-to this, that when magistrates and judges are obliged to pay large sums for their employ- ments, they seem to have a right to reimburse themselves.

There is not, I believe, one instance in all antiquity, to shew that employments, either in the state or the courts of justice, were sold. ‘The expense, therefore, which Aristotle talks of here to raise men to preferments in Carthage, must doubtless be understood of the presents that were given in order to procure the votes of the elec- tors ; a practice, as Polybius observes, very common at Carthage, where no kind of gain was judged a disgrace.* It is therefore no wonder, that Aristotle should condemn a practice whose consequences, it is very plain, may prove fatal to a government. |

But in case he pretended that the chief employments of a state ought to be equally accessible to the rich and the poor, as he seems to insinuate ; his opinion is refuted by the general practice of the wisest republics : for these, without any way demeaning or aspersing poverty, have thought that, on this occasion, the preference ought to be given to riches; because it is to be presumed, that the wealthy have received a better education, have nobler sentiments, are more out of the reach of corruption, and less liable to commit base actions; and that even the state of their affairs makes them more affectionate to the ~ government, more disposed to maintain peace and order in it, and more interested in suppressing whatever may tend to sedition and rebellion.

* Tlapd Kapyndoviog ovdiv aisxpdy riiv dynkdyrwy mpdc Képdoc.—Polyb. - Vi. p. 497.

CARTHAGINIANS. 245

Aristotle, in concluding his reflections on the republic of Carthage, is much pleased with a custom that pre- vailed there ; viz. of sending from time to time colonies into different countries ; and in this manner procuring its citizens commodious settlements. This provided for the necessities of the poor, who, equally with the rich, are members of the state: and it disburdened Carthage of multitudes of lazy, indolent people, who were its dis- grace, and often proved dangerous to it: it prevented commotions and insurrections, by thus removing such persons ascommonly occasion them ; and who, being ever discontented under their present circumstances, are al- ways ready for innovations and tumults.

Sect. IV. Trapr or CARTHAGE, THE FIRST SOURCE oF 1rs WEALTH AND Power.

Commerce, strictly speaking, was the occupation of Carthage, the particular object of its industry, and its peculiar and predominant characteristic. It formed the greatest strength and the chief support of that common- wealth. In aword, we may affirm, that the power, the conquests, the credit, and glory, of the Carthaginians, all flowed from their commerce. Situated in the centre of the Mediterranean, and stretching out their arms eastward and westward, the extent of their commerce took in all the known world, and wafted it to the coast of Spain, of Mauritania, of Gaul, and beyond the straits and pillars of Hercules. They sailed to all countries, in order to buy at a cheap rate the superfluities of every nation ; which, by the wants of others, became necessaries ; and these they sold to them at the dearest rates. From Egypt the Carthaginians fetched fine flax, paper, corn, sails, and cables for ships ; from the coast of the Red Sea, spices, frankincense, perfumes, gold, pearls, and precious stones; from Tyre and Phoenicia, purple and scarlet, rich stuffs, tapestry, costly furniture, and divers curious and exquisite works of art : in a word, they fetched from various countries, all things that can supply the necessi- ties, or are capable of contributing to the convenience, the luxury, and the delights, of life. They brought back from the western parts of the world, in return for

246 HISTORY OF THE

the articles carried thither, iron, tin, lead, and copper : by the sale of these various commodities, they enriched themselves at the expense of all nations; and put them under a kind of contribution, which was so much the surer as it was spontaneous.

In thus becoming the factors and agents of all nations, they had made themselves lords of the sea; the band which held the east, the west, and south together ; and the necessary channel of their communication: so that Carthage rose to be the common city, and the centre of _ the trade, of all those nations which the sea separated from one another.

The most considerable personages of the city were not ashamed of engaging in trade. ‘They applied themselves to it as industriously as the meanest citizens ; and their great wealth did not make them less in love with the di- ligence, patience, and labour, which are necessary to augment it. To this they owed their empire of the sea, the splendour of their republic; their being able to dis- pute for the superiority with Rome itself; and their ex- alted pitch of power, which forced the Romans to carry on a bloody and doubtful war, for upwards of forty years, in order to humble and subdue this haughty rival. In short, Rome, even when triumphant, thought Carthage was not to be entirely reduced any other way, than by de- priving that city of the resources which it might still de- rive from its commerce, by which it had so long been enabled to resist the whole strength of that mighty re- public.

However, it is no wonder that, as Carthage came in a manner out of the greatest school of traffic in the world, I mean Tyre, she should have been crowned with such rapid and uninterrupted success. The very vessels on which its founders had been conveyed into Africa, were afterwards employed by them in their trade. They be- gan to make settlements upon the coasts of Spain, in those ports where they unloaded their goods. The ease with which they had founded these settlements, and the conveniences they met with, inspired them with the de- sign of conquering those vast regions; and some time after, Nova Carthago, or New Carthage, gave the Car-

CARTHAGINIANS. | 247

thaginians an empire in that country, almost equal to ti.at which they enjoyed in Africa. .

| SECT. V. Ture Mines ofr SPAIN, THE SECOND SOURCE OF THE RicHES AND Power or CARTHAGE.

Diodorus * justly remarks, that the gold and _ silver mines found by the Carthaginians in Spain, were an in- exhaustible fund of wealth, that enabled them to sustain such long wars against the Romans. The natives had long been ignorant of these treasures that lay concealed in the bowels of the earth, at least of their use and value. The Phoenicians took advantage of this ignorance ; and, by bartering some wares of little value for this precious metal, they amassed infinite wealth, When the Cartha- ginians had made themselves masters of the country, they dug much deeper into the earth than the old inhabitants’ of Spain had done, who probably were content with what they could collect on the surface ; and the Romans, when they had dispossessed the Carthaginians of Spain, pro- fited by their example, and drew an immense revenue from these mines of gold and silver.

: The labour employed to come at these mines, and _ to

dig the gold and silver out of them, was incredible." For the veins of these metals rarely appeared on the sur- face; they were to be sought for and traced through frightful depths, where very often floods of water stopped the miners, and seemed to defeat all future pursuits. But avarice is no less patient in undergoing fatigues, than. ingenious in finding expedients. By pumps, which Ar- chimedes had invented when in Egypt, the Romans af- terwards threw up the water out of these pits, and quite. drained them. Numberless multitudes of slaves perished in these mines, which were dug to enrich their masters ; who treated them with the utmost barbarity, forced them by heavy stripes to labour, and gave them no respite either day or night.

Polybius, as quoted by Strabo,* says, that in his time, upwards of forty thousand men were employed in the mines near Nova Carthago; and furnished the Romans € Lib. iv. p. 312, &c. " Diod. 1. iv. p. 312, &c. * Lib, iii. p. 147,

JAB HISTORY OF THE

every day with twenty-five thousand drachmas, or 8501. 7s. 6d.*

We must not be surprised to see the Carthaginians, soon after the greatest defeats, sending fresh and nu- merous armies again into the field; fitting out mighty fleets, and supporting, at a great expense, for many years, wars carried on by them in far-distant countries. But it must appear surprising to us, that the Romans should be capable of doing the same; they whose reve- nues were very inconsiderable before those great con- quests which subjected to them the most powerful na- tions ; and who had no resources, either from trade, to which they were absolute strangers, or from gold or sil- ver mines, which were very rarely found in Italy, in case there were any; and the expenses of which must, for that very reason, have swallowed up all the profit. The Romans, in the frugal and simple life they led, in their zeal for the public welfare, and their love for their coun- try, possessed funds which were not less ready or secure than those of Carthage, but at the same time were far more honourable to their nation.

Sect. VI. War.

Carthage must be considered as a trading, and, at the same time, a warlike republic. Its genius and the nature of its government led it to traffic; and it became warlike, first, from the necessity the Carthaginians were under of defending themselves against the neighbouring nations, and afterwards from a desire of extending their commerce and empire. ‘This double idea gives us, in my opinion, the true plan and character of the Carthaginian republic. We have already spoken of its commerce.

The military power of the Carthaginians consisted in their alliances with kings; in tributary nations, from which they drew both men and money ; in some troops raised from among their own citizens ; and in mercenary soldiers purchased of neighbouring states, without being themselves obliged to levy or exercise them, because they were already well disciplined and inured to the fatigues

Y 25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr. Bernard, =84d. English money ; consequently, 25,000==859/. 7s. 6d.

CARTHAGINIANS. © 249

of war ; they making choice, in every country, of such troops as had the greatest merit and reputation. They drew from Numidia a light, bold, impetuous, and indefa- tigable cavalry, which formed the principal strength of their armies; from the Balearic isles, the most expert slingers in the world; from Spain, a steady and invin- cible infantry; from the coasts of Genoa and Gaul, troops of acknowledged valour; and from Greece itself, soldiers fit for all the various operations of war, for the field or the garrisons, for besieging or defending cities.

In this manner the Carthaginians sent out at once pow- erful armies, composed of soldiers which were the flower of all the armies in the universe, without depopulating either their fields or cities by new levies ; without sus- pending their manufactures, or disturbing the peaceable artificer ; without interrupting their commerce, or weak- ening their navy. By venal blood they possessed them- selves of provinces and kingdoms ; and made other na- tions the instruments of their grandeur and glory, with no other expense of their own than their money; and even this furnished from the traffic they carried on with foreign nations. ~ If the Carthaginians, in the course of a war, sustained some losses, these were but as so many foreign accidents, which only grazed, as it were, over the body of the state, but did not make a deep wound in the bowels or heart of the republic. ‘These losses were speedily repaired, by sums arising out of a flourishing commerce, as from a perpetual sinew of war, by which the government was continually reinforced with new supplies for the purchase of mercenary forces, who were ready at the first sum- mons. And from the vast extent of the coasts which the Carthaginians possessed, it was easy for them to levy, in a very little time, a sufficient number of sailors and row- ers for the working of their fleets, and to procure able pilots and experienced captains to conduct them.

But as these parts were fortuitously brought together, they did not adhere by any natural, intimate, or neces- sary tie. No common and reciprocal.interest united them _ in such a manner, as to form a solid and unalterable body. Not one individual in these mercenary armies was sin-

250 | HISTORY OF THE

cerely interested in the success of measures, or in the prosperity of the state. They did not act with the same zeal, nor expose themselves to dangers with equal reso- lution, for a republic which they considered as foreign, and which consequently was indifferent to them, as they would have done for their native country, whose happi- ness constitutes that of the several members who com- pose it.

In great reverses of fortune, the kings’ in alliance with the Carthaginians might easily be detached from their in- terest, either by that jealousy which the grandeur of a more powerful neighbour naturally excites; or by the hopes of reaping greater advantages from a new friend ; or by the fear of being involved in the misfortunes of an old ally.

The tributary nations, impatient under the weight and disgrace of a yoke which had been forced upon their necks, generally flattered themselves with the hopes of finding one less galling in changing their masters; or, in case servitude was unavoidable, the choice was indifferent to them, as will appear from many instances in the course of this history.

The mercenary forces, accustomed to measure their fidelity by the largeness or continuance of their pay, were ever ready, on the least discontent, or the slightest ex- pectation of a more considerable stipend, to desert to the enemy with whom they had just before fought, and to turn their arms against those who had invited them to their assistance.

Thus the grandeur of the Carthaginians being sustained only by these foreign supports, was shaken to the very foundation when they were once taken away. And ifto this there happened to be added an interruption of their commerce (which was their sole resource), arising from the loss of a naval engagement, they imagined themselves to be on the brink of ruin, and abandoned themselves to despondency and despair; as was evidently seen at the end of the first Punic war.

Aristotle, in the treatise where he shews the advan- ae and defects of the government of Carthage, finds

' % As Syphax and Masinissa.

CARTHAGINIANS. 951

no fault with its keeping up none but foreign forces; it is therefore probable, that the Carthaginians did not fall into this practice till a long time after. But the rebel- lions which harassed Carthage in its later years, ought to have taught its citizens, that no miseries are compar- able to those of a government which is supported only by foreigners ; since neither zeal, security, nor obedience, can be expected from them.

But this was not the case with the republic of Rome. As the Romans had neither trade nor money, they were not able to hire forces, in order to push on their conquests with the same rapidity as the Carthaginians: but then, as they procured every thing from within themselves, and as all the parts of the state were intimately united; they had surer resources in great misfortunes than the Car- thaginians. And for this reason they never once thought of suing for peace after the battle of Canne, as the Car- thaginians had done in a less imminent danger.

The Carthaginians had, besides, a body of troops (which was not very numerous) levied from among their

own citizens; and this wasa kind of school, in which the

flower of their nobility, and those whose talents and am- bition prompted them to aspire to the first dignities, learned the rudiments of the art of war. From among these were selected all the general officers, who were put at the head of the different bodies of their forces, and had the chief command in the armies. ‘This nation was too jealous and suspicious to employ foreign generals. But they were not so distrustful of their own citizens as Rome and Athens; for the Carthaginians, at the same time that they invested them with great power, did not guard against the abuse they might make of it in order to oppress their country. ‘The command of armies was neither annual, nor limited to any time, as in the two re- publics above-mentioned. Many generals held their commissions for a great number of years, either till the war or their lives ended ; though they were still account- able to the commonwealth for their conduct ; and liable to be recalled, whenever a real fault, a accel, or the superior interest of a cabal, furnished an opportunity for it.

\

252 HISTORY OF THE

Sect. VII. Arts AND SCIENCES.

It cannot be said that the Carthaginians renounced en- tirely the glory which results from study and knowledge. The sending of Masinissa, son of a powerful king,* thither for education, gives us room to believe that Carthage was . provided with an excellent school. The great Hannibal,” who, in all respects, was an ornament to that city, was not unacquainted with polite literature, as will be seen hereafter. Mago,° another very celebrated general, did as much honour to Carthage by his pen as by his victo- ries. He wrote twenty-eight volumes upon husbandry, which the Roman senate had in such esteem, that after the taking of Carthage, when they presented the African princes with the libraries found there (another proof that learning was not entirely banished from Carthage), they gave orders to have these books translated into Latin,’

‘though Cato had before written his books on that sub- ject. There is still extant® a Greek version of a treatise drawn up by Hanno in the Punic tongue, relating to a voyage he made (by order of the senate) with a consider- able fleet round Africa, for the settling of different colo- nies in that part of the world. This Hanno is believed to be more ancient than that person of the same name, who lived in the time of Agathocles.

Clitomachus,’ called in the Punic language Asdrubal, was a great philosopher. He succeeded the famous Car- neades, whose disciple he had been ; and maintained in Athens the honour of the Academic sect. Cicero says,® that he was a more sensible man, and fonder of study, than the Carthaginians generally are. He wrote several books :" in one of which he composed a piece to console the unhappy citizens of Carthage, who, by the ruin of their city, were reduced to slavery.

* King of the Massylians in Africa. b Nepos in vité Annibalis. © Cic. |. i. De orat. n. 249. Plin.1. xviii. c. 3.

* These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and trans- lated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.

© Voss. de Hist. Gr. 1. iv. Plut. de fort. Alex. p. 328. Diog. Laért. in Clitom. _§ Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Poenus, et valdé studiosus ac diligens. Academ. Quest. |. iy, n. 98, h Tusc. Quest. |. iii. n. 54.

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I might rank among, or rather place at the head of, the writers who have adorned Africa, the celebrated Te- rence ; himself singly being capable of reflecting infinite honour on his country by the fame of his productions, if, on this account, Carthage, the place of his birth, ought not to be less considered as his country than Rome, where he was educated, and acquired that purity of style, that delicacy and elegance, which have gained him the admiration of all succeeding ages. It is supposed,’ that he was carried off when an infant, or at least very young, by the Numidians in their incursions into the Carthagi- nian territories, during the war carried on between these two nations, from the conclusion of the second, to the beginning of the third, Punic war. He was sold for a slave to Terentius Lucanus, a Roman senator ; who, after giving him an excellent education, gave him his liberty, and called him by his own name, as was then the custom. He was united in a very strict friendship with the second Scipio Africanus, and Leelius; and it was a common re- port at Rome, that he had the assistance of these two great men in composing his pieces. The poet, so far from endeavouring to stifle a report so advantageous to him, made a merit of it. Only six of his comedies are extant. Some authors, on the authority of Suetonius (the writer of his life), say, that in his return from Greece, whither hehad made a voyage, he lost a hundred and eight comedies, which he had translated from Menander, and could not survive an accident which must naturally afflict him in a sensible manner: but this incident is not very well founded. Be this as it may, he died in the year of Rome 594, under the consulship of Cneius Cornelius Dolabella and M. Fulvius, at the age of thirty-five years, and consequently he was born anno 560. |

It must yet be confessed, notwithstanding all we have said, that there ever was a great scarcity of learned men in Carthage, since it hardly furnished three or four writers of reputation in upwards of seven hundred years. Al- though the Carthaginians held, a correspondence with Greece and the most civilized nations, yet this did not excite them to borrow their learning, as being foreign to

' Suet, in vit. Terent,

254 HISTORY OF THE

their views of trade and-commerce. Eloquence, poetry, history, seem to have been little known among them. A Carthaginian philosopher was considered as a sort of prodigy by the learned. What then would an astronomer or a geometrician have been thought? I know not in what esteem physic, which is so highly useful to life, was held at Carthage ; or jurisprudence, so necessary to society. As works of wit were generally had in so much disre- gard, the education of youth must necessarily have been very imperfect and unpolished. In Carthage, the study and knowledge of youth were for the most part confined to writing, arithmetic, book-keeping, and the buying and selling goods; in a word, to whatever related to traffic. But polite learning, history, and philosophy, were in lit- tle repute among them. ‘These were in later years even prohibited by the laws, which expressly forbade any Carthaginian to learn the Greek tongue, lest it might qualify them for carrying on a dangerous correspondence with the enemy, either by letter or word of mouth.* Now what could be expected from such a cast of mind? Accordingly there was never seen among them that ele- gance of behaviour, that ease and complacency of man- ners, and those sentiments of virtue, which are generally the fruits of a liberal education in all civilized nations. The small number of great men which this nation has produced, must therefore have owed their merit to the felicity of their genius, to the singularity of their talents, and along experience, without any great assistance from cultivation and instruction. Hence it was, that the merit of the greatest men of Carthage was sullied by great failings, low vices, and cruel passions; and it is rare to meet with any conspicuous virtue among them without some blemish ; with any virtue of a noble, gene- rous, and amiable kind, and supported by enlightened and steady principles, such as is every where found

k Factum senatfis consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis Grecis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere sine in- terprete posset, Justin. 1. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one Suniatus, a powerful Car- thaginian, and Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily ; the former, by letters writ- ‘ten in Greek (which afterwards fell into the hands of the Carthaginians), having informed the tyrantof the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.

CARTHAGINIANS. : 955

among the Greeks and. Romans. The reader will per- ceive that I here speak only of the heathen virtues, and agreeably to the idea which the Pagans entertained of them. af

I meet with as few monuments of their skill in arts of a less noble and necessary kind, as painting and sculp- ture. I find, indeed, that they had plundered their con- quered nations of a great many works in both these kinds ; but it does not appear that they themselves had produced many.

From what has been said, one cannot help concluding, that traffic was the predominant inclination, and the pe- culiar characteristic of the Carthaginians ; that it formed, in a manner, the basis of the state, the soul of the com- monwealth, and the grand spring which gave motion to all their enterprises. The Carthaginians, in general, were skilful merchants ; employed wholly in traffic; ex- cited strongly by the desire of gain, and esteeming no- thing but riches; directing all their talents, and placing their chief glory, in amassing them ; though at the same time they scarce knew the purpose for which they were designed, or how to use them in a noble or worthy manner.

Sect. VIII. Tue Cuaracter, MANNERS, AND Qua- LITIES, OF THE CARTHAGINIANS.

In the enumeration of the various qualities which Ci- cero’ assigns to different nations, as their distinguishing characteristics, he declares that of the Carthaginians to be craft, skill, address, industry, cunning, calliditas; which doubtless appeared in war, but was still more conspicuous in the rest of their conduct ; and this was joined to another quality that bears a very near relation to it, and is still less reputable. Craft and cunning lead naturally to lying, duplicity, and breach of faith; and these, by accustoming the mind insensibly to be less scrupulous with regard to the choice of the means for compassing its designs, prepare it for the basest frauds

1 Quam volumus licét ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Poenos, &c. sed pietate ac religione, &c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus, De Arusp. Resp. n. 19.

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and the most perfidious actions. This was also one of the characteristics of the Carthaginians ;" and it was so notorious, that to signify any remarkable dishonesty, it was usual to call it Punic faith, fides Punica ; and to de- note aknavish, deceitful disposition, no expression was thought more proper and emphatical than this, a Car- thaginian disposition, Punicum ingenium.

An excessive thirst for amassing wealth, and an inor- dinate love of gain, generally gave occasion in Carthage to the committing base and unjust actions. One single example will prove this. During a truce, granted by Scipio to the earnest entreaties of the Carthaginians, some Roman vessels, being driven by a storm on the coasts of Carthage, were seized by order of the senate and people,” who could not suffer so tempting a prey to escape them. ‘They were resolved to get money, though the manner of acquiring it were ever so scandalous. The inhabitants of Carthage, even in St. Austin’s time (as that Father informs us), shewed, on a particular oc- casion, that they still retained part of this characteristic.°

But these were not the only blemishes and faults of the Carthaginians.” They had something austere and savage in their disposition and genius, a haughty and im- perious air, a sort of ferocity, which, in the first trans- ports of passion, was dead to both reason and remon- strances, and plunged brutally into the utmost excesses of violence. ‘The people, cowardly and grovelling under apprehensions, were proud and cruel in their transports ; at the same time that they trembled under their magis- trates, they were dreaded in their turn by their miserable

m Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercato- rum advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi questis cupiditate vocabantur. Cie. orat. ii. in Rull. n. 94.

n Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiz vestibulo fremere, ne tanta ex oculis manisbusque amitteretur preda. Consensum est ut, &c. Dies) Xx%. E24.

° A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day ap- pointed, tohear him. Being all met, he told them, they were desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. very man’s conscience pleaded guilty to the charge ; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et caré vendere ; in quo dicto levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eiquevera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili

Ffavore plauserunt. S. August. 1. xiii. de Trinit. c. 3. : P Plut. de gen. Rep. p. 799.

‘

CARTHAGINIANS. 257

vassals. In this we see the difference which education makes between one nation and another. ‘The Atheni- ans, whose city was always considered as the centre of learning, were naturally jealous of their authority, and difficult to govern ; but still, a fund of good nature and humanity made them compassionate the misfortunes of others, and be indulgent to the errors of their leaders. Cleon one day desired the assembly, in which he presided, to break up, because, as he told them, he had a sacrifice » to offer, and friends to entertain. The people only laughed at the request, and immediately separated. Such a liberty, says Plutarch, at Carthage, would have cost a man. his life.

Livy? makes a like reflection with regard to Terentius Varro. ‘That general, on his return to Rome after the battle of Cannz, which had been lost by his ill conduct, was met by persons of all orders of the state, at some distance from Rome; and thanked by them, for his not having despaired of the commonwealth ; who, says the historian, had he been a general of the Carthaginians, must have expected the most severe punishment: Cuz, si Carthaginensium ductor fuisset, nihil recusandum sup- plicit foret. Indeed, a court was established-at Carthage, where the generals were obliged to give an account of their conduct ; and they all were made responsible for the events of the war. _ Il success was punished there as a crime against the state; and whenever a general lost a battle, he was almost sure, at his return, of ending his life upon a gibbet. Such was the furious, cruel, and barbarous disposition of the Carthaginians, who were always ready to shed the blood of their citizens as well as of foreigners. The unheard-of tortures which they made Regulus suffer, are a manifest proof of this asser- tion ; and their history will furnish us with such instances of it, as are not to be read without horror.

2 Lab. xxit..n. 61.

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258 HtSTORY OF THE

> PART II.

THE HISTORY. OF THE CARTHAGINIANS.

Tue interval of time between the foundation of Car- thage and its ruin, included seven hundred years, and may be divided into two parts. The first, which is much the longest and the least known (as is ordinary with the be- ginnings of all states), extends to the first Punic war, and takes up five hundred and eighty-two years. The second, which ends at the destruction of Carthage, con- tains but a hundred and eighteen years.

CHAP. I.

The Foundation of Carthage, and its Aggrandizement till the Time of the first Punic War.

CarTHAGE in Africa was a colony from Tyre, the most renowned city at that time for commerce in the world. Tyre had long before transplanted into that country another colony, which built Utica,” made famous by the death of the second Cato, who for this reason is generally called Cato Uticensis.

Authors disagree very much with regard to the era of the foundation of Carthage.* It is a difficult matter, and not very material, to reconcile them; at least, agree- ably to the plan laid down by me, it is sufficient to

t Utica et Carthago, ambe inclyte, ambe & Phenicibus condita ; illa fato Catonis insignis, hee suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first renowned by Cato’s fate, the last by its own.

® Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He says, that the town consisted of three parts, viz. Cothon, or the port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been first built; Me- gara, built next, and, in respect of Cothon, called the New Town, or Kar- thada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of all, and probably by Dido.

Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the taking of Troy ; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a hundred ninety- four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander (cited by Josephus), was built a hundred sixty-six years after Megara. .

CARTHAGINIANS. | 259

know, within a few years, the time in which that city was built. : ' Carthage existed a little above seven hundred years.* It was destroyed under the consulate of Cn.Lentulus, and L. Mummius,.the 603d year of Rome, 385gth of the world, and 145 before Christ. The foundation of it may therefore be fixed in the year of the world 3158, when Joash was king of Judah, 98 years before the building of Rome, and 846 before our Saviour.

The foundation of Carthage is ascribed to Elisa, a Ty- rian princess, better known by the name of Dido." Itho- bal, king of Tyre, and father of the famous Jezebel, called in Scripture Ethbaal, was her great grandfather. She married her near relation Acerbas, called otherwise Sicharbas and Sichzeus, an extremely rich prince, and Pygmalion, king of ‘Tyre, washer brother. This prince having put Sichzeus to death, in order that he might have an opportunity of seizing his immense wealth, Dido eluded the cruel avarice of her brother, by withdrawing secretly ‘with all her dead husband’s treasures. After having long wandered, she at last landed on the coast of the Mediterranean, in the gulf where Utica stood, and in the country of Africa, properly so called, distant almost fifteen miles* from Tunis, so famous at this time for its corsairs ; and there settled with her few followers, after having purchased some lands from the inhabitants of the country.’ | |

Many of the neighbouring people, invited by the pros- pect of lucre, repaired thither to sell to these new comers the necessaries of life; and shortly after incorporated themselves with them. These inhabitants, who had been thus gathered from different places, soon grew very nu-

t Liv. Epit. 1. ii. - 7

« Justin. 1. xviii.c. 4—6. App. de bello Pun. p.1. Strab. 1. xvii. p. 832.. Paterc. |. i. c. 6. * 120 stadia. Strab. I. xiv. p. 687.

y Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land as an ox’s hide would: encompass. The request was thought too moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide intothe smallest thongs ; and, with them, encompassed a large track of ground, on which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale of the hide is generally exploded by the learned ; who observe that the Hebrew word Bosra, which signifies a

fortification, gave rise to the Greek word Byrsa, which is the name of the citadel of Carthage /

Ss 2

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260 HISTORY OF THE

merous. The citizens of Utica, considering them as their countrymen, and as descended from the same common stock, deputed envoys with very considerable presents, and exhorted them to build a city in the place where they had first settled. The natives of the country, from the esteem and respect frequently shewn to strangers, did as much on their part. Thus all things conspiring with Dido’s views, she built her city, which was charged with the payment of an annual tribute to the Africans for the ground it stood upon: and called Carthada,’ or Carthage, a name that, in the Pheenician and Hebrew tongues (which have a great affinity), signifies the New City. It is said, that when the foundations were dug, a horse’s head was found, which was thought a good omen, and a presage of the future warlike genius of that people.* This princess was afterwards courted by Iarbas, king of Getulia, and threatened with a war in case of refusal. Dido, who had bound herself by an oath not to consent to a second marriage, being incapable of violating the faith she had sworn to Sicheus, desired time for delibe- ration, and for appeasing the manes of her first husband by sacrifice. Having therefore ordered a pile to be raised, she ascended it; and drawing out a dagger which she had concealed under her robe, stabbed herself with it.?

2 Kartha Hadath, or Hadtha. @ Effodére loco signum, quod regia Juno Monstrarat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore bello Egregiam, ct facilem victu per secula gentem.—Virg. An. 1. i. 447.

The Tyrians landing near this holy ground, And digging here, a prosperous omen found : From under earth a courser’s head they drew, Their growth and future fortune to foreshew: This fated sign their foundress Juno gave,

Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.— Dryden.

> The story, asit is told more at large in Justin (1. xviii. c. 6), is this :— Tarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten-of the principal Cartha- ginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to declare war against her in case of a refusal; the ambassadors being afraid to deliver the mes- sage of Iarbas, told her (with Punic honesty ), that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans ; but that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest beasts. Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and asking, if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even their lives? they then delivered the king’s message, and bid her set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country’s welfare.

CARTHAGINIANS. 261

Virgil has made a great alteration in this history, by supposing that Axneas, his hero, was contemporary with Dido, though there was an interval of near three centu- ries between the one and the other; Carthage being

built three hundred years after the destruction of Troy. >

This liberty is very excusable in a poet, who is not tied to the scrupulous accuracy of an historian; and we ad- mire, with great reason, the judgment which he has shewn in his plan, when, to interest the Romans (for whom he wrote) in his subject, he has the art of introducing into it the implacable hatred which subsisted between Carthage and Rome, and ingeniously deduces the original of it from the very remote foundation of those two rival cities.

Carthage, whose beginnings, as we have observed, were very weak at first, grew larger by insensible degrees, in the country where it was founded. But its dominion was not long confined to Africa. This ambitious city ex- tended her conquests into Europe, invaded Sardinia, made herself mistress of a great part of Sicily, and reduced to her subjection almost the whole of Spain; and having sent out powerful colonies into all quarters, enjoyed the empire of the seas for more than six hundred years ; and formed a state which was able to dispute pre-eminence with the greatest empires of the world, by her wealth, her commerce, her numerous armies, her formidable fleets, and, above all, by the courage and ability of her cap- tains. ‘The dates and circumstances of many of these conquests are little known. JI shall take but a transient notice of them, in order to enable my readers to form some idea of the countries, which will be often mentioned in the course of this history.

Conquests of the Carthaginians in Africa.

The first wars made by the Carthaginians, were to free themselves from the annual tribute which they had en- gaged to pay the Africans, for the territory which had been ceded to them.* This conduct does them no ho- Dido, being thus ensnared, called on Sichzeus with tears and lamentations, and answered, that she would go where the fate of her city called her. At the expiration of three months, she ascended the fatal pile; and with her

last breath told the spectators, that she was going to her husband, as they . hadordered her. ¢ Justin. |. xix. c. 1.

262 HISTORY OF THE

nour, as the settlement was granted them upon condition of their paying a tribute. One would be apt to imagine, that they were desirous of covering the obscurity of their original, by abolishing this proof of it. But they were not successful on this occasion. The Africans had jus- tice on their side, and they prospered accordingly ; the war being terminated by the payment of the tribute.

The Carthaginians afterwards carried their arms against the Moors and Numidians, and gained many conquests over both.* Being now emboldened by these happy suc- cesses, they shook off entirely the tribute which gave them so much uneasiness, and possessed themselves of a great part of Africa.

About this time there arose a great dispute between Carthage and Cyrene, on the subject of their respective limits.’ Cyrene was a very powerful city, situated on the Mediterranean, towards the greater Syrtis, and had been built by Battus, the Lacedeemonian.

It was agreed on each side, that two young men should set out at the same time, from either city ; and that the _ place of their meeting should be the common boundary of both states. The Carthaginians (these were two bro- thers named Philzni) made the most haste; and their antagonists pretending that foul play had been used, and that the two brothers had set out before the time appoint- ed, refused to stand to the agreement, unless the two brothers (to remove all suspicion of unfair dealing’) would consent to be buried alive in the place where they had met. They acquiesced with the proposal ; and the Carthagi- nians erected, on that spot, two altars to their memories, and paid them divine honours in their city ; and from that time the place was called the altars of the Phileni, Are Philenorum,’ and served as the boundary of the Carthaginian empire, which extended from thence to the pillars of Hercules.

@ Justin. |. xix. c. 2.

_© Afri compulsi stipendium urbis condita Carthaginiensibus remittere. Justin. 1. xix. c. 2.

f Sallust. de bello Jugurth. n. 77. Valer. Max. I. v. c. 6. & These altars were not standing in Strabo’s time. Some geographers think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philanorum Are ;

but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.

CARTHAGINIANS. 263

Conquests of the Carthaginians in Sardinia, &c.

History does not inform us exactly, either of the time when the Carthaginians entered Sardinia, or of the man- ner in which they got possession of it. This island was of great use to them ;" and, during all their wars, sup- plied them abundantly with provisions. It is separated from Corsica only by a strait of about three leagues in breadth. The metropolis of the southern and most fer- tile part of it, was Caralis or Calaris, now called Cagliari. On the arrival of the Carthaginians, the natives withdrew to the mountains in the northern parts of the island, which. are almost inaccessible, and whence the enemy could not dislodge them.

The Carthaginians seized likewise on the Balearic isles, now called Majorca and Minorca. Port Mahon (Portus Magonis), in the latter island, was so called from Mago, a Carthaginian general, who first made use of and fortified it. It is not known who this Mago was;' but it is very probable that he was Hannibal’s brother. This harbour is, at this day, one of the most considerable in the Mediterranean.

These isles furnished the Carthaginians with the most expert slingers in the world, who did them great service in battles and sieges.“ ‘They slang large stones of above a pound weight; and sometimes threw leaden bullets, with so much violence, that they would pierce even the strongest helmets, shields, and cuirasses ; and were so dexterous in their aim, that they scarce ever missed the mark. The inhabitants of these islands were accustomed from their infancy to handle the sling ; for which pur- pose their mothers placed on the bough of a high tree, the piece of bread designed for their children’s break fast, who were not allowed a morsel till they had brought it down with their slings. From this practice, these islands were called Balleares and Gymnasie by the Greeks ;™

h Strab. I. v. p. 224. Diod. 1. v. p. 296. i Liv. |. xxviii. n. 37. k Diod. 1. v. p. 298. and I. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.

1 Liquescit excussa glans funda, et attritu aéris, velut igne, distillat: 7. e. The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves; and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire. Senec. Nat. Quest. |, ii. e. 57.

m Strab. |. iii. p. 167.

264 HISTORY OF THE

because the inhabitants used to exercise themselves so early in slinging of stones.”

Conquests of the Carthaginians in Spain.

Before I enter on the relation of these conquests, I think it proper to give my readers some idea of Spain.

Spain is divided into three parts, Boetica, Lucitamia, Tarraconensis.° na el

Beetica, so called from the river Beetis,? was the south- ern division of it, and comprehended the present king- dom of Grenada, Andalusia, part of New Castile, and Es- tremadura. Cadiz, called by the ancients Gades and Ga- dira, is a town situated in a small island of the same name, on the western coast of Andalusia, about nine leagues from Gibraltar. It is well known,‘ that Hercules, hav- ing extended his conquests to this place, halted, from the supposition that he was come to the extremity of the world. He here erected two pillars, as monuments of his victories, pursuant to the custom of that age. The place has always retained the name, though time has quite destroyed these pillars. Authors are divided in opinion, with regard to the place where these pillars were erected. Beetica was the most fruitful, the wealthiest, and most populous, part of Spain.” It contained two hundred cities,

. Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words, Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the authority of Strabo, viz. that the inhabitants learned their art from the Phoenicians, who were once their masters. X¢evdovijrar dproroe NEyovrar—i~srov Poi- viKec KaTéoxoy Tac ynoove. And this is still more probable, when we con- sider that both the Hebrews and Phoenicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave to add two more observations (foreign indeed to the present purpose, but relating to these islands), which I hope will not be unentertaining to the reader. The firstis, that these islands were once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new habitations, éxBdadreoPar yao td réyv Cowy Tobrwy, those creatures having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. |. viii. c.55. The second observation is, that these islanders were not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swim- mers; which they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph, who, in his Travels, informs us, that being becalmed near these islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of fruit to sell.

& Claver, 1. ii. .c. 2; P Guadalquiver. 4 Strabo, |. iii. p. 171. ' T [bid. p. 139—142,

CARTHAGINIANS. 265

and was inhabited by the Turdetani, or Turduli. On the banks of the Beetis stood three large cities ; Castulo to- wards the source ; Corduba lower down, the native place of Lucan and the two Senecas ; lastly, Hispalis.°

Lusitania is bounded on the west by the Ocean, on the north by the river Durius,‘ and on the south by the river Anas." Between these two rivers is the Tagus. Lusitania was what is now called Portugal, with part of Old and New Castile.

Tarraconensis comprehended the rest of Spain, that is, the kingdoms of Murcia and Valentia, Catalonia, Arragon, Navarre, Biscay, the Asturias, Gallicia, the kingdom of Leon, and the greatest part of the two Cas- tiles. ‘Tarraco,* a very considerable city, gave its name to this part of Spain. Pretty near it lay Barcino.’ Its name gives rise to the conjecture, that it was. built by Hamilcar, surnamed Barca, father of the great Hannibal. The most renowned nations of Tarraconensis were, the Celtiberi, beyond the river Iberus ;* the Cantabri, where Biscay now lies; the Carpetani, whose capital was ‘To- ledo; the Oretani, &c.

Spain, abounding with mines of gold and silver, and peopled with a martial race of men, had sufficient to ex- cite both the avarice and ambition of the Carthaginians, who were more of a mercantile than of a warlike disposi- tion, from the very genius and constitution of their re- public. They doubtless knew that their Phoenician an- cestors (as Diodorus* relates), taking advantage of the happy ignorance of the Spaniards, with regard to the im- mense riches which were hid in the bowels of their lands, first took from them these precious treasures, in ex- change for commodities of little value. They likewise foresaw, that if they could once subdue this country, it would furnish them abundantly with well-disciplined troops for the conquest of other nations, as actually hap- pened.

