3. nen | tom FIELDIANA Anthropology NEW SERIES, NO, 10 “And He Was Beautiful”: Contemporary Athapaskan Material Culture in the Collections of Field Museum of Natural “nigra William E. Simeone James W. VanStone November 28, 1986 Publication 1371 PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF N ATURAL HISTORY ae seers: i - ingy which edhe pits 52 ne “exe Manasctips ‘mu : wa “List cha a ‘ Patapon ot monyn Re arate cles by Fi .. Sta _ BiosisL a: Base. | es sh Te Sas rt Ore A albe Sy gt (Ree eS | meee sivihes oe aah van nC ancy Bullevin yi some: indication on pric a Leneon “¢ acceptable ae! should yped double site tn baie Cia a i ; AOU ards in: ogi regs at vuld be suitab nae state the ae iter originals, but srigin inal set should be briainale (btetened) or photostats; earet hy erage ae author's name, figure number(s), an an q a unless otherwise ‘specified. Authors til must make abi dedins apes wi “proofs will be sent. All fees pedieee: is of para ake be Spade (as aera to correcticais) vatelvery, FApene) ish to ) publis 1S. : Rie Editor, 4 | ir les et of tate st ‘ea in page’ changes an only be Snead it research 5 associates, although’ nal carries a page charge of $65 — Lah be machine copies). No | Aa are 1s hain and in the te i (rave aay bein the metric system.” ‘in full. ‘ ne Daphevaieas are mn Peta: -Huntianaun sot igement you wish. to obtain i in the” Ic ws, Pen é and ink drawings may ie size limitation; and photo- — ya on ther reverse with: ie ASS soc ni authors will be con- ae WW rage detailed style informa: ; F : ; Pci a ide een Ws ie | KIELDIA: Anthropology NEW SERIES, NO. 10 “And He Was Beautiful”: Contemporary Athapaskan Material Culture in the Collections of Field Museum of Natural History William E. Simeone Department of Anthropology McMaster University Hamilton, Ontario, Canada James W. VanStone Curator, North American Archaeology and Ethnology Department of Anthropology Field Museum of Natural History Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496 Accepted for publication March 5, 1986 November 28, 1986 Publication 1371 PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY © 1986 Field Museum of Natural History Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 86-8 1688 ISSN 0071-4739 . PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA < = VLA HS 2 Table of Contents ABSTRACT The people and the environment Historical background ................ Traditional material culture, 1847- 1867 COUN G8 eo ee ee ene Cle Uae Accoutrements PARUSUVION ee cet ey ie ey a Changing styles, 1867-1930 THE MODERN CONTEXT HAIPOGUCHON: 2 ccct peculiar see esas The contemporary village The potlatch Preparation MV HAHORG ood hs ee ie Bese Ue Arrival of the guests ROUSE ooh aoe eg cee Sifiging and Gancing :.. 5. caveceus Distribution of the gifts Gifts and guests Conclusion Crafts II. I. BON ease eee EYABEDOTATION: 26555 dosnt eee eta a Household equipment ................ Tools and sewing equipment .......... Clothing and items of personal adorn- TREN ort cts toes Pare ee ee Ceremonial equipment ............... IV. CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION ACKNOWLEDGMENTS DSTERATURE COSTED? 70 enh ocaeh een a APPENDIX 1: Contemporary Northern Atha- paskan (Han, Tanacross, Upper Tan- ana): Material Calture. 5s) ce scnt APPENDIX 2: Biographical Information on Craftspeople Represented in the Collec- tion tory iil 2. Map of the upper Tanana and Copper RIVEUR co be eee oe Cee eee 40 3. An Athapaskan Indian at St. Michael .. 41 4. Athapaskan Indians at St. Michael ..... 42 5. Athapaskan Indians at St. Michael ..... 43 6.: Tanacross Indians in-1865° 9 265.525... 2 44 7. Gunho dance at a Tanacross potlatch, NODS c FoR en we ce te rd Rats ta wes eine 45 $: Potlatch av Tanacrose: 1981 5-6-4 4253 46 9. Potlatch at Tanacross, 1973) 2.03 25..: 47 10. Potlatch at Tanacross, 1981 .......... 47 Ld OW GN OUIVER. sro. rv acn pict ieee 48 PLA CAEROWS Oy Gotan ee entree eee 49 13. Tanacross boys shooting arrows, about | Js (tee seh ea Arar se et oh AEN Reet oi on 50 14. Old Paul and family at Mansfield, about OSG! Riek sila ate ete e pita etal Nea ded 51 DD CATE CASO aia ob eh Ra OR 52 16. Walter Isaac and daughters at Tanacross, BpOUt P9S0 oo os has Si even CE oe ie 17. Rifle strap and baby strap ............. 54 18. Spoon, fleshing tool, and moose call a5 19. Shell bag and sewing bag .............. 56 20 TOS DACKSACK 3. 3. tele a Nintuce pester ecu 57 21. Oscar Isaac of Tanacross packing dog pack, WORD ae chaste een da S oe teks 58-59 22. Tanacross woman with pack dog, 1918- BODO Be ods, Ain iat ak seas Ga Oe 60 23. Baby carrying cradle and birch bark con- TAINO aire an ea een ea 61 24: Birch Dark CONTAINE!S ete is eee 62 25. Birch Dark COMTAMETS 6c. se ce bE 63 26;. DBIYCH: DAK: COMIAINETS: con a ccte ss cae 64 27. Annie Denny of Tanacross making bas- ete 198) oe nae Seen ca ee 65 28. Snowshoe awls, sewing awls, netting needles, skin tanner, and knives ....... 66 PAS SEIN! LL (oan OR a ene IR RAEN tear rhe oF Te Ra 67 BO) RATTIONS so eek ee os etal oi oe es 68 31. Tanacross children wearing caribou skin pullovers and skin mittens, about ERI Bek Mea ache Dadian eer pce a roe 69 Be CHOVES Gene ieee Ah tos ie eas 2 70 BS ee £1 bene Bart Berg Ars ieee ae PIM Coenen’ SERA in Be he Sas, WIMMER DOOIS: esc ie hod oe ett 72 35. Moccasins and winter boots ........... 7A 36. IMOCCAMING feos cp emis aca ae ee 74 37. Chief Alexander of Tolovana, ca. 1900- POT Oy ea Nae Aes ot eo lactacin ie) SB> IMOCRASING: © 08 eae a) see aa eas 76 39. Chokers, headband, hair piece, and neck- UROG eh 6 oe eee aire eae shee eee ies 40. Fort Yukon woman wearing a baby strap, about 1920 78 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. ai: 32; D3: 54. 39: 56. ae Chief Isaac of Dot Lake, 1981 Steven Northway and Joe Joseph, Tana- LOSS OT 2 ere eee: re Phe ae aa ee EY 719 Necklace and bandolier ............... 80 Boy wearing dentalium shell necklaces and CBITINON E9206 oe sort fee wetia eae 81 Charlie James of Tanacross, 1981 82 Sashand kiite :sheatn. 33454 es 83 CHiet Ss COBL IIORE + i ors eens 84 Ghiet’'s Coat: Back es, on the floor, or gather in small groups around the hall. Small children dart in and out or sit im- patiently on their grandparents’ knees. From amidst this gathering an old man strides to the middle of the floor and begins to speak. At first his voice cannot be heard above the noise of the crowd, but as people notice his intent they stop talking and silence the children. Sometimes the first speaker is from the host village, and so he welcomes all those who have come to share in the event. At other times the first speaker is a guest who thanks his host for inviting him and his people. Usually one old man from each village present makes a speech. Several old men might also make speeches concerning the rea- son for the potlatch. In this instance their speeches are similar in content and form. They begin slowly and quietly, in the native language but in an ar- chaic dialect which most people have difficulty understanding. After several minutes the speaker’s voice begins to rise and take on an intensity that is frightening to the uninitiated. Accompanying the intensity of voice are dramatic gestures. Today, only a few old men are capable of delivering this type of speech, and few people seem to pay atten- tion. Yet another type of speech, concerning ad- vice on how to live a good life, is very well under- stood. In these speeches older men explain to the younger generations how they should conduct themselves in a manner becoming to a fellow vil- lager. Following the speeches, the feast begins. FEASTING— Eating is an important aspect of all potlatches. An abundance of food is a vital ele- ment of a successful potlatch; in fact, the amount of food on hand generally determines the length of the festivities. There is one big meal a day, in the evening, when everyone eats together in the community hall. Otherwise, people eat whenever they feel like it, and food is always available. After the speeches, the floor is swept clean and long streams of paper are rolled out on the floor, people flanking each side of the paper. The elders are seated on benches or chairs while everyone else is seated on the floor (fig. 8). Just before every- one eats, a prayer is said in English by a local man or visiting missionary. Food is then served out of large dish pans, the elders being offered the choic- est meats and other delicacies, such as moose head soup. All participants, especially the old people, are served much more than they can eat, the sur- plus being taken home and consumed later. Giving out as much food as possible reflects well on the host and shows respect for the guests, as well as the person for whom the potlatch is given. As guests run out of tea, they begin to sing for more. As each serving dish is emptied it is thrown across the room with a flourish and a shout, to signify that all the food has been given away. The most favored foods are country, or wild, foods. Since these are not always available in quantity, store-bought foods are utilized as well. Several days before the potlatch, men from the village start to hunt moose, which is considered not only a staple item but almost a spiritual ne- cessity for any potlatch. The head and meat are made into a delicious soup cooked outside, in large kettles, over an open fire. Depending on the sea- son, salmon, ducks, and geese are also added to the fare; occasionally, so are mountain squirrel, muskrat, porcupine, and bear meat. Much of this food is also cooked outside. Various types of salads are served, along with homemade doughnuts, cakes, pies, pilot bread, and large quantities of black tea. For breakfast, people eat bacon, eggs, and toast; for lunch, various kinds of sandwiches. SINGING AND DANCING— With dinner finished, the dishes cleared away, and the community hall swept clean, the music begins. Quietly at first and then stronger as more people join in, the first songs are sung, some old and at least one composed for the occasion. At a funeral potlatch, the first songs are “sorry songs” composed in remembrance of a deceased loved one, very emotional songs which move people to tears. These are sung almost in a monotone, and a heavy atmosphere of mourning fills the hall. As the deceased’s nuclear family and other relatives begin to sing and dance, several old women form a tight circle around them, offering both physical and emotional support. Their heads bowed, their hair pulled over their faces, the danc- ers sway their upper bodies to the rhythm of the song, shuffling their feet in short steps. Their hands are held flat with the palms facing up in a suppli- cating manner, moving up and down to the beat ofthe drum. The drummer, always a man, remains stationary along with other men who accompany the women in their singing. During this period of mourning no one is supposed to talk, laugh, or smile, and children are kept under tight control. After the emotions have sunk deeply into grief, they are slowly drawn up by the lead singers and the drummer, who alters the beat and moves on to more lighthearted dance songs. At this point, the atmosphere in the community hall changes from funereal to festive as people put aside their sadness to celebrate life with their rel- atives and friends. Dances are organized, with the men dancing in the middle of a circle of women SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 13 moving sideways, shoulder to shoulder, around the men. The drummer dances with the men and, as he tires, passes the drum to another, who can either accept or pass it on. Everyone dances with something in hand, either feathers, pieces of paper toweling, or a scarf (fig. 9). A man dances in one place, knees flexed and feet planted firmly on the floor, with either a heel or toe keeping time to the beat and the whole body moving up and down to the beat. Most movement is in the arms, which are sometimes bent at the elbow but can shoot straight out in time to the beat (fig. 10). A woman has somewhat more sedate dancing patterns. As the evening wears on and more people are shoved and dragged laughingly into the dance cir- cle, the neat organization gives way to a vibrating mass of dancers. Old women and men with canes stand up in front of their seats, bobbing to the beat. Sisters, brothers, mothers, fathers, chil- dren—all dance together to songs composed about subjects as diverse as the beautiful women of Northway, the dangerous business of fighting for- est fires, or the village of Tanacross. In the middle of all this activity, some men dance into the hall with cases of soda pop and deposit them in the middle of the floor. Immediately the thirsty danc- ers abandon their dance to grab for cans of pop, and for a short time the dance stops. It is resumed almost immediately, however, and continues on into the small hours of the subarctic morning. For some potlatches the dancers dress up in dance costumes, heavily fringed cloth dance shirts made in the colors representing the wearer’s clan (figs. 58-60) or skin vests (figs. 55-57), which are very popular. As the dancers move, the red and yellow fringes of their costumes swirl around them, filling the room with color. Added to these are the gunhos decked with colorful ribbons, feathers, and paint, with which dancers stab the air to emphasize their motions (fig. 65). A touch of regality is added by dentalium shell necklaces and beaded headbands worn by some dancers. Whether they wear dance costumes or not, peo- ple make a great effort to be neatly dressed. The women prefer brightly colored clothing, the old women wearing skirts, the younger women pants. Men usually prefer more sedately colored clothing. Appearance, especially during public occasions, is one indication of a person’s standing in the com- munity. DISTRIBUTION OF THE GIFTS— For two nights and days the people eat, dance, sing, and visit, but on the final night the routine changes. After the eve- ning meal, guests dance for a short time; then the 14 community hall is swept clean, the seats are pushed to the wall, and large cloths are laid out, covering most of the floor. In the meantime the potlatch hosts leave the hall to dress themselves and gather their gifts. First, they go to their caches where all the blankets are stored and carry them to the hall in large cloth bags. No gifts are taken through the doors but are passed through a window: because the doors are used by young girls during puberty, their contact with the gifts might bring bad luck (Guédon, 1974, p. 224). If guns are not already out on display, they are also carried to the hall and stacked, with the blankets, in the center. As previously noted, everyone attending the fes- tivities dresses in his or her best clothes. During the distribution of gifts, however, the hosts distin- guish themselves by their clothing. According to some people it is acceptable to wear white man’s clothing for the actual potlatch as long as some kind of skin garment, such as a vest or coat, is also worn. If a participant has a dentalium shell neck- lace, bandolier, or beaded sash, it is also good to wear. Together they are the costume of the rich and powerful. The skin coat, and to a lesser degree the vest, is a sign ofa rich, “‘friendly, honest, kind- ly’ man who has the capability of leading the peo- ple, giving good advice, and making a good living for himself. The dentalium shells also indicate so- cial status. The beaded sash is a sign that great relatives are remembered and that the participant is descended from great people. Those giving their first potlatch also wear special gloves, so that all the wealth they distribute will eventually return. Without gloves their wealth would wash away, like dirt when they wash their hands. These gloves are used only during the potlatch and are otherwise kept in a safe place. Additionally, some people wear magic charms wrapped in scarves tied around their arms, to make their wealth return faster. After dressing, the hosts reenter the hall and gather in the center, where they are joined by an elder who leads them in a potlatch song. This song is very important and must be sung very precisely. In general the song asks for “‘blessings” on those who are giving the potlatch as well as for those who have died and have gone “under the sky,” the world between the earth and the sky. Through the potlatch song and the distribution of gifts, the material and spiritual world are joined. By dis- tributing gifts, the physical world is made easier. The spiritual regeneration produced by giving and attending a potlatch produces a feeling of well- being and community in which both the living and dead can participate. In putting on a potlatch, the FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY hosts feel they have done something for the de- ceased, who can then pass on to the next world contented. After the song is finished, a list of those who contributed to the potlatch and what they con- tributed is read. Then an elder or famous man makes a speech on behalf of the hosts, identifying