"Sir

ANNE BOLEYN.

ANNE BOLEYN

H Cbapter of lEnglisb 1bi0tor\> 1527-1536.

BY

PAUL FKIEDMANN.

IN TWO VOLUMES. VOLUME I.

MACMILLAN AND CO.

1884.

The Eight of Translation and Reproduction is Reserved.

LONDON: R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR.

BREAD STREET HILL.

PEEFACE.

IN this book I do not profess to present a complete biography of Anne Boleyn, or an exhaustive history of her times. It contains merely a sketch of some events in the reign of Henry VIII. with which the name of Anne Boleyn is intimately connected. Short and incomplete as my account of these events is, it will, I hope, draw attention to certain aspects of the period between 1527 and 1536 which have not hitherto been sufficiently explained.

The sources from which I have derived my materials may be roughly divided into five great classes. First of all, there is the English correspondence of Henry, his ministers, and his subordinate agents, with sundry proclamations, accounts, treaties, and similar papers. Secondly, there is the correspondence of Charles V., of his aunt, sister, and brother, and of his ministers, a good deal of which relates to England. Thirdly,

vi PREFACE.

there is the French correspondence of the same kind. Fourthly, there is the little we have of the corre- spondence of the papal agents and of the neutral States. Fifthly, there are sundry diaries, chronicles, memoirs of contemporaries, accounts compiled by trustworthy writers from sources now lost, and similar miscellaneous documents.

Of these sources the English State papers might naturally be expected to be the most important ; but though a good many papers of the time have been preserved, they contain comparatively little informa- tion, and that little is not quite trustworthy. In the private letters which Englishmen then wrote to one another there were very few references to public events. Letters were frequently intercepted, and if the authorities found in them any reflections on the Government or anything which might be considered a betrayal of trust, both the writer and the recipient were in danger of losing life or liberty. People wrote, therefore, as seldom as possible, and when they did write they dared not abuse even the opposition, for by some caprice of the king those who were one day out of favour might next day be controlling the royal council. If, by chance, some man, bolder than the rest, expressed his real opinions,

PEEFACE. vii

the person who received the letter was generally careful to burn it at once. Thus the private corre- spondence which has come down to us from the age of Henry VIII. throws hardly any light upon the feelings of the nation and of the court.

In the correspondence of the royal ministers there is a very incomplete and untrustworthy picture of the negotiations which were carried on. The agents of Henry VIII. were usually much more eager to flatter the king by representing matters in a light agreeable to his vanity, than to serve him faithfully by accurately reporting what they knew. Even the few who did not absolutely betray him did not scruple to suppress facts or to tell downright lies, if by doing so they might hope to please him. Whole series of negotiations came to nought because Henry never understood the real state of the case.

The dishonesty of the royal agents was bad enough, but it was not worse than that of their master. In the despatches and instructions addressed by Henry to his agents both at home and abroad, he told the truth only when the truth happened to suit his purpose. Of course official documents issued by the Government often contained garbled accounts of events ; but in this respect the English were not

Vlll

PREFACE.

singular ; they acted in accordance with the custom of all other Governments of the period. Even Henry's secret despatches, however, were frequently so misleading that his agents abroad found it most difficult to obey his orders.

It would be possible to think with equanimity of the annoyance which these misrepresentations caused to Henry's ambassadors and ministers, and of the difficulties they occasioned in the work of adminis- tration ; but a historian may be pardoned if, for his own sake, he sometimes becomes a little impatient with Henry. The task of sifting the English evidence, of examining how much in each despatch is true, and how much is simply boasting and mis- representation, is extremely laborious and tiresome.

The imperial correspondence is of a very different kind. The agents of Charles V., knowing that to flatter their master by deceiving him as to current negotiations would not serve their interests, spoke the truth, or what they believed to be the truth. Now and then they took a little too much credit for ability and energy ; but they never gave an essentially false idea of the events they had to report. This correspondence, therefore, of which the larger part has been preserved, is of the greatest value ; and

PREFACE. ix

for my present work its value is much enhanced by the fact that, with the exception of the papers printed by Mr. Weiss,1 Dr. Lanz,2 Dr. Heine,3 and Bucholtz,4 very little use has hitherto been made of it by historians.

The imperial correspondence is preserved at many different places. Of the papers preserved at Besan- §on, the Papier s d'fitat de Granvelle contain all that is most important. Of those preserved at Simancas, Barcelona, Madrid, and in the National Archives at Paris and Brussels, a great many were copied for the late Mr. Bergenroth, and a part of his collection is now in the British Museum.5 I need not say that I have made very considerable use of these transcripts.

The papers preserved in the Imperial Archives of State at Vienna contain the correspondence of three successive ambassadors resident in England, the

1 Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, edited by Ch. Weiss, Paris, 1841—1852.

2 Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., edited by Dr. C. Lanz, Stuttgart, 1844; and Staatspapiere zur Geschichte des Kaisers Karl V., by the same, Stuttgart, 1843.

3 Briefe an Kaiser Karl V., edited by Dr. G. Heine, Berlin. 1848.

4 Geschichte der Regierung Ferdinand des Ersten, by F. v. Bucholtz, Vienna, 1834—1838.

5 British Museum Add. MSS., vol. 28,572 to 28,597.

x PKEFACE.

Bishop of Badajoz, Don Inigo de Mendoca, and Eustache Chapuis. As my narrative is based chiefly on the letters to and from Chapuis, I may be permitted to examine the charges which have been brought against him by some writers.

In 1844 a few of the letters of Chapuis were printed by Dr. Carl Lanz. A translation of a few more was published in 1850 by the Rev. W. Bradford.1; About 1869 a part of the Chapuis correspondence was inspected at Vienna by Mr. Froude,2 and in an Appendix to the second volume of his History of England he printed extracts from the letters he had seen. Subsequently Mr. Brewer and Mr. Gairdner, in the Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII.,8 gave abstracts of a certain number of these papers ; and Don Pascual de Gayangos, in his Calendar, presented what he called a "full translation of their contents/*

The little volume of the Eev. W. Bradford is of no great importance, for it contains very few papers, and the translations are not quite correct. The two or three papers printed by Dr. Lanz are very accurately

1 Correspondence of Charles V., by W. Bradford, 1850.

2 History of England, by J. A. Froude, 1872, vol. ii. Appendix.

3 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VI II., vols. iv. — vii.

PREFACE. xi

given, but they form a nearly infinitesimal part of the correspondence. Unfortunately the extracts published by Mr. Froude, which might have been of great value, are full of mistakes. The abstracts in the volumes edited by Mr. Brewer and Mr. Gairdner are certainly much more correct than Mr. Froude's quotations and translations, but even they contain a good many errors. They were made from copies sent from Vienna, which in some cases were not exact ; and the writers have occasionally misunderstood Chapuis, whose French is often rather puzzling. The full translations of the letters of Chapuis said to be contained in the Calendar of Don Pascual de Gayangos must also be accepted with caution. Like the abstracts of Mr. Brewer and Mr. Gairdner, most of them have been made from copies which are not always trustworthy ; passages are sometimes incor- rectly rendered ; and the whole is interspersed with explanations and additions without any indication that they are the work of the editor. In reading this Calendar one can never be certain whether it is Don Pascual or Chapuis who speaks.

The shortcomings of nearly all the printed collec- tions, abstracts, and translations of the letters of Chapuis have raised a doubt as to his entire trust-

xii PKEFACE.

worthiness. Mr. Froude says of him : "It is necessary to say that Chapuis was a bitter Catholic ; " and further on : " He speaks of the king through- out as the one person whose obstinacy and pride made a reconciliation with Kome impossible. In some instances his accounts can be proved untrue, in others he recalls in a second letter the hasty statements of a first." l

For these assertions Mr. Froude advances no evidence whatever. It is not the fact that Chapuis speaks of Henry VIII. as the one person whose obstinacy and pride made a reconciliation with Eome impossible. On the contrary, Chapuis speaks of the king as a weak and vacillating man, and it is not Henry but Anne Boleyn whom he calls the principal author of heresy. And as to the accounts of the ambassador which can be proved untrue, it is a pity that Mr. Froude has not shown what they are. Partial the accounts given by Chapuis may be ; he may blame that which to many people appears right ; he may call his adversaries bad names ; and he may take pleasure in repeating the malevolent gossip of the town. But his statements as to facts are always made — as he takes care to show — on what seems to 1 History of England, 1873, vol. ii. p. 602.

PREFACE. xiii

him to be good authority, and I have found no " untrue accounts " in his letters.

Of the strange way in which the ambassador is dealt with by Mr. de Gayangos, whose charges are more precise than those of Mr. Froude, I need give but one instance. In a letter of the 10th of May, 1533, he makes Chapuis say: "Whoever has a revenue of forty pounds sterling shall be compelled to accept the said order [of the Garter] or give up all the income of his estates, however large it may be, during three years. . "l If Chapuis had really said this, it would have proved that after a residence of three years and a half in England he remained ill- acquainted with its institutions and with its laws. After some time Mr. de Gayangos himself noticed the absurdity of the passage, and in an Appendix of additions and corrections he offered the following explanation : "I should say that the order to be bestowed on the occasion of Anne Boleyn's corona- tion was not that of the Garter, but the less ancient and less esteemed Order of the Bath ; but thus it appears in Chapuis' original despatch, or rather in the deciphering."2 It would occur to few readers to

1 P. de Gayangos, Calendar of Stale Papers, Spanish, vol. iv. part ii. p. 675. 2 xbid. p. 996.

xiv PREFACE.

doubt the accuracy of so definite an assertion, yet the statement attributed to Chapuis occurs neither in the original despatch nor in the contemporary decipher.

The charges of inaccuracy brought against Chapuis are generally based upon mistakes of this kind. The original despatches contain perfectly trustworthy information ; and I fully concur, therefore, in the high estimate of their importance which has been expressed by Mr. Brewer and Mr. Gairdner.

But like all other political letters, those of Chapuis are one-sided. If he alone had described for us the events of the period, it would have been possible to see only one-half of the picture. It is necessary to supplement his accounts by those of other ambassa- dors, to compare his judgments with those of members of the party which he opposed. Unhappily the materials for this part of my work have not been so full as those found among the Bergenroth transcripts, and in the Archives of Vienna. The correspondence of the French ambassadors at the English court has not, as a rule, been carefully preserved, and for whole years we have but two or three letters to guide us.

Whether the ambassadors did not always keep their papers, whether the French secretaries of state lost many of the despatches which came from

PKEFACE. xv

abroad, or whether the missing documents were subsequently destroyed during the wars and revo- lutions by which France was afflicted, I am not in a position to say. But historians may well ex- press their gratitude to some Frenchmen who lived at the time of Anne Boleyn — above all, to her name- sake Anne, the grandmaster of the French court (later on well known as the constable of Montmorency), and to the brothers Jean and Guillaume du Bellay. Montmorency kept all his letters, and to this day there are in the Bibliotheque Nation ale, in Paris, many volumes of his correspondence with all kinds of persons. The brothers du Bellay did even more. Guillaume intended to write a complete history of his times (some say he did write it, but that the manuscript was lost) ; and he and his brother, who had long been ambassador in England and in 1535 had become a cardinal, collected originals and copies of a large number of State papers, to which they added most interesting notes of their own. These papers are scattered among many volumes in the Bibliotheque, some of them without any proper indication of their contents. The reader will see that I have made ample use of them.

Some of the despatches of Jean du Bellay's

xvi PREFACE.

successor in England, Jean Joaquin de Vaulx, as he is generally called, are preserved in Paris. Only a few letters of Jean Joaquin's successor, Giles de la Pommeraye, survive, but the letters addressed to him by Francis are in the Bibliotheque. They are un- happily very brief. The distance from Paris to London being so short, special agents were sent over very frequently, and they carried either verbal messages or instructions which have been lost.

Of the letters written by Montpesat, who succeeded de la Pommeraye, we have but two or three. The correspondence of Jean de Dinteville, Bailly of Troyes, who resided in England from the spring to the autumn of 1533, has been preserved tolerably com- plete in several volumes of the Collection Dupuis, now in the Bibliotheque Nationale. A good many of the letters have been published by Camusat,1 but there are many more to which I have been able to refer. Dinteville was succeeded by Monsieur de Castillon, and very few letters belonging to the time of his first embassy to England are to be found. After Castillon came Morette, and I do not remember to have seen a single despatch written by him during a mission of about six months. Finally, in June, 1535, Antoine 1 Meslanges Historiques, edited by N. C. T, Troyes, 1619.

PREFACE. xvii

de Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, was appointed to reside in England, and scarcely a letter of his remains.

For the time, therefore, when Castillon's letters fail us, to the death of Anne, we know very little either of the aims of King Francis in regard to England, or of what the French ambassadors thought and said about English affairs. This leaves many a gap in the present history, for it is impossible, even by the most careful use of every little scrap of information, to make up for the loss of the cor- respondence of the ambassadors. Perhaps further search may bring some papers to light to remedy this defect, but for the present nothing more can be done.

As to the fourth group of papers, a part of the correspondence of Cardinal Campeggio has been published, and throws considerable light on the events of the years 1528 and 1529, J The correspondence of the papal nuntio, Baron de Burgo, has not been printed, and I cannot even say whether it exists, as the papal archives were not open to the public when I was in Eome. My inquiries on the subject have

1 Vetera Monumenta, edited by Dr. A. Theiner, Home, 1864 ; Monumenta Vaticana, edited by Dr. Hugo Laemmer ; and Lettere di tredici kuomini illustri, edited by Porcacchi.

VOL. I. b

PREFACE.

led to no result. Of the ambassadors and agents of minor states, only two contribute to some extent to the materials for my work. The despatches of the Venetian ambassadors and the Venetian secretary, with sundry reports, were calendared by the late Mr. Kawdon Brown ; ' and the letters and the very in- teresting diary of Peter Schwaben, twice Danish ambassador at London, have been carefully edited by Mr. C. F. Wegener, the keeper of the Danish State Archives.2

Besides this mass of documents there are a great many contemporary histories, chronicles, and accounts, which I could not leave unnoticed. Some of them are very trustworthy, as, for instance, a long memoir drawn up by Cardinal du Bellay for the work of his brother Guillaume. Most of them, however, are confused and misleading, and it is necessary to test with the greatest care the evidence for every state- ment they contain. If in some instances I have failed to reject an unfounded assertion as to details, or to accept what is true, I hope I may be pardoned on

1 Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, edited by K. Brown, vols. iv. and v.

2 Aarsberetninger fra det kongelige Geheime-Archiv, edited by C.F. Wegener, vol. iii., Copenhagen, 1860—1865.

PREFACE. xix

account of the difficulties I have had to encounter. As a rule, I have not accepted the evidence of chroniclers and the writers of diaries, except when they report facts which must have been well known to the general public. About other matters they wrote from mere hearsay, and as they were not generally men of high station or men who were trusted by the chief ministers, they were much offcener ill-informed than otherwise.

Having now spoken of my sources in general, I must say a few words as to the shape in wrhich the materials present themselves to the historian. A great many State papers have been printed in full in the numerous collections which have been published during the last three hundred years or more ; but these printed collections are of very different value. In some of them there is scarcely a misprint or a wrong reading in a hundred pages. Others, on the contrary, have been so carelessly edited that they are absolutely worthless. Papers have been issued as authentic, which have since been proved to be forgeries ; and some party writers have even tampered with the documents from which they print, entirely changing the sense. I am sorry to say that this practice has not wholly died out even in our century.

b 2

xx PREFACE.

In cases in which the original paper can no longer be found, a printed document cannot, therefore, be accepted as genuine or as correctly given, without a very close examination of the text and of other papers attributed to the same author. The result of such an examination often is that a printed document is shown to be either quite spurious, or very incorrectly rendered, or (and this is the most frequent blunder) something altogether different from what it is said to be. I need only point to the letter (printed by Burnet) which Anne Boleyn was formerly supposed to have written from her prison in the Tower, but which is now generally admitted to be a forgery, and to the letter of Anne Boleyn and Henry VIII. to AVolsey, printed by Sir Henry Ellis as a letter of Catherine. These are very glaring examples, which have long been known, but they are by no means singular. There are a good many more printed letters, the testimony of which must be rejected.

Another difficulty is occasioned by the wrong dates given to papers, or by the absence of all dates. In the time of Anne Boleyn the year was reckoned in four different ways — from the 25th of December, from the 1st of January, from the 25th of March, and from Easter-day. The editors of printed collections of

PREFACE. xxi

documents, either ignorant of this fact or failing to keep it in mind, have frequently misplaced the papers by a whole year. Even when the year may be readily determined, it is not always easy to indicate the day on which a paper was written, for papers were often dated simply by the day of the month (the month itself not being mentioned), or by the day of the week, or by the name of a saint who has several days in the calendar. This causes much confusion ; but in most instances I hope I have succeeded in placing correctly the documents from which I have drawn my information. Of papers about the date of which I have remained in doubt I have preferred to make no use.

Even manuscript sources cannot, of course, be accepted without inquiry. Papers preserved in Archives of State may in general be considered genuine ; but in public and private libraries there are a great many volumes of originals and copies which are not so free from suspicion. In the case of docu- ments which profess to be originals, the question of authenticity is comparatively easily solved, and the number of forgeries is, I am happy to say, very small. It is in dealing with papers pretending to be copies that historians have to be most on their guard. Is

xxii PREFACE.

the paper really a copy of a genuine original ? And, if so, is it a full and exact copy ? These questions present themselves nearly every day to the careful inquirer, and often tax his critical power to the utmost. For it would, of course, be very rash to reject the testimony of a paper only because it is a copy, while it would be dangerous to admit it without having tested its authenticity by thorough investiga- tion and comparison. I need not say that in examin- ing copies which relate to my subject I have done my best to hold an even balance between extreme suspicion and misplaced confidence.

Finally, I have to offer some remarks about a very bad habit adopted by many editors of State papers. A great part of the documents of Henry VIII.'s time are written in cipher, with a contemporary decipher on the margin or on a separate sheet. Editors have been too ready to assume that such deciphers are always correct, and to print or abstract them as if they were the original letters. The secretaries who had to decipher the despatches were often very care- less, or they read the cipher so quickly that they did not think it necessary to note the whole of it on the margin. The consequence is that those who accept the contemporary decipher as indubitably correct are

PEEFACE. xxiii

frequently misled, and mislead others in their turn. Invariably, therefore, when a passage has seemed to me to be of great importance, or when the decipher has appeared suspicious, I have re-deciphered the original letter, and the result has sometimes been very different from the previously accepted reading. The fact that I frequently quote from the original despatch will explain some of the discrepancies between my quotations and those of Mr. Gairdner and Mr. de Gayangos.

It would scarcely be possible to give a complete list of those who have aided me in my inquiries ; but I cannot conclude without expressing my obligations to Mr. James Gairdner, Mr. Trice Martin, and Mr. Selby, at the Eecord Office ; to Mr. A. Pinchart of the Archives du Royaume at Brussels ; to Mr. C. R Wegener, the keeper of the Eoyal Archives at Copenhagen ; to His Excellency Baron von Arneth, and to Archivar Felgel of the Archives of State at Vienna ; to the Commendatore Bartolomeo Cecchetti, director of the Eoyal Archives at Venice ; to Don Manuel de Goicoichea, keeper of the Archives of the Academia de Historia at Madrid ; and to Don Pascual de Gayangos. To these gentlemen my best thanks are due for the kindness with which they have

xxiv PREFACE.

facilitated my researches or helped me by advice and information.

My friend Mr. James Sime has done me the favour to read the proof sheets. By his excellent advice many passages have been recast, and the whole has taken a form far superior to the original manuscript. I am greatly indebted to him for his invaluable assistance.

PAUL FEIEDMANN.

TABLE OF CONTENTS..

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

PAGE

xxxvii. to Ixxxiv.

INTRODUCTION.

The state of England under Henry VIII

England's weakness at the end of the fifteenth century Henry VII. tries to improve its condition .... He is not wholly successful .......

Population of England small

London a third-rate town .......

The English trade insignificant ......

And in great part in the hands of foreigners Henry VIII.'s revenues at first but £120,000 His subjects no longer good soldiers .....

The English fleet not strong .......

Bat England by its position has great advantages

Opportunities of Henry VIII

Bad education he had received

His good natural qualities not developed .... Henry's faults very great .......

He is exceedingly vain

Reports of foreign ambassadors about his boasts . Outward splendour of his court ......

His policy directed towards show rather than real advantage Henry wants courage and strength of mind ....

He is always led by others .......

His obstinacy no proof of firmness .....

Extreme duplicity of Henry .......

He tries to deceive even himself ......

1

1,2 2 2 2

2,8 , 3,4 4 5 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9

. 10 11

. 12 13, 14 . 14 . 16 . 16 1

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

His coarseness towards women' 18

Good natural qualities of Catherine of Aragon . . . .1.8 But she is narrow-minded, violent, and has no tact ... 19 Her foolish behaviour in regard to her confessor . . 20, 21

She hurts Henry's vanity 22

English politicians divided into two parties ..... 22 The lords are rich and have tradition in their favour . . 23, 24

But they are dissatisfied and in opposition 25

This increases their popularity 26

The officials as a party are of recent origin 26

They come from the lower classes. ...... 27

They are extremely corrupt and insolent 28

And in consequence unpopular ....... 21

The peers and the officials are bitter enemies .... 29

Catherine opposes the officials 30

Henry tries to conquer France 30

Small results of his great preparations' 31

He is humiliated by the victory of Flodden . . . . .31

Catherine boasts of her success 32

Henry becomes impatient of her yoke 32

Early life of Thomas Wolsey 32,33

Advantage of being a priest 33

Wolsey's rapid rise 34

And arrogance .......... 35

Catherine's insignificance during Wolsey's reign .... 35

The king displeased at her not having a son .... 36

CHAPTER I.

ANNE AND WOLSET.

Fantastic pedigree of Anne Boleyn ...... 37

Her real descent 38, 39

Anne born in 1502 or 1503 39

The position of her father improves 40

Anne sent to France 41

She returns to England in 1522 42

A marriage with Sir James Butler negotiated ... 42, 43

Mary Boleyn becomes Henry's mistress 43

Sir Thomas Boleyn is created Viscount Rochford .... 43

TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxvii

PAGE

Sir Henry Percy wants to marry Anne 44

The king shows preference for Anne ...... 45

Anne is at first rather reticent 45, 46

Rumours of a contemplated divorce 47

Henry and Wolsey, offended by Charles, side with France . . 48

Way of obtaining a divorce 48

Anne begins to aim at the crown . . . . . . 49

Ability with which she plays her game ..... 49

First steps taken towards a divorce 50

A collusive suit begun . . 50, 51

The bishops secretly consulted ....... 51

Most of them are against a divorce ...... 52

Catherine is warned of Wolsey 's secret proceedings . . 52, 53 Henry tells Catherine of his pretended scruples .... 53

Wolsey commits a blunder by leaving for France ... 54

Anne begins to show her game 54, 55

Wolsey proposes a new plan for obtaining a divorce ... 56 Henry decides to act behind Wolsey'sv.back . . . . 56, 57

Secretary Knight leaves for Rome with a secret mission . . 57 Wolsey in ignorance of Anne's power ...... 58

He returns to England and is made aware of it . . . .59

He dissembles and regains Henry's confidence .... 60

CHAPTER II.

THE LEGATINE COURT.

Anne and Wolsey form an alliance 61

Wolsey discovers the secret of Knight's mission . . . .62

Henry implores Knight not to betray him 63

Knight meets the pope at Orvieto . 64

His blunders . . . .65

The briefs he sends to England are found to be insufficient . . 66 Stephen Gardiner and Edward Foxe sent to Orvieto ... 66

Their instructions drawn up by Wolsey 67

And communicated to Anne ........ 68

Apparent success of the new mission ..... 68, 69

Anne loudly proclaims her gratitude 69

Foxe returns to England ... 70

Is ordered to show Wolsey the papal briefs . . , . .71

xxviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

Wolsey is not satisfied with them and wants a decretal . . 71

Anne has the sweating sickness and recovers .... 73

Wolsey appoints Isabel Jordan abbess of Wilton .... 74

Henry rebukes the cardinal 75

Wolsey makes a humble apology 76

Anne assures Wolsey of her entire devotion .... 76

Cardinal Campeggio leaves Rome for England .... 77

Clement VII. unjustly blamed ....... 78

His position more difficult than that of his predecessors . . 79

The royal power excessive 80

The national spirit unfavourable to the papacy .... 81 The strife between Charles V. and Francis I. obliges the pope to

make a choice between them 82

Leo X. and Adrian VI. side with the emperor . . .82

Clement goes over to the French 82

And is punished for it by the sack of Rome . . . . .83

He decides on a new policy ........ 83

He hopes to raise enemies against Charles ..... 84

And to force the emperor to seek his alliance .... 85

Clement hampered by his duties to his clergy .... 86

He loses the allegiance of England, but retains that of the

emperor and of the French king 87

CHAPTER III.

THE DEATH OF WOLSEY.

Campeggio is instructed to procrastinate 88

After his departure the French are routed 89

The emperor behaves with great moderation towards the pope 89, 90 Who is favourably inclined towards him ..... 90 Henry is angered by Campeggio's attempt to conciliate . . 90 He wants to obtain possession of the decretal . , . 90, 91 John Casale vainly asks the pope to have it given up . . .91 The queen produces copy of a brief of dispensation ... 92 The reported death of the pope delays the proceedings . . 92

The legatine court is held and prorogued 93

Anne becomes hostile to Wolsey 94

Gardiner made chief secretary by her influence . . . Q* r--~

TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxix

PAGE

Wolsey's fall postponed 95

Campeggio's luggage searched 96

The decretal destroyed .97

Wolsey is dismissed and submits 98

The Lords form a government 99

They summon a new parliament 100

Way in which the members were elected 101

An election at Canterbury 101, 102

The king and Anne inspect York Place 102

Sir Thomas More reads the king's speech to parliament . . 103 Lord Rochford created Earl of Wiltshire . . . . '103

Anne's allies begin to grow lukewarm 104

The emperor and the pope meet at Bologna 105

Lord Wiltshire is sent to persuade them to consent to the divorce 105

He has an audience of Charles V 106

Who refuses to abandon his aunt 106

Lord Wiltshire is served with a citation for Henry . . . 107

The pope grants a delay 108

Henry angry at Wiltshire's failure 108

Attempts made by Wolsey to regain the king's favour . . .109 His pensions from France made over to Henry . . . .110

But the French will no longer pay them 112

Anne alarmed at Wolsey's intrigues . . , . . .113

He is ordered to leave for York 114

He wishes to be helped by Francis . . . . . .114

Henry tries to obtain opinions of universities in his favour . 114, 115 To this end the assistance of Francis indispensable . . 116, 117 The English government therefore most friendly towards France. 117 The Earl of Wiltshire remains as ambassador in France . .118 Several French universities decide in favour of Henry . . .119 Du Bellay comes to England and proposes an immediate marriage 120

The council quarrelling 121

The Duke of Suffolk tries to ruin Anne 121

Wolsey tries to regain his power 122

Neither Chapuis nor the French ambassador will help him . .123 Wolsey's attempt to intrigue with Henry himself fails . . 123

Alarm of Anne and Norfolk 124

Wolsey is arrested . . . . . . . . .125

And dies on his way to London 126

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

THOMAS CROMWELL.