The occasion of the Carthaginians first landing in Spain, was to assist the inhabitants of Cadiz, who were invaded by the Spaniards.’ That city was a colony’from ; > Seville. * Douro. " Guadiana. * Tarragona,

Y Barcelona. “ Ebro. ® Lib. v. p. 312. > Justin. 1. xliy,c.5, Diod. 1. vy. p. 300.

266. HISTORY OF THE

Tyre, as well as Utica and Carthage, and’even more an~ cient than either of them. ‘The Tyrians having built it, established there the worship of Hercules; and erected, in his honour, a magnificent temple, which became fa- mous in after-ages. ‘The success of this first expedition of the Carthaginians made them desirous of carrying their arms into Spain.

It is not exactly known in what period they entered Spain, nor how far they extended their first conquests. It is probable that these were slow in the beginning, as the Carthaginians had to do with very warlike nations, who defended themselves with great resolution and cou- rage. Nor could they ever have accomplished their de- sign, as Strabo* observes, had the Spaniards (united in a body) formed but one state, and mutually assisted one another.. But as every district, every people, were en- tirely detached from their neighbours, and had not the least correspondence nor connexion with them, the Car- thaginians were forced to subdue them one after another. This circumstance occasioned, on one hand, the loss of Spain; but on the other, protracted the war, and made the conquest of the country much more difficult.* Ac- cordingly it has been observed, that though Spain was the first province which the Romans invaded on the continent, it was the last they subdued ;° and was not entirely subjected to their power, till after having made a vigorous opposition for upwards of 200 years.

It appears from the accounts given by Polybius and Livy, of the wars of Hamilcar, Asdrubal, and Hannibal, in Spain, which will soon be mentioned, that the arms of the Carthaginians had not made any considerable progress in that country before that period, and that the greatest part of Spain was then unconquered. But in twenty years’ time they completed the conquest of al- most the whole country.

At the time that Hannibal set out for Italy,’ all the

© L. iii. p. 158.

4 Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant, universi vincun- tur. Tacit.

© Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum, que quidem continen-

tis sint, postrema omnium perdomitaest. Liv. |. xxviii. n. 12. f Polyb. J. iii. p. 192, 1. i. p. 9.

CARTHAGINIANS. 267

coast of Africa, from the Philenorum Are, by the great Syrtis, to the pillars of Hercules, was subject to the Carthaginians. Passing through the straits, they had conquered all the western coast of Spain, along the ocean, as far as the Pyrenean hills. The coast which lies on the Mediterranean, had been almost wholly sub- dued by them ; and it was there they had built Cartha- gena; and they were masters of all the country, as far as the river Iberus, which bounded their dominions. Such was, at that time, the extent of their empire. In the centre of the country, some nations had indeed held out against all their efforts, and could not be subdued by them. 7

Conquests of the Carthaginians in Sicily.

The wars which the Carthaginians carried on in Si- cily are more known. I shall here relate those which were waged from the reign of Xerxes, who first prompted the Carthaginians to carry their arms into Sicily, till the first Punic war. ‘This period includes near two hundred and twenty years; viz. from the year of the world 3520 to 3738. At the breaking out of these wars, Syracuse, the most considerable as well as most powerful city of Sicily, had invested Gelon, Hiero, and ‘Thrasybulus (three brothers who succeeded one another) with the sovereign power. After their deaths, a democracy or popular government was established in that city, and subsisted above sixty years. From this time, the two Dionysiuses, Timoleon, and Agathocles, bore the sway in Syracuse. Pyrrhus was afterwards invited into Sicily, but he kept possession of it only a few years. Such was the government of Sicily during the wars of which I am going to treat. They will give us great light with regard to the power of the Carthaginians, at the time that they began to be engaged in war with the Romans.

Sicily is the largest and most considerable island in the Mediterranean. It is of a triangular form, and for that reason was called Trinacria and Triquetra. The eastern side, which faces the Ionian or Grecian sea, ex- tends from cape Pachynum® to Pelorum." The most

a & Pessaro. h Il Faro.

268 _ HISTORY OF THE

celebrated cities on this coast are Syracuse, Taurome- nium, and Messana. ‘The northern coast, which looks towards Italy, reaches from cape Pelorum to cape Lily- beum.' The most noted cities on this coast are Myle, Himera, Panormus, Eryx, Motya, Lilybeum. The southern coast, which lies opposite to Africa, extends from cape Lilybeum to Pachynum. The most remark- able cities on this coast are Selinus, Agrigentum, Gela, and Camarina. ‘This island is separated from Italy by a strait, which is not more than a mile and a half over, and called the Faro or strait of Messina, from its con- tiguity to that city. The passage from Lilybeum to Africa is but 1500 furlongs,‘ that is, about seventy-five leagues.’ The period in which the Carthagini- A. M. 3501. —_ ans first carried their arms into Sicily is A. Carth. 343. es : Rome, 245... not exactly known.” All we are certain Ant. J. C. 503. of is, that they were already possessed of some part of it, at the time that they en- tered into a treaty with the Romans; the same year that the kings were expelled, and consuls appointed in their room, viz. twenty-eight years before Xerxes invaded Greece. This treaty, which is the first we find men- tioned to have been made between these two nations, speaks of Africa and Sardinia as possessed by the Car- thaginians ; whereas the conventions with regard to Si- cily, relate only to those ports of the island which were subject to them. By this treaty it is expressly stipu- lated, that neither the Romans nor their allies shall sail beyond the Fair Promontory," which was very near Carthage; and that such merchants, as shall resort to

i Cape Boéo. k Strabo, |. vi. p. 267. -

1 This is Strabo’s calculation; but there must be a mistake in the nume- ral characters ; and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of this mis- take. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might, from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60 or 75 leagues? This pas- sage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus corrected. ‘The passage from Li- lybeeum to Africa, is only 25 leagues.

™ Polyb. |. iii. p. 245. et seq. edit. Gronov. » The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the unwilling- _hess of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order that this enterprising peo- ple might not hear of their fertility. Polyb, 1. iii. p. 247, edit. Gronov.

CARTHAGINIANS. 269

this city for traffic, shall pay only certain duties which are settled in it.°

It appears by the same treaty, that the Carthaginians were particularly careful to exclude the Romans from all the countries subject to them; as well as from the knowledge of what was transacting in them; as though the Carthaginians, even at that time, had taken umbrage at the rising power of the Romans; and already har- boured in their breasts the secret seeds of that jealousy and distrust, that were one day to burst out in long and cruel wars, anda mutual hatred and animosity, which nothing could extinguish but the ruin of one of the contending powers.

Some years after the conclusion of this first treaty, the Carthaginians made an alliance with Xerxes, king of Persia.’ This prince, who aimed at nothing less than the total extirpation of the Greeks, whom he considered as his irreconcilable enemies, thought it would be impossible for him to succeed in his enterprise without the assist- ance of Carthage, whose power was formidable even at that time. The Carthaginians, who always kept in view the design they entertained of seizing upon the remain- der of Sicily, greedily snatched the favourable oppor- tunity which now presented itself for their completing the reduction of it. A treaty was therefore concluded; wherein it was agreed, that the Carthaginians were to invade, with all their forces, those Greeks who were settled in Sicily and Italy, while Xerxes should march in person against Greece itself.

The preparations for this war lasted three years. The land army amounted to no less than three hundred | thousand men, The fleet consisted of two thousand ships of war, and upwards of three thousand small vessels of burden. Hamilcar, the most experienced captain of his age, sailed from Carthage with this formidable army. He landed at Palermo ;! and, after refreshing his troops, he marched against Himera, a city not far distant from Palermo, and laid siege to it. Theron, who commanded

A. M. 3520. Ant. J. C. 484.

_ 2° Polyb. 1. ili. p. 246. * P’ Diod..1.xi. p: 1. 16. 22. 4 This city is called in Latin Panormus.

270 HISTORY OF THE

in it, seeing himself very much straitened, sent to Ge- lon, who had possessed himself of Syracuse. He flew immediately to his relief, with fifty thousand foot and five thousand horse. His arrival infused new courage into the besieged, who, from that time, made a very vigorous defence.

Gelon was an able warrior, and excelled in stratagems. A courier was brought to him, who had been dispatched from Selinus, a city of Sicily, with a letter for Hamilcar, to inform him of the day when he might expect the ca- valry which he had demanded of them. Gelon drew out an equal number of his own troops, and sent them from his camp about the time agreed on. ‘These being ad- mitted into the enemy’s camp, as coming from Selinus, rushed upon Hamilcar, killed him, and set fire to his ships. In this critical conjuncture, Gelon attacked, with all his forces, the Carthaginians, who at first made a gal- lant resistance. But when the news of their general’s death was brought them, and they saw all their fleet ina blaze, their courage failed them, and they fled. And now a dreadful slaughter ensued: upwards of a hundred and fifty thousand being slain. ‘The rest of the army, hav- ing retired to a place where they were in want of every thing, could not make a long defence, and were forced to surrender at discretion. ‘This battle was fought the ‘very day of the famous action of Thermopyle, in which three hundred Spartans,’ with the sacrifice of their lives, disputed Xerxes’s entrance into Greece.

When the sad news was brought to Carthage of the entire defeat of the army, consternation, grief, and de- spair, threw the whole city into such a confusion and alarm as are not to be expressed. It was imagined that the enemy was already at the gates. ‘The Carthaginians, in great reverses of fortune, always lost their courage, and sunk into the opposite extreme. Immediately they sent a deputation to Gelon, by which they desired peace upon any terms. He heard their envoys with great hu- manity. The complete victory he had gained, so far

* Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Boeotia, to the number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable battle. Herod. \. vii. c. 202—222:

CARTHAGINIANS. _ 271

from making him haughty and untractable, had only in- creased his modesty and clemency even towards the ene- my. He therefore granted them a peace, without any other condition, than their paying two thousand talents* towards the expense of the war. He likewise required them to build two temples, where the treaty of this peace should be deposited, and exposed at all times to public view. The Carthaginians did not think this a dear pur- chase of a peace that was so absolutely necessary to their affairs, and which they hardly durst hope for. Gisgo, the son of Hamilcar, pursuant to the unjust custom of the Carthaginians, of ascribing to the general the ill suc- cess of a war, and making him bear the blame of it, was punished for his father’s misfortune, and sent into banish- ment. He passed the remainder of his days at Selinus, a city of Sicily.

Gelon, on his return to Syracuse, convened the people, and invited all the citizens to appear under arms. He himself entered the assembly, unarmed and without his guards, and there gave an account of the whole conduct of his life. His speech met with no other interruption than the public testimonies which were given him of gratitude and admiration. So far from being treated as a tyrant, and the oppressor of his country’s liberty, he was considered as its benefactor and deliverer ; all, with a unanimous voice, proclaimed him king; and the crown was bestowed, after his death, on his two brothers.

A. NE BAGS. After the memorable defeat of the

A. Carth. 434. Athenians before Syracuse,‘ where Nicias Ani yom 86. perished with his whole fleet, the Seges- tans, who had declared in favour of the

Athenians against the Syracusans, fearing the resentment of their enemies, and being attacked by the inhabitants of Selinus, implored the aid of the Carthaginians, and put themselves and city under their protection. At Car- thage the people debated some time, what course it would be proper for them to take, the affair meeting with great difficulties. On one hand, the Carthaginians were very

* An Aiftiec silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206l. 5s.; conse- quently, 2000 talents is 412,500/.

Diod. |. xiii. p. 169—171. 179—186.

272 HISTORY OF THE desirous to possess themselves of a city which lay so con- venient for them ; on the other, they dreaded the power and forces of Syracuse, which had so lately cut to pieces a numerous army of the Athenians; and become, by so shining a victory, more formidable than ever. At last, the lust of empire prevailed, and the Segestans were pro- mised succours. _ ‘The conduct of this war was committed to Hannibal, who at that time was invested with the highest dignity of the state, being one of the Suffetes. He was grandson to Hamilcar, who had been defeated by Gelon, and killed before Himera, and son to Gisgo, who had been con- demned to exile. He left Carthage, animated with an ardent desire of revenging his family and country, and of wiping away the disgrace of the last defeat. He had a very great army as well as fleet under his command. He landed at a place called the Well of Lilybaum, which gave its name to acity afterwards built on the same spot. His first enterprise was the siege of Selinus. The attack and defence were equally vigorous, the very women shewing a resolution and bravery above their sex. The city, after making a long resistance, was taken by storm, and the plunder of it abandoned to the soldiers. The victor ex- ercised the most horrid cruelties, without shewing the least regard to either age or sex. He permitted such in- habitants as had fled to continue in the city after it had been dismantled ; and to till the lands, on condition of their paying a tribute to the Carthaginians. This city had been built two hundred and forty-two years. Himera, which he next besieged and took likewise by storm, after being more cruelly treated than Selinus, was entirely razed, two hundred and forty years after its foun- dation. He forced three thousand prisoners to undergo every kind of ignominious punishments; and at last murdered them all on the very spot where his grandfather had been killed by Gelon’s cavalry, to appease and satisfy his manes by the blood of these unhappy victims. These expeditions being ended, Hannibal returned to Carthage, on which occasion the whole city came out to meet him, and received him amidst the most joyful ac- clamations.

CARTHAGINIANS. 273

These successes reinflamed the desire," and revived the design, which the Carthaginians had ever entertained, of making themselves masters of the whole of Sicily.. Three years after, they appointed Hannibal their general a se- cond time; and on his pleading his great age, and re- fusing the command of this war, they gave him for lieu- tenant, Imilco, son of Hanno, of the same family. The preparations for this war were proportioned to the great design which the Carthaginians had formed. The fleet and army were soon ready, and set out for Sicily. The number of their forces, according to ‘Timeus, amounted to above six-score thousand; and, according to Ephorus, to three hundred thousand men. The enemy, on their side, were prepared to give the Carthaginians a warm re- ception. The Syracusans had sent to all their allies, in order to levy forces among them; and to all the cities of Sicily, to exhort them to exert themselves vigorously in defence of their liberties. 3

Agrigentum expected to feel the first fury of the ene- my. This city was prodigiously rich,* and strongly for- tified. It was situated, as was also Selinus, on that coast of Sicily which faces Africa. Accordingly, Hannibal opened the campaign with the siege of this city. Ima- gining that it was impregnable except on one side, he di- rected his whole force to that quarter. He threw up banks and terraces as high as the walls ; and made use, on this occasion, of the rubbish and fragments of the tombs standing round the city, which he had demolished for that purpose. Soon after, the plague infected the

« Diod. |. xiii. p. 201—203; 206—211; 226—231.

* The very sepulchral monuments shewed the magnificence and luxury of this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. Butthe wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants, is al- most incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and feasts ; and during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the unfortunate from want and despair: he bad built houses in the city.and the country, purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred shipwrecked citizens of Gela, apply- ing to him, were bountifully relieved, and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his wardrobe. Diod. |. xiii. Valer, Maz. |. iv. ¢. ult. Empedocles, the philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning his fellow-citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be ex- hausted ; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they thought they should live for ever.

VOL. I. fe

274 HISTORY OF THE

army, and swept away a great number of the soldiers, and the general himself. The Carthaginians interpreted this disaster as a punishment inflicted by the gods, who re- venged in this manner the injuries done to the dead, whose ghosts many fancied they had seen stalking before them in the night. No more tombs were therefore demolished, prayers were ordered to be made according to the practice of Carthage; a child was sacrificed to Saturn, in compli- ance with a most inhuman superstitious custom ; and many victims were thrown into the sea, in honour of Neptune.

The besieged, who at first had gained several advan- tages, were at last so pressed by famine, that all hopes of relief seeming desperate, they resolved to abandon the city. The following night was fixed on for this purpose. The reader will naturally image to himself the grief with which these miserable people must be seized, on their being forced to leave their houses, their rich possessions, and their country ; but life was still dearer to them than all these. Never was a more melancholy spectacle seen. To omit the rest, a crowd of women, bathed in tears, were seen dragging after them their helpless infants, in order to secure them from the brutal fury of the victor. But the most grievous circumstance was, the necessity they were under of leaving behind them the aged and sick, who were unable either to fly or to make the least resist- ance. The unhappy exiles arrived at Gela, which was the nearest city, and there received all the comforts they could expect in the deplorable condition to which they were reduced.

In the mean time, Imilco entered the city, and mur- dered all who were found in it. The plunder was im- mensely rich, and such as might be expected from one of the most opulent cities of Sicily, which contained two hundred thousand inhabitants, and had never been be- sieged, nor consequently plundered, before. A number- less multitude of pictures, vases, and statues of all kinds, were found here; the citizens having an exquisite taste for the polite arts. Among other curiosities was the fa- mous bull’ of Phalaris, which was sent to Carthage.

¥ This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic war. Cie. orat. iv. in Verrem, c. 33.

CARTHAGINIANS. 975

The siege of Agrigentum had lasted eight months. Imilco made his forces take up their winter-quarters in it, to give them the necessary refreshment ; and left this city (after laying it entirely in ruins) in the beginning of the spring. He afterwards besieged Gela, and took it, notwithstanding the succours which were brought by Dionysius the Tyrant, who had seized upon the govern- ment of Syracuse. Imilco ended the war by a treaty with Dionysius. ‘The conditions of it were, that the Cartha- ginians, besides their ancient acquisitions in Sicily, should still possess the country of the Sicanians,’ Selinus, Agri- gentum, and Himera ; as likewise that of Gela and Ca- marina, with leave for the inhabitants to reside in their respective dismantled cities, on condition of their paying a tribute to Carthage ; that the Leontines, the Messe- nians, and all the Sicilians, should retain their own laws, and preserve their liberty and independence : lastly, that the Syracusans should still continue subject to Dionysius. After this treaty was concluded, Imilco returned to Care thage, where the plague still made dreadful havoc.

OME S606 Dionysius* had concluded the late peace A. Carth. 442. with the Carthaginians with no other view A. Rom. 3, than to get time to establish his new au- Ant. J. C. 404. :

thority, and make the necessary prepara- tions for the war which he meditated against them. As he was very sensible how formidable the power of this state was, he used his utmost endeavours to enable him- self to invade them with success ; and his design was wonderfully well seconded by the zeal of his subjects. The fame of this prince, the strong desire he had to dis- tinguish himself, the charms of gain, and the prospect of the rewards which he promised those who should shew the greatest industry, invited, from all quarters, into Sicily, the most able artists and workmen at that time in the world. All Syracuse now became in a manner an immense workshop, in every part of which men were seen making swords, helmets, shields, and military engines, and preparing all things necessary for building ships and fitting out fleets. ‘The invention of vessels

* The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct people. * Diod. |. xiv. p. 268—278.

Gee?

276 HISTORY OF THE

with five benches of oars (or Quingueremes), was at that timevery recent; for, till then, those with three alone” had been used. Dionysius animated the workmen by his pre- sence, and by the applauses he gave, and the bounty which he bestowed seasonably ; but chiefly by his popular and en- gaging behaviour, which excited, more strongly than any other conduct, the industry and ardour of the workmen ;° and he frequently allowed those of them who most excelled in their respective arts the honour to dine with him. When all things were ready, and a great number of forces had been levied in different countries, he called the Syracusans together, laid his design before them, and re- presented to them that the Carthaginians were the pro- fessed enemies to the Greeks; that they had no less in view than the invasion of all Sicily; the subjecting all the Grecian cities; and that, in case their progress was not checked, the Syracusans themselves would soon be attacked: that the reason why the Carthaginians did not attempt any enterprise, and continued inactive, was owing entirely to the dreadful havoc made by the plague among them; which (he observed) was a favourable opportu- nity, of which the Syracusans ought to take advantage. Though the tyranny and the tyrant were equally odious to Syracuse, yet the hatred the people bore to the Car- thaginians prevailed over all other considerations ; and every one, guided more by the views of an interested policy than by the dictates of justice, received the speech with applause. Upon this, without the least complaint made, or any declaration of war, Dionysius gave up to the fury of the populace, the persons and possessions of the Carthaginians. Great numbers of them resided at that time in Syracuse, and traded there on the faith of treaties. (The common people ran to their houses, plun- dered their effects, and pretended they were sufficiently authorized to exercise every ignominy, and inflict every kind of punishment on them, for the cruelties they had exercised against the natives of the country. And this horrid example of perfidy and inhumanity was followed throughout the whole island of Sicily. This was the bloody signal of the war which was declared against them. > Triremes, ; _ © Hfonos alit artes.

CARTHAGINIANS. 277

Dionysius having thus begun to do himself justice (in his way), sent deputies to Carthage, to require them to re- store all the Sicilian cities to their liberties; and that otherwise, all the Carthaginians found in them should be treated as enemies. This news spread a general alarm in Carthage, especially when they reflected on the sad con- dition to which they were reduced.

Dionysius opened the campaign with the siege of Motya, which was the magazine of the Carthaginians in Sicily ; and he pushed on the siege with so much vigour, that it was impossible for Imilco, the Carthaginian ad- miral, to relieve it. He brought forward his engines, battered the place with his battering rams, advanced to the wall-towers, six stories high (rolled upon wheels), and of an equal height with their houses; and from these he greatly annoyed the besieged with his Catapultee, an en- gine then recently invented, which hurled, with great violence, numerous volleys of arrows and stones against the enemy." At last, the city, after a long and vigorous defence, was taken by storm, and all the inhabitants of it put to the sword, those excepted who took sanctuary in the temples. The plunder of it was abandoned to the soldiers; and Dionysius, leaving a strong garrison and a trusty governor in it, returned to Syracuse.

The following year Imilco, being appointed one of the Suffetes, returned to Sicily with a far greater army than before.© He landed at Palermo, recovered Motya by force, and took several other cities. Animated by these successes, he advanced towards Syracuse, with design to

_ besiege it; marching his infantry by land, whilst his fleet,

under the command of Mago, sailed along the coast.

The arrival of Imilco threw the Syracusans into great consternation. About two hundred ships, laden with the spoils of the enemy, and advancing in good order, enter- ed in a kind of triumph the great harbour, being followed by five hundred barks. At the same time the land army, consisting, according to some authors, of three hundred thousand foot,’ and three thousand horse, was seen march-

4 The curious reader will find a particular account of it in the second part of the eighth volume of this work.

€ Diod. 1. xiv. p. 279—295. Justin. |. xix. c. 2,3.

f Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, whichis the more probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was so formidable.

2°78 HISTORY OF THE

ing forward on the other side of the city. Imilco pitched his tent in the very temple of Jupiter; and the rest of the army encamped at twelve furlongs, or about a mile and, a half, from the city. Marching up to it, Imilco offered battle to the inhabitants, who did not care to ac- cept the challenge. Imilco, satisfied at his having ex- torted from the Syracusans this confession of their own weakness and his superiority, returned to his camp ; not doubting but he should soon be master of the city, con- sidering it already as a certain prey which could not pos- sibly escape him. For thirty days together, he laid waste the neighbourhood about Syracuse, and ruined the whole country. He possessed himself of the suburb of Achra- dina, and plundered the temples of Ceres and Proserpine. To fortify his camp, he beat down the tombs which stood round the city ; and, among others, that of Gelon and his wife Demarata, which was prodigiously magnificent.

But these successes were not lasting. All the splen- dour of this anticipated triumph vanished in a moment, and taught mankind, says the historian,’ that the proud- est mortal, blasted sooner or later by a superior power, shall be forced to confess his own weakness. Whilst Imilco, now master of almost.all the cities of Sicily, ex- pected to crown his conquests by the reduction of Syra- cuse, a. contagious distemper seized his army, and made dreadful havoc in it. It was now the midst of summer, and the heat that year was excessive. ‘The infection be- gan among the Africans, multitudes of whom died, with- out any possibility of their being relieved. At first, care was taken to inter the dead; but the number increasing daily, and the infection spreading very fast, the dead lay unburied, and the sick could have no assistance. ‘This plague ‘was attended with very uncommon symptoms, such as violent dysenteries, raging fevers,burning entrails, acute pains in every part ofthe body. ‘The infected were even seized with madness and fury, so that they would fall upon any persons that came in their way, and tear them to pieces.

Dionysius did not suffer to escape so favourable an op- portunity for attacking the enemy. Being more than half conquered by the plague, they made but a feeble re-

& Diodorus.

CARTHAGINIANS. 279 sistance. ‘The Carthaginian ships were almost all either taken or burnt. The inhabitants in general of Syracuse, old men, women, and children, came pouring out of the city to behold an event which to them appeared miracu- lous. With hands lifted up to heaven, they thanked the tutelar gods of their city, for having avenged the sanctity of the temples and tombs, which had been so brutally violated by these barbarians. Night coming on, both parties retired ; when Imilco, taking the opportunity of this short suspension of hostilities, sent to Dionysius, re- questing leave to carry back with him the small remains of his shattered army, with an offer of three hundred ta- lents," which was all the specie he had then left. But this permission could only be obtained for the Cartha- ginians, with whom Imilco stole away in the night, and left the rest to the mercy of the conqueror.

Such was the condition in which this Carthaginian general, who a few days before had been so proud and haughty, retired from Syracuse. Bitterly bewailing his own fate, and still more that of his country, he, with the most insolent fury, accused the gods as the sole authors of his misfortunes. The enemy, continued he, may in- deed rejoice at our misery, but have no reason to glory in it. We return victorious over the Syracusans, and are defeated by the plague alone. His greatest subject of grief, and that which most keenly distressed him, was his having survived so many gallant soldiers, who had died in arms. But, added he, the sequel shall make it appear, whether it is through fear or death, or from the desire of leading back to their native country the miserable remains of my fellow-citizens, that I have survived the loss of so many brave comrades. And in fact, on his arrival at Carthage, which he found overwhelmed with grief and despair, he entered his house, shut his doors against the citizens, and even his. own children; and then gave him- self the fatal stroke, in compliance with a practice to which the heathens falsely gave the name of courage, though it was, in reality, no other than a cowardly despair.

But the calamities of this unhappy city did not stop here; for the Africans, who had ever borne an impla-

h About 61,800/. English money.

280 HISTORY OF THE

cable hatred to the Carthaginians, but were now exaspe-

rated to fury, because their countrymen had been left be- | hind, and exposed to the murdering sword of the Syra-

cusans, assemble in the most frantic manner, sound the

alarm, take up arms, and, after seizing upon Tunis,

march directly to Carthage, to the number of more than

two hundred thousand men. ‘The citizens now gave

themselves up for lost. ‘This new incident was consi-

dered by them as the-sad effect of the wrath of the gods,

which pursued the guilty wretches even to Carthage.

As its inhabitants, especially in all public calamities, car-

ried their superstition to the greatest excess, their first care was to appease the offended gods. Ceres and Pro-

serpine were deities who, till that time, had never been

heard of in Africa. But now, to atone for the outrage which had been done them in the plundering of their temples, magnificent statues were erected to their ho-

nour ; priests were selected from among the most distin- guished families of the city; sacrifices and victims, ac-

cording to the Greek ritual (if I may use that expression),

were offered up to them ; in a word, nothing was omit-

ted which could be thought conducive in any manner to

appease and propitiate the angry goddesses. After this,

the defence of the city was the next object of their care.

Happily for the Carthaginians, this numerous army had

no leader, but was like a body uninformed with a soul ;

no provisions nor military engines ; no discipline nor sub-

ordination was seen among them; every man setting

himself up for a general, or claiming an independence

on the rest. Divisions therefore arising in this rabble of an army, and the famine increasing daily, the individuals

of it withdrew to their respective homes, and delivered

Carthage from a dreadful alarm.

The Carthaginians were not discouraged by their late disaster, but continued their enterprises on Sicily. Ma- go, their general, and one of the Suffetes, lost a great battle, in which he was slain. ‘The Carthaginian chiefs demanded a peace, which was granted, on condition of their evacuating all Sicily, and defraying the expenses of the war. They pretended to accept the terms; but re- presenting that it was not in their power, to deliver up

CARTHAGINIANS. 28t

the cities, without first obtaining an order from their re- public, they obtained so long a truce, as gave them timé sufficient for sending to Carthage. ‘They took advan- tage of this interval, to raise and discipline new troops, over which Mago, son of him who had been lately killed, was appointed general. He was very young, but of great abilities and reputation. As soon as he arrived in Sicily, at the expiration of the truce, he gave Dionysius battle ; in which Leptines,’ one of the generals of the latter, was killed, and upwards of fourteen thousand Syracusans left dead in the field. By this victory the Carthaginians ob- tained an honourable peace, which left them in the pos- session of all they had in Sicily, with even the addition of some strong holds; besides a thousand talents,“ which were paid to them towards defraying the expenses of the war.

About this time a law was enacted at Carthage,’ by which its inhabitants were forbid to learn to write or speak the Greek language ; in order to deprive them of the means of corresponding with the enemy, either by word of mouth, or in writing. This was occasioned by the treachery of a Carthaginian, who had written in Greek to Dionysius, to give him advice of the departure of the army from Carthage.

Carthage had, soon after, another calamity to struggle with." The plague spread in the city, and made terrible havoc. Panic terrors, and violent fits of frenzy, seized on a sudden the unhappy sufferers ; who sallying sword in hand out of their houses, as if the enemy had taken the city, killed or wounded all who came in their way. The Africans and Sardinians would very willingly have taken this opportunity to shake off a yoke which was so hateful to them ; but both were subjected and reduced to their allegiance. Dionysius formed at this time an en- terprise, in Sicily, with the same views, which was equally unsuccessful. He died some time after, and was suc- ceeded by his son of the same name.”

i This Leptines was brother to Dionysius. kK About 206,000/. ' Justin. 1. xx. c. 5. m Diod. I. xv. p. 344.

» This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court ; and who, being afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him fora slave. Some philo- sophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful lesson ; ‘That phi-

282 HISTORY OF THE

We have already taken notice of the first treaty which the Carthaginians concluded with the Romans. There was another, which, according to Orosius, was concluded in the 402d year of the foundation of Rome, and conse- quently about the time we are now speaking of. This second treaty was very near the same with the first, ex- cept that the inhabitants of Tyre and Utica were expressly comprehended in it, and joined with the Carthaginians.

eae After the death of the elder Dionysius, A. Carth. 498, | Syracuse was involved in great troubles.” A. Rom. 400. Dionysius the younger, who had been ex- SUECN USS pelled, restored himself by force of arms, and exercised great cruelties there. One part of the ci- tizens implored the aid of Icetes, tyrant of the Leon- tines, and by descenta Syracusan. ‘This seemed a very favourable opportunity for the Carthaginians to seize upon all Sicily, and accordingly they sent a mighty fleet thither. In this extremity, such of the Syracusans as loved their country best, had recourse to the Corin- thians, who had often assisted them in their dangers ; and were, besides, of all the Grecian nations, the most pro- fessed enemies of tyranny,and the most avowed and most generous assertors of liberty. Accordingly, the Corin- thians sent over Timoleon, a man of great merit, who had signalized his zeal for the public welfare, by freeing his country from tyranny, at the expense of his own fa- mily. He set sail with only ten ships, and arriving at Rhegium, he eluded, by a happy stratagem, the vigilance of the Carthaginians ; who having been informed, by Icetes, of his voyage and design, wanted to intercept him in his passage to Sicily.-

Timoleon had scarce above 1000 soldiers under his command; and yet, with this handful of men, he marched boldly to the relief of Syracuse. His small army increased losophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to pass for a poet; but could not gain that name at the Olympic games, whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother ‘Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysius, had the Athenians entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for, on their pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city, he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both to- gether killed him; and, thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction of the

oracle, viz. that he should die when he had overcome his betters. ° Diod. 1, xvi. p. 459472. Polyb. L. iii. p. 178. Plut. in Timol.

CARTH AGINIANS. 283

in proportion as he advanced. The Syracusans were now in a desperate condition, and quite hopeless. They saw the Carthaginians masters of the port ; Icetes of the city; and Dionysius of the citadel. Happily, on Timoleon’s arrival, Dionysius, having no refuge left, put the citadel into his hands, with all the forces, arms, and ammunition, in it; and escaped, by his assistance, to Corinth.’ Ti- moleon had, by his emissaries, artfully represented to the foreign soldiers, who (by that error in the constitution of Carthage which we have before taken notice of) formed the principal strength of Mago’s army, and the greatest part of whom were Greeks; that it was astonishing to see Greeks using their endeavours to make barbarians masters of Sicily, from whence they, in a very little time, would pass over into Greece. For could they imagine, that the Carthaginians were come so far, with no other view than to establish Icetes tyrant of Syracuse? Such discourses being spread among Mago’s soldiers, gave this general very great uneasiness ; and, as he wanted only a pretence to retire, he was glad to have it believed, that his forces were going to betray and desert him: and upon this, he sailed with his fleet out of the harbour, and steered for Carthage. Icetes, after his departure, could not hold out long against the Corinthians ; so that they now got entire possession of the whole city.

Mago, on his arrival at Carthage, was impeached ; but he prevented the execution of the sentence passed upon him by a voluntary death. His body was hung upon a gallows, and exposed as a public spectacle to the people. New forces were levied at Carthage,’ and a greater and more powerful fleet than the former was sent to Sicily. It consisted of two hundred ships of war, besides a thou- sand transports; and the army amounted to upwards of

P Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could no longer tyrannize overmen. He bad learning, and was once a scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily, notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from Dionysius’s father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to Iose so considerable a principality as had been léft him by his father, he answered, that his father had indeed left him the inherit- ance, but not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.— However, fortune did him no great injury, in replacing him on the dung-

hill, from which she had talged his father. 1 Plut. p. 248—250.

284 HISTORY OF THE

seventy thousand men. They landed at Lilybeeum, under the command of Hamilcar and Hannibal, and resolved to attack the Corinthians first. Timoleon did not wait for, but marched out to meet them. But such was the consternation of Syracuse, that, of all the forces which were in that city, only three thousand Syracusans and four thousand mercenaries followed him ; and even of these latter a thousand deserted upon the march, through fear of the danger they were going to encounter. Timoleon, however, was not discouraged; but exhort- ing the remainder of his forces to exert themselves cou- rageously for the safety and liberties of their allies, he led them against the enemy, whose rendezvous he had been informed was on the banks of the little river Crimisus. It appeared at the first reflection madness to attack an army so numerous as that of the enemy, with only four or five thousand foot, and athousand horse ; but Timo- leon, who knew that bravery conducted by prudence is superior to number, relied on the courage of his soldiers, who seemed resolved to die rather than yield, and with ardour demanded to be led against the enemy. ‘The event justified his views and hopes. A battle was fought ; the Carthaginians were routed, and upwards of ten thou- sand of them slain, full three thousand of whom were Car- thaginian citizens, which filled their city with mourning and the greatest consternation. Their camp was taken, and with it immense riches, and a great number of prisoners.

Timoleon," at the same time that he despatched the news of this victory to Corinth, sent thither the finest arms found among the plunder. For he was desirous of having his city applauded and admired by all men, when they should see that Corinth alone, among all the Gre- cian cities, adorned its finest temples, not with the spoils of Greece, and offerings dyed in the blood of its citizens, the sight of which could tend only to preserve the sad remembrance of their losses, but with those of barbarians, which, by fine inscriptions, displayed at once the courage and religious gratitude of those who had won them. For these inscriptions imported, That the Corinthians, and Limoleon their general, after having freed the Greeks, settled in Sicily, from the Carthaginian yoke, had hung

' Plut. p- 248-250. 3

CARTHAGINIANS. 285

up these arms in their temples, as an eternal acknowledg- ment of the favour and goodness of the gods.

After this, Timoleon, leaving the mercenary troops in the Carthaginian territories to waste and destroy them, returned to Syracuse. On his arrival there, he banished the thousand soldiers who had deserted him; and took no other revenge, than the commanding them to leave Syracuse before sun-set.

This victory gained by the Corinthians was followed by the capture of a great many cities, which obliged the Carthaginians to sue for peace. |

In proportion as the appearance of success made the Carthaginians vigorously exert themselves to raise pow- erful armies both by land and sea, and prosperity led them to make an insolent and cruel use of victory ; so their courage would sink in unforeseen adversities, their hopes of new resources vanish, and their grovelling souls con- descend to ask quarter of the most inconsiderable enemy, and without sense of shame accept the hardest and most mortifying conditions. ‘Those now imposed were, that they should possess only the lands lying beyond the river Halycus ;* that they should give all the natives free li- berty to retire to Syracuse with their families and effects, and that they should neither continue in the alliance, nor hold any correspondence, with the tyrants of that city.

About this time, in all probability, there happened at Carthage a memorable incident, related by Justin.' Hanno, one of its most powerful citizens, formed a de- sign of seizing upon the republic, by destroying the whole senate. Hechose, for the execution of this bloody plan, the day on which his daughter was to be married, on which occasion he designed to invite the senators to an entertainment, and there poison them all. The conspi- racy was discovered ; but Hanno had such influence, that the government did not dare to punish so execrable a crime; the magistrates contented themselves with only preventing it, by an order which forbade, in general, too great a magnificence at weddings, and limited the expense

_ § This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by Dio- dorus and Plutarch ; but this is thought a mistake, t Justin. 1. xxi. c. 4,

286 HISTORY OF THE

on those occasions. Hannoseeing his stratagem defeated, resolved to employ open force, and for that purposearmed all the slaves. However, he was again discovered; and, to escape punishment, retired, with twenty thousand armed slaves, to a castle that was very strongly fortified ; and there endeavoured, but without success, to engage in his rebellion the Africans and the king of Mauritania. He afterwards was taken prisoner and carried to Carthage; where, after being whipped, his eyes were put out, his arms and thighs broken, he was put to death in presence of the people, and his body, all torn with stripes, was hung ona gibbet. His children and all his relations, though they had not joined in his guilt, shared in his punishment. ‘They were all sentenced to die, in order that not a single person of his family might be left, either to imitate his crime or revenge his death. Such was the temper of the Carthaginians; ever severe and violent in their punishments, they carried them to the extremes of rigour, and made them extend even to the innocent, without shewing the least regard to equity, moderation, or gratitude. eit naes I come now to the wars sustained by A. Carth.527. the Carthaginians," in Africa itself as well rapes an as in Sicily, against Agathocles, which exercised their arms during several years. This Agathocles was a Sicilian of obscure birth and low fortune.* Supported at first by the forces of the Carthaginians, he had invaded the sovereignty of Syra- cuse, and made himself tyrant over it. In the infancy of his power, the Carthaginians kept him within bounds ; and Hamilcar their chief forced him to agree to a treaty, which restored tranquillity to Sicily. But he soon in- fringed the articles of it, and declared war against the

" Diod.1. xix. p. 651.656. 710. 712. 737. 743. 760. Justin. I. ii.c. 1—6.