the gifts, their origins, and the total amount spent. He also praises the person for whom the potlatch is given and generally indicates the reasons why the potlatch is being held (Guédon, 1974, p. 224). After these preliminaries, the distribution of gifts begins. GIFTS AND GUESTS— Guns, blankets, and bead- work, along with bolts of cloth, are considered traditional gifts and are those most frequently dis- tributed. On occasion, however, people also give television sets and stereos; by contrast, potlatch gifts during the late 19th century consisted of a few skins. In the early 20th century the acquisition of goods was facilitated by the high price of furs (McKennan, 1959, p. 139) and the presence of traders in the area, which increased the variety of goods available to be given away. More recently, government transfer payments and wages have contributed to the elaborate potlatch gift-giving, and people frequently travel to Fairbanks and An- chorage to purchase gifts and bulk food. Today rifles are considered the most prestigious gifts; 30-30 Winchester lever-action rifles are most commonly given, but 22s and shotguns are also “put out” or distributed at a potlatch. Skin vests, guncases, moccasins, and dentalium shell neck- laces, in addition to various types of beaded jew- elry, are often given away. Blankets make up the bulk of the gifts, however, and are ranked accord- ing to color and quality. White Hudson’s Bay or Pendleton point blankets are the most prestigious, while the least important are inexpensive synthetic blankets of various colors and patterns. Expensive blankets hold a particular meaning. Besides being given away, a “high-priced blanket” is draped over the body as it rests in the coffin, signifying that the family covers the body with their love. When this same type of blanket is given away to a cross- relative or special friend of the deceased, it indi- cates that part of what is given to the body is given to the friend; the host wraps that person in love. Money is also given away, but as a gift it does not have the status accorded to guns, blankets, and beadwork. Money has recognized power, however, and people say that it can talk. This metaphor goes beyond the usual “money can make people do things” because money, during a potlatch, seems to be an entity with its own spirit. Through magic, such as a charm wrapped in a scarf tied around the arm or the wearing of gloves, money, like the other wealth distributed, can be made to return to an individual. All of these gifts, including money, which is sup- posed to help pay for the expense of attending the potlatch, are distributed to guests according to so- cial rank. A person’s social position depends in part on who his or her relatives were and on the number of potlatches that individual has given. Today almost every old person is acknowledged as important, but the middle-aged have high social status only if they are heads of clans and have given a number of potlatches. A young person is recognized in relation to his or her parents, but according to some people, is not generally entitled to expensive gifts. The gifts an old person from another village might receive include a gun, some blankets, money, and occasionally several pieces of beadwork. Other people who rate such a pro- fusion of gifts are members of the opposite clan who helped with the burial, particular relatives, and friends of the deceased. Also rewarded with several gifts are people who had to travel long distances, good dancers, singers, and orators. Less prominent people receive proportionately fewer gifts, but everyone gets something. The first gifts are given to old, distinguished people who traveled great distances, then local dig- nitaries and then lesser persons, each recipient re- ceiving his gift with studied indifference. All the time the gifts are being distributed, an interested buzz fills the hall as people watch to see who gets what. When certain people receive their gifts ap- plause breaks out, as though the crowd is showing its approval. It is very important that people of a certain rank are not slighted, because this would produce disgruntled guests and lower the prestige of the host. It is also important that a host not give the best gifts to those closely related to him. Mistakes of this kind can be held against the host and remembered by those who feel they were slighted. Besides watching the proceedings, some people, especially those who are planning a pot- latch, begin transactions with other guests to buy their gifts; this trade increases with the final dis- tribution of gifts. Before the gathering breaks up, a final dance begins as people dance and sing with their gifts to show their appreciation and to thank their hosts. This is the final act and, depending on the lateness of the hour, people either prepare to go home or get ready for bed. By the next morning most of the guests have left the village, which re- SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 15 sumes a normal pace as people return to their usual pursuits. CONCLUSION—The potlatch is an important event encompassing the social, political, econom- ic, and spiritual aspects of modern Athapaskan life. Socially, the potlatch is a vehicle for enhanc- ing personal as well as clan and village prestige. It also provides the only opportunity for the larger Athapaskan community of east central Alaska to gather, visit, and strengthen ties. In this vein, the potlatch is also a political event enabling the Atha- paskan community to assert and fortify its sense of community and ethnic pride. Economically, the potlatch helps create a dynamic culture in which modern ways of making a living, such as wage labor, cannot only be incorporated into traditional forms but used to elaborate them. For example, people use part of their monthly earnings to invest in potlatch gifts which can be stored for use at a later date. The potlatch is more than a redistri- bution of wealth; as Guédon (1974, pp. 238-239) noted, it also gives ““meaning to economic achieve- ments.” On yet another level, the potlatch con- nects the physical and spiritual worlds. In all aspects of modern Athapaskan life, the potlatch is the only place where people are likely to wear their traditional clothing, the only time they can emphasize their Indianness and display the regalia which symbolizes their social position and achievement. Just as the potlatch is an integral part of modern native culture, so are the dress and accoutrements which help to give it meaning. Crafts Objects in the collection are not only manufac- tured for use but also are made to sell to collectors, museums, and tourists. The production of crafts is an important aspect of the contemporary Atha- paskan economy. As noted previously, this pro- duction is principally a woman’s domain, reflected in the type of items most frequently sold: beaded moccasins, beaded hairpieces, necklaces, earrings, purses, mittens, and baskets. To a lesser extent, men also sell their work: drums, bows and arrows, and dogsleds. The process from production to sale generally follows the same course. To construct a pair of moccasins, for example, the women first collect materials: tanned moose skin, beaver fur for trim, beads, thread, and felt. If one of them has an un- tanned skin and the inclination, she can tan it herself. This process produces a very soft, dark 16 brown skin, similar to good quality wool felt but richer in color and more durable. Because of the time and effort involved in preparation, some women prefer to buy skin. A native-tanned moose skin like that just described costs between $300 and $500, depending on quality and size. It is much preferred for bead appliqué and sewing, as it does not stretch. Because of the cost, however, many people resort to using less expensive ma- chine tanned skins which have neither the good working character nor the feel of locally tanned skins. Because skins are not always available, some women begin the process by beading moccasin vamps; these are usually made of white felt, which is inexpensive and easy to obtain. During the win- ter women sew many pairs of these vamps, either holding them for future use or selling them to women who have skins. The small glass seed beads used for decorating the vamps are usually pur- chased at stores in Fairbanks or Anchorage. Seed beads cost about $2.50 for a hank consisting of a dozen six-inch strands of beads. After the vamps are decorated, the moccasins are cut out. The pieces are then sewn together and trimmed with beaver fur. There are various avenues open to women for selling their products. Both local stores and those in the urban centers take native products on con- signment. Other stores buy items directly, but pay lower prices because their retail prices include a markup to cover expenses. More lucrative to the individual craftsperson is a network, operating by word-of-mouth, through which friends and relatives in the urban centers refer possible buyers. Also, since beadwork is a highly personalized art form, women create their own designs and color schemes. These artists de- velop reputations and their work is actively sought. Such individuals bypass middlemen and retailers and deal directly with buyers. Through this net- work, Tanacross women have sold crafts to both white and native people throughout the state. _ The most common items made for sale are moose skin moccasins like those in the collection. These range in price from $35 to $120, depending on the decoration and place of purchase. Birch bark baskets are another common item, ranging in price from $5 to $10 for a small flat one to several hundred dollars for a large one with ornate spruce root binding. Small beaded jewelry is often made because it takes small amounts of time and materials but produces a relatively good rate of return. Generally, the price of crafts is not com- FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY mensurate with the time it takes to produce them. Consequently, the larger items—gun cases costing between $100 and $300; beaded baby straps rang- ing from $300 upward; mittens; and coats which cost $1,000 or more—are difficult to find and usu- ally made on commission. The majority of crafts- people spend most of their time on items which can be made quickly and will sell well. They know that most tourists have neither the money nor the inclination to purchase an expensive item which will not be used. Income from craft production varies. In one case, a woman from Tanacross made $2,000 in one year. In another instance, a woman from the same village was able to sell enough crafts to make a substantial down payment on a car. But generally the business is not so lucrative. Today crafts are taught in grade school by Indian education instructors as well as by parents at home. A statewide organization, the Institute of Alaska Native Arts, offers scholarships for young crafts- people to study with masters and in other ways stimulates the production and upgrading of native crafts. This organization also offers a “materials inventory” of supplies, including hard-to-obtain items such as babiche, American dentalium shells, caribou skin, and deer hooves, all of which can be ordered by mail or purchased directly at the In- stitute’s office in Fairbanks. There are a variety of influences seen in modern crafts. Beadwork designs derive from such diverse influences as the traditional geometric forms found on one knife sheath in the collection (fig. 62c) and flower patterns introduced in the mid-19th cen- tury. More contemporary sources come from de- signs on paper towels (fig. 39e); the logo of an Alaska Department of Fish and Game publication; or a United States Postal Service eagle (fig. 52). Materials come from a variety of sources, show- ing continuity with the past and innovation. Den- talium shells, as previously noted, have a long tradition of indicating a person from a higher class or chief. They were probably introduced into the interior of Alaska by the Chilkat Tlingit (Mc- Clellan, 1975, pt. 2, p. 505). After contact with the Indians, both the Russian-American Company and the Hudson’s Bay Company imported these shells, which were of great value to the fur trade. A box of shells was worth over £2,000 at Fort Yukon in 1848 (Murray, 1910, pp. 71-72). Today there are three types of dentalium used by native people: American, Japanese, and Afri- can. The American type was the original variety traded into the interior and comes from the west coast of North America. It is smooth and shiny in appearance, difficult to obtain, and consequently considered to be more valuable than the others. The most common are the Japanese varieties, ribbed and chalky in appearance; and because they are so easy to buy, much less prestigious. Much larger, but similar to the American, is the African variety; because of its size and relative abundance, it has an intermediate value. Large glass pony beads and seed beads, as well as a variety of other decorative materials, were also introduced through the fur trade. For exam- ple, on his exploratory trip up the Yukon River in 1843, the Russian explorer Lieutenant Lavren- tiy A. Zagoskin carried a quantity of trade goods. Zagoskin’s stores included red, white, and black glass beads, 80 strings of “‘steel-blue color” beads, 517 dentalium shells, a variety of earrings, copper and iron bracelets, small bells, copper rings, 10 “hollow buttons,” and 20 “naval uniform but- tons” (Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 161-162). By the mid-19th century, Athapaskans were re- ceiving large quantities of foreign decorative ma- terials, using them as a measure of wealth, and as decoration for their bodies and clothing (Murray, 1910; Zagoskin, 1967; VanStone, 1981). Most ab- original clothing had disappeared by the end of the century, but beads, buttons, dentalium shells, and mother-of-pearl continued to be used to dec- orate new styles of clothing, such as the chief's coat. Today these items continue to be used, as indicated by the objects in the collection. Ill. The Collection Introduction In the catalog of the Department of Anthro- pology, Field Museum of Natural History, the col- lection of contemporary Athapaskan material cul- ture described in the following pages is assigned 58 numbers representing 65 objects (see Appendix 1). Paired objects such as moccasins and mittens have one number and are counted as single items. Appendix | associates each object with its maker, for whom brief biographical information can be found in Appendix 2. Objects in the collection are described within the following use categories: subsistence, trans- portation, household equipment, tools and sewing equipment, clothing and items of personal adorn- SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 17 ment, and ceremonial equipment. The descrip- tions incorporate information obtained by the col- lector in the field. All objects are illustrated. For comparisons we have relied most heavily on McKennan (1959, 1965), Clark (1974a), and Os- good (1971). Other ethnographic accounts are, of course, cited when relevant. Subsistence The collection contains a single self bow made of birchwood. The stave is rectangular in cross section, with slightly convex sides. Paired V-shaped notches at the sides are cut near the end of each horn for attachment of the bow string, which is made from a single strip of moose skin babiche. On the inner surface of the stave, near the grip, a bow guard is lashed with moose hide. This pro- jecting piece of wood absorbs the impact of the string and is characteristic of all Alaskan Atha- paskan bows. The entire weapon is painted with orange paint to simulate the red ocher that was used traditionally to color bows and arrow shafts (fig. lla). According to informants, most bows were tempered by placing the stave, wrapped in green willow bark, in a fire. The bark kept the bow from burning, so it was only scorched. McKennan (1959, p. 51) noted that Upper Tanana bows were rubbed with a mixture of grease and squirrel blood, which was believed to toughen them. There are four arrows for large game. Three ar- rows have antler heads with long, thin tangs in- serted into deep slits in the distal ends of the cir- cular birchwood shafts; the fourth has a copper head. The hafting on all four arrows is reinforced with sinew lashing. Since the shafts are very reg- ular in shape, it is possible that they are made from commercial dowels. Orange paint has been daubed on the lashing and shafts of the arrows with antler heads, and the heads themselves have a light coating of paint. The proximal ends of the shafts are flattened on opposite sides to accom- modate a finger hold. Notches have been cut at right angles to the flattened surfaces and to the planes of the arrowheads. All four arrows are fletched with raven feathers split in half. The barbs have been removed from each end of the vane, exposing about half an inch of the spine. Each arrow shaft has paired feathered vanes placed approximately 2.5 cm from the prox- imal end. Each vane is parallel to the long axis of the shaft and is not spiraled. The feathers are lashed to the shaft with sinew (fig. 12a—b, d-e). 