PAGE

Coarse joy of Anne and her relatives at Wolsey's death . .127

Anne takes a new motto . . 128

Is enraged against Catherine , . .129

The coalition which ruined Wolsey breaks up . . .129

Catherine has a serious talk with Henry 130

Growing unpopularity of the divorce . . . . .131

Resistance of the clergy 131

Anne wants Henry to marry her at once 132

She has violent quarrels with him 133

Who complains about her temper 134

Anne finds a new ally in Thomas Cromwell 134

Cromwell proposes to frighten the English clergy into submission 135

The English clergy under Henry VIII 136

Small influence of the parochial priests ..... 136

Friars and monks more influential 137

The higher clergy 137, 138

They serve the king rather than the church 139

On this account the bishops are hated by the lords . . .140 Who at first offer no opposition to Cromwell's scheme . . . 141

But in the end they oppose it 141

A compromise is arrived at unfavourable to Anne . . .142 The Roman court irritated by Cromwell's proceedings . . . 143 The nuncio warns Henry that the cause must be heard . .144 A deputation of the council waits on Catherine . . . . 144 Anne tries to drive her opponents from court . . . .145 And wishes Henry to be separated from Catherine . . 146, 147 The king and queen dine together on Whit Sunday . . . .148

The queen banished from court 149

Anne fills most vacant posts with her adherents .... 150 But they grow lukewarm as soon as they are installed . . .151

The king is afraid of the emperor 152

He concludes a defensive alliance with Francis . . . 153, 154 Attempt made to induce Warham to pronounce a divorce . .155 The peers are sounded whether they will grant a divorce . . 156

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

Henry thinks of marrying Anne without further ceremony . .157 Further proceedings to deprive the clergy of independence . 1 58

Warham protests against these proceedings 159

Intrigue of Lady Northumberland ..... 159, 160 Lord Northumberland denies any pre-contract with Anne . .160 Death of Archbishop Warham 161

CHAPTER V.

THE MARRIAGE.

Anne created Marchioness of Pembroke . . . . .162 Probable reason of this strange step . . . . .163

An interview between Henry and Francis arranged . . . 164

Anne invited to accompany Henry 165

Marguerite of Navarre will not meet her 167

The English nobles disapprove of the approaching interview . 168

The king and Anne cross the Channel 169

Henry goes to Boulogne . . . . . . . .170

Francis comes to Calais 171

Anne and Francis friendly to one another 172

Measures for Henry's benefit agreed upon . . . . 172, 173

Henry encouraged by the courteous speeches of Francis . .174 Anne obtains the See of Canterbury for Cranmer . . . .174

Cranmer' s former career ....... 174, 175

His talents and ability . . . . . . . . .176

His secret marriage . . . . . . . . .177

Henry's hold over him 177, 178

The English ambassadors ask for the bulls for Cranmer . .178 Chapuis protests in vain that Cranmer is a dangerous person . 1 79

The papal nuncio is gained over by Henry 179

Who shows himself ready for a compromise . . . .180 Clement VII. believes his ambassador ...... 181

And grants the bulls 182

Henry and Anne are secretly married 183

Probably by George Brown, prior of Austin Friars . . 183.184 The nuncio present at the opening of parliament . . . .184 This misleads the opposition . . . . . . . 185

Position of Sir Thomas More . . . 185

He is obliged to resign 186

Cromwell allowed to fill the vacant offices ..... 186

xxxii TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

Sir Thomas Audley made Lord Chancellor ..... 187

Lord Wiltshire speaks to Lord Rutland about the divorce . 187, 188 Propositions submitted to the bishops ...... 188

Anne speaks of her pregnancy .... . 189

The nuncio begins to suspect that he has been duped . . . 190 But Clement relies on the proposed meeting with Francis . .191 And does not proceed against Henry ...... 192

Lord Rochford sent to tell Francis of the marriage . . . 192

Henry's requests not granted 193

Jean du Bellay blames Rochford 193, 194

The public mind to be prepared for the marriage . . . .194

The papal authority attacked 195

After a struggle the House of Commons yields . . . .195 Convocation is called upon to give an opinion . . . .196

And decides in favour of the divorce 197

Bishop Fisher protests and is arrested 197

Chapuis expostulates with Henry ....... 198

A royal commission tells Catherine that Henry has married Anne 198 Anne appears as queen . , 199

CHAPTER VI.

THE CORONATION.

The prior of Austin Friars prays for Anne 200

She is to be prayed for as queen in all parishes .... 201

Cranmer asks Henry's permission to open a court . . . 201 Henry grants it after humiliating Cranmer ..... 202

Catherine is cited to appear and protest before a notary . . 203 The nuncio is afraid to act ....... 203, 2C4

Cranmer gives judgment against Catherine . . . . . 204

Anne comes to the Tower 204, 205

Preparations made in the city for her passage .... 205 Anne leaves the Tower for Westminster .... 205, 206

Insult offered to her by the Easterlings 207

Unpleasant augury at Leadenhall 208

Anne is crowned 208

Catherine and Mary are cheered wherever they pass . . . 209

Further annoyance by the Easterlings 209

Anne becomes uneasy at the coldness of Francis I. . . .210 Dinteville objects to Cranmer holding a court . . . .211

TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxxiii

PAGE

Cromwell sides with Anne ......... 212

The partisans of France begin to oppose her . . . .212

Henry begins to grow indifferent to Anne ..... 213

But shows her some attention on account of the expected Prince

of Wales 214

Clement VII. violently angry at the statute of appeals . . 214 The French cardinals, trying to calm the pope, displease Henry . 215 The cause goes on at Rome . . . . . . . .215

Henry appeals to a general council . . . . . .216

Norfolk sent to France as ambassador ...... 217

He is to dissuade Francis from meeting the pope . . . 217, 218 He sees Marguerite of Navarre ....... 218

And meets Francis at Riom . . 219

Norfolk goes to Lyons 219

Where he receives the news that Clement has given sentence . 220 Plan proposed by Cardinal Tournon . . . . . 220, 221 The news of Cranmer's sentence irritates the pope . . . 221 Clement proposes to Cyfuentes several measures against Henry . 222 The proceedings of Cranmer are annulled ..... 223

Norfolk wants to return to England 224

But is prevailed upon merely to send Rochford .... 225 Henry decides to take a line of his own .... 225, 226 Norfolk proceeds to Montpellier to meet Francis .... 226 Norfolk returns to England . . . . . . . .227

Gardiner is sent to France 227

Bonner is directed to intimate Henry's appeal to the pope . . 228

CHAPTER VII.

•MARCUS MEYER.

Henry expects a son 229

Suffolk married to Catherine Willoughby 229

Elizabeth is bom . . . 230

Vexation of Henry 230

Annoyed by the joy of his subjects ...... 230

Cromwell wants Mary to be declared legitimate . . . .231

Chapuis tries to gain him over . . . . . .231, 232

Norfolk and Elizabeth Holland 233

Lord Abergavenny declares himself an imperialist . . . 233

Bishop Fisher sends a message to Chapuis 234

VOL. I. C

xxxiv TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PACK

Reginald Pole recommended to the ambassador .... 234

Francis in a dilemma 235

Anne is a strong Protestant 235

Elizabeth is christened . . . . . . . .236

Anne is favoured by chance . . . . . . . . 236

Luebeck's position in the middle ages . . . v . . . 237

It loses its supremacy ......... 237

Its wars with Christian II. of Denmark ..... 238

Christian II. made a prisoner 239

Luebeck sends out a fleet against Holland 239

Its captain, Marcus Meyer, is arrested at Rye .... 240

He is brought to London and examined 241

Former career of Meyer . 241

Meyer offers to Henry the alliance of Luebeck . . . 241, 242

Henry is fascinated by -Meyer's proposals 242

Henry regains courage . . . 243

Brother Laurence gives information against his brethren . . 243

The nun of Kent is examined by Cramner 244

She and her advisers are arrested 245

Lists of her accomplices are made 245

The nun stands at St. Paul's Cross 246

Attempt to frighten the opposition 246

Clement meets Francis at Marseilles . . . . . 247

The negotiations begin . • . . . . . . . . 247

Gardiner is impatient and writes to Henry .... 247, 248

A disputation is held about the divorce cause .... 248

Difficulties of the case 248, 249

Clement is ready to have the case heard at Avignon . . . 249

Gardiner declares that he has no powers ..... 249

He consents to ask Henry to accept the compromise . . . 250

Henry is angry at the moderation of Francis .... 250 And decides to refuse Gardiner's request . . . . .251 New instructions sent to the ambassadors at Marseilles . 251, 252

The English ambassadors decide to intimate Henry's appeal . 252

They tell Francis of their intention 253

Bonner reads the appeal to the pope 253

Clement complains to Francis ....... 254

Who does not want to make an enemy of Henry . . . . 255

But names Calais as the price for his help 256

Francis upbraids the English ambassadors 256

Clement rejects Henry's appeal and leaves Marseilles . . . 257

Cyfuentes does not listen to the French proposals . . . 257

TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxxv

PAGE

Dinteville has a parting audience with Henry . , . . 258 Anger of Dinteville ..... .... 259

Henry is greatly displeased with the French .... 260

Je m du Bellay comes to England 2G1

And prevails on Henry to postpone measures against the

pope . . 261,262

CHAPTER VIII.

THE PAPAL SENTENCE.

Henry prepares for the struggle with Rome 264

A declaration of the validity of his marriage with Anne

submitted to the rclergy for signature .... 264,265

Mary is taken to Hatfield ... 266

Is encouraged by Dr. Fox to resist ...... 267

Is placed under Lady Shelton's guard 268

Henry tries to break her spirit 268

He is moved by Mary's appeal 269

Anne upbraids him for his weakness ...... 270

Henry threatens Lord Exeter 271

Lady Shelton ordered to treat Mary more harshly . . . 272

The confession of the nun of Kent is to be used .... 273

A bill of attainder is prepared ....... 273

It is intended to frighten the opposition ..... 274

Du Bellay confers with Francis and Montmorency . . , 274

A plan arranged to gain the pope 275

Du Bellay before the cardinals 276

He has a sharp encounter with Dr. Ortiz .... 276, 277

He takes a false estimate of Clement's ability .... 277

He is on bad terms with the papal court 278

And is overreached by the pope 279

Who is eager to proceed against Henry 279

The reports on the cause are prepared 280

Du Bellay writes in a hopeful strain to France and England 280, 281

The government meets with difficulties in parliament . . . 282

Latimer preaches in favour of papal authority .... 283

Anne sends Mary a message 284

Mary remains steadfast . . . 284

Henry begins to become indifferent to Anne .... 284, 285

c 2

xxxvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

He receives Castillon's proposals very well . . . . 285

Cromwell is unfavourable to them ...... 286

Castillon cannot convince the council ..... 286, 287

But Henry promises to wait till after Easter ..... 288

Du Bellay has been busy at Rome 289

He writes to Castillon . . . . . . . . . 289

Assures him that the pope is quite favourable to Henry . 299, 291 And that Henry is sure to gain his cause . . . . .291

Montmorency greatly pleased with du Bellay . . . 292, 293 Castillon submits to Henry a garbled version of du Bellay's letter 294 Henry is in a less conciliatory temper ..... 294, 295

Castillon receives new instructions 295

Henry refuses the marriage of Mary with Alexander dei Medici . 296 The peers ask to be allowed to hear Sir Thomas More . . . 297 His name struck out of the bill of attainder ..... 297 The opposition of parliament is overcome . . 298

Du Bellay finds the pope well informed ..... 298

The divorce case discussed in consistory 299

Du Bellay feels confident of success ...... 300

Henry, better informed, knows that his case is hopeless . . 301 The French cardinals stay away . . . „ . . . 302 The consistory is held on the 23rd of March . . , , 303 Cardinal Trivulzio tries to delay the sentence , 303

Catherine's marriage declared valid 303, 304

Du Bellay receives a letter from Castillon 304

He tells Cyfuentes that Henry is ready to submit .... 305

This statement untrue 306, 307

Henry proceeds against Rome 307

Carne and Revett sent as excusators . . , 307

Parliament prorogued before Easter ...... 308

Henry writes to Wallop that he never intended to submit .- . 308

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1485, December 15. 1491, June 28 . .

1501, October 2 . .

November 14.

1502, April 2 . . . June 23

December 26.

1502 or 1503 . .

1505, June 28 . .

1509, April 21 . June 3 .

1511

1512

1514, October —

Catherine of Aragon is born.

Henry, son of Henry VII., is born.

Catherine of Aragon arrives at South- ampton.

Wedding of Arthur, Prince of Wales, and Catherine of Aragon at St. Paul's.

Prince Arthur dies.

A treaty concluded for the marriage of Henry, Prince of Wales, and Cathe- rine of Aragon.

Professed date for the bull of dispensa- tion for the marriage of Henry and Catherine.

Anne Boleyn is born.

Henry, Prince of Wales, protests against the treaty of marriage with Catherine.

Henry VII. dies.

Wedding of Henry VIII. and Catherine of Aragon.

Sir Thomas Boleyn and Sir Henry Wyatt made governors of Norwich Castle.

Sir Thomas Boleyn sent as ambassador to the Low Countries.

Anne Boleyn accompanies Mary Tudor to France.

xxxvm

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1516, February 18 1518, October 1 .

1521, February

1522, January April 24

April 29

May 29 . . . June 19 . .

August 30 . .

October 14 . . 1523, September C .

September 19.

November 19.

December 14. 1524, April— . .

July—. . .

September 28. 1525, February 11 .

Princess Mary born.

A treaty concluded for the marriage of

Francis, dauphin of Viennois, and the

Princess Mary.

Mary Boleyn married to William Carey. Anne Boleyn returns to England. Sir Thomas Boleyn is made treasurer

of the household. Sir Thomas Boleyn is made steward of

Tunbridge, receiver of Bransted, and

keeper of Penshurst. An English herald brings to Francis I.

a declaration of war. A treaty of alliance is signed at Wind- sor by Charles V. and Henry VIII.

Charles is to many the Princess Mary. An English army under the Earl of

Surrey invades France. The English army returns to Calais. A treaty is concluded between Henry

VIII. and the Constable of Bourbon. An English army under the Duke of

Suffolk enters France. Cardinal dei Medici is elected Pope ; he

calls himself Clement VII. The Duke of Suffolk returns to

Calais. Jean Brinon is sent by Louise of Savoy

on a secret mission to England. An Imperial army under the Constable

of Bourbon enters Provence. Bourbon abandons the siege of Mar- seilles. A courier sent by Praet stopped in

England, his despatches opened by

Wolsey.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

XXXIX

1525, February 24 . June 18 . . August 30 . October 16 . November 2 . November 13.

1526, January 14 . February — .

March 10 ., March 18 . , May 26 . . .

June 12

June — . . July 24 . . ,

August 8 . , August 15 . ,

Battle of Pavia; Francis I. is made

prisoner. Sir Thomas Boleyn is created Viscount

Rochford. Treaty of peace with France concluded

at the More. Girolamo Morone arrested by Antonio

de Leyva. An imperial army under the Marquis

of Pescara enters Milan. Francesco Sforza besieged by Pescara

in the Castle of Milan. Treaty of peace between Charles V. and

Francis I. concluded at Madrid. A defensive league concluded by the

Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave

of Hesse at Gotha. Charles V. is married to Isabella of

Portugal. Francis I. regains his liberty; his

children go as hostages to Spain. Francis I., at Cognac, forms with the

pope and several Italian princes a

league against the emperor. The German Protestant princes meet

at Magdeburg, and join the league

between the Elector of Saxony and

the Landgrave.

The imperial diet opens at Speyer. The Castle of Milan is surrendered to

the imperial commanders. A treaty of alliance against Charles V.

is signed at Hampton Court by

French and English ministers. Clement VII. names Henry VIII.

protector of the Italian League.

xl

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1526, August 29 . .

September 20. September 21. October 23 . November — . November 11.

December 4 , December 26.

1527, February 6 . February 26 .

March 5 . . March 29 . . April 30 . .

May 5 . . . May 6 . . .

Battle of Mohacz between Turks and

Hungarians. King Lewis of Hun- gary is killed. Ugo de Moncada and the Colonna enter

Rome and sack the Vatican. Clement VII. concludes a truce with

Ugo de Moncada. Ferdinand of Austria is elected King of

Bohemia. Ferdinand of Austria is elected King of

Hungary at Pressburg. John Zapolyi, Count of Zips, is elected

and crowned King of Hungary at

Stuhlweissenburg. Ferdinand of Austria elected Duke of

Silesia.

Don Ifiigo de Mendoza arrives in Eng- land as resident imperial ambassador. Sir John Russell arrives at Rome with

subsidies for the pope. Gabriel de Gramont, Turenne, le Viste,

and Dodieu, arrive in England as

ambassadors of Francis to negotiate

the marriage of Princess Mary. The French ambassadors are received

by Henry. A further truce agreed upon between

the pope and the Viceroy of Naples. A treaty between Francis I. and Henry

VIII. is signed at Westminster;

Mary is to marry either Francis I. or

his second son. Henry VIII. ratifies the treaty of

Westminster. Rome is taken and sacked by the

imperial army. Bourbon is killed.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

xli

1527, May 8 . . . May 17 . . .

May 18 ...

May 20 . . .

May 21 ...

May 29 ...

May 31 ... June 5 ...

June 22. . .

July 3 . - . July 4 ...

July 11 . . . July 29 .

July 31 . . . August 4 . . August 18 . .

August 20 . . September — .

September 10. September 17.

The French ambassadors leave London.

A collusive suit for the divorce of Catherine begins at Westminster, before Wolsey and Warham.

The imperial ambassador is secretly in- formed of the proceedings of Wolsey and Warham.

Second sitting of the court at West- minster.

Philip of Spain born at Valladolid.

A supplementary treaty between France and England signed at Westminster.

Third sitting of the court at Westmin- ster; it is decided to consult some English bishops. .

The Castle of St. Angelo is surrendered to the imperial army. The pope becomes a prisoner.

Henry speaks with Catherine about his proposal to divorce her.

Wolsey leaves Westminster for France.

Wolsey speaks with Bishop Fisher about the divorce.

Wolsey crosses to Calais.

Wolsey proposes a new way of obtain- ing a divorce.

Ferdinand of Austria enters Hungary.

Wolsey meets Francis at Amiens.

A treaty of alliance is signed by Francis and Wolsey at Amiens. The French take Genoa.

Ferdinand of Austria enters Ofen.

Secretary Knight is sent on a secret mission to Rome.

Knight meets Wolsey at Compiegne,

Wolsey leaves Compiegne for England.

xlii

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1527, September 24. September 30.

October 2 . .

October 14 . October 18 . October 20 .

November 3 .

November 4 . November 11. November 14.

November 15.

November 24. November 26.

December 6 .

December 7 . December 16?

December 18? December 22? December 23.

December —

1528, January 2 , January 9

Wolsey lands at Dover.

Wolsey is received by Henry in the

hall. Montmorency, Brinon, and Humieres

are sent as ambassadors to England. A French army under Lautrec takes

Pavia.

The French ambassadors land at Dover. Lautrec passes the Po. The French ambassadors arrive at

London. Ferdinand of Austria crowned King of

Hungary at Stuhlweissenburg. Knight reports from Foligno. The French ambassadors leave London. Jean du Bellay arrives at London as

resident French ambassador. Montmorency, Brinon, and Humieres

arrive at Calais.

Secretary Knight reaches Rome. The pope concludes a treaty with the

imperial captains for his liberation. The imperial troops leave the Castle of

St. Angelo.

The pope leaves Rome for Orvieto. Secretary Knight has an audience of

the pope.

Knight leaves Orvieto for England. Knight returns to Orvieto. The pope grants a dispensation for

Henry VIII. to marry within pro- hibited degrees. A commission to try the divorce case

granted by the pope. Knight leaves Orvieto a second time. Knight stops at Asti.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

xliii

1528, January 10 January 22

February 6 February 10

February 11 March 20 . March 23 . March 27 . April 3 .

April 8

April 21 April 24 April 28

May 1

May 3 May 4

May 10 May 21

The French army under Lautrec leaves

Bologna. French and English heralds read to

Charles Y. a declaration of war. Lautrec arrives at Fermo. The imperial ambassador is arrested at

London.

Lautrec enters the kingdom of Naples. Gardiner and Foxe are sent to Rome. Gardiner and Foxe arrive at Orvieto. The French army takes Melfi. Gambara arrives at Orvieto. A disputation held before the pope and

Cardinals Monte and Sanctorum

Quatuor. Gardiner threatens the pope; who

grants a commission to Campeggio

and Wolsey to try the divorce

case.

Lautrec invests Naples. The Abbess of Wilton dies. A sea fight at Salerno. The imperial

fleet is beaten. Ugo de Moncada is

killed. Foxe arrives in England with the

commission to Wolsey and Cam- peggio. Foxe is received by Henry and by Anne

at Greenwich. A German army under Duke Henry of

Brunswick enters Italy. Wolsey declares himself satisfied with

the commission granted by the pope- Wolsey writes to Rome to obtain a

decretal defining the law. Riots in Kent.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1528, June 8 . June 15 .

June 16 .

June 17 June —

June — June — June 22 July 14

June 15 June 19

June 20

June 23

June 25 . August 16

August 21

August 24 August 28

August 30

The commission to Wolsey and Cam- peggio is made out.

A truce of eight months is concluded at Hampton Court between England, France, and the Low Countries.

A servant of Anne Boleyn falls ill of the sweating sickness. She is sent to Kent. Henry leaves for Waltham.

Gardiner leaves Viterbo for Venice.

Anne Boleyn falls ill of the sweating sickness.

Henry VIII. goes to Hunsdon.

Anne Boleyn recovers.

William Carey dies.

Henry writes to Wolsey, strongly re- primanding him for having appointed Isabel Jordan the Abbess of Wilton.

Wolsey humbly submits.

Andrea Doria goes over with his galleys to the emperor.

Muxetula protests in Catherine's name against the legatine court being held in England.

The pope promises never to revoke the powers given to Wolsey and Campeggio.

Campeggio embarks at Corneto.

Lautrec dies of the plague before

Naples.

Sir Francis Bryan sent to France to receive Campeggio.

Reformation established at Zuerich.

The siege of Naples is raised ; the French army routed.

Aversa is surrendered to the Im- perialists.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

xlv

1528, September 6

September 8 . September 12.

September 14, September 18.

September 25. September 26.

September 29, October 6 . October 8 , October —

October 13

October 22 October 23

October 24

October 25 October 26 October 27

October 28

Clement VII. tells Sanga that he in- tends to make peace with the emperor. He receives from the imperial agents the tribute for the kingdom of Naples.

Campeggio arrives at Orleans.

Antoniotto Adorno, Duke of Genoa, dies at Milan.

Andrea Doria drives the French out of Genoa.

Campeggio makes his entry into Paris.

The French under St. Pol take Pavia.

Campeggio leaves Paris.

John Zapolyi accredits Jerome Lasky as ambassador to Henry VIII.

George Boleyn made Squire of the Body to the King.

Campeggio lands at Dover.

Clement VII. returns to Home.

Campeggio arrives at London.

Catherine produces a copy of the brief of dispensation.

Catherine promises to do her best to obtain the original brief of dispen- sation.

Campeggio is received by Henry VIII.

Henry calls on Campeggio and disputes with him.

Campeggio and Wolsey call on Catherine.

Campeggio confers with Bishop Fisher.

Catherine confesses to Campeggio.

The French garrison of the castle of Genoa capitulates.

Campeggio and Wolsey call on Catherine.

Savona surrendered by the French to Andrea Doria.

xlvi

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1528, November 1.

November 3. November 8.

November 11.

November 15. November 17. November 23. November 28.

December — December 14. December 15. December 17. December 19. December 29. 15 29, January 6 January 9

Wolsey instructs Casale to ask tliat

Campeggio be ordered to give up the

decretal. The castle of Genoa is surrendered by

the French. Henry VIII. explains to the Mayor and

citizens of London his reasons for

desiring a divorce. An agent of the Earl of Desmond

submits to Charles V. a proposal for

a league. Isabel Jordan is installed Abbess of

Wilton. Margaret of Savoy appoints three

lawyers to advise Catherine. The imperial ambassador secretly visits

Catherine. Sir Francis Bryan and Peter Vannes

are accredited as ambassadors to the

pope.

Clement VII. refuses to order Cam- peggio to give up the decretal. A truce for five years is concluded with

the Scotch. Clement VII. sends Francesco Campana

to England. Lodovico Falier, Venetian ambassador,

arrives at London. The French vainly try to surprise

Genoa. Bryan and Vannes meet Campana and

Vincenzo da Casale at Chambery. The pope falls ill.

Bryan and Vannes arrive at Bologna. Catherine sends to Spain for the original

brief of dispensation.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

xlvii

1529, January 13 January 21 January 30 February 1

February 4 February 6

February 15 February 21 February 24

February 28 March 8 . March 9 .

March 15 .

March 17 . April —

April 2 .

April 3 .

April 12 .

April 19 .

Campana arrives in England.

Gardiner leaves England for Eome.

Gardiner joins W. Bennet at Lyons.

George Boleyn made Steward of Beaulieu.

J. du Bellay leaves England for Rome.

Instructions sent to Rome to obtain the election of Wolsey or Campeggio to papacy.

Gardiner arrives at Rome.

The imperial diet assembles at Speyer.

Gon9alo Fernandez appointed ambas- sador to Ireland.

The Prince of Orange takes La Matrice.

G. Fernandez leaves Toledo for Ireland.

G. du Bellay is sent by Francis to England.

The imperial commissioners at the diet of Speyer propose articles unfavour- able to the Lutherans.

Clement VII. declares formally that he

intends to visit Charles V. in Spain.

Ostiaand CivitaVecchia are surrendered

to the pope. Antonio Rincon is sent as ambassador

to John Zapolyi.