* He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; butall allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his capacity and talents, in Opposition to the slanders of Timezus. But his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious Roman being asked, who, in his Opinion, were the most prudent in the conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. 1. xv. p. 1003. edit. Gronov, However, let his capacity have been ever so great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.

CARTHAGINIANS. 987

Carthaginians themselves; who, under the conduct of Hamilcar, obtained a signal victory over him,’ and forced him to shut himself up in Syracuse. The Carthaginians pursued him thither and laid siege to that important city, the capture of which would have given them possession of all Sicily.

Agathocles, whose forces were ene inferior to theirs, and who moreover saw himself deserted by all his allies, from their detestation of his horrid cruelties, meditated a design of so daring, and, to all appearance, so impracticable a nature, that even after being happily carried into execution, it yet appears almost incredible. This design was no Jess than to make Africa the seat of war, and to besiege Carthage, at a time when he could neither defend himself in Sicily, nor sustain the siege of Syracuse. His profound secrecy in the execution is as astonishing as the design itself. He communicated his thoughts on this affair to no person whatsoever, but con- tented himself with declaring, that he had found out an infallible way to free the Syracusans from the danger that surrounded them; that they had only to endure with patience, for a short time, the inconveniences of a siege ; but that those who could not bring themselves to this resolution, might freely depart the city. Only six- teen hundred persons quitted it. He left his brother Antander there, with forces and provisions sufficient for him to make a stout defence. He set at liberty all slaves who were of age to bear arms, and, after obliging them to take an oath, joined them to his forces. He carried with him only fifty talents’ to supply his present wants, well assured that he should find in the enemy’s country whatever was necessary to his subsistence. He there- fore set sail with two of his sons, Archagathus and He- raclides, without letting any one person know whither he intended to direct his course. All who were on board his fleet believed that they were to be conducted either to Italy or Sardinia, in order to plunder those countries, or to lay waste those coasts of Sicily which belonged to the enemy. ‘The Carthaginians, surprised

_Y The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera. 2 50,000 French crowns, or 11,2507, sterling.

288 HISTORY OF THE

at so unexpected a departure, endeavoured to prevent it; but Agathocles eluded their pursuit, and made for the main ocean.

He did not discover his design. till he had landed in Africa. There, assembling his troops, he told them, in few words, the motives which had prompted him to this expedition. He represented, that the only way to free their country, was to carry the war into the territories of their enemies: that he led them, who were inured to war, and of intrepid dispositions, against a parcel of enemies who were softened and enervated by ease and luxury : that the natives of the country, oppressed with the yoke of a servitude equally cruel and ignominious, would run in crowds to join them on the first news of their arrival ; that the boldness of their attempt would alone disconcert the Carthaginians, who had no expec- tation of seeing an enemy at their gates: in short, that no enterprise could possibly be more advantageous or ho- nourable than this; since the whole wealth of Carthage would become the prey of the victors, whose courage would be praised and admired by latest posterity. The soldiers fancied themselves already masters of Carthage, and received his speech with applauses and acclamations. One circumstance alone gave them uneasiness, and that was an eclipse of the sun, which happened just as they were setting sail. In these ages, even the most civilized na- tions understood very little the reason of these extraor- dinary phenomena of nature; and used to draw’ from them (by their soothsayers) superstitious and arbitrary conjectures, which frequently would either suspend or hasten the more important enterprises. However, Aga- thocles revived the drooping courage of his soldiers, by assuring them that these eclipses always foretold some instant change; that, therefore, good fortune was taking its leave of Carthage, and coming over to them.

Finding his soldiers in the good disposition he wished them, he executed, almost at the same time, a second enterprise, which was even more daring and hazardous than his first, of carrying them over into Africa; and this was, the burning every ship in his fleet. Many reasons determined him to so desperate an action. He had not

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CARTHAGINIANS. 289

one good harbour in Africa where his ships could lie in safety. As the Carthaginians were masters of the sea, they would not have failed to possess themselves imme- diately of his fleet, which was incapable of making the least resistance. In case he had left as many hands as were necessary to defend it, he would have weakened his army (which was inconsiderable at the best), and put it out of his power to gain any advantage from this unex- pected diversion, the success of which depended entirely on the swiftness and vigour of the execution. Lastly, he was desirous of putting his soldiers under a necessity of conquering, by leaving them no other refuge than victory. Much courage was necessary to adopt such a resolution. He had already prepared all his officers, who were entirely devoted to his service, and received every impression he gave them. He then came sud- denly into the assembly with a crown upon his head, dressed in a magnificent habit, and with the air and be- haviour of a man who was going to perform some reli- gious ceremony, and addressing himself to the assembly, When we, says he, left Syracuse, and. were warmly pur- sued by the enemy; in this fatal necessity I addressed myself to Ceres and Proserpine, the tutelar divinities of Sicily ; and promised, that if they would free us from this imminent danger, I would burn all our ships in their honour, at our first landing here. did me, therefore, O soldiers, to discharge my vow ; for the goddesses can easily make us amends for this sacrifice. At the same time, taking a flambeau in his hand, he hastily led the way on board his own ship, and set it on fire. All the officers did the like, and were cheerfully followed by the soldiers. The trumpets sounded from every quarter, and the whole army echoed with joyful shouts and acclamations. The fleet was soon consumed. The soldiers had not been allowed time to reflect on the proposal made to them. They all had been hurried on by a blind and impetuous ardour ; but when they had a little recovered their reason, and, surveying in their minds the vast ex- tent of ocean’ which separated them from their own country, saw themselves in that of the enemy without the least resource, or any means of escaping out of it ; VOL. I. U

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a sad and melancholy silence succeeded the transport of joy and acclamations which, but a moment before, had been so general in the army. 7

Here again Agathocles left no time for reflection. He marched his army towards a place called the Great City, which was part of the domain of Carthage. The country through which they marched to this place, af- forded the most delicious and agreeable prospect in the world. On either side were seen large meads watered by beautiful streams, and covered with innumerable flocks of all kinds of cattle; country-seats built with ex- traordinary magnificence; delightful avenues planted with olive and all sorts of fruit-trees; gardens of a pro- digious extent, and kept with a care and elegance which délighted the eye. This prospect reanimated the sol- diers. They marched full of courage to the Great City, which they took, sword in hand, and enriched them- selves with the plunder of it, which was entirely aban- doned to them. Tunis made as little resistance; and this place was not far distant from Carthage.

The Carthaginians were in prodigious alarm, when it was known that the enemy was in the country, advanc- ing by hasty marches. This arrival of Agathocles made the Carthaginians conclude, that their army before Sy- racuse had been defeated, and their fleet lost. The people ran in disorder to the great square of the city, whilst the senate assembled in haste and in a tumultuous manner. Immediately they deliberated on the means for preserving the city. ‘They had no army in readiness to oppose the enemy; and their imminent danger did not permit them to await the arrival of those forces which might be raised in the country and among the allies. It was therefore resolved, after several different opinions had been heard, to arm the citizens. The number of the forces thus levied amounted to forty thousand foot, a thousand horse, and two thousand armed chariots. Hanno and Bomilcar, though divided betwixt themselves by some family quarrels, were however joined in the command of these troops. They marched immediately to meet the enemy ; and, on sight of them, drew up their forces in order of battle. Agathocles had, at most, but

CARTHAGINIANS. , 291

thirteen or fourteen thousand men.” The signal was given, and an obstinate fight ensued. Hanno, with his sacred cohort (the flower of the Carthaginian forces), long sustained the fury of the Greeks, and sometimes even ‘broke their ranks ; but at last, overwhelmed with a shower of stones, and covered with wounds, he fell dead on the field. Bomilcar might have changed the face of things; but he had private and personal reasons not to obtain a victory for his country. He therefore thought proper to retire with the forces under his command, and was followed by the whole army, which, by that means, was forced to leave the field to Agathocles. After pur- suing the enemy some time, he returned, and plundered the Carthaginian camp. ‘Twenty thousand pair of ma- nacles were found in it, with which the Carthaginians had furnished themselves, in the firm persuasion of their taking many prisoners. ‘The result of this victory was the capture of a great number of strong-holds, and the defection of many of the natives of the country, who joined the victor.

This descent of Agathocles into Africa, doubtless gave birth to Scipio’s design of making a like attempt upon the same republic, and from the same place.° Wherefore, in his answer to Fabius, who ascribed to temerity his design of making Africa the seat of the war, he forgot not to mention the example of Agathocles, as an instance in favour of his enterprise ; and to shew, that frequently there is no other way to get rid of an enemy who presses too closely upon us, than by carrying the war into his own country ; and that men are much more courageous when they act upon the offensive, than when they stand only upon the defensive.

While the Carthaginians were thus warmly attacked by their enemies, ambassadors arrived to them from Tyre.“ They came to implore their succour against Alexander the Great, who was upon the point of taking

> Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And perceiv- ing the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the enemy’s horse, he let fly a great many owls (privately procured for that purpose), which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and assurance ofvictory. Dred. ], xx. p. 754. & Dive lox x vinisn.43; 4 Diod. |. xvii. p.519. Quint. Curt. |. iv. c. 3.

i?

292 HISTORY OF THE

their city, which he had long besieged. The extremity to which their countrymen (for so they called them) were reduced, touched the Carthaginians as sensibly as theirown danger. Though they were unable to relieve, they at least thought it their duty to comfort them ; and deputed thirty of their principal citizens, to express their grief that they could not spare them any troops, because of the present melancholy situation of their own affairs. The Tyrians, though disappointed of the only hope they had left, did not however despond ; they committed their wives, children,* and old men, to the care of these de- -puties; and thus, being delivered from all inquietude, with regard to persons who were dearer to them than any thing in the world, they thought alone of making a resolute defence, prepared for the worst that might hap- pen. Carthage received this afflicted company with all possible marks of amity, and paid to guests who were so dear and worthy of compassion, all the services which they could have expected from the most affectionate and tender parents.

Quintus Curtius places this embassy from Tyre to the Carthaginians at the same time that the Syracusans were ravaging Africa, and had advanced to the very gates of Carthage. But the expedition of Agathocles against Africa cannot agree in time with the siege of Tyre, which was more than twenty years before it.

At the same time, Carthage was solicitous how to ex- tricate itself from the difficulties with which it was sur- rounded. The present unhappy state of the republic was considered as the effect of the wrath of the gods: and it was acknowledged to be justly deserved, particu- larly with regard to two deities, towards whom the Car- thaginians had been remiss in the discharge of cer- tain duties prescribed by their religion, and which had once been observed with great exactness. It was a cus- tom (coeval with the city itself) at Carthage, to send an- nually to Tyre (the mother-city) the tenth of all the re- venues of the republic, as an offerimg to Hercules, the patron and protector of both cities. The domain, and

© Tév réxvwv Kai yuvatkiy pépoc, some of their wives and children. Diod. |. xvii. p, 519.

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consequently the revenues of Carthage, having increased considerably, the portion, on the contrary, of the god, had been lessened ; and they were far from remitting the whole tenth to him. They were seized with a scruple on this point : they made an open and public confession of their insincerity and sacrilegious avarice; and, to ex- piate their guilt, they sent to Tyre a great number of presents, and small shrines of their deities, all of gold, which amounted to a prodigious value.

Another violation of religion, which to their inhuman superstition seemed as flagrant as the former, gave them no less uneasiness. Anciently, children of the best fa- milies in Carthage used to be sacrificed to Saturn. They now reproached themselves with having failed to pay to — the god the honours which they thought were due to him ; and with having used fraud and dishonest dealing towards him, by having substituted, in their sacrifices, children of slaves or beggars, bought for that purpose, in the room of those nobly born. ‘To expiate the guilt ofso horrid an impiety, a sacrifice was made to this blood- thirsty god, of two hundred children of the first rank ; and upwards of three hundred persons, through a sense of this terrible neglect, offered themselves voluntarily as victims, to pacify, by the effusion of their blood, the wrath of the gods.

After these expiations, expresses were despatched to Hamilcar in Sicily, with the news of what had happened in Africa, and, at the same time, to request immediate succours. He commanded the deputies to observe the strictest silence on the subject of the victory of Aga- thocles ; and spread a contrary report, that he had been entirely defeated, his forces all cut off, and his whole fleet taken by the Carthaginians ; and, in confirmation of this report, he shewed the irons of the vessels pre- tended to be. taken, which had been carefully sent to him. ‘The truth of this report was not at all doubted in Syracuse; the majority were for capitulating ;* when a galley of thirty oars, built in haste by Agathocles, ar-

f And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and expelled out of it 8000 inhabitants who were of a contrary opinion.

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rived in the port ; and through great difficulties and dan- gers forced its way to the besieged. ‘The news of Aga- — thocles’s victory immediately flew through the city, and -restored alacrity and resolution to the inhabitants. Ha- milcar made a last effort to storm the city, but was beaten off with loss. He then raised the siege, and sent five thousand men to the relief of his distressed country. Some time after, having resumed the siege, and hoping to surprise the Syracusans by attacking them in the night, his design was discovered ;° and falling alive into the enemy’s hands, he was put to death with the most exquisite tortures." Hamilcar’s head was sent immedi- ately to Agathocles, who, advancing to the enemy’s camp, threw it into a general consternation, by displaying to them the head of this general, which manifested the melancholy situation of their affairs in Sicily.

To these foreign enemies was joined a domestic one,’ which was more to be feared, as being more dangerous than the others; this was Bomilcar their general, who was then in possession of the first post in Carthage. He had long meditated the establishment of himself as tyrant at Carthage, and attaining the sovereign authority there; and imagined that the present troubles offered him the wished-for opportunity. He therefore entered the city, and being seconded by a small number of citizens, who were the accomplices of his rebellion, and a body of foreign soldiers, he proclaimed himself tyrant; and shewed himself literally such, by cutting the throats of all the citizens whom he met with in the streets. A tu- mult arising immediately in the city, it was at first thought that the enemy had taken it by some treachery ; but when it was known that Bomilcar caused all this dis- turbance, the young men took up arms to repel the ty- rant, and from the tops of the houses discharged whole

8 Diod. p. 767—769.

h He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at the head of his army ; and therefore the votes of the senate (whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel, it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he was returned, and had thrown up his com- mission. Justin. 1. xxii. c. 3.

i Diod. p. 779—781. Justin. 1. xxii. c. 7.

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volleys of darts and stones upon the heads of his soldiers. When he saw an army marching in order against him, he retired with his troops to an eminence, with design to make a vigorous defence, and to sell his life as dear as pos- sible. To spare the blood of the citizens, a general par- don was proclaimed for all without exception who would lay down their arms. They surrendered upon this pro- clamation, and all enjoyed the benefit of it, Bomilcar their chief excepted: for the Carthaginians, without regarding their oath, condemned him to death, and fastened him to across, where he suffered the most exquisite torments. From the cross, as from a rostrum, he harangued the people ; and thought himself justly entitled to reproach them for their injustice, their ingratitude, and perfidy, which he did by enumerating many illustrious generals, whose services they had rewarded with an ignominious death. He expired on the cross whilst uttering these re- proaches."

Agathocles had won over to his interest a powerful king of Cyrene, named Ophellas,' whose ambition he had flattered with the most splendid hopes, by leading him to understand, that, contenting himself with Sicily, he would leave to Ophellas the empire of Africa. But, as Agatho- cles did not scruple to commit the most horrid crimes when he thought them conducive to his interest, the cre- dulous prince had no sooner put himself and his army in his power, than, by the blackest perfidy, he caused him to be murdered, in order that Ophellas’s army might be entirely at his devotion. Many nations were now joined in alliance with Agathocles, and several strong-holds were garrisoned by his forces. As he now saw the affairs of Africa in a flourishing condition, he thought it proper to look after those of Sicily; accordingly he sailed back thither, having left the command of the army to his son Archagathus. His renown, and the report of his victo- ries, flew before him. On the news of his arrival in

k Tt would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse; had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and insulted its tor- tures, that they spit contemptuously upon the spectators. Quidam ex pa- tibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt. De vita beata, ce: 19.

1 Diod. p. 777. 779. 791. 802. Justin. J. xxii. c. 7, 8.

296 HISTORY OF THE

Sicily, many towns revolted to him; but bad news soon recalled him to Africa. His absence had quite changed the face of things; and all his endeavours were incapa- ble of restoring them to their former condition. All his strong-holds had surrendered to the enemy ; the Afri- cans had deserted him; some of his troops were lost, and the remainder were unable to make head against the Carthaginians: he had no way to transport them into Sicily, as he was destitute of ships, and the enemy were masters at sea: he could not hope for either peace or treaty with the barbarians, since he had insulted them in so outrageous a manner, by his being the first who had dared to ‘make a descent in their country. In this ex- tremity, he thought only of providing for his own safety. After many adventures, this base deserter of his army, and perfidious betrayer of his own children, who were left by him to the wild fury of his disappointed soldiers, stole away from the dangers which threatened him, and arrived at Syracuse with very few followers. His soldiers, seeing themselves thus betrayed, murdered his sons, and surrendered to the enemy. Himself died miserably soon after, and ended, by a cruel death," a life that had been polluted with the blackest crimes.

In this period may be placed another incident related by Justin." The fame of Alexander’s conquests made the Carthaginians fear that he might think of turning his arms towards Africa. The disastrous fate of Tyre, whence they drew their origin, and which he had so lately de- stroyed; the building of Alexandria upon the confines of Africa and Egypt, as if he intended it as a rival city to Carthage; the. uninterrupted successes of that prince, whose ambition and good fortune were boundless; all this justly alarmed the Carthaginians. To sound his in- clinations, Hamilcar, surnamed Rhodanus, pretending to have been driven from his country by the cabals of his

m He was poisoned by one Menon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His teeth were putrefied by the violence of the poison, and his body tor- tured all over with the most racking pains. Menon was excited to this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed to de- feat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles. Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in all the material part of this tyrant’s history. .» Justin. |. xxi. c. 6.

CARTHAGINIANS. : 297

enemies, went over to the camp of Alexander, to whom he was introduced by Parmenio, and offered him his ser- vices. The king received him graciously, and had se- veral conferences with him. Hamilcar did not fail to transmit to his country whatever discoveries he made from time to time of Alexander’s designs. Nevertheless, on his return to Carthage, after Alexander’s death, he was considered as a betrayer of his country to that prince ; and accordingly was put to death, by a sentence which displayed equally the ingratitude and cruelty of his coun- trymen.

oS Se I am,now to speak of the wars of the A. Carth.569, Carthaginians in Sicily,’ in the time of A. Rom. 471. Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. The Romans, Ant. J.C.277. tq whom the designs of that ambitious prince were not unknown, in order to strengthen them- selves against any attempts he might make upon Italy, had renewed their treaties with the Carthaginians, who, on their side, were no less afraid of his crossing into Sicily. To the articles of the preceding treaties, there was added an engagement of mutual assistance, in case : either of the contracting powers should be attacked by Pyrrhus.

The foresight of the Romans was well founded:? Pyrrhus turned his arms against Italy, and gained many victories. ‘The Carthaginians, in consequence of the last treaty, thought themselves obliged to assist the Romans ; and accordingly sent them a fleet of six-score sail, under the command of Mago. This general, in an audience before the senate, signified to them the interest which his superiors took in the war which they heard was carrying on against the Romans, and offered them their assistance. The senate returned thanks for the obliging offer of the Carthaginians, but at present thought fit to decline it.

Mago" some days after repaired to Pyrrhus, upon pre- tence of offering the mediation of Carthage for terminat- ing his quarrel with the Romans : but in reality to sound him, and discover, if possible, his designs with regard to Sicily, which common fame reported he was going to in-

© Polyb. |. iii. p, 250, edit. Gronov. P Justin. |. xviii. c. 2. 4 Justin, |. xviii. c. 2.

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vade. The Carthaginians were afraid that either Pyrrhus or the Romans would interfere in the affairs of that island, and transport forces thither for the conquest of it. And, indeed, the Syracusans, who had been besieged for some time by the Carthaginians, had sent pressingly for suc- cour to Pyrrhus. This prince had a particular reason to espouse their interests, having married Lanassa, daughter of Agathocles, by whom he had a son named Alexander. He at last sailed from Tarentum, passed the strait, and arrived in Sicily. His conquests at first were so rapid, that he left the Carthaginians, in the whole island, only the single town of Lilybeum. He laid siege to it, but meeting with a vigorous resistance, was obliged to raise the siege ; not to mention that the urgent necessity of his affairs called him back to Italy, where his presence was absolutely necessary. Nor was it less so in Sicily, which, on his departure, returned to the obedience of its former masters. Thus he lost this island with the same rapidity that he had won it. As he was embarking, he turned his eyes back to Sicily, and exclaimed to those about him, What a fine field of batile' do we leave the Car- thaginians and Romans !* His prediction was soon verified.

After his departure, the chief magistracy of Syracuse was conferred on Hiero, who afterwards obtained the name and dignity of king, by the united suffrages of the citizens ; so greatly had his government pleased. He was appointed to carry on the war against the Carthagi- nians, and obtained several advantages over them. but now a common interest re-united them against a new ene- my, who began to appear in Sicily, and justly alarmed both : these were the Romans, who, having crushed all the enemies which had hitherto exercised their arms in Italy itself, were now powerful enough to carry them out of it; and to lay the foundation of that vast power there to which they afterwards attained, and of which it was probable they had even then formed the design. Sicily

* "Quay aroXsirroper, ® Piro, Kapyndoviowg kai ‘Pwpaiowe radaiorpay. ‘The Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palestra, where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and ‘for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other. The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express the Greek term, * Plut. in Pyrrh. p. 398.

CARTHAGINIANS. 299

lay too commodious for them, not to form a resolution of establishing themselves init. They therefore eagerly snatched this opportunity for crossing into it, which caused the rupture between them and the Carthaginians, and gave rise to the first Punic war. This I shall treat of more at large, by relating the causes of that war.

CHAE: 1,

Tue History or CARTHAGE, FROM THE FIRST Punic W ar To 1Ts DEstTRUCTION.

Tue plan which I have laid down, does not allow me to enter into an exact detail of the wars between Rome and Carthage ; since that pertains rather to the Roman history, which I do not intend to touch upon, except transiently and occasionally. I shall therefore relate such facts only, as may give the reader a just idea of the republic whose history lies before me ; by confining my-

self to those particulars which relate chiefly to the Car-

thaginians, and to their most important transactions in Sicily, Spain, and Africa; a subject in itself sufficiently extensive.

I have already observed, that from the first Punic war to the ruin of Carthage, a hundred and eighteen years elapsed. This whole time may be divided into five parts or intervals.

I. The first Punic war lasted twenty-four years . 24

II. The interval betwixt the first and second Punic war, is alsotwenty-four years. . . 24

III. The second Punic war took up seventeen ears . Pay bys

IV. The interval wines the pend sitll hind: is forty-nine years. . 40

V. The third Punic war, terminated by the de-

struction of Carthage, continued but four vears.aua some munths 2 0. a) os « 4

300 HISTORY OF THE

ARTICLE I. The first Punic War.

eee Tue first Punic war arose from the fol- A. Carth. 566. lowing cause. Some Campanian soldiers, re ae Be in the service of Agathocles,° the Sicilian meee tyrant, having entered as friends into Mes- sina, soon after murdered part of the townsmen, drove out the rest, married their wives, seized their effects, and remained sole masters of that important city. They then assumed the name of Mamertines. In imitation of them, and by their assistance, a Roman legion treated in the same cruel manner the city of Rhegium, lying directly opposite to Messina, on the other side of the strait. These two perfidious cities, supporting one an- other, rendered themselves at length formidable to their neighbours ; and especially Messina, which became very powerful, and gave great umbrage and uneasiness both to the Syracusans and Carthaginians, who possessed one part of Sicily. As soon as the Romans had got rid of the enemies they had so long contended with, and par- ticularly of Pyrrhus, they began to think of punishing the crime of their citizens, who had settled themselves at Rhegium, in so cruel and treacherous a manner, nearly ten years before. Accordingly, they took the city, and killed, in the attack, the greatest part of the inhabitants, who, instigated by despair, had fought to the last gasp: three hundred only were left, who were carried to Rome, whipped, and then publicly beheaded in the forum. The view which the Romans had in making this bloody execution, was, to prove to their allies their own sincerity and innocence. Rhegium was immediately restored to its lawful possessors. The Mamertines, who were considerably weakened, as well by the ruin of their confederate city, as by the losses which they had sustained from the Syracusans, who had lately placed Hiero at their head, thought it time to pro- vide for their own safety. But divisions arising among them, one part surrendered the citadel to the Carthagi-

* Polyb. 1. i. p. 8. edit. Gronov.

CARTHAGINIANS. 30k

nians, whilst the other called in the Romans to their assistance, and resolved to put them in possession of their city.

The affair was debated in the Roman senate, where, being considered in all its lights, it appeared to have some difficulties." On one hand, it was thought base, and altogether unworthy of the Roman virtue, for them to undertake openly the defence of traitors, whose perfidy was exactly the same with that of the Rhegians, whom the Romans had recently punished with so exemplary a severity. On the other hand, it was of the utmost con- sequence to stop the progress of the Carthaginians, who, not satisfied with their conquests in Africa and Spain, had also made themselves masters of almost all the islands of the Sardinian and Hetrurian seas; and would certainly get all Sicily into their hands, if they should be suffered to possess themselves of Messina. From thence into Italy, the passage was very short; and it was in some manner to invite an enemy to come over, to leave the entrance open. These reasons, though so strong, could not prevail with the senate to declare in favour of the Mamertines; and accordingly, motives of honour

Mau pad jastiee prevailed in this instance over A. Carth. 583. those of interest and policy. But the

A. Rom. 485. people were not so scrupulous ;" for, in Ant. J. C.263. an assembly held on this subject, it was resolved that the Mamertines should be assisted. The consul Appius Claudius immediately set forward with his army, and boldly crossed the strait, after he had, by an ingenious stratagem, eluded the vigilance of the Car- thaginian general. The Carthaginians, partly by art and partly by force, were driven out of the citadel; and the city was surrendered immediately to the consul. The Carthaginians hanged their general, for having given up the citadel in so cowardly a manner, and prepared to besiege the town with all their forces. Hiero joined them with his own. But the consul having defeated them separately, raised the siege, and laid waste at plea- sure the neighbouring country, the enemy not daring to

' Polyb. |. i. p. 12—15. edit. Gronov. " Frontin,

302 HISTORY OF THE

face him. This was the first expedition which the Ro- mans made out of Italy.

It is doubted,* whether the motives which promped the Romans to undertake this expedition were very _ upright, and exactly conformable to the rules of strict justice. Be this asit may, their passage into Sicily, and the succour they gave to the inhabitants of Messina, may be said to have been the first step by which they ascended to that height of glory and grandeur which they afterwards attained. ~ Hiero,’ having reconciled himself to the Romans, and entered into an alliance with them, the Carthaginians bent all their thoughts on Sicily, and sent numerous armies thither. Agrigentum was their place of arms ; which, being attacked by the Ro- mans, was won by them, after they had besieged it seven months, and gained one battle.

Notwithstanding the advantage of this victory,’ and the conquest of so important a city, the Romans were sensible, that whilst the Carthaginians should continue masters at sea, the maritime places in the island would always side with them, and put it out of their power ever to drive them out of Sicily. Besides, they saw with reluctance Africa enjoy a profound tranquillity, at a time that Italy was infested by the frequent incursions of its enemies. ‘They now first formed the design of having a fleet, and of disputing the empire of the sea with the Carthaginians. ‘The undertaking was bold, and in out- ward appearance rash; but it evinces the courage and magnanimity of the Romans. ‘They were not at that time possessed of a single vessel which they could call their own; and the ships which had transported their forces into Sicily had been borrowed of their neighbours. They were inexperienced in sea-affairs, had no carpen- ters acquainted with the building of ships, and did not know even the shape of the quinqueremes, or galleys with five benches of oars, in which the chief strength of fleets at that time consisted. But happily, the year be- fore, one had been taken upon the coasts of Italy, which

A. M. 3748. A. Rom. 487.

* The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon Polybius, ]. i. p. 16. Y Polyb. 1. i. p. 15— 19; 2 Id. p. 20.

CARTHAGINIANS. 303

served them as a model. They therefore applied them- selves with incredible industry and ardour to the building of ships in the same form; and in the mean time they got together a set of rowers, who were taught an exer- cise and discipline utterly unknown to them before, in the following manner. Benches were made on_ the shore, in the same order and fashion with those of gal- leys. The rowers were seated on these benches, and taught, as if they had been furnished with oars to nee themselves backwards with their arms drawn to their breasts; and then to throw their bodies and arms for- ward in one regular motion, the instant their command- ing officer gave the signal. In two months, one hun- dred galleys of five benches of oars, and twenty of three benches, were built ; and after some time had been spent in exercising the rowers on ship-board, the fleet put to sea, and went in quest of the enemy. The consul Duil- lius had the command of it. The Romans coming up with the Car- oa ee, thaginians near the coast of Myle, they prepared for an engagement.* As the Roman galleys, by their being clumsily and hastily built, were neither very nimble nor easy to work; this incon- venience was supplied by a machine invented for this oc- casion, and afterwards known by the name of the Cor- vus’ (Crow or Crane), by the help of which they grappled the enemy’s ships, boarded them, and immediately came to close engagement. The signal for fighting was given. The Carthaginian fleet consisted of a hundred and thirty sail, under the command of Hannibal.° He himself was on board a galley of seven benches of oars, which had once belonged to Pyrrhus. The Carthaginians, thoroughly despising enemies who were utterly: unac- quainted with sea-affairs, imagined that their very ap- pearance would put them to flight, and therefore came forward boldly, with little expectation of fighting; but firmly imagining they should reap the spoils, which they had already devoured with their eyes. They were nevertheless a little surprised at the sight of the above-

* Polyb. 1.1. p22. > Tbid. © A different person from the great Hannibal.

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mentioned engines, raised on the prow of every one of the enemy’s ships, and which were entirely new to them. But their astonishment increased, when they saw these engines drop down at once ; and being thrown forcibly into their vessels, grappled ther in spite of all resistance. This changed the form of the engagement, and obliged the Carthaginians to come to close engagement with their enemies, as though they had fought them on land. They were unable to sustain the attack of the Romans: a horrible slaughter ensued ; and the Carthaginians lost fourscore vessels, among which was the admiral’s galley, he himself escaping with difficulty in a small boat.

So considerable and unexpected a victory, raised the courage of the Romans, and seemed to redouble their vigour for the continuance of the war. Extraordinary honours were bestowed on the consul Duillius who was the first Roman that had a naval triumph decreed him. A rostral pillar was erected in his honour, with a noble inscription ; which pillar is yet standing in Rome.*

During the two following years, the Romans grew still stronger at sea, by their success in several engagements.’ But these were considered by them only as essays pre- paratory to the great design they meditated of carrying the war into Africa, and of combating the Carthaginians in their own country. There was nothing the latter dreaded more; and to divert so dangerous a blow, they resolved to fight the enemy, whatever might be the con- sequence.

The Romans had elected M. Atilius

ee Regulus, and L. Manlius, consuls for this ear.’ Their fleet consisted of three hun-

dred and thirty vessels, on board of which were one hun- dred and forty thousand men, each vessel having three hundred rowers, and a hundred and twenty soldiers. ‘That of the Carthaginians, commanded by Hanno and Himil- car, had twenty vessels more than the Romans, and a greater number of men in proportion. The two fleets came in sight of each other near Ecnomus in Sicily. No man could behold two such formidable navies, or be a

‘ These pillars were called Rostrata, from the beaks of ships with which they were adorned; Rostra. © Polyb. |. i. p. 24, fads d.acpeco.

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spectator of the extraordinary preparation’ they made for fighting, without bemg under some concern, on seeing the danger which menaced two of the most powerful states in the world. As the courage on both sides was equal, and no great disparity in the forces, the fight was obstinate, and the victory long doubtful; but at last, the Carthaginians were overcome. More than sixty of their ships were taken by the enemy, and thirty sunk. The Romans lost twenty-four, not one of which fell into the enemy's hands.

The fruit of this victory, as the Romans had designed it, was their sailing to Africa, after having refitted their ships, and provided them with all necessaries for carry- ing on a long war in a foreign country. They landed happily in Africa, and began the war by taking a town called Clypea, which had a commodious haven. From thence, after having sent an express to Rome, to give ad- vice of their landing, and to receive orders from the senate, they overran the open country, in which they made terrible havoc ; bringing away whole flocks of cat- tle, and 20,000 prisoners.

The express returned in the mean time

Aen. with the orders of the senate, who decreed,

that Regulus should continue to command

the armies in Africa, with the title of Proconsul; and

that his colleague should return with a great part of the

fleet and the forces ; leaving Regulus only forty vessels,

15,000 foot, and 500 horse. Their leaving the latter

with so few ships and troops, was a visible renunciation

of the advantages which might have been expected from this descent upon Africa.

The people at Rome depended greatly on the courage and abilities of Regulus; and the joy was universal, when it was known that he was continued in the command in Africa ; he alone was afflicted on that account." When news was brought him of it, he wrote to Rome, and de- sired, in the strongest terms, that he might be appointed a successor. His chief reason was, that the death of the farmer who rented his grounds, having given one of his hirelings an opportunity of carrying off all the imple-

& Polyb. p. 30. h Valv Max, li ivs:¢.4, VOL. I. xX

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ments of tillage, his presence was necessary for taking’ care of his little spot of ground (but seven acres), which was all his family subsisted upon. But the senate under- took to have his lands cultivated at the public expense ; to maintain his wife and children ; and to indemnify him for the loss he had sustained by the robbery of his hire- ling. Thrice happy age! in which poverty was thus had in honour, and was united with the most rare and un- common merit, and the highest employments of the state! Regulus, thus freed from his domestic cares, bent his whole thoughts on discharging the duty of a general. After taking several castles,’ he laid siege to Adis, one of the strongest fortresses of the country. ‘The Cartha- -ginians, exasperated at seeing their enemies thus laying waste their lands at pleasure, at last took the field, and marched against them, to force them to raise the siege. With this view, they posted themselves on a hill, which overlooked the Roman camp, and was convenient for an- noying the enemy; but at the same time, by its situa- tion, rendered one part of their army useless. For the strength of the Carthaginians lay chiefly in their horses and elephants, which are of no service but in plains. Regulus did not give them an opportunity of descending from the hill; but, in order to take advantage of this es- sential mistake of the Carthaginian generals, fell upon them in this post; and after meeting with a feeble resist- ance, put the enemy to flight, plundered their camp, and laid waste the adjacent country. Then, having taken Tunis,“ an important city, and which brought him near Carthage, he made his army encamp there. i Polyb. 1. i. p.31—36.

K In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one of Cad- mus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus however partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his first book, gives us this ac- count of this monster from Livy himself :—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bagrada (an African river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole Roman army from coming to the river. Several sol- diers had been buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from the tnilitary engines, at last killed it. ‘The serpent then exhibited a sight that

was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than even Carthage itself. ‘The streams of the river were dyed with its blood, and the stench

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The enemy were in the utmost alarm, All things had succeeded ill with them, their forces had been defeated by sea and land, and upwards of 200 towns had surren- dered to the conqueror. Besides, the Numidians made greater havoc in their territories than even the Romans. ‘hey expected every moment to see their capital besieged. And their affliction was increased by the concourse of peasants with their wives and children, who flocked from all parts to Carthage for safety: which gave them me- lancholy apprehensions of a famine in case of a siege. Regulus, afraid of having the glory of his victory torn from him by a successor, made some proposal of an ac- commodation to the vanquished enemy ; but the condi- tions appeared so hard, that they could not listen to them. As he did not doubt his being soon master of Carthage, he would not abate any thing in his demands; but, by an infatuation which is almost inseparable from great and unexpected success, he treated them with haughtiness ; and pretended, that every thing he suffered them to pos- sess ought to be esteemed a favour; adding this farther insult, That they ought either to overcome like brave men, or learn to submit to the victor. So harsh and disdainful — a treatment only fired their resentment; and they re- solved rather to die sword in hand, than to do any thing which might derogate from the dignity of Carthage.

Reduced to this fatal extremity, they received, in the happiest juncture, a reinforcement of auxiliary troops out of Greece, with Xanthippus. the Lacedzemonian at their head, who had been educated in the discipline of Sparta, and learnt the art of war in-that renowned and excellent school. When he had heard the circumstances of the last battle, which were told him at his request ; hadclearly discerned the occasion of its being lost ; and perfectly in- formed himself in what the strength of Carthage consist- ed; he declared publicly, and repeated it often, in the hearing of the rest of the officers, that the misfortunes

of its putrid carcase infected the adjacent country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome; and, if Pliny may be credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same monster) in the temple where they were first deposited, as late as the Numantine war.

Aci rove ayabodc 7 vundy, 7 eikeey Toic bmEpixovory. Diod. Eclog. I. xxiii. c. 10.

x2

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of the Carthaginians were owing entirely to the incapacity of their generals. ‘These discourses came at last to the ear of the public council ; the members of it were struck with them, and they requested him to attend them. He enforced his opinion with such strong and convincing rea- sons, that the oversights committed by the generals were visible to every one; and he proved as clearly, that by a conduct opposite to the former, they would not only se- cure their dominions, but drive the enemy out of them. This speech revived the courage and hopes of the Cartha- ginians ; and Xanthippus was entreated, and, in some measure, forced, to accept the command of the army. When the Carthaginians saw, in his exercising of their forces near the city, the manner in which he drew them up in order of battle, made them advance or retreat on the first signal, file off with order and expedition; in a word, perform all the evolutions and movements of the military art; they were struck with astonishment, and owned, that the ablest generals which Carthage had hitherto produced, knew nothing in comparison of Xanthippus. ee i

The officers, soldiers, and every one, were lost in ad- miration ; and what is very uncommon, jealousy gave no alloy to it; the fear of the present danger, and the love of their country, stifling, without doubt, all other senti- ments. ‘The gloomy consternation, which had before seized the whole army, was succeeded by joy and alacrity. The soldiers were urgent to be led against the enemy, in the firm assurance (as they said) of being victorious under their new leader, and of obliterating the disgrace of former defeats. Xanthippus did not suffer their ardour to cool; and the sight of the enemy only inflamed it. When he had approached within little more than 1200 paces of them, he thought proper to call a council of war, in order to shew respect to the Carthaginian generals, by consult- ing them. All unanimously deferred to his opinion ; upon which it was resolved to give the enemy battle the following day.