18 A single arrow for birds and small game is sim- ilar in every respect to those just described, except that it has a blunt antler head with a wedge-shaped tang (fig. 12c). Blunt antler arrowheads were said to have been preferred to empty cartridge cases, which tended to go through the animal. The large game arrowheads were made to detach from the shaft so that they would work their way into the animal as it walked. None of the arrows has iden- tification marks. Similar bows and arrows are described and il- lustrated for the Upper Tanana (McKennan, 1959, pp. 51-55, fig. 5), Kutchin (McKennan, 1965, p. 36; Osgood, 1936, pp. 82-83), Southern Tutchone (McClellan, 1975, pt. 1, pp. 282-289), Han (Os- good, 1971, pp. 70-71; Jones, 1872, p. 322), and Koyukon (Clark, 1974b, pp. 154-155). According to McKennan (1959, p. 55, pl. 1, lower left), when in use the bow was “‘held more horizontally than vertically, the left hand being used to grasp it from the underside, while the arrow in passing over the upper side of the bow is steadied between the ex- tended thumb and the index finger.” Bows and arrows were very much a part of Up- per Tanana culture in the 1920s and 1930s. All men over 60 years old today remember hunting small game with these traditional weapons, since cartridges were often difficult to obtain. A pho- tograph taken at Tanacross in the early 1930s shows a group of boys using bows and arrows (fig. 13). A quiver made in the traditional style consists basically of a single piece of tanned moose skin sewn along the upper edge with thread. At the distal end, a strip of piping is sewn into the seam. A rectangular fringed strip decorated with red and blue tubular beads and pale blue pony beads in a geometric design has been sewn into the seam above the piping. A small piece of skin has been added to the upper end with piping in the seam, and the opening is edged with dark green cotton cloth. Along the bottom is a row of red and green yarn tassels. There is a carrying strap of tanned moose skin (fig. 11b). Flat quivers similar to this one are described and illustrated for the Kutchin by Murray (1910, opp. p. 94) and reported for the Tanaina (Osgood, 1937, pp. 90-91) and Upper Tanana (McKennan, 1959, p. 55). Duncan (1984, p. 30) illustrates a heavily beaded Tanana quiver, ca. 1914, in the University of Alaska Museum. Murray’s illustra- tion indicates that this style of quiver was worn so that it hung under the left arm. According to Jones (1872, p. 324), arrows were placed in the quiver with the notch downward, but Upper Tan- FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY ana informants and Osgood (1937, p. 90) for the Tanaina stated just the opposite. Another illustra- tion, a drawing of a Tanaina quiver with arrows by John Webber, artist with Captain James Cook’s third expedition (1776-1780), shows the arrow points emerging from the top of the quiver (Kaep- pler, 1978, p. 268, fig. 590). At Tanacross several people have made quivers in recent years, and so, as this specimen indicates, the traditional design is still familiar. A photo- graph taken at Tanacross in the early 1930s shows a man holding a bow and wearing a quiver dec- orated with beads and what appears to be dentali- um shells (fig. 14). A gun case constructed of a single piece of na- tive-tanned moose skin and made for a 30-30 Winchester has a fringed insert in the seam along the lower edge for about half its length. There is a strip of piping in the other half of the seam. Separate pieces of skin notched at the edges, with floral designs in blue, translucent red, brown, translucent orange, and translucent green pony beads, are sewn to the case just below the center and around the opening. Tassels of pink, purple, and red yarn are attached along the lower edge next to the fringe. All sewing is with thread (fig. 15a). This type of gun case is traditional in design and has been used by most adult informants at Tan- across during their lifetimes. There can be many variations in the decoration of such cases, but ba- sically all are constructed in the same manner and the decorations occur in the same places. An early Han case is illustrated by Adney (1900, p. 505), and a photograph in Duncan (1984, p. 28) shows a case from Fort Yukon, dating about 1900, in the University of Alaska Museum. A photograph tak- en at Tanacross in the early 1930s shows hunters, with gun cases, preparing to depart on a caribou hunt (fig. 16). Another gun case, a true case rather than a scab- bard like the one just described, is made of two identical pieces of native-tanned moose skin. It is sewn together with thread and has a strip of piping in the seam. The inside is lined with a soft blue matted cloth, and the opening is closed with a zipper. Separate beaded bands of skin have been added around the rim and at the center of the case. The floral designs, in translucent red, green, white, and two shades of blue pony beads, are lazy-stitched and thread-sewn. Below the beaded band at the opening and on both sides of the band at the center are simple geometric designs in red and white tu- bular beads. Along the upper edge is a carrying strap of moose skin. At intervals along the lower edge, red and blue yarn tassels are attached at the ends of short strands of large translucent red, translucent blue, and clear beads. This case is of sufficient size to accommodate a bolt action rifle and is considered by informants to be too bulky. It is actually a copy of a non-native case, but with beaded bands in traditional locations (fig. 15b). An unusual device for carrying a firearm is a rifle strap, or sling, a form which apparently evolved in the village of Northway and has not been used elsewhere. It consists of a one-piece pocket of native-tanned moose skin sewn across the bottom and part way up one side with thread, then laced the rest of the way with a strip of moose skin. The inside of this pocket is lined with white felted cloth. A fringe of commercially tanned hide is sewn into the seam, and at the lower edge a rectangular strap of native-tanned moose skin is attached to the upper edge of the pocket. This strap is in four sections, each separated by pieces of beaver fur. The back of the strap is lined with brown cotton cloth. Where the strap joins the pocket, a short fringe of commercially tanned skin has been sewn into tht seam, and at the opposite end a separate split piece of moose skin serves as a tie. Beaded panels of cloth are attached on both sides of the pocket, to which identical fleur-de-lis de- signs in orange, white, green, brown, and three shades of blue pony beads are lazy-stitched and thread-sewn. Decoration on the strap consists of rosettes in blue, white, and orange pony beads. The thread which attaches the backing to the strap is strung with translucent white beads (fig. 17a). In addition to its unique form, this sling is unusual in the use of fur, which is generally found only on clothing, and in the nontraditional beaded designs. The bead colors and designs appealed to the youn- ger people of Tanacross to whom this object was shown. The Indians of the Upper Tanana have a story relating to the manner in which people received firearms. A poor man from Mansfield, while hunt- ing, encountered some white people. They sold him two guns, which he took back to his village. This man was a member of the Chaz* clan, so when the people of Mansfield heard about the guns, they became jealous. Members of the Dikagu clan at Mansfield accumulated a great deal of wealth * Transcription of the few native terms in this study represents only a working orthography and cannot be considered either strictly phonetic or phonemic. SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 19 and purchased the two guns “‘just to be great.” These guns and their purchase were henceforth mentioned in potlatch speeches of the Dikagu clan. This story illustrates the manner in which ac- quisition of a material object can reflect credit on a particular clan. The Dikagu people were wealthy enough to purchase the right to have the guns un- der their name—and to boast of the circumstances in potlatch speeches in order to build up the rep- utation of the clan. A moose call is made from the scapula of a female moose. The sides and articular surface have been worked slightly, and a hole has been drilled near the proximal end for a carrying strap of ba- biche (fig. 18c). During the moose mating season, the scapula is scraped against a willow bush with an upward stroke, to imitate the sound of a bull moose’s antlers as he walks through the brush. This sound is supposed to attract other moose. The scapula must be dried carefully over a fire so that it will produce an antler-like sound. A moose call is said to be most effective when rubbed easily against a bush if a moose is known to be in the vicinity, or hard if no animals are nearby. Using the caller is considered to be dan- gerous, since a bull moose is very aggressive during the rutting season and is likely to charge if no cow or other bull is around. Therefore, the user must always be on guard. Most people are careful and do not like to use the caller close to a camp. A similar, Southern Tutchone moose call is illus- trated in Clark (1974a, no. 248, p. 184). A rectangular shell bag is made of native-tanned moose skin sewn with thread. The front and back are a single piece, with separate pieces for the sides and flap. A fringe and strip of piping is sewn to the flap, and there are strips of piping in all the seams. The shoulder strap is of skin, and the ties are of the same material. The inside is lined with blue cotton cloth. The outer surface of the flap has floral ornaments in pink, white, yellow, brown, and several shades of green pony beads (fig. 19a). Shell bags that were hung around the neck are not generally used today by the Upper Tanana. Instead, a small bag for shells is more often carried in a backpack. Bags like the one in the collection were frequently worn in the past, however, as Fig- ure 6 shows. There, the two Tanacross men at the right wear elaborately beaded shell bags. A more recent Tagish bag that closely resembles the one described here is illustrated by McClellan (198 1a, p. 485, fig. 4). According to informants, a shell bag was worn around the neck, with a powder horn over one shoulder and a bag for percussion caps 20 over the other. This style of bag when made today is likely to be carried as a purse by a young woman. Transportation A canvas dog packsack, sewn in the form of two pouches, has a single piece of backing which is thrown over the dog’s back. The ties are of na- tive-tanned moose skin (fig. 20). Photographs tak- en at Tanacross in 1982 demonstrate the manner in which the two pouches are tied together and the pack fastened to the animal (fig. 21a—e). Osgood (1936, p. 64, figs. 10-11) described and illustrated Kutchin dog packs and how they were tied. The use of dogs as pack animals is also mentioned for the Upper Tanana (McKennan, 1959, p. 92), Chandalar Kutchin (McKennan, 1965, p. 41), Ko- yukon (Clark, 1974b, p. 136), and Southern Tu- tchone (McClellan, 1975, pt. 1, pp. 274-275, pl. Via). Upper Tanana dogs packed and ready for a trip are shown in a photograph taken at Tanacross about 1920 (fig. 22). Particular importance is attached to the method of loading the dog pack, since this is vital to the comfort and endurance of the animal. All soft ma- terials must be packed on the inside, next to the dog’s body; all hard materials have to be placed on the outside. Equal distribution of the weight on each side is also important. As noted in the illustrations (fig. 2 1a—e), the pack is always set back on the shoulders and not on the neck. Household Equipment A large wooden spoon is cut from a crooked piece of birchwood. It has a long handle with a suspension hole at the proximal end (fig. 18a). Wooden spoons are also described for the Upper Tanana by McKennan (1959, pp. 44-45, fig. 4c— f) and for the Han by Osgood (1971, p. 73). Adney (1900, p. 503), writing about the ““Moosehide In- dians”’ (the Han), described a feast given by Chief Isaac in his tent. While the meat was cooking, the cook “brought out a large wooden spoon and, skimming the pure grease off the top of the kettles, passed it around the circle.” The collection contains a bowl-shaped baby- carrying cradle, made from a single piece of birch bark to support the infant in a sitting position. The edges are reinforced with strips of spruce root and the whole is lashed with the same material. This type of cradle is rarely used today, but was once FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY widespread among western Athapaskans. The construction of this example is traditional, except that the center strap which the child straddled is made of blue and white cotton cloth, heavily or- namented with Japanese dentalium shells and thread-sewn pony beads in a variety of colors. The infant was held in the cradle with ties of moose hide (fig. 23a). Similar cradles are described for the Upper Tan- ana (McKennan, 1959, pp. 88-89), Kutchin (Os- good, 1936, p. 44, pl. 9a; McKennan, 1965, p. 41), and Koyukon (Clark, 1974b, p. 137). A historical photograph of a Tanana infant in a birch bark cradle is illustrated by McKennan (1981, p. 573, fig. 12), and a similar photograph of Ahtna infants is reproduced in de Laguna and McClellan (1981, p. 651, fig. 12). A cradle made at Minto in 1968 and now in the University of Alaska Museum is illustrated by R. K. Nelson (1983, p. 19). Although the seven birch bark containers in the collection have many features in common, they are each sufficiently different to warrant a separate description, beginning with the three round bas- kets with separate bottom pieces. The first and simplest of these is made of particularly thick bark. The rim is strengthened with a piece of spruce root, and sewing throughout is of the same material (fig. 24a). The second is very similar and is also made of unusually thick bark. At the rim, the bark has been folded over and notched to form a decorative pattern (fig. 24b). The third of these baskets has a strengthened rim. A decorative strip of notched bark with the inside facing out encircles rim and bottom. This basket is made of the previous year’s bark. The spruce root lashing around the rim is dyed red, and short strands of clear, metallic, and white beads with yarn tassels hang from it in four places (fig. 25b). A tall, oval basket with a separate bottom is made of new bark. Shaped like a wastebasket, it is perhaps intended for that purpose. The rim is strengthened with a strip of spruce root, and has spruce root lashing throughout. Separate decora- tive strips of bark, inner side out, have been added around the rim and bottom. Strands of large green, white, and red beads with moose hide tassels hang at intervals from the rim (fig. 26b). A very similar Tanana basket is shown in a photograph taken in the 1930s (Hosley, 1981a, p. 542, fig. 21). A shorter, wider oval basket, also made of new bark, is virtually identical to the one just de- scribed, except that there is a piece of bark rein- forcing the side seam and the beads on the tassels are red, blue, and green (fig. 26a). A round basket made of a single, folded piece of new bark has its rim strengthened with a strip of notched spruce root sewn with the same ma- terial. The tassels are of large red, white, and yel- low beads and strips of moose hide (fig. 25a). The last birch bark container is shallow and more like a tray than a basket. It is made of a single piece of folded bark from the previous year, has a reinforced rim, and is lashed with spruce root. Separate decorative pieces of bark, inner side out, have been added at either end. Thread-sewn metallic beads are fastened to the rim just above these added pieces (fig. 23b). Birch bark baskets, usually of the four-corner- folded variety, are described for a number of Alas- kan Athapaskan groups (Clark, 1974b, p. 133; McKennan, 1959, p. 41, fig. 3, 1965, p. 39). Ac- cording to informants at Tanacross, birch bark baskets were intended primarily for storage in the 1920s and 1930s, when metal pots and pans were used for cooking. Fish and berries were packed into baskets and covered with grease; then, a lid was sewn on top. Although none of the baskets described here is sewn tight enough for storage, all are made in much the same manner as the earlier containers, but fancier for the tourist trade. Figure 27 shows Annie Denny of Tanacross making bas- kets. Two of her works are in the collection. Tools and Sewing Equipment Flesh and fat were removed from a moose skin with a fleshing tool. The Indians consider such an implement to be part knife and part axe. The ex- ample in the collection is made from a moose tibia which has been transversely cut for slightly more than half its length. To this cut area, a steel blade with a serrated edge has been