Ghinucci and Lee have audience of the emperor. At their request the brief of dispensation is shown to them. The Saxon minister, Minkwitz, protests at Speyer against the articles proposed by the imperial commissioners. At Speyer King Ferdinand of Hungary declares the articles accepted. The Lutheran princes formally protest against them.

xlviii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1529, April 21 . . The pope refuses to declare the brief of dispensation a forgery.

April 22 . . The protesting princes and towns decide to form a league for mutual defence.

April 24 . . The diet at Speyer is closed.

April 25 . . A notarial act is signed by the Lutheran princes, henceforward called the Protestants.

April 27 . . Miguel May, imperial ambassador, and Andrea del Burgo, Hungarian ambassador, formally call upon the pope to revoke the power given to Wolsey and Campeggio.

April 28 . . G. Fernandez takes leave of the Earl of Desmond.

May 4 ... Sultan Solyman II. starts from Constan- tinople for the invasion of Hungary.

May 13 . . J. du Bellay returns to England.

May — . . Suffolk and Fitzwilliam are sent to Francis I.

May 18 . . Suffolk and Fitzwilliam have a con- ference with du Bellay.

May 19 . . Don Inigo de Mendoza is allowed to leave England.

May 20 . . Henry VIII. accredits W. Bennet as ambassador at the papal court.

May 26 . . F. Campana leaves London to return to Italy.

May 30 . . Henry grants licence to Campeggio and Wolsey to hear and proceed in the divorce cause.

May 31 . . Campeggio and Wolsey open the court at Westminster.

June 1 . . Henry and Catherine have citations served upon them to appear before the legates.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

xlix

1529, June 3 . . Don Ifiigo de Mendoza leaves Calais

for Flanders. June — . . Suffolk has a secret conversation with

Francis I. June 8 . . Conference of Protestants at Rotach.

Andrea Doria leaves Genoa with his

galleys to fetch the emperor. June 9 . . Fitzwilliam returns from France. June 12 . . Francis empowers Louise of Savoy

to treat of peace with Margaret of

Savoy.

June 15 . . Catherine visits Campeggio. June 16 . . At Baynard's Castle Catherine appeals

from the legates to the pope, and pro- tests against any act passed by them. June 18 . . The divorce court sits; Catherine appears

and enters her protest.

June — . . Fitzwilliam returns to Compiegne. June 21 . . The pope has a relapse.

The divorce court sits ; Catherine's

appeal is rejected. Battle of Landriano. St. Pol is totally

routed and taken prisoner. June 22 . . Gardiner and Bryan arrive in England

from Rome.

June 26 . . Catherine is cited once more to appear. June 28 . . The divorce court sits. Bishop Fisher

speaks in favour of Catherine. June 29 . . A treaty of peace and amity between

the pope and the emperor is signed

at Barcelona. June 30 . . Commission to Tunstall, Knight, More,

and Hackett to treat of peace with

Margaret and with Louise of Savoy. July 6 ... Margaret and Louise of Savoy meet at

Cambray. VOL. I. d

1 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1529, July 13 . . At the request of the imperial agents

the pope decides that the commission

of Campeggio and Wolsey is to be

revoked.

July 17 . . The commission is revoked by the pope. July 22 . . The revocation is published at Rome. July 23 . . Campeggio prorogues the legatine

court. July 25 . . Sir Francis Bryan arrives at the French

court.

July 27 . . Charles V. embarks at Barcelona. July 28 . . Gardiner becomes chief secretary to the

king. July — . . Campeggio protests that he has no

understanding with Catherine. August - . Campeggio signs a promise to favour

Henry. August 5 . . A treaty of peace between Charles V.,

Francis I., and Henry VIII. is con- cluded at Cambray. August 8 . . Francis agrees to pay Henry the sums

due to him from the emperor.

August 9 . . Writs made out for a new parliament. August 12 . Charles V. lands at Genoa. August 29 . The pope suspends the divorce cause

for three months. September 1. It is announced that the cause is to be

transferred to Borne. September 5. The brief of citation is handed to

Campeggio.

September 10. G. du Bellay leaves England. September 19. Campeggio has a farewell audience

of Henry VIII. at Grafton. Wolsey

sees Henry for the last time. September 24. Eustache Chapuis is accredited as

imperial ambassador to England.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

li

1529, September 26. September 29. October 2 . .

October 4 .

October 5 .

October 6 .

October 7 . October 8 .

October 9 .

October 14

October 17 October 22 October 24

October 25

October 26 October 27 October 30

October 31

Solyman II. appears before Vienna. The Protestant divines meet at Marburg. Sir Nicolas Carew and Dr. Sampson

sent as ambassadors to the emperor. The pope sends Paul da Casale to ask

Henry to contribute towards the war

against the Turks. Henry VIII. accredits Ghinucci as

ambassador at the papal court. Cam-

peggio leaves London. Chapuis has his first audience of Wolsey

and the council.

Campeggio reaches Canterbury. G. Boleyn is appointed ambassador in

France. The luggage of Campeggio

is seized and searched at Dover. Christopher Hales frames an indictment

against Wolsey. Wolsey is allowed

to appoint two attorneys. Great assault of the Turks repelled by

the Viennese. A last unsuccessful assault on Vienna by

the Turks ; during the night Solyman

retires.

Wolsey is deprived of the seals. Wolsey pleads guilty to prsemunire. Clement VII. enters Bologna. Henry

and Anne inspect York Place. Sir Thomas More is appointed lord

chancellor.

Campeggio leaves Dover for Calais. Wolsey appoints two attorneys. Wolsey is condemned in the King's

Bench for prsemunire. Conferences of Protestant princes and

divines held at Schmalkalden. d 2

lii

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1529, November 2.

November 3. November 4. November 5.

November 8. November 18.

November 28. November 30. December 8.

December 9.

December 17. December 23.

December 24.

December 25. 1530, January 12

January 13 ,

January 14 January 21 January 24

January 29

Henry comes from Greenwich to York

Place.

Parliament opens. Campeggio reaches Paris. Clement VIE. and Charles V. meet at

Bologna.

Convocation meets. Letters of protection are granted to

Wolsey. Henry VIII. swears to the Treaty of

Cambray. Instructions sent to Carew, Sampson,

and Bennet.

Lord Rochford is created Earl of Wilt- shire and of Ormond. Charles V.

swears to the treaty of peace with

England. A banquet given at court. Anne takes

the place of the queen. Parliament is prorogued. Charles V. concludes a treaty of peace

with Sforza and with Venice. Catherine speaks to Henry, who denies

that Anne Boleyn is his mistress. Wolsey falls seriously ill. A ball at court in honour of du

Bellay. Chapuis has audience, and is told that

Wiltshire and Stokesley are to go to

Bologna.

J. du Bellay leaves London. Wiltshire is accredited to Charles V. Wiltshire is made keeper of the privy

seal. Francis I. sends G. du Bellay and

J. J. de Vaulx to England.

CHKONOLOGICAL TABLE.

liii

1530, February 4 February 5

February 8 February 12

February 14 February 16 February 17 February 21

February 22 Feburary 24 Feburary 27

March 7 . March 9

March 14 .

March 17 .

March 21 .

March 22 .

March 23 .

Tunstall gets the custody of the tem- poralities of Durham. G. du Bellay and de Vaulx received

by Henry VIII. Sir N. Carew leaves Bologna. Wolsey's pardon is made out. Henry

leaves Hampton Court for London. Wolsey restored to the temporalities of

York. G. Boleyn, Lord Eochford, returns from

France. Wolsey resigns his preferments, with the

exception of York. Sir F. Bryan accredited as ambassador

to France. Tunstall's bulls for the see of Durham

made out. Charles V. is crowned King of Lombardy

by the pope. Charles V. is crowned emperor by the

pope. The University of Cambridge agrees

to refer the question of the divorce

to a committee. Clement VII. forbids Henry to contract

a new marriage lite pendente. The Committee of the University of

Cambridge gives a decision in favour

of the divorce.

Wiltshire arrives at Bologna. Wiltshire's proposals are rejected by

Charles V. A brief made out ordering that no one

shall meddle with the divorce. Charles V. leaves Bologna. Wiltshire has an audience of the pope.

liv CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1530, March 25 . . Charles V. enters Mantua. He agrees that the divorce cause shall be sus- pended till September.

April 3 ... Wiltshire arrives at Milan.

April 4 ... The University of Oxford refers the question about the divorce to a committee.

April 5 ... The University of Orleans gives an opinion in favour of the divorce.

April — . . Wolsey leaves for York.

April 8 ... The Committee at Oxford decides in favour of the divorce.

April 23 . . The University of Poitiers gives an opinion against the divorce.

April 24 . . Wiltshire arrives at Lyons.

April 26 . . Parliament prorogued to the 22nd cf June.

April 30 . . Francis I. orders the University of Angers to give an opinion about the divorce.

May — ... Henry rides out, Anne sitting on the pillion of his horse.

May — . . . Catherine and Mary stay together at Windsor.

May 7 ... The University of Angers decides against the divorce.

May 21 . . . Clement VII. issues a brief for- bidding the expression of opinion in the matter of the divorce for bribes or from other unworthy motives.

May 24 . . . The faculty of canon law of Paris gives an opinion in favour of the divorce.

June 6 ... Sir Nicholas Harvy leaves England for the imperial Court.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

lv

1530, June 10 . . The Universities of Bourges and of

Bologna give opinions favourable to

the divorce. June 14 . . Catherine's proctors at Rome apply for

process. They are refused. June 15 . . Charles V. enters Augsburg. Wiltshire

at Paris.

June 20 . . The Imperial Diet of Augsburg begins. June 22 . . Parliament prorogued to October. June 25 . . The Protestants read their confession

of faith to the Diet. June 30 . . The saying of mass is forbidden at

Luebeck.

July 1 ... The sons of Francis I. return to France. The University of Padua decides in

favour of the divorce. July 2 ... A part of the faculty of theology of

Paris decides in favour of the divorce. July 7 ... Henry visits his daughter. July 8 ... N. Harvy arrives at Augsburg. July 13 ... A letter to the pope is submitted to the

principal lords of England. July 14 . . . The temporalities of London restored

to Stokesley.

July 19 . . . Wiltshire arrives at Ortonnay. August 4 . . The University of Alcala decides against

the divorce. Papal Encyclical forbidding all persons

to write against their conscience in

matters touching the divorce. August 8 . . Francis empowers J. du Bellay and de

Vaulx to conclude a new league with

Henry. August 12 . Florence surrenders to the imperial

army. Alessandro dei Medici be- comes duke.

Ivi

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1530, August 13 . August 16

August 17 September 8 .

September 12 September — September 19 September 21 September 24 October 1 . . October 5 . .

October 11 . October 13 .

October 26 . November 1 .

November 4 . November 6 . November 8 . November 19.

November 23.

Charles V. empowers Chapuis to act on

behalf of Catherine. Conference about the confession of

faith begins at Augsburg. J. du Bellay arrives at London. The nuncio, Baron de Burgo, arrives at

London. Proclamation against obtaining bulls

from Rome.

Clement VII. speaks about a dispensa- tion for bigamy. The University of Salamanca decides

against the divorce. The University of Alcala decides against

the divorce. The University of Ferrara decides in

favour of the divorce. The University of Toulouse decides in

favour of the divorce. Sir Francis Bryan is accredited as

ambassador \vith Francis I. John

Wellisbourne is recalled. A supersedeas is granted to Wolsey

respecting his colleges. The constitution of Luebeck is altered

in a democratic sense. Pomeranus arrives at Luebeck. Walter Walsh is sent to York with an

order to arrest Wolsey. Wolsey is arrested at Cawood. Wolsey is taken to Pomfret. Wolsey arrives at Sheffield Park. The Imperial Diet at Augsburg

closes. Wolsey leaves Sheffield Park under the

guard of Kingston.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ivii

1530, November 25.

November 26. November 29. November 30. December 6 .

December 19. December 22. December 24.

December 25. December 31. December — .

1531, January 5 . .

January 7 .

January 10 January 12 January 13

January 16

A consistory is held about the con- cessions made to the Protestants.

Wolsey arrives at Leicester Abbey.

Death of Wolsey.

Margaret of Savoy dies.

Henry writes to Clement VII. com- plaining of injuries done to him.

The auditor Capisuccio cites Henry to appear at the Rota.

The Protestant princes meet at Schmal- kalden.

The Protestant princes protest against the intended election of Ferdinand as King of the Romans.

M. de la Guiche arrives as ambassador in England.

The Protestant princes at Schmalkalden separate.

Mary of Hungary is named Governor of the Low Countries.

Brief directing Capisuccio to go on with the cause.

Brief forbidding Henry to marry lite pendente, and forbidding all persons or corporations in England to meddle with the cause.

Ferdinand of Austria elected King of the Romans.

Clement answers Henry's letter.

The queen's proctor banished from court.

Ferdinand is crowned at Aachen.

Convocation of York meets.

The nuncio exhorts Warham to main- tain the papal authority.

Parliament meets.

Iviii

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1531, January 23 January 30 February 1 February 11

February 14 February 20 March 4 .

March 11 . March 24 .

March 29 . March 30 .

March 31 . April 3 . .

April 8 . .

April 12 .

April — .

May 3 . .

May 4 . . May 5 . . May — . .

Dr. Ortiz arrives at Home to defend

the cause of Catherine. The Duchess of Norfolk sends an

encouraging message to Catherine. Louis de Praet is sent by Charles as

ambassador to France. The Convocation of Canterbury re- cognises Henry as supreme head. De la Guiche dines with Henry. Attempt to poison Bishop Fisher. The Convocation of Canterbury grants

a subsidy of £100,000. Dr. Croine submits to Convocation. Princess Mary goes to stay with

Catherine. Henry grants a general pardon for

prsemunire. The opinions of the universities in

favour of the divorce are read to

parliament. Parliament prorogued. The Duke of Albany urges the pope

not to proceed with the divorce

cause. Burgomaster Broemse leaves Lue-

beck. De la Guiche leaves England. De

Vaulx returns. Henry complains of Anne's violent

temper. Luebeck joins the lea.gue of Schmal-

kalden.

The Convocation of York prorogued. Edward Foxe is sent to France. The Duchess of Norfolk is sent from

court.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1531, May 6 .

May 10 . . May — .

May 18 . . May 30 . ,

May 31 . . June — . June 5 . June — . June — . June 22 .

July -- . July 26 . July 29 .

August —

August 16 August 18

Tunstall writes to Henry that he can- not accept him as supreme head of

the Church. The consistory at Rome decides that

the cause must go on. The clergy of the province of Canter- bury protest against all attacks on

the power of the pope. The clergy of York do the same. The nuncio tells Henry VIII. that the

cause must go on at Rome. A deputation from the council wait on

Catherine and dispute with her. Suffolk and Fitzwilliam conspire against

Anne. Conference of Protestant princes at

Frankfurt. Comptroller Guildford resigns and

leaves court. Suffolk denounces Anne as having been

the mistress of Wyatt. The faculty of law of Orleans declares

that Henry is not bound to plead at

Rome. The Marquis of Exeter is sent from

court. Charles V. refuses to allow the divorce

case to be decided at Cambray. Morette, the French ambassador, leaves

Brussels ; he is replaced by Dodieu de

Vely. Catherine is ordered to leave court and

to go to the More.

Bilney burned for heresy at Norwich. Clement exhorts Henry to aid in

opposing the Turks.

lx

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1531, August 19 .

August 27 August 30 September —

September 21 September 22

October — . October 11 . October 13 .

October 15 . October — . October 19 .

October 20 . October 22 . October 24 .

October 25 . October 2G .

November 1 . November 5 .

November 6 . November 13.

The faculty of law of Paris decides that Henry is not bound to appear at Rome. Dr. Foxe returns from France. Riot of parochial clergy at Greyfriars. Sir Thomas Elyot is accredited as

ambassador with Charles V. Sir Griffith ap Rice sent to the Tower. Dr. Foxe arrives at Compiegne. Louise of Savoy dies. Anne Boleyn advises Fisher not to

appear in his place in parliament. Battle of Cappel. The Zuerich army

is beaten. Zwingli is killed. A royal commission asks Catherine not

to oppose the king's wishes. J. du Bellay arrives in England. Catherine leaves for the More. J. du Bellay and de Vaulx call on

Chapuis. The pope preconises Edward Lee,

Archbishop of York. Henry and Anne dine with du Bellay

at the house of Bryan Tuke. Christian II. of Denmark leaves

Medemblink in Holland to reconquer

his kingdom.

J. du Bellay returns to France. Ambassadors from the Duke of Cleves

arrive.

Henry VIII. recalls W. Bennet. Ferdinand sends Nogarolo and Lamberg

to treat with Solyman. Parliament prorogued to the 15th of

January. Henry and Catherine dine in separate

rooms at Ely House.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixi

1531, November 14. November 19. November 20.

November 21.

November 26.

November 30. December 3 . December 4 .

December 11.

December 15.

December 20. December 21. December 24.

December 28.

December 29.

December 30.

1532, January 1 . .

January 3 . . January 4 . .

January 8 . . January 10 .

January 11

J. le Sauch arrives at London.

W. Bennet leaves Eome.

Bayfield is degraded from the priesthood

by Stokesley. Henry complains to Chapuis and le

Sauch that Tyndall has not been

given up to him. Four Luebeck line of battle ships leave

Travemunde to fight Christian II. Cleve ambassadors leave England. Temporalities of York restored to Lee. Bayfield burned as a heretic in Smith- field. The date at which Henry is to appear

at Rome again postponed by con- sistory. Bainham examined as to heresy by

Stokesley.

Bryan and Foxe return from France. Tewkesbury is burned as a heretic. G. de la Pommeraye arrives as French

ambassador. The pope asks all Christian princes

to help in resisting the Turks. Gardiner leaves for France. W. Bennet returns to France. Henry VIII. refuses Catherine's new

year's gift. The nuncio presses Henry to recall

Catherine. Brief of Clement asking Henry to help

in opposing the Turks. Cause begins at Rome. Francis writes to Rome in favour of

Henry. De Vaulx leaves England.

Ixii

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1532, January 12 January 15

January 21 January 24 January 25

February 6 February 7

February 9 February 16

February 24 March 6

March 11 .

March 13 .

March 19 .

March 20 .

April 10 .

Dr. Came asks the pope to grant a further delay in order that counsel may be procured.

Parliament meets.

The cause at Rome is postponed till Candlemas.

Dr. Bonner is ordered to go to Rome.

Boiiner leaves.

Henry accredits Dr. Cranmer as am- bassador with Charles V.

Clement VII. exhorts Henry to put Anne away and to recall Catherine.

Bennet arrives at Rome.

Bennet promises 6,000 crowns a year to the Cardinal of Ravenna.

Henry refuses to take part in the resist- ance offered to the Turks.

Carne protests against Henry being cited. Refuses to produce a mandate, but produces twenty articles which are all to be discussed.

Warham signs a protest against any act passed derogatory to the rights of the Church.

Gardiner returns from France.

Carne produces supplementary articles in consistory.

Latimer examined by Convocation.

Some of the articles of Carne discussed in consistory.

Parliament passes the bill against Annates.

Further disputation in consistory.

Latimer submits.

Disputation in consistory. Previdello pleads for Henry.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Ixiii

1532; April 14 . . Cromwell made master of the jewels. April 17 . . The imperial diet begins at Regensburg.

Previdello pleads again for Henry. April 26 . . Solyman II. starts from Constantinople

to attack Germany.

April 30 . . Bainham burned for heresy. May 1 ... Friar Peyto preaches -at Greenwich

against the divorce. May 5 ... Dr. Curwen, preaching against Peyto, is

interrupted by Elstow.

May 6 ... Elstow and Peyto before the council. May 13 . . . The nuncio presents a brief to Henry

exhorting him to treat Catherine

more kindly.

May 14 . . . Parliament is prorogued. May 15 . . . Convocation promises not to make any

new canons without the royal per- mission.

May 16 . . . Sir Thomas More resigns the seals. May 20 ... Thomas Audley is made keeper of the

great seal.

May — ... Queen Catherine is taken to Bugden. May 28 ... The diet at Regensburg decides to

act vigorously in opposition to the

Turks. June 9 ... Bishop Fisher preaches in favour of

Catherine.

June 17 . . La Pommeraye returns to London. June 23 . . A treaty of alliance against Charles Y.

is concluded at London between the

commissioners of Francis and of

Henry. June 29 . . A secret consistory held on the divorce

case. July 1 ... Christian II. of Denmark surrenders to

Frederic I.

Ixiv

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1532, July 5 . .

July 8 . .

July — . .

July 20 . .

July 23 . .

August 15

August — August — August 23 August 28

August 31

September 1 . September 4 . September — .

September 11. September 13.

The Earl of Kildare is appointed deputy

lieutenant of Ireland. A priest is hanged in his sacerdotal

habit for clipping coin. The pope and cardinals decide that if

Henry does not send a proxy before

the 1st of November, the cause will

go on in his absence. Lady Northumberland says that there

is a precontract between the earl

and Anne. Solyman II. passes the Drau near

Esseg. The Protestant princes come to an

understanding with Charles V. At Henry's request la Pommeraye asks

that Marguerite of Navarre may come

to meet Anne Boleyn. The Imperial army begins to assemble

at Vienna.

Dr. Abel is sent to the Tower. The Turks lay siege to Guenz. Archbishop Warham dies. The Turks are repulsed at Guenz. Cranmer declares at Regensburg that

Henry will not contribute to the ex- penses of the war against the Turks. The nuncio exhorts Henry to send

a proxy to Rome to appear for him

in the cause.

Anne created Marchioness of Pembroke. G. du Bellay arrives in England. Various persons receive orders that they

are to accompany Anne to Calais. G. du Bellay returns to France. Catherine is at Enfield.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixv

15 32, September 23. September 27.

October 1 . ,

October 2 . .

October 7 . . October 11

October 12 October 16 October 19 October 21

October 24

October 25 October — October 27

October 28

October 29 . November 4. November 6.

November 13.

VOL. I.

Henry meets the Princess Mary.

Charles V. arrives at Vienna.

Instructions to Dr. Hawkins as am- bassador to Charles V. He is ac- credited to the Protestant princes and the Dukes of Bavaria.

Cranmer is recalled from the imperia court.

Sir Nicholas Carew leaves for France.

Henry and Anne leave Greenwich.

Henry and Anne land at Calais.

Cardinal dei Medici, legate with Charles V., is arrested by two imperial captains.

Cardinal dei Medici is released.

Montmorency comes to Calais.

Francis arrives at Boulogne.

Francis and Henry meet at Sandingfield and ride to Boulogne.

Henry VIII. cancels a part of the debt due to him from Francis.

Francis and Henry go to Calais.

Don Pedro de la Cueva reaches Rome.

Montmorency and Chabot de Brion elected knights of the garter.

Francis meets Anne Boleyn.

Francis and Henry engage by treaty to aid in resisting the Turks.

Francis I. leaves Calais.

Parliament prorogued.

Charles V. orders the imperial tri- bunal not to proceed against the Lutherans.

Instructions given by Francis I. to the Cardinals of Tournon and of Gramont, who are sent to Bologna.

6

Ixvi

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1532, November 13.

November — .

November 19. November 20.

November 25.

December 11. December 13.

December 20.

December 25. December 27.

1533, January 1 . January 2 .

January 3 .

January 7' . January 25 .

January 26 ' . J anuary 27" . February 2 .

February 3 . February 8 ,

February 9 ,

Henry and Anne leave Calais. Montpesat is appointed French ambas- sador instead of de Vaulx. Cranmer leaves Mantua for England. The Scots make a raid into England;

the border war begins. Chapuis is received by Henry at

El th am.

Cardinal Pietro de Accolti dies. Charles V. enters Bologna and meets

the pope. At a Consistor} it is decided not to hold

a council.

Dr. Abel is released from the Tower. The people of Muenster rout the troops

of their bishop.

Dr. Thomas Leigh is sent to Denmark. Clement VII. announces his intention

of holding a council. Cardinals Tournon and Grarnont arrive

at Bologna.

Dr. Bonner leaves Bologna for England. Anne is secretly married to Henry. Dr. Bonner arrives at court. Sir Thomas Audley is appointed Lord

Chancellor. J. de Dinteville is accredited as French

ambassador to England. Norfolk has a long conference with the

nuncio.

Parliament opens. The nuncio and Montpesat assist at a

solemn sitting of Parliament. The nuncio, Montpesat, and Dinteville

assist once more at a sitting of

Parliament.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixvii

1533, February 13 February 14

February 21

February 22 February 24

February 25 February 26

February 27

February 28 March 1 .

March 8 .

March 13 . March — .

March 26 . March 30 . April 2 .

Montpesat leaves England.

Dr. Bonner leaves England to return to

Rome. Wiltshire uses threatening language to

Lord Rutland. The bulls for Cranmer are proposed in

consistory. Juergen Wullenwever is elected a

member of the Senate of Luebeck. Saxon ambassadors arrive in England. A treaty is concluded between Charles

V. and Clement ; the pope promises

that the divorce cause shall be

decided at Rome. A great banquet at Anne's house. G. du Bellay and Beauvois arrive at

London.

The French ambassadors have audience. Henry asks that no new proceedings

maybe taken against him at Rome. A league is concluded at Bologna for

the defence of Italy. Charles V. leaves Bologna. G. du Bellay and Beauvois leave London

for France. J; Wullenwever becomes burgomaster

of Luebeck.

Lord Rochford leaves for France. Bills against the papal authority intro- duced into Parliament. Cranmer's bulls arrive. Convocation opens. Cranmer consecrated Archbishop of

Canterbury.

The theologians of convocation decide in favour of Henry.

e 2

Ixviii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1533, April 3 . . The canonists of Convocation decide in

favour of Henry.

April 5 . . Convocation grants copy of the decisions. April 6 . . Bishop Fisher is arrested. April 7 . . Eochford returns from France.

Parliament is prorogued. April 8 . . Convocation is prorogued. April 0 . . Commissioners call on Catherine and

tell her of Anne's marriage. April 10 . . Frederic I. of Denmark dies. April 11 . . Cranmer asks for permission to inquire

into the validity of Henry's marriage

with Catherine.