The Carthaginian army was composed of 12,000 foot, A000 horse, and about 100 elephants. That of the Romans, as near as may be guessed from what goes be-

CARTHAGINIANS. 309

fore (for Polybius does not mention their numbers here), consisted of 15,000 foot, and 300 horse. :

It must be a noble sight to see two armies like these before us, not overcharged with numbers, but composed of brave soldiers, and commanded by very able generals, engaged in battle. In those tumultuous fights, where two or 300,000 are engaged on both sides, confusion is inevitable ; and it is difficult, amidst a thousand events, where chance generally seems to havea greater share than counsel, to discover the true merit of commanders, and the real causes of victory. But in such engagements as this before us, nothing escapes the curiosity of the reader ; for he clearly sees the disposition of the two armies ; imagines he almost hears the orders given out by the generals ; follows all the movements of the army; can pomt out the faults committed on both sides; and is thereby qualified to determine, with certainty, the causes to which the victory or defeat is owing. The success of this battle, however inconsiderable it may appear from the small number of the combatants, was-nevertheless to de- cide the fate of Carthage.

The disposition of both armies was as follows. “Xan- thippus drew up all his elephants in front. Behind these, at some distance, he placed the Carthaginian infantry in one body or phalanx. The foreign troops in the Cartha- ginian service were posted, one part of them on the right, between the phalanx and the horse; and the other, com- posed of light-armed soldiers, in platoons, at the head of the two wings of the cavalry.

On the side of the Romans, as they apprehended the elephants most, Regulus, to provide against them, posted his light-armed soldiers, on a line, in the front of the legions. In the rear of these, he placed the cohorts one behind another, and the horse on the wings. In thus straitening the front of his main battle, to give it more depth, he indeed took a just precaution, says Polybius, against the elephants; but he did not provide for the inequality of his cavalry, which was much inferior in num- bers to that of the enemy.

The two armies being thus drawn up, waited only for _ the signal. Xanthippus orders the elephants to advance,

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to break the ranks of the enemy; and commands the two wings of the cavalry to charge the Romans in flank. At the same time, the latter, clashing their arms, and shouting after the manner of their country, advance against the enemy. Their cavalry did not stand the onset long, being so much inferior to that of the Carthaginians. The infantry in the left wing, to avoid the attack of the elephants, and shew how little they feared the mercena- ries who formed the enemy’s right wing, attacks it, puts it to flight, and pursues it to the camp. ‘Those in the first ranks, who were opposed to the elephants, were broken and trodden under foot, after fighting valiantly ; and the rest of the main body stood firm for some time, by reason of its great depth. But when the rear, being attacked by the enemy’s cavalry, was obliged to face about and receive it: and those who had broken through the elephants, met the phalanx of the Carthaginians, which had not yet engaged, and which received them in good order, the Romans were routed on all sides, and entirely defeated. The greatest part of them were crushed to death by the enormous weight of the elephants: and the remainder, standing in the ranks, were shot through and inrough with arrows from the enemy’s horse. Only a small number fled ; and as they were in an open country, the horse and elephants killed a great part of them : 500, or thereabouts, who went off with Regulus, were taken prisoners with him. The Carthaginians lost in this bat- tle 800 mercenaries, who were opposed to the left wing of the Romans: and of the latter only 2000 escaped, who, by their pursuing the enemy’s right wing, had drawn themselves out of the engagement. All the rest, Regulus and those who were taken excepted, were left dead on the field. ‘The 2000, who had escaped the slaughter, retired to Clypea, and were saved in an almost miraculous manner.

The Carthaginians, after having stripped the dead, entered Carthage in triumph, dragging after them the unfortunate Regulus, and 500 prisoners. Their joy was so much the greater, as, but a very few days before, they had’seen themselyes upon the brink of ruin. The men and women, old and young people, crowded the temples,

CARTHAGINIANS. 31]

to return thanks to the immortal gods; and several days were devoted wholly to festivities and rejoicings.

Xanthippus, who had contributed so much to this happy change, had the wisdom to withdraw shortly after, from the apprehension lest his glory, which had hitherto been unsullied, might, after this first blaze, insensibly fade away, and leave him exposed to the darts of envy and calumny, which are always dangerous, but most in a foreign country, when a man stands alone, unsustained by friends and relations, and destitute of all support.

Polybius tells us, that Xanthippus’s departure was re- lated in « different manner, and promises to take notice of it in another place: but that part of his history has not come down tous. We read in Appian,” that the Carthaginians, excited by a mean and detestable jealousy of Xanthippus’s glory, and unable to bear the thoughts that they should stand indebted to Sparta for their safety ; upon pretence of conducting him and his attendants back with honour to his own country, with a numerous convoy of ships, gave private orders to have them all put to death in their passage; as if with him they could have buried in the waves for ever the memory of his services, and their horrid ingratitude to him.”

This battle, says Polybius,’ though not so considerable as many others, may yet furnish very salutary instruc- tions ; which, adds that author, is the greatest benefit that can be reaped from the study of history.

First, ought any man to put a great confidence in his good fortune, after he has considered the fate of Regulus ? That general, insolent with victory,inexorable to the con-

™ De Bell. Pun. 30.

"This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But, if it be fact, one would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this let me add, that it shewed no great depth of policy in the Carthaginians to take this method of de- spatching him, when so many others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme formed for hisdestruction, not only himself, but all his followers, were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a ‘storm, or loss of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetra- tion of so horrid a crime. ° Lib, i. p. 36, 37.

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quered, scarcely deigning to listen to them, saw himself a few days after vanquished by them, and made their pri- soner. Hannibal suggested the same reflection to Sci- pio, when he exhorted him not to be dazzled with the success of his arms. Regulus, said he, would have been recorded as one of the most uncommon instances of va- lour and felicity, had he, after the victory obtained in this very country, granted our fathers the peace which they sued for. But putting no bounds to his ambition and the insoletice of success, the greater his prosperity, the more ignominious was his fall.”

In the second place, the truth of the saying of Euri- pides is here seen in its fullest extent, That one wise head is worth a great many hands.* A single man here changes the whole face of affairs. On one hand, he de- feats troops that were thought invincible ; on the other, he revives the courage of a city and an army, whom he had found in consternation and despair.

Such, as Polybius observes, is the use which ought to be made of the study of history. For there being two ways of acquiring improvement and instruction, first by one’s own experience, and secondly by that of other men; it is much more wise and useful to improve by other men’s miscarriages than by our own.

I return to Regulus, that I may here finish what re- lates to him; Polybius, to our great disappointment, taking no farther notice of that general.’

P Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in hic eAdem terra fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altits elatus erat, ed foedius corruit. Liv. |. xxx. n. 30.

1 ‘Qe Ey copdy Boddevpa Tac woddAde xeipac veg. It may not be impro- per to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of Polybius con- cerning Xanthippus. The passage is this: ’Eyv oi¢ kai ZavOirméy riva Aaxedatpomoy avdpa Tig Aaxwririic dywyi¢e perecxnndra, Kat rouBijpy év roic Toremkoig ExovTa otpperpov. Which is rendered thus by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Grecia allatis] Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedemonius, vir disciplina Laconicd imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habe- bat. Whereas, agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xan- thippus, I take the sense of this passage to be, a man formed by the Spar- ae discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military affairs.

r This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men against many of the stories told of Regulus’s barbarous treatment, after

CARTHAGINIANS. Lo

After being kept some some years in

a ee prison,’ he was sent to Rome to propose an exchange of prisoners. He had been

obliged to take an oath, that he would return in case he proved unsuccessful. He then acquainted the senate with the subject of his voyage; and being invited by them to give his opinion freely, he answered, that he could no longer do it as a senator, having lost both this quality, and that of a Roman citizen, from the time that he had fallen into the hands of his enemies; but he did not refuse to offer his thoughts as a private person. This was a very delicate affair. Every one was touched with the misfortunes of so great a man. He needed only, says Cicero, to have spoken one word, and it would have restored him to his liberty, his estate, his dignity, his wife, his children, and his country; but that word ap-

he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no farther of this matter; and therefore 1 shall give my reader the substance of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers (as well histori- ans as poets), and of Appian on this subject. First, it is urged, that’ Po- lybius was very sensible that the story of these cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer. This opinion is farther strengthened (says the adver- saries of this belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage, occa- sioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons to re- venge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two Carthaginian captives (thought tobe Bostar and Hamilcar) taken inthe sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and put into her hands for the re- demption of her husband. One of these died by the severity of his im- prisonment; and the other, by the care of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued :—Regulus dying in his captivity by the usual course of na- ture, his wife, thus frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the ex- change of her captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity, in conse- quence of her belief of the ill-usage which Regulus had received. The senate being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties, she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports, increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the latter. How far this is — conclusive against the testimonies of two such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the poets), is left to the judgment of the reader,

* Appian. de Bello Pun. p. 2, 3. Cic. de Off. 1. iii. n. 99, 100. Aul. Gel. 1. viz c. 4. Senec. Ep. 99,

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peared to him contrary to the honour and welfare of the state. He therefore plainly declared, that an exchange of prisoners ought not to be so much as thought of: that such an example would be of fatal consequence to the republic : that citizens who had so basely surrendered their arms to the enemy, were unworthy of the least compassion, and incapable of serving their country : that with regard to himself, as he was so far advanced in years, his death ought to be considered as nothing ; whereas they had in their hands several Carthaginian generals, in the flower of their age, and capable of doing their coun- try great services for many years. It was with difficulty that the senate complied with so generous and unex- ampled a counsel. The illustrious exile therefore left Rome,’ in order to return to Carthage, unmoved either with the deep affliction of his friends, or the tears of his wife and children, although he knew but too well the grievous torments which were prepared for him. And, indeed, the moment his enemies saw him returned with- out having obtained the exchange of prisoners, they put him to every kind of torture their barbarous cruelty could invent. ‘They imprisoned him for a long time in a dismal dungeon, whence (after cutting off his eye-lids) they drew him at once into the sun, when its beams darted the strongest heat. They next put him into a kind of chest stuck full of nails, whose points wounding him, did not allow him a moment’s ease either day or night. Lastly, after having been long tormented by being kept for ever awake in this dreadful torture, his merciless enemies nailed him to a cross, their usual punishment, and left him to expire on it. Such was the end of this great man. His enemies, by depriving him of some days, perhaps years, of life, brought eternal infamy on themselves.

The blow which the Romans had received in Africa did not discourage them." They made greater prepara- tions than before, to retrieve their loss; and put to sea, the following campaign, three hundred and sixty vessels. The Carthaginians sailed out to meet them with two hundred ; but were beaten in an engagement fought on

‘ Horat. 1, iii. Od. 3. « Polyb. L. i. p. 37.

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the coasts of Sicily, and a hundred and fourteen of their ships were taken by the Romans. The latter sailed into Africa, to take in the few soldiers who had escaped the pursuit of the enemy, after the defeat of Regulus; and had defended themselves vigorously in Clypea, where they had been unsuccessfully besieged.

Here again we are astonished that the Romans, after so considerable a victory, and with so large a fleet, should sail into Africa, only to bring from thence a small garrison; whereas they might have attempted the con- quest of it, since Regulus, with much fewer forces, had almost completed it.

The Romans, on their return, were overtaken by a storm, which almost destroyed their whole fleet.* The like misfortune befel them also the following year.’ However, they consoled themselves for this double loss, by a victory which they gained over Asdrubal, from whom they took near a hundred and forty elephants. This news being brought to Rome, filled the whole city with joy ; not only because the strength of the enemy’s army was considerably diminished by the loss of their elephants, but chiefly because this victory had inspired the land forces with fresh courage: who, since the de- feat of Regulus, had not dared to venture upon an en- gagement ; so great was the terror with which those for- midable animals had filled the minds of all the soldiers. It was therefore judged proper to make a greater effort than ever, in order to finish, if possible, a war which had continued fourteen years. The two consuls set sail with a fleet of two hundred ships, and arriving in Sicily, formed the bold design of besieging Lilybeum. ‘This was the strongest town which the Carthaginians pos- sessed, and the loss of it would be attended with that of every part of the island, and open to the Romans a free passage into Africa.

The reader will suppose, that the utmost ardour was shewn, both in the assault and defence of the place.” Imilco was governor there, with 10,000 regular forces, exclusive of the inhabitants; and Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar, soon brought him as many more from Car-

x Polyb. |. i. p. 388—40. y Pag. 41, 42. z Pag, 41—50.

316 HISTORY OF THE

thage; he having, with the most intrepid courage, forced his way through the enemy’s fleet, and arrived happily in the port.

The Romans had not lost any time. Having brought forward their engines, they beat down several towers with their battering rams; and gaining ground daily, they made such progress, as gave the besieged, who now were closely pressed, some fears. ‘The governor saw plainly that there was no other way left to save the city, but by firing the engines of the besiegers. Having therefore prepared his forces for this enterprise, he sent them out at day-break with torches in their hands, tow, and all kinds of combustible matters; and at the same time-attacked all the engines. The Romans exerted their utmost efforts to repel them, and the engagement was very bloody. Every man, assailant as well as defend- ant, stood to his post, and chose to die rather than quit it. AtJast, after a long resistance and dreadful slaugh- ter, the besieged sounded.a retreat, and left the Romans in possession of their works. ‘This conflict being over, Hannibal embarked in the night, and, concealing his departure from the enemy, sailed for Drepanum, where Adherbal commanded for the Carthaginians. Drepanum was advantageously situated; having acommodious port, and lying about 120furlongs from Lilybeeum ; and the Car- thaginians had been always very desirous of preserving it.

The Romans, animated by their late success, renewed the attack with greater vigour than ever; the besieged not daring to make a second attempt to burn their ma- chines, so much were they disheartened by the ill suc- cess of the former. But a furious wind rising suddenly, some mercenary soldiers represented to the governor, that now was the favourable opportunity for them to fire the engines of the besiegers, especially as the wind blew full against them; and they offered themselves for the enterprise. The offer was accepted, and accordingly they were furnished with every thing necessary. In a moment the fire catched all the engines; and the Ro- mans could not possibly extinguish it, because the flames being spread instantly every where, the winds carried the sparks and smoke full in their eyes, so that they

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could not see where to apply relief; whereas their ene- mies saw clearly where to aim their strokes, and throw their fire. ‘This accident made the Romans lose all hopes of being ever able to carry the place by force. They therefore turned the siege into a blockade; raised a strong line of contravallation round the town; and; dispersing their army in every part of the neighbour- hood, resolved to effect by time, what they found them- selves absolutely unable to perform any other way. When the transactions of the siege of Lilybeeum, and the loss of part of the forces, were known at Rome, the citizens, so far from desponding at this ill news, seemed to be fired with new vigour.* Every man strove to be foremost in the muster-roll; so that, in a very little time, an army of 10,000 men was raised, who, crossing the strait, marched by land to join the besiegers. At the same time, P. Claudius Pulcher, Aaa a the consul, formed a design of attacking Adherbal in Drepanum.’ He thought himself sure of surprising him, because, after the loss lately sustained by the Romans at Lilybeeum, the enemy could not imagine that they would venture out again at sea. Flushed with these hopes, he sailed out with his fleet in the night, the better to conceal his design. But he had to do with an active general, whose vigilance he could not elude, and who did not even give him time to draw up his ships in line of battle, but fell vigorously upon him whilst his fleet was in disorder and confusion. The Carthaginians gamed a complete victory. Of the Roman fleet, only thirty vessels got off, which being in company with the consul, fed with him, and got away in the best manner they could. along the coast. All the rest, amounting to fourscore and thirteen, with the men 6n board them, were taken by the Carthaginians; a few soldiers excepted, who had escaped from the wreck of their vessels. This victory displayed as much the prudence and valour of Adherbal, as it reflected shame and ignominy on the Roman consul. Junius, his colleague, was neither more prudent nor more fortunate than himself, but lost his whole fleet by

4 Polyb. p. 50. b Ebid. pao.

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his ill conduct.* Endeavouring to atone for his misfor- tune by some considerable action, he held a secret cor- respondence with the inhabitants of Eryx,* and by that means got the city surrendered to him. On the sum- mit of the mountain stood the temple of Venus Erycina, which was certainly the most beautiful as well as the richest of all the Sicilian temples. The city stood a little below the summit of this mountain, and the only access to it was by a road very long and very rugged. Junius posted one part of his troops upon the top, and the re- mainder at the foot of the mountain, imagining that he now had nothing to fear; but Hamilcar, surnamed Barca, father of the famous Hannibal, found means to get into the city, which lay between the two camps of the enemy, and there fortified himself. From this advantageous post he harassed the Romans incessantly for two years. One can scarce conceive how it was possible for the Carthaginians to defend themselves, when thus attacked from both the summit and foot of the mountain; and unable to get provisions, but from a little port, which was the only one open to them. By such enterprises as these, the abilities and prudent courage of a general are as well, or perhaps better, discovered, than by the winning of a battle.

For five years, nothing memorable was performed on either side.* ‘The Romans had imagined that their land forces would alone be capable of finishing the siege of Lilybzeum: but as they saw it protracted beyond their expectation, they returned to their first plan, and made extraordinary efforts to fit out a new fleet. The public treasury was at a low ebb; but this want was supplied by the zeal of individuals; so ardent was the love which the Romans bore their country. Every man, according to his circumstances, contributed to the common ex- pense; and, upon public security, advanced money, with- out the least scruple, for an expedition on which the glory and safety of Rome depended. One man fitted out a ship at his own charge; another was equipped by A.M. 3763. _ the contributions of two or three; so that, A. Rom. 507. in a very little time, 200 were ready for

© Polyb. |. i. p. 54—59. 4 A city and mountain of Sicily. © Polyb. 1. i. p. 59—62,

CARTHAGINIANS: 849.

sailing. ‘The command was given to Lutatius, the con- sul, who immediately put to sea. ‘The enemy’s fleet had retired into Africa: the consul therefore easily seized upon all the advantageous posts in the neighbourhood of Lilybeum; and foresezing that he should soon be forced to fight, he omitted no precautions to ensure success; and employed the interval in exercising his soldiers and seamen at sea.

He was soon informed that the Carthaginian fleet drew near, under the command of Hanno, who landed in a small island called Hiera, opposite to Drepanum. His design was to reach Eryx undiscovered by the Ro- mans, in order to supply the army there; to reinforce his troops, and take Barca on board to assist him in the expected engagement. But the consul, suspecting his intention, was beforehand with him; and having as- sembled all his best forces, sailed for the small island /Egusa,' which lay near the other. He acquainted his officers with the design he had of attacking the enemy onthe morrow. Accordingly, at day-break, he prepared to engage: unfortunately, the wind was favourable for the enemy, which made him hesitate whether he should give him battle. But considering that the Carthaginian fleet, when unloaded of its provisions, would become lighter and more fit for action ; and, besides, would be considerably strengthened by the forces and presence of Barca, he came to a resolution at once; and notwith- standing the foul weather, made directly to the enemy. The consul had choice forces, able seamen, and excel- lent ships, built after the model of a galley that had been lately taken from the enemy; and which was the com- pletest in its kind that had ever been seen. The Car- thaginians, on the other hand, were destitute of all these advantages. As they had been the entire masters at sea for some years, and the Romans did not once dare to face them, they held them in the highest contempt, and looked upon themselves as invincible. On the first re- port of the enemy being in motion, the Carthaginians had put to sea a fleet fitted out in haste, as appeared from every circumstance of it: the soldiers and seamen

f These islands are also called Aigates.

320 HISTORY OF THE

being all mercenaries, newly levied, without the least experience, resolution, or zeal, since it was not for their owncountry they were going to fight. This soon appeared in the engagement. They could not sustain the first attack. Fifty of their vessels were sunk, and seventy taken, with their whole crews. The rest, favoured by a wind that rose very seasonably for them, made the best of their way to the little island from whence they had sailed. There were upwards of 10,000 taken pri- soners. ‘The consul sailed immediately for Lilybeum, and joined his forces to those of the besiegers.

When the news of this defeat arrived at Carthage, it occasioned so much the greater surprise and terror, as it was less expected. ‘The senate, however, did not lose their courage, though they saw themselves quite unable to continue the war. As the Romans were now masters of the sea, it was not possible for the Carthaginians to send either provisions or reinforcements to the armies in Sicily. An express was therefore immediately de- spatched to Barca, the general there, empowering him to act as he should think proper. Barca, so long as he had room to entertain the least hopes, had done every thing that could be expected from the most intrepid courage, and the most consummate wisdom. But having now no resource left, he sent a deputation to the consul, in order to treat about a peace. Prudence, says Polybius, consists in knowing how to resist and yield at a season- able juncture. Lutatius was not insensible how tired the Romans were grown of a war, which had exhausted them both of men and money; and the dreadful consequences which had attended on Regulus’s inexorable and impru- dent obstinacy, were fresh in his memory. He there- fore complied without difficulty, and dictated the follow- ing treaty :—

THERE SHALL BE PEACE BETWEEN ROME AND Car- THAGE (IN CASE THE ROMAN PEOPLE APPROVE OF IT) ON THE FOLLOWING CONDITIONS: THE CaRTHAGINI- ANS SHALL EVACUATE ALL SICILY ; SHALL NO LONGER MAKE WAR UPON HERO, THE SYRACUSANS, OR THEIR ALLIES: ‘THEY SHALL RESTORE TO THE RoMANS, WITH- OUT RANSOM, ALL THE PRISONERS WHICH THEY HAVE

CARTHAGINIANS. Ps De |

TAKEN FROM THEM; AND PAY THEM, WITHIN TWENTY YEARS, TWO THOUSAND TWO HUNDRED® EvusBoic TA- LENTS OF SILVER." It is worth the reader’s remarking, by the way, the simple, exact, and clear terms in which this treaty is expressed ; that, in so short a compass, ad- justs the interests of two powerful republics and their allies, both by sea and land.

When these conditions were brought to Rome, the people, not approving of them, sent ten commissioners to Sicily, to terminate the affair. These made no al- teration as to the substance of the treaty ;' only shorten- ing the time appointed for the payment, reducing it to ten years: a thousand talents were added to the sum that had been stipulated, which were to be paid immediately ; and the Carthaginians were required to depart out of all the islands situated between Italy and Sicily. Sardinia was not comprehended in this treaty ; but they gave it up by another treaty which was made some years after- wards.

A. M. 3763. Such was the conclusion of a war, one A. Carth. 605. of the longest mentioned in history, since gk Rom. 007 it continued twenty-four years without in- nt. J.C. 241. ice en Nene tas termission. The obstinacy, in disputing for empire, was equal on either side: the same resolu- tion, the same greatness of soul, in forming as well as in executing of projects, being conspicuous on both sides. The Carthaginians had the superiority in their ac- quaintance with naval affairs; in their skill in the con- struction of their vessels; the working of them; the experience and capacity of their pilots; the knowledge of coasts, shallows, roads, and winds; and in the inex- haustible fund of wealth, which furnished all the ex- penses of so long and obstinate a war. The Romans had none of these advantages; but their courage, zeal for the public good, love of their country, and a noble emulation of glory, supplied all other deficiencies. We are astonished to see a nation, so raw and inexperienced in naval affairs, not only making head against a people who were better skilled in them, and more powerful than

s This sum amounts to near 6,180,000 French livres. 5 515,000. English money. i Polyb. I. iii. p. 182.

VOL. I. i @

322 HISTORY OF THE —

any that had ever been before ; but even gaining several victories over them at sea. No difficulties or calamities could discourage them. They certainly would not have thought of peace, in the circumstances under which the Carthaginians demanded it. One unfortunate campaign dispirits the latter: whereas the Romans are not shaken by a succession of them.

As to soldiers, there was no comparison between those of Rome and Carthage, the former being infinitely supe- rior in point of courage. Among the generals who com- mandedin this war, Hamilcar, surnamed Barca, was, doubt- less, the most conspicuous for his bravery and prudence.

The Lilyan War ; or, against the Mercenaries.

The war which the Carthaginians waged against the Romans,“ was succeeded immediately by another,’ which, though of much shorter continuance, was infinitely more dangerous ; as it was carried on in the very heart of the republic, and attended with such cruelty and barbarity, as is scarce to be paralleled in history ; I mean the war which the Carthaginians were obliged to sustain against their mercenary troops, who had served under them in Sicily, and which is commonly called the African or Li- byan war.™ It continued only three years and a half, but was a very bloody one. The occasion of it was this :—

As soon as the treaty was concluded with the Romans,” Hamilcar, having carried to Lilybeeum the forces which were in Eryx, resigned his commission; and left to Gisgo, governor of the place, the care of transporting these forces into Africa. Gisgo, as though he had fore- seen what would happen, did not ship them all off at once, but in small and separate parties; in order that those who came first might be paid off, and sent home, before the arrival of the rest. ‘This conduct evinced great forecast and wisdom, but was not seconded equally at Carthage. As the republic had been exhausted by the expense of a long war, and the payment of near 130,000/. to the Ro- mans on signing the peace, the forces were not paid off

| k Polyb, Li. p. 65—89. 1 The same year that the first Punic war ended.

™ And sometimes Zevxdy, or the war with the mercenaries. " Polyb. 1. i. p. 66.

CARTHAGINIANS. ooo

in proportion as they arrived; but it was thought proper to wait for the rest, in the hopes of obtaining from them (when they should be all together), a remission of some part of their arrears. This was the first oversight.

Here we discover the genius of a state composed of merchants, who know the full value of money, but are little acquainted with that of the services of soldiers ; who bargain for blood, as though it were an article of trade, and always go to the cheapest market. In such a repub- lic, when an éxigency is once answered, the merit of ser- vices is no longer remembered.

These soldiers, most of whom came to Carthage, hav- ing been long accustomed to a licentious life, caused great disturbances in the city ; to remedy which, it was pro- posed to their officers, to march them all to a little neigh- bouring town called Sicca, and there supply them with whatever was necessary for their subsistence, till the ar- rival of the rest of their companions ; and that then they should all be paid off, and sent home. This was a se- cond oversight.

A third was, the refusing to let them leave their bag- gage, their wives, and children, in Carthage, as they de- sired; and the forcing them to remove these to Siccas; whereas, had they stayed in Carthage, they would have been in a manner so many hostages.

Being all met together at Sicca, they began (having little else to do) to compute the arrears of their pay, which they made amount to much more than was really due to them. To this computation, they added the mighty promises which had been made them at different times, as an encouragement for them to do their duty ; and pretended that these likewise ought to be brought into the account. Hanno, who was then governor of Africa, and had been sent to them from the magistrates of Carthage, proposed to them to consent to some abate- ment of their arrears; and to content themselves with receiving a part, in consideration of the great distress to which the commonwealth was reduced, and its pre- sent unhappy circumstances. The reader will easily guess how such a proposal was received. Complaints, murmurs, seditious and insolent clamours, were

¥Z

S24 HISTORY OF THE

every where heard. These troops being composed of different nations, who were strangers to one another’s language, were incapable of hearing reason when they once mutinied. Spaniards, Gauls, Ligurians, imhabit- ants of the Balearic isles ; Greeks, the greatest part of them slaves or deserters, and a very great number of Africans, composed these mercenary forces. ‘Transported with rage, they immediately break up, march towards Carthage (being upwards of 20,000), and encamped at Tunis, not far from that metropolis.

The Carthaginians discovered too late Hee error. There was no “compliance, how grovelling soever, to which they did not stoop, to soothe these exasperated sol- diers: who, on their side, practised every knavish art which could be thought of, in order to extort money from them. When one point was gained, they imme- diately had recourse to a new artifice, on which to ground some new demand. Was their pay settled beyond the agreement made with them, they would still be reim- bursed for the losses which they pretended to have sus- tained, either by the death of their horses, by the exces- sive price which at certain times they had paid for bread- corn; and still insisted on the recompence which had been promised them. As nothing could be fixed, the Carthaginians, with great difficulty, prevailed on them to refer themselves to the opinion of some general who had commanded in Sicily. Accordingly they pitched upon Gisgo, who had always been very acceptable to them. This general harangued them in a mild and insinuating manner ; recalled to their memories the long time they had been in the Carthaginian service ; the considerable sums they had received from the republic ; and granted almost all their demands.

The treaty was upon the point of being concluded, when two mutineers occasioned a tumult in every part ofthe camp. One of those was Spendius a Capuan, who had been a slave at Rome, and had fled to the Carthagi- nians. He was tall and bold. The fear he was under, of falling into the hands of his former master, by whom he was sure to be hanged (as was the custom), prompted him to break off the agreement. He was seconded by

CARTHAGINIANS. 320

one Matho,° who had been very active in forming the conspiracy. ‘These two represented to the Africans, that the instant after their companions should be discharged and sent home, they, being thus left alone in their own country, would fall a sacrifice to the rage of the Cartha- ginians, who would take vengeance upon them for the common rebellion. ‘This was sufficient to raise them to fury. They immediately made choice of Spendius and Matho for their chiefs. No remonstrances were heard ; and whoever offered to make any, was immediately put to death. They ran to Gisgo’s tent, plundered it of the money designed for the payment of the forces; dragged that general himself to prison, with all his attendants ; after having treated them with the utmost indignities. All the cities of Africa, to whom they had sent deputies to exhort them to recover their liberty, came over to them, Utica and Hippacra excepted, which they there- fore immediately besieged.

Carthage had never been before exposed to such im- minent danger. The citizens individually drew each his subsistence from the rents or revenues of their lands, and the public expenses from the tribute paid by Africa. But all this was stopped at once ; and (a much worse circum- stance) was turned against them. ‘They found them- selves destitute of arms and forces either for sea or land; of all necessary preparations either for the sustaining of a siege, or the equipping of a fleet; and, to complete their misfortunes, without any hopes of foreign assistance either from their friends or allies.

They might in some sense impute to themselves the distress to which they were reduced. During the last war, they had treated the African nations with the utmost rigour, by imposing excessive tributes on them, in the exaction of which no allowance was made for poverty and extreme misery; and governors, such as Hanno, were treated with the greater respect, the more severe

© Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He, therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated to the Alrieans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters. Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.

326 HISTORY OF THE

they had been in levying those tributes. So that no great efforts were necessary to prevail upon the Africans to engage in this rebellion. At the very first signal that was made, it broke out, and in a moment became gene- ral. The women, who had often, with the deepest afflic- tion, seen their husbands and fathers dragged to prison for non-payment, were more exasperated than the men; and with pleasure gave up all their ornaments towards the expenses of the war; so that the chiefs of the rebels, after paying all they had promised the soldiers, found themselves still in the midst of plenty: an instructive lesson, says Polybius, to ministers, how a people should be treated ; as it teaches them to look, not only to the present occasion, but to extend their views to futurity.

The Carthaginians, notwithstanding their present dis- tress, did not despond, but made the most extraordinary efforts. ‘The command of the army was given to Hanno. Troops were levied by land and sea; horse as well as foot. All citizens, capable of bearing arms were mus- tered; mercenaries were invited from all parts; and all the ships which the republic had left were refitted.

The rebels discovered no less ardour. We related be- fore, that they had formed the siege of the two only cities which refused to join them. Their army was "now in- creased to 70,000 men. After detachments had been drawn from it to carry on those sieges, they pitched their camp at Tunis; and thereby held Carthage in a kind of blockade, filled it with perpetual alarms, and frequently advancing up to its very walls by day as well as by night.

Hanno had marched to the relief of Utica, and gained a considerable advantage, which, had he made a proper use of it, might have proved decisive: but entering the city, and only diverting himself there, the mercenaries, who had retreated to a neighbouring hill covered with trees, hearing how careless the enemy were, poured down upon them; found the soldiers straggling in all parts ; took and plundered the camp, and seized upon all the supplies that had been brought from Carthage for the relief of the besieged. Nor was this the only error com- mitted by Hanno; and errors, in such critical junctures, are much the most fatal. Hamilcar, surnamed Barca,

CART HAGINIANS. 397 was therefore appointed to succeed him. ‘This general answered the idea which had been entertained of him ; and his first success was the obliging the rebels to raise the siege of Utica. He then marched against their army which was encamped near Carthage; defeated part of it, and seized almost all their advantageous posts. ‘These successes revived the courage of the Carthaginians.

The arrival of a young Numidian nobleman, Narava- sus by name, who, out of esteem for the person and merit of Barca, joined him with 2000 Numidians, was of great service to that general.. Animated by this reinforcement, he fell upon the rebels, who had cooped him up in a val- ley ; killed 10,000 of them, and took 4000 prisoners. The young Numidian distinguished himself greatly in this battle. Barca took into his troops as many of the pri- soners as were desirous of being enlisted, and gave the rest free liberty to go wherever they pleased, on condi- tion that they should never take up arms any more against the Carthaginians ; otherwise, that every man of them, if taken, should be put to death. ‘This conduct proves the wisdom of that general. He thought this a better expedient than extreme severity. And indeed where a multitude of mutineers are concerned, the greatest part of whom have been drawn in by the persuasions of the most hot-headed, or through fear of the most furious, clemency seldom fails of being successful.

Spendius, the chief of the rebels, fearing that this af- fected lenity of Barca might occasion a defection among his troops, thought the only expedient left him to prevent it, would be, to strike some signal blow, which would deprive them of all hopes of being ever reconciled to the enemy. With this view, after having read to them some fictitious letters, by which advice was given him, of a se- cret design concerted betwixt some of their comrades and Gisgo for rescuing him out of prison, where he had been so long detained ; he brought them to the barbarous re- solution of murdering him and all the rest of the pri- soners; and any man, who durst offer any milder‘coun- sel, was immediately sacrificed to their fury. Accord- ingly, this unfortunate general, and 700 prisoners who were confined with him, were brought out to the front

328 HISTORY OF THE

of the camp, where Gisgo fell the first sacrifice, and af- terwards all the rest. Their hands were cut off, their thighs broken, and their bodies, still breathing, were thrown into a hole. The Carthaginians sent a herald to demand their remains, in order to pay them the last sad office, but were refused ; and the herald was farther told, that whoever presumed to come upon the like er- rand, should meet with Gisgo’s fate. “And, indeed, the rebels immediately came to the unanimous resolution, of treating all such Carthaginians as should fall into their hands in the same barbarous manner ; and decreed far- ther, that if any of their allies were taken, they should, after their hands were cut off, be sent back to Carthage. This bloody resolution was but too punctually executed.

The Carthaginians were now just beginning to breathe, as it were, and recover their spirits, when a number of unlucky accidents plunged them again into fresh dangers. A division arose among their generals; and the provi- sions, of which they were in extreme necessity, com- ing to them by sea, were all cast away in astorm. But the misfortune which they most keenly felt, was, the sudden defection of the two only cities which till then had preserved their allegiance, and im all times adhered invio- lably to the commonwealth. These were Utica and Hippacra. ‘These cities, without the least reason, or even so much as a pretence, went over at once to the rebels ; and, transported with the like rage and fury, murdered the governor, with the garrison sent to their relief; and carried their inhumanity so far, as to refuse their dead bodies to the Carthaginians, who demanded them back in order for burial.

The rebels, animated by so much success, laid siege to Carthage, but were obliged immediately to raise it. They nevertheless continued the war. Having drawn together, into one body, all their own troops and those of the al- lies (making upwards of 50,000 men in all), they watched the motions of Hamilcar’s army, but carefully kept their own on the hills; and avoided coming down into the plains, because the enemy would there have had too great an advantage over them, on account of their elephants and cavalry. Hamilcar, more skilful in the art of war

CARTHAGINIANS. 329

than they, never exposed himself to any of their attacks; but taking advantage of their oversights, often dispos- sessed them of their posts, if their soldiers straggled but ever so little; and harassed them a thousand ways. Such of them as fell into his hands, were thrown to wild beasts. At last, he surprised them at a time when they least expected it, and shut them up in a post which was so situated, that it was impossible for them to get out of it. Not daring to venture a battle, and being unable to get off, they began to fortify their camp, and surround- ed it with ditches and intrenchments. But an enemy among themselves, and which was much more formi- dable, had reduced them to the greatest extremity: this was hunger, which was so raging, that they at last ate one another; Divine Providence, says Polybius, thus re- venging upon themselves the barbarous cruelty they had exercised on others. ‘They now had no resource left ; and knew but too well the punishments which would be in- flicted on them, in case they. should fall alive into the hands of the enemy. After such bloody scenes as had been acted by them, they did not so much as think of peace, or of coming to an accommodation. They had sent to their forces encamped at ‘Tunis for assistance, but with no success. In the mean time the famine increased daily. They had first eaten their prisoners, then their slaves; and now their fellow-citizens only were left. Their chiefs, now no longer able to resist the complaints and cries of the multitude, who threatened to massacre them if they did not surrender, went themselves to Ha- milcar, after having obtained a safe-conduct from him. The conditions of the treaty were, that the Carthaginians should select any ten of the rebels, to treat them as they should think fit, and that the rest should be dismissed with only one suit of clothes foreach. When the treaty was signed, the chiefs themselves were arrested and de- tained by the Carthaginians, who plainly shewed, on this occasion, that they did not pride themselves upon their good faith and sincerity. The rebels, hearing that their chiefs were seized, and knowing nothing of the conven- tion, suspected that they were betrayed, and thereupon immediately took up arms. But Hamilcar, having sur-

330 HISTORY OF THE

rounded them, brought forward his elephants; and either trod them all under foot, or cut them to pieces, they be- ing upwards of 40,000.