attached. The blade is lashed to the bone handle with babiche which is also drawn through a pair of holes drilled in the handle and the blade. There is a carrying strap of babiche (fig. 18b). A skin tanner has a serrated, semilunar blade made from an old saw blade set directly into an antler handle and held in place with pegs of the same material (fig. 28f). This implement was used to soften a skin during the last stages of the tanning process. McKennan described and illustrated sim- ilar knives for the Upper Tanana (1959, p. 66, fig. 6a) and Chandalar Kutchin (1965, p. 38, pl. 18b); these were also used for working skin. He noted the presence of another form of semilunar knife, presumably without a serrated working edge, that SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 21 resembled the Eskimo ulu and was used to cut fish. Informants reported that the implement de- scribed here was used for both purposes. Woodworking tools are represented in the col- lection by two crooked knives with steel blades and curved moose antler handles. The faces of the blades are sharpened within the bend and along the length of the same side. The handles form slightly more than half the total length. The prox- imal ends of the blades fit into slits in the handles and are held in place with antler pegs. The handle of one specimen is colored with orange paint in imitation of red ocher. Both knives are for right- handed individuals (fig. 28h-i). Similar knives, widespread in the subarctic, are described by McKennan (1959, p. 66) for the Upper Tanana. An all-purpose straight-bladed knife has an antler handle and a stainless steel blade from a com- mercial paring knife (fig. 28g). Two snowshoe awls, for carving grooves in snowshoe frames, have heavy antler handles and steel blades with wedge-shaped points, apparently made from large nails. The blades are simply in- serted into holes in the handles (fig. 28a—b). A very similar implement is illustrated in Clark (1974a, p. 78, no. 98). Two paired moose antler netting needles, for weaving snowshoe webbing, are pointed at both ends and have holes drilled in the center (fig. 28e). Such needles, described by McKennan (1965, p. 38) for the Chandalar Kutchin, are widely distrib- uted in the subarctic. There are two sewing awls in the collection. One is quite simple, consisting ofa moose antler handle into which a steel point has been inserted, prob- ably a sharpened nail (fig. 28c). The other is older and of more complicated construction. It has a laminated handle made of dimes, nickels, pennies, pieces of skin and, at the proximal end, the top of a cartridge case. The blade is made from a small triangular file (fig. 28d). This awl was found in an old fish camp across the Chisana River from Northway village, and is estimated to have been made sometime in the very early 20th century. When Simeone showed this awl to informants, they recalled having seen and used similar imple- ments. He also saw one collected at Copper Center between 1906 and 1910. A roll-up sewing bag, made of red, green, and blue felt sewn with thread, has three pockets, two facing toward the top and one in the flap facing toward the bottom. At the upper end is a moose skin tie with a large red bead at its end. Two of the pockets have rectangular moose skin patches Ze for needles. Below these patches are floral designs in blue, white, green, and translucent pony beads. The flap has a similar ornament in red, white, and green beads. The pockets and flap are outlined with white beads (fig. 19b). Sewing bags of this style are widespread throughout Alaska and are used today by both Indians and Eskimos. A Tanacross informant, aged 63 in 1981, noted that she had never owned a sewing bag of moose or caribou skin, only bags like this one, made of cloth. The two bags illus- trated in Clark (1974a, pp. 96-97, nos. 131-132), made by the Southern Tutchone and Koyukon Indians, are much smaller than the one described here but similar in design. Clothing and Items of Personal Adornment Many of the items of clothing described in this section, particularly those heavily ornamented with beads, were worn primarily at potlatches or made to be given as potlatch gifts. Such special clothing could just as well have been included in the fol- lowing section, devoted to items of material cul- ture which traditionally have been most closely associated with the potlatch. In general, although people like to dress up, they feel somewhat un- comfortable wearing fancy Indian clothing and items of personal adornment, especially in the presence of non-natives. As noted in the previous chapter, beaded items and clothing made of moose hide are an indication of wealth and, therefore, appropriate for display at a potlatch. The collection contains two pairs of gauntlet mittens of native-tanned moose skin sewn with thread and identified as for a man and a woman. Construction consists of front and back pieces, with a U-shaped slit in the palm piece which be- comes the inner flap of the thumb. There are strips of piping in all the seams. Separate strips of beaver fur serve as trim. The inside is lined with pieces of wool blanket. Decoration on both pairs consists of a beaded floral pattern on the gauntlet’s outer surface. On one pair, the pony beads are red, blue, translucent blue, white, translucent brown, green, and translucent green (fig. 29). On the other, the colors are blue, red, green, white, and translucent yellow. Both pairs have suspension cords of blue and white yarn (fig. 30). The construction of these mittens is the same as that described by McKennan for the Upper Tanana (1959, p. 78) and the Chandalar Kutchin (McKennan, 1965, p. 45). Although there is some FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY question whether mittens and gloves suspended with a cord around the neck were part of the ab- original Athapaskan costume, the style is very old, having been noted by a number of early observers. Examples collected in the 1860s are to be found in museum collections (VanStone, 1981, pp. 22- 23). According to informants, this style of mittens is seldom worn at the present time, except by per- sons who wish to dress up for special occasions. Beaded gauntlet mittens worn by young people are shown in a photograph taken at Tanacross some- time between 1930 and 1934 (fig. 31). The collection also contains two pairs of gloves. One pair is constructed entirely of native-tanned moose skin. The palm and backs of the first and fourth fingers are a single piece, while the backs of the second and third fingers are separate pieces, as is the front and back of the gauntlet. Separate strips of beaver fur serve as trim. A fringe of com- mercially tanned cowhide has been sewn into the seam on one side of the gauntlet, and there are strips of skin piping in the other seams. Part of the inside is lined with floral-patterned flannel. There are floral designs in red, white, orange, pink, translucent green, and translucent blue pony beads on the backs of the second and the third fingers and the gauntlet (fig. 32b). The second pair of gloves has two-piece moose skin gauntlets joined to commercial gloves; sep- arate strips of beaver fur are attached as trim. A fringe of commercially tanned cowhide is sewn into one seam of the gauntlet and a strip of piping into the other. The inside of the gauntlet is lined with brown cotton cloth. Decoration on the outer surface consists of floral designs in yellow, clear, translucent green, translucent red, and translucent blue pony beads (fig. 32a). The antiquity of gloves among Northern Atha- paskans is a matter of conjecture but, like the mit- tens with suspension cords, some early examples occur in museum collections (VanStone, 1981, pp. 22-23). Today, as previously noted, gloves are al- ways worn at a person’s first potlatch to bring good luck. A two-piece fox skin cap, sewn with thread, is lined on the outside with purple cotton cloth and on the inside with white cotton cloth. A tail has been added for decoration. The ties and tassels are of braided red, white, and purple yarn (fig. 33a). Caps like this one, more commonly made of mar- ten skin, are described for the Upper Tanana and Chandalar Kutchin by McKennan (1959, p. 78; 1965, p. 45). Among Indians today, fur hats are worn by both young and old men on special oc- casions, such as at dog races. Hats of marten skin have prestige value, while fox skin hats do not and are more likely to be made for non-natives. The collection contains three pairs of winter boots. Two pairs are virtually identical, except that the slightly larger pair is identified as for a man, the smaller for a woman. The tops are canvas with a separate vamp over the instep. The bottoms are of native-tanned moose skin. There is a pair of rectangular moose skin strips between the canvas uppers and the bottom pieces. Strips of skin piping are inserted in the seams on the bottoms. The uppers are sewn with thread; the bottoms with sinew, as are the seams where canvas and skin meet. Strips of moose skin serve as ankle ties. At the top, a braided tie of blue and white yarn is threaded through a folded loop of canvas. Deco- ration on both of the pairs consists of a strip of commercial cotton tape with floral designs (fig. 34). This type of winter boot is worn at the present time during cold weather, mainly by young chil- dren and a few older people. If the weather is warmer than — 10° F, there is a chance of getting the boots wet, so some people wear rubber over- shoes over the skin bottoms. The third pair of winter boots is quite different in design and construction, and is made of native tanned moose skin sewn with sinew. The uppers consist of separate vertical strips in front and back as well as in the center of each side. The strip in front includes a section that extends over the in- step. There is a separate folded strip of commer- cially tanned skin around the top to contain a tie of the same material. A fringe of native-tanned skin has been sewn into the seam that joins the upper to the folded piece, and all other seams con- tain strips of skin piping. The bottom is a single piece with a T-shaped heel seam. A fringe has been sewn into the seam that joins the upper to the bottom piece. An ankle tie is threaded through holes in the upper just above the bottom piece. Decoration consists of a simple floral design on the instep in black, white, and pink pony beads. The pattern of this pair of winter boots is unusual and its origin cannot be determined with certainty. It represents, in any event, a very distinctive style of sewing (fig. 35b). True moccasins are represented in the collection by two pairs, both made of native-tanned moose skin sewn with thread. The bottom of the first pair is of single piece construction with a T-shaped heel seam, straight toe seam, and combined U-shaped SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 23 instep and tongue piece. There are strips of piping between all seams. Each moccasin has an ankle piece wrapped around the lower leg held in place by a tie which runs through holes at intervals in the bottom, just below and parallel to the seam joining the bottom to the ankle bands. There is no decoration (fig. 35a). This style of moccasin belongs to series VI in Hatt’s classification of North American moccasins (1916, pp. 165-166). Examples of similar con- struction are described and illustrated for the Chandalar Kutchin by McKennan (1965, p. 45, pl. 23) and a pair made by the Slave and collected in the 1860s is illustrated in Clark (1974a, p. 117, no. 160). According to informants, footgear of this style were referred to as ““one day moccasins” be- cause they were so easy to make. The second pair of true moccasins features a single-piece bottom, an upper that includes the tongue, and a vertical heel seam. An ankle piece wraps around each leg and is held in place with a tie located similarly to the tie on the first pair. Each moccasin has strips of piping in the heel seam and the seam joining the bottom to the upper. The instep is covered with a piece of red felt decorated along the edges with pink and blue embroidery thread (fig. 36a). This style of moccasin is described for the Upper Tanana by McKennan (1959, pp. 79-80), who be- lieved it to be a recent introduction. A photograph taken at Tolavana around 1920 (fig. 37) shows a man who appears to be wearing this style of moc- casin. In addition to the specimens just described, the collection also contains three pairs of footgear that more closely resemble s/ippers than true mocca- sins. All are made of native-tanned moose skin and are sewn with thread. The first pair has a single-piece bottom with a T-shaped heel seam and a separate vamp deco- rated with a floral pattern in white, dark red, yel- low, and translucent green pony beads. All seams have inset strips of piping. The opening is trimmed with a strip of beaver fur and the inside of the instep lined with white cotton cloth (fig. 36b). This pair is very typical of slippers made for the past 30 or 40 years throughout the Athapaskan area and frequently sold to non-natives. The second pair of slippers is constructed of a single-piece bottom with a T-shaped heel seam joined to a narrow, rectangular upper. Each slipper has a strip of beaver fur attached to its top, a separate vamp, and a notched strip of green felt sewn into the seam between the upper and the 24 bottom piece. Strips of piping are sewn into the horizontal section of the heel seam and the seam that joins the vamp to the bottom. There are ties of commercially tanned skin sewn to each end of the upper. The vamp is decorated with floral de- signs in yellow, dark red, green, and translucent pink beads and a border of red and white beads (fig. 38b). According to informants, the use of a felt strip around the back is considered old-fash- ioned and is not much seen anymore. The third pair, perhaps more accurately referred to as moccasin-slippers, has a flat, single-piece bot- tom; the upper includes the instep and has a straight seam in the back. A short tongue is a separate piece, and the shoelace-style ties are of commercial skin. There are strips of piping in all seams. The inside is lined with printed cotton cloth. On each instep, an eagle is stitched in black and white beads over an outline of the bird drawn on the skin with a red crayon. Beaded geometric designs in black and white beads extend along the sides and around the back (fig. 38a). This style of moccasin-slipper was worn in the 1920s and 1930s. The application of beadwork around the heel is considered today to be rather old-fashioned. Moccasin-slippers are not intended as footgear for traveling, but rather for use at home or around the fire in camp. A necklace has a circular pendant of white wool heavily beaded on the front with white, blue, and translucent tan beads. The design is taken from a paper toweling border. The loop of blue and white beads is sewn with thread in an over-under weav- ing technique in which the beads are strung in- dividually (see Orchard, 1975, p. 134, fig. 114, p. 136). This style of necklace is worn occasionally by the Indians themselves, but more often made either to be sold to non-natives or given away at potlatches (fig. 39e). There are two quite different chokers in the col- lection. One is a loop beaded in a manner similar to that of the necklace loop just described; it has a commercial metal clasp. Attached is a circular pendant of white wool heavily beaded on the front. The beads are dark blue, light blue, and a pale cream color (fig. 39c). The design and construction of this choker is characteristic of the entire north- ern Athapaskan area. The second choker, a rectangular piece of felt, is heavily beaded on the front and lined with brown cotton cloth on the back; it has a commercial metal clasp. The background of the thread-sewn beaded design on the front is in white beads. Floral pat- terns in green, blue, translucent green, and trans- FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY lucent red beads complete the design. Along the lower edge is a fringe of white and blue beads (fig. 39a). A hairpiece is a heavily beaded circular piece of yellow felt with a metal hair fastener at the back. The thread-sewn, stylized floral design on the front has a white background. The design itself is in black, translucent blue, orange, and translucent yellow beads. Around the edge is a border of blue and orange beads, from which hang nine strands, each consisting of colored beads and large Jap- anese dentalium shells (fig. 39d). Hairpieces, like the necklace and chokers, are sometimes worn to- day by women on special occasions, but are more generally sold to non-natives. Duncan (1984, p. 60) illustrates two hairpieces made by Sarah Mal- colm of Eagle in 1983. A baby strap, which ties across the chest and holds the infant inside a robe or item of loose clothing, is a rectangular strip of native-tanned moose skin with a separate loop attached at one end and a pair of ties at the other. One side of the strap is ornamented