April 12 . . Anne appears publicly as Queen. April 14 . . Beauvois leaves London for Scotland. April 15 . . The Scots take fourteen English ships. April 17 . . Count Cyfuentes, the new imperial

ambassador, arrives at Rome. April 23 . . Catherine is forbidden to call herself

Queen. April — . . Catherine is cited to appear before

Cranmer at Dunstable. April 30 . . Protestation of Catherine that she will

not accept Cranmer as her judge. May 6 ... Tunstall refuses to subscribe to the

articles against the validity of Cathe- rine's marriage. May 10 . . . Cranmer opens his court; Catherine

is pronounced contumax. May 13 . . . The Convocation of York decides in

favour of the divorce. May 23 ... Cranmer gives sentence against

Catherine.

May 27 .. . An embassy leaves England for France. May 28 ... Norfolk has a conference with Chapuis,

and leaves for Prance.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixix

1533, May 28 . . . Cranmer declares the marriage of Henry

and Anne to be valid.

May 29 ... Anne goes from Greenwich to the Tower. May 31 . . . Anne leaves the Tower for Westminster. June 1 ... Anne is crowned. June 6 ... Norfolk stops at Amiens. June 13 . . . Bishop Fisher is set free.

The cardinals decide that the excusator

is not to he heard.

June 23 ... The Duchess of Suffolk dies. June — ... Norfolk sees Marguerite of Navarre at

Paris. June 26 . . . Henry appeals from the pope to the

next general council.

July 4 ... Frith and Hewet burnt at Smithfield. July 10 . . . Norfolk sees Francis at Riom. July 11 . . . The pope and cardinals annul the

proceedings of Cranmer. July 14 , . . The nuncio leaves England. July 19 . . . Beauvois arrives at London from

Scotland.

July — ... Catherine is taken to Bugden. July 21 . . . Norfolk arrives at Lyons, and receives

the news of the papal sentence. July — ... Chapuis dines on board the Easterling

ships. July 28 ... Stephen Vaughan and Christopher

Mount leave for Germany. Rochford arrives from Lyons. July — ... Anne goes to Hampton Court. July 30 ... Rochford returns to Lyons.

The Luebeck fleet leaves Copenhagen

for the coasts of Holland.

July — ... Cranmer examines Elizabeth Barton. August 8 . . A brief of censure issued against

Henry, Anne, and Cranmer.

l.xx

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1533, August — .

August 18 .

August — . . August 28 . . August 30 . .

September 3. September 6,

September 7. September 9.

September — September 25.

September — September 27.

October 1 . . October 2 . .

October 11. . October 16. .

October 17.

The Luebeck fleet appears in the

Channel. Marcus Meyer lands at Rye and is

arrested. Henry authorises Bonuer to intimate

the appeal to the council. Norfolk meets Francis I. at Montpellier. Henry and Anne return to Greenwich. Norfolk arrives at court from Mont- pellier.

Gardiner leaves London for France. At Weimar, Stephen Vaughan receives

an unfavourable reply from the Elec- tor of Saxony.

Elizabeth is born at Greenwich. The Duke of Suffolk marries Lady

Catherine Willoughby. A treaty of friendship is concluded at

Ghent between the Low Countries

and Denmark. Elizabeth Barton and her accomplices

arrested. The Duke of Richmond returns from

France.

A short truce concluded with Scotland. The pope suspends the censures against

Henry, Anne, and Cranmer. A truce for one year concluded with

Scotland. Mary Tudor refuses to give up her title

of princess.

Clement VII. lands at Marseilles. Negotiations between Clement and

Francis I. begin at Marseilles. Bonner leaves Lyons. Gardiner reports unfavourably to Henry.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixxi

1533, October 20. October 21.

October 24. , November 1 .

November 2 .

November 7 . November 9 .

November 11. November 12.

November 18. November 19.

November 23.

December 7 . December —

December 13. December 14.

December — December 17.

December 29. 1534, January 9 . .

January 10 .

A disputation held at the house of

Cardinal Duprat. An agreement made between the pope

and the King of France. Gardiner sends to England for powers. Gardiner's letter of the 17th arrives in

England. Orders sent to Marseilles that the appeal

is to be intimated. Bonner intimates Henry's appeal. Oastillon arrives as resident ambassador

in England.

Clement VII. rejects Henry's appeal. Clement leaves Marseilles. Richard Pate is appointed resident

ambassador with Charles V. Dinteville leaves England. The sentence of Clement VII. ex- hibited on the church-doors at Dun- kirk. Elizabeth Barton stands on a scaffold

at St. Pad's.

Marcus Meyer is knighted by Henry. Clement VII. shows himself eager to

proceed against Henry. Elizabeth is taken to Hatfield. Marcus Meyer leaves England for

Luebeck.

The Princess Mary is taken to Hatfield. Du Bellay arrives in England. Commissioners dissolve Catherine's

household at Bugden. Du Bellay leaves England. The cardinals decide that the divorce

cause must be discussed once more. Henry goes to see Elizabeth at Hatfield.

Ixxii

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1534, January 15 January 27

January 30 January 31

February 2 February 6 February —

February 18

February — February 21

February 27

March 2 .

March 4 .

March 5 .

Parliament opens.

Marcus Meyer arrives at Luebeck.

The landgrave of Hesse concludes, at Bar le Due, a treaty with Francis I. for the restoration of Ulrich of Wuertemberg.

Convocation opens.

The Lords inspect the treaty of alliance with France. Lee, Heath, and Paget are sent ambassadors to Denmark, Saxony, and Poland.

J. du Bellay arrives at Home.

Du Bellay is heard in consistory.

A secretary from Luebeck arrives in England.

Latimer preaches before Henry in favour of the pope.

Henry writes to Wullenwever.

An Act of Attainder against Elizabeth Barton, Bishop Fisher, Sir Thomas More, and others, is introduced into the House of Lords.

Simonetta gives an account of the divorce case in consistory.

The Anabaptists drive the Lutherans out of Muenster.

Conferences begin at Hamburg between Dutch, Holstein, and Luebeck dele- gates.

A list of questions relating to the divorce case is submitted in consis- tory.

Castillon finds Henry favourable to a compromise with the pope.

The council are unfavourable to a com- promise, but Henry is ready to wait.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixxiii

1534, March 6 .

March — March 12 March 20

March 23

March 25 March 30 March 31

April 4 . April 6 . April 13. April 14. April — April 17. April 20. April 24. May 5 .

The Lords ask to hear Sir Thomas More.

His name is struck out of the Bill of

Attainder. Castillon submits a forged letter to

Henry, who is less conciliatory. The bill against Barton is passed by

the Lords. The bill ratifying Henry's marriage

with Anne is read a first time in the

House of Lords. The bill ratifying Anne's marriage is

read a third time.

Clement gives sentence against Henry. Carne and Revett leave for Rome. Parliament prorogued. Convocation prorogued. The cardinals refuse to reconsider their

sentence. La Pommeraye brings the news of

Clement's sentence. Carne and Revett meet du Bellay at

Bologna. Fisher and More refuse to swear to the

Act of Succession. Carne protests against the sentence of

Clement. Rochford and Fitzwilliam arc sent to

France. Fisher and More are committed to the

Tower. Barton and some of those who favoured

her are executed.

Francis replies to the requests trans- mitted by Rochford and Fitzwilliam. Convocation of York decides that the

pope has no power in England.

Ixxiv CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1534, May 6 ... Philip of Hesse enters Wuertem-

berg.

May — ... Lord Dacres arrested. May 11 ... Peace is concluded with Scotland. May 12 . . . Count Christopher of Oldenburg arrives

before Luebeck.

May 13 ... Battle of Laufen. The army of Fer- dinand is routed.

May 14 • . . Marcus Meyer surprises Trittau. May 17 ... Count Christopher concludes an alliance

with Luebeck. May — ... Royal commissioners threaten Catherine

with penalties if she will not swear

to the Act of Succession. May 27 ... The town of Malmoe rises in favour of

Christian II.

May — . . . De la Guiche comes to England. May 30 ... The Senate of Luebeck sends an

embassy to England. June 3 . , . Count Christopher concludes a treaty

with Luebeck for the conquest of

Denmark. June 7 ... De la Guiche leaves England.

Princess Mary signs a protest against

the compulsion to which she is

subjected. June 11 . . Lord Thomas Fitzgerald renounces his

allegiance to Henry. June 16 . . The Hanseatic ambassadors arrive at

London. June 18 . . Philip of Hesse reaches the Bohemian

frontier. June 19 . . Count Christopher sails from Trave-

muende. June 23 . . Rochford is made Lord Warden of the

Cinque Ports.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixxv

1534, June 24 . .

June 29 . .

July 4 . . .

July 8 . . .

July — . . .

July 14 . . .

July 15 . . .

July 17 . . .

July 19 . . .

July 21 . . .

July 24 . . .

July 25 . . .

July 27 . . .

July 28 . . .

August 2 . .

August — . .

August 9 . .

August 12 . .

August 30 . ,

September 3.

The Hanseatic ambassadors received by

Henry. A treaty of peace concluded at Cad an

between Philip of Hesse and Fer- dinand. The Estates of Jutland elect Christian

III.

Lord Rochford is sent to France. Aepinus arrives in England. Wiltshire and Paulet go to summon

Mary to swear to the Act of Suc- cession. Copenhagen surrenders to Count

Christopher.

Chapuis sets out for Kimbolton. Chapuis is requested not to proceed. Cornelius O'Brien asks to be assisted

by the emperor. The Estates of Skonen submit to Count

Christopher.

The Castle of Copenhagen capitulates. Lord Thomas Fitzgerald enters Dublin. Archbishop Allen is murdered. Henry lends 20,000 'florins to the

Luebeckers. The observant friars are expelled from

their convents. Ovelacker beats the troops of Duke

Christian at Nyborg in Funen. The Count of Nassau is sent from

Palencia to France. The Anabaptists of Muenster repel an

assault by the troops of the German

princes. Christian of Holstein appears before

Luebeck.

Ixxvi

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1534, September 14. September — September 17.

September 24.

September 26. September 28.

September 29.

October — . October 8 .

October 12 . October 14 .

October 17 . October 18 .

October 20 . October 22 . October 28 .

October — .

November 4. November 11. November 18.

November 20.

Clement lands at Aalborg in Jutland.

Mary Boleyn sent from court.

Two gentlemen ask Chapuis to advise

Charles to send troops to England. Chapuis refers to an adherent of

Catherine to whom Henry makes

love.

Pope Clement VII. dies. Christian of Holstein cuts Luebeck off

from the sea. Lords Hussey and Darcy communicate

with Chapuis.

Lady Rochford sent from court. Cromwell is made Master of the

Rolls. Cardinal Farnese becomes Pope as

Paul III. Fitzgerald raises the siege of Dublin

Castle.

Brereton lands at Dublin. Clement, at Svendstrup, routs the

adherents of Duke Christian. Chabot sets out for England. Anne sees Elizabeth at Richmond. Christopher Mores leaves as ambassador

for Luebeck and Denmark. The Cardinal of Lorraine promises to

go to England. Parliament meets. Chabot lands at Dover. A treaty is concluded at Stokelsdorf

between Duke Christian and

Luebeck.

Henry is declared by Parliament su- preme Head of the Church. Chabot enters London.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixxvii

1534, December 2 . December 18. December —

1535, January 13 . January 18 .

January 20 .

January 21

January 31 February 2

February 5 February 18

February — February 28

March 1 . March- 3 .

March 5 . March — . March 12 .

March 14 . March 23 .

Chabot leaves London.

Parliament is prorogued.

Anne has a violent quarrel with

Norfolk. Meyer is defeated and taken prisoner

in Skonen. Francis I. complains to Hanart that

Charles tries to irritate the Protes- tants against him. Christian of Holstein sends Peter

Schwaben to England. Several heretics burnt at Paris. Wallop proposes a compromise to

Hanart. Palamede Gontier sets out for

England.

Gontier arrives at London. Gontier sees Anne at a ball at

court.

Mary falls ill again. J. von Eantzau lands with a Holstein

force in Funen. The imperialist favourite of Henry

supplanted by Margaret Shelton. Peter Schwaben arrives at the English

court.

Peter Schwaben has audience of Henry. Lord Bray communicates with

Chapuis.

Gontier leaves England for France. Cromwell becomes dangerously ill. Marcus Meyer escapes from prison and

seizes the castle of Warberg. Mary has a relapse. Skeffington lays siege to Maynooth. Maynooth is taken.

Ixxviii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1535, March 20 . . P. Gontier returns to England from

France. March 31 . . Henry answers the proposals brought

by Gontier.

April 1 . . Mary leaves Greenwich. April 7 . . Cromwell is out of danger. Henry sups

at his house. April 9 . . Albert of Mecklenburg leaves Trave-

muende to join Count Christopher. April 16 . . Peter Schwaben leaves England. April 20 . . Robert Lawrence and A. Webster are

examined by Cromwell. April 21 . . Great riot in Warwickshire. April 2li . . The Charterhouse monks are exa- mined. April 29 . . The Charterhouse monks are sentenced

to death. May 2 ... Dr. Pack arrives in England from

Luebeck.

May 4 ... The Charterhouse monks are executed. May 7 ... More and Fisher are called upon to

accept the Act of Supremacy. May 21 . . . The pope names Fisher, Du Bellay,

Ghinucci and others to • be

cardinals.

May 22 ... The conferences at Calais begin. May 25 . . . Several Anabaptists are burnt at

Smithfield. Lord Eochford arrives in England from

Calais. May 26 ... Christopher Mores goes to Warberg to

confer with Meyer. May 29 . . . Paul III. asks Deuonville to write in

favour of Fisher. May 30 .. . Charles V. leaves Barcelona for the

conquest of Tunis.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Ixxix

1535; June 11 . . . Three more Charterhouse monks are

sentenced to death.

Ilantzau defeats and kills Hoya and

Tecklenburg at Oxneberg in Funen.

The Swedish and Luebeck fleets have

an engagement off Bornholm. June 14 . . . The conferences at Calais break up.

Chabot leaves Calais. June 15 . . . A papal messenger arrives at Boulogne

for England. June 16 . . . Skram destroys the Luebeck fleet off

Svendborg.

Charles V. lands on the coast of Tunis. June 17 . . . Bishop Fisher is sentenced to death. June 19. . . Three Charterhouse monks are

executed.

June 22 . . . Bishop Fisher is executed. June 23 ... Charles Y. lays siege to the Goletta.

Francis I. invites Melanchthon to a

conference.

June 24 ... The allied princes take Muenster. June 26 ... A true bill found against Sir Thomas

More.

Antoine de Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, arrives as resident French ambassador in England.

July 1 ... Sir Thomas More is sentenced to death. July — ... Sir Thomas More is executed. July 8 ... Barnes is accredited as ambassador in

Saxony.

July 10 .. . Lord Leonard Grey starts for Ireland. July 14 ... The Goletta is taken. July 20 ... Bormer, Cavendish, and Pack, accre- dited as ambassadors in the northern countries. Charles defeats Khairredin.

Ixxx

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1535, July 21 . . . July 29 ...

August 1 . . August 14 . .

August 18 . .

August 26 . . August — . .

September —

September 18 September 19

September 28 October 1 . . October 7 . .

October 9 . . October — .

October 21 . October 24 . November 4 . November 6 .

November 10.

November — . November 25.

Charles enters Tunis.

Bonner and Cavendish start for

Hamburg. Mount and Haynes leave England for

France. The partisans of Wullenwever are

obliged to retire from the Senate of

Luebeck.

Lord Thomas Fitzgerald surrenders. The Elector of Saxony refuses to let

Melanchthon go to France. Wullenwever resigns his office. Twelve English ships are taken by

Skram. Anne Boleyn expresses a wish to see

Marguerite of Navarre. R. Barnes arrives at Jena. J. de Dinteville arrives in England from

France.

The Elector of Saxony answers Barnes. Henry writes to Melanchthon. The Easterling ships are seized at

London.

J. de Dinteville leaves England. Gardiner is sent to France, Foxe to

Germany.

Gardiner arrives at Calais. Maximilian Sforza dies. Pier Luigi Farnese meets Charles V. Chapuis is warned that Henry uses

threatening language regarding

Catherine and Mary. A bull of deprivation against Henry

is proposed in consistory. Wullenwever is arrested at Rotenburg. Charles V. arrives at Naples.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixxxi

1535, December 1 . December — December 3

December — .

December 10.

December 13.

December 15.

December 23.

December 25.

December 26.

December — .

December 29.

December 30.

1536, January 1 . .

January 4 . .

January 5 . .

January 7 . .

January 8 . .

January 9 . .

January • — .

January 21 .

VOL. I.

Catherine falls ill.

Catherine recovers.

Du Bellay is instructed by Francis I. not to interfere in favour of Henry.

Sir Francis Bryan arrives at the French court.

An altered draft of a bull of depriva- tion against Henry is read in con- sistory and passed.

Catherine writes to Charles V., Gran- velle, and Chapuis.

Henry interferes in favour of Wullen- wever.

The elector and the landgrave ask Henry not to molest Duke Christian.

The elector and the landgrave reply to Henry's proposals.

Catherine has a relapse.

Sir Francis Bryan returns from France.

Chapuis receives the news of Catherine's illness.

Clmpuis has an audience of Henry and leaves for Kimbolton.

Chapuis arrives at Kimbolton and sees Catherine. Lady Willoughby is allowed to enter Kimbolton.

Chapuis takes leave of Catherine.

Chapuis leaves Kimbolton.

Catherine dies.

Chapuis arrives at London.

Anne consults with her friends.

Great ball given at court.

Sir Francis Bryan starts for France.

Anne offers Mary a brilliant position.

A courier arrives from Germany with the reply of the elector and landgrave.

Ixxxii

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1536, January 24 January 27

January 28 January 29 February 6 February 9 February 10 February 14 February 15 February 24

February 25

February — February 29

March 1

March — .

March 3 .

March 7 .

March 13 .

Henry has a fall from his horse.

The physician and apothecary of

Catherine are prevented from seeing

Mary. Sir Francis Bryan returns from

France.

Catherine is buried at Peterborough. Anne miscarries. Cranmer preaches violently against

papal and imperial authority. An imperial agent arrives to facilitate

the flight of Mary. Henry threatens the Archbishop of

Bremen. Peace is concluded between Luebeck

and Christian III. Ambassadors from the Duke of Guelders

arrive. Chapuis speaks with Cromwell about

the conditions of a reconciliation

between the emperor and Henry. The Bishop of Llandaff is sent to the

Tower.

Du Bellay is recalled from Rome. Charles V. instructs Chapuis to enter

upon negotiations with Henry. The Archbishop of Bremen rebukes

Henry for his violence. Sir Edward Seymour is made a gentle- man of the privy chamber. The Guelders ambassadors leave Eng- land. Cromwell urges Catherine's physician

to remain in England. Bonner and Cavendish ask Christian

III. not to persecute Wullenwever.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ixxxiii

1536, March — . . Montejan and Annebaut occupy the Mont Cenis.

March 28 . . Charles V. instructs Chapuis to nego- tiate an alliance with Henry.

April 3 ... Turin surrenders to the French.

April 9 ... Alexander dei Medici is married to Margaret of Austria.

April 15 . . Chapuis receives the emperor's in- structions.

April 16 . . Chapuis sees Cromwell.

April 18 . . Chapuis has audience of Henry. Cromwell falls ill.

April 19 . . Castlenau goes to Greenwich.

April 22 . . Castlenau is asked by Henry to go to France with new proposals.

April 23 . . Sir Nicholas Carew is elected knight

of the garter. Cromwell recovers.

April 24 . . Commissioners appointed to make in- quiry regarding every kind of treason.

April 25 . . Henry writes to Richard Pate rejecting the offers of Charles. Castlenau has audience.

April 27 . . Stokesley is asked whether it would be possible for Henry to divorce Anne. Castlenau refuses to go to France.

April 28 . . Castlenau sends a courier to France.

April 30 . . Mark Smeton is arrested and examined.

May 1 . . . Tournament at Greenwich ; Noreys is arrested. The king goes to York Place.

May 2 ... Rochford and Anne are sent to the Tower. Cranmer is ordered to go to Lambeth.

May 3 ... Cranmer is called before the commis- sioners.

Ixxxiv CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

1536, May 4 ... Weston and Brereton are sent to the

Tower.

May 5 ... Page and Wyatt are sent to the Tower. May — ... Henry goes to Hampton Court. May 10 . . . True Bill found at Westminster. May 11 . . . True Bill found at Deptford. May 12 . . . The four commoners are condemned at

Westminster. The Duke of Norfolk

is appointed High Steward. May 13 . . . Twenty-six peers are summoned to try

Anne and Eochford. May 15 . . . Anne and Eochford are sentenced to

death.

May 16 . . . Cranmer sees Anne at the Tower. May 17 . . . Eochford and the four commoners

are executed.

Cranmer pronounces a divorce. May 19 . . . Anne is executed. Henry goes to sup

with Jane Seymour. May 20 ... Henry marries Jane Seymour.

EEEATA.

VOL. I.

Page 43, line 9 from bottom, for "Thunderby" read "Thunderley." ,, 65, footnote1, line I, for "Dr. Ortiz to the Emperor" read "Dr. Ortiz

to the Empress."

,, 68, margin, for " April 16 " read " April 8." ,, 148, line 8, for "Whitsunday" read "the 3rd of May." ,, 229, ,, 17, for " a thousand " read " two thousand six hundred." ,, 274, ,, 1 3, for " constable " read " grand master."

VOL. II.

Page 96, line 23, for "Edward" read "Edmund." „ 182, ,, 10, for " Pays du Vaud " read ' ' Pays de Vaud." ,, 215, ,, 4, for " 30th of January" read "9th of January." ,, 320, ,, 8, for "son" read "nephew." ,, 320, „ 1 8, for "T. Brodeau" read "J. Brodeau."

ANNE BOLEYN.

INTEODUCTION.

To understand the history of Anne Boleyn's rise INTROD. and fall, it is absolutely necessary to have a clear and State of correct idea of the state of England during her life- time, and of the character of the people she had to deal with. This knowledge, I am sorry to say, can- not be found in any of the numerous works relating to the period of Henry VIII. The writers of these works do not mark with sufficient distinctness the immense difference between England in 1530 and England at the present time ; and many of their judgments on Henry VIII. and on his contemporaries are superficial and fantastic. I may therefore be allowed as far as possible to attempt to remedy these defects.

Towards the end of the fifteenth century, England was neither like the kingdom of the early Planta- genets, which included nearly a third of France, and ranked among the foremost powers of Europe, nor like the country which under the able rule of Elizabeth developed its internal resources, and profited by the weakness and strife of its neighbours. The country

VOL. i. B

2 ANNE BOLEYN. .

INTROD. had been ruined by civil wars : its foreign possessions were nearly all gone : the population had been much thinned, had grown unruly, and had lost its habits of industry : the revenue was small, the treasury empty, the administration bad. When Henry VII. ascended the throne he set himself to improve the condition of his realm, and in many respects he succeeded. He reorganised the administration, and made it as good and strong as possible. He broke the turbu- lent spirit of barons and knights, and enforced strict obedience to the royal power. He paid his debts and filled the exchequer, so that at his death a very considerable sum was found in the royal coffers. But with all his talent and energy he could not in a few years change a weak and poor country into a strong and prosperous one. Trade and industry could not be called forth at a moment's notice ; and without these England, with an indifferent soil and a bad climate, was unable to support a large population, or to amass any great wealth.

Popula- Consequently we find that during the first half of the sixteenth century the population of England was about three and a half millions, while that of France was estimated at fourteen millions, and Charles V. could boast of sixteen millions of subjects in Europe alone. Even the states of such a prince as Ferdinand of Austria, or of the Eepublic of Venice, contained a larger population than England. Of Poland, Muscovy and Turkey, I do not speak, for they did not belong to Western Europe ; but each of them was more populous than the realms of Henry.

London. The capital shared the comparative insignificance

ANNE BOLEYN. 3

of the country ; presenting an aspect very different INTROD. from that of to-day. To the east it was bounded by the Tower and the Minories, to the north by Hounds- ditch and the London Wall, while to the west it went as far as the Old Bailey. But the population was by no means crowded. The houses were generally but two storeys high, and many of them had gardens or even orchards, so that Thomas Cromwell, for example, was able to grow apples and pears close to Lothbury. Even a part of the ground where the Bank of England now stands was at that time covered with trees. Outside the city walls to the north and east the town was surrounded by orchards and open fields, cattle grazing where now Finsbury Circus and Liverpool Street are crowded with houses. To the west were little suburbs round Smithfield and Holborn, and along the south side of the Strand the houses of the nobility stood in their spacious gardens up to Charing Cross. Southwark consisted of a few hundred houses clustered round the southern end of London Bridge, while Westminster could not boast of a thousand. The most trustworthy estimate of the population makes it amount to ninety thousand in the city, and forty thousand more in the suburbs. Paris at that time had more than four hundred thousand inhabitants, Milan and Ghent two hundred and fifty thousand each. Eome, Bruges, Venice, Genoa and Naples were all of them larger than London, which could rank only with third-rate towns, such as Lyons, Seville, Florence, Ltibeck, and Antwerp.

England did not make up by wealth and energy Trade.

B 2

4 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. or by other qualities for the smallness of its popula- tion. To compare it with the Low Countries or with Upper Italy in regard to trade, industry and wealth, would of course be preposterous ; it could not be com- pared even with France, Germany, or Spain. At that time England was almost exclusively an agricul- tural or grazing country ; besides the various trades ministering to the daily wants of the inhabitants there was but little industry. The chief exports were tin, wool, hides, unfinished cloth, and a few other articles of an average annual value of £400, 000. The imports were wine, steel, wax, the finer qualities of cloth and linen, and all kinds of manufactured wares. Small as it was, this trade was, in great part, in the hands of foreigners. The Hanseatic merchants of the Steelyard, the Italian and Dalmatian traders of Lombard Street were the leading importers and exporters, and nearly monopolised the banking trade. A great part of English merchandise was carried under foreign flags. Notwithstanding the disfavour of the laws, large fleets of Hanseatic hulks, Venetian galleons and Spanish carracks went to nearly every port of the south of England ; and Flemish and French ships passed constantly between their own countries and this island. The only trade which was exclusively in English hands was the very incon- siderable coasting trade, and the trade with Calais. The English sent every year from twenty to thirty well-sized ships to the Baltic ; from a hundred and fifty to two hundred craft (mostly small) went to fish near Iceland or Newfoundland ; the rest — scarcely more than a hundred — traded with the Low Countries,

ANNE BOLEYN. 5

France, and the north of Spain. Few English ships INTROD. went as far as Cadiz or Seville, while in the Medi- terranean the flag was as yet nearly unknown.