The consequence of this victory was, the reduction of almost all the cities of Africa, which immediately re- turned to their allegiance. Hamilcar, without loss of time, marched against Tunis, which ever since the be- ginning of the war, had been the asylum of the rebels, and their place of arms. He invested it on one side, whilst Hannibal, who was joined in the command with him, besieged it on the other. Then advancing near the walls, and ordering crosses to be set up, he hung Spendius on one of them, and his companions who had been seized with him on the rest, where they all expired. Matho, the other chief, who commanded in the city, saw plainly by this what he himself might expect ; and for that reason was much more attentive to his own de- fence. Perceiving that Hannibal, as being confident of success, was very negligent in all his motions, he made a sally, attacked his quarters, killed many of his men, took several prisoners, among whom was Hannibal him- self, and plundered his camp. ‘Then taking Spendius from the cross, he put Hannibal in his place, after hay- ing made him suffer inexpressible torments ; and sacri- ficed round the body of Spendius thirty citizens of the first quality in Carthage, as so many victims of his ven- geance. One would conclude, that there had been a mutual emulation betwixt the contending parties, which of them should out-do the other in acts of the most bar- barous cruelty.

Barca being at that time at a distance, it was long before the news of his colleague’s misfortune reached him ; and besides, the road lying betwixt the two camps being impassable, it was impossible for him to advance hastily to his assistance. This disastrous accident caused a great consternation in Carthage. The reader may have observed, in the course of this war, a continual vicissitude of prosperity and adversity, of security and fear, of joy and grief; so various and inconstant were the events on either side.

In Carthage it was thought advisable to make one

CART HAGINIANS. 331 bold effort. Accordingly, all the youth capable of bear-

ing arms were pressed into the service. Hanno was sent to join Hamilcar ; and thirty senators were deputed to conjure those generals, in the name of the republic, to forget past quarrels, and sacrifice their resentments to their country’s welfare. ‘This was immediately com- plied with; they mutually embraced, and were recon- ciled sincerely to one another.

From this time, the Carthaginians were successful in all things; and Matho, who in every attempt after this came off with disadvantage, at last thought himself obliged to hazard a battle; and this was just what the Carthaginians wanted. The leaders.on both sides ani- mated their troops, as going to fight a battle which would for ever decide their fate. An engagement en- sued. Victory was not long in suspense; for the rebels every where giving ground, the Africans were almost all slain, and the rest surrendered. Matho was taken alive, and carried to Carthage. All Africa returned immedi- ately to its allegiance, except the two perfidious cities which had lately revolted; however, they were soon forced to surrender at discretion.

And now the victorious army returned to Carthage, and was there received with shouts of joy, and the con- gratulations of the whole city. Matho and his soldiers, after having adorned the public triumph, were led to execution ; and finished, by a painful and ignominious death, a life that had been polluted with the blackest treasons and unparalleled barbarities. Such was the con- clusion of the war against the mercenaries, after having lasted three years and four months. It furnished, says Polybius, an ever-memorable lesson to all nations, not to employ in their armies a greater number of mercenaries than citizens; nor to rely, for the defence of their state, on a body of men who are not attached to it either by interest or affection.

I have hitherto purposely deferred taking notice of such transactions in Sardinia as passed at the time I have been speaking of, and which were, in some measure, de- pendant on, and resulting from, the war waged in Africa against the mercenaries. ‘They exhibit the same violent

aoe HISTORY OF THE

methods to promote rebellion; the same excesses of cruelty; as if the wind had carried the same spirit of discord and fury from Africa into Sardinia.

When the news was brought there of what Spendius and Matho were doing in Africa, the mercenaries in that island also shook off the yoke, in imitation of these in- cendiaries. ‘They began by the murder of Bostar their general, and of all the Carthaginians under him. A successor was sent; but all the forces which he carried with him went over to the rebels; hung the general on across; and, throughout the whole island, put all the Carthaginians to the sword, after having made them suf- fer inexpressible torments. They then besieged all the cities one after another, and soon got possession of the whole country. But feuds arising between them and the natives, the mercenaries were driven entirely out of the island, and took refuge in Italy. Thus the Cartha- ginians lost Sardinia, an island of great importance to them, on account of its extent, its fertility, and the great number of its inhabitants.

The Romans, ever since their treaty with the Car- thaginians, had behaved towards them with great justice and moderation. A slight quarrel, on account of some Roman merchants who were seized at Carthage for having supplied the enemy with provisions, had embroiled them a little. But these merchants being restored on the first complaint made to the senate of Carthage, the Romans, who prided themselves upon their justice and generosity on all occasions, made the Carthaginians a return of their former friendship; served them to the utmost of their power ; forbade their merchants to fur- nish any other nation with provisions ; and even refused to listen to the proposals made by the Sardinian rebels, when invited by them to take possession of the island.

But these scruples and delicacy wore off by degrees ; and Cesar’s advantageous testimony (in Sallust) of their honesty and plain dealing, could not, with any propriety, be applied here: Although, says he, in all the Punic

_ ? Bellis Punicis omnibus, cdm szpe Carthaginenses et in pace et per inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quim quod in illos jure fieri posset, querebant. Sallust. in bell. Cattlin. . .

CARTHAGINIANS. ooD

wars, the Carthaginians, both in peace and during truces, had committed a number of detestable actions, the Romans could never (how inviting soever the opportunity might be) be prevailed upon to retaliate such usage ; being more at- tentive to their own glory, than to the revenge they mighi have justly taken on such perfidious enemies. _

ALM 9767. The mercenaries, who, as was observed, A. Carth. 609. had retired into Italy, brought the Ro- ie Rom. 611. mans at last to the resolution of sailing

ntigdJCeene. sie

over into Sardinia, to render themselves masters of it. The Carthaginians were deeply afflicted at the news, upon pretence that they had a more just title to Sardinia than the Romans; they therefore put themselves in a posture to take a speedy and just re- venge on those who had excited the people of that island to take up arms against them. But the Romans, pre- tending that these preparations were made, not against Sardinia, but their state, declared war against the Car- thaginians. The latter, quite exhausted in every respect, and scarce beginning to breathe, were in no condition to sustain a war. ‘The necessity of the times was there- fore to be complied with, and they were forced to yield — to a more powerful rival. A fresh treaty was thereupon made, by which they gave up Sardinia to the Romans, and obliged themselves to a new payment of twelve hundred talents, to keep off the war with which they were menaced. ‘This injustice of the Romans was the true cause of the second Punic war, as will appear in the sequel.

The second Punic War.

The second Punic war, which I am now going to relate, is one of the most memorable recorded in history, and most worthy the attention of an inquisitive reader ; whether we consider the boldness of the enterprises; the wisdom employed in the execution ;* the obstinate efforts of two rival nations, and the ready resources they found in their lowest ebb of fortune ; the variety of uncommon events, and the uncertain issue of so long and bloody a war; or, lastly, the assemblage of the most perfect models

WSiivel xxi 1:

334 HISTORY OF THE

in every kind of merit ; and the most instructive lessons that occur in history, either with regard to war, policy, or government. Never did two more powerful, or at least more warlike, states or nations make war against each other ; and never had these in question seen them- selves raised to a more exalted pitch of power and glory. Rome and Carthage were, doubtless, at that time, the two first states of the world. Having already tried their strength in the first Punic war, and thereby made an essay of each other’s power, they knew perfectly well what either could do. In this second war, the fate of arms was so equally balanced, and the success so inter- mixed with vicissitudes and varieties, that that party triumphed which had been most in danger of being ruined. Great as the forces of these two nations were, it may almost be said, that their mutual hatred was still greater. ‘The Romans, on one side, could not without indignation see the vanquished presuming to attack them; and the Carthaginians, on the other, were exas- perated at the equally rapacious and harsh treatment which they pretended to have received from the victor.

The plan which I have laid down does not permit me to enter into an exact detail of this war, whereof Italy, Sicily, Spain, and Africa, were the several seats; and which has a still closer connexion with the Roman his- tory than with that Iam now writing. I shall confine myself therefore, principally, to such transactions as re- late to the Carthaginians, and endeavour, as far as I am able, to give my reader an idea of the genius and charac- ter of Hannibal, who perhaps was the greatest warrior that antiquity has to boast of.

The remote and more immediate Causes of the second Punic War.

Before I come to speak of the declaration of war be- twixt the Romans and Carthaginians, I think it neces- sary to explain the true causes of it; and to point out by what steps this rupture, betwixt these two nations, was so long preparing, before it openly broke out.

That man would be grossly mistaken, says Polybius,"

t Lib. iii. p. 162—168.

CARTHAGINIANS. 335

who should look upon the taking of Saguntum by Han- nibal as the true cause of the second Punic war. The regret of the Carthaginians for having so tamely given up Sicily, by the treaty which terminated the first Punic war ; the injustice and violence of the Romans, who took advantage of the troubles excited in Africa, to dispossess the Carthaginians of Sardinia, and to impose a new tri- bute on them; and the success and conquests of the Jatter in Spain ; these were the true causes of the vio- lation of the treaty, as Livy (agreeing here with Polybius) insinuates in a few words, in the beginning of his history of the second Punic war.*

And indeed Hamilcar, surnamed Barca, was highly ex- asperated on account of the last treaty, which the neces- sity of the times had compelled the Carthaginians to sub- mit to; and he therefore meditated the design of taking just, though distant, measures, for breaking it on the first favourable opportunity that should offer. :

When the troubles of Africa were appeased,‘ he was sent upon an expedition against the Numidians; in which, giving fresh proofs of his courage and abilities, his merit raised him to the command of the army which was to act in Spain. Hannibal, his son," at that time but nine years of age, begged with the utmost importunity to attend him on this occasion ; and for that purpose employed all the soothing arts so common to children of his age, and which have so much power over a tender father. Hamil- car could not refuse him; and after having made him swear upon the altars, that he would declare himself an enemy to the Romans as soon as age would allow him to do it, he took his son with him.

Hamilcar possessed all the qualities which constitute the great general. To an invincible courage, and the most consummate prudence, he added a most engaging and insinuating behaviour. He subdued, ina very short . time, the greatest part of the nations of Spain, either by the terror of his arms or his engaging conduct; and after

* Angebant ingentis spiritis virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissee: Nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum conces%am ; et Sardiniam inter motum A fricz fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam superimposito, inter-

ceptam. Liv. |. xxi. n. 1. t Polyb. I. ii. p. 90. * Polybulnip. 167... daly. 1 «xi. ns

—~336 HISTORY OF THE

enjoying the command there nine years, came to an end worthy his exalted character, dying gloriously im arms for the cause of his country. .

The Carthaginians appointed Asdrubal,* his son-in-law, to succeed him. This ge- neral, to strengthen his footing in the country, built a city, which, by the advantage of its si- _tuation, the commodiousness of its harbour, its fortifica-

tions, and opulence, occasioned by its great commerce,

became one of the most considerable cities in the world. It was called New Carthage, and is at this day known by the name of Carthagena.

From the several steps of these two great generals, it was easy to perceive that they were meditating some mighty design which they had always in view, and laid their schemes at a great distance for the putting it in execution. ‘The Romans were sensible of this, and re-

roached themselves for their indolence and _ torpor, which had thrown them into a kind of lethargy ; at a time that the enemy were rapidly pursuing their victories in Spain, which might one day be turned against them. They would have been very well pleased to attack them by open force, and to wrest their conquests out of their hands ; but the fear of another (not less formidable) ene- my, the Gauls, whom they expected shortly to see at their very gates, kept them from shewing their resentment. They therefore had recourse to negotiations ; and con- cluded a treaty with Asdrubal, in which, without taking any notice of the rest of Spain, they contented themselves with introducing an article, by which the Carthaginians were not allowed to make any conquests beyond the Iberus.

Asdrubal,’ in the mean time, still pushed on his con- quests, still, however, takmg care not to pass beyond the limits stipulated by the treaty ; but by sparing no endea- vours to win the chiefs of the several nations by a cour- teous and engaging behaviour, he furthered the interests of Carthage still more by persuasive methods than force of arms. But unhappily, after having governed Spain eight years, he was treacherously murdered by a Gaul,

* Polyb. 1, ii. p. 101. Y Polyb, 1. ii. p. 123, Liv. 1. xxi. n. 2.

A. M.3776. A. Rom. 530.

CARTHAGINIANS. TOL

who took so barbarous a revenge for a private grudge he bore him.’ Three years before his death,* he had ‘Mt 9783. written to Carthage, to desire that Han- - Kom. 530. ° : nibal, then twenty-two years of age, might be sent tohim. The proposal met with some difficulty, as the senate was divided betwixt two powerful factions, which, from Hamilcar’s time, had begun to follow op- posite views in the administration and affairs of the state. One faction was headed by Hanno, whose birth, merit, and zeal for the public welfare, gave him great influence in the public deliberations. ‘This faction proposed, on every occasion, the concluding of a safe peace, and the preserving the conquests in Spain, as being preferable to the uncertain events of an expensive war, which they foresaw would one day occasion the ruin of Carthage. The other, called the Barcinian faction, because it sup- ported the interests of Barca and his family, had, to the credit and influence which it had long enjoyed in the city, added the reputation which the signal exploits of Hamil- car and Asdrubal had given it, and declared openly for war. Whentherefore Asdrubal’s demand came to be de- bated in the senate, Hanno represented the danger of sending so early into the field, a young man who already possessed all the haughtiness and imperious temper of his father ; and who ought, therefore, rather to be kept a long time, and very carefully, under the eye of the magis- trate and the power of the laws, that he might learn obedience, and a modesty which should teach him not to think himself superior to all other men. He concluded with saying, that he feared this spark, which was then kindling, would one day rise to a conflagration. His remonstrances were not heard, so that the Barcinian fac- tion had the superiority, and Hannibal set out for Spain. The moment of his arrival there, he drew upon him-

z The murder was an effect of the extraordinary fidelity of this Gaul, whose master had fallen by the hand of Asdrubal. It was perpetrated in public; and the murderer being seized by the guards, and put to the tor- ture, expressed so strong a satisfaction in the thoughts of his having exe- cuted his revenge so successfully, that he seemed to ridicule all the terror of his torments. Ko fuit habitu oris, ut superante letitid dolores ridentis etiam speciem prebuerit. Liy. 1. xxi. n. 1. * Liv. I. xxi. n.3, 4:

VOL: 1. Z

338 HISTORY OF THE

self the eyes of the whole army, who fancied they saw Hamilcar his father revive in him. He seemed to dart the same fire from his eyes; the same martial vigour displayed itself in the air of his countenance, with the same features and engaging carriage. But his personal qualities endeared him still more. He possessed almost every talent that constitutes the great man. His patience in labour was invincible, his temperance was surprising, his courage in the greatest dangers intrepid, and his pre- sence of mind in the heat of battle admirable; and, a still more wonderful circumstance, his disposition and cast of mind were so flexible, that nature had formed him equally for commanding or obeying; so that it was doubtful whe- ther he was dearer to the soldiers or the generals. He served three campaigns under Asdrubal.

A.M. 3784. Upon the death of that general,’ the

A. Carth. 626. suffrages of both the army and people

A. Rom. 528. concurred in raising Hannibal to the su- preme command. I know not whether it was not even then, or about that time, that the republic, to heighten his influence and authority, appointed him one of its Suffetes, the first dignity of the state, which was some- times conferred upon generals. It is from Cornelius Nepos* that we have borrowed this circumstance of his life, who, speaking of the pretorship bestowed on Hannibal, upon his return to Carthage, and the conclu- sion of the peace, says, that this was twenty-two years after he had been nominated king."

The moment he was created general, Hannibal, as if Italy had been allotted to him, and he had even then been appointed to make war upon the Romans, turned secretly his whole views on that side; and lost no time, for fear of being prevented by death, as his father and brother-in- law had been. In Spain he took several strong towns, and conquered many nations: and although the Spaniards greatly exceeded him in the number of forces (their army amounting to upwards of 100,000 men), yet he chose his time and posts so judiciously, that he entirely defeated

\. > Polyb. 1. iii. p. 168, 169. Liv. 1. xxi. n. 3—5.

¢ In Vit. Annib. c. 7.

4 Hic, utrediit, Praetor factus est, postquam rex fuerat anno secundo et vigesimo, :

CARTHAGINIANS. 339

them. After this victory, every thing submitted to his arms. But he still forbore laying siege to Saguntum,” carefully avoiding every occasion of a rupture with the Romans, till he should have taken every step which he judged necessary for so important an enterprise, pursuant to the advice given him by his father. He applied him- self particularly to engage the affections of the citizens and allies, and to gain their confidence, by generously allotting them a large share of the plunder taken from the enemy, and by scrupulously paying them all their ar- rears :' a wise step, which never fails of producing its ad- vantage at a proper season.

The Saguntines,’ on their side, sensible of the danger with which they were threatened, informed the Romans of the progress of Hannibal’s conquests. Upon this, de- puties were nominated by the latter, and ordered to go and acquaint themselves with the state of affairs upon the spot ; they commanded them also to lay their complaints before Hannibal, if it should be thought proper; and in case he should refuse to do justice, that then they should go directly to Carthage, and make the same complaints.

In the mean time Hannibal laid siege to Saguntum, foreseeing that great advantages would accrue from the. taking of this city. He was persuaded, that this would deprive the Romans of all hopes of carrying on the war in Spain; that this new conquest would secure those he had already made; that as no enemy would be left be- hind him, his march would be more secure and unmo- lested ; that he should find money enough in it for the execution of his designs; that the plunder of the city would inspire his soldiers with greater ardour, and make them follow him with greater cheerfulness; that, lastly, the spoils which he should send to Carthage, would gain him the favour of the citizens. Animated by these mo- tives, he carried on the siege with the utmost vigour. ©

© This city lay on the Carthaginian side of the Iberus, very near the mouth of that river, and in a country where the Carthaginians were al- lowed to make war; but Saguntum, as an ally of the Romans, was ex- cepted from all hostilities, by virtue of the late treaty. f Tbi largé partiendo preedam, stipendia przeterita cum fide exsolvendo, cunctos civium sociorumque animos in se firmavit. Lv. |. xxi. n. 5, & Polyb. |. iii. p. 170—173. Liy. |. xxi. n. 6—15,

fg

340 . HISTORY OF. THE

He himself set an example to his troops, was present at all the works, and exposed himself tothe greatest dangers.

News was soon carried to Rome that Saguntum was besieged. But the Romans, instead of flying to its re- lief, lost their time in fruitless debates, and in deputations equally fruitless. Hannibal sent word to the Roman deputies, that he was not at leisure to hear them ; they therefore repaired to Carthage, but met with no better reception, the Barcinian faction having prevailed over the complaints of the Romans, and all the remonstrances of Hanno. |

During all these voyages and negotiations, the siege was carried on with great vigour. The Saguntines were now reduced to the last extremity, and in want of all things. An accommodation was thereupon proposed ; but the conditions on which it was offered appeared so harsh, that the Saguntines could not prevail upon them- selves to accept them. Before they gave their final an- swer, the principal senators, bringing their gold and silver, and that of the public treasury, into the market- place, threw both into a fire lighted for that purpose, and afterwards rushed headlong into it themselves. At the same time, a tower, which had been long assaulted by the battering rams, falling with a dreadful noise, the Car- thaginians entered the city by the breach, soon made themselves masters of it, and cut to pieces all the inha- bitants who were of age to bear arms. But notwith- standing the fire, the Carthaginians got a very great booty. Hannibal did not reserve to himself any part of the spoils gained by his victories, but applied them solely to the carrying on his enterprises. . Accordingly, Polybius remarks, that the taking of Saguntum was of service to him, as it awakened the ardour of his soldiers, by the sight of the rich booty which they had just ob- tained, and by the hopes of more ; and it reconciled all the principal persons of Carthage to Hannibal, by the large presents he made to them out of the spoils.

Words could never express the grief and consterna- tion with which the melancholy news of the capture and cruel fate of Saguntum was received at Rome.? Com-

8 Polyb. p. 174,175. Liv. 1. xxi. n. 16, 17,

CARTHAGINIANS. 341

passion for this unfortunate city, shame for having failed to succour such faithful allies, a just indignation against the Carthaginians, the authors of all these calamities ; a strong alarm raised by the successes of Hannibal, whom the Romans fancied they saw already at their gates ; all these sentiments caused so violent an emotion, that during the first moments of their agitation, the Romans were unable to come to any resolution, or do any thing but give way to the torrent of their passion, and sacrifice floods of tears to the memory of a city which fell the vic- tim of its inviolable fidelity" to the Romans, and had been betrayed by their unaccountable indolence and imprudent delays. When they were a little recovered, an assembly of the people was called, and war was decreed unani- mously against the Carthaginians.

War proclaimed.

That no ceremony might be wanting,’ deputies were sent to Carthage, to inquire whether Saguntum had been besieged by order of the republic, and, if so, to declare war ; or, in case this siege had been undertaken solely by the authority of Hannibal, to require that he should be delivered up to the Romans. ‘The deputies perceiving that the senate gave no direct answer to their demands, one of them, taking up the folded lappet of his robe, I bring here, says he, in a haughty tone, either peace or war ; the choice is left to yourselves. ‘The senate answer- ing, that they left the choice to him: I give you-war then, says he, unfolding his robe. And we, replied the Carthaginians, with the same haughtiness, as heartily accept it, and are resolved to prosecute it with the same cheerfulness, Such was the beginning of the second Punic war. |

If the cause of this war should be ascribed to the taking of Saguntum,* the whole blame, says Polybius, lies upon the Carthaginians, who could not, with any colourable pretence, besiege a city that was in alliance with Rome, and, as such, comprehended in the treaty, which forbade either party to make war upon the allies

h Sanctitate discipline, qua fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Ziv. 1. xxi.n. 7. 1 Polyb. p.187. Liv. |. xxi. n. 18, 19. K Polyb. 1. iii. p. 184, 185.

342 HISTORY OF THE

of the other. But should the origin of this war be traced higher, and carried back to the time when the Cartha- ginians were dispossessed of Sardinia by the Romans, and a new tribute was so unreasonably imposed on them ; it must be confessed, continues Polybius, that the con- duct of the Romans is entirely unjustifiable on these two points, as being founded merely on violence and in- justice ; and that, had the Carthaginians, without having recourse to ambiguous and frivolous pretences, plainly demanded satisfaction upon these two grievances, and, upon their being refused it, had declared war against Rome; in that case, reason and justice had been entirely on their side.

The interval between the conclusion of the first, and the beginning of the second, Punic war, was twenty-four years.

The Beginning of the second Punic War.

i dnrnras. When war was resolved upon,’ and A. Carth. 629. | proclaimed on both sides, Hannibal, who A. Rom. 531. then was twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age, before he discovered his grand design, thought it incumbent on him to provide for the security of Spain and Africa. With this view, he marched the forces out of the one into the other, so that the Africans served in Spain and the Spaniards in Africa. He was prompted to this from a persuasion, that these soldiers, being thus at a distance from their respective countries, would be fitter for service; and more firmly attached to him, as they would be a kind of hostages for each other's fidelity. The forces which he left in Africa amounted to about 40,000 men, 1200 whereof were cavalry. ‘Those of Spain were something above 15,000, of which 2550 were horse. He left the command of the Spanish forces to his brother Asdrubal, with a fleet of about sixty ships to guard the coasts; and, at the same time, gave him the wisest directions for his conduct, whether with regard to the Spaniards or the Romans, in case they should attack him.

Livy observes, that Hannibal, before he set forward on

’ Polyb.1. iii. p. 187. Liv. 1. xxi. n. 21, 22,

CARTHAGINIANS. 343

this expedition, went to Cadiz to discharge some vows which he had made to Hercules ; and that he engaged himself by new ones, in order to obtain success in the war he was entering upon. Polybius gives us,” in few words, a very clear idea of the distance of the several places through which Hannibal was to march in his way to Italy. From New Carthage, whence he set out, to the Iberus, were computed 2200" furlongs.” From the Iberus to Emporium, a small maritime town, which se- parates Spain from the Gauls, according to Strabo? were 1600 furlongs.‘ From Emporium to the pass of the Rhone, the like space of 1600 furlongs." From the pass of the Rhone to the Alps, 1400 furlongs. From the Alps to the plains of Italy, 1200 furlongs. Thus, from New Carthage to the plains of Italy, were 8000 furlongs."

Hannibal had long before taken the prudent precaution of acquainting himself with the nature and situation of the places through which he was to pass ;* of sounding how the Gauls stood affected to the Romans; of winning over their chiefs, whom he knew to be very greedy of gold, by his bounty to them;* and of securing to him- self the affection and fidelity of one part of the nations through whose country his march lay. He was not ignorant that the passage of the Alps would be attended with great difficulties; but he knew they were not in- surmountable, and that was enough for his purpose.

Hannibal began his march early in the spring, from New Carthage, where he had wintered.’ His army then consisted of above 100,000 men, of which 12,000 were cavalry, and he had near forty elephants. Having crossed the Iberus, he soon subdued the several nations which opposed him in his march, and lost a considerable part

m Lib, iii. p. 192, 193. "275 miles.

° Polybius makes the distance from New Carthage to be 2600 furlongs; consequently, the whole number of furlongs will be 8400, or (allowing 625 feet to the furlong) 944 English miles, and almost one-third. See Po- lybius, edit. Gronov. p. 267. \P L. iii. p. 199. 4 200 miles.

* 200 miles. * 175 miles. ‘150 miles. " 1000 miles, * Polyb. 1. iii. p. 188, 189.

y Audierunt preeoccupatos jam ab Annibale Gallorum animos esse: sed

ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore, ni subinde auro, cujus avi-

dissima gens est, principum animi concilientur. iv. 1. xxi. n. 20. * Polyb. p. 189, 190. Liv. I. xxi. n. 22—24.

344 : HISTORY OF THE

of his army in this expedition. He left Hanno to com- mand all the country lying between the Iberus and the Pyrenean hills, with 11,000 men, who were appointed to guard the baggage of those that were to follow him. He dismissed the like number, sending them back to their respective countries; thus securing to himself their af- fection when he should want recruits, and affording to the rest a sure hope that they should be allowed to return whenever they should desire it. He passed the Pyrenean hills, and advanced as far as the banks of the Rhone, at the head of 50,000 foot, and go0o00 horse; a formidable army, but less so from the number than from the valour of the troops that composed it; troops who had served several years in Spain, and learned the art of war under the ablest captains that ‘Carthage could ever boast.

Passage of the Rhone.

Hannibal,* being arrived within about four days’ march from the mouth of the Rhone,” attempted to cross it, because the river in this place took up only the breadth of its channel. He bought up all the ship-boats and little vessels he could meet with, of which the inhabitants had a great number, because of their commerce. He likewise built, with great diligence, a prodigious number of boats, little vessels, and rafts. On his arrival, he found the Gauls encamped on the opposite bank, and prepared to dispute the passage. ‘There was no possibility of his attacking them in front. He therefore ordered a consi- derable detachment of his forces, under the command of Hanno, the son of Bomilcar, to pass the river higher up; and in order to conceal his march, and the design he had in view, from the enemy, he obliged them to set out in the night. All things succeeded as he had planned ; and they passed the river® the next day without the least opposition.

‘They passed the rest of the day in refreshing them- selves, and in the night they advanced silently to- wards the enemy. In the morning, when the signals

* Polyb. 1. iii. p. 270—274. edit. Gronov. Liv. 1. xxi. n. 26—28. > A little above Avignon. ° It is thought this was betwixt: Roquemaure and Pont St. Esprit.

CARTHAGINIANS. © 345

agreed upon had been given, Hannibal prepared to at- tempt the passage. Part of his horses, completely har- nessed, were put into boats, that their riders might, on landing, immediately charge the enemy. The rest of the horses swam over on both sides of the boats, from which one single man held the bridles of three or four. The infantry crossed the river, either on rafts, or in small boats, and in a kind of gondolas, which were only the trunks ‘of trees which they themselves had made hollow. The great boats were drawn up in a line at the top of the channel, in order to break the force of the waves, and facilitate the passage to the rest of the small fleet. When the Gauls saw it advancing on the river, they, according to their custom, uttered dreadful cries and howlings; and clashing their bucklers over their heads, one against the other, let fly a shower of darts. But they were prodigi- ously astonished, when they heard a great noise behind them, perceived their tents on fire, and saw themselves attacked both in front and rear. They now had no way left to save themselves but by flight, and accordingly re- treated to their respective villages. After this, the rest of the troops crossed the river quietly, and without any opposition.

The elephants alone occasioned a great deal of trou- ble. ‘They were wafted over the next day in the follow- ing manner:—From the bank of the river was thrown a raft, 200 feet in length, and fifty in breadth: this was fixed strongly to the banks by large ropes, and quite covered over with earth; so that the elephants, deceived by its appearance, thought themselves upon firm ground. From this first raft they proceeded to a second, which was built in the same form, but only 100 feet long, and fastened to the former by chains that were easily loosened. The female elephants were put upon the first raft, and the males followed after ; and when they were got upon the second raft, it was loosened from the first, and, by the help of small boats, towed to the opposite shore. After this it was sent back to fetch those which were behind. Some fell into the water, but they at last got safe to shore, and not a single elephant was drowned.

346 HISTORY OF THE The March after the Battle of the Rhone.

The two Roman consuls had,° in the beginning of the spring, set out for their respective provinces ; P. Scipio for Spain with sixty ships, two Roman legions, 14,000 foot, and 1200 horse of the allies; ‘Tiberius Sempronius for Sicily with 160 ships, two legions, 16,000 foot, and 1800 horse of the allies. ‘The Roman legion consisted, at that time, of 4000 foot and 300 horse. Sempronius had made extraordinary preparations at Lilybzeum, a sea- port town in Sicily, with the design of crossing over di- rectly into Africa. Scipio was equally confident that he should find Hannibal still in Spain, and make that coun- try the seat of war. But he was greatly astonished, when, on his arrival at Marseilles, advice was brought him, that Hannibal was upon the banks of the Rhone, and prepar- ing to cross it. He then detached 300 horse to view the posture of the enemy ; and Hannibal detached 500 Nu- midian horse for the same purpose; during which, some of his soldiers were employed in wafting over the ele- phants.

At the same time he gave audience, in the presence of his whole army, to one of the princes of that part of Gaul which is situated near the Po, who assured him, by an interpreter, in the name of his subjects, that his ar- rival was impatiently expected; that the Gauls were ready to join him, and march against the Romans, and he him- self offered to conduct his army through places where they should meet with a plentiful supply of provisions. When the prince was withdrawn, Hannibal, in a speech to his troops, magnified extremely this deputation from the Gauls; extolled, with just praises, the bravery which his forces had shewn hitherto; and exhorted them to sustain, to the last, their reputation and glory. The sol- diers, inspired with fresh ardour and courage, all at once raised their hands, and declared their readiness to follow whithersoever he should leadthe way. Accordingly, he appointed the next day for his march; and, after offer- ing up vows, and making supplications to the gods for the safety of his troops, he dismissed them; desiring, at

4 Polyb. I. iii. p. 200—202, &c. Liv. 1. xxi. n. 31, 32.

CARTHAGINIANS. 347

the same time, that they would take the necessary re- freshments.

Whilst this was doing, the Numidians returned. They had met with, and charged, the Roman detachment: the conflict was very obstinate, and the slaughter great, considering the small number of the combatants, A hundred and sixty of the Romans were left dead upon the spot, and more than 200 of their enemies. But the honour of the skirmish fell to the Romans; the Numi- dians having retired and left them the field of battle. This first action was interpreted as an omen of the fate of the whole war,° and seemed to promise success to the Romans, but which, at the same time, would be dearly bought, and strongly contested. On both sides, those who had survived this engagement, and who had been engaged in reconnoitring, returned to inform their re- spective generals of what they had discovered.

Hannibal, as he had declared, decamped the next day, and crossed through the midst of Gaul, advancing north- ward; not that this was the shortest way to the Alps, but only, as by leading him from the sea, it prevented him meeting Scipio; and, by that means, favoured the design he had, of marching all his forces into Italy, with- out having weakened them by a battle.

Though Scipio marched with the utmost expedition, he did not reach the place where Hannibal had passed the Rhone, till three days after he had set out from it. Despairing therefore to overtake him, he returned to his fleet, and reimbarked, fully resolved to wait for Hannibal at the foot of the Alps. But, in order that he might not leave Spain defenceless, he sent his brother Cneius thi- ther, with the greatest part of his army, to make head against Asdrubal; and himself set forward immediately for Genoa, with intention to oppose the army which was in Gaul, near the Po, to that of Hannibal.

The latter, after four days’ march, arrived at a kind of island,‘ formed by the conflux of two rivers, which unite

© Hoc principium simulque omen belli, ut summa rerum prosperum eventum, ita haud sané incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Ro- manis portendit. vv. |. xxi. n. 29.

‘The text of Polybius, as it has been transmitted to us, and that of Livy, place this island at the mectivg of the Saone and the Rhone; that

348 HISTORY OF THE

their streams in this place. Here he was chosen umpire between two brothers, who disputed their right to the kingdom. _ He to whom Hannibal decreed it, furnished his whole army with provisions, clothes, and arms. This was the country of the Allobroges, by which name the people were called, who now inhabit the district of Ge- neva, Vienne,® and Grenoble. His march was not much interrupted till he arrived at the Durance, and from thence he reached the foot of the Alps without any op- position.

The Passage of the Alps.

The sight of these mountains," whose tops seemed to touch the skies, and were covered with snow, and where nothing appeared to the eye but a few pitiful cottages, scattered here and there, on the sharp tops of inaccessible rocks; nothing but meagre flocks, almost perished with cold, and hairy men of a savage and fierce aspect ; this spectacle, I say, renewed the terror which the distant prospect had raised, and chilled with fear the hearts of the soldiers. When they began to climb up, they per- ceived the mountaineers, who had seized upon the high- est cliffs, and were prepared to oppose their passage. They therefore were forced to halt. Had the moun- taineers, says Polybius, only lain in ambuscade, and after having suffered Hannibal’s troops to entangle themselves in some difficult passage, had then charged them on a sudden, the Carthaginian army would have been irreco- verably lost. Hannibal, being informed that they kept those posts only in the day-time, and quitted them in the evening, possessed himself of them by night. The Gauls returning early in the morning, were very much sur- prised to find their posts in the enemy’s hand: but still they were not disheartened. Being used to climb up those rocks, they attacked the Carthaginians, who were

is, in that part where the city of Lyons stands. But this is a manifest error. It was Sx#pac in the Greek, instead of which 6” Apapoc has been substituted. J. Gronovius says, that he had read, in a manuscript of Livy, Bisarar, which shews, that we are to read [sara Rhodanusque amnes, in- stead of Arar Rhodanusque ; and that the island in question is formed by the conflux of the Isere and the Rhone. The situation of the Allobroges, here spoken of, proves this evidently.

§ In Dauphiné. h Polyb. |. iii. p. 2083—208. Liv. |. xxi. n. 32—37.

CARTHAGINIANS. 349

upon their march, and harassed them on all sides. The latter were obliged, at one and the same time, to engage with the enemy, and struggle with the ruggedness of the paths of the mountains, where they could hardly stand. But the greatest disorder was caused by the horses and beasts of burden laden with the baggage; who being frighted by the cries and howling of the Gauls, which echoed dreadfully among the mountains; and being sometimes wounded by the mountaineers, came tumbling on the soldiers and dragged them headlong with them down the precipices which skirted the road. Hannibal, being sensible that the loss of his baggage alone was enough to destroy his army, ran to the assistance of his troops, who were thus embarrassed ; and having put the enemy to flight, continued his march without moles- | tation or danger, and came to a castle, which was the most important fortress in the whole country. He pos- sessed himself of it, and of all the neighbouring villages, in which he found a large quantity of corn, and cattle sufficient to subsist his army three days.

After a pretty quiet march, the Carthaginians were to encounter a new danger. ‘The Gauls, feigning to take advantage of the misfortunes of their neighbours, who had suffered for opposing the passage of Hannibal’s troops, came to pay their respects to that general, brought him provisions, offered to be his guides; and left him hostages, as pledges of their fidelity. However, Hanni- bal placed no great confidence in them. ‘The elephants and horses marched in the front, whilst himself followed with the main body of his foot, keeping a vigilant eye over all. They came at length to a very narrow and - rugged pass, which was commanded by an eminence where the Gauls had placed an ambuscade. ‘These rush- ing out on asudden, assailed the Carthaginians on every side, rolling down stones upon them of a prodigious size. The army would have been entirely routed, had not Hannibal exerted himself in an extraordinary manner to extricate them out of this difficulty.

At last, on the ninth day, they reached the summit of the Alps. Here the army halted two days, to rest and refresh themselves after their fatigue, after which

350 - HISTORY OF THE

they continued their march. As it was now autumn, a great quantity of snow had lately fallen, and covered all the roads, which caused a consternation among the troops, and disheartened them .very much. Hannibal perceived it, and halting ona hill from whence there was a prospect of all Italy, he shewed them the fruitful plains' watered by the river Po, to which they were al- most come; adding, that they had but one effort more to make, before they arrived at them. He represented to them, that a battle or two would put a glorious period to their toils, and enrich them for ever, by giving them possession of the capital of the Roman empire. This speech, filled with such pleasing hopes, and enforced by the sight of Italy, inspired the dejected soldiers with fresh vigour andalacrity. ‘They therefore pursued their march. But still the road was more craggy and trouble- some than ever; and as they were now on.a descent, the difficulty and danger increased. For the ways were narrow, steep, andslippery, in most places; so that thesol- diers could neither keep upon their feet as they marched, nor recover themselves when they made a false step, but stumbled, and beat down one another.

They were now come to a worse place than any they had. yet met with. This wasa path naturally very rug- ged and craggy, which having been made more so by the late falling in of the earth, terminated in a frightful precipice above a thousand feet deep. Here the cavalry stopped short. Hannibal, wondering at the sudden halt, ran to the place, and saw that it really would be impos- sible for the troops to advance. He therefore was for making a circuitous route, but this also was found im- practicable. As upon the old snow, which was grown hard by lying, there was some newly fallen, that was of no great depth, the feet, at first, by their sinking into it, found a firm support ; but this snow being soon dissolved, by the treading of the foremost troops and beasts of bur- den, the soldiers marched on nothing but ice, which was so slippery, that they had no firm footing; and where, if they made the least false step, or endeavoured to save themselves with their hands or knees, there were no

i Of Piedmont.