with floral designs in pink, red, blue, green, translucent green, and translucent red beads, spot-stitched and thread-sewn. The op- posite side is lined with red cotton cloth. There are lines of white beads above and below the floral ornamentation. The strap is edged with rows of red and white beads. Along the lower edge is a fringe of tassels consisting of red, white, and blue beads and red, blue, and green yarn (fig. 17b). Baby straps are described and illustrated for the Upper Tanana by McKennan (1959, p. 88, pl. 1) and for the Kutchin by Osgood (1936, p. 40), who mentioned that the amount of decoration on the strap indicated the wealth of the woman. Photo- graphs taken at Tanacross in 1926 and at Fort Yukon in the early 1920s show women wearing ornamented baby straps (figs. 22, 40). Similar il- lustrations have been reproduced frequently in the Athapaskan literature (Duncan, 1984, pp. 44, 46; McClellan, 1981b, p. 500, fig. 5; Acheson, 1981, p. 699, fig. 6; Clark, 1974a, cover). Today, baby straps have been largely replaced by children’s pack bags; straps like the one de- scribed here are made for the tourist trade. Along with gun cases, mittens, and gloves, baby straps are considered to be truly Indian. Ceremonial Equipment The items of material culture described in this section can be said, with some degree of certainty, to have been made to wear or give away at pot- latches. As noted previously, it is likely that some of the objects included in the previous section were made for the same purpose. In any event, it is clear that virtually all the clothing described in this study as well as most of the items of personal adornment are not items of everyday wear, but were made to be worn on special occasions when people were particularly anxious to stress their In- dianness. The most important of such occasions would, of course, be potlatch celebrations. A pho- tograph taken at a Northway potlatch in 1981 il- lustrates the extent to which highly decorated clothing is worn on such occasions (fig. 41). An oval hat of birch bark covered with native- tanned moose skin is flat across the top and trimmed with strips of beaver fur. A strip of the same material hangs down the back. The inside is lined with blue cotton cloth, and a separate fringe of moose skin has been sewn into the seam around the lower edge. Around the front, there is floral ornamentation in blue, white, translucent red, and translucent green beads, on either side of which are sewn feather quills and dentalium shells. There is a vertical row of black beads on either side at the back. All sewing is with thread (fig. 33b). In shape if not in decoration, this hat appears to re- semble those worn by Tanana River Indians en- countered by Allen in 1885 (fig. 6). A beaded headband is made from a piece of white felt with brown felt ties at either end. The ties are secured to the band with sinew. Basted onto one side of the band is thread-sewn orna- mentation in blue and translucent yellow beads that covers the entire surface (fig. 39b). It is sewn in an over-under weaving technique in which the beads are strung individually (see Orchard, 1975, p. 134, fig. 114, p. 136). Headbands are worn by many participants dur- ing dances and are considered to be an integral part of the dance costume (fig. 42). According to informants, three styles of headbands were worn: simple cloth bands, beaded bands like this one, and bands decorated with dentalium shells. As indicated in Figures 41 and 42, Tanacross people sometimes wear eagle feathers, either real or im- itation, usually at the front of the headband. Two feathers indicate that both sides of an individual’s family were affluent. A single feather signifies less wealth and therefore conveys less prestige. In the past, the kind of feathers worn was an indication of clan affiliation. A necklace is made of dentalium shells strung on string and separated by strips of native-tanned SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 25 moose skin and rows of white-lined red beads. At the lower end is a fringe of green, white-lined red, and striped beads (fig. 43a). The lower portion of the necklace forms a pendant, a style formerly common but now rare among the Upper Tanana (fig. 44). Most contemporary necklaces simply cir- cle the neck (McKennan, 1981, p. 571, fig. 6). Many older people own chief’s necklaces, as dentalium shell necklaces are called, which have been passed down from generation to generation. Such necklaces were worn by all the Alaskan groups, and even today among the Upper Tanana they have a definite status associated with them: the more shells a person has, the richer he or she is believed to be. McClellan (1975, pt. 1, p. 317) noted that at the time of her field work in the late 1940s and early 1950s, native peoples of the south- ern Yukon Territory considered dentalium shells to be the mark ofa higher class person. The north- ern bands of the Southern Tutchone, who have had the most contact with the Han, Kutchin, and Upper Tanana, valued them the most. There are a number of stories which relate how the people of Tanacross obtained dentalium shells. One such story tells how a man who was out hunt- ing saw from a distance another man whom he recognized as a “bush man.”’ These quasi-super- natural beings lead a shadowy existence in the bush, and their ability to live apart from other people makes them different from ordinary human beings. Belief in bush men is widespread among northern Athapaskans, and they have been described in some detail for the Kutchin by Slobodin (1960). The stranger was clearly recognized as a bush man because of his “‘big nose,” ““big bones,”’ and “big joints.” The hunter hid in the brush with his bow and arrow at the ready. When the bush man walked within range, the hunter shot and killed him. Before burying him under some moss, the hunter took a necklace of dentalium shells from the body, wrapped it in birch bark, and placed it in the fork of a tree. Later, the hunter’s father told him to wait for three years before wearing the necklace in case the bush man was missed and his people came looking for him. In a second story, a bush man is out hunting and, encountering a bear, attempts to run away but trips and falls. The bear is right on top of him and the bush man appears about to be killed, in spite of his attempts to stab the bear with his knife. A Tanacross man arrives and saves him by stab- bing and clubbing the bear. The bush man tells his rescuer to clean a nearby birch tree of all its limbs so that the tree will be easily recognizable. 26 He is instructed to return to the tree and take whatever he finds useful hanging there. Dentalium shell necklaces are what he finds hanging on the tree (for more detailed versions of these stories, see Paul, 1980). According to the informant who related these stories, each is associated with a specific clan, al- though he could not remember which ones. The first story is generally not mentioned by the mem- bers of the clan that owns it, since the shells were obtained through the murder of a man and the story reflects badly on them. The second story, however, is repeated at potlatches because it re- flects well on the protagonist and his clan. Because the protagonist saved a life, he was rewarded— this sort of story can be used to build the prestige and spirit of his clan. Informants agreed that dentalium shell neck- laces and similar material items were comparable to the American flag pin that a person might wear in his lapel on Memorial Day. They are symbols of remembrance of the “top people” of a person’s clan, those individuals who were not only rich in material goods but were also friendly and honest and could be counted on to give good counsel and advice. A dentalium shell bandolier is constructed like the previously described necklace. The rows of shells, strung on thread, are separated by strips of moose skin and rows of striped and black beads. At the proximal end are a loop fastener of com- mercially tanned skin and a plastic button (fig. 43b). Tanana and Koyukon leaders wearing den- talium shell bandoliers and necklaces are shown in a photograph taken at Fairbanks in 1915 (Hos- ley, 1981b, p. 552, fig. 9). A 1981 photograph shows a bandolier worn by a Tanacross man (fig. 45). Bandoliers are worn by men and women at pot- latches and dances, and individuals are even bur- ied wearing them. Certain material objects, in- cluding bandoliers, were also used by men of power in their dreaming. Such an object which belonged to a powerful individual was believed to have “spirit,” or the power to cure illness. When a per- son was ill, an object with “spirit”? was placed near him to make him well. Related to the dentalium shell bandolier is a woven, beaded sash. It consists of a rectangular piece of white felt, on one side of which a woven design of geometric patterns in brown, yellow, or- ange, white, black, green, and blue beads has been attached with thread. At the ends are fringes of dentalium shells and beads in a variety of colors FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY (fig. 46a). Woven sashes like this one were worn over the shoulder (fig. 41), and appear to be a modern version of the dentalium shell bandolier. Beaded sashes are very popular today and are sym- bols of the wearer’s importance. The collection contains three chief's coats, the history and significance of which has been dis- cussed in some detail by Simeone (1983). The first of these coats is made of native-tanned moose skin. The front, back, and arms are all separate pieces, but the collar is a separate piece of com- mercially tanned skin. Strips of piping are sewn into the shoulder seams. Sewing throughout is with heavy thread. There is beaver fur trim around the cuffs, down each side, and around the bottom. Panels of bright red felt with beaded floral designs in a wide range of colors occur in the traditional locations: down each side, around the cuffs, and across the back. There are moose skin ties on the front of the coat, which is unlined. The beaded panels were made several years earlier than the rest of the coat and are in the style of the 1920s and 1930s (figs. 47-48). The second coat, illustrated in color by Simeone (1983, p. 64), is a commercial black cloth suitcoat trimmed with beaver fur and ornamented in the traditional locations with red felt panels bordered with green and white cotton cloth. The panels are beaded with floral designs in a variety of colors. A fringe of dentalium shells and beads hangs from the panel across the back. The beads on this fringe are clearly older than those used on the rest of the garment. Around the bottom, above the beaver fur trim, the floral designs are sewn directly onto the coat, which has a border of green and white cotton cloth and plastic buttons (figs. 49-50). Although this coat is similar to those made in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, as far as decoration is concerned, Simeone observed that cloth coats are not popular today. Skin coats like the one previously described are preferred because they are obviously more traditional. Also, skin coats are usually decorated in a more subdued fashion, although this is not apparent in compar- ing this garment with the skin coat previously de- scribed. Coats made of moose skin with beaver or otter fur trim are regarded as the most important and mean almost as much as the dentalium shell necklace. “Big strong people,” those with consid- erable prestige and the ability to influence public opinion through either valuable gifts or oratory, wear both at a potlatch. Skin coats also are be- lieved to possess power which can protect the own- er. A skin coat, particularly one made of moose skin, is the sign of a wealthy, highly respected man who has the capability to lead people, give good advice, and locate game animals and fish. Part of being a respected man is to be neat and clean in appearance, to be able to take care of one’s self, and to make a good living. When a wealthy and respected man marries, it is of no importance whether the woman is physically attractive, for good clothing can make anyone attractive; she must be kind. The third coat, although made of tan felt to simulate moose skin, has the classic design of a chief’s coat. On either side in front, there are strips of beaded floral ornamentation in a variety of bright colors. This ornamentation is outlined with white beads and black cotton cloth which extends as an edging around the collar. The beaded eagle design on the back combines floral elements with the U.S. Postal Service emblem. Fringes of felt have been sewn into a seam at the back underneath the or- namentation and in the shoulder seams; there are strips of felt piping in the shoulder seams. Black cotton tape ornamented with beads is sewn around the coat’s lower edge, the inside of which is lined with black-and-white checked cotton cloth. There are ties of black cotton cloth and metal hooks to hold the front together. Sewing is with thread throughout (figs. 51-52). Interestingly, there is no special name for the chief's coat even though social status is connected with it. This suggests that its value and significance is associated entirely with the contact period. Old- er chief's coats are shown in a photograph taken at Tanacross in 1926 (fig. 53), while in a 1982 photograph Emma Jonathan is shown wearing a relatively new one in the same community (fig. 54). A variety of chiefs coats, old and contem- porary, are illustrated by Simeone (1983). The collection contains a skin vest made of two pieces of native-tanned moose skin with strips of piping sewn in the seams. The woman who pre- pared the skin for this garment used a mixture of water and battery acid for the tanning process be- fore smoking it to give the proper color. This type of tanning makes the skin stretch and difficult to sew. The vest is lined with printed cotton cloth and sewn with thread. Fringes of moose hide have been sewn across the front and back. Just above the fringe in front, on either side of the opening, are beaded rosettes in dark blue, light blue, green, and translucent brown beads. There are three similar rosettes on the back, above the fringe; the bead SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 27 as i= + - .* 2 . 7 £La —_—.—<_ <= _— | + © colors are dark red, blue, pink, and translucent green. These beaded ornaments, both in front and back, are sewn directly to the moose skin (figs. 55- 56). Vests like this one are frequently worn by men and women to dances and other social events. They are especially favored by young people and are worn in all upper Tanana and Copper river vil- lages. Most vests are short like this one and the one in Figure 57, but occasionally they reach to the knees. Vests appear to be a fairly recent in- novation, as they are not shown in old photo- graphs. A dance shirt is made from yellow and black felt that is trimmed with patterned gold and black ribbon. The neck opening is edged with gray cotton ric-rac (figs. 58-59). Yellow or gold and black are the colors of the Nalcine or Crow clan; other clans have different colors. Some sew animal symbols to their dance costumes (fig. 60). This garment is typical of the costumes worn at potlatch dances on the upper Tanana and Copper rivers. A dance shirt virtually identical to this garment is shown in a photograph taken at Tetlin in the late 1960s (fig. 61). Informants maintain that cloth dance shirts were in use as early as 1927, but the decoration and type of cloth used were quite different. The earlier shirts were made either of plain or flowered calico; they were decorated with dentalium shells, yarn tassels, swan’s down attached to the arm like a fringe, caribou skin fringes, and beadwork. The latter was apparently sewn to a yoke across the back and trimmed with a skin fringe. The collection contains three knife sheaths made of native-tanned moose skin. Separate loops of skin are attached at the back so that the sheaths can be worn on a belt. The distal ends have metal coverings so that the knife point will not cut the end of the sheath. All sewing is with thread. The first sheath has a beaded floral design sewn directly on the moose skin. The colors are blue, white, translucent blue, translucent red, and two shades of translucent green. The sheath is edged with red and blue beads and accented with a row of red and yellow beads down the center. Also present are four tassels consisting of beads of var- ious colors and orange and blue yarn. Loops of moose skin with large beads at the ends are at- tached to either side of the metal end, which is made of aluminum siding (fig. 62a). The second sheath is decorated in a similar fash- ion, except that the beaded design on the front, 28 below the opening, is geometric rather than floral. The colors are red, yellow, and several shades of blue (fig. 62c). The third sheath is decorated with floral designs that represent an older style of beadwork. The colors are clear, blue, red, yellow, and translucent green. Parallel rows