The royal revenue was in proportion to the Revenue. poverty of the country. It consisted of the rents of the royal domains, about £50,000 ; of the customs and other taxes on import and export, about £35,000; of the receipts of the 'courts of wards and liveries, about £15,000 ; of the receipts of the courts of law, of fines and forfeitures, of duties on the production of tin, and of other small sums, bringing up the total to about £12 5, 000 a year. The revenue of Charles V. was about £1,100,000, that of Francis I. £800,000. The Signory of Venice was richer than the King of England. The revenues of the Sultan were ten times as great as those of Henry. Even Ferdinand of Austria, the King of Poland or the Grand Duke of Muscovy — if all their revenues had been taken into account — would not have been found poorer.

Had the English at that time still possessed those Decay of

,.. 1*11 in •1111 n Military

military qualities which had decided the day at (Jrecy Qualities. and at Agincourt, King Henry VIII. might, notwith- standing the poverty of his realms, have had a very real and lasting political influence in Europe. But his father had been essentially a pacific king, and had discouraged among his subjects a martial spirit which might have led to rebellion. The English therefore had made no progress in the art of war ; they had never learnt the exact drill and the iron discipline which had come in with the increased use of firearms. Bows and bills were no match for hackbut and pike, the loose fighting order of the English yeomen

6 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. — so well adapted to their temper — could not resist the shock of the serried ranks of Swiss or Landsknechts. The day of the English archer was gone.

The Fleet. On sea the English might have proved more formid- able, for they were as good and daring sailors as they are now. Only they lacked ships. The royal fleet consisted of some thirty ships of 150 tons on an average and one huge unwieldy vessel of 1,000 tons. Of the merchantmen a hundred perhaps might have been pressed into service, but most of them were little fit to carry heavy cannon. France, Spain, the Low Countries or the Hanseatic towns were each able to equip fleets two or three times as numerous as any force Henry VIII. could have fitted out. Advan- Thus Henry VIII. could never occupy that position ssessed among Christian princes which was held by Francis L, Charles V., or the Pope. But on his accession he found himself with two advantages by which he might have continually augmented his power. The first of these was the geographical position of England, separating France from the northern seas and Spain from the Low Countries. If he had chosen to do so, Henry VIII. could have rendered all intercourse between the French and their friends the Scots most difficult, and could have made it nearly impossible for Spain to trade with the Low Countries or to send soldiers to them. Hence both the French and the Spanish faction desired his alliance, and were always ready to pay a good price even for his neutrality. Henry VII. , profiting by this advantage, had exerted considerable influence on the politics of his neigh- bours, and had obtained all kinds of benefits with very

ANNE BOLEYN. 7

little outlay. While other kings got heavily into INTROD. debt, Henry VII. accumulated large sums of money, which his son on his accession found in the exchequer. This was another great advantage : with ready money armies of foreign mercenaries could be levied, and fleets fitted out ; and the bare ability to appear at any moment in the field gave an additional importance to the King of England.

Had Henry VIII. been an able and really patriotic king he might with very little trouble to himself and to his subjects have made his country strong and prosperous ; after a happy and quiet reign he might have left it one of the foremost powers of Europe. Unhappily for England he was not such a king ; the advantages he inherited from his father he wasted ; the position he occupied he spoilt as much as it could be spoilt by fickleness and incapacity.

Henry VIII. had the ill luck to arrive at the crown Character at the age of nineteen. His education had been very bad, and quite unfitted for a future king. Henry VII. had been no scholar, and having sometimes felt the want of learning had come to set an unreasonable value on it. He had therefore taken care that his son should be taught many things which he himself knew not ; so that the young prince got a smattering of several sciences — law, theology, and medicine — of the Latin and French languages and of the polite literature then in favour. Of that science by which his father had obtained and consolidated his power Henry VIII. learned very little; it was not considered necessary to train him in the methods of adminis- tration, finance, politics and war.

8 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTKOD. Nevertheless he was praised as a most remarkable king. The methodical tyranny of Henry VII. had in twenty-four years changed the most turbulent into the most subservient nation in Europe. Everybody in England bowed before the king, and the young man in his teens was surrounded by a host of most obedient servants and of most fulsome flatterers. He had moreover the mischance to marry a woman six years his senior, who was incapable of exercising a wholesome influence on her husband.

His good natural qualities were not, therefore, de- veloped, while his faults and vices were fostered with tender care. He had a certain breadth of mind ; and if he seemed to care for details, it was not, I think, because he had a predilection for them, but rather because his ministers left nothing else to his decision. He had natural shrewdness ; except when his vanity was in play, it was not easy to dupe him ; and in small intrigues he was able to overreach many a cleverer man. In a way he was good-natured ; he was fond of children, he was liberal towards those of his courtiers whom he liked and as long as he liked them ; for a little flattery he would often be very kind to a suitor. He spoke well, wrote — except upon business — very tolerably, and knew how to blend dignity with affability. But most of his good qualities were stifled in the bud.

The faults and vices of Henry were so great that, if the unhappy position in which he grew up were not taken into account, he would seem a contemptible monster. He was immensely vain, foolish, weak and thoroughly dishonest. In this age of rehabilitations

ANNE BOLEYN. 9

an attempt has been made to represent Henry as INTROD. upon the whole a good man and an able sovereign. Every favourable saying of his contemporaries has been adduced as if it were incontrovertible evidence, every damning statement has been dismissed as the outcome of spleen, malice or folly. Those who argue in this way overlook the fact that in the sixteenth century every prince found numerous panegyrists. Alexander VI. and Caesar Borgia, Charles IX. and Henry III. of France had their virtues extolled. Lucrezia Borgia and Marguerite de Valois were spoken of as most chaste and moral ladies. Francis I. and Kaiser Max live to this day in popular fancy as patterns of excellent, highminded and chivalrous sovereigns. Praise bestowed on a king means very little.

The state papers of Henry's reign show that he was exceedingly vain. He inquired eagerly whether Francis I. was as tall and broad as himself ; and he exhibited the royal legs to the Venetian ambassador Pasqualigo, complacently praising the size of his calves.1 From Chapuis we learn that Henry thought the highest compliment he could pay the French was to say they were as handsome and tall as the English.2 We may still see the numerous portraits of himself which he caused to be painted, and compare them with

1 P. Pasqualigo to , May 3, 1515, Giustiniani's Despatches,

vol. i. p. 90.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 15, 1533, Vienna Archives P.C. 228, i. fol. 27 : " Que depuis peu de temps en ca les francois avoient desrobe la beaulte et corpulence des anglois et que sembloit proprement quils fussent anglois non point francois."

10 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. the very few pictures or other works of art he bought or ordered.

In the correspondence of nearly every ambassador at his court we read of some foolish boast about his riches, his power, and his wisdom. " He never forgets his own greatness," Castillon writes, " and is silent as to that of others." l " The emperor is stupid," Henry declared to Peter Schwaben, " he knows no Latin, the princes ought to have asked me and the King of France to arbitrate, we would have settled the matter very quickly." 2 " Your master," said Francis to the English ambassadors, "thinks himself very wise, but is nothing more than a fool." 3 Beading the despatches we find that Henry put himself on a par with such princes as Charles V. or Francis L, princes whose realms were four times as populous as England, whose revenues were even greater in proportion, and who commanded the services of captains and armies such as Henry could never dream of bringing into the field. And as if the king had feared that these boasts might not be transmitted to the proper quarter, as if he had been anxious to show

1 Castillon to Francis L, August 12, 1538, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 2,954, fol. 145: "Car il noblie jamais sa grandeur et se tait de celle des aultres."

2 Diary of Petrus Svavenius, edited by C. F. Wegener. Aarsberetninger fra det kongelige Geheime Archiv, vol. iii. p. 171 : " Caesar simplex est et latine nescit, sicut et Gallus . . . Quod si in me et Gallum rejiceretur arbitrium nos convocaremus eruditis- simos quosque. ..."

3 Count Cyfuentes to Charles Y., November, 1533, Br. Mus. Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 62 : « Que stava maravillado dello que el dicho Rei de Anglaterra se tenia por sabio y que en verdad era un loco. . , ."

ANNE BOLEYN. 11

that they were not the result of a momentary feeling, INTROD. as if he had wished to hand them down to posterity, we find them embodied in his letters and instructions to his ambassadors. To the imperial court he wrote that it was wholly due to his influence that Charles had been elected emperor, and that it was he, not Charles, who had gained the battle of Pavia.1 The French court, on the other hand, was informed in 1536 that no King of England had ever held France so much in his power as Henry VIII. did at that time.2 Henry's acts corresponded with his words. They aimed much more at show and momentary renown than at any real and lasting advantage. They were intended to make the king appear for the hour a noble, wise, rich and powerful monarch, not to make his people happy, or to strengthen his realms. The court of Henry was of the most magnificent description ; the treasure accumulated by his father was squandered in jousts, balls, and mummeries. Foreign ambassadors, literary men, even simple visitors, received large presents or were regaled in right royal fashion, that they might praise the splendour of the court and the liberality of the king Occasions of ostentatious display were eagerly sought ;

1 Henry VIII. to B. Pate, April 25, 1536, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 684 : " Whenne We made Him, first King of Spayne, thenne Emperour whenne the empire was at our disposition," and Chapuis to Charles V., December 30, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229J, i. fol. 151.

2 Henry VIII. to Gardiner and Wallop, January 4, 1536, British Museum Add. MSS. 25,144, fol. 119: "We be of no lesse but much greater auctoritie to direct France than We or owre progenitors have been at any time."

12 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. really useful undertakings, buildings, public works, the founding of schools or charities, on the contrary, were generally avoided. Other men during Henry's reign built and founded a good deal, the king has scarcely left any monument to perpetuate his name. What Henry wanted was immediate praise and glory, and this he was well aware he could more easily obtain by mere show than by lasting deeds.

And as at home so abroad. Henry's policy during peace and during war was always one of show. He paid dearly for mere names. Defender of the faith, protector of the Italian league, nay, even Most Christian King or King of the Eomans were empty titles with which he allowed himself to be beguiled. His campaigns were either fruitless or worse than fruitless ; the successes he obtained were merely out- ward, and any fortress he conquered he was finally compelled either to raze or to restore for a tenth or twentieth part of the money it had cost him. "When he allied himself with Ferdinand, Maximilian, or Charles, there was always a kind of tacit under- standing that Henry was to have the glory, and his ally the profit of the war. Had this result been obtained but a few times, one might have thought that Henry had been baffled by the craftier statesmen of Spain or Germany. But as it was repeated over and over again, he must have been satisfied with the share allotted to him. Marilhac, the French ambassador, stated that such was the case. " He cares more," he said, " for a fair show than for the greatest good you can do him." *

1 Marilhac to Montmorency, October 25, 1539, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS.Fr. 2,955, fol. 93 : "II est de telle quality Monseigneur,

'ANNE BOLEYN. 13

His courage in the field was not tested, for Henry INTROD. was never present at a battle. As to his courage in facing the danger of disease, Jean du Bellay records that, when in 1528 a servant of Anne Boleyn fell ill of the sweat, the lady, notwithstanding the king's passion for her, was forthwith sent from court, while Henry fled from place to place to escape the danger of infection.1 In 1540 he was again in mortal terror, so much so that Marilhac called him "the most timid person in such matters you could meet with." 2 At a time when it was the custom to speak of kings in the most guarded terms and with the greatest respect, Eustache Chapuis, Charles's am- bassador, excused Henry, saying that he was not so very wicked but entirely led by others, but that even these could not wholly trust him on account of his levity.3 Castillon, the French ambassador, did not scruple to call him plainly a fooL4 Badoer, Carroz,

quil ayme mieulx un bon visaige que plus grands biens quon luy pourroit faire."

1 Jean du Bellay to Montmorency, June 18, 1528, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3,077, fol. 71 : " Une des filles de chambre Monsgr. de Mdlle. de boulan se trouva mardi actainte de la suee, a grand haste le Roy deslogea et alia a douze miles dicy, et ma Ion diet que la demoyselle fut envoyee pour le suspect au viconte son pere qui est en caint."

2 M. de Marilhac to Montmorency, July 6, 1540, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 2,955, p. 185: "Comme la plus timide personne en tel cas quon sache."

3 Chapuis to Charles V., January 17, 1534, Yienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 6 : " Touttefois considerant la dame la facilite du Roy ou ligierete (qui loseroit dire) ..."

4 Castillon to Francis I., June 19, 1538, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 2,955, p. 107 : "II a je ne scais quelle folle fiance de moy et mesmerveille quil pense que je vous en celle rien.

14 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. Giustinian, du Bellay, Mendoza, Dinteville, Chapuis, Marilhac all asserted that he was invariably under the influence of some other person, some alter rex. And this was not said in spleen or in anger, but generally by those diplomatists who were in favour with the king, and had the best opportunity of judging of his character and position.

Events fully justified the statements of the am- bassadors. Scarcely anything could be more con- temptible than the way in which Henry allowed himself to be led. He never dared openly to rebel against any one under whose sway he had come, he never dared to meet a man face to face. Though he might bitterly resent the treatment he received, he never mustered sufficient courage to put a stop to it himself. He conspired against his ministers or his wives, — secretly he sought for allies to overthrow the hated tyrants, but until he found a strong and decided hand to carry him forward and to destroy his victim, he never ventured to assert his authority. Wolsey ousted Fox and Catherine, Anne Boleyn overthrew Wolsey. When Henry became thoroughly tired of Anne he dared not attack her until Cromwell took the lead and brought her to the scaffold. Norfolk and Gardiner avenged Anne's fate on the Earl of Essex, to be in their turn overthrown by Seymour and Dudley. From first to last, supreme power was vested in some other person than the king — there was an alter rex.

Je luy laisse touteffois et nen fais semblant. Sil vous plaist en faire ainsy jusques a ce que plus ouvertement je le vous face declarer jen tirerois tous jours plus en avant."

ANNE BOLEYN. 15

Henry's obstinacy has been -advanced as a proof of INTROD. a strong will. But obstinacy is by no means a sign of a strong mind, it is rather a sign of weakness. A man of strong will and quick decision will never fear to change his mind and follow a new course, for he feels sure that his energy and determination will not fail him. A weak man, on the contrary, is so very glad when for once he has come to a decision that he is loath to give it up. The consciousness of his vacillating temper impels him to cling to his resolution ; he fears that if he abandons it he will float about like a ship without rudder. This was true of Henry, but it was not the whole truth ; for often, when he insisted upon some important point, the explanation was that the person under whose guidance he had placed him- self would have it so. The persistency with which he acted in the matter of the divorce, for instance, was due mainly to the influence of Anne Boleyn. In matters of detail he could be obstinate enough without receiving encouragement ; and then he frequently held by his own opinion in order to irritate those whose yoke he had to bear. If he felt some humilia- tion in nearly always allowing his ministers to have their will, he felt a corresponding pride in the annoyance his sudden resistance gave them. The prayers of those who wished to dissuade him from his purpose flattered him ; he gloried in the sham strength which enabled him to withstand their entreaties. He thus often rendered more difficult or even impossible the attainment of what he himself desired, and inflicted a great deal of vexation and misery on his servants.

16 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. But the most terrible fault of Henry, and that for which outward circumstances are no excuse, was his utter want of truth. His dishonesty cannot be denied ; his own handwriting is still extant to show it. Nor can it be excused on the plea that in the sixteenth century falsehood was general. There was a wide difference between the falsehood Machiavelli advised and that which Henry practised. The Florentine secretary was decidedly the more honest of the two. He approved of falsehood and deceit towards an enemy, towards a doubtful friend, or towards the general public. According to him, official documents may contain false statements, lies may be boldly told to an adversary, and the assurances of diplomatists are to be held of small account, for their rule is generally not to speak the truth. But un- truthfulness and double dealing towards one's own servants and counsellors Machiavelli did not advise. Charles V. and Francis L, who followed the worst maxims of the secretary, told no lies to their chief ministers. Duprat and Gattinara, Montmorency and Covos, Chabot and Granvella were not deceived by their masters. The ministers of Henry VIII. were deceived constantly. He intrigued with one to counteract the doings of another ; none of them ever felt sure that he possessed the confidence of the king. When Henry hated any of his servants and lacked the energy to dismiss them, he showed them as good natured a face as Holbein ever painted on his most flattering portrait. All the time he was accumulating a store of hatred, was laying snares for his intended victims ; and at last he handed them over to their

ANNE BOLEYN. 17

enemies, as ruthlessly as if he had never smiled on INTROD. them. In the skilful acting of his part the king often showed real talent ; nobody could be certain that his amiability was not a mask. And this of course made most people afraid to commit themselves, and weakened the salutary action of the Government.

Even this was not the worst. Had Machiavelli heard of it, he would simply have said that Henry was a fool, who by deceiving too much, lost the fruit of his deceit. But if the secretary had seen how Henry was constantly intent on deceiving himself, even Machiavelli would have turned with disgust from so miserable a liar. Henry was a liar to his own conscience. He was a thoroughly immoral man, and he dared not own it to himself. He tried by all kinds of casuistic subterfuges to make his most dishonest acts appear pure virtue, to make himself believe in his own goodness. And this he did not only after the deed had been committed, so as to stifle the pangs of his conscience : before the act he contrived by sophisms to convince himself that what he desired was quite moral and right. It was his constant practice to use fine phrases about questionable acts, and to throw upon somebody else the blame for a misdeed which could not be denied. We find him urging others to do that which he has not the moral courage to do himself. We see him prompting deeds from which he afterwards shrinks back full of pious horror, never admitting for a moment that he has been the cause of them. The morality of Henry was the very type of what is commonly called " cant."

VOL, I. C

18 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. One more fault has been laid to Henry's charge, the coarseness which he always manifested in his relations with the other sex. Even his great pane- gyrist has been forced to admit the truth of this. Nor can it be excused by the general coarseness of the times. The French under Francis I. were perhaps even more dissolute than the English, but Francis was a model of delicacy when compared with Henry. The Spaniards, Italians, and Germans, were all more refined in this respect than the king of England. But .this is to be said in favour of Henry, that neither his parents nor those who surrounded him had given him an example of refinement. Henry VII. was quite as coarse as his son ; there is scarcely anything so dis- gusting to be found in the correspondence of the latter as his father's instructions to John Stile when he intended to marry the Queen Dowager of Naples. Henry grew up in the most brutal and dissolute atmosphere ; there was nobody to teach him better ; his courtiers were as bad as their king.

Character jf sucn was ^ne character of King Henry, Catherine Catherine, of Aragon was altogether different. She was not vain at all, but on the contrary very simple and careless of show, praise, or glory. If she occasionally insisted on being treated with the ceremonies due to her rank, this was not for vanity's sake, but because she considered it one of the duties of her station. Nor was she weak ; she came quickly to a decision, and was most firm in doing what she considered right. She was courageous and did not shrink from re- sponsibility ; threats or danger had no influence on

ANNE BOLEYN. 19

her, and it was impossible to deter her from what she INTROD. thought her duty by any fear of worldly consequences. She was more truthful than most people around her, infinitely more so than Henry. She was pious in the Spanish fashion, following the precepts of her Church, but taking no interest in their real sense. She was charitable and kind, true and devoted to her friends, and of a forgiving temper towards her enemies. One of the fairest praises bestowed on Catherine is a passage in a letter of Eustache Chapuis, where he deplores that she will lose the goodwill of the Duke of Norfolk by showing compassion for the pitiable state of Wolsey, the man whom she believed to be the author of all her trouble.1

But on the other hand Catherine was narrow- minded, violent, and wanting in delicacy and tact. She was unable to understand any but the very simplest issues ; as soon as a question became complicated it passed the limits of her intelligence. Consequently she committed gross errors of judgment which entailed a great deal of trouble on her and on her friends. She could never look at any question from a high standpoint, or gain a general view of things. She had many individual aims, many single duties, but no comprehensive scheme. Thus she was wholly unfit to strike out a way for herself, especially in the difficult position in which she found herself. She had to rely on others, first on her father

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 13, 1529, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. Fol. 81: "Et pour ce retourd yl ont quelque peu suspecte la Royne pour ce quelle monstra avoir quelque compassion et pitie de la Ruyne du diet Cardinal. . . ."

C 2

20 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD Ferdinand and on her confessor, afterwards on Charles V. and on his ambassador. Even when she was striving with all her might to defend her own and her daughter's rights, she never formed any independent plan. She only resolved that she would not give way, that no threat or violence should induce her to lay aside her character as the wife of Henry, or to admit her marriage to have been questionable.

While the narrowness of her mind prevented Catherine from carrying out any great plan, her want of delicacy and tact made her commit many blunders, and put her from the outset into a false position. According to two successive Spanish ambassadors, Don Gutiere Gomez de Fuensalida and Don Luis Carroz, the intimacy in which she. lived with her confessor was decidedly scandalous.1 Her father Ferdinand most certainly thought so. For in the spring of 1509, Catherine sent one of her servants, Juan de Ascoytia, with a letter to her father ex- culpating herself, and asking him to do all in his power that Father Diego Fernandez — such was the confessor's name— might remain with her.2 When Ferdinand learned the facts from Juan, who was a familiar servant of the princess and could tell all that went on in her household, he became so

1 G. G. de Fuensalida, knight commander of Membrilla, to Ferdinand of Aragon, March 20, 1509, G. Bergenroth, Calendar of State Papers (Spanish), Supplement to vols. i. and ii. p. 23, and Don Luis Carroz to Almazan, May 28, 1510, ibid. p. 36.

2 Catherine of Aragon to Ferdinand, March 9, 1509, G. Bergenroth, Calendar, Supplement to vols. i. and ii. p. 16.

ANNE BOLEYN. 21

alarmed that at the next interview with the English INTROP. Ambassador he told a direct lie. He said that his daughter had written to him to send her another confessor, which he intended shortly to do.1 It is evident that Ferdinand had heard enough to make him fear that on account of this scandal the marriage with Henry might fall through. By a falsehood he hoped somewhat to shield the reputation of his daughter, or at least to gain time. With all the papers before us it cannot be disputed that Catherine acted with extraordinary imprudence in persisting in having the friar with her as her confessor and most intimate servant. Though we may hold that there was no guilt of the kind suspected at the time, we cannot much admire a person who utterly disregarded her own reputation.

But it was not only in this way that her want of tact prevented Catherine from obtaining a good position. The same defect caused her to omit a good many little acts of amiability which, by a man of Henry's temper, are generally much more prized than serious devotion. That Catherine was quite incapable of flattering Henry, may not be imputed to her as a fault, but it was a disadvantage to her. That she was equally incapable of humouring the whims and caprices of her husband, and of coaxing him into any course she wished him to follow, was a real defect. Instead of leading her husband with " iron hand in glove of velvet," she allowed him to feel the whole harshness of her grasp. If she wanted anything,

1 John Stile to Henry VII., April 26, 1509, J. Gairdner, Memorials of King Henry VII., Appendix, p. 435.

22 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. she asked for it directly, without charm of manner ; when she was displeased, she too plainly showed her resentment. There was no pliancy in her dis- position, and this must have been terribly wounding to the feelings of such a man as Henry. Still, such was his weakness that for nearly four years he accepted her guidance ; rather than stand alone he submitted to her disagreeable rule. As to the broad features of foreign politics Catherine followed the advice of her father, but she was incompetent to deal with purely English questions. She disliked the English system of government as it had been carried on under Henry VII. , and as, with little modification, it remained during the reign of his son. Since she was not strong enough to change it, she simply opposed now and then some of the measures proposed by the royal ministers. The part she played in home politics was unimportant, but such influence as she exerted was not exerted generally to the advantage of the crown. The blunders she committed in this manner helped to prepare the way for her ruin.

Political The two great parties into which Englishmen who Parties. too^ any interest in politics were then divided were the party of the aristocracy and the party of the officials. The aristocratic party was composed of nearly all the peers with their relatives and dependants, and of the great majority of the independent gentry. The party of the officials consisted of all those royal servants who, by their talents and industry, had risen in the bureaucratic hierarchy, with their families and clients, and of those courtiers who

ANNE BOLEYN. 23

depended entirely on the favour of the king. Both INTROD parties were very powerful, both had their distinct traditions and aims, the foremost of which was to ruin the rival faction.

Nearly all the lay peers at that time were great landowners, some of them to an extent altogether unknown now. At their country seats they kept large establishments, a hundred servants not being considered extravagant for a simple baron, while The dukes and marquises had two or three times as many. Some of these servants were of the better classes — the sons of knights, of gentlemen, and sometimes even of nobles. Young men attached themselves to the households of the great barons, partly to lead at the country seats or at the town houses of their patrons a pleasant and gay life, partly to learn with them the ways of the world, partly to rise and to make their fortune by the influence of their masters. The lords found among them energetic and faithful agents both for political intrigue and for military service. And as every peer had at his house a well-stocked armoury, he had at his command the nucleus of a small administration and a miniature army, the ranks of which he could at any time swell by the aid of his tenants and clients.

The latter were generally very numerous. In those troubled times a man of the middle classes — unless he happened to possess extraordinary energy and capacity — could not stand by himself. In the greater towns men were formed into guilds and could defend themselves jointly, but in small towns, in villages

24 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTEOD. and In the country, this was not the case. Here they were obliged to look out for patrons able and willing to defend them against oppression and violence. In the peers they generally found such protectors. Most peers had influence at court and at quarter sessions, and were held in respect by the sheriff and the other officials of the county. A peer therefore who was ready to assist the yeomen and small burghers around him readily found a great many clients, who in return for the protection he gave them stood by him in his quarrels. Even the severe laws of Henry VII. against retainers had not been able to change this order of things. Many peers boasted that with their household servants, their clients, their tenants, and their sons and servants, they could bring ten thousand men into the field ; and it was the bare truth. Each single lord was still a powerful baron, and when they all stood together they represented a force which it would not have been easy to subdue.

The peers were divided on many questions, there were frequent quarrels among them, and they regarded one another with a good deal of jealousy. But they had common interests which held them together. As great landlords they wished for the same financial and administrative measures. As men whose for- tune was already made, they naturally combined against those who were striving to rise. Being nearly all men of the sword, they disliked the clerkly official. These were ties strong enough to bind the whole peerage into a party with very specific aims.

ANNE BOLEYN. 25

The independent gentry generally sided with the INTROD. lords. They too were great landowners, and if they rose in rank, it was only to become peers. They led a life very similar to that of the barons, to whom most of them were related ; so that all their interests and sympathies were akin to those of the class above them, and they followed their natural bent, and stood by their party.