CARTHAGINIANS. 30l

boughs or roots to catch hold of. Besides this difficulty, the horses, striking their feet forcibly into the ice to keep themselves from falling, could not draw them out. again, but were caught as in a gin. ‘They therefore were forced to seek some other expedient.

Hannibal resolved to pitch his camp, and to give his troops some days’ rest on the summit of this hill, which was of a considerable extent; after they should have cleared the ground, and removed all the old as well as the new-fallen snow, which was a work of immense la- bour. He afterwards ordered a path to be cut into the rock itself, and this was carried on with amazing pa- tience and ardour. ‘To open and enlarge this path, all the trees thereabouts were cut down, and piled round the rock ; after which fire was set to them. ‘The wind, by good fortune, blowing hard, a fierce flame soon broke out, so that the rock glowed like the very coals with which it was surrounded. Then Hannibal, if Livy may be credited (for Polybius says nothing of this matter), caused a great quantity of vinegar to be poured on the rock," which piercing into the veins of it, that were now cracked by the intense heat of the fire, calcined and softened it. In this manner, taking a large compass about, in order that the descent might be easier, they cut away along the rock, which opened a free passage to the forces, the baggage, and even to the elephants. Four days were employed in this work, during which the beasts of burden were dying with hunger ; there be- ing no food for them on these mountains, buried under eternal snows. At last they came into cultivated and fruitful spots, which yielded plenty of forage for the horses, and all kinds of food for the soldiers.

Hannibal enters Italy.

When Hannibal entered into Italy, his army was not

k Many reject this incident as fictitious. Pliny takes notice of a re- markable quality in vinegar ; viz. its being able to break rocks and stones. Saxa rumpit infusum, que non ruperit ignis antecedens, |. xxiii.c. 1. He therefore calls it, Suceus rerum domitor, |. xxxiii. c. 2. Dion, speaking of the siege of Eleutherz, says, that the walls of it were made to fall by the force of vinegar, 1. xxxvi. p. 8. Probably, the circumstance that seems improbable on this occasion, is, the difficulty of Hannibal’s pro- curing, in those mountains, a quantity of vinegar sufficient for this pur- pose.

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near so numerous as when he left Spain, where we have seen it amounted to near 60,000 men.’ It had sus- tained great losses during the march, either in the bat- tles it was forced to fight, or in the passage of rivers. At his departure from the Rhone, it still consisted of 38,000 foot, and above 8000 horse. ‘The march over the Alps destroyed near half this number; so that Hannibal had now remaining only 12,000 Africans, 8000 Spanish foot, and 6000 horse. ‘This account he himself caused to be engraved on a pillar near the pro- montory called Lacinium. It was five months and a half since his first setting out from New Carthage, including the fortnight he employed in marching over the Alps, when he set up his standards in the plains of the Po, at the entrance of Piedmont. It might then be Sep- tember.

His first care was to give his troops some rest, which they very much wanted. When he perceived that they were fit for action, the inhabitants of the territories of Turin™ refusing to conclude an alliance with him, he marched and encamped before their chief city ; carried it in three days, and put all who had opposed him to the sword. ‘This expedition struck the barbarians with so much dread, that they all came voluntarily, and surren- dered at discretion. ‘The rest of the Gauls would have done the same, had they not been awed by the terror of the Roman arms, which were now approaching. Han- nibal thought therefore that he had no time to lose; that it was his interest to march up into the country, and attempt some great exploit; such as might inspire those who should have an inclination to join him with confidence.

‘The rapid progress which Hannibal had made, greatly alarmed Rome, and caused the utmost consternation throughout the city. Sempronius was ordered to leave Sicily, and hasten to the relief of his country; and P. Scipio, the other consul, advanced by forced marches towards the enemy, crossed the Po, and pitched his camp near the Ticinus.”

' Polyb. |. iii. p. 209. 212—214. Liv. I. xxi. n. 39. ™ 'Taurini. ” A small river (now called 'Tesino) in Lombardy.

CARTHAGINIANS. 303

Battle of the Cavalry near the Ticinus.

The armies being now in sight, the generals on each side made a speech to their soldiers before they engaged.° Scipio, after having represented to his forces the glory of their country, the achievements of their ancestors, observed to them, that victory was in their hands, since they were to combat only with Carthaginians, a people who had been so often defeated by them, as well as forced to be their tributaries for twenty years, and long accustomed to be almost their slaves: that the advantage they had gained over the flower of the Carthaginian horse, was a sure omen of their success during the rest of the war: that Hannibal, in his march over the Alps, had just before lost the best part of his army; and that those who survived were exhausted by hunger, cold, and fatigue : that the bare sight of the Romans was sufficient to put to flight a parcel of soldiers, who had the aspects of ghosts rather than of men: in a word, that victory was become necessary, not only to secure Italy, but to save Rome itself, whose fate the present battle would decide, as that city had no other army wherewith to op- pose the enemy.

Hannibal, that his words might make the stronger impression on the rude minds of his soldiers, speaks to their eyes, before he addresses their ears ; and does not attempt to persuade them by arguments, till he has first moved them by the following spectacle. He arms some of the prisoners whom he had taken in the moun- tains, and obliges them to fight, two and two, in sight, of his army ; promising to reward the conquerors with tneir liberty and rich presents. The alacrity wherewith the barbarians engaged upon these motives, gives Han- nibal an occasion of exhibiting to his soldiers a lively image of their present condition; which, by depriving them of all means of returning back, puts them under an absolute necessity either of conquering or dying, in order to avoid the endless evils prepared for those that should be so base and cowardly as to submit to the Ro- mans. He displays to them the greatness of their re-.

A Polyb, lk lil. p- 214—218, Liv. 1. XXi, n. 39—47, VOL. I. 2A

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ward, viz. the conquest of all Italy ; the plunder of the rich and wealthy city of Rome; an illustrious victory, and immortal glory. He speaks contemptuously of the Roman power, the false lustre of which (he observed) ought not to dazzle such warriors as themselves, who had marched from the pillars of Hercules, through the fiercest nations, into the very centre of Italy. As for his own part, he scorns to compare himself with Scipio, a general of but six months’ standing: himself, who was almost born, at least brought up, in the tent of Hamil- car his father; the conqueror of Spain, of Gaul, of the inhabitants of the Alps, and, what is still more, conqueror of the Alps themselves. He rouses their indignation against the insolence of the Romans, who had dared to demand that himself, and the rest who had taken Sa- guntum, should be delivered up to them; and excites their jealousy against the intolerable pride of those im- perious masters, who imagined that all things ought to obey them, and that they had a right to give laws to the whole world. —

After these speeches, both sides prepare for battle. Scipio, having thrown a bridge across the Ticinus, marched his troops over it. Two ill omens? had filled his army with consternation and dread. As for the Carthaginians, they were inspired with the boldest cou- rage. Hannibal animates them with fresh promises, and cleaving with a stone the skull of the lamb he was sacrificing, he prays Jupiter to dash to pieces his head in like manner, in case he did not give his soldiers the re- wards he had promised them.

Scipio posts, in the first line, the troops armed with missive weapons, and the Gaulish horse; and forming his second line of the flower of the confederate cavalry, he advances slowly. Hannibal advanced with his whole cavalry, in the centre of which he had posted the troop- ers who rode with bridles, and the Numidian horsemen‘

? These two ill omens were, first, a wolf had stolen into the camp of the Romans, and cruelly mangled some of the soldiers, without receiving the least harm from those who endeavoured to kill it; and, secondly, a swarm of bees had pitched upon a tree near the Preetorium, or general’s tent. Liv. 1. xxi. c. 46.

4 The: Numidians used to ride without saddle or bridle.

*

CARTHAGINIANS. . e 358

on the wings, in order to surround the enemy. The officers and cavalry being eager to engage, a charge en- sues. At the first onset, Scipio’s light-armed soldiers had scarcely discharged their darts, when, frighted at the Carthaginian cavalry, which came pouring upon them, and fearing lest they should be trampled under the horses’ feet, they gave way, and retired through the intervals of the squadrons. ‘The fight continued a long time with equal success. Many troopers on both sides dismounted, so that the battle was carried on between infantry as well as cavalry. In the mean time, the Nu- midians surround the enemy, and charge the rear of the light-armed troops, who at first had escaped the at- tack of the cavalry, and tread them under their horses’ feet. The centre of the Roman forces had hitherto fought with great bravery. Many were killed on both sides, and even more on that of the Carthaginians. But the Roman troops were put into disorder by the Numi- dians, who attacked them in the rear; and especially by a wound the consul received, which disabled him from continuing the combat. However, this general was res- cued out of the enemy's hands by the bravery of his son, then but seventeen years old; and who afterwards was honoured with the surname of Africanus, for having put a glorious period to this war.

The consul, though dangerously wounded, retreated in good order, and was conveyed to his camp by a body of horse, who covered him with their arms and bodies: the rest of the army followed him thither. He hastened to the Po, which he: crossed with his army, and then broke down the bridge, whereby he prevented Hannibal from overtaking him.

It is agreed, that Hannibal owed this first victory to his cavalry ; and it was judged from thenceforth that the main strength of his army consisted in his horse; and therefore, that it would be proper for the Romans to avoid large open plains, such as are those between the Po and the Alps. -

Immediately after the battle of the Ticinus, all the neighbouring Gauls seemed to contend who should sub- mit themselves first to Hannibal, furnish him with am-

2B,

356 HISTORY OF THE

munition, and enlist in his army. And this, as Polybius has observed, was what chiefly induced that wise and skil- ful general, notwithstanding the small number and weak- ness of his troops, to hazard a battle ; which he indeed was now obliged to venture, from the impossibility of marching back whenever he should desire to do it ; be- cause nothing but a battle would oblige the Gauls to de- clare for him, whose assistance was the only refuge he then had left. °

Battle of the Trebia.

Sempronius the consul," upon the orders he had re- ceived from the senate, was returned from Sicily to Ari- minum. From thence he marched towards the Trebia, a small river of Lombardy, which falls into the Po a little above Placentia, where he joined his forces to those of Scipio. Hannibal advanced towards the camp of the Romans, from which he was separated only by that small river. ‘The armies lying so near one another, gave oc- casion to frequent skirmishes, in one of which Sempro- nius, at the head of a body of horse, gained some ad- vantage over a party of Carthaginians, very trifling in- deed, but which nevertheless very much increased the good. opinion this general naturally entertained of his own merit. |

This inconsiderable success seemed to him a complete victory. He boasted his having vanquished the enemy in the same kind of fight in which his colleague had been defeated, and that he thereby had revived the courage of the dejected Romans. Being nowresolutely bent to come, as soon as possible, to a decisive battle, he thought it pro- per, for decency’s sake, to consult Scipio, whom he found of a quite different opinion from himself. Scipio repre- sented, that in case time should be allowed for disciplin- ing the new levies during the winter, they would be much fitter for service in the ensuing campaign ; that the Gauls, who were naturally fickle and inconstant, would disen- gage themselves insensibly from Hannibal; that as soon as his wounds should be healed, his presence might be of some use in an affair of such general concern: in

* Polyb. 1. iii. p. 220—227.. Liv. . xxi. n. 51—56.

CARTHAGINIANS. 307

a word, he besought him earnestly not to proceed any farther.

These reasons, though so just, made no impression upon Sempronius. He saw himself at the head of 16,000 Romans, and 20,000 allies, exclusive of cavalry (a number which, in those ages, formed acomplete army), when both consuls joined their forces. The troops of the enemy amounted to near the same number. He thought the juncture extremely favourable for him. He declared publicly, that all the officers and soldiers were desirous of a battle, except his colleague, whose mind (he observed) being more affected by his wound than his body, could not, for that reason, bear to hear of an en- gagement. But still, continued Sempronius, is it just to let the whole army droop and languish with him? What could Scipio expect more? Did he flatter himself with the hopes that a third consul, and a new army, would come to his assistance ? Such were the expressions he employed, both among the soldiers, and even about Sci- pio’s tent. The time for the election of new generals drawing near, Sempronius was afraid a successor would be sent before he had put an end to the war; and there- fore it was his opinion, that he ought to take advantage of his colleague's illness, to secure the whole honour of the victory to himself. As he had no regard, says Poly- bius, to the time proper for action, and only to that which he thought suited his own interest, he could not fail of taking wrong measures. He therefore ordered his army to prepare for battle.

This was the very thing Hannibal desired; as he held it for a maxim, that a general who has entered a foreign country, or one possessed by the enemy, and has formed some great design, has no other refuge left, than-conti- nually to raise the expectations of his allies by some fresh exploits. Besides, knowing that he should have to deal. only with new-levied and inexperienced troops, he was desirous of taking advantage of the ardour of the Gauls, who were extremely desirous of fighting ; and of Scipio's absence, who, by reason of his wound, could not be pre- sent in the battle. Mago was therefore ordered to lie in ambush with 2000 men, consisting of horse and foot,

358 HISTORY OF THE

on the steep banks of a small rivulet which ran between the two camps, and to:conceal himself among the bushes that were very thick there. An ambuscade is often safer in a smooth open country, but full of thickets, as this was, than in woods, because such a spot is less apt to be suspected. He afterwards caused a detachment of Nu- midian cavalry to cross the Trebia, with orders to advance at break of day as far as the very barriers of the enemy's camp, in order to provoke them to fight; and then to retreat and repass the river, in order to draw the Romans after them. What he had foreseen, came directly to pass. The fiery Sempronius immediately detached his whole cavalry against the Numidians, and then 6,000 light-armed troops, who were soon followed by all the rest of the army. The Numidians fled designedly ; upon which the Romans pursued them with great eager- ness, and crossed the 'Trebia without resistance, but not without great difficulty, being forced to wade up to their very arm-pits through the rivulet, which was swoln with the torrents that had fallen in the night from the neigh- bouring mountains. It was then about the winter-sol- stice, that is, in December, It happened to snow that day, and the cold was excessively piercing. The Romans had left their camp fasting, and without having taken the least precaution ; whereas the Carthaginians had, by Hannibal’s order, eaten and drunk plentifully in their tents ; had got their horses in readiness, rubbed them- selves with oil, and put on their armour by the fire-side.

They were thus prepared when the fight began. The Romans defended themselves valiantly for a considerable time, though they were half spent with hunger, fatigue, and cold; but their cavalry was at last broken and put to flight by that of the Carthaginians, which much ex- ceeded theirs in numbers and strength. The infantry also were soon in great disorder. The soldiers in ambuscade sallying out at a proper time, rushed on a sudden-upon their rear, and completed the overthrow. A body of above 10,000 men resolutely fought their way through the Gauls and Africans, of whom they made a dreadful slaughter ; but as they could neither assist their friends nor return to the camp, the way to it being cut off by

CARTHAGINIANS. 309

the Numidian horse, the river, and the rain, they re- treated in good order to Placentia. Most of the rest lost their lives on the banks of the river, being trampled to pieces by the elephants and horses. ‘Those who escaped went and joined the body above-mentioned. The next night Scipio retired also to Placentia. The Carthagini- ans gained a complete victory, and their loss was incon- siderable, except that a great number of their horses were destroyed by the cold, the rain, and the snow ; and that, of all their elephants, they saved but one only.

In Spain, the Romans had better success in this and the following campaign ;* for Cn. Scipio extended his -conguests as far as the river Iberus,* defeated Hanno, and took him prisoner.

Hannibal took the opportunity," whilst he was in win- ter-quarters, to refresh his troops, and gain the affection of the natives. For this purpose, after having declared to the prisoners whom he had taken from the allies of the Romans, that he was not come with the view of making war upon them, but of restoring the Italians to their li- berty, and protecting them against the Romans, he sent them all home to their own countries, without requiring the least ransom.

The winter was no sooner over,” than he set out to- wards Tuscany, whither he hastened his march for two important reasons: First, to avoid the ill effects which would arise from the ill-will of the Gauls, who were tired with the long stay of the Carthaginian army in their ter- ritories, and were impatient of bearing the whole burden of a war, in which they had engaged with no other view than to carry it into the country of their common enemy: secondly, that he might increase, by some bold exploit, the reputation of his arms in the minds of all the inha- bitants of Italy, by carrying the war to the very gates of Rome; and at the same time reanimate his troops, and the Gauls his allies, by the plunder of the enemy’s lands, But in his march over the Apennines, he was overtaken by a dreadful storm, which destroyed great numbers of his men. The cold, the rain, the wind, and hail, seemed

® Polyb. 1. iii. p. 228, 229, Livy.-I. xxi. n.60,61. ‘Or Ebro. «" Polyb. p. 229. * Liy. J. xxi. n. 58.

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to conspire his ruin; so that the fatigues which the Car- thaginians had undergone in crossing the Alps seemed less dreadful than those they now suffered. He therefore marched back to Placentia, where he again fought Sem- pronius, who was returned from Rome. The loss on both sides was very nearly equal.

Whilst Hannibal was in these winter-quarters,’ he hit upon a true Carthaginian stratagem. He was surrounded with fickle and inconstant nations ; the friendship he had contracted with them was but of recent date. He had reason to apprehend a change in their disposition, and, consequently, that attempts would be made upon hislife. To secure himself, therefore, he got perukes made, and clothes suited to every age. Of these he sometimes wore one, sometimes another, and disguised himself so often, that not merely such as saw him only transiently, but even his intimate acquaintance, could scarce know him.

At Rome, Cn. Servilius and C. Flami- nius had been appointed consuls.* Hanni- bal having advice that the latter was ad- vanced already as far as Arretium, a town of Tuscany, resolved to go and engage him as soon as possible. Two ways being shewn him, he chose the shortest, though the most troublesome, nay, almost impassable, by reason of a fen which he was forced to go through. Here the army suffered incredible hardships. During four days and three nights they marched half way up the leg in water, and, consequently, could not get a moment’s sleep. Hannibal himself, who rode upon the only ele- phant he had left, could hardly get through. His long want of sleep, and the thick vapours which exhaled from that marshy place, together with the unhealthiness of the season, cost him one of his eyes.

A. M. 3788. A. Rom. 582.

Battle of Thrasymenus.

Hannibal being thus got, almost unexpectedly,” out of this dangerous situation, and having refreshed his troops, marched and pitched his camp between Arretium and

¥ Polyb. 1. iii. p. 229. Liv. lL. xxii. mn. 1. Appian. in Bell. Annib. p. 316. @ Polyb. p. 230, 231. Liv. |. xxii. n. 2. - Polyb. I. iii. p. 231—238. Liv. I. xxii, n, 3—8.

CARTHAGINIANS. 361

Fesulz, in the richest and most fruitful part of Tuscany. His first endeavours were to discover the disposition of Flaminius, in order that he might take advantage of his weak side, which, according to Polybius, ought to be the chief study of a general. He was told, that Flaminius was greatly conceited of his own merit, bold, enterprising, rash, and fond of glory. To plunge him the deeper into these excesses, to which he was naturally prone,° he in- flamed his impetuous spirit, by laying waste and burning the whole country in his sight.

Flaminius was not of a temper to continue inactive in his camp, even if Hannibal had lain still. But when he saw the territories of his allies laid waste before his eyes, he thought it would reflect dishonour upon him, should he suffer Hannibal to ransack Italy without control, and even advance to the very walls of Rome without meeting any resistance. He rejected with scorn the prudent coun- sels of those who advised him to wait the arrival of his colleague, and to be satisfied for the present, with put- ting a stop to the devastation of the enemy.

In the mean time, Hannibal was still advancing towards Rome, having Cortona on the left hand, and the lake Thrasymenus on his right. When he saw that the con- sul followed close after him, with design to give him bat- tle, in order to stop him in his march ; having observed that the ground was convenient for an engagement, he thought only of making preparations for it. The lake Thrasymenus and the mountains of Cortona form a very narrow defile, which leads into a large valley, lined, on both sides, with hills of a considerable height, and closed, at the outlet, by a steep hill of difficult access. On this hill, Hannibal, after having crossed the valley, came and encamped with the main body of his army, posting his light-armed infantry in ambuscade upon the hills on the right, and part of his cavalry behind those on the left, as far almost as the entrance of the defile, through which Flaminius was obliged to pass. Accordingly, this general, who followed him very eagerly, with the resolution to

¢ Apparebat ferociter omnia ac praeproperé acturum. Qudque pronior esset in sua vitia, agitare eum atque irritare Poenus parat. Liv. |. xxii. n. 3.

362. HISTORY OF THE

fight him, being come to the defile near the lake, was forced to halt, because night was coming on; but he en- tered it the next morning at day-break. Hannibal having permitted him to advance, with all his forces, above half way through the valley, and seeing the Roman van-guard pretty near him, gave the signal for the battle, and commanded his troops to come out of their ambuscade, in order that he might attack the enemy at the same time from all quarters. ‘The reader may guess at the consternation with which the Romans were seized. They were not yet drawn up in order of battle, neither had they got their arms in readiness, when they found themselves attacked in front, in rear, and in flank. In a moment, all the ranks were put into disorder. Flami- nius, alone undaunted in so universal a consternation, animates his soldiers both with his hand and voice, and exhorts them to cut themselves a passage with their swords through the midst of the enemy. But the tu- mult which reigned every where, the dreadful shouts of the enemy, and a fog that was risen, prevented his being seen or heard. However, when the Romans saw them- selves surrounded on all sides, either by the enemy or the lake, the impossibility of saving their lives by flight roused their courage, and both parties began the fight with astonishing animosity. ‘Their fury was so great, that not a soldier in either army perceived an earthquake which happened in that country, and buried whole cities in ruins. In this confusion, Flaminius being slain by one of the Insubrian Gauls, the Romans began to give ground, and at last fairly fled. Great numbers, endeavouring to save themselves, leaped into the lake; whilst others, directing their course towards the mountains, fell into the enemy’s hands whom they strove to avoid. Six thousand only cut their way through the conquerors, and retreated to a place of safety; but the next day they were taken prisoners, In this battle 15,000 Romans were killed, and about 10,000 escaped to Rome by different roads. Hannibal sent back the Latins, who were allies of the Romans, into their own country, without demanding the least ransom. He commanded search to be made for the body of Flaminius, in order to give it burial, but it

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could not be found. He afterwards put his troops into . quarters of refreshment, and solemnized the funerals of thirty of his chief officers, who were killed in the battle. He lost in all but 1500 men, most of whom were Gauls.

Immediately after, Hannibal despatched a courier to Carthage, with the news of his good success hitherto in Italy. ‘This caused the greatest joy for the present, gave birth to the most promising hopes with regard to the future, and revived the courage of all the citizens. They now prepared, with incredible ardour, to send into Italy and Spain all necessary succours.

Rome, on the contrary, was filled with universal grief and alarm, as soon as the preetor had pronounced from the rostra the following words: We have lost a great battle. The senate, studious of nothing but the public welfare, thought that in so great a calamity and so im- minent a danger, recourse must be had to extraordinary remedies. They therefore appointed Quintus Fabius dictator, a person as conspicuous for his wisdom as his birth. It was the custom at Rome, that the moment a dictator was nominated, all authority ceased, that of the tribunes of the people excepted. .M. Minucius was ap- pointed his general of horse. We are now in the second year of the war.

Hannibal's Conduct with respect to Fabius.

Hannibal, after the battle of Thrasymenus, not think- ing it yet proper to march directly to Rome, contented himself, in the mean time, with laying waste the country. He crossed Umbria and Picenum; and after ten days’ march, arrived in the territory of Adria. He got a very considerable booty in this march. Out of his implacable enmity to the Romans, he commanded, that all who were able to bear arms, should be put to the sword ; and meet- ing no obstacle any where, he advanced as far as Apulia ; plundering the countries which lay in his way, and carry- ing desolation wherever he came, in order to compel the nations to disengage themselves from their alliance with the Romans ; and to shew all Italy, that Rome itself, now quite dispirited, yielded him the victory.

4 Polyb. 1. iii. p. 239—255, Liv. 1. xxii. n, 9—30. © A small town, which gave its name to the Adriatic sea.

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Fabius, followed by Minucius and four legions, had marched from Rome in quest of the enemy, but with a firm resolution not to let him take the least advantage, nor to advance one step till he had first reconnoitred every place; nor hazard a battle till he should be sure of success.

As soon as both armies were in sight, Hannibal, to terrify the Roman forces, offered them battle, by ad- vancing almost to the very intrenchments of their camp. But finding every thing quiet there, he retired; blaming, in appearance, the cowardice of the enemy, whom he upbraided with having at last lost that valour so natural to their ancestors ; but fretted inwardly, to find he had to do with a general of so different a disposition from Sempronius and Flaminius ; and that the Romans, in- structed by their defeat, had at last made choice of a com- mander capable of opposing Hannibal.

From this moment he perceived, that the dictator would not be formidable to him by the boldness of his attacks, but by the prudence and regularity of his con- duct, which might perplex and embarrass him very much. The only circumstance he now wanted to know, was, whether the new general had firmness enough to pursue steadily the plan he seemed to have laid down. He en- deavoured, therefore, to shake his resolution by the dif- ferent movements which he made, by laying waste the lands, plundering the cities, and burning the villages and towns. He, at one time, would raise his camp with the utmost precipitation; and, at another, stop short in some valley out of the common route, to try whether he could not surprise him in the plain. However, Fabius still kept his troops on the hills, but without losing sight of Han- nibal; never approaching near enough to come to an en- - gagement; nor yet keeping at such a distance, as might give him an opportunity of escaping him. He never suf- fered his soldiers to stir out of the camp, except to forage, nor ever on those occasions without a numerous convoy. If ever he engaged, it was only in slight skirmishes, and so very cautiously, that his troops had always the advan- tage. By this conduct he revived, by insensible degrees, the courage of the soldiers, which the loss of three battles

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had entirely damped; and enabled them to rely, as they had formerly done, on their valour and good fortune.

Hannibal, having got an immense booty in Campania, where he had resided a considerable time, left that coun- try, in order that he might not consume the provisigns he had laid up, and which he reserved for the winter sea- son. Besides, he could no longer continue in a country of gardens and vineyards, which were more agreeable to the eye than useful for the subsistence of an army; a country where he would have been forced to take up his winter-quarters among marshes, rocks, and sands; while the Romans would have drawn plentiful supplies from Capua, and the richest parts of Italy. He therefore re- solved to settle elsewhere.

Fabius naturally supposed, that Hannibal would be obliged to return the same way he came, and that he might easily annoy him during his march. He began by throwing a considerable body of troops into Casilinum, and thereby securing that small town, situated on the Vulturnus, which separated the territories of Falernum from those of Capua: he afterwards detached 4000 men to seize the only pass through which Hannibal could come out; and then, according to his usual custom, posted him- self with the remainder of the army on the hills adjoin- ing to the road.

The Carthaginians arrive, and encamp in the plain at the foot of the mountains. And now the crafty Cartha- ginian falls into the same snare he had laid for Flaminius at the defile of Thrasymenus ; and it seemed impossible for him ever to extricate himself out of this difficulty, there being but one outlet, of which the Romans were possessed. Fabius, fancying himself sure of his prey, was only contriving how to seize it. He flattered himself, and not without the appearance of probability, with the hopes of putting an end to the war by this single battle. Nevertheless, he thought fit to defer the attack till the next day.

Hannibal perceived that his own artifices were now employed against him.* It is in such junctures as these, that a general has need of unusual presence of mind and

‘ Nec Annibalem fefellit suis se artibus peti. Liv.

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fortitude, to view danger in its utmost extent, without be- ing dismayed; and to find out sure and instant expedients without deliberating. Immediately, the Carthaginian general caused 2000 oxen to be got together, and ordered small bundles of vine-branches to be tied to their horns. Towards the dead of night, having commanded the branches to be set on fire, he caused the oxen to be driven with violence to the top of the hills where the Romans were encamped. As soon as these creatures felt the flame, the pain rendered. them furious, they flew up and down on all sides, and set fire to the shrubs and bushes they met in their way. This squadron, of a new kind, was sustained by a good number of light-armed soldiers, who had orders to seize upon the summit of the mountain, and to charge the enemy, in case they should meet them. ~ All things happened as Hannibal had foreseen. The Romans who guarded the defile, seeing the fires spread over the hills which were above them, and imagining that it was Hannibal making his escape by torch-light, quit their post, and run up to the mountains to oppose his passage. ‘The main body of the army not knowing what to think of all this tumult, and Fabius himself not daring to stir, while it was dark, for fear of a surprise, wait for the return of the day. Hannibal seizes this op- portunity, marches his troops and the spoils through the defile, which was now unguarded, and rescues his army out of a snare in which, had Fabius been but a little more vigorous, it would either have been destroyed, or at least very much weakened. It is glorious for a man to turn his very errors to his ‘advantage, and make them subser- vient to his reputation. 7

The Carthaginian army returned to Apulia, still pur- sued and harassed by the Romans. ‘The dictator, being obliged to take a journey to Rome on account of some religious ceremonies, earnestly entreated his general of horse, before his departure, not to fight during his ab- sence. However, Minucius did not regard either his advice or his entreaties; but the very first opportunity he had, whilst part of Hannibal’s troops were foraging, he charged the rest, and gained some advantage. He im- mediately sent advice of this to Rome, as if he had ob-

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tained a considerable victory. ‘The news of this, with what had just before happened at the passage of the de- file, raised complaints and murmurs against the slow and timorous circumspection of Fabius. In a word, matters were carried so far, that the Roman people gave his ge- neral of horse an equal authority with him ; a thing un- heard of before. The dictator was upon the road when he received advice of this: for he had left Rome, in order that he might not be an eye-witness of what was contriv- ing against him. His constancy, however, was not shaken. He-was very sensible, that though his autho- rity in the command was divided, yet his skill in the art of war was not so.2 ‘This soon became manifest.

Minucius, grown arrogant at the advantage he had gained over hiscolleague, proposed that each should com- mand a day alternately, or evenalongertime. But Fa- bius rejected this proposal, as it would have exposed the whole army to danger whilst under the command of Minucius. He therefore chose to divide the troops, in order that it might be in his power to preserve, at least, that part which should fall to his share.

Hannibal, fully informed of all that passed in the Ro- man camp, was overjoyed to hear of this dissension be- tween the two commanders. He therefore laid a snare

for the rash Minucius, who accordingly plunged head- — ~

long into it ; and engaged the enemy on an eminence, in which an ambuscade was concealed. But his troops being soon put into disorder, were just upon the point of being cut to pieces, when Fabius, alarmed by the sudden outcries of the wounded, called aloud to his soldiers: Let us hasten to the assistance of Minucius : let us fly and snatch the victory from the enemy, and extort from our Jfellow-citizens a confession of their fault. This succour was very seasonable, and compelled Hannibal to sound a retreat. The latter, as he was retiring, said, That the cloud which had been long hovering on the summit of the mountains, had at last burst with a loud crack, and caused a mighty storm. So important and seasonable a service done bythe dictator, opened the eyes of Minucius. He

® Satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii jure artem imperandi equa- tam. Liv. |. xxii. n. 26. |

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accordingly acknowledged his error, returned immediately to his duty and obedience, and shewed, that it is some- times: more glorious to know how to atone for a fault, than not to have committed it.

The State of Affairs in Spain.

In the beginning of this campaign," Cn. Scipio having suddenly attacked the Carthaginian fleet, commanded by Hamilcar, defeated it, and took twenty-five ships, with a great quantity of rich spoils. ‘This victory made the Ro- mans sensible, that they ought to be particularly atten- tive to the affairs of Spain, because Hannibal could draw considerable supplies both of men and money from that country. Accordingly, they sent a fleet thither, the command whereof was given to P. Scipio, who, after his arrival in Spain, having joined his brother, did the com- monwealth very great service. “Till that time the Ro- mans had never ventured beyond the Ebro. They had been satisfied with having gained the friendship of the na- tions situated between that river and Italy, and confirm- ing it by alliances: but under Publius, they crossed the Ebro, and carried their arms much farther up into the country.

The circumstance which contributed most to promote their affairs, was, the treachery of a Spaniard in Sagun- tum. Hannibal had left there the children of the most distinguished families in Spain, whom he had taken as hostages. Abelox, for so this Spaniard was called, per- suaded Bostar, the governor of the city, to send back these young men into their country, in order, by that means, to attach the inhabitants more firmly to the Car- thaginian interest. He himself was charged with this commission. But he carried them to the Romans, who afterwards delivered them to their relations, and, by so acceptable a present, acquired their amity.

The Battle of Canne. The next spring,’ C. Terentius Varro petite eds and L. AXmilius Paulus were chosen con- suls at Rome. In this campaign, which

» Polyb, 1. iii. p. 245—250. Liv. 1, xxii. n. 19—22. 1 Polyb. 1. iii. p. 255—268, Liv. 1. xxii. n. 34-54,

CARTHAGINIANS. 369

was the third of the second Punic war, the Romans did ~ what had never been practised before, that is, they com- posed the army of eight legions, each consisting of 5000 men, exclusive of the allies. For, as we have already ob- served, the Romans never raised but four legions, each of which: consisted of about 4000 foot, and 300 horse." They never, except on the most important occasions, made them consist of 5000 of the one, and 400 of the other. As for the troops of the allies, their infantry was equal to that of the legions, but they had three times as many horse. Each of the consuls had commonly half the troops of the allies, with two legions, in order for

rem to act separately ; and it was very seldom that all these forces were used at the same time, and in the same expedition. Here the Romans had not only four, but eight legions, so important did the affair appear to them. The senate even thought fit, that the two consuls of the foregoing year, Servilius and Attilius, should serve in the army as proconsuls ; but the latter could not go into the field, by reason of his great age.

Varro, at his setting out from Rome, had declared openly, that he would fall upon the enemy the very first opportunity, and put an end to the war; adding, that it would never be terminated so long as men such as Fabius should be at the head of the Roman armies. An advan- tage which he gained over the Carthaginians, of whom near 1700 were killed, greatly increased his boldness and arrogance. As for Hannibal, he considered this loss as a real advantage ; being persuaded that it would serve as a bait to the consul’s rashness, and prompt him on to a bat- tle, which he wanted extremely. It was afterwards known, that Hannibal was reduced to such a scarcity of provi- sions, that he could not possibly have subsisted ten days longer. The Spaniards were already meditating to leave him. So that there would have been an end of Hanni- bal and his army, if his good fortune had not thrown a Varro in his way.

Both armies, having often removed from place to place, came in sight of each other near Cannz, a little town in

k Polybius supposes only 200 horse in each legion: but J. Lipsius thinks that this is a mistake either of the author or transcriber.

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370 HISTORY OF THE

Apulia, situated on the river Aufidus, As Hannibal was encamped in a level open country, and his cavalry much superior to that of the Romans, AXmiltus did not think proper to engage in such a place. He wished to draw the enemy into aspot, where the infantry might have the greatest share in the action. But his colleague, who was inexperienced, was of a contrary opinion. Such is the inconveniency of a divided command; jealousy, a dis- parity of tempers, or a diversity of views, seldom failing to create a dissension between the two generals.

The troops on each side were, for some time, con- tented with slight skirmishes. But, at last, one day, when Varro had the command (for the two consuls took it by turns) preparations were made on both sides for battle. A milius had not been consulted ; yet, though he extremely disapproved the conduct of his colleague, as it was not in his power to prevent it, he seconded him to the utmost. |

Hannibal, after having made his soldiers observe, that, being superior in cavalry, they could not possibly have pitched upon a better spot for fighting, had it been left to their choice: Return, then (says he), thanks to the gods for having brought the enemy hither, that you may triumph over them; and thank me also, for having reduced the Ro- mans to the necessity of coming to an engagement. After three great successive victories, is not the remembrance of your own actions sufficient to inspire you with courage ? By the former battles, you are become masters of the open country ; but this will put you in possession of all the cities, and (I presume to say it) of all the riches and power of the Romans. It is not words that we want, but action. I trust in the gods, that you shall soon_see my promises verified.

The two armies were very unequal in number. That of the Romans, including the allies, amounted to 80,000 foot, and a little above 6000 horse; and that of the Carthaginians consisted but of 40,000 foot, all well dis- ciplined, and of 10,000 horse. A®milius commanded the right wing of the Romans, Varro the left, and Servilius, one of the consuls of the last year, was posted in the centre... Hannibal, who had the art of turning every

CARTHAGINIANS. nivel

incident to advantage, had posted himself, so as that the wind Vulturnus,' which rises at certain stated times, should blow directly in the faces of the Romans during the fight, and cover them with dust; then keeping the river Aufidus on his left, and posting his cavalry in the wings, he formed his main body of the Spanish and Gaulish infantry, which he posted in the centre, with half the African heavy-armed foot on their right, and half on the left, on the same line with the cavalry. His army being thus drawn up, he put himself at the head of the Spanish and Gaulish infantry ; and having drawn them out of the line, advanced to give battle, rounding his front as he drew nearer the enemy; and extending his flanks in the shape of a half-moon, in order that he might leave no interval between his main body and therest of the line, which consisted of the heavy-armed infantry, who had not moved from their posts.

The fight soon began, and the Roman legions that were in the wings, seeing their centre warmly attacked, advanced to charge the enemy in flank. Hannibal’s main body, after a brave resistance, finding themselves furi- ously attacked on all sides, gave way, being overpowered by numbers ; and retired through the interval they had left in the centre of the line. ‘The Romans having pur- sued them thither with eager confusion, the two wings of the African infantry, which were fresh, well armed, and in good order, wheeled about on a sudden towards that void space in which the Romans, who were already fatizued, had thrown themselves in disorder ; and attack- ed them vigorously on both sides, without allowing them time to recover themselves, or leaving them ground to draw up. In the mean time, the two wings of the ca- valry, having defeated those of the Romans, which were much inferior to them ; and having left in the pursuit of the broken and scattered squadrons, only as many forces as were necessary to keep them from_rallying, advanced and charged the rearof the Roman infantry, which, being surrounded at once on every side, by the enemy’s horse

1 A violent burning wind, blowing south-south-east, which in this flat and sandy country, raised clouds of hot dust, and blinded and choked the Romans.