of red and blue beads extend down the front of the sheath, and light blue beads form the edge. The metal end is held in place with a strand of sinew stretched across the back (fig. 62b). These knife sheaths are very well made and typ- ical of those used in the early part of this century, but they have now gone out of fashion. McKennan (1959, p. 59, fig. 7c) illustrated an Upper Tanana knife sheath which is flat across the distal end and thus could have accommodated a metal end. Somewhat unusual is a knife sheath with button sash, of red wool backed with blue cotton cloth and decorated with rows of plastic buttons. The sheath is of native-tanned moose skin with a metal end. Decoration consists of dentalium shells and red, green, and striped beads. Commercially tanned skin has been used to secure the metal end. Sewing throughout is with thread (fig. 46b). Although buttons have been favored by Indians of the upper Tanana and Copper rivers for deco- rating shirts, chief's coats, and children’s parkas, button sashes seem to be rare. Nevertheless, pho- tographs of individuals wearing knife sheaths with long sashes or straps, usually of dentalium shells, are fairly common (Hosley, 1981a, p. 542, fig. 21; McKennan, 1981, p. 574, fig. 13). A photograph taken at Tanacross between 1930 and 1934 shows an elderly man wearing such a sheath and sash. The sheath has a metal end and the sash is dec- orated with dentalium shells (fig. 63). In the col- lections of the University of Alaska Museum is a sheath from Rampart, dated to about 1900, with a dentalium shell sash and a metal end. It is il- lustrated by R. K. Nelson (1983, p. 35). A gunho, or dance baton, is a rectangular birch- wood board that narrows to form a hand grip at one end. Approximately 55 cm above the grip is a square hole to aid in holding. The board is dec- orated with circles, half circles, and dots outlined with pencil and painted blue and orange with com- mercial paints. At the top and along the edge on one side, goose, spruce hen, and owl feathers are fastened with thread (fig. 64). The gunho was brought to Mansfield village on the upper Tanana River by the Han chief, Isaac, who came with a delegation of Indians for a pot- FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY latch in the 1890s. When the Han people reached Mansfield Lake, they came across with dog sleds and stopped short of the village to put on their dance clothes. Then they either danced or walked into the village with two “‘gunho men” leading the procession and everyone singing. When the Han left Mansfield, they left a gunho sticking in the snow. An informant noted that giving the gunho was “a great thing in the Indian way.” The use of batons spread from Mansfield to other Tanana River communities. Today at Tanacross, the Nalcine clan claims the right to the gunho, which also represents Mansfield village and is used to direct certain dances at pot- latches. All informants agree that it is not used in the correct way. In earlier times there were only two gunhos at a dance, and the men holding them stood on either side of the drummer. Only the most skillful dancers were supposed to use them. Now many people carry them, as shown in Figures 7 and 65, and the batons seem to have lost their original function. A photograph taken at Tetlin in the late 1960s shows two men holding gunhos (fig. 61), while a rather poor photograph, probably taken at Tana- cross in the 1920s, shows a man holding a gunho (fig. 66). An earlier photograph, taken during a potlatch at Eagle in 1907, shows a gunho as well as men wearing a variety of dance costumes (fig. 67). Use of the gunho during potlatch dances is de- scribed for Upper Tanana Indians at the village of Tetlin by Guédon (1974, pp. 222, 231-232) and for Indians of the southern Yukon Territory by McClellan (1975, pt. 1, p. 295, pl. 13a). The Yak- utat Tlingit are described by de Laguna (1972, vol. II, pp. 618-619) as using oar-shaped wands or “dance paddles” with which to beat time during dances. Tlingit dance batons are illustrated by Gunther (1966, opp. p. 145) and by Collins et al. (1973, nos. 355-366, p. 274). Clearly there is a close relationship between these Tlingit dance ba- tons and the Athapaskan gunho. The collection contains two drums, both of the single head, or tambourine, variety. This type is used to accompany dancing and singing at pot- latches and on other social occasions (figs. 10, 68). The frame of the first drum is of birchwood, the ends of which are joined by a bolted steel plate backed with a piece of wood. A moose skin cover has been stretched over the frame. The webbing on the back is babiche and the head itself is held in place with nails and staples. The decorative red and black design on the head was done with a felt- tipped marker. The accompanying drumstick is a burl from a spruce tree and is similarly decorated (figs. 69-70). The second drum is less traditional and has an innovative design. The frame is of birchwood cov- ered with moose skin lashed with babiche, but the back is of plywood. This variation on the tradi- tional backing, which changes the tone of the drum, is considered to be an experiment and may or may not be accepted. The back and sides are painted with white, orange, and blue commercial paint. Heart-shaped designs were outlined in pencil be- fore being painted. There are two sticks with this drum, one a single piece of painted plywood with a hole at one end, the other, more traditional, a strip of birchwood bent to a circle at one end where there is sinew lashing and a bolt to hold the bend in place (figs. 71-72). Informants noted that a drum head could be made of bear or caribou skin as well as moose skin, each material producing a different sound. Sometimes two drums are used at a dance, both with a different pitch. The tambourine drum is used by many northern Athapaskans and is widely distributed among other North American peoples. McKennan (1959, p. 98, fig. 3) described and il- lustrated the Upper Tanana drum. Osgood (1936, p. 100) noted that drums were absent from tra- ditional Kutchin culture, but were imported from the Tanana River in more recent times. IV. Continuity and Innovation The Athapaskan Indians of interior Alaska un- doubtedly lost much of their traditional or mod- ified-traditional material culture by the early 20th century, due to the influx of relatively cheap com- mercial materials at that time. As a result, the appearance of the people and their communities was greatly altered. On the other hand, a collection like the one described and illustrated in this study, when viewed in historical perspective, makes it clear that many forms from the past have in fact been retained. This important characteristic of the collection may be obscured to some extent by the present-day use of exotic materials and new meth- ods of manufacture. One purpose of this chapter is to show how some forms have remained the same while others have changed, and the manner in which innovation has produced a particular, uniquely contemporary material culture. SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 29 7 es se ee eee ee _— | 7 = == ts 2a a It will be immediately apparent that the collec- tion contains few items that are not somehow use- ful in terms of contemporary Athapaskan culture. Some objects replicate items no longer in use and presumably owe their continuing existence to their value for the tourist trade. Perhaps the majority of objects in the collection could be used locally as well as sold to tourists, but the bow and arrows, quiver, wooden spoon, and baby cradle doubtless were made specifically to sell, either to tourists or to collectors of traditional ethnography like the authors of this study. The important point is that people still remember how to make these items that no longer have a place in the contemporary material culture inventory. These items thus rep- resent the most direct continuity with the past. Although these objects are survivals from the traditional material culture, there are aspects of their construction and decoration that represent innovation and change. The bow and arrow shafts are painted with orange paint to simulate the red ocher that was used traditionally, and the lower edge of the quiver has a row of red and green yarn tassels. Both the quiver and the baby cradle are decorated with glass beads and dentalium shells, prized decorative materials from the period of ear- liest contact. The shell bag is associated with modified-tra- ditional subsistence activities, but today the form is used as a purse by young women, an obvious adaptation to contemporary needs and to the tour- ist trade. Similarly the birch bark containers, al- though intended as wastebaskets and put to other contemporary uses, for the most part are con- structed of traditional materials in the traditional manner. New materials foreign to the native environ- ment have been incorporated into a number of objects in the collection. The dog packsack, al- though of traditional construction, is made of can- vas. Commercially tanned skin, cloth, nails, com- mercial gloves, and metal have been used in the manufacture and decoration of a number of ob- jects in the collection, many of which are of tra- ditional or modified-traditional form. The gun case, although a form introduced by Europeans, represents a definite continuity with the past, but has been altered today to accom- modate bolt-action rifles. The decoration of these cases, however, occurs in the same places as on cases of the early contact period. Truly innovative is the rifle strap, which apparently represents a new and unique solution to the problem of carrying a firearm. Also highly innovative are the chokers, 30 hairpiece, and cloth dance shirts, none of which is associated with the traditional or modified-tra- ditional culture. The tools and sewing equipment are also im- pressive examples of continuity. Although the blades of some tools are metal, the forms are tra- ditional. The roll-up sewing bag is a form wide- spread in the arctic and subarctic, but the material is imported felt and thread rather than hide and sinew. Significant examples of continuity, innovation, and change in the collection fall within the cate- gories of clothing, personal adornment, and cer- emonial equipment. A wide range of imported ma- terials has been used in the manufacture of mittens and gloves, and the collection contains a variety of moccasins ranging from traditional styles to the slippers that are a favorite item of the tourist trade. The latter, like the previously mentioned shell bag, represent an excellent example of a new use for an old form. Decoration on the moccasins and slip- pers varies from the traditional floral patterns as- sociated with early beadwork designs to contem- porary pictorial forms. It should be noted, however, that the placement of decoration, the use of a fur trim, and the inclusion of cloth insets that run around the ankle on one pair of slippers are all associated with modified-traditional Athapaskan footwear. An important part of contemporary potlatch ceremonies is the single-headed drum. One ex- ample in the collection (figs. 69-70) is wholly tra- ditional, except for the use of nails and staples to hold the head in place and decoration applied with a felt-tipped marker. The second drum (figs. 71- 72), while maintaining the basic traditional shape, has several innovative design features. Dentalium shell necklaces and bandoliers, the beaded sash, knife sheaths, the sheath with button sash—all have their roots in the past but show interesting innovations, particularly in decoration and the use of exotic materials. As in the past, dentalium shells are considered the mark of a su- perior person. The chief's coats are particularly good examples of the concepts that are stressed in this chapter. Change begins with the European-derived style of the coat itself, which dates from the earliest contact period. In the collection the earliest form is rep- resented by the coat of moose skin, but there is also a garment made from a cloth suitcoat and one of tan felt that simulates moose hide. All of these coats exhibit the classic design of the traditional chief's coat, with decorative panels down each side FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY of the opening, around the cuffs, and across the back. Thus the chief's coats demonstrate consid- erable continuity with the past as far as style and decoration are concerned, but this has not pre- vented a wide variety of imported materials from being used in their manufacture. Furthermore, they still retain at least a semblance of their traditional power, for their decorations still represent wealth, just as in the past. In spite of changes in materials and decorative style, these coats still communicate traditional values. So far, we have considered continuity and in- novation primarily with reference to the form and physical properties of objects in the collection. Of equal interest and importance is the continuity of symbolism associated with these items of material culture and the significance of the entire concept of being well dressed. Alexander Murray (1910, pp. 84-85) noted that among the Indians who traded at Fort Yukon, rich and poor were distinguished by clothing. The rich possessed two suits of clothes, changing them when they danced, just as people at Tanacross do today when potlatches are held. Slobodin (1981) stressed the importance which the Kutchin have always assigned to neatness of appearance, while Mc- Clellan (1975, pt. 1, p. 302) considered the Yukon Territory Athapaskans to be “definitely interested in dress’’ and “‘among those people who stress the close identity between their clothing and their ‘selves.’ This intimate connection between an individual and his or her clothing was important at the time of McClellan’s field work in the late 1940s and also obtained in the past (McClellan, 1975,pt. 1, p. 301). Today among Indians of the upper Tanana Riv- er, being dressed up is very important; clothes do make the person, just as they did in the past. Cloth- ing and personal adornment, in addition to indi- cating the social status derived from giving pot- latches, is associated with the ideal behavior of the individual. Even though everyone is aware that an individual cannot possibly achieve the ideal, it is considered something to strive for. Thus fine clothing and personal adornment are associated with “‘top people,” those who refrain from gossip, jealousy, boasting, and dishonesty. The ideal is to be rich, honest, clean living, friendly, and to “love” people. This is the meaning that is conveyed by fine clothes. It is not always necessary to know an individual personally, since what he or she wears can convey the concept of a “friendly, kindly per- son,” one who can be counted on to give good advice. In this study we have attempted to show that, first of all, traditional Athapaskan material cul- ture, at least on the upper Tanana River and con- tiguous areas, is not extinct. To some extent the skills of the past and even particular items of the traditional or modified-traditional material cul- ture have been kept alive by the demands of the tourist trade. Even more important, however, has been the retention of traditional values. Secondly, native craftspeople have never failed to appreciate the advantages of new materials and have, without hesitation, applied them to traditional forms. In fact, given the availability and great variety of these materials, it is surprising that the collection as a whole exhibits as little radical change in forms as it does. Contemporary Athapaskan material culture is vital, innovative, and modern, but with strong ideological and technological roots in the past. The objects described and illustrated in this study are not simply museum pieces, but part of a living culture with deep commitment to the past and the future. Acknowledgments In addition to craftspeople listed in the appen- dices, many others participated in assembling this collection. For much of the ethnographic infor- mation we are grateful to Alice Brean, Oscar Isaac, Rose Isaac, Charlie James, Larry Jonathan, Gaith- er Paul, Kenneth Thomas, Sr., and Mildred Thomas, all of Tanacross. Others who assisted were Titus David of Tetlin and Andrew Isaac of Dot Lake. The photographs of the ethnographic col- lection are the work of Mr. Ron Testa and Mrs. Diane Alexander-White, Field Museum of Natu- ral History, and the maps were drawn by Ms. Lori Grove. Several drafts of the manuscript were typed by Mrs. Loran Recchia. Literature Cited ACHESON, A. W. 1981. Old Crow, Yukon Territory, pp. 694-703. In Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Subarctic. Smithsonian In- stitution, Washington, D.C. ADNEY, T. 1900. Moose hunting with the Tro-chu-tin. Harper’s New Monthly Magazine, 100(597): 495-507. ALLEN, H. T. 1887. Report on an Expedition to the Copper, Tanana, and Koyukuk Rivers in the Territory of Alaska, in the Year 1885. ... Washington, D.C. SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 31 ANDERSON, L. D. 1956. According to Mama. Edited by Audrey Loftus. St. Matthew’s Episcopal Guild, Fairbanks, Alaska. Brooks, A. H. 1953. Blazing Alaska’s Trails. The Uni- versity of Alaska, Fairbanks, and The Arctic Institute of North America. CAMPBELL, R. 1958. Two Journals of Robert Campbell, Chief Factor, Hudson’s Bay Company, 1808 to 1853; . .. Shorey Book Store, Seattle. Capps, S. R. 1916. The Chisana-White River District, Alaska. U.S. Geological Survey, bulletin no. 630. Washington, D.C. CLARK, A. Mc. 1974a. The Athapaskans: Strangers of the North. Canada, National Museum of Man, Otta- wa. 1974b. Koyukuk River Culture. Canada, Na- tional Museum of Man, Mercury Series, Ethnology Service, paper no. 18. Ottawa. Co.uins, H. B., DE LAGUNA, F., CARPENTER, E., AND STONE, P. 1973. The Far North. 