Nor was this all that contributed to the power of the lords. Tradition was in their favour. The offices of high treasurer, high steward, lord chamberlain and chamberlain of the household were reserved for them. The command of the armies, the wardenship of the northern marches, the deputy ship of Ireland and of Calais, wefe generally held by some of them. They were also employed on great embassies, and on all great occasions of state. Those peers who sat on the royal council had, therefore, considerable influence as heads of a party holding many high offices*

But what was all this power and influence when compared with the position their grandfathers had enjoyed ? The lords thought of the time when a Warwick could make and unmake the king, when there was no power in England equal to that of their class. They regretted those halcyon days, which tradition rendered more bright ; and they wished to see the king reduced once more to the position of primus inter pares, to diminish the authority of the administration and to augment that of parliament. In fact, they desired a total reversal of the policy of the Tudors. For a long time they had been in

26 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. opposition, now openly, now secretly, withstanding the constant extension of the royal prerogative.

The fact that they had never within the remem- brance of the people been placed at the head of the administration, that they had never held undisputed sway in the councils of the two Henrys, was in some respects of great advantage to the lords. For they had never had any occasion to show their incapacity, nor had they been obliged to impose taxes, to enforce odious laws, or to annoy people by fiscal regulations. They had, on the contrary, persistently clamoured against the harshness of the existing system. They were therefore looked upon as the faithful defenders of the liberty of the subject, and as the only safe- guard against the tyranny of the king and the rapacity of the officials. And this made them not a little popular.

The The officials formed a party less numerous, but much better organised, than the peers and their adherents. As a political power they were but of recent origin. Henry VII., on coming to the throne, had fully realised that it would be impossible to estab- lish a strong and durable government without having at his command a body of men, thoroughly versed in all the arts of administration, owing obedience to no one but the king, and wholly devoted to him. Such a body of officials he had set himself to form, and before the end of his reign, he had brought together a large number of able and energetic civil servants. Henry VIII. sacrificed a few of the most hated of his father's ministers, but he was clever enough to know the value of the bureaucracy Henry VII. had left

ANNE BOLEYN. 27

behind him. He was careful not to disorganise so INTROD. admirable an instrument of arbitrary rule. Under Eichard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, and subsequently under Cardinal Wolsey, the body of officials was strengthened and made even more effective than it had been under Henry VII.

Nearly all officials had risen from the lower ranks of life. Such men were preferred, for those who had no connection with any of the great houses were less likely to be led astray by family influence. As the salaries were very small, it was their interest to compete for extraordinary grants in return for good and zealous work. They were eager to please their superiors, that they might be recommended to the royal bounty ; and when they rose high enough to attract the attention of the king, their chief object was to win his favour. The officials vied with each other in fulfilling his wishes, their promotion being wholly dependent on his good will.

The officials were most corrupt. To the grants they obtained from the king they added the bribes they extorted from the public. Bribery was practised in every form in a most shameful way. Many of those who had frequent occasion to transact business in the royal courts conferred some sinecure or pension on the most influential members of the bureaucracy, others made a present every time they appeared. With the exception of a few persons known to enjoy the special favour of the king, no man could obtain the speedy discharge of his business without offering a bribe. The clearest right could not obtain a hearing, the simplest formality could not be gone through, all

28 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. manner of obstacles were raised, if no present was forthcoming. Nor was this all. Besides being rapacious the royal officials were generally ill-bred and overbearing. They were upstarts, who had to undergo many a humiliation, and who avenged them- selves on the public for the slavish cringing demanded of them by the king. As a body, therefore, they were detested by the nation, while the most conspicuous among them were held in special execration.

Their unpopularity greatly enhanced their value in the eyes of Henry VIII. Had he withdrawn his protection from them, innumerable enemies would have risen against them and hunted them down. The officials were as much at the king's mercy in this respect as in any other ; with them the loss of the royal favour meant ruin, if not death. And as they knew that the throne was their only safeguard, they stood most faithfully by it. In fact, during the reign of Henry VII. and of his son, although we hear of many a conspiracy of the nobles, we never hear of a conspiracy of the officials against the king. Even if they had preferred some pretender they would not have dared to favour him ; for in case of a revolution they would have fared very badly ; the mob would have risen against them. So the officials were con* stantly on their guard against the dangers which beset the throne, and were always ready to put down with the greatest sternness any attempt at rebellion. It was this quality which made them most valuable to a king who by his arbitrary proceedings excited the ill-will of his subjects. Henry VIII. without his officials would have had but a brief career.

ANNE BOLEYN. 29

The peers and the officials were of course deadly enemies. The lords hated the officials for their rapacity and insolence, but even more on account of the power they gave to the crown. The officials, the Peers on the other hand, hated the lords for the resistance officials. they offered to their exactions and tyrannical bearing, and for the share they had in the royal favour. Every grant, every office which the peers were able to secure for one of their party seemed to the members of the bureaucracy a clear loss to them- selves. Every suitor introduced directly to the king detracted from their income, for he paid them no bribes. The lords spoiled their trade, making it far less lucrative than it would otherwise have been.

Their political creeds, too, were wholly opposed to one another. While the peers wished to limit the power of the crown, the officials, as the chief agents of the royal authority, were eager to extend it. On this account a constant war raged between the two parties ; under the smooth surface of the court a bitter enmity lay hidden. Any measures favoured by the one party were sure to arouse the suspicions of the other. To be friends with both was not possible ; whoever wished to have some influence in politics was obliged to ally himself either with the officials or with the peers.

Catherine generally sided with the peers. Not Catherine only were all her instincts in favour of the aris- officials tocracy, she was disgusted a,t the way in which the officials used their power ; and she incurred their very hearty aversion by occasionally trying to resist their

30 ANNE BOLEYN.

IXTROD. tyranny. Henry was well aware that the tone which Catherine adopted towards the officials was not to his advantage, but he could not muster sufficient energy to prevent her from thwarting them. A party secretly hostile to Catherine con- tinued to have a large share of his favour and confidence ; and they missed no opportunity of undermining the queen's influence.

That Ferdinand of Aragon cheated his beloved

son-in-law more than even Henry would submit to,

may have been one of the reasons why in 1513

Catherine suddenly lost the control she had exercised

Henry over ner husband. Another reason is to be found

humili- in the considerable humiliation which the queen in

ated oy

Catherine, that year inflicted on poor Henry. The king had in the spring of 1513 crossed the Channel for the purpose of leading the army with which he intended to conquer the whole of France. To begin this modest undertaking he had sat down before Therou- enne, a place which could be of no earthly use to him, but which greatly annoyed the town of St. Omer belonging to Archduke Charles. Near Therouenne he was joined by the Emperor Max, who brought him no soldiers, but gained his heart by compliments. Shortly afterwards Max won for Henry that famous cavalry engagement known as the Battle of the Spurs, Henry trumpeted this victory all over the world, but the world was just for once. Even in England Max, not Henry, was credited with the result, and the country rang with the praise of the " second Mavors." Therouenne being taken had to be razed to the ground ; after which, by the advice of the emperor,

ANNE BOLEYN. 31

Tournay was attacked, a place eighty miles from the INTROD. nearest English fort, but wedged in between Charles's territories. After the capture of Tournay, in which an English garrison was placed, the campaign came to an end, and Henry could not but be a little ashamed when he compared the small result with his gigantic anticipations. During his absence the Scots, as hereditary allies of France, had invaded the northern borders ; and Catherine, who had been left as regent in England, acted with energy and courage. An army was soon collected of which the Earl of Surrey assumed the command. But this was not sufficient for the queen ; the martial ardour of her forefathers rekindled in her ; she took to horse and rode towards the north to place herself at the head of the troops.1 Surrey's speedy and complete success prevented her from going farther than Woburn, but her vigorous behaviour gained for her the esteem and admiration of the English people. The Battle of Flodden, fought by Englishmen in defence of English soil, interested them much more than a brilliant cavalry engagement fought for no national purpose, somewhere in Artois, by German and Burgundian mercenaries. Catherine and Surrey were the heroes of the day, not Henry and his favourites.

And Catherine, with her usual awkwardness, did her best to bring this truth home to Henry. He had sent the Due de Longueville, made prisoner at Guinegatte, to England, to be kept there in confinement. Catherine in return sent three Scots over

1 L. Pasqualigo to his brother, September 17, 1513, R. Brown, Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, vol. ii. p. 146.

32 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTKOD. to Henry, with a letter saying that it was no great thing for a man to make another man prisoner, but that here were three men made prisoners by a woman.1 She was made to pay very dearly for the coarse way in which she showed her exulta- tion. Henry, jealous of her fame and glory, stung to the quick by her taunt, looked out for a new counsellor.

Among the brilliant courtiers of Henry there were none who could take the place ; they were ornamental nullities. Supple enough to humour Henry's whims, just clever enough to flatter his vanity, they had no qualities which would have enabled them to guide him. There were, indeed, a few noblemen who might have filled the post of prime minister tolerably well ; but Henry distrusted them, not without reason, for even the most loyal of them would never have de- fended his interests with that energy which was necessary for the safety of the throne.

Thomas But there was at court one Thomas Wolsey, a priest, who as a young man had entered the service of Sir John Nanfan, had afterwards passed to that of Fox, Bishop of Winchester, and towards the end of Henry YII/s reign had obtained a place in the royal chapel. He was an able man, and when Henry VIII. succeeded, he knew how to flatter the new king : clever, gay, witty, and pliant, he amused and pleased his royal master. Not long afterwards he was made royal almoner, which wTas already an im- portant position, for the almoner was employed in all kinds of secular business. Wolsey was grateful for 1 Sanuto Diaries. E. Brown, Calendar, vol. ii. pp. 139 and 140.

ANNE BOLEYN. 33

the favour shown to him, and proved his gratitude INTROD. by zealous and able service. At the same time he made his company agreeable to the king, who often went to sup with him, Wolsey being quite ready to forget the gravity of his cloth and to amuse his royal visitor by all kinds of jokes. He was chosen to accompany Henry to France as head of the commis- sariat of the army ; and this was most advantageous to him. Henry, far from Catherine, was no longer under her sway ; he allowed himself to be guided and advised by his almoner, whose knowledge of business contrasted agreeably with her incapacity. Wolsey, who was of unbounded ambition, seized the oppor- tunity, and determined to become, if possible, the king's prime minister.

He had an immense advantage over all his lay competitors for the post. Henry could not be jealous of any fame or glory he might gain, for Wolsey was but a priest.

In modern England a clergyman is treated in much the same way as other men : if any difference is made it is rather in his favour. During the middle ages this was not the case. The Church was certainly held sacred, and its ministers shared in some measure the respect paid to the institution. But the respect shown to them was not the respect shown to an equal ; there was always a mixture of contempt in it. In an age when every man had to defend his liberty, security, and honour by force of arms, military courage was the paramount virtue. The peaceful citizen, the inoffensive villein were de- spised ; every one of their occupations was looked

VOL. I. D

34 ANNE BOLEYN.

INTROD. upon with scorn. A true knight spent his time in fighting, jousting, and love-making — three occupa- tions specially forbidden to the clergy. No wonder, then, that the proud warrior looked down on the priest with that feeling which the strong and courageous have for the weak and craven. A priest for him was a special kind of being, something be- tween a man and a woman, with most of the privileges of the latter, with none of the rights of the former. "Friars and women cannot insult" was a typical mediaeval saying.

England, indeed, had during thirty years of peace and strong government gained more modern ideas about knights and priests, but Henry still cherished many of the notions of the middle ages. He aspired to the glory and fame of a valiant knight, a fame which Brandon or Carew, Compton or Pointz might share with him, but which could never fall to the lot of Wolsey. There was no danger that by being raised to high position he would become a rival whose fame might eclipse that of the king. Let Mr. Almoner be ever so clever, active, witty, and brilliant, neither in the field nor with fair ladies could he boast of any success. He would for ever remain but a priest.

Henry had not, therefore, the slightest hesita- tion in raising his new favourite to the highest dignities. The bishopric of Tournay, the arch- bishopric of York were bestowed upon him ; the Pope was induced to make him a cardinal ; and he became lord chancellor. Henry handed over the reins of government to him, trusting his ability and devotion, and relying on his quick and

ANNE BOLEYN. 35

firm decision. %And Wolsey, though he took good INTROD. care of his own interests, in a way served his master faithfully enough. The policy he pursued was more brilliant than really wise, but it was just what Henry appreciated, His alliance was courted, he was flattered by pope, emperor, and Christian king; he thought himself one of the greatest sovereigns on earth.

But Wolsey committed a mistake which was com- mitted by all Henry's ministers ; he became rather too forgetful of the feelings of his master. By and bye the king began to be annoyed at the way in which the cardinal carried on the whole government of the realm. He had not courage to rebel, for he could neither govern by himself nor had he any- body else to guide him ; he submitted to the rule of Wolsey as something inevitable. But he brooded over many a grievance, and, if he had seen a chance, would have planned the destruction of his minister. His friendship became a mask to hide the humilia- tion he felt at being so utterly set aside by the cardinal.

During the reign of Wolsey Catherine sank into Catherine utter insignificance. Henry's hatred for Ferdinand ^I7$s was, indeed, easily allayed by a splendid present ™P™- sent to him by the Catholic king with flatter- ing messages; and the anger excited by Catherine did not last long, for when she ceased to rule Henry he found her a very tolerable wife. But one thing told heavily against her : all the sons she bore to the king died shortly after birth ; of her children, but one girl, Princess Mary, survived. To

D 2

36 ANNE BOLEYN*

INTROD. Henry, who ardently longed for a son and heir to succeed him in England and in those realms he always dreamt of conquering, this was a bitter disappointment. When Anne Boleyn began to be a prominent figure at court he had ceased to have any hope of an heir by Catherine, who was then more than forty years of age,

CHAPTER I.

ANNE AND WOLSEY.

NOWHERE has the making of false pedigrees been so CHAP. i. extensively practised as it was in England during the Anne's sixteenth century. Every man or woman who rose in the royal favour had but to apply to the heralds, to have — for a consideration — some genealogical tree made out, the root of which was a fabulous Saxon chieftain or an equally imaginary Norman knight. In the case of Anne Boleyn we know the exact date when this service was rendered to her by Henry's kings-at-arms. In December 1530 it was found that the Boleyns had sprung from a Norman lord who had settled in England during the twelfth century, and somewhat later it was discovered that during the fourteenth century there had been in Picardy a man called Walter Boulen who had held a piece of land in fee of the Lord of Avesnes.1 Although Lady Anne was already a very important person at court, whom

1 Dreux de Eadier, Memoires ffistoriques, vol. iv. p. 219, and Julien Brodeau, La Vie de Maistre Charles du Molin, p. 6 : " J'ay un tiltre du Sainedi apres la St. Martin, 1344, de Baudouin de Biaunoir, Sire d' Avesnes proche de Peronne, qui nomine entre ses hommes de fief Vautier de Boulen."

38 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. it was rather dangerous to annoy, the new pedigree

was received with derision by nobles of ancient

descent.1 The whole structure seems to have been

most fantastic, and all that is really known of Anne's

Her great origin is that her great-grandfather, Geffrey Boleyn,

father, was a wealthy London merchant. He was elected

alderman, and in due time arrived at knighthood and

the dignity of Lord Mayor.

Sir Geffrey married a daughter of Lord Hoo and

Her Hastings, by whom he had several children. William, father kis eldest son, was in turn knighted by Eichard III., retired from business, bought large estates in Norfolk, Essex, and Kent, and married Margaret Butler, one of the daughters of the Earl of Ormond. Sir William was happy enough to escape the dangers of a war of succession and of several bloody insurrections ; he held to the last the position of a wealthy country gentle- man with some influence even at court. He had three sons and several daughters. James Boleyn, the eldest son, was to inherit the bulk of the family property. Edward Boleyn married Anne, daughter of Sir John Tempest, who was a favourite attendant of Queen Catherine and seems to have always re-

Her mained attached to her party. Thomas Boleyn, the second son of Sir William, inherited some of his grandfather's ability, and went to court to make his fortune in the royal service. Being a young man of good address he succeeded in obtaining the hand of Lady Elizabeth Howard, one of the daughters of the Earl of Surrey.

1 Chapuis to Charles V., December 21 and 31, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. Nos. 51 and 52.

ANNE BOLEYN. 39

This marriage, at the time it was concluded, was CHAP. i. not so brilliant for Thomas Boleyn as it might now appear. After the battle of Bosworth, where the Duke of Norfolk had fallen, his son, the Earl of Surrey, had been attainted and deprived of his estates. A few years later he was pardoned and restored to the earldom of Surrey, but most of his lands remained with the crown. With a very numerous family he found himself in straitened circumstances, and as he was able to give his daughters but small marriage portions, they could not expect to become the wives of men of great wealth and rank. Of the sisters of Lady Eliza- beth one married Thomas Bryan, another Sir Henry Wyatt, a third Sir Griffith ap Eice. Thomas Boleyn, therefore, could well aspire to the hand of Lady Elizabeth.

The young couple at first resided chiefly at Hever, in Kent, a place belonging to Sir William Boleyn. Besides the house and the yield of the home-farm, they seem to have had in money only fifty pounds a year. But that sum was not so small as it appears : it entitled to the honour of knighthood, and enabled its possessor to lead a simple but easy life in the country. In all probability it was at Hever that Birth of Anne was born either in 1502 or in the first half of Anne' 1503.1 She had a good many brothers and sisters, but most of them died young, The only survivors were her brother George and her sister Mary, both younger than Anne.

While Anne was still a child the position of her

1 About the date of Anne Boleyn' s birth and the history of her early life see Appendix, Note A.

40 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. father steadily improved. In 1505 Sir William Boleyn died, and his son Thomas inherited a con- siderable part of his wealth. At the same time the Earl of Surrey, by his prudence, energy, and skill, gradually gained the favour of Henry VII. On the accession of Henry VIII. the cloud which had hung over the house of Howard was entirely dispelled, and Surrey became one of the chief counsellors of the new king. He naturally advanced the interests of his sons-in-law. Thomas Boleyn, who had been knighted, was employed by the Government. In 1511 he and his brother-in-law, Sir Henry Wyatt, were made joint governors of Norwich Castle. In 1512 Sir Thomas was sent as ambassador to Margaret of Savoy, the ruler of the Low Countries ; and henceforward we find him taking rank among the regular ministers of the crown.

Sir Thomas had now a large income, of which he made a very creditable use by giving his children a good education. He kept several masters to teach them, and though, measured by our standard, their accomplishments were but small, they were well brought up according to the ideas of their time. But

Anne in Sir Thomas did even more for Anne. The French

lce' court being considered in England the pattern of grace

and refinement, he secured for Anne in 1514 the

privilege of accompanying Mary Tudor, who went to

marry Louis XII. of France.1 Mary promised to

1 Epistre contenant le proces criminel fait a lencontre de la Royne Boullant d' Angleterre, ascribed to Lancelot de Carles, to Marot and to Crispin de Milherve, printed first at Lyons, 1545, by "Charles ausmonier de Mr. le Dauphin;" and again by

ANNE BOLEYN. 41

look after the child, who on her part seems to have CHAP. i. been delighted at the prospect of escaping from the monotony of Hever, and of living at the gayest of courts. It was on this occasion that she wrote to her father a most grateful letter, by the strange spelling of which some students have been sorely puzzled.1

Towards the end of 1514 Mary Tudor, accompanied by Surrey, now created Duke of Norfolk, by Sir Thomas Boleyn, and by her little attendant Anne, crossed the Channel. At Abbeville the marriage ceremony was performed, after which Louis, jealous of English influence, dismissed the servants his young wife had brought over. Exceptions were made, how- ever, in favour of Anne and of her cousin the Lady Elizabeth Grey, as both were children and could have no influence on the Queen. Shortly afterwards King Louis died, and his widow hastened to marry Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and returned to England. But Anne, who by this time had learned a good many French ways, remained behind. By the wish of her father she was intrusted to the care of the new queen, Claude of France, an excellent woman, who is said to have taken the greatest pleasure in the education of young girls.

Crapelet, at Paris, in his Lettres de Henry VIII. a Anne Boleyn :

" Or Monseigneur je crois que bien scavez

Et de longtemps la connaissance avez

Que Anne Boullant premierement sortit,

De ce pays quand Marie en partit.

Pour s'en aller trouver le Roy en France

Pour accomplir des deux Roys Taliance."

1 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MSS. vol. 119, fol. 21.

42 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. Under this superintendence Anne remained six years in France, learning French and Italian, and acquiring all those arts and graces by which she was afterwards to shine. When towards the end of 1521 the political aspect became rather threatening, Sir Thomas recalled his daughter. She had now become a young woman, not very handsome, but of elegant and graceful figure, with very fine black eyes and hair and well-shaped hands. She was naturally quick and witty, gifts her French education had fully developed. Being extremely vain and fond of praise and admiration, Anne laid herself out to please, a task not very difficult for a young lady just returned from the centre of all elegance. Being so closely related to one of the greatest noblemen in the realm, she soon obtained a good position at court, and shared its gaieties and pastimes.

Proposed Already, before Anne's return, it had been pro- nage. pQge(j ^^ ^ g^^^ marry Sir James Butler, son of Sir Piers Butler, an Irish chieftain, who had set up a claim to the earldom of Ormond, and had seized the Irish estates of the late lord. The Earl of Surrey, Anne's uncle, who was at the time lord deputy of Ireland, wished by this marriage to conciliate the conflicting claims of the late earl's English legitimate descendants and of his illegitimate son, Sir Piers, whom the Irish people preferred. Anne was to receive as her dowry the claims of the Boleyn and Saintleger families, and her father-in-law was to be created Earl of Ormond. Cardinal "Wolsey was favourable to the plan, and Sir Thomas Boleyn and his English relations were ready

ANNE BOLEYN. 43

to accept the compromise ; but the pretensions CHAP. i. of the Irish chieftain were exorbitant. A year passed during which Surrey and he haggled about the terms, and at the end of 1522 the matter was given up.

The events of Anne's life from 1523 to 1526 are Anne's not exactly known. Her fortunes were at that 8t8ter' time thrown into the shade by those of her younger sister Mary. Early in 1521 the latter had married William Carey, one of the gentlemen of Henry's chamber. As she resided constantly at court and seems to have been rather handsome, she attracted the attention of the king, and soon became his mistress.1 But Mary Carey did not contrive to make her position profitable either to herself or to her husband: it was her father, Sir Thomas Lord Boleyn, who reaped the golden harvest. Mr. Brewer in his Calendar has recorded a few of the grants he obtained from the king : on the 24th of April, 1522, the patent of treasurer of the household ; five days later the stewardship of Tunbridge, the receivership of Bransted, and the keepership of the manor of Penshurst ; in 1523 the keepership of Thunderby and Westwood Park, and in 1524 the stewardship of Swaffham. Having by all these lucrative employments obtained sufficient means to sustain the dignity, Sir Thomas was in 1525 created Lord Eochford.

Her father holding an office which obliged him to be nearly always at court, Anne spent a good part of her time with him in the vicinity of the royal palace. 1 See Appendix, Note B.

44 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. Although there was much gaiety around her, she appears to have felt rather dissatisfied. Being long past twenty and still only plain Mistress Anne, what wonder if she thought that as her elders were not eager to provide a husband for her she might look out for herself ? There was at that time in the household of Cardinal Wolsey a foolish, IsirHen** wavward> violent young man, Sir Henry Percy, Percy, eldest son and heir of the Earl of Northumber- land. He had been sent to Wolsey to learn under his roof the manners and customs of the court, and to gain the patronage of the great cardinal. Not being able to do any more useful work, Sir Henry simply followed Wolsey when the latter went to court. On these occasions he frequently met Mistress Anne ; a flirtation began between them ; and Percy being a very fair prize, she tried her best arts on him. The young knight soon fell desperately in love, and did not hide his intention of making her his wife. Wolsey was greatly displeased when he heard of it, and immediately sent for Sir Henry. The latter made a frank avowal, and ingenuously begged that his betrothal with Lady Mary Talbot, which had taken place in 1523 or 1524, might be formally cancelled. But he met with no favour; Wolsey soundly rated him for his presumption, and, when Sir Henry proved obstinate, called in the old Earl of Northumberland to carry off his son. Both Anne and Percy were enraged at this interference with their affairs, and retained a grudge against the cardinal to the end of his life.

One of the reasons which have been assigned for

ANNE BOLEYN, 45

Wolsey's opposition to Sir Henry Percy's wishes, is CHAF-

that the cardinal was already aware that the king was An in love with Anne. There is nothing improbable in this. The reign of Mary Carey was past, her fickle lover had turned to other beauties, and it is pretty certain that in 1526 there was already a flirtation between him and Anne. This may have been known to Wolsey, and may have influenced his conduct.

For some time Anne kept her royal adorer at an even greater distance than the rest of her admirers. She had good reason to do so, for the position which Henry offered her had nothing very tempting to an ambitious and clever girl. Unlike his contemporary Francis L, unlike some of his successors on the English throne, Henry VIII. behaved rather shabbily towards those of his fair subjects whom he honoured with his caprice. The mother of his son, Henry Fitzroy, had been married to a simple knight, and had received little money and few jewels or estates. Mary Boleyn had not even fared so well; her husband remained plain Mr. Carey, and the grants bestowed on her were small. Nor had these or the other ladies who had become royal mistresses ever held a brilliant position at court. Their names are scarcely mentioned in contemporary records, and they would all have been utterly forgotten had not a few of them been otherwise remarkable. Under these circumstances it cannot be considered an act of great virtue that Anne showed no eagerness to become the king's mistress. She certainly was at first rather reticent, for we know from one of Henry's letters that she kept

46 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. him in suspense for more than a year.1 She was pleased to have the king among her admirers, but she wished for something better than the position of Elizabeth Blount or of her sister Mary.

Still, if a more brilliant prospect had not opened before Anne, it is highly probable that after having secured what would have seemed to her a fail- equivalent she would have put aside her scruples. For whatever her good qualities may have been, modesty did not hold a prominent place among them. Sir Henry Percy was not the only man with whom she had an intrigue. Thomas Wyatt, her cousin, though already married, was her ardent admirer. She gave him a golden locket, and, if we may believe their contemporaries, he received from her very different treatment from that which she now accorded to Henry.2

It is not, therefore, uncharitable to suppose that if Anne had had no chance of becoming Henry's wife she might have tried to obtain by her ability and charms that position in England which her famous namesake, Anne d'Etampes, held in France. She might have become the first duchess of the Portsmouth, Cleveland, and Kendal class, and her offspring might to this day have been the mighty and highly respected Dukes of Pembroke.