Dap as

anes Ver HISTORY OF THE

and foot, was all cut to pieces, after having fought with unparalleled bravery. Aimilius, being covered with the wounds he had received in the fight, was afterwards killed by a body of the enemy to whom he was not known ; and with him two questors; one-and-twenty military tribunes; many who had been either consuls or preetors ; Servilius, one of the last year’s consuls ; Minucius, the late general of horse to Fabius; and fourscore senators. Above 70,000 men fell in this battle ;" and the Cartha- ginians, so great was their fury," did not give over the slaughter, till Hannibal, in the very heat of it, called out to them several times, Stop, soldiers, spare the vanquished. Ten thousand men, who had been left to guard the camp. surrendered themselves prisoners of war after the battle. Varro, the consul, retired to Venusia, with only seventy horse ; and about 4000 men escaped into the neighbour- ing cities. ‘Thus Hannibal remained master of the field, he being chiefly indebted for this, as well as for his former victories, to the superiority of his cavalry over that of the Romans. He lost 4000 Gauls, 1500 Spaniards and Africans, and 200 horse.

Maharbal, one of the Carthaginian generals, advised Hannibal to march without loss of time directly to Rome, promising him, that within five days they should sup in the Capitol. Hannibal answering, that it was a matter which required mature deliberation ; J see, replies Ma- harbal, that the gods have not endowed the same man with alltalents. You, Hannibal, know how to conquer, but not to make the best use of avictory.°

It is pretended that this delay saved Rome and the empire. Many authors, and among the rest Livy, charge Hannibal, on this occasion, as being guilty of a capital error. But others, more reserved, are not for condemn- ing, without evident proofs, so.renowned a general, who in the rest of his conduct was never wanting, either in prudence to make choice of the best expedients, or in readiness to put his designs in execution. They, besides,

™ Livy lessens very much the number of the slain, making them amount but to about 43,000. But Polybius ought rather to be believed.

" Duo maximi exercitus casi ad hostium satictatem, donec Annibal diceret militi suo: Parce ferro. Flor. 1.1. c¢. 6.

°’Fum Maharbal: Non omnia nimirum eidem Dii dedére. Vincere scis, Annibal, victoria uti nescis. Liv. |. xxii. n. 51.

‘ CARTHAGINIANS. | 373

are inclined to judge favourably of him, from the autho- rity, or at least the silence, of Polybius, who, speaking of the memorable consequences of this celebrated battle, says, that the Carthaginians were firmly persuaded, that they should possess themselves of Rome at the first as- sault; but then he does not mention how this could pos- sibly have been effected, as that city was very populous, warlike, strongly fortified, and defended with a garrison of two legions ; nor does he any where give the least hint that such a project was feasible, or that Hannibal did wrong in not attempting to put it in execution.

And, indeed, if we examine matters more narrowly, we shall find, that according to the common maxims of. war it could not be undertaken. It is certain, that Han- nibal’s whole infantry, before the battle, amounted but to 40,000 men; and as 6000 of these had been slain in the action, and, doubtless, many more wounded and dis- abled, there could remain but six or seven-and-twenty thousand foot fit for service : now this number was not sufficient to invest so large a city as Rome, which hada river running through it; nor to attack it in form, be- cause they had neither engines, ammunition, nor any other things necessary for carrying ona siege. For want of these,’ Hannibal, even after his victory at TThrasyme- nus, miscarried in his attempt upon Spoletum ; and soon after the battle of Canne, was forced to raise the siege of a little city,’ of no note, and of no great strength. It cannot be denied, that had he miscarried on the present occasion, nothing less could have been expected but that he must have been irrecoverably lost. However, to form a just judgment of this matter, a man ought to be a sol- dier, and a soldier, perhaps, of those times. This is an old dispute, on which none but those who are perfectly well skilled in the art of war should pretend to give their opinion. |

Soon after the battle of Cannz,” Hannibal had despatch- ed his brother Mago to Carthage, with the news of his victory, and at the same time to demand succours, in order that he might be enabled to put an end to the war.

P Liv. 1. xxii. n,9. Ibid. 1. xxiii. n. 18. 4 Casilinum. r Liy. |. xxiii. n. LI—14.

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Mago, on his arrival, made, in full senate, a lofty speech, in which he extolled his brother’s exploits, and displayed the great advantages he had gained over the Romans. And to give a more lively idea of the great- ness of the victory, by speaking in some measure to the eye, he poured out in the middle of the senate, a bushel * of gold rings, which had been taken from the fingers of such of the Roman nobility as had fallen in the battle of Canne. He concluded with demanding money, provi- sions, and fresh troops. All the spectators were struck with an extraordinary joy; upon which Imilco, a great stickler for Hannibal, fancying he now had a fair oppor- tunity to insult Hanno, the chief of the contrary faction, asked him, whether they were still dissatisfied with the war they were carrying on against the Romans, and was for having Hannibal delivered up to them? Hanno, without discovering the least emotion, replied that he was still of the same mind; and that the victories of which they so much boasted (supposing them real), could not give him joy, but only in proportion as they should be made subservient to an advantageous peace ; he then undertook to prove, that the mighty exploits, on which they insisted so much, were wholly chimerical and ima- ginary. I have cut to pieces, says he (continuing Mago’s speech), the Roman armies: send me some troops.— What more could you ask had you been conquered ?— I have twice seized upon the enemy’s camp, full (no doubt) of provisions of every hind.—Send me provisions and money.—Could you have talked otherwise had you lost your camp? He then asked Mago, whether any of the Latin nations had come over to Hannibal, and whether the Romans had made him any proposals of peace ? To this Mago answer- ing in the negative: I then perceive, replied Hanno, that we are no farther advanced, than when Hannibal first landed in Italy. ‘The inference he drew from hence was, that neither men nor money ought to be sent. But Hannibal’s faction prevailing at that time, no regard was

* Pliny, 1. xxxiii, e. 1, says, that there were three bushels sent to Car- thage. Livy observes, that some authors make them amount to three bushels and a half; but he thinks it most probable, that there was but one, |. xxxiii, n.12. Florus, |. ii. c. 16, makes it two bushels.

CARTHAGINIANS. 3o70

paid to Hanno’s remonstrances, which were considered merely as the effect of prejudice and jealousy ; and, ac- cordingly, orders were given for levying, without delay, the supplies of men and money which Hannibal required. Mago set out immediately for Spain, to raise 24,000 foot and 4000 horse in that country ; but these levies were afterwards stopped, and sent to another quarter; so eager was the contrary faction to oppose the designs of a ge- neral whom they utterly abhorred. While, in Rome, a consul,‘ who had fled, was thanked because he had not despaired of the commonwealth ; at Carthage, people were almost angry with Hannibal, for being victorious. But Hanno could never forgive him the advantages he had gained in this war, because he had undertaken it in opposition to his counsel. Thus, being more jealous for the honour of his own opinions than for the good of his country, and a greater enemy to the Carthaginian gene- ral than to the Romans, he did all that lay in his power to prevent future success, and to render of no avail that which had been already gained.

Hannibal takes up his Winter-quarters in Capua.

The battle of Canne subjected the most powerful na- tions of Italy to Hannibal," drew over to his interest Gre- cia Magna,* with the city of Tarentum; and thus wrested from the Romans their most ancient allies, among whom the Capuans held the first rank. ‘This city, by the ferti- lity of its soil, its advantageous situation, and the bless- ings of a long peace, had risen to great wealth and power. Luxury, and a fondness for pleasure (the usual attendants on wealth), had corrupted the minds of all its citizens, who, from their natural inclination, were but too much in- clined to voluptuousness and excess.

Hannibal made choice of this city for his winter-quar- ters.’ Here it was that those soldiers, who had sustainéd ‘ Terentius Varro. « Liv. J. xxiii. n, 4. 18.

x Ceterium quum Greci omnem feré oram maritimam Coloniis suis, é Grecia deductis, obsiderent, &c. But after the Greeks had, by their colo- nies, possessed themselves of almost all the maritime coast, this very coun- iry (together with Sicily) was called Grecia Magna, Sc. Cluver. Geo- graph. |. ili. c. 30.

Y Ibi partem majorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit; adversus om- nia humana mala seepe ac diu duratum, bonis inexpertum atque insue-

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the most grievous toils, and braved the most formidable dangers, were overthrown by abundance and a profusion of luxuries, into which they plunged with the greater eagerness, as they, till then, had been strangers to them. Their courage was so greatly enervated in this bewitch- ing retirement, that all their after efforts were owing ra- ther to the fame and splendour of their former victories than to their present strength. When Hannibal marched his forces out of the city, one would have taken them for other men, and the reverse of those who had so lately marched into it. Accustomed, during the winter-sea- son, to commodious lodgings, to ease and plenty, they were no longer able to bear hunger, thirst, long marches, watchings, and the other toils of war; not to mention that all obedience, all discipline, were entirely laid aside.

I only transcribe on this occasion from Livy. If we are to adopt his opinion on this subject, Hannibal’s stay at Capua was a capital blemish in his conduct ; and he pre- tends, that this general was guilty of an infinitely greater error, than when he neglected to march directly to Rome after the battle of Canne. For this delay,’ says Livy, might seem only to have retarded his victory ; whereas this last misconduct rendered him absolutely incapable of ever defeating the enemy. In a word, as Marcellus ob- served judiciously afterwards, Capua was to the Carthagi- nians and their general, what Canne had been to the Romans.* There their martial genius, their love of disci- pline, were lost; there their former fame, and their almost certain hopes of future glory, vanished at once. And, indeed, from thenceforth the affairs of Hannibal advanced to their decline by swift steps; fortune declared in favour of prudence, and victory seemed now reconciled to the Romans.

I know not whether Livy has just ground to impute all these fatal consequences to the delicious abode of Capua. tum. Itaque quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona ac volup- tates immodice; et ed impensits, quod avidits ex insolentia in eas se merserant. Liv. |. xxiii. n. 18,

_” Illa enim cunctatio distulisse modo victoriam videri potuit, hic error vires ademisse ad vincendum. Liv. |. xxiii. n. 18. * Capuam Annibali Cannas fuisse: ibi virtutem bellicam, ibi militarem

disciplinam, ibi preeteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri extinctam. Liv, |. xxiii. n. 45,

CARTHAGINIANS. ont

If we examine carefully all the circumstances of this his-. tory, we shall scarce be able to persuade ourselves, that the little progress which was afterwards made by the arms of Hannibal, ought to be ascribed to his wintering at Ca- pua. It might, indeed, have.been one cause, but a very inconsiderable one; and the bravery with which the forces of Hannibal afterwards defeated the armies of consuls and preetors; the towns they took even in sight of the Ro- mans; their maintaining their conquests so vigorously, and staying fourteen years after this in Italy, in spite of the Romans; all these circumstances may induce us to believe, that Livy lays too great a stress on the delights of Capua.

The real cause of the decline of Hannibal’s affairs, was owing to his want of necessary recruits and succours from Carthage. After Mago’s speech,” the Carthaginian senate had judged it necessary, in order for the carrying on the conquests in Italy, to send thither a considerable re- inforeement of Numidian horse, forty elephants, and 1000 talents; and to hire, in Spain, 20,000 foot, and A000 horse, to reinforce their armies in Spain and Italy. Nevertheless,* Mago could obtain an order but for 12,000 foot and 2500 horse; and even when he was just going to march to Italy with this remforcement, so much infe- - rior to that which had been promised him, he was coun- termanded, and sent to Spain. So that Hannibal, after these mighty promises, had neither infantry, cavalry, ele- phants, nor money, sent him; but was left to depend upon his own personal resources. His army was now re- duced to 26,000 foot, and g000 horse. How could it be possible for him, with so inconsiderable an army, to seize, in an enemy’s country, on all the advantageous posts ; to awe his new allies; to preserve his old conquests, and form new ones; and to keep the field, with advantage, against two armies of the Romans which were recruited every year? ‘This was the true cause of the declension of Hannibal’s affairs and of the ruin of those of Carthage. Were the part where Polybius treated the subject extant, we doubtless should find, that he lays a greater stress on this cause, than on the luxurious delights of Capua.

P Livy. Xxtiien, 13: ¢ Ibid. n. 32.

378 i HISTORY OF THE

Transactions relating to Spain and Sardinia.

The two Scipios still continued in the command of Spain,* and their arms were making a considerable progress there, when Asdrubal, who alone seemed able to cope with them, received orders from Carthage, to march into Italy to the relief of his brother. Before he left Spain, he wrote to the senate, to convince them of the absolute neces- sity of their sending a general in his stead, who was ca- pable of making head against the Romans. Imilco was therefore sent thither with an army; and Asdrubal set out upon his march with his, in order to go and join his brother. ‘The news of his departure was no sooner known, than the greatest part of Spain was subjected by the Scipios. ‘These two generals, animated by such sig- nal success, resolved to prevent him, if possible, from leaving Spain. They considered the danger to which the Romans would be exposed, if, being scarce able to resist Hannibal alone, they should be attacked by the two bro- thers, at the head of two powerful armies. They there- fore pursued Asdrubal, and, coming up with that general, forced him to fight against his inclination. Asdrubal was overcome ; and, so far from being able to continue his march for Italy, he found that it would be impossible for him to continue with any safety in Spain.

The Carthaginians had no better success in Sardinia. Designing to take advantage of some rebellions which they had fomented in that country, they lost 12,000 men in a battle fought against the Romans, who took a still greater number of prisoners, among whom were Asdru- bal, surnamed Calvus, Hanno, and Mago,* who were dis- tinguished by their birth as well as military exploits.

The ill Success of Hannibal. The Sieges of Capua

and Rome.

aes From the time of Hannibal's abode in .M. 3791. E =e ee A. Rom. 535. Capua, the Carthaginian affairs in Italy no longer supported their former repu- 4 Liv. |. xxiii. n. 26—30. and n. 32. 40, 41.

aoe Not Hannibal’s brother. ‘Liv. |. xxiii. n. 41—46. I. xxv. n. 22. ]. xxvi. n. 5—16.

A. M. 3790. A. Rom. 434.

CARTHAGINIANS. B79

tation. M. Marcellus, first as praetor, and afterwards as consul, had contributed very much to this revo- lution. He harassed Hannibal’s army on every occa- sion, seized upon his quarters, forced him to raise sieges, and even defeated him in several engagements; so that he was called the Sword of Rome, as Fabius had before been named its Buckler. A But what most affected the Carthagi- re aoe nian general, was to see Capua besieged by the Romans. In order, therefore, to pre- serve his reputation among his allies, by a vigorous support of those who held the chief rank as such, he flew to the relief of that city, brought forward his forces, attacked the Romans, and fought several battles to ans oblige them to raise the siege. At last, A. Rom.538, seeing all his measures defeated, he marched hastily towards Rome, in order to make a powerful diversion. He was not without hope of being able, in case he could have an opportu- nity, in the first consternation, to storm some part of the city, of drawing the Roman generals with all their forces from the siege of Capua, to the relief of their capital ; at least he flattered himself, that if, for the sake of continu- ing the siege, they should divide their forces, their weak- ness might then offer an occasion, either to the Capuans or himself, of engaging and defeating them. Rome was surprised, but not confounded.- A proposal being made by one of the senators, to recall all the armies to succour Rome ; Fabius declared,* that it would be shameful in them to be terrified, and forced to change their measures upon every motion of Hannibal. They therefore con-. tented themselves with only recalling part of the army, and one of the generals, Q. Fulvius the proconsul, from the siege. Hannibal, after making some devastations, drew up his army in order of battle before the city, and the consul did the same. Both sides were preparing to signalize themselves in a battle, of which Rome was to. be the recompense, when a violent storm obliged them to separate. They were no sooner returned to their re-

® Flagitiosum esse terreri ac circumagi ad omnes Annibalis commina- tiones. Liv. |. xxvi. nu. 8.

380 HISTORY OF THE

spective camps, than the face of the heavens grew calm and serene. The same incident happened frequently afterwards; insomuch that Hannibal, believing that there was something supernatural in the event, said, according to Livy, that sometimes his own will,” and sometimes for- tune, would not suffer him to take Rome.

But the circumstance which most surprised and inti- midated him, was the news, that, whilst he lay encamped at one of the gates of Rome, the Romans had sent out recruits for the army in Spain at another gate; and that the ground, whereon his camp was pitched, had been sold, notwithstanding that circumstance, for its full value. So barefaced a contempt stung Hannibal to the quick; he, therefore, on the other side, put up to auction the shops of the goldsmiths round the Forum. After this bravado, he retired, and, in his march, plundered the rich temple

of the goddess Feronia.’ '. Capua, thus left to itself, held out but very little longer. After that such of its senators as had the chief hand in the revolt, and consequently could not expect any quarter from the Romans, had put themselves to a truly tragical death," the city surrendered at discretion. The success of this siege, which, by the happy conse- quences wherewith it was attended, proved decisive, and fully restored to the Romans their superiority over the Carthaginians; displayed, at the same time, how for- midable the power of the Romans was,’ when they un-

h Audita vox Annibalis fertur, Potiunde sibi urbis Rome, modo men- tem non dari, modo fortunam. Liv. |. xxvi. n. 11.

i Feronia was the goddess of groves, and there was one, with a temple in it, dedicated to her, at the foot of the mountain Soracte. Strabo, speaking of the grove where the goddess was worshipped, says, that a sa- crifice was offered annually to her in it; and that her votaries, inspired by this goddess, walked unhurt over burning coals. There are still extant some medals of Augustus, in which this goddess is represented with a crown on her head.

k Vilius Virius, the chief of this conspiracy, after having represented to the Capuan senate, the severe treatment which his country might expect from the Romans, prevailed with twenty-seven senators to go with him to his own house, where, after eating a plentiful dinner, and heating them- selves with wine, theyall drank poison. Then taking their last farewell, some withdrew to their own houses, others stayed with Virius ; and all ex- pired before the gates were opened to the Romans. Liv. 1. xxvi. n. 13,14.

' Confessio expressa hosti, quanta vis in Romanis ad expetendas poenas ab infidelibus sociis, et quam nihil in Annibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Liv. 1. xxvi. n. 16.

CARTHAGINIANS. 38k

dertook to punish their perfidious allies; and the feeble protection which Hannibal could afford his friends at a time when they most wanted it.

The Defeat and Death of the two Scipios in Spain.

The face of affairs was very much a eden changed in Spain.” The Carthaginians had three armies in that country; one commanded by Asdrubal, the son of Gisgo; the se- cond by Asdrubal, son of Hamilcar; and a third under Mago, who had joined the first Asdrubal. The two Scipios, Cneus and Publius, were for dividing their forces, and attacking the enemy separately, which was the cause of their ruin. They agreed that Cneus, with a small number of Romans, and 30,000 Celtiberians, should march against Asdrubal the son of Hammilcar ; whilst Publius, with the remainder of the forces, com- posed of Romans and the Italian allies, should advance against the other two generals.

Publius was vanquished first. ‘To the two leaders whom he had to oppose, Masinissa, elate with the vic- tories he had lately gained over Syphax, joined himself; and was to be soon followed by Indibilis, a powerful Spanish prince. ‘The armies came to an engagement. The Romans being thus attacked on all sides at once made a brave resistance as long as they had their general at their head; but the moment he fell, the few troops which had escaped the slaughter secured themselves by flicht.

The three victorious armies marched immediately in quest of Cneus, in order to put an end to the war by his defeat. He was already more than half vanquished by the desertion of his allies, who all forsook him; and left to the Roman generals this important instruction ;” vzz. never to let their own forces be exceeded in number by those of foreigners. He guessed that his brother was slain, and his army defeated, upon seeing such great bodies of the enemy arrive. He survived him but a

m Liv. xxv. n. 32—39. " Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit, exemplaque hze

veré pro documentis habenda. Ne ita externis credant auxiliis, ut non plus sui roboris suarumque proprié virium in castris habeant. Liv. n. 33.

382 HISTORY OF THE

short time, being killed in the engagement. These two great men were equally lamented by their citizens and allies; and Spain deeply felt their loss, because of the justice and moderation of their conduct.

These extensive countries seemed now inevitably lost ; but the valour of L. Marcius,’ a private officer of the equestrian order, preserved them to the Romans. Shortly after this, the younger Scipio was sent thither, who se- verely revenged the death of his father and uncle, and restored the affairs of the Romans in Spain to their former flourishing condition.

The Defeat and Death of Asdrubal.

eee One unforeseen defeat ruined all the A. Rom. 542, Measures, and blasted all the hopes, of i Hannibal with regard to Italy.’ The consuls of this year, which was the eleventh of the second Punic war (for I pass over several events for bre- vitys sake), were C. Claudius Nero, and M. Livius. The latter had, for his province, the Cisalpine Gaul, where he was to oppose Asdrubal, who, it was reported, was preparing to pass the Alps. The former commanded in the country of the Brutians, and in Lucania, that is, in the opposite extremity of Italy, and was there making head against Hannibal.

The passage of the Alps gave Asdrubal very little trouble, because his brother had cleared the way for him, and all the nations were disposed to receive him. Some time after this, he despatched couriers to Hannibal, but they were intercepted. Nero found by their letters, that Asdrubal was hastening to join his brother in Umbria. In a conjuncture of so important a nature as this, when the safety of Rome lay at stake, he thought himself at liberty to dispense with the established rules’ of his duty, for the welfare of his country. In consequence of this, it was his opinion, that such a bold and unexpected blow

° He attacked the Carthaginians, who had divided themselves into two camps, and were secure, as they thought, from any immediate attempt of the Romans; killed 37,000 of them; took 1800 prisoners, and brought off immense plunder. Liv. I. xxv. n. 39.

P Polyb. 1. xi. p. 622—625. Liv. 1. xxvii. p.35. 39. 51.

q ap general was allowed to leave his own province, to go into that of another.

CARTHAGINIANS. 383

ought to be struck, as might be capable of striking terror into the enemy; by marching to join his colleague, in order that they might charge Asdrubal unexpectedly with their united forces. This design, if the several cir- cumstances of it were thoroughly examined, should not be hastily charged with imprudence. To prevent the two brothers from joining their armies, was to save the state. Very little would be hazarded, even though Han- nibal should be informed of the absence of the consul. From his army, which consisted of 42,000 men, he drew out but 7000 for his own detachment, which in- deed were the flower of his troops, but, at the same time, a very inconsiderable part of them. ‘The rest remained in the camp, which was advantageously situated, and strongly fortified. Now, could it be supposed that Han- nibal would attack and force a strong camp defended by 35,000 men?

Nero set out without giving his soldiers the least notice of his design. When he had advanced so far as that it might be communicated without any danger, he told them, that he was leading them to certain victory ; that, in war, all things depended upon reputation ; that the bare rumour of their arrival would disconcert all the measures of the Carthaginians; and that the whole ho- nour of this battle would fall to them.

They marched with extraordinary diligence, and joined the other consul in the night, but did not pitch separate camps, the better to impose upon the enemy. ‘The troops which were newly arrived joined those of Livius. The army of Porcius the praetor was encamped near that of the consul, and in the morning a council of war was held. Livius was of opinion, that it would be better to allow the troops some days to refresh themselves; but Nero besought him not to ruin, by delay, an enterprise to which despatch only could give success: and to take advantage of the error of the enemy, as well absent as present. This advice was complied with, and accord- ingly the signal for battle was given. Asdrubal, ad- vancing to his foremost ranks, discovered, by several circumstances, that fresh troops were arrived; and he did not doubt but that they belonged to the other con-

384 HISTORY OF THE

sul. This made him conjecture that his brother had sustained a considerable loss, and, at the same time, fear, that he was come too late to his assistance.

After making these reflections, he caused a retreat to be sounded, and his army began to march in great disorder. ‘Night overtaking him, and his guides deserting, he was uncertain what way to go. He marched at random, along the banks of the river Metaurus," and was prepar- ing to cross it, when the three armies of the enemy came up with him. In this extremity, he saw it would be impossible for him to avoid coming to an engage- ment ; and therefore did every thing which could be ex- pected from the presence of mind and valour of a great captain. He seized an advantageous post, and drew up his forces on a narrow spot, which gave him an oppor- tunity of posting his left wing (the weakest part of his army) in such a manner, that it could neither be attacked in front, nor charged in flank; and of giving to his main battle and right wing, a greater depth than front. After this hasty disposition of his forces, he posted himself in the centre, and was the first to march to attack the enemy’s left wing; well knowing that all was at stake, and that he must either conquer or die. The battle lasted a long time, and was obstinately disputed by both parties. Asdrubal, especially, signalized himself in this engagement, and added new glory to that he had already acquired by a series of shining actions. He led on his soldiers trembling and quite dispirited, against an enemy superior to them both in numbers and resolution. He animated them by his words, supported them by his ex- ample, and, with entreaties and menaces, endeavoured to bring back those who fled; till, at last, seeing that vic- tory declared for the Romans, and being unable to sur- vive the loss of so many thousand men, who had quitted their country to follow his fortune, he rushed at once into the midst of a Roman cohort, and there died in a manner worthy the son of Hamilcar and the brother of Hannibal. ,

This was the most bloody battle the Carthaginians

¥ Now called Metoro.

CAR TEHAGINIANS. 395

had fought during this war: and, whether we consider the death of the general, or the slaughter made of the Carthaginian forces, it may be looked upon as a reprisal for the battle of Canna. ‘The Carthaginians lost 55,000 men,* and 6000 were taken prisoners. The Romans lost 8000. ‘These were so weary of killing, that some person telling Livius, that he might very easily cut to pieces a body of the enemy who were flying: I¢ is fit,

says he, that some should survive, in order that they may carry the news of this defeat to the Carthaginians.

Nero set out upon his march, on the very night which followed the engagement. Through every place where he passed, in his return, shouts of joy and loud accla- mations welcomed him, instead of those fears and un- easinesses which his coming had occasioned. He ar- rived in his camp the sixth day. Asdrubal’s head being thrown into the camp of the Carthaginians, informed: — Hannibal of his brother’s unhappy fate. Hannibal per- ceived, by this cruel stroke, the fortune of Carthage: All is over, says he,‘ I shall no longer send triumphant messages to Carthage. In losing Asdrubal, I have lost at once all my hope, “all my good fortune. He afterwards retired to the extremities of the country of the Brutians,

where he assembled all his forces, who found it a very difficult matter to subsist there, as no provisions were sent them from Carthage.

Scipio conquers all Spain. Is appointed Consul, and sails into Africa. Hannibal.is recalled.

The fate of arms was not more propi- ALM. 3700; tious to the Carthaginians in Spain. The prudent vivacity of young Scipio had

* According to Polybius, the loss amounted but to 10,000 men, and that of the Romans to 2000: 1. xi. p. 870, edit. Gronov. * Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat is described : Carthagini j jam non ego nuntios Mittam superbos. Occidit, occidit Spes omnis, et fortuna nostri Nominis, Asdrubale interempto. ib. iv. Od. 4.

-" Polyb. 1. xi. p. 650. & 1. xiv. p.677—687. & 1. xv. p. 689—694. Liv. I. xxviii, n. 1—4. 16. 38. 40—46.' 1. xxix. n. 24—36. I. XXX. Ns 20—28.

VOR 1. 2.6

386 HISTORY OF THE

restored the Roman affairs in that country to their former flourishing state, as the courageous slowness of Fabius had before done in Italy. The three Carthagi- nian generals in Spain, Asdrubal son of Gisgo, Hanno, and Mago, having been defeated with their numerous armies by the Romans in several engagements, Scipio at last possessed himself of Spain, and subjected it en- tirely to the Roman power. It was at this time that Masinissa, a very powerful African prince, went over to the Romans, and Syphax, on the contrary, to the Car- thaginians. .

Scipio, at his return to Rome, was declared consul, being then thirty years of age. He had P. Licinius Crassus for his colleague. Sicily was allotted to Scipio, with per- mission for him to cross into Africa, if he found it con- venient. He set out with all imaginable expedition for his province; whilst his colleague was to command in the country whither Hannibal was retired.

The taking of New Carthage, where Scipio had dis- played all the prudence, the courage, and capacity, which could have been expected from the greatest generals, and the conquest of all Spain, were more than sufficient to immortalize his name: but he had considered these only as so many steps by which he was to climb to a nobler enterprise: this was the conquest of Africa. Accordingly, he crossed over thither, and made it the seat of the war.

The devastation of the country, the siege of Utica, one of the strongest cities of Africa; the entire defeat of the two armies under Syphax and Asdrubal, whose _ camp was burnt by Scipio; and afterwards the taking Syphax himself prisoner, who was the most powerful resource the Carthaginians had left; all these things forced them at last to turn their thoughts to peace. For this purpose they deputed thirty of their principal sena- tors, who were selected from that powerful body at Car- thage, called the council of the hundred. Being intro- duced into the Roman general’s tent, they all threw themselves prostrate on the earth (such was the custom of their country), spoke to him in terms of great sub- mission, accusing Hannibal as the author of all their

A. M. 3800. A. Rom. 544.

CAR FHAGINIANS. 387

calamities, and promising, in the name of the senate, an implicit obedience to whatever the Romans should please to ordain. Scipio answered, that though he was come into Africa not for peace, but conquest, he would however grant them a peace, upon condition that they should de- liver up all the prisoners and deserters to the Romans ; that they should recall their armies out of Italy and. Gaul; should never set foot again in Spain; should re- tire out ofall the islands between Italy and Africa; should deliver up all their ships, twenty excepted, to the victor; should give to the Romans 500,000 bushels of wheat, 300,000 of barley, and pay 15,000 talents ; and that in case they were pleased with these conditions, they then, he said, might send ambassadors to the senate. The Carthaginians feigned a compliance, but this was only to gain time, till Hannibal should be returned. A truce was then granted to the Carthaginians, who immedi- ately sent deputies to Rome, and at the same time an express to Hannibal, to-order his return into Africa. Aorta He was then, as was observed before, A, Rom. 546. 1m the extremity of Italy. Here he re- ceived the orders from Carthage, which he could not listen to without groans, and almost shed- ding tears; and was exasperated almost to madness, to see himself thus forced to quit his prey. Never banished man™* shewed so much regret at leaving his native coun- try, as Hannibal did in going out of that of an enemy. He often turned his eyes wishfully to Italy, accusing gods and men of his misfortunes, and callmg down a thousand curses, says Livy,” upon himself, for not having marched his soldiers directly to Rome, after the battle of Canne, whilst they were still reeking with the blood of © its citizens. | : At Rome, the senate, greatly dissatisfied with the ex- cuses made by the Carthaginian deputies, in justification of their republic, and the ridiculous offer which they made

x Rard quenquam alium patriam exilii causé relinquentem magis mestum abisse ferunt, guam Annibalem hostium terré excedentem. Respexisse sepe Italia littora, et deos hominesque accusantem, in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput execratum, Quod non cruentum ab Cannensi victoria militem Romam duxisset. Zw. 1. xxx. n. 20.

¥ Livy supposes, however, that this delay was a capital error in Hanni- bal, which he himself afterwards regretted. |

Z2c2

888 sO; HISTORY OF THE

in its name, of adhering to the treaty of Lutatius; thought proper to refer the decision of the whole to Scipio, who, being on the spot, could best judge what conditions the welfare of the state required.

About the same time, Octavius the pretor sailing from Sicily into Africa with 200 vessels of burden, was attacked near Carthage by a furious storm, which dispersed all his fleet. The citizens, not bearing to see so rich a prey escape them, demanded importunately that the Cartha- ginian fleet might sail out and seize it. The senate, after a faint resistance, complied. Asdrubal, sailing out of the harbour, seized the greatest part of the Roman ships, and brought them to Carthage, although the truce was still subsisting.

Scipio sent deputies to the Carthaginian senate, to complain of this; but they were little regarded. Han- nibal’s approach had revived their courage, and filled them with great hopes. The deputies were even in great danger of being ill treated by the populace. They there- fore demanded a convoy, which was granted, and accord- ingly two ships of the republic attended them. But the magistrates, who were absolutely against peace, and de- termined to renew the war, gave private orders to Asdru- bal (who was with the fleet near Utica), to attack the Roman galley when it should arrive in the river Bragada near the Roman camp, where the convoy was ordered to leave them. He obeyed the order, and sent out two galleys against the ambassadors, who nevertheless made their escape, but with difficulty and danger.

_ This was a fresh subject for a war between the two na- tions, who now were more animated, or rather more ex- asperated, one against the other, than ever: the Ro- mans, from a desire of taking vengeance for so black a per- fidy ; and the Carthaginians, from a persuasion that they were not now to expect a peace.

At the same time, Lelius and Fulvius, who carried the full powers with which the senate and people of Rome had invested Scipio, arrived in the camp, accom- panied by the deputies of Carthage. As the Carthagi- nians had not only infringed the truce, but violated the law of nations, in the person of the Roman ambassadors ;

CARTHAGINIANS. 389

it might naturally be expected that they should order the — Carthaginian deputies to be seized by way of reprisal. However, Scipio,’ more attentive to what was required by

the Roman generosity, than by the perfidy of the Car-

thaginians, in order not to deviate from the principles

and maxims of his own countrymen, nor his own cha- racter, dismissed the deputies, without offering them the least injury. So astonishing an instance of moderation,

and at such a juncture, terrified the Carthaginians, and

even put them to the blush; and made Hannibal him-

self entertain a still higher idea of a general, who, to the

dishonourable practices of hts enemies, opposed only a

rectitude and greatness of soul, that was still more wor-

thy of admiration than all his military virtues.

In the mean time, Hannibal, being strongly 1 impor- tuned by his fellow-citizens, pieaneed forward into the country ; and arriving at Zama, which is five days’ march from Carthage, he there pitched his camp. He thence sent out spies to observe the position of the Romans. Scipio, having seized these, so far from punishing them, only commanded them to be led about the Roman camp, in order that they might take an exact survey of it, and then sent them back to Hannibal. The latter knew very well whence so noble an assurance flowed. After the strange reverses he had met with, he no longer expected that fortune would again be propitious. Whilst every one was exciting him to give battle, himself only medi- tated a peace. He flattered himself that the conditions of it would be more honourable, as he was at the head of an army, and as the fate of.arms might still appear un- certain. He therefore sent to desire an interview with Scipio, which accordingly was agreed to, and the time and place fixed.

z‘Eoxoreiro rap avrp oudoytZopevoc, obvx odrw Ti déov rabsiv. Kapyndo- viouc, we Ti déov Hv modéat ‘Pwpaiove. Polyb. 1. xv. p. 965. edit. Gronoy.

Quibus Scipio. tsi non induciarum modo fides, sed etiam jus gentium

in legatis violatum esset ; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in is facturum esse. Livy. 1. xxx. n. 20.

390 HISTORY OF THE

The Interview between Hannibal and Scipio in

Africa, followed by a Battle.

We Thesetwo generals,’ who were not only poe the most illustrious of their own age, but worthy of being ranked with the most re- nowned princes and warriors that had ever lived, having met at the place appointed, continued for some time ina deep silence, as though they were astonished, and struck with a mutual admiration at the sight of each other. At last Hannibal spoke, and after having praised Scipio in the most artful and delicate manner, he gave a very lively description of the ravages of the war, and the calamities in which it had involved both the victors and the van- quished.. He conjured him not to.suffer himself to be dazzled by the splendour of his victories. He represented to him, that how successful soever he might have hitherto been, he ought however to be aware of the inconstancy of fortune ; that without going far back for examples, he himself, who was then speaking to him, was a glaring proof of this: that Scipio was at that time what Hanni- bal had been at Thrasymenus and Canne; that he ought tomake a better use of opportunity than himself had done, by consenting to a peace, now it was in his power to pro- pose the conditions of it. He concluded with declaring, that the Carthaginians would willingly resign Sicily, Sar- dinia, Spain, and all the islands between Africa and Italy, to the Romans ; that they must be forced, since ‘such was the will of the gods, to confine themselves to Africa; whilst they should see the Romans extending their con- quests to the most remote regions, and obliging all na- tions to pay obedience to their laws.

Scipio answered in few words, but not with less dignity. He reproached the Carthaginians for their perfidy, in plundering the Roman galleys before the truce was ex- pired. He imputed to them alone, and to their injustice, all the calamities with which the two wars had been at- tended. After thanking Hannibal for the admonition he had given him, with regard to the uncertainty of human events, he concluded with desiring him to prepare for bat-

* Polyb. |. xv. p. 694—703. Liv. I]. xxx. n. 29. 35.

CARTHAGINIANS. 391

tle, unless he chose rather to accept of the conditions that had been already proposed; to which (he observed) some others would be added, in order to punish the Carthagi- nians for their having violated the truce.

Hannibal could not prevail with himself to accept these conditions, and the generals left one another, with the re- solution to decide the fate of Carthage by a general bat- tle. Each commander exhorted his troops to fight valiantly. Hannibal enumerated the victories he had gained over the Romans, the generals he had slain, the armies he had cut to pieces. Scipio represented to his soldiers, the con- quests of both the Spains, his successes in Africa, and the confession the enemies themselves made of their weak- ness, by thus coming to sue for peace. All this he spoke with the tone and air of a conqueror.” Never were mo- tives more powerful to prompt troops to behave gallantly. This day was to complete the glory of the oneor the other of the generals; and to decide whether Rome or Carthage was to prescribe laws to all other nations.

I shall not undertake to describe the order of the bat- tle, nor the valour of the forces on both sides. The reader will naturally suppose, that two such experienced generals did not forget any circumstance which could contribute to the victory. ‘The Carthaginians, after a very obstinate fight, were obliged to fly, leaving 20,000 men on the field of battle, and the like number of prisoners were taken by the Romans. Hannibal escaped in the tumult, and entering Carthage, owned that he was irre- coverably overthrown, and that the citizens had no other choice left than to accept of peace on any conditions. Scipio bestowed great eulogiums on Hannibal, chiefly with regard to his ability in taking advantages, his man- ner of drawing up his army, and giving out his orders in - the engagement; and he affirmed that Hannibal had this day surpassed himself, although the success had not answered his valour and conduct.

With regard to himself, he well knew how to make a proper advantage of the victory, and the consternation with which he had filled the enemy. He commanded

» Celsus hee corpore, vultuque ita leto, ut vicisse jam crederes, dice- bat, Ziv. 1. xxx. n. 32,

392 HISTORY OF- THE

one of his lieutenants to march his land army to Carthage, whilst himself prepared to conduct the fleet thither.