2000 Years of Amer- ican Eskimo and Indian Art. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Crow, J. R., AND P. R. OBLEY. 1981. Han, pp. 506- 513. In Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Subarctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. DALL, W. H. 1870. Alaska and Its Resources. Lee and Shepard, Boston. DE LAGUNA, F. 1972. Under Mount Saint Elias: The History and Culture of the Yakutat Tlingit, 3 pts. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, 7. Washington, D.C. DE LAGUNA, F., AND C. MCCLELLAN. 1981. Ahtna, pp. 641-663. In Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North Amer- ican Indians. Vol. 6, Subarctic. Smithsonian Institu- tion, Washington, D.C. Duncan, K. C. 1984. Some Warmer Tone: Alaska Athabascan Bead Embroidery. University of Alaska Museum, Fairbanks, Alaska. GuEDOoN, M.-F. 1974. People of Tetlin, Why Are You Singing? Canada, National Museum of Man, Mercury Series, Ethnology Division, paper no. 9. Ottawa. . 1981. Upper Tanana River potlatch, pp. 577- 581. In Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Subarctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. GUNTHER, E. 1966. Art in the Life of the Northwest Coast Indians. Superior Publishing Company, Seattle. Hatt, G. 1916. Moccasins and their relation to arctic footwear. Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, 3: 151-250. Hostey, E.H. 1981la. Environment and culture in the Alaska plateau, pp. 533-545. In Helm, J., ed., Hand- book of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Subarctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 1981b. Intercultural relations and cultural change in the Alaska plateau, pp. 546-555. Jn Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Subarctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Jones, S. 1872. The Kutchin tribe, pp. 320-327. In Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smith- a2 x sonian Institution . . . for the Year 1866. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Kaeppter, A. L. 1978. “Artificial Curiosities”: Being an Exposition of Native Manufactures Collected on the Three Pacific Voyages of Captain James Cook, R.N.,.... Bishop Museum Press, Honolulu. Krauss, M. 1974. Native Peoples and Languages of Alaska (map, revised 1982). Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska, Fairbanks. Krecu, S. 1976. The eastern Kutchin and the fur trade, 1800-1860. Ethnohistory, 23(3): 213-235. . 1978. On the aboriginal population of the Kutchin. Arctic Anthropology, 3: 89-104. MCCLELLAN, C. 1964. Culture contacts in the early historic period in northwestern North America. Arctic Anthropology, 2(2): 3-15. 1970. Introduction to special issue: Athabas- can studies. Western Canadian Journal of Anthropol- ogy, 2(1): vi-xix. 1975. My Old People Say. An Ethnographic Survey of the Southern Yukon Territory, 2 pts. Can- ada, National Museum of Man, Publication in Eth- nology, 6. Ottawa. 198la. Tagish, pp. 481-492. Jn Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Sub- arctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 1981b. Tutchone, pp. 493-505. Jn Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Subarctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. MCcKENNAN, R. A. 1959. The Upper Tanana Indians. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, no. 59. New Haven. . 1965. The Chandalar Kutchin. Arctic Institute of North America, Technical Paper, no. 17. Montreal. . 1981. Tanana, pp. 562-576. In Helm, J., ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6, Sub- arctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Murray, A. H. 1910. Journal of the Yukon, 1847- 1848. Edited by L. J. Burpee. Publications of the Ca- nadian Archives, 4. Ottawa. NELSON, E. W. 1887. Report Upon Natural History Collections Made in Alaska Between the Years 1877— 1881. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. NELson, R. K. 1983. The Athabaskans: People of the in History, no. 27. University of Alaska Museum, Fairbanks. ORCHARD, W. C. 1975. Beads and Beadwork of the American Indians, vol. 11, 2d ed. Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Founda- tion, New York. Oscoop, C. 1936. Contributions to the Ethnography of the Kutchin. Yale University Publications in An- thropology, no. 14. New Haven. 1937. The Ethnography of the Tanaina. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, no. 16. New Haven. . 1971. The Han Indians. Yale University Pub- lications in Anthropology, no. 74. New Haven. PAUL, G. 1980. Stories for My Grandchildren. Tran- + Boreal Forest. Alaska Historical Commission, Studies FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY scribed and edited by Ron Scollon. Alaska Native Lan- guage Center, University of Alaska, Fairbanks. Pitts, R. S. 1972. The Changing Settlement Patterns and Housing Types of the Upper Tanana Indians. Un- published M.A. thesis in anthropology, University of Alaska, Fairbanks. RAYMOND, C. W. 1873. The Yukon River region, Alas- ka. Journal of the American Geographical Society, 3: 158-192. SIEBERT, E. V. 1967. Kollektsii pervoy poloviny XIX Vv. po severnym atapaskan. Sbornik Myzeya Antro- pologii i Etnografii, 24: 54-84. . 1980. Northern Athapaskan collections of the first half of the nineteenth century. Translated by Da- vid H. Kraus. Edited with an introduction by James W. VanStone. Arctic Anthropology, 17(1): 49-76. SIMEONE, W. E. 1982. A History of Alaskan Athapas- kans. Alaska Historical Commission, Anchorage. 1983. The Alaskan Athapaskan chief’s coat. American Indian Art Magazine, 8(2): 64-69. SLOBODIN, R. 1960. Some social functions of Kutchin anxiety. American Anthropologist, 62(1): 122-133. . 1981. Alexander Hunter Murray and Kutchin hair style. Arctic Anthropology, 18(1): 29-42. Stuck, H. 1917. Two Thousand Miles with a Dog Sled, 2d ed. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York. VANSTONE, J. W. 1979. Ingalik contact ecology: An ethnohistory of the lower-middle Yukon, 1790-1935. Fieldiana: Anthropology, 71: 1-273. . 1981. Athapaskan clothing and related objects in the collections of Field Museum of Natural History. Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s., 4: 1-86. WESBROOK, M. E. 1969. A venture into ethnohistory: The journals of Rev. V. C. Sim, pioneer missionary on the Yukon. Polar Notes, 9: 34—45. Wuynmper, F. 1869. Travel and Adventure in the Ter- ritory of Alaska, .... Harper & Brothers, New York. WILson, C. 1970. Campbell of the Yukon. Macmillan of Canada, Toronto. WRANGELL, F. P. von. 1970. The inhabitants of the northwest coast of America. Translated and edited by James W. VanStone. Arctic Anthropology, 6(2): 5-20. WRIGHT, A. 1925. St. Timothy’s Mission at Tanana Crossing, Alaska. Spirit of Missions, 90: 172-173. ZAGOSKIN, L. A. 1967. Lieutenant Zagoskin’s Travels in Russian America, 1842-1844. Edited by H. N. Mi- chael. Arctic Institute of North America, Anthropol- ogy of the North, Translations from Russian Sources, no. 7. University of Toronto Press, Toronto. SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 33 = = ee = eee rs . 7 - se as =e 2 2 +2 2 See ee Os = Appendix 1 Contemporary Northern Athapaskan (Han, Tanacross, Upper Tanana) Material Culture (Accessions 3509, 3534) Following is a list of the northern Athapaskan specimens described in this study. Each listing is preceded by Field Museum catalog number and includes the maker’s name, the community affiliation of the maker, and the purchase price. Subsistence 270107 bow, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $150 with arrows (fig. 1 1a) 270108a-—c arrows for large game, Julius Paul, Tanacross (fig. 12a—b, d) 270108e arrow for large game, Julius Paul, Tan- across (fig. 12e) 270108d arrow for birds or small game, Julius Paul, Tanacross (fig. 12c) 270139 quiver, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $200 (fig. 11b) 270088 gun case, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $100 (fig. 15a) 270123 gun case, Annie Denny, Tanacross, $300 (fig. 15b) 270087 rifle strap, Mary Jane Fix, Northway, $95 (fig. 17a) 270121 moose call, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 18c) 270089 shell bag, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $100 (fig. 19a) Transportation 270143 dog packsack, Martha Isaac, Tana- cross, $100 (fig. 20) Household Equipment 270144 spoon, Steven Northway, Northway, $75 (fig. 18a) 270084 baby-carrying cradle, Jessie Mark, Tetlin, $80 (fig. 23a) 270082 birch bark container, Emma Jona- than, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 24a) 270083 birch bark container, Emma Jona- than, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 24b) 270091 birch bark container, Annie Denny, Tanacross, $25 (fig. 25b) 34 270099 birch bark container, Sarah Malcome, Eagle, $35 (fig. 26b) 270098 birch bark container, Sarah Malcome, Eagle, $35 (fig. 26a) 270100 birch bark container, Sarah Malcome, Eagle, $35 (fig. 25a) 270090 birch bark container, Annie Denny, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 23b) Tools and Sewing Equipment 270102 fleshing tool, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $75 (fig. 18b) 270103 skin tanner, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $75 (fig. 28f) 270115 crooked knife, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 28i) 270116 crooked knife, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 28h) 270120 straight-bladed knife, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 28g) 270114 snowshoe awl, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 28b) PATRON by) snowshoe awl, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 28a) 270118a—b netting needles, Julius Paul, Tana- cross, $35 (fig. 28e) 270119 sewing awl, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $35 (fig. 28c) 270104 sewing awl, maker unknown, pur- chased from Emma Jonathan, Tan- across, $100 (fig. 28d) 270130 sewing bag, Ellen Thomas, Tanacross, $65 (fig. 19b) Clothing and Items of Personal Adornment 270127a—b man’s gauntlet mittens, Ellen Tho- mas, Tanacross, $150 (fig. 29) 270128a-b woman’s gauntlet mittens, Ellen Tho- mas, Tanacross, $150 (fig. 30) FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY 270101a—b 270113a—b 270138 270131a—b 270132a—b 270105a—b 270126a—b 270125a—b 270093a—b 270097a—b 270085a—b 270094 270095 270096 270112 270129 gloves, Sarah Malcome, Eagle, $184 (fig. 32b) gloves, made in Minto, collected from Larry Jonathan, Tanacross, $140 (fig. 32a) fox skin hat, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $125 (fig. 33a) winter boots, Ellen Thomas, Tana- cross, $65 (fig. 34a) winter boots, Ellen Thomas, Tana- cross, $65 (fig. 34b) winter boots, Marggie Sparks, Alaska Highway, $150 (fig. 35b) moccasins, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $50 (fig. 35a) moccasins, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $50 (fig. 36a) moccasins, Ellen Demit, Tok Junc- tion, $40 (fig. 36b) moccasins, Sarah Malcome, Eagle, $43 (fig. 38b) moccasins, Doris Charles, Dot Lake, $125 (fig. 38a) necklace, Ellen Demit, Tok Junction, $15 (fig. 39e) choker, Ellen Demit, Tok Junction, $15 (fig. 39c) choker, Bella Demit, Tetlin, $25 (fig. 39a) hairpiece, Rica Paul, Tanacross, $25 (fig. 39d) baby strap, Martha Byrum and Annie Denny, Anchorage, originally from Tanacross, $225 (fig. 17b) Ceremonial Equipment 270142 hat, Emma Jonathan, Tanacross, $100 (fig. 33b) 270133 270135 270136 270086 270141 270140 270122 270134 270092 270110 270111 270109 270137 270124 27008 la—b 270106a-c headband, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $65 (fig. 39b) necklace, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $125 (fig. 43a) bandolier, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $125 (fig. 43b) sash, Jessie David, Tetlin, $185 (fig. 46a) chief's coat, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $900 (figs. 47-48) chief's coat, Emma Jonathan, Tana- cross, $500 (figs. 49-50) chief's coat, Darlene Charlie, lower Tanana River, $125 (figs. 51-52) vest, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $250 (figs. 55-56) dance shirt, collected from Larry Jon- athan, $50 (figs. 58-59) knife sheath, Maggie Isaac, Dot Lake, $40 (fig. 62a) knife sheath, Maggie Isaac, Dot Lake, $40 (fig. 62c) knife sheath, Annie Denny, Tana- cross, $40 (fig. 62b) knife sheath with button sash, Martha Isaac, Tanacross, $125 (fig. 46b) gunho, Julius Paul, Tanacross, $100 (fig. 64) drum and stick, Walter Northway, Northway, $200 (figs. 69-70) drum and two sticks, Julius Paul, Tan- across, $150 (figs. 71-72) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 35 ~+-aR ~~ + te. 3: me 233 = ae aes SH A”)6O SS eee WDD Appendix 2 Biographical Information on Craftspeople Represented in the Collection Martha Byrum, the daughter of Annie Denny, was born in Tanacross but now lives in Anchorage. She is an excellent sewer and sells her work throughout Alaska. Doris Charles was born on the Copper River but now lives in Dot Lake. She is a member of the Chaz clan and is well known throughout Alaska for her beadwork. Darlene Charlie lives on the lower Tanana River. Jessie David was born in 1910 in Mansfield vil- lage. She was the sister of the chief of Tanacross and married to Titus David, chief of Tetlin, where she lived until her death in 1981. She was a member of the Nalcine clan and is well known for her beautiful beadwork. Bella Demit lives in Tetlin. Ellen Demit was born in Chena village on the Tanana River, near Fairbanks, and now resides at Tok Junction. Annie Denny, the mother of Martha Byrum and Marggie Sparks, was born in Mansfield village on 24 December 1907. Her mother came from Batzulnetas on the upper Copper River. She is married to Tom Denny, Sr., and lives on the Tanana River opposite the old village of Tan- across. Mrs. Denny is well known for her birch bark baskets. Maggie Isaac, a member of the Chaz clan, lives in Dot Lake. She is particularly well known for her animal forms done in beadwork. Her work is illustrated in a number of magazines. Martha Isaac, a member of the Dikagu clan and sister of Ellen Thomas, was born in Mansfield village on 6 October 1918 and now lives in Tan- across. Her father came from Salchaket, a village at the junction of the Salcha and Tanana rivers, and her mother from Mansfield village. Her ma- ternal grandfather was from the Big Delta area. 36 Mrs. Isaac has considerable knowledge and ex- pertise in sewing and is proficient in preparing her own moose skin and babiche. She does con- siderable sewing for the market and also for her family. Her husband was one of the first men at Tanacross to have a chief’s coat in the early 1970s, and her bead patterns for such coats are used by a number of Tanacross women. She is a niece of Julius Paul. Emma Jonathan, a skilled maker of birch bark baskets, was born in Mansfield village on 28 April 1915 and lives in Tok Junction. A member of the Nalcine clan, she is the wife of Steven Northway. Jessie Mark lives in Tetlin. Sarah Malcome was born at Eagle in 1905 and is the only Han craftsperson to contribute to the collection. She is known throughout Alaska for her birch bark baskets and for her willingness to teach people her craft. She now resides in Eagle during the summer and Fairbanks during the winter. Steven Northway, the brother of Walter Northway and a member of the Nalcine clan, was born in Northway village on 25 December 1905. In ad- dition to being a leading craftsman, he is an excellent drummer and song leader. Mr. North- way, who is married to Emma Jonathan, now lives in Tok Junction. Walter Northway was born in the Northway area in 1876. He is one of the leading craftsmen in the upper Tanana region and is the traditional leader of the community of Northway. Mr. Northway, the brother of Steven Northway, is a member of the Nalcine clan. Julius Paul, a member of the Dikagu clan and husband of Rica Paul, was born in Mansfield village. Mr. Paul is one of the few remaining traditional woodworkers in Tanacross, and has collaborated on two projects with the Tanacross school involving the manufacture of drums and FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY bows and arrows. In addition to his skill at man- Alaska Highway halfway between Tanacross and ufacturing items of traditional material culture, Tok Junction. She has won a number of prizes Mr. Paul is also an expert carpenter. His father, for her beadwork. Old Paul, was originally from the area around Delta Junction, on the middle Tanana River. Ellen Thomas, the sister of Martha Isaac and a member of the Dikagu clan, was born on 20 Rica Paul, wife of Julius Paul, was born in Mans- April 1930 in Tanacross. Mrs. Thomas tans her field village in May 1928. own moose skin and until recently had sewn mainly for her own family. Marggie Sparks, the daughter of Annie Denny, was born in Tanacross and now lives on the SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE SW “AIOVLLIOT, UOYNA oy} pue evysepy jo depy ‘| Olg I —| ~ wy O91 3 oy? i}; Ne) a) ONIONY7 HSVMuNG - 3D VYOHONY 4 YNLIND 4uaLNaD | Y¥3add09 Ss o> . mutas = Soy ° 3 : ©) b dd by Ba rAS) % * 7 % we ave NOSMVa % : y SYNVSHIVS in) LUVdWVY oy MS ey a3? hy A > 99 ed . 