1 Crapelet, Love Letters of Henry VIII., Letter No. iv. p. 110.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 10, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. 50 : "Sire il y a longtemps que le due de Suffocq ne sest trouve en cort et dit Ion quil est banni pour quelque temps a cause quil revela au Roy que la dame avoit este trouvee au delit avec un gentilhomme de court qui desja en avoit autreffois este chasse pour suspicion.' '

ANNE BOLEYN. 47

But when Henry began to pay court to Anne CHAP. i. there was already a rumour that he was tired of his R^ours queen, that he was greatly annoyed at having no legiti- divorce. mate son to succeed him, and that he might possibly discard Catherine and look out for a younger bride. There were rumours to this effect whenever Henry was on bad terms with the family of the queen. When, in 1514, he had quarrelled with King Ferdinand, his father-in-law, it had been said that he would divorce Catherine, who had then no child living.1 The political troubles of 1526 were in some respects very similar to those of 1514, and they naturally gave rise to the same reports.

At this time both king and prime minister had been deeply offended by Charles V., the nephew of the queen. The emperor, after the ba/ttle of Pavia, had taken but little account of the wishes and pretensions of Henry. He knew that the king and Wolsey had been negotiating a private peace with France, that they had intentionally delayed the pay- ment of subsidies, and that they had been quite ready to betray him. After his victory, therefore, with more justice than prudence, he treated his faith- less ally with scarcely hidden contempt. Henry resented the slight, and was unwilling to give up the foolish hope that he might one day become King of France. The cardinal was equally displeased. In 1521 the emperor had promised him an in- demnity for his pension from France, and had under- taken to support him at the next conclave ; but the new

1 Sanuto Diary, September 1, 1514, K. Brown, Venetian Calendar, vol. ii. p. 188.

48 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. pensions had been paid most irregularly, and at the two conclaves of 1521 and 1523 the imperialist card- inals had not voted in his favour. Tempting offers being made to him by Louise de Savoye, he advised Henry to go over to the French, and both king and minister now freely abused the emperor. Catherine, who liked her nephew, was far too honest to hide her feelings ; she defended him, and thereby drew on herself a part of her husband's anger. Tn these cir- cumstances the possibility of a divorce began once more to be talked about.

A divorce such as may be obtained now was not possible in the time of Henry VIII. Marriage being a sacrament was held to be indissoluble. Conse- quently, when a man wished to get rid of his wife without killing her, he had to prove that his marriage had never been good and valid. This was done with a facility of which nobody can form an idea without being acquainted with the composition and practice of the courts before which, such cases were brought. They were most corrupt, and always ready to please the strongest. Mr. Brewer, in his Calendar, cites but one example, that of the Duke of Suffolk, who twice committed bigamy and was three times divorced, who began by marrying his aunt and ended by marrying his daughter-in-law.1 But his case was by no means extraordinary ; during the reign of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. there were many similar instances. The repudiation of a wife was a matter of nearly daily occurrence.

1 Brewer, Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., vol. ii. p. xxxiv. note, &c.

ANNE BOLEYN. 49

Anne, who had seen people repudiate their old CHAP. i. wives and take new and younger brides, who knew Anne that Henry was on bad terms with the queen and aimattL that he ardently wished to have a legitimate son, Crown. began to consider what effect all this might have upon her own fortunes. Perceiving that she might be able to displace Catherine, she resolved to spurn every lower prize and to strive with all her might for the crown. From this time she ceased to be merely a clever coquette, and became an important political personage.

If Anne wished to keep her power over Henry Berdiffi- unimpaired, to increase her influence and finally to reach the desired end, she had to play a diffi- cult game. She had to refuse the king's dis- honourable proposals, yet had to make her society agreeable to him. Had she yielded, he would very soon have grown tired of her, for he was the most fickle of lovers, having hitherto changed his loves with even greater facility than his good brother of France. But Anne was quite clever enough to succeed ; Henry bitterly complained of her severity, but never found her company tiresome. The longer this lasted the more his love for her increased: what had at first been a simple caprice became a violent passion for which he was ready to make great sacrifices.

Although the idea of a divorce had presented Henry itself to many minds at an earlier date, no allusion to divorce whatever is made to it in the state papers before Catherine- 1527. A letter of John Clerk, Bishop of Bath, of the c

September

13th September, 1526, in which occur the words that 13, 1526.

50 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. there will be great difficulty circa istud benedictum divortium, clearly refers to tlie divorce between Margaret of Scotland and the Earl of Angus.1 Mar- garet had just obtained at Rome a sentence in her favour, the revocation of which was desired by Henry. It is only in the spring of 1527, long after the king had been sighing at Anne's feet, that the divorce is first seriously mentioned. April, In the spring of 1527 Henry consulted some of his

e*

most trusted counsellors about the legality of his marriage with his late brother's widow. Fully un- derstanding in what direction the royal wishes lay, they immediately showed great scruples. Wolsey himself seems to have been eager to please the king ; he was perhaps not aware that Henry had some other motive than a simple dislike of Catherine and the desire for a son and heir. That Lord Eochford, Anne's father, was in favour of the divorce awakened no suspicion, for he was a French pensioner, de- cidedly hostile to the emperor. The notion that Anne might profit by the intrigue, or even that she had anything to do with it, would have seemed preposterous. Wolsey thought that Anne had become Henry's mistress ; and as he knew from long experience that in such cases the king was tired of his conquest in a few months, he confidently expected that long before the divorce could be obtained Anne would be cast off. In that case he hoped to make a good bargain by selling the hand of his master to the highest bidder.

1 British Museum, Cotton MSS. Caligula, D. ix. 248, and Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1109.

ANNE BOLEYN. 51

Consequently the cardinal had no reason to object CHAP. i. to Henry's wish to get rid of Catherine. He lent himself to a most odious attempt to cheat Catherine out of her good right. On the 17th of May, 1527, Wolsey, with Warham, the Archbishop May 17, of Canterbury, held secretly a court at Westminster, before which Henry was cited. Proceedings were begun nominally against the king for having lived for eighteen years in incestuous intercourse with the widow of his • late brother, and Henry pretended to defend himself against the accusation. A second sitting was held on the 20th, a third on the 31st. At the latter sitting, Dr. John Bell appeared as proctor of the king, while Dr. Richard Wolman, a trusted royal servant, was appointed to plead against him.1

But it was felt that the authority of the two archbishops alone might not be sufficient to overcome the public feeling against the divorce. Wolsey, therefore, proposed that the question whether a man might marry his late brother's wife should be sub- mitted to a number of the most learned bishops in England. The question was put in such a way that it was thought all the bishops would answer as the king desired. It was intended that the court should meet once more in secret after receipt of the answer of the bishops, that it should declare the marriage of Henry and Catherine to have been null and void from the beginning, and that it should condemn them to separate and to undergo some penance for the sin

1 Proceedings before Cardinal Wolsey, May 17 to 31, 1527, R.O. and Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. pp. 1426 to 1429.

E 2

52 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP, i, they had lived in. After this, Henry would have been free to marry whom he chose.1

Unhappily the bishops did not prove quite so subservient as had been expected; perhaps, too, they had not perceived the drift of the question. Most of them answered that such a marriage with papal dispensation would be perfectly valid.2 This of course made it difficult for the archbishops to decide in Henry's favour ; and even if they did decide in his favour, Catherine would still have the right of appeal from their judgment to that of the

May 6, pope. At this time all the world was startled by the 1527. tidings that the pope was shut up by the imperial troops in the castle of St. Angelo, and it was pretty certain that Clement would not in these circumstances dare to give judgment against the emperor's aunt. The news of the pope's imprisonment was there- fore as disagreeable as the reply of the bishops. Henry was further disconcerted by learning that the secret had not been well kept, and that Catherine was perfectly aware of the steps taken against her.

Cardinal Wolsey was so much hated by most Englishmen, Catherine was so popular, and the course which Henry pursued was so repugnant to his people, that even his most trusted agents did not scruple to betray his confidence. On the day after the first

May is, sitting at Westminster Don Inigo de Mendoza, the imperial ambassador, was informed of all that

1 Proceedings before Cardinal Wolsey, May 17 to 31, 1527, E..O. and Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1429.

2 The Bishop of Rochester to Wolsey, R.O. and Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1434.

ANNE BOLEYN. 53

had been done. A friend of Catherine told him, and CHAP. i. although the man denied that he acted by her order, Mendoza felt sure that he came with the consent of the queen, and that the help of the emperor was wanted.1

Under these conditions it was not easy to proceed, for Catherine might make great difficulties, and the matter, if rendered public by her, might lead to the serious embarrassment of the government. But Henry was so much bent on having his way at once that he made an attempt to wring from Catherine some acknowledgment ^of the justice of his pretended scruples. On the 22nd of June he spoke to her, June 22> saying that since he had married her he had been 1527- living in a state of mortal sin, and that henceforward he would abstain from her company ; and he asked her to retire to some place far from court. If Henry expected that Catherine would give way he was mis- taken. She was very much moved and burst into tears, but she neither admitted the justice of Henry's scruples, nor made choice of a separate residence. The king, seeing his error, was afraid to press her further. He blandly told her that all would be done for the best, and asked her to keep the matter secret.2

All proceedings were for the moment abandoned ; but Henry was very angry at his defeat, and would have liked to carry matters with a high hand, and to bully his bishops into a favourable opinion. He was

1 Don Inigo de Mendoza to Charles V., May 18, 1527, Vienna Archives, P.O. 224, i. No. 18 ; and Gayangos, Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. iii. part ii. p. 193.

2 Don Inigo de Mendoza to Charles V., July 13, 1527, Vienna Archives, P.C. 224, i. No. 22 ; and Gayangos, Calendar, vol. iii. part ii. p. 276.

54 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. especially indignant with Wolsey for not taking definite action, and startled him by the violence of his expostulations.1

Wolsey The negotiations with France had now proceeded

France, so far that it was necessary to send a special embassy to treat with Francis about the league against the emperor. Wolsey was undoubtedly the person most fitted for such a mission, and at any other time he would have acted wisely in undertaking it himself. At this juncture, however, he committed a great blunder in deciding to go to Amiens. Henry was urging him to reopen the legatine court, and to continue the proceedings in the divorce case ; and Wolsey may have wished to leave the country for a time in order to escape from this difficulty. He certainly hoped that during his absence Henry's passion would become less violent, and that he would find means to satisfy the king without making himself even more odious to the people than he already was. With these thoughts and hopes Wolsey left at the beginning of July with a numerous retinue, and crossed over to France.

Growing The cardinal had not been absent a month before it

influence n _ . .

of Anne, became plain to most courtiers that the divorce was

August, sought in favour of Anne.2 She now almost con-

1527< stantly resided at court, remained for hours with the

king, and scarcely thought it worth while to hide her

1 Wolsey to Henry VIII., July 1, 1527, State Papers, vol. i. p. 194.

2 Don Inigo de Mendoza to Charles V., August 16, 1527, Vienna Archives, P.O. 224, i. No. 27 ; and Gayangos, Calendar, vol. iii. part ii. p. 327.

ANNE BOLEYN. 55

purpose. This made the divorce very unpopular, for CHAP. i. Lord Eochford, mean and grasping, was not beloved, while Anne had but a sorry reputation, and, owing to the violence of her temper and the insolence of her language, was disliked by the court in general. Such decency as still survived among English courtiers was shocked by the remembrance of the king's relation to Anne's sister, and everybody saw through the lie of Henry's scruples. When Wolsey started for France he probably anticipated that the king, left to himself, would be cowed by the strength of the opposition, and would abandon his design.

If such were the thoughts of "Wolsey, he under- rated the ability of Anne. She could not reckon upon a single ally, but she had by this time come to understand the character of Henry, and had learned how he might be ruled. The secret of Wolsey 's success was no longer hidden from her. She had the same kind of advantages as those to which the cardinal had owed his elevation : for Henry might raise her to the highest rank without fearing her rivalry ; and as Wolsey had consolidated his power during Henry's absence from Catherine, so Anne was now intent on gaining a lasting influence during the absence of Wolsey. She played her game with such tact that week after week her empire became stronger. Henry allowed himself to be guided by her in matters of state, she succeeded in making him sus- picious of the .cardinal's judgment and intentions, and she encouraged him to act independently behind the back of his prime minister.

56 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. After the failure of the attempt to secure the

Wolse^s divorce by surreptitious means, Wolsey, seeing the

plan. j^ng go ken|. on j^ ka(j formec[ a p}an by which he hoped

the end might be attained in a more effective manner July 29, and with less responsibility to himself. From Abbeville he communicated it to Henry. Catherine, he said, might decline his jurisdiction or appeal to the pope. Now if Clement were free he would certainly favour the king, but he was the prisoner of Charles, and likely to continue so for some time. The cardinals who remained at liberty might, however, meet at Avignon, where Wolsey would join them ; and as Perpignan was not far off the emperor might be induced to go to that place to arrange with Louise of Savoy (mother of Francis I.), and with Wolsey for the conclusion of peace, and for the liberation of the pope. If Charles refused reasonable conditions Henry might declare against him, the cardinals at Avignon would easily be induced to take steps for the government of the Church during the captivity of the pontiff, and matters might be handled in such a way that Henry would in the meanwhile gain his end.1

But this method seemed too dilatory to the king, who was eager to be at liberty to marry, and to Anne, who wished soon to be queen ; and Wolsey was sus- pected of having proposed the plan in order to gain time. It was thought that a direct appeal to the pope might be successful, and it was decided that the attempt should be made without the cardinal's know- ledge. The instrument chosen by Henry and Anne

1 Wolsey to Henry VIII., July 29, 1527, State Papers, vol. i. fol. 230.

ANNE BOLEYN. 57

was Dr. William Knight, the king's first secretary, CHAP. i. an old and apparently somewhat conceited man, while Secret their chief adviser seems to have been John Barlow, the chaplain of Lord Eochford.1 Knight was to proceed to Italy, where he was to try by all means to get access to the pope. He was to ask Clement to 1527' grant a dispensation to Henry to marry at once, even if the woman he might select should be related to him within the prohibited degrees of affinity, provided only she was not the wife of somebody else. This power was to be conceded to Henry before the declaration of the invalidity of his marriage with Catherine. If the pope would not grant so much, then Knight was to ask that the king might have a dispensation to marry immediately after the dissolution of the first marriage.2 Moreover, he was to obtain a bull, dele- gating for the time of the pope's captivity the whole of his spiritual power to Cardinal Wolsey.3 To conceal this mission Knight received another set of instruc- tions which he was to show to Wolsey, ordering him to act in accordance with the proceedings of the cardinal's agents.

Knight left England early in September, and first September proceeded to Compiegne, where he met Wolsey.4 12) 1527< The latter, though not yet informed of the secret

1 J. Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. ix. footnote.

2 Knight to Henry VIII., September 13, 1527, R.O. and State Papers, vol. vii. p. 3.

3 Draft of Commission to Wolsey, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. ix. fol. 218, printed by N. Pocock, Records of the Reformation, vol. i. No. XIII.

4 Knight to Henry VIII., September 12, 1527, R.O. and State Papers, vol. vii. p. 1.

58 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. intrigue, was very little pleased with the secretary whom Henry had chosen to negotiate with the pope.1 He feared that his own position would be rendered even more difficult by Knight, whom he knew to be totally unfit for such an errand. Still, he could not prevent the secretary from leaving, and he had to own that his own plan was impracticable. There was a difficulty at the very beginning ; the cardinals did not feel inclined to do Wolsey's bidding, and would not go to Avignon.2

The cardinal was of course aware of Anne's inten- tions ; they were no longer a secret to anybody. But he seems to have retained his feeling of security, the long empire which he had held over Henry's mind having made him overbearing and blind to danger. He believed himself to be indispensable to the king, and was sure that he would not be dismissed. His negotiations in France had now come to an end, the August treaty of alliance which Francis desired having been 18, 1527. signed at Amiens ; and about the middle of September

Wolsey started for home.

September On his arrival in England he repaired on the 30th 20,1527. Of September to Eichmond, where the court was re- siding. He sent in a gentleman to inquire of the king where it would please his highness to receive him. On such occasions it had been Henry's custom

1 Wolsey to Henry VIII., September 5, 1527, R.O. and State Papers, vol. i. p. 267.

2 Cardinal Cibo to Cardinal Salviati July 27, 1527, Lettere

de' Principi, vol. ii. fol. 233 ; Cardinal Salviati to , August

17, 1527, Ibid. vol. ii. fol. 235 ; and Wolsey to Henry VIII., September 5, 1527, State Papers, vol. i. p. 270.

ANNE BOLEYN. 59

for many years to retire to a private room, where the CHAP. i. cardinal met him alone, that they might be able to speak freely. But now Anne Boleyn was nearly always with the king ; she already ruled him in most matters of detail, and had changed many an old custom. Wohey When Wolsey's messenger met the king in the great s ig lte ' hall she was present. The man having delivered his message, she broke in before the king could answer. " And where else," she exclaimed, " is the cardinal to come but here where the king is ? " Wolsey's servant, not yet accustomed to the new fashions at court, looked rather astonished, and waited for an answer from the king. But Henry had no wish to contradict the lady ; he confirmed what she had said, and the cardinal was obliged to go to the hall. He found the king dallying with Anne and chatting with his favourites ; 1 and in their presence he had his first audience, and could not of course transact any business, or exert any influence on Henry. He was taught that he was no longer the only person by whom the king allowed himself to be ruled ; the days of his absolute empire were gone.

There is no doubt that Wolsey deeply resented the affront put upon him ; but he was prudent enough to dissemble. He did not wish to irritate the king by showing his anger at the treatment he had received ; for he knew that Henry required from his courtiers meek submission to any indignity he might inflict on them. Nor did the cardinal wish to gratify his

1 Don Inigo de Mendoza to Charles V., October 26, 1527, Vienna Archives, P.O. 224, No. 35 ; and Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part ii. p. 432.

60 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. i. enemies by an exhibition of his feelings. He kept very quiet, and was soon rewarded, for Anne's empire was not yet so complete that she could hope to deprive Wolsey of all influence at once. The cardinal was called to several private audiences with the king, and professed much eagerness to serve Henry in the matter of the divorce. He thereby regained in part the confidence of his master, who showed him a fair face and continued to leave to him the chief management of affairs. Still, Wolsey was not unmindful of the warning he had received ; he indicated that he was ready to ally himself with Anne and to help her to attain her end. Such was the result which in a few months she had obtained.

CHAPTER II.

THE LEGATINE COURT.

IN forming an alliance for the purpose of further- CHAP. n. ing the divorce of Henry, Anne and Wolsey did Alliance not act in good faith towards each other. The true between

Anne ana

reason why Anne sought his aid was that she found it impossible to win the battle with the support of such friends as the Duke of Norfolk and the Duke of Suffolk. She wanted the cardinal to obtain the divorce, and thereby to prepare the way for her own marriage with the king. The friend- ship would then have been at an end ; Anne would have turned against the cardinal as soon as she had been proclaimed queen. Henry might still have been ready to submit to Wolsey's rule, but Anne was of far too imperious a temper to brook the authority of the prime minister. Wolsey, on the other hand, saw how much ground he had lost, and did not wish to excite the enmity of so important a person as Anne. As he was well aware that the divorce could not be obtained at once, and as he thought with the rest of the court that Anne was the king's mistress, he still expected the passion of Henry to cool down long before he could be

62 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. set free. If this anticipation proved to be correct, he would be able to influence Henry either to give up the demand for a divorce or to persevere, as might seem to be most expedient. He continued to hope that, if Catherine were divorced and Anne abandoned, he might find an opportunity of selling his master's alliance, and perhaps even his hand, for a yet higher price than that which the French were actually paying him.

The alliance between Wolsey and Anne was con- cluded all the more quickly, because the former soon after his return from France had learned the secret of Knight's mission. He was informed of the contents of the secretary's instructions, and discovered the draft of a proposed bull of dispensation for bigamy. This gave him an immediate advantage. He went to Henry and explained how dangerous such an attempt might be to the royal cause, since it would afford the clearest proof that what the king really wanted was to marry Anne, and that his scruples had their origin in this wish. The pope, knowing the whole truth, would scarcely dare to grant a dispensation, and even if he did so, it would not have much authority with the English people. Europe would cry shame on the pope and on the king, and Henry would find himself in so difficult a position that he might be glad to escape from it by retracing every step he had taken.

Henry felt the force of Wolsey 's arguments ; he was cowed by his minister's firmness and decision. He agreed that new instructions should be sent to Knight, who had not yet reached Rome ; that the dispensation

ANNE BOLEYN. 63

for bigamy should be abandoned ; and that the pope CHAP, n. should be asked only to commit the matter to a le- Henry

T-i-in T-kTT i 11 writes to

gatme court in England. But Henry, though he Knight. followed the advice of his minister, did not do it cheerfully or honestly. He never admitted to Wolsey that he had all the time intentionally kept him in the dark, and he now wrote to Knight asking him not to let the cardinal know what had been done. If Wolsey made any inquiries, Knight was to answer that he had received his instructions after he had left the cardinal at Amiens. Knight would receive Novem- a new draft of a bull of dispensation — to be made 6r> l use of only after the dissolution of the marriage with Catherine — " which no man does know but they which I am sure will never disclose it to no man living for any craft the Lord Cardinal or any other can find." This bull the secretary was entreated to obtain as quickly as possible in due form, keeping it, however, secret. A draft of a bull very like it would be sent by the king and cardinal jointly, but this was only pro forma.1

This letter, which Henry took the trouble to write entirely with his own hand, is a very curious document. It reads more like the composition of a schoolboy found out by the master against whom he plots, than like the letter of an absolute king, who might have dismissed and ruined Wolsey at a moment's notice. It shows the awe with which he regarded the cardinal, and the secret but strong dislike he had for him. It shows how eager and impatient he was to marry Anne, and how

1 Oxford, Corpus Christi College, MSS. cccviii. fol. 3, holo- graph, published by E. L. Hicks in the Academy, March 15, 1879.

64 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. confidently he believed that the divorce would be shortly obtained. It shows how foolish, rash, and weak Henry was, how entirely he depended on others more capable and energetic than himself. October, From Amiens Knight had first gone to Parma, in the hope that he might reach Kome without further difficulty. But the country was very unsafe, and as his mission was to remain secret he could not apply to the imperial generals for a safe-conduct, without which

November it was difficult to proceed. Finally he went to Foligno, ' whence he reported to the king what obstacles he had

found in his way.1 A few days later he received Henry's letter, together with the new instructions brought by John Barlow, chaplain to Lord Eochford. Knight, who was ordered to proceed at all hazards to

November Rome, accordingly set out, and after some difficulty was able to reach the city. But he could not gain admittance to the castle of St. Angelo, where the pope was still a prisoner; and he was warned that he had been detected, and advised to be off at once. He therefore Knight sent a memorial in writing to Clement and returned to

outwitted. F0i-[gno>2 ^ £ew <:[ays jater the pope was free, and

December the secretary hastened to meet him at Orvieto, where he repeated the demands he had already made in the memorial. On this occasion Knight seems to have committed the grossest blunders and indiscre- tions. He revealed what his instructions had origin- ally been, and foolishly told the papal officials the

1 Knight to Henry VIII., November 4, 1527, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 13.

2 Knight to Henry VIII., December 4, 1527, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 16.

ANNE BOLEYN. 65

name of the person whom Henry wished to marry and CHAP. n. what was the exact nature of the impediments.1 Details so disgusting and showing so clearly the thorough bad faith of Henry, and the utter hollowness of his pretences of conscientious motives, could not but influence the pope and his advisers against granting the request. But Clement was not in a position to refuse point-blank a demand made in so urgent a manner by the King of England. He gave Knight fair words ; but his chief minister Pucci, Cardinal of Santi Quattro, an able lawyer and canonist, introduced into the two documents the pope was to sign some changes which made them of no force.2 The English secretary was not able to detect the difference between the two sets of papers ; he accepted the corrected version, and left Orvieto convinced that he had obtained everything that was wanted. On his way home he once more met John Barlow, who brought him fresh and more detailed instructions from Henry and Wolsey. The secretary was so confident he had January

n 11598

succeeded that he did not return to Orvieto but stopped at Asti, expecting high praise for his cleverness.3

1 Dr. Ortiz to the Emperor, February 7, 1533, British Museum Add. MSS. vol. 28,585, fol. 217 : " Y para poderse casar con esta Ana es cierta verdad que a tiempo que embio a demandar dis- pensacion a Su St. para poderse casar con ella no estante la afinidad que entre ellos avie por aver mal usado de su hermana ..."

2 Knight to Wolsey, January 1, 1528, Burnet, Collectanea, part i. book ii. No. 4.

3 Knight to Henry VIII., January 9 and 10, 1528, Pocock, Records, vol. i. No. xxvii. and State Papers, vol. vii. p. 46 ; Knight to Wolsey, January 9 and 10, 1528, Pocock, Records, vol. i. No. xxviii., and Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1687.

VOL. I. F

66 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. IT. The poor secretary was grievously mistaken. He had sent forward by a special courier the two briefs which Clement had signed. They were handed to Wolsey, who at once perceived their real meaning and was but too glad to point out the flaws in them to the king. The commission was worth nothing ; whatever Wolsey might decree, appeal would still be permitted to the pope, and the cardinal's judgment would have no effect.1 And as the commission had been so cleverly worded by Cardinal Pucci, it was clear that the pope wished to retain the power of giving final judgment, and meant, if convenient, to make use of it. Wolsey was triumphant, for Knight, by allowing himself to be duped so easily, had given signal proof that nobody but the cardinal and his chosen agents were able to carry on so difficult a negotiation. Henry and Anne, thoroughly convinced of their incapacity to obtain their end without Wolsey's help, gave themselves up to his guidance and assented to all he proposed. New Wolsey, having; now learned how strongly Henry

Embassy i -,. -, ,.

to the was bent on the divorce, thought it prudent to dis-

Pope' play some energy in support of his demand. Two

February new agents chosen by the cardinal were sent off to

19 1 P^9Q

Orvieto : Dr. Stephen Gardiner, hitherto chief secre- tary to Wolsey, and Dr. Edward Foxe, of the royal chapel. In order to gratify Anne, the two ambassadors were ordered to take Hever on their way and to communicate to her the tenor of their instructions.2

1 Wolsey to Gregorio da Casale, February 12, 1528, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 50 ; Wolsey to Cardinal Santi Quattro, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1745.