He was not far from the city, when he met a vessel covered with streamers and olive-branches, bringing ten of the most considerable persons of the state, as ambas- sadors to implore hisclemency. However, he dismissed them without making any answer, and bade them come to him at Tunis, where he should halt. ‘The deputies of Carthage, thirty in number, came to him at the place ap- pointed, and sued for peace in the most submissive terms. He then called a council there, the majority of which were for razing Carthage, and treating the inhabitants with the utmost severity. But the consideration of the time which must necessarily be employed beforeso strongly fortified a city could be taken; and Scipio’s fear, lest a successor might be appointed him whilst he should be employed in the siege, made him incline to clemency. »

A Peace concluded between the Carthaginians and the Romans. The end of the second Punic War,

The conditions of the peace dictated by Scipio to the Carthaginians-were, That the Carthaginians should con- tinue free, and preserve their laws, their territories, and the cities they possessed in Africa before the war—That they should deliver up to the Romans all deserters, slaves, and prisoners, belonging to them ; all their ships, except ten tri- remes ; all the elephants which they then had, and that they should not train up any more for war—That they should not make war out of Africa, nor even in that country, with- out first obtaining leave for that purpose from the Roman people —Should restore to Masinissa every thing of which they had dispossessed either him or his ancestors—Should Surnish money and corn to the Roman auxiliaries, till their ambassadors should be returned from Rome—Should pay to the Romans 10,000 Euboic talents* of silver in fifty annual payments: and give 100 hostages, who should be nominated by Scipio. And in order that they might have

time to send to Rome, he agreed to grant them a truce,

© Polyb. I. xv. 704—707. Liv. 1. xxx. n; 36—44. “Ten thousand Attic talents make 30,000,000 French money. Ten thousand Euboic talents make something more’ than 28,033,000 livres ;

CARTHAGINIANS. 393

upon condition that they should restore the ships taken dur- ing the former, without which they were not to expect either a truce or peace.

When the deputies were returned to Carthage, they laid before the senate the conditions dictated by Scipio. But they appeared so intolerable to Gisgo, that, rising up, he made a speech, in order to dissuade his citizens from accepting a peace on such shameful terms. Hannibal, provoked at the calmness with which such an orator was heard, took Gisgo by the arm, and dragged him from his seat. A behaviour so outrageous, and so remote from the manners of a free city like Carthage, raised a uni- versal murmur. Hannibal himself was vexed when he reflected on what he had done, and immediately made an apology for it. ds J left, says he, your city at nine years of age, and did not return to it till after thirty-six years’ absence, [ had full leisure to learn the arts of war, and flatter myself that I have made some improvement in them. As for your laws and customs, it is no wonder I am igno- rant of them, and I therefore desire you to instruct me in them. He then expatiated on the indispensable necessit they were under of concluding a peace. He added, that they ought to thank the gods for having prompted the Romans to grant them a peace even on these conditions. He pointed out to them the great importance of their uniting in opinion; and of not giving an opportunity, by their divisions, for the people to take an affair of this na- ture under their cognizance. The whole city came over to his opinion ; and accordingly the peace was accepted. The senate made Scipio satisfaction with regard to the ships reclaimed by him ; and, after obtaining a truce for three months, they sent ambassadors to Rome.

These Carthaginians, who were all venerable for their years and dignity, were admitted immediately to an

because, according to Budzus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-sixty minz and something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minze : or otherwise, thus calculated in English money:

According to Budzeus, the Euboic talentis . . . 56 Minz 56 Mine reduced to English money... . . 17540. Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make . 1,750,000/. So that the Carthaginians paid annually . . . 35,0001.

This caleulation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the Eu- boic talent being something more than 56 minz.

394 - HISTORY OF THE

audience. Asdrubal, surnamed Hoedus, who was still an irreconcilable enemy to Hannibal and his faction, spoke first; and after having excused, to the best of his power, the people of Carthage, by imputing the rupture to the ambition of some particular persons, he added, that, had the Carthaginians listened to his counsels and those of Hanno, they would have been able to grant the Romans the peace for which they now were obliged tosue. But,* continued he, wisdom and prosperity are very rarely found together. The Romans are invincible, because they never suffer themselves to be Llinded by good fortune. And it would be surprising should they act otherwise. Success dazzles those only to whom it is new and unusual; whereas the Romans are so much accustomed to conquer, that they are almost insensible to the charms of victory; and it may be said to their glory, that they have extended their em- pire, in some measure, more by the humanity they have shewn to the conquered, than by the conquest itself. The other ambassadors spoke with a more plaintive tone of voice, and represented the calamitous state to which Car- thage was going to be reduced, and the grandeur and power from which it was fallen.

The senate and people being equally inclined to peace, sent full power to Scipio to conclude it ; left the condi- tions to that general, and permitted him to march back his army, after the treaty should be concluded.

The ambassadors desired leave to enter the city, to re- deem some of their prisoners, and they found about 200 whom they desired to ransom. But the senate sent them to Scipio, with orders that they should be restored with- out any pecuniary consideration, in case a peace should be concluded.

The Carthaginians, on the return of their ambassadors, concluded a peace with Scipio, on the terms he himself had prescribed. ‘They then delivered up to him more

© Rard simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari Populum Romanum eo invictum esse quéd in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit. Et herclé mirandum fuisse si aliter facerent. Ex insolentia, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes lztitiz insanire: po- pulo Romano usitata ac propé obsoleta ex victoria gaudia esse ; ac plus eye parcendo victis, quam vincendo, imperium auxisse. Liv. 1]. xxx. n. 42.

CARTHAGINIANS. 395

than 500 ships, all which he burnt in sight of Carthage; a lamentable spectacle to the inhabitants of that ill-fated city. He struck off the heads of the allies of the Latin name, and hanged all the Roman citizens who were sur- rendered up to him, as deserters. |

When the time for the first payment of the first tri- bute imposed by the treaty was expired, as the funds of the government were exhausted by this long and expen- sive war; the difficulty of levying so great a sum, threw the senate into deep affliction, and many could not re- frain even from tears. Hannibal on this occasion is said to have laughed ; and when he was reproached by As- drubal Hoedus, for thus insulting his country in the affliction which he had brought upon it, Were it possible, says Hannibal, for my heart to be seen, and that as clearly as my countenance ; you would then find that this laugh- ter which offends so much, flows not from an intemperate

joy, but from a mind almost distracted with the public calamities. But is this laughter more unseasonable than your unbecoming tears? Then, then, ought you to have wept, when your arms were ingloriously taken from you, your ships burnt, and you were forbidden to engage in an foreign wars. This was the mortal blow which laid us prostrate.— We are sensible of the public calamity, so far - only as we have a personal concern in it ; and the loss of our money gives us the most pungent sorrow. Hence it was, that when our city was made the spoil of the victor ; when it was left disarmed and defenceless amidst so many powerful nations of Africa, who had at that time taken the field, not a groan, not a sigh, was heard. But now, when you are called on to contribute individually to the tax im- posed upon the state, you bewail and lament as if all were lost. Alas! I only wish that the subject of this days grief may not soon appear to you the least of your mis- fortunes.

Scipio, after all things were concluded, embarked in order to return to Italy. He arrived at Rome, through crowds of people, whom curiosity had drawn together to behold his march. The most magnificent triumph that Rome had ever seen was decreed him, and the surname

of Africanus was bestowed upon this great man; an ho-

396 HISTORY OF THE

nour till then unknown, no person before him having: as- A. M.3so4, Sumed the name of a vanquished nation. A. Carth. 646. Such was the conclusion of the second

A. Rom. 548. Punic war, after having lasted seventeen Ant, ye; C. 200. years.

A short Reflection on the Government of Carthage in the Time of the second Punic /Var.

I shall conclude the particulars which relate to the second Punic war, with a reflection of Polybius,’ which will shew the difference between the two common- wealths of Rome and Carthage. It may be affirmed, in some measure, that at the beginning of the second Punic war, and in Hannibal's time, Carthage was in its decline. The flower of its youth, and its sprightly vigour, were already diminished. It had begun to fall from its exalted pitch of power, and was inclining towards its ruin; whereas Rome was then, as it were, in its bloom and prime of life, and swiftly advancing to the conquest of the universe. :

The reason of the declension of the one, and the rise of the other, is deduced, by Polybius, from the different form of government established in these commonwealths, at the time we are now speaking of. At Carthage, the -common people had seized upon the sovereign authority with regard to public affairs, and the advice of their an- cient men or magistrates was no longer listened to; all affairs were transacted by intrigue and cabal. ‘To take no notice of the artifices which the faction adverse to Hannibal employed, during the whole time of his com- mand, to perplex him; the single instance of burning the Roman vessels during a truce, a perfidious action to which the common people compelled the senate to lend their name and assistance, is a proof of Polybius’s as- sertion. On the contrary, at this very time, the Romans paid the highest regard to their senate, that is, to a body composed of the greatest sages; and their old men were listened to and revered as oracles. It is well known that the Roman people were exceedingly jealous of their authority, and especially in whatever related to the

_ f Lib. vi. p. 493, 494,

TCARTHAGINIANS. — 397

election of magistrates. A century of young men,’ who by lot were to give the first vote, which generally direct- ed all the rest, had nominated two consuls. On the bare remonstrance of Fabius," who represented to the people, that in a tempest, like that with which Rome was then struggling, the ablest pilots ought to be chosen to steer the vessel of the state; the century returned to their suffrages, and nominated other consuls. . Polybius infers, that a people, thus guided by the prudence of old men, could not fail of prevailing over a state which was governed wholly by the giddy multitude. And indeed, the Romans, under the guidance of the wise counsels’of their senate, gained at last the superiority with regard to the war considered in general, though they were defeated in several particular engagements ; and established their power and grandeur on the ruin of their rivals.

The Interval between the second and third Punic Wars.

This interval, though considerable enough with regard to its duration, since it took up above fifty years, is very little remarkable as to the events which relate to Car- thage.. They may be reduced to two heads; of which the one relates to the person of Hannibal, and the other to some particular differences between the Carthaginians and Masinissa king of the Numidians. We shall treat both separately, but at no great length. et

Sect. I. Continuation of the History of Houutal

When the second Punic war was ended, by the treaty of peace concluded with Scipio, Hannibal, as he himself observed in the Carthaginian senate, was forty-five years of age. What we have farther to say of this great man, includes the space of twenty-five years.

Hannibal undertakes and completes the Reformation of the Courts of Justice, and the Treasury of Carthage.

After the conclusion of the peace, Hannibal, at least

& Liv. |. xxiv. n. 8, 9.

» Quilibet nautarum rectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest : Ubi szeva orta tempestas est, ac turbato mari rapitur vento navis, tum vi- roet gubernatore opus est. Non tranquillo navigamus, sed jam aliquot procellis submersi pené sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat, sum- ma cur’ providendum ac preecavendum nobis est.

398 HISTORY OF THE

at first, was greatly respected in Carthage, where he filled the first employments of the state with honour and ap- plause. He headed the Carthaginian forces in some wars against the Africans :* but the Romans, towhom the very name of Hannibal gave uneasiness, not being able to see him in arms without displeasure, made complaints on that account, and accordingly he was recalled to ~ Carthage.

On his return he was appointed pretor, which seems to have been a very considerable employment, and to have conferred great authority. Carthage is therefore going to be, with regard to him, a new.theatre, as it were, on which he will display virtues and qualities of a quite different nature from those we have hitherto admired in him, and which will finish the picture of this illustrious man.

Eagerly desirous of restoring the affairs of his afflicted country to their former happy condition, he was per- suaded, that the two most powerful methods to make a state flourish, were, an exact and equal distribution of justice to all its subjects in general, and a scrupulous fidelity in the management of the public finances. The former, by preserving an equality among the citizens, and making them enjoy such a delightful, undisturbed liberty, under the protection of the laws, as fully secures their honour, their lives, and properties ; unites the indivi- duals of the commonwealth more closely together, and attaches them more firmly to the state, to which they owe the preservation of all that is most dear and valuable tothem. ‘The latter, by a faithful administration of the public revenues, supplies punctually the several wants and necessities of the state; keeps in reserve a never- failing resource for sudden emergencies, and prevents the people from being burdened with new taxes, which are rendered necessary by extravagant profusion, and which chiefly contribute to make men harbour an aver- sion for the government.

Hannibal saw, with great concern, the irregularities which had crept equally into the administration of justice, and the management of the finances. Upon his being

i Corn. Nep. in Annib. c. 7.

CARTHAGINIANS. 7 399

nominated pretor, as his love for regularity and order made him uneasy at every deviation from it, and prompt- ed him to use his utmost endeavours to restore it; he had the courage to attempt the reformation of this double abuse, which drew after it a numberless multitude of others, without dreading either the animosity of the old faction that opposed him, or the new enmity which his zeal for the republic must necessarily draw upon him. The judges exercised the most flagrant extortion with impunity.* They were so many petty tyrants, who dis- posed, in an arbitrary manner, of the lives and fortunes of the citizens; without there being the least possibility of putting a stop to their injustice, because they held their commissions for life, and mutually supported one another. Hannibal, as preetor, summoned before his tribunal an officer belonging to the bench of judges, who openly abused his power. Livy tells us that he was a questor. This officer, who was of the opposite faction to Hannibal, and had already assumed all the haughtiness and pride of the judges, among whom he was to be admitted at the expiration of his present office, insolently refused to obey thesummons. Hannibal was not of a disposition to suffer an affront of this nature tamely. Accordingly, he caused him to be seized by a lictor, and brought him before an assembly of the people. There, not satisfied with direct- ing his resenting against this single officer, he impeached the whole bench of judges; whose insupportable and ty- rannical pride was not restrained, either by the fear of the laws, or a reverence for the magistrates. And, as Han- nibal perceived that he was heard with pleasure, and that the lowest and most inconsiderable of the people disco- vered, on this occasion, that they were no longer able to bear the insolent pride of these judges, who seemed to have a design upon their liberties; he proposed a law (which accordingly passed), by which it was enacted, that new judges should be chosen annually; with a clause, that none should continue in office beyond that term. The -law, at the same time that it acquired him the friendship and esteem of the people, drew upon him, proportion-

k Liv. Il, xxxili. n. 46.

A0O HISTORY OF THE

ably, the hatred of the greatest part of the grandees and nobility.

He attempted another reformation, ' which created him new enemies, but gained him great honour. The pub- lic revenues were either squandered away by the negli- gence of those who had the management of them, or were plundered by the chief men of the city, and the magistrates ; so that money being wanting to pay the annual tribute due to the Romans, the Carthaginians were going to levy it upon the people in general. Han- nibal, entering into a long detail of the public revenues, ordered an exact estimate to be laid before him; inquired in what manner they had been applied; the employments and ordinary expenses of the state; and having disco- vered, by this inquiry, that the public funds had been in a great measure embezzled, by the fraud of the officers who had the management of them; he declared, and promised, in a full assembly of the people, that without laying any new taxes upon private men, the republic should here- after be enabled to pay the tribute to the Romans; and he was as good as his word. ‘The farmers of the revenues, whose plunder and rapine he had publicly detected, hav- ing accustomed themselves hitherto to fatten upon the spoils. of their country, exclaimed vehemently against these regulations,” as if their own property had been forced out of their hands, and not the sums they had plundered from the public.

The Retreat and Death of Hannibal.

This double reformation of abuses raised great cla- mours against Hannibal. His enemies were writing: in- cessantly to the chief men, or their friends, at Rome, to inform them, that he was carrying on a secret intelligence with Antiochus, king of Syria; that he frequently re- ceived couriers from him ; and that this prince had pri- vately despatched agents to Hannibal, to concert with him the measures for carrying on the war he was medi- tating: that as some animals are so extremely fierce, that

-! Liv. 1. xxiii. n. 46, 47. ™ Tum verd isti, quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatas, velut bonis ereptis, non furto eorum manibus extorto, infensi et irati, Romanosin Annibalem, et ipsos causam odii querentes, instigabant. Liv. ” Liv. |. xxiii, n. 45-—49,

CARTHAGINIANS. AOL

it is impossible ever to tame them ; in like manner this man was of so turbulent and implacable a spirit, that he could not brook ease, and therefore would, sooner or later, break out again. These informations were listened to at Rome: and as the transactions of the preceding war had been begun and carried on almost solely by Hannibal, they appeared the more probable. However, - Scipio strongly opposed the violent measures which the senate were going to take on their receiving this intelli- gence, by representing it as derogatory to the dignity of the Roman people, to countenance the hatred and accu- sations of Hannibal’s enemies; to support, with their authority, their unjust passions; and obstinately to per- secute him even in the very heart of his country; as though the Romans had not humbled him sufficiently, in driving him out of the field, and forcing him to lay down his arms.

But notwithstanding these prudent remonstrances, the senate appointed three commissioners to go and make their complaints to Carthage, and to demand that Han- nibal should be delivered up to them. On their arrival in that city, though other motives were speciously pre- tended, yet Hannibal was perfectly sensible that himself only was aimed at. The evening being come, he con- veyed himself on board a ship, which he had secretly pro- vided for that purpose: on which occasion he bewailed his country’s fate more than his own. Sapius patrie quam suorum® eventus miseratus. ‘This was the eighth year after the conclusion of the peace. ‘The first place he landed at was Tyre, where he was received as in his second country, and had all the honours paid him which

sh feats ae ere due to his exalted merit. After stay-

A. Rom. 586, 19g some days here, he set out for An-

tioch, which the king had lately left, and

from thence waited upon him at Ephesus.- The arrival of so renowned a general gave great pleasure to the king; and did not a little contribute to determine him to engage in war against Rome ; for hitherto he had appeared wa- vering and uncertain on that head. In this city a phi- losopher,’ who was looked upon as the greatest orator of

° Itis probable that we should read suos. P Cic. de Orat. |. ii, n. 75, 76, VOL. I. 2D

402 HISTORY. OF THE

Asia, had the imprudence to make a long harangue be- fore Hannibal, on the duties of a general, and the rules of the art-military.. The speech charmed the whole au- dience. But Hannibal being asked his opinion of it, J have seen, says he, many old dotards in my life, but this exceeds them all.s

‘The Carthaginians, justly fearing that Hannibal's es- cape would certainly draw upon them the arms of the Romans, sent them advice that Hannibal was withdrawn to Antiochus." The Romans were very much disturbed at this news; and the king might have turned it ex- tremely to his advantage, had he known how to make a proper use of it.

The first advice that Hannibal gave him at this time,’ and which he frequently repeated afterwards, was, to make Italy the seat of the war. He required 100 ships, eleven or 12,000 land forces, and offered to take upon himself the command of the fleet; to cross into Afri- ca, in order to engage the Carthaginians in the war, and afterwards to make a descent upon Italy; during which the king himself should. remain in Greece with his army, holding himself constantly in readiness to cross over into Italy, whenever it should be thought conveni- ent. This was the only thing proper to be done, and the king very much approved the proposal at first.

Hannibal thought it would be expedient to prepare his friends at Carthage,‘ in order to engage them the more strongly in his views. ‘The transmitting of information by letters, is not only unsafe, but they can give only an imperfect idea of things, and are never sufficiently par- ticular. He therefore despatched a trusty person with

4 Mie Penus liberé respondisse fertur, multos se deliros senes sepe vidisse:

Sed qui magis quam Phormio deliraret vidisse neminem. Stobeus, Serm. lii. gives the following account of this matter: ’AvviBac dxotcac Trwikod Tivocg émiysipodvrog, bre 6 soddc pdvoe orparnyde toriv, éyédace, vopiZwy advvaroy eivat ixric ric Ov Epywy éurrerpiac THY ty TovTowe ETLoTHUNY ExELy. 1. Ce. Hannibal hearing a Stoic philosopher undertake to prove that the wise man was the only general, laughed, as thinking it impossible for a man to have any skill in war without having long practised it. __* They did more, for they sent two ships to pursue Hannibal, and bring him back ; they sold off his goods, razed his house; and, by a public de- cree, declared him an exile. Such was the gratitude the Carthaginians shewed to the greatest general they ever had. Corn. Nep. in vité Hannib. C. 7. * Liv. |. xxxiv. n. 60. 'Ib.n. 61.

CARTHAGINIANS. 403

ample instructions to Carthage. This man was scarce arrived in the city, but his business was suspected. Ac- cordingly, he was watched and followed: and, at last, orders were issued for his being seized. However, he prevented the vigilance of his enemies, and escaped in the night; after having fixed, in several public places, papers, which fully declared the occasion of his journey. The senate immediately sent advice of this to the Romans. pete Villius," one of the deputies who had A. Rom. 657. been sent into Asia, to inquire into the state of affairs there, and, if possible, to discover the real designs of Antiochus, found Hannibal in Ephesus. He had many conferences with him, paid him several visits, and speciously affected to shew a particular esteem for him on all occasions. But his chief aim, by all this designing behaviour, was to make him be suspected, and to lessen his credit with the king, in which he suc- ceeded but too well.*

Some authors affirm, that Scipio was joined in this. embassy ; and they even relate the conversation which that general had with Hannibal. They tell us, that the Roman having asked him, who, in his opinion, was the greatest captain that had ever lived; he answered, Alex- ander the Great, because, with a handful of Macedoni- ans, he had defeated numberless armies, and carried his conquests into countries so very remote, that it seemed scarce possible for any man only to travel so far. Being afterwards asked, to whom he gave the second rank; he answered, To Pyrrhus, because this king was the first who understood the art of pitching a camp to advantage ; no commander ever made a more judicious choice of his posts, was better skilled in drawing up his forces, or was more dexterous in winning the affections of foreign sol- diers ; insomuch, that even the people of Italy were more

e ty, ]. xxxv. n. 14. Polyb. I. iii. p. 166, 167.

* Polybius represents this application of Villius to Hannibal, as a pre- meditated design, in order to render him suspected to Antiochus, be- cause of his intimacy with a Roman. Livy owns, that the affair suc- ceeded as if it had been designed; but, at the same time, he gives, fora very obvious reason, another turn to this conversation, and says, that no more was intended by it, than to sound Hannibal, and to remove any fears or apprehensions he might be under from the Romans.

Y Liv. xxxy.n.14. Plutarch in vité Flamin.

2D2

404 HISTORY OF THE

desirous to have him for their governor, though a fo- reigner, than the Romans themselves, who had so long been settled in their country. Scipio proceeding, asked him next, whom he looked upon as the third: on which Hannibal made no scruple to assign that rank to himself. Here Scipio could not forbear laughing : But what would you have said, continued Scipio, had you conquered me ? —J would, replied Hannibal, have ranked myself above Alexander, Pyrrhus, and all the generals the world ever produced. Scipio was not insensible of so refined and delicate a flattery, which he no ways expected: and which, by giving him no rival, seemed to insinuate, that no cap- tain was worthy of being put in comparison with him. The answer, as told by Plutarch,’ is less witty, and not so probable. In this author, Hannibal gives Pyrrhus the first place, Scipio the second, and himself the third. Hannibal, sensible of the coldness with which Antio- chus received him, ever since his conferences with Vil- lius or Scipio, took no notice of it for some time, and seemed insensible of it. But at last he thought it ad- visable to come to an explanation with the king, and to open his mind freely to him. The hatred, says he, which I bear to the Romans, is known to the whole world. J Lound myself to it by an oath, from my most tender in- fancy. It is this hatred that made me draw the sword against Rome during thirty-six years. It is that, which, even in times of peace, has caused me to be driven from my native country, and forced me to seek an asylum in your dominions. or ever guided and fired by the same passion, should my hopes be frustrated here, I will fly to every part of the globe, and rouse up all nations against the Romans. I hate them, and will hate them eternally ; and know that they bear me no less animosity. So long as you shall continue in the resolution to take up arms against them, you may rank Hannibal in the number of your best friends. But if other counsels incline you to peace, I declare to you, once for all, address yourself to others for advice, and not to me. Such a speech, which came from his heart, and expressed the greatest sin- cerity, struck the king, and seemed to remove all his sus-

* Plut.in Pyrrho. p. 687. @ Liv. lib. xxxy. n. 19.

CARTHAGINIANS. 405

picions ; so that he now resolved to give Hannibal the command of part of his fleet.

But what havoc is not flattery capable of making in courts and in the minds of princes!” Antiochus was told, that it was imprudent in him to put so much confi- dence in Hannibal, an exile, a Carthaginian, whose for- tune or genius might suggest to him, in one day, a thou- sand different projects: that besides, this very fame which Hannibal had acquired in war, and which he considered as his peculiar inheritance, was too great for a man who

Sought only under the ensigns of another ; that none but the king ought to be the general and conductor of the war ; and that it was incumbent on him to draw upon himself alone the eyes and attention of all men; whereas, should Hannibal be employed, he (a foreigner) would have the glory of all the successes ascribed to him.—.No minds, says Livy,° on this occasion, are more susceptible of envy, than those whose merit is below their birth and dignity ; such persons always abhorring virtue and worth in others,

Jor this reason alone, because they are strange and foreign to themselves. ‘This observation was fully verified on this occasion. Antiochus had been taken on his weak side; a low and sordid jealousy, which is the defect and characteristic of little minds, extinguished every generous sentiment in that monarch. Hannibal was now slighted and laid aside: however, he was greatly revenged on Antiochus, by the ill success this prince met with; and shewed how unfortunate that king is whose soul is ac- cessible to envy, and his ears open to the poisonous in- sinuation of flatterers.

Ina council held some time after,’ to which Hannibal, for form’s sake, was admitted, he, when it came to his turn to speak, endeavoured chiefly to prove, that Philip of Macedon ought, on any terms, to be engaged to form an alliance with Antiochus, which was not so difficult as might be imagined. With regard, says Hannibal, to the operations of the war, I adhere immoveally to my first opinion; and had my counsels been listened to before,

b Liv. }. xxxv. n. 42, 43. ¢ Nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt, quam eorum qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non equant: Quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. d Liv. ]. xxxvi. 0.7.

‘406 HISTORY OF THE

Tuscany and Liguria would now be all in a flame; and Hannibal (a name that strikes terror into the Romans) in Italy. Though 1 should not be very well skilled as to other matters, yet the good and ill success I have met with must necessarily have taught me sufficiently how to carry ona war against the Romans. I have nothing now inmy power, but to give you my counsel, and offer you my service. May the gods give success to all your undertak- ings! Hannibal’s speech was received with applause, but not one of his counsels was put in execution.

Antiochus, imposed upon and lulled asleep by his flatterers, remained quiet at Ephesus, after the Romans had driven him out of Greece ;° not once imagining that they would ever invade his dominions. Hannibal, who was now restored to favour, was for ever assuring him, that the war would soon be removed into Asia, and that he would soon see the enemy at his gates: that he must resolve, either to abdicate his throne, or oppose vigor- ously a people who grasped at the empire of the world. This discourse awakened, in some little measure, the king out of his lethargy, and prompted him to make some weak efforts. But, as his conduct was unsteady, after sustaining a great many considerable losses, he was forced to terminate the war by an ignominious peace ; one of the articles of which was, that he should deliver up Hannibal to the Romans. However, the latter did not give him opportunity to put it in execution, but re- tired to the island of Crete, to consider there what course it would be best for him to take.

The riches he had brought along with him, of which the people of the island got some notice, had like to _ have proved his ruin." Hannibal was never wanting in stratagems, and he had occasion to employ them now, to save both himself and his treasure. He filled several vessels with molten lead, the topsof which he just covered over with gold and silver. These he deposited in the temple of Diana, in presence of several Cretans, to whose honesty, he said, he confided all his treasure. A strong guard was then posted round the temple, and Hannibal

; e Liv. I. xxxvi. n. 41. ‘ Cornel. Nep. in Annib.c.9, 10. Justin. 1. xxxii. c. 4.

CARTHAGINIANS. AO7

left at full liberty, from a supposition that his riches were secured. But he had concealed them in hollow statues of brass,’ which he always carried along ae Pater with him. And then, embracing a fa- vourable opportunity to make his escape,

he fled to the court of Prusias king of Bithynia."

It appears from history that he made some stay in the court of this prince, who soon engaged in war with Eu- menes king of Pergamus, a professed friend to the Ro- mans. By means of Hannibal, the troops of Prusias gained several victories both by land and sea.

He employed a stratagem of an extraordinary kind in a sea-fight.' As the enemy’s fleet consisted of more ships than his, he had recourse to artifice. He put into earthen vessels all kinds of serpents, and ordered these vessels to be thrown into the enemy’s ships. His chief aim was to destroy Eumenes; and for that purpose it was necessary for him to find out which ship he was on board of. ‘This Hannibal discovered by sending out a boat, upon pretence of conveying a letter tohim. Hav- ing gained his point thus far, he ordered the command- ers of the respective vessels to direct their attack princi- pally against Eumenes’s ship. ‘They obeyed, and would have taken it, had he not outsailed his pursuers. The rest of the ships of Pergamus sustained the fight with great vigour, till the earthen vessels had been thrown intothem. At first they only laughed at this, and were very much surprised to find such weapons employed against them. But when they saw themselves sur- rounded with the serpents, which darted out of these vessels when they flew to pieces, they were seized with dread, retired in disorder, and yielded the victory to the enemy. :

ree Services of so important a nature A. Rom. 566, Seemed to secure for ever to Hannibal an undisturbed asylum at that prince’s court.* However, the Romans would not suffer him to ¢ These statues were thrown out by him, ina place of public resort, as things of little value. Corn. Nep. h Cornel. Nep. in Annib. c, 10,11. Justin. |]. xxxii. c. 4.

' Justin. |. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep. in. vit. Annib. SLiK Wek RIK Del,

408 HISTORY OF THE

be easy there, but deputed Q. Flaminius to Prusias, to complain of the protection he gave Hannibal. The lat- ter easily guessed the motive of this embassy, and there- fore did not wait till his enemies had an opportunity of delivering him up. At first he attempted to secure himself by flight; but perceiving that the seven secret outlets, which he had contrived in his palace, were all seized by the soldiers of Prusias, who, by perfidiously betraying his guest, was desirous of making his court to the Romans; he ordered the poison, which he had long kept for this melancholy occasion, to be brought him ; and taking it in his hand, Le¢ us, says he, free the Ro- mans from the disquiet with which they have so long Leen tortured, since they have not patience to wait for an old man’s death. The victory which Flaminius gains over a man disarmed and betrayed, will not do him much ho- nour. This single day will Le a lasting testimony of the great degeneracy of the Romans. Their fathers sent notice to Pyrrhus, to desire he would Leware of a traitor who intended to poison him, and that at a time when this prince was at war with them in the very centre of Italy ; but their sons have deputed a person of consular dignity to spirit up Prusias, impiously to murder one who is not only his friend, but his guest. After calling down curses upon Prusias, and having invoked the gods, the pro- tectors and avengers of the sacred rights of hospitality, he swallowed the poison,’ and died at seventy years of age.

This year was remarkable for the death of three great men, Hannibal, Philopcemen, and Scipio, who had this in common, that they all died out of their native coun- tries, by a death little correspondent to the glory of their actions. ‘The two first died by poison: Hannibal being betrayed by his host ; and Philopoemen being taken pri- soner in a battle against the Messenians, and thrown into a dungeon, was forced to swallow poison. As to Scipio, he banished himself, to avoid an unjust prosecu-

' Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different deaths. Some, says he, relate, that having wrapped his cloak about his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him. Others say, that, in imitation of The- mistocles and Midas, he drank bull’s blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he always carried about him; and*taking the cup into his hands, cried, Let us free, &c. In vité Flaminini.

CARTHAGINIANS. 409

tion which was carrying on against him at Rome, and ended his days in a kind of obscurity.

The Character and Eulogium of Hannital.

This would be the proper place for representing the excellent qualities of Hannibal, who reflected so much glory on Carthage. But as I have attempted to draw his character elsewhere,” and to give a just idea of him, by making a comparison between him and Scipio, | think myself dispensed from giving his eulogium at large in this place.

Persons who devote themselves to the profession of arms, cannot spend too much time in the study of this great man, who is looked upon, by the best judges, as the most complete general, in almost every respect, that ever the world produced. | :

During the whole seventeen years that the war lasted, two errors only are objected to him: First, his not marching, immediately after the battle of Canna, his vic- torious army to Rome, in order to besiege that city: Secondly, his suffering their courage to be softened and enervated, during their winter-quarters in Capua: errors, which only shew that great men are not so in all things; summi enim sunt, homines tamen ;° and which, perhaps, may be partly excused.

But then, for these two errors, what a multitude of shining qualities appears in Hannibal! How extensive were his views and designs, even in his most tender years ! What greatness of soul ! What intrepidity ! What pre- sence of mind must he have possessed, to be able, even in the fire and heat of action, to turn every thing to ad-_ vantage! With what surprising address must he have managed the minds of men, that, amidst so great a va- riety of nations which composed his army, who often were in want both of money and provisions, his camp was not once disturbed with any insurrection, either against himself or any of his generals ! With what equity, what moderation, must he have behaved towards his new. allies, to have prevailed so far as to attach them invio- Jably to his service, though he was reduced to the neces-

™ Vol. ii. Of the Method of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres. » Quintil. ;

410 HISTORY OF THE

sity of making them sustain almost the whole burden of the war, by quartering his army upon them, and levying contributions in their several countries! In short, how fruitful must he have been in expedients, to be able to carry on, for so many years, a war in a remote country, in spite of the violent opposition made by a powerful faction at home, which refused him supplies of every kind, and thwarted him on all occasions! It may be affirmed, that Hannibal, during the whole series of this war, seemed the only prop of the state, and the soul of every part of the empire of the Carthaginians, who could never believe themselves conquered, till Hannibal confessed that he himself was so.

But our acquaintance with Hannibal will be very im- perfect, if we consider him only at the head of armies. The particulars we learn from history, concerning the secret intelligence he held with Philip of Macedon; the wise ccunsels he gave to Antiochus, king of Syria; the double reformation he introduced in Carthage, with re- gard to the management of the public revenues and the administration of justice, prove, that he was a great states- man in every respect. So superior and universal was his genius, that it took in all parts of government; and so great were his natural abilities, that he was capable of ac- quitting himself in all the various functions of it with glory. Hannibal shone as conspicuously in the cabinet as in the field; equally able to fill the civil as the mili- tary employments. In a word, he united in his own per- son the different talents and merits of all professions, the sword, the gown, and the finances.

_ He had some learning ; and though he was so much employed in military labours, and engaged in so many wars, he, however, found some leisure to devote to lite- rature.” Several smart repartees of Hannibal, which have been transmitted to us, shew that he had a great fund of natural wit; and this he improved by the most polite education that could be bestowed at that time, and in such a republic as Carthage. He spoke Greek tolerably well, and even wrote some books in that language. His preceptor was a Lacedzemonian, named Sosilus, who, with

sg Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis districtus, nonnihil temporis tri- buit litteris, &c. Corn. Nep. in vité Annib. cap. 13.

CARTHAGINIANS. All

Philenius, another Lacedeemonian, accompanied him in all his expeditions. Both these undertook to write the history of this renowned warrior.

With regard to his religion and moral conduct, he was not altogether so profligate and wicked as he is repre- sented by Livy:° ‘‘ cruel even to inhumanity, more per- fidious than a Carthaginian; regardless of truth, of pro- bity, of the sacred ties of oaths; fearless of the gods, and utterly void of religion.” nhumana crudelitas, perfidia plusquam Punica; nihil veri, nihil sancti, nullus detim metus, nullum jusjurandum, nulla religio. According to Polybius,’ he rejected a barbarous proposal that was made him before he entered Italy, which was to eat human flesh, at a time when his army was in absolute want of provisions. Some years after,’ so far from treating with barbarity, as he was advised to do, the dead body of Sem- pronius Gracchus, which Mago had sent him; he caused his funeral obsequies to be solemnized in presence of the whole army. We have seen him, on many occasions, evince the highest reverence for the gods; and Justin," who copied Trogus Pompeius, an author worthy of credit, observes, that he always shewed uncommon moderation - and continence with regard to the great number of wo- men taken by him during the course of so long a war ; insomuch that no one would have imagined he had been born in Africa, where incontinence is the predominant vice of the country. Pudicitiamque eum tantam inter tot captivas habuisse, ut in Africd natum quivis negaret.

His disregard of wealth, at a time when he had so man opportunities to enrich himself by the plunder of the cities he stormed and the nations he subdued, shews that he knew the true and. genuine use which a general ought to make of riches, vz. to gain the affection of his soldiers, and to attach his allies to his interest, by diffusing his beneficence on proper occasions, and not being sparing in his rewards: a quality very essential, and at the same time as uncommon in a commander. ‘The only use Hannibal made of money was to purchase success ; firmly persuaded, that a man whois at the head of affairs is suffi- ciently recompensed by the glory derived from victory.

© Lab. Xi, 4, P Excerpt. é Polyb. p. 33. 4 Excerpt. 6 Diod, p. 282. ‘Livy. 1, xxy.n. 17. | r Lib. xxxii. c. 4.

412 - HISTORY, &e.

He always led a very regular, austere life ;* and even in times of peace, and in the midst of Carthage, when he was invested with the first dignity of the city, we are told that he never used to recline himself on a bed at meals, as was the custom in those ages, and that he drank but very little wine. So regular and uniform a life may serve as an illustrious example to our commanders, who often include, among the privileges of war and the duty of officers, the keeping of splendid tables, and living luxu- riously.

I do not, however, pretend altogether to exculpate Hannibal from all the errors with which he is charged. Though he possessed an assemblage of the most exalted qualities, it cannot be denied but that he had some little tincture of the vices of his country ; and that it would be difficult to excuse some actions and circumstances of his life. Polybius observes,‘ that Hannibal was accused of avarice in Carthage, and of cruelty in Rome. He adds, on the same occasion, that people were very much divided iN opinion concerning him; and it would be no wonder, as he had made himself so many enemies in both cities, that they should have drawn him in disadvantageous co- lours. But Polybius is of opinion, that though it should be taken for granted, that all the defects with which he is charged are true; yet that they were not so much owing to his nature and disposition, as to the difficulties with which he was surrounded, in the course of so long and laborious a war; and to the complacency he was obliged to shew ‘vo the general officers, whose assistance he absolutely wanted, for the execution of his various en- terprises; and whom he was not always able torestrain, any more than he could the soldiers who fought under them.

* Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus. Lw. 1. xxi. n. 4.

Constat Annibalem, nec tum cim Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cim reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem coen4sse, aut plus quam sextario vini indulsisse. Justin. l. xxxii.c. 4. ' Excerpt. é Polyb. p. 34. 37.

END OF VOL. I. ; om ‘ye - 371

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