2 ol °e9 TAVHOINW “LS OLVINN °99 39 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 40 150° 66° 146° i 442° a OOo NENANA SALCHAKET 64° am AKE o = MANSFIELD x | re) p 2 > | TANACROSS” +3, | JUNCTION , TETLIN Ay A NORTHWAY 100 km t mF 1 MENT4 Moy, TA Nr. CHISTOCHINA AINg GAKONA \ c BG GULKANA 62° 62° | = j T a ° y > 8 8 Fic. 2. Map of the upper Tanana River and upper Copper River drainages. FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY ~ ho Fic. 3. An Athapaskan Indian photographed at St. Michael, 1877-1881, by Edward William Nelson. (Smithsonian Institution photo no. 6362.) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 41 6333 Fic. 4. Athapaskan Indians photographed at St. Michael, 1877-1881, by Edward William Nelson. (Smithsonian Institution photo no. 6383.) 42 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 5. Athapaskan Indians photographed at St. Michael, 1877-1881, by Edward William Nelson. (Smithsonian Institution photo no. 6341.) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 43 "(6L ‘d ‘ddo ‘, gg] ‘UoTTY) S8gI Ut UaTTY “1 Aruayx JUeUaNer] Aq poydessoj0yd suerpu] ssoiovueyl “9 “O14 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY 44 (QUOSUIG “q WITT hq ydei80104g) “SOE6I A[se9 JO SOZHI FL] SY) DOUIS ssoJOvUR] 1B Posn UdEq Sey 1YSLI sy} 1B SUOQQLI YIM OYUNS pods dy] “OYeT 10q pur ‘sso1ovuL] “eiseIUI| ZUIPN OUT ‘saBeIIIA [BIDAVS WOY oe YdesZojoyd sry} ut sJdood sy] “Yyoiepod oy} ye AeMe UDAIZ Oq 0} DIV PUL “Bey URdLIOUTY OY} JO JUOI UT BURY PoYyoRIe soareos YIM SopL jo Joquinu y ‘[neg snng Aq poqured udis yoepiod v st Jous0 puey yoy Joddn oy} ur a[qIstA Ajoreg “€/6] ‘Yolepod sso1ovuRy Bie soURp OYUN */ “Ol{ 45 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE (‘QUOSUIg “A We Aq ydesso10y4q) “Yyoiep1od 9y} BUIAIZ 9sOY} JO SpudL pue sioquiow AjIuey Aq s}od o81e] Woy POAIOS SI POOF 9Y} Udy) pue ‘Jos oie sooRld ‘UMOP pI] o1e Joded Jo s[[O1 9B1e] ‘suIsaq svoj OY) DIOJog “YSY puv VOU JO SadId JS9OIOYO OY} UDAIZ pure ISI POAIOS Ie AOU “[[eM 9Y} ISuTeSe JOUOY JO S}Bas OY) DABY s[dood PIO ‘T[eYy AITUNUIUIOD ssoIOvUL] MOU 9Y} 1v Udye] sem YdesBOJOYd SIY] “1 RG] ‘ssolovUR]L 1e YIeoOg =°“g ‘OLA -_ - : ANTHROPOLOGY FIELDIANA 46 Fic. 9. Isabel John of Tanacross at a Tanacross pot- latch, 1973. (Photograph by William E. Simeone.) = Fic. 10. Harry John of Copper Center dancing at a Tanacross potlatch, 1981. In his hands he holds pieces of paper toweling, which are often held by both men and women when dancing (see fig. 9). Figures 9 and 10 illustrate examples of dance styles. (Photograph by William E. Simeone.) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 47 48 Fic. 11. a, bow (270107); b, quiver (270139). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY “(COROIOLZ) WWies OB1e] 1OJ MOLIV 9 (BQOIOLZ) Fred adie] JOY MOLL ‘Pp “(PZOTOLZ) AWes [[BUIS JO spIIG OJ MOLIE ‘D9 *(98010LZ) QUIes 9BIR] OJ MOLIE *q (QROIOLZ) FwWes 9B1e] JOJ MOLIV “BW “Z| “OL 49 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE Fic. 13. Tanacross boys shooting arrows, about 1930. Bows were used by boys to shoot small game such as squirrels and rabbits. All the boys are dressed in western-style clothing, probably supplied by the missionaries. Note, however, that at least one boy wears skin summer boots decorated with buttons around the top. (Photograph by E. A. McIntosh, reproduced courtesy of Gaither Paul.) 50 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY (‘ned Jayitey Jo Asoyinoo psonposdas ‘ysoiuyoW “y “A Aq ydesdoj0Yq) “aJiM S.[Ne_ PIO Aq WOM st YoryM suO}N pue JNJ YIM poie1OIp yoyoel dy] SION “‘pouspiey-s1y sem HI 1ey} SUNLOIpUI SyJeUI WING pu pseNs AreWO}sNd oY} Sey MOQ YL “S|[PYS UNITeJUSp puL speoq YIIM po}e1OSEp oq 0} Srvodde YoIyM JOAINb pue Mog B YIM SuIpur}s SI [neg PIO ‘suOS S,plAeg ‘[neg Ajleg pue [Neg JoYIeH oe 1YBLI dy) UO SAOg [TPIS OM} OY “PIARC UOS SNe PIO Pue ‘seWIOY] seEiIg ‘Neg elNe ‘(1oyleypuLIs soRRS] eye) [Neg PIO ‘oees] eye] ‘o[dood poynuoprun om) ‘plaeq aissaf ‘Ydasor vulpes ose Yo] OY} WIZ ‘OEG] INOge ‘pjoysuepy ie A[ruKy sty pue Neg PIO “pl “OF ~_ ee) a er 3 r . a A “ ~ > — 7 . . . 7 51 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 52 Fic. 15. a, gun case (270088); b, gun case (270123). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY (‘neg Joyitey jo Asoznod poonpoldal ‘ysoyupo “y “A Aq ydeiZ0j}0yq) ‘syoed pUe SULIVOIY POLLO USUI SB [JOM SB USWIOM BY} DION “ssO1ovUR] JO YOU S{[IY 9Y} UI NOQIIBS JUNY 0} BUIOs Ajqeqoid st Ayre oY “syoed soys pue ‘aseo und urys ‘youd ‘soaoy3 UTys YIM 1UNY OY} JOJ possosp SI ‘UMOUY SBM OY SB ‘I9ITEAA JOTYD “OCH INoge ‘ssosJovUB] 18 SJJIYSNEp sty JO OM} PUR OBRS] JOYA “OT “OJ _" eS 53 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE a, rifle strap (270087); b, baby strap (270129). Fic. 17. FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY 54 Fic. 18. a, spoon (270144); b, fleshing tool (270102); c, moose call (270121). SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 55 56 Fic. 19. a, shell bag (270089); b, sewing bag (270130). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 20. Dog packsack (270143). SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 57 Fic. 21a. Oscar Isaac of Tanacross packing a canvas dog pack, 1982. FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 21b-e. This series of photographs illustrates the sequences in packing a dog for the trail. (Photographs by William E. Simeone.) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 59 (‘yoinyD yedoosidq ay} Jo saatyory oy} Jo AsoyN0d ydesBO}OYZ) “sJoLUIeD Aqeq opeu A][B1oJaUIWIOD Aq pooridai useq ‘ted 1sow 9Y} Joy ‘oavy Sdeijs pue saaivos ABpO] “SoArvos opeul A[[BIOJOUIUIOD Aq poovdos BuI9q PU OUT} oY} 38 9[AIS JO INO BUIOS aJaM ULUIOM styi Aq UIOM 9U0 94} dy¥I] sdens Aqeq ‘ydes8oj0yd sty} Jo youq oy} UO UONded oY} 0} BUIPIODOY “Op 9Y} JO LIOJUIOD dy} JOJ poouRyeg Ay[njored useq sey yoed oy] (QZ “BY) UONIaT[OO ay} UT UO ay} 0} JeyIUis yoed sBauwd eB 9q 0} Sivodde yey UT BU NOgLIeS SuIAIIeD A]qeqoid st ZOp 94] ‘OZ6I-BI6I “BO “Bop yoed YIM (puNosJBsIOJ) URWIOM SsOIOeUR] ‘ZZ ‘DI FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY 60 ig =) nN r=) =) ™~ N ~_— i oO S | 8 S fo} oO — a o 3} A= 5 r-¥ pe + co S =) ~ “N ~ 2 as) e oO ap é 5 oO mat 3 o a Fic. 23. SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE ~~ ace ee EE REY | | (270083) iner h bark contai b, birc > Me ee jak N ic.2) j=) i=) ~~ N ~ a o A= 8 g so Ss ne) Ss ae f=) a Fic. 24. FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY ‘(1600ZZ) JoureyUOD yzeq Yor ‘q “(OOTOLZ) JoUTeUOD YIeQ YoIIg ‘W “¢Z “OLY 63 CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE SIMEONE & VANSTONE fl * e (270099). iner = 2 wo Som om an om a a SS I> fm b, birch bark conta > _—~ io) foal So N wa i~ o & $s =I ° o ¥ x=) 6 a fo) oe Fic. 26. FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 27. Mrs. Annie Denny of Tanacross in her kitchen and work area, 1981. Mrs. Denny is a noted basket maker who contributed two of her baskets to the collection. (Photograph by William E. Simeone.) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 65 g h ' Fic. 28. a, snowshoe awl (270117); b, snowshoe awl (270114); c, sewing awl (270119); d, sewing awl (270104); e, netting needles (2701 18a—b); f, skin tanner (270103); g, straight-bladed knife (270120); h, crooked knife (270116); i, crooked knife (270115). 66 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 29. Man’s gauntlet mittens (270127a-b). SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 67 68 Fic. 30. Woman’s gauntlet mittens (270128a-b). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY (‘neg JsyIIeyD jo Asoynod poonpoldoa ‘ysolupoWF “W “gq Aq ydes8010yg) ‘popes ose sired Om} pur ‘synod JopUNes sARY SUdIITIW 9Y} [JY “SUS}IIU UDYS pue spIs}]No oY} UO ITeY 9Y} YIM sJOAOT[Nd UTS Nog. ZuuivoMm ose sAOg IU] ‘OCS INoge ‘sso1deUR] 1e ‘YSOJUPOW] epy ‘J91yYsnep sAreUOISsIU oY} PUB ‘sO SopIeYD OM) ‘OVRST SeLS] IIe 1YBLI O} Yo] WOT “TE “Oly 69 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 70 Fic. 32. a, gloves (270113a—b); b, gloves (270101a—b). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY ‘(ZPIOLZ) Wey “q “(QETOLZ) 1eY “B "€€ “OLY q SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE te Fic. 34. Winter boots (270131la—b; 270132a—b). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 35. a, moccasins (270126a—b); b, winter boots (270105a-b). SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE a3 moccasins (270093a-b). b, > a, moccasins (270125a—b) Fic. 36. : ANTHROPOLOGY FIELDIANA 74 Fic. 37. Chief Alexander of Tolovana, ca. 1900-1910. The chief is dressed for an important occasion, such as a potlatch, in his skin chief's coat trimmed with beaver or otter fur and decorated with panels of beadwork sewn on cloth. Around his shoulder he is wearing a dentalium shell bandolier, from which is suspended a knife sheath decorated with dentalium shells. He is wearing moccasins of similar construction to a pair in the collection (fig. 36a). Of particular interest are the chief’s trousers, with beaded trim around the cuff and along the seam. Note that the knife has a fluted handle. All this paraphernalia denotes the high social status of Alexander and indicates that he was a wealthy, generous, and knowledgeable leader of his people. (Photograph reproduced courtesy of the Archives of the Episcopal Church.) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 76 b Fic. 38. a, moccasins (270085a—b); b, moccasins (270097a-b). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 39. a, choker (270096); b, headband (270133); c, choker (270095); d, hairpiece (270112); e, necklace (270094). SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 77 Fic. 40. Fort Yukon woman supporting her child on her back with a beaded baby strap, about 1920. Such straps were common among Athapaskans in Alaska and western Canada, though beadwork styles varied. The style shown in this photograph is quite different than that practiced on the upper Tanana River. Note the tassels of beads and wool, a common feature of most baby straps. (Photograph reproduced courtesy of the Archives of the Episcopal Church.) 78 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Fic. 41. Chief Isaac of Dot Lake, 1981. Like Chief Alexander’s dress (fig. 37), Chief Isaac’s re- galia denotes his social status and that of his ances- tors. He wears two beaded bandoliers, to indicate his descent from important people and the fact that he has inherited their prestige. The bandoliers are trimmed with pendants made of dentalium shells and tufts of beaver fur or yarn. Underneath the bandoliers he wears a skin vest, made of commer- cially tanned skin by his wife, Maggie, and deco- rated with cloth trim and beaded rosettes. Around his neck Chief Andrew wears a necklace made of glass and bone beads and a shell disk. A necklace with a hanging pendant signifies wealthy ancestors and also attests to his own wealth. The two eagle feathers in his headband indicate that both sides of his family were rich. Chief Andrew’s costume re- flects a variety of influences, for some of the objects he wears were obtained on his travels throughout the United States as a representative of his people in land claims negotiations. (Photograph by Wil- liam E. Simeone.) Fic. 42. Steven Northway (wearing the headband) and Joe Joseph of Tanacross, 1972. For dancing at a potlatch many men wear headbands, made either of moose skin or beads. Typically, Steven Northway wears the feath- ers at the front instead of the back. Sewn to the sleeve of his shirt is a patch with his initials and the name ‘Northway Dancers,” the village dance group to which he belongs. (Photograph by William E. Sime- one.) SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 79 80 Fic. 43. a, necklace (270135); b, bandolier (270136). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY (‘uo}x9g WO] Jo AsazInN0d psonpoida ydesB0}OY_) “JoJvIM JY) 0} PoyoeIe snje}s DOU! oY) ‘2ORPYDOU B JOPIM oY} ‘snes pue YI[BIM JO SIO] LOIPUT se dOURLIOdUIT JI9Y} POUrejo1 SAY ST[OYS WINITeJUIG “Us Aq JOAOU ‘UIOM WOP]Es INQ speUr [Ns oe ssuLe “WOM ATTeNjOe QUO ATUO JY} SI 9]AIS JeT[OD oy] YSnoyye ‘Aepo} opeul 9q 0} ONUNUOD ssdRPYIOU JO So]AIS YO ‘sBuLLIeS pue sddRPYOOU [JOYS WINITeJUSpP JO Sa[AJs JUIIOYIP OM) SMOYS ‘SOZH] SY} UI Udy} Ajqissod ‘ydesZoj0yd sty, “pH “O14 81 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE Fic. 45. Charlie James of Tanacross, 1981. The day this photograph was taken Charlie James was preparing for a potlatch. He wears a moose skin vest, dentalium shell necklace, beaded headband, dentalium shell bandolier, and beaded sash. (Photograph by William E. Simeone.) FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY ¢ ee ‘% nS Soe oe 2, “4 ts << * Sie b, knife sheath with button sash (270137). 5] a, sash (270086) Fic. 46. 83 CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE SIMEONE & VANSTONE ‘(IP 1OLZ) oy Woo SJoIYD “Lp “O14 < = < N < Pw < en i= < re a4 < fad fe) & = (x) ‘= Z O O eal cA © in 72) Zz < > & ea Z e) a 2 ND Fic. 66. Tanacross people, about 1920(?). The designs on the gunho are very different from those seen on gunhos in other historical photographs. Note the face and the zigzag which looks like an M and probably stands for the M of Mansfield village. What appears to be a feather duster is fastened to the top of the gunho. Feather dusters were popular for dancing in the 1920s. (Photograph by A. E. McIntosh, reproduced courtesy of Gaither Paul.) 102 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY (‘SdATyOIW PouUdg [eloUsy ‘epeuRD Jo yoINYD uBdsuY sy) JO Aso1INOD Ydes3oOj0YJ) ‘ssey UROLIOWUTY OM} PUR URIPeURD OM) YIM poye1Osep oyUNs 24} DION “ABpo} asn [Ns s[dood yoryM ‘sioyieay DoULp BUIPOY se SsIOY}O puv SOAO]S JOPJUNeS IeaM YdesBoO}OYd sty} UI UDW OM] “LOGI ‘o[3eqT 1e YOeog 19 ‘Oly 103 SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE Fic. 68. Charlie David of Tetlin at a Tetlin potlatch, July 1981. He is leading a dance song with a moose skin drum. A person in the right foreground is dancing with a scarf while those on the left are visiting. During the afternoon, when this photograph was taken, a potlatch is very unstructured and people do what they want—dance, eat, or sleep. Note the potlatch sign in the form of a striped Hudson’s Bay blanket hanging on the wall. (Photograph by William E. Simeone.) 104 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Sas ae ROM Sem Fic. 69. Drum (front) and stick (27008 la—b). SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 105 106 Fic. 70. Drum, back (27008 1a). FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY a ne es a ee Fic. 71. Drum (front) and two sticks (270106a-+). SIMEONE & VANSTONE: CONTEMPORARY ATHAPASKAN MATERIAL CULTURE 107 Fic. 72. Drum (back) and two sticks (270106a-<). 108 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Other Fieldiana: Anthropology Titles Available Emmons’s Notes on Field Museum's Collection of Northwest Coast Basketry: Edited with an Ethnoar- chaeological Analysis. By Ronald L. Weber. 1986; 105 pages, 30 plates, 5 scales, 3 illus. Publication 1366, $14.00 An Ethnographic Collection from Northern Sakhalin Island. By James W. VanStone. 1985; 67 pages 50 illus: Publication 1361, $ 9.75 Material Culture of the Davis Inlet and Barren Ground Naskapi: The William Duncan Strong Collection By Jamies W. VanStone. 1985; 136 pages, 107 illus. Publication 1358, $15.75 The Simms Collection of Plains Cree Material Culture from Southeastern Saskatchewan, By James W VanStone. 1983; 57 pages, 33 illus. Publication 1342, $ 8.50 The Speck Collection of Montagnais Material Culture from the Lower St. Lawrence Drainage, Quebec. By James W. VanStone. 1982; 63. pages, 35 illus: Publication 1337, $ 7.00 Athapaskan Clothing and Related Objects in the Collections of Field Museum of Natural History. By James W. VanStone. 1981; 86 pages, 56 illus. Publication 1328, $ 7.00 Order by publication number, or ask for a free copy of our price list. Address all requests to FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY Division of Publications Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496 3