2 Crapelet, Lettres de Henry VIII., Love Letter, No. xiv. p. 134.

ANNE BOLEYN. 67

The instructions were twofold. The ambassadors CHAP. n. were to press the pope to give to Wolsey and to a special legate such powers as would enable them to pronounce final judgment of divorce ; and as Clement might be prepossessed against Henry and attribute to him unworthy motives, they were to dispel his mis- apprehensions. The legate, so ran their instructions, had heard that the king was supposed by the pope to have undertaken this cause, not from fear of a disputed succession, but out of vain affection or undue love to a gentlewoman, not so excellent as she was in England esteemed. The ambassadors were to assure the pope that this was not the case ; that Wolsey would never have favoured such a scheme. On the one hand, the cardinal considered the marriage of Henry with Catherine to be invalid, and the king agreed with his opinion. On the other, " the approved " excellent virtuous qualities of the said gentlewoman, " the purity of her life, her constant virginity, her " maidenly and womanly pudicity, her soberness, " chasteness, meekness, humility, wisdom, descent " right noble and high through regal blood, education " in all good and laudable qualities and manners, ap- " parent aptness to procreation of children, with her " other infinite good qualities, more to be regarded " and esteemed than the only progeny " explained the king's desire to be quickly divorced, a desire which Wolsey regarded as honest and necessary.1

Could there be anything more flattering and agree- able to Anne ? Not only had the proud cardinal

1 Cardinal Wolsey to Gardiner and Foxe, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1741.

F 2

68 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ir« been brought to praise her to the pope in the most fulsome terms, he had declared that he approved of the king's wish to marry her. No wonder that Anne received the two ambassadors most graciously, and that she declared herself quite satisfied with the efforts made in her cause. Her former agents were now discarded. Knight was ordered to remain in France.1 Barlow, who at least had committed no blunder, was to be rewarded for his several journeys by the gift of the parsonage of Sonridge, for which Lord Eochford and Anne inter- ceded with Wolsey.2 All secret negotiations were for the moment abandoned, and both Henry and Anne manifested perfect confidence in the legate. He was beginning to feel safe again, and thought that he had regained his former position.

Apparent He was confirmed in this opinion by the success

success of ..^

the new which seemed to attend the mission 01 Jboxe and embassy. Q.ar(jmer< rphe two ambassadors, after protracted

16, struggles, wrung from Clement such concessions as made the case appear hopeful to those who were unacquainted with the character of the pope and the ways of the Eoman court. A joint commis- sion was to be issued for Cardinal Campeggio and Wolsey to hear and decide the cause in England. Campeggio had been expressely chosen by Henry and Wolsey as most favourable to the king. He was

1 Knight to Henry VIII., April 21, 1528, R.O. and Pocock, Records of the Reformation, vol. i. No. Iv.

2 Lord Eochford to Wolsey, August 20, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2020 ; Anne Boleyn to Wolsey, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 3166.

ANNE BOLEYN. 69

Cardinal Protector of England, an office worth several CHAP. n. thousand ducats a year, and held the bishopric of Here- ford in commend. He was therefore greatly depen- dent on Henry's good-will, and had hitherto shown himself a steadfast friend. It was hoped that in this case too he would prove to be an obedient servant of Henry, and give such sentence as the king desired.1

As the good news of the continuous success of "Wolsey's agents was received in England, Anne loudly proclaimed her gratitude to the cardinal. There was among the gentlemen of Henry's court a certain Thomas Henneage, specially employed to wait on mistress Anne, to whom he carried chosen dishes from the royal table and little gifts from the king. Many of his letters to Wolsey, containing sayings of Anne and of Lady Eochford, her mother, have been preserved. We learn from them that the cardinal and Anne kept up a frequent correspondence, although only a few letters of the lady have escaped destruction. Anne's letters and the messages delivered by Henneage, show that she was on most friendly terms with the cardinal. She was always asking little services or gifts from him. One day it is a morsel of tunny she wants, another day a dish of carps or shrimps. When she is for a time without some small re- membrance of the kind Anne complains in the most charming way, and expresses a fear that the cardinal

1 Henry VIII. to Cardinal Campeggio, Brewer, Letters and Papers, p. 1740 ; Gardiner and Gregorio da Casale to Wolsey, April 13, 1528, Pocock, Records of the Reformation, vol. i. No. li.

70 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. has forgotten her. There is no longer any trace of opposition or of rivalry ; Anne decidedly acknowledges the superiority of Wolsey, and is grateful for his friendship and for the services he renders her.1

On the 2nd of May, 1528, Dr. Foxe returned to England to report on the mission intrusted to him

May 3, and to Gardiner, and on the following day he arrived at Greenwich, where the court was staying. His presence having been announced to the king, he was ordered to repair to the apartment of Mistress Anne. He found her alone, and had time to explain to her what endeavours had been made to obtain the appoint- ment of the legates, praising his colleague Gardiner, whose energy and zeal he extolled and whose most hearty and humble commendations he transmitted. Anne listened with pleasure, promised both Foxe and Gardiner large recompense for the good service done to her, and was evidently desirous of attaching two such able and zealous men to her cause. While they were talking Henry came in, and Anne left him alone with Foxe to receive the report the latter had to make. The king was delighted by what he heard ; he called in Mistress Anne, and made Foxe repeat in her presence all he had said. In further conversation the doctor said the pope had been assured (so the pope himself had told him) that Henry wished for this divorce only in order to marry Mistress Anne, and that such haste was made because she was already with child, being a worthless person. At first Clement had believed this, but after reading Wolsey 's letters he

1 T, Henneage to Wolsey, March 3 and 16, 1528, Brewer, Jitters and Papers, vol. iv. pp. 1779 and 1806.

ANNE BOLEYN. 71

had entirely changed his mind, and he was now favour- CHAP. n. ably inclined towards the king. An account which was gladly accepted by both the king and the lady.

Foxe was not allowed to leave the royal presence Wohey until late at night ; nevertheless, he was ordered to-

go straight to Durham Place in the Strand, where concession. Wolsey lodged, and to show him the commission granted by the pope. The cardinal saw immediately that the document was not worth much more than the bull obtained by Knight, since the pope retained the right of pronouncing final judgment. But next morn- ing, having weighed all the circumstances, he thought it best to conceal his disappointment. Henry and Anne were so highly elated by what they had heard from Foxe, that if the truth had been told they would have been greatly enraged. They might have sus- pected the sincerity of the legate ; they might have thought that he was making these difficulties only in order to retard or prevent the divorce. All the ground he had gained during the last six months would thus have been lost, Anne would have been violently hostile and Henry alienated. To such a danger Wolsey dared not expose himself, and in the afternoon, when Lord Eochford and Dr. Bell May 4, came from Greenwich to confer with him, he declared himself better satisfied with the commission.1 But he wanted a papal decretal defining the question of law A papal in a manner favourable to Henry's claim, so that the legates would have to decide on nothing but on the question of fact. Such a decretal Gardiner was now

1 Foxe to Gardiner, May 11, 1528, Pocock, Records, vol. i. No. liii.

72 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. n. instructed to obtain, and he was to press for the

speedy departure of Campeggio.1 The The next six weeks Henry and Anne spent

'sickness, pleasantly enough at Greenwich. But in the middle of June they were rudely torn asunder by a danger they had not foreseen. The sweating sickness, a peculiar epidemic disease, very contagious and rather dangerous, had made its appearance, and on the 16th of June one of Anne's maids was taken ill with it.2 The court broke up at once, and the king hastily went to Waltham. However much he might like the company of Anne, he feared infection even more, and she did not accompany him, but retired to Hever. Here she and her father, Lord Rochford,fell ill.3 Henry by this time had gone to Hunsdon, six of his attendants having shown symptoms of the disease at Waltham; and from Hunsdon, he had written to Anne asking her to leave Surrey, and to come to the healthier northern side of the river. When he heard of her illness,4 he was in great alarm, and at once despatched Doctor Butts, his physician, to look after father and daughter at Hever.5 To Anne he wrote

1 Foxe to Gardiner, May, 1528, Pocock, Records, vol. i. No. liv.

2 Du Bellay to Montmorency, June 18, 1528, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francis, vol. 3,077, fol. 71 ; and Le Grand, vol. iii. p. 129. The abstract in Mr. Brewer's Letters and Papers is incorrect. Du Bellay wrote : " Une des filles de chambre, Monsgr. de Madlle. de Boulan se trouva mardi actainte de la suee."

3 T. Henneage to Wolsey, June 23, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1931.

4 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, Crapelet, Love Letter No. iii. p. 108, and Love Letter No. xii. p. 128.

5 Brian Tuke to Wolsey, June 23, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1931,

ANNE BOLEYN. 73

entreating her to follow the doctor's advice, hoping CHAP. n. soon to have news of her amendment.1 His hope was realised, for a few days later he received a message that both father and daughter were out of danger.2 Henry now left Hunsdon, frequently changing his abode until he finally settled at Tittenhanger, which Wolsey had put at his disposal.3 Several of his courtiers died, William Carey, the husband of Anne's sister Mary, being one of them.4 But after a time the epidemic subsided, and the king began to breathe more freely, for the danger seemed past.5

The sweating sickness gave occasion to an incident TheAb- which was very characteristic of the kind of influence Wilton. exerted by Anne over the king. The abbess of the convent of Wilton had died, and the choice of her April 24, successor lay with Cardinal Wolsey. Among the can- didates was a nun, Eleanor Carey, sister of William Carey, Anne's brother-in-law.6 She was favoured by the Boleyn family and by their friends. But Wolsey's agents reported that Eleanor had led a dissolute life, that she had several illegitimate children, and that she was most unfit to be at the head of a convent. Wolsey wished to appoint Dame Isabel Jordan, the prioress of Wilton, an aged, sad, and discreet woman, but the

1 Henry VIII. to Anne, Crapelet, Love Letter No. xii. p. 128.

2 Brian Tuke to Wolsey, June 23, 1528, loc. cit.

3 J. Russell to Wolsey, June 28, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1938.

4 T. Henneage to Wolsey, June 23, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1,931.

5 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, Crapelet, Love Letter No. xiii. p. 130.

* T. Henneage to Wolsey, June 23, 1528, loc. cit.

74 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. friends of Eleanor Carey raked up an old scandal, pretending that the prioress had also in youth com- mitted some offence against chastity, and they brought the matter before Henry. As it was impossible to deny Eleanor's guilt, the king did not wish to interfere in her favour, but he decided that the office should not be granted to her rival. This resolution was com- municated to Wolsey by Dr. Bell, and to Anne by the king himself.1

Wolsey disregarded the indirect message of Henry. He had most probably already bound himself to nominate Isabel Jordan, and, notwithstanding Dr. Bell's letter, he signed the document appointing her.2

A few years before, the cardinal might have done this with impunity, for Henry at that time did not feel ashamed of the almost unlimited power he conceded to his prime minister. The ladies whom he had formerly courted had been so insignificant that they had not attempted to awaken in him a spirit of independence ; they had been dazzled by the splen- dour of his nominal authority. Anne could not be so easily imposed upon. Henry was well aware of her penetration, and knew that she did not mistake appearance for reality. She had often spoken to him of his greatness, cleverly mixing flattery with a veiled reproof that he did not exert his power as much as he ought. Henry had made some efforts to convince her that his will was supreme ; and

1 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, Crapelet, Love Letter No. xiii. p. 130; and Dr. Bell to Cardinal Wolsey, July 7, 1528, State Papers, vol. i. p. 310.

2 Dr. Bell to Cardinal Wolsey, July 10, 1528, State Papers, voL i. p. 313.

ANNE BOLEYN.

75

July, 1528.

she had affected to believe him, inciting him at the CHAP. n. same time to act with even greater vigour. Now this awkward move of Wolsey came to spoil every- thing ; if it were not immediately condemned, it would seem that the cardinal was more the sovereign than Henry himself. Anne, even if she did not taunt her lover with the disregard shown to his orders, would silently rebuke him by showing that she was vexed by what had happened ; and Henry would no longer dare to brag of what he could do, since he could not even prevent the nomination of an abbess. So the king was greatly annoyed by Wolsey's conduct, and expressed himself in rather strong terms.1 The cardinal, as soon as he heard of Henry's anger, felt that he had committed a blunder. He hastened to apologise in the most humble manner, saying that he had not known the king's will.2 But this did not pacify Henry, because Anne might complain that he had deceived her and had taken no interest in the cause she supported. Accordingly he sent to Wolsey a lengthy and very strong reprimand, on the com- position of which he apparently bestowed great pains. Before sending off the letter, he read it to Anne's friend, Thomas Henneage, and to Sir John Russell. Whether he sent a copy to Anne is uncertain ; but, if not, Henneage was expected, no doubt, to give her a full account of it.3 Quoting some words

1 Dr. Bell to Wolsey, July 10, 1528, loc. cit. ; and T. Henneage to Wolsey, July 11, 1528, State Papers, vol. i. p. 315.

2 Henry VIII. to Wolsey, Fiddes, Life of Cardinal Wolsey, Appendix, p. 174.

3 T. Henneage to Wolsey, July 14, 1528, State Papers, vol. i. p. 316.

76 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ir. from Dr. Bell's letter, the king declared that the cardinal had been perfectly apprised of his wish, and wound up by speaking of the bad behaviour of Wolsey's officials and of the frequent bribes he received from religious communities.1 Wolsey thereupon un- reservedly admitted the truth of all that Henry had said, and humbly begged the king's pardon. This was enough : Henry was cleared before Anne ; and, having shown that he was quite able to humiliate his minister, he now graciously accorded entire forgiveness.2 Isabel Jordan remained abbess, and the matter was allowed to drop.3 Anne's Anne herself had not actively interfered in this

^o Wolsey. affair. She had continued to write amiably to the cardinal, declaring in a letter from Hever that the king and he were the two persons for whom she cared most. When, after her recovery, towards the end of July, she joined the court at Ampthill, she wrote to him again in most flattering terms, and, showing her letter to the king, insisted that he should add a postscript to it.4 She wished it to be known that she was Wolsey's friend and using her influence in his favour. It was already probable that by the

1 Henry VIII. to Wolsey, Fiddes, Appendix, p. 174.

1 Henry VIII. to Wolsey, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Life of Henry VIII. p. 67 ; and Wolsey to Henry VIII., State Papers, vol. i. p. 317.

3 Isabel Jordan to Wolsey, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1978; and Thomas Benet to Wolsey, July 18, 1528, State Papers, i. p. 314.

4 Anne Boleyn to Wolsey, Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 56 \ and Anne Boleyn and Henry VIII. to Wolsey, ibid. p. 55.

ANNE BOLEYN. 77

force of circumstances Wolsey's power would decline, CHAP. n. and Anne may have been unwilling to risk a battle and the loss of a useful ally, when she was pretty sure that time would rid her of her rival. Wolsey, misled by her apparent friendliness, allowed himself to drift into danger and ruin.

During the autumn of 1528 Anne was sometimes at Anne's court, sometimes at one or other of her father's Absence country houses. She did not wish to be constantly from with the king, as her position was still rather difficult ; and there seemed to be some danger that if he saw her constantly his passion for her might cool. By remaining away for a few weeks occasionally, she kept up his ardour and made her position more easy. Moreover, Campeggio was at last on his way to England to sit as judge in the divorce cause, and it was not considered advantageous to parade Anne before the Italian legate. Campeggio might retain some feeling of decency, and object to have the real cause of Henry's conscientious scruples flaunted before his eyes. A certain degree of decorum was to be practised a little longer.

Campeggio was bringing the decretal which Wolsey had asked for. With the law expounded in a manner favourable to the king, it seemed scarcely doubtful decretal that the divorce would be granted. But Clement, though he had allowed himself to be bullied into this extreme concession, had maintained one point. The decretal was to remain with Campeggio ; he might communicate its contents to Henry and Wolsey, but the document itself was not to pass into their Jung possession. Campeggio had left Eome in June 1528 1528.'

78 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. for Orvieto to receive the decretal and the last in- structions of the Pope.1 Some galleys having been obtained from the French commanders, the cardinal embarked at Corneto on the 24th of July, crossed over to Provence, and arrived towards the end of August at Lyons.2 On the 8th of September he was at Orleans, and on the 14th made his entry into Paris.3 On the 18th he left Paris, pressed by the English agents to make haste, but owing to unfavourable winds and to fits of gout he did not reach London before

October

8,1528. the 8th of October.4

Policy of So much obloquy has been thrown on Clement VII. emen ^ ^.g ]3e]iavjour jn ^he matter of the divorce that it is necessary to inquire whether he was guilty of all the offences laid to his charge. His policy has been compared with that of the great popes of the middle ages ; but such a comparison cannot hold good, for the mediaeval popes found themselves in totally diffe- rent circumstances. Gregory VII. was the champion of great ideas, of reforms approved of by the vast majority of believers ; and his chief adversary was a

1 Italian News, June 13, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 1916.

2 Instructions to Sir Francis Bryan, August, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2024 ; and T. Clerk and Taylor to Wolsey, August 31, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2031.

3 Campeggio to Jaeopo Salviati, September 16, 1528, Theiner, Vetera Monumenta ffibernorum, p. 567 ; and T. Clerk and Taylor to Wolsey, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2053.

4 T. CJerk to Wolsey, and T. Clerk to Gardiner, September 18, 1528, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. pp. 2060 and 2062 ; and Cardinal Campeggio to Jacopo Salviati, October 17, 1528, Theiner, Vetera Monumenta, p. 570.

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wayward emperor, opposed by strong vassals and CHAP. n. rival sovereigns. Besides, Gregory was not entirely successful. He and his immediate successors, during their struggles with the empire, laid the foundations of those powers which were to ruin their work.

Gregory VII. and his successors, in order to fight the emperor, were obliged to buy the alliance of the kings of France, England, and Spain by considerable concessions, and they thereby helped to strengthen the royal authority in those countries. In order to with- stand the imperial cause in Italy, they befriended the petty princes, the lords and the towns. They aided every rebel, until the spirit of revolt spread to Eome itself; and then the popes had to take shelter in France, where they became dependent on the good will of the French kings. Meanwhile, the Italian republics and small states consolidated their power ; and with political freedom and growing wealth a spirit of research and inquiry arose which led to the founda- tion of numerous schools. Learning ceased to be a privilege of the clergy ; it could be got elsewhere than in the cloister ; it took a decidedly secular turn. Lay lawyers began to be appointed to many of those places in the political world which for centuries had been held almost exclusively by clergymen. From Italy the new movement passed to the rest of western Europe, and during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries universities were founded in Germany, France, Spain, and England, and soon trained a sufficient number of scholars to fill the public offices. Kings availed themselves of these facilities to form good administrations. With the

80 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. help of the lawyers, they enlarged their own functions and curtailed those of the barons, and at the close of the fifteenth century three remarkable men — each in his own kingdom — put an end to the mediaeval system of government. Louis XL in France, Ferdinand the Catholic in Spain, and Henry VII. in England established the royal authority on so strong a basis that for a while no attempt to resist it could prove successful. The power of the barons was broken, and these three kings ruled almost directly and absolutely over all their subjects.

The increase of strength which the royal power received in France, England, and Spain was all the greater because no effective safeguard had as yet been invented against the abuse of it, and because, the malpractices of the barons being so recent and so well remembered, people loyally adhered to the crown as a means of escape from feudal tyranny. Kings who found themselves in so advantageous a position were not much inclined to allow any other power to have sway in their dominions. The inde- pendence of the Church was soon as little to their taste as the independence of the barons had been. Louis XL renewed the Pragmatic Sanction, which had fallen into desuetude, and Francis I. concluded the Con- cordat, which made the clergy even more dependent on the royal will. Ferdinand firmly maintained his right to rule the Church in Sicily, to the Monar- chia as it was called, and — notwithstanding papal protests — used the royal central inquisition in a way diametrically opposed to the wishes of the Eoman court. When the pope fulminated censures against

ANNE BOLEYN. 81

him, Ferdinand threatened with death any person who CHAP. n. should dare to publish the papal mandate ; and the pope, powerless to hurt the king, had to give way. So low had the papacy sunk, so little was its authority regarded.

The rise of these great national monarchies led to the manifestation of a new spirit of patriotism. People began to feel very strongly as Frenchmen and Germans, as Englishmen and Italians. This national spirit was of course opposed to any foreign authority ; and when heresiarchs in Germany and Switzerland denounced the vices, the greed, and the arrogance of Eome, they commanded immediate attention, and soon obtained the support of some of the most im- portant German princes. The Eoman Church had become so unpopular with all but Italians that the ground was ready to receive the seed.

The difficulties of the papacy were increased by the political changes which took place in Europe after the death of Ferdinand of Aragon. Up to the end of the fifteenth century several great European powers, France, Spain, the Empire, Burgundy, balanced each other, while the second-rate states, England, Hungary, Venice, Naples, occupied an independent and in- fluential position. This balance had now been de- stroyed ; there were but two great powers striving for absolute ascendency : the Empire and France. Of the second-rate powers, Naples had been annexed to Spain, Burgundy had been divided, the power of Venice had been broken, while Bohemia and Hungary were soon to fall to the house of Austria. In 1520 the struggle between Charles and Francis had broken

VOL. i. G

82 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. out ; the following year found it in full blaze ; and nearly every state of western Europe took one side or the other.

Had the pope held aloof from the conflict, he would have angered both parties. Leo X., obliged to act with one of the two sovereigns, decided to act with the emperor.

The old pretensions of the pope to stand above the emperor had long been abandoned in all but outward form ; there was no rivalry on this account. On the contrary, the emperor, who wanted to re- constitute the universal Christian republic, of which he was to be the secular chief, seemed the natural ally of the universal Christian Church against heretics and schismatics, against those who claimed national independence. The interests of the pope and the emperor were in so many respects almost identical that Leo's choice was inevitable.

Adrian VI. followed Leo's policy, and Clement, when he ascended the throne, was bound by treaties to assist the emperor. At first he kept his obligations tolerably well, but after a time, listening to the advice of visionary counsellors, in an evil hour for the Church, he allowed his Italian patriotism to overrule his better judgment. He began to oppose, first secretly, then openly, the policy of the emperor. Charles, at the height of his power, was not the man to forgive such resistance. The Colonna, his adherents, entered Kome and spent several days in plundering it. As this had not the desired effect of frightening the pope into submission, Bourbon led his soldiers against the Eternal City, and the result

ANNE BOLEYN. 83

was the sack of Kome. Clement found himself shut CHAP. n. up a prisoner in St. Angelo, and it was only after paying a heavy ransom that he was allowed to escape to Orvieto.

Here he had leisure to reflect on the difficulties of his situation. Even a stronger man than Clement might have been appalled by them. The allegiance of the emperor to the Church seemed well nigh lost. His German and Spanish soldiers had acted out- rageously in Eome ; and neither the German nor the Spanish clergy had shown themselves greatly shocked by the insult offered to the Holy See, while the people of Charles's dominions received the news with pleasure rather .than with pain.

Charles — -it must be remembered- — had been brought up by his grandfather Maximilian, and had been imbued by him with very fantastic and exaggerated notions about the imperial dignity and power. It was not impossible that he might do as some of his predecessors on the imperial throne had done : call a Council, and with its assistance depose the pope. Clement knew that to withstand such an assertion of imperial authority he would have to rely on the help of Francis I., Henry VIII., and the princes of the Italian League. But the devotion of the kings of France and England to the Holy See was less ardent than he could have wished. The French clergy adopted a very independent tone, Francis jealously guarded his new privileges, and politically he did very little for the pope. Henry VIII. , indeed, had for years shown himself a zealous champion of the Holy See ; but he had done so only on the tacit understanding

G 2

84 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. n. that the whole government of the Church in his states was to be left to him and his ministers, the Holy See simply enjoying a few revenues.

Clement could not but fear that if he threw himself entirely on the alliance with Francis and Henry, he would lose his independence. He foresaw that they would wring from him every possible concession, and that he would soon be regarded as their tool. Such a position he would not accept ; he preferred to attempt to regain his power even at the cost of great inconvenience, labour, and danger to himself.

The policy which Clement now adopted was entirely suited to his temper and abilities. He resolved to forgive past offences, and to come to terms with Charles, but at the same time secretly to throw as many difficulties as possible in his way. For Charles V. in difficulties might prove a more obedient son of the Church than Charles V. triumph- ant ; if the emperor were hard pressed by his enemies, he would probably set a higher value on the friendship and favour of the Holy See. The pope might then become the mediator and umpire between the con- tending parties, and re-establish much of his lost authority.

The steps taken by Henry in the matter of the divorce seemed most convenient for Clement's purpose, for Charles could not but be anxious to obtain the assistance of the pope in favour of his aunt. Like other people, Clement thought that the passion of Henry for Anne Boleyn would not last, and that after a time he would either abandon his demand

ANNE BOLEYN. 85

for a divorce or acquiesce in a sentence declaring the CHAP. n. validity of his marriage. Clement supposed, therefore, that at first, without committing himself too far, he might safely show some favour to Henry's views.

In consequence of this policy the breach between the empire and the papacy was well nigh healed ; but unhappily the English business became more , difficult than had been expected. Henry did not give up his purpose ; Wolsey, instead of acting as the pope expected his legate to act, entirely sided with the king ; and both insisted on the mission of Campeggio with exorbitant powers to the legates. These powers Clement was very loath to grant, for he dreaded the revival of Charles's hostility. On the other hand, he was afraid to exasperate Henry, or to anger his mighty patron the king of France. Threats of open rebellion against his authority filled him with alarm ; he dared not face such a danger. As long as he was not quite certain of the lasting allegiance of Charles, he saw that it would be folly to come to an open rupture with the party united against the emperor. He could not run the risk of losing the obedience of both.

Clement did all he could to gain time and to evade an absolutely binding act. He invented every kind of excuse for delay, hoping that in the interval he might make quite sure of Charles, draw Francis away from Henry, and persuade the latter to abandon his design. The first two of these objects he attained ; in the third he failed, because he was hampered by perplexities which rendered success impossible.

In the treatment of Henry's claim Clement could never strike out the bold and honest line which Bishop

86 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. ii. Fisher, John Clerk, Bishop of Bath, and some of the Lutheran divines adopted. Clerk had the courage to declare that the passage in Leviticus does not refer to the widow of a late but to the wife of a living brother, that it does not relate to a marriage but only emphasises the prohibition against adultery in a case where it seems particularly shocking, that the prohibition of canon law is consequently not based upon the passage and can derive no authority from the Bible. Fisher agreed with Clerk;1 but this the pope could not do.

The revolt of the Lutherans had in part been caused by the system of clerical exactions, many innocent acts having been declared sinful in order that the clergy might obtain money and influence by granting dispensations or giving absolution. Lutherans assailed the canon law as a fabric which had been reared independently of the Bible, while Catholic divines tried to prove that the teaching of the Bible formed the basis of the whole structure. In a case of dispensation, therefore, the pope could not speak out as freely as he would have liked ; he could not, by admitting that one part of the canon law differed from the Bible, endanger every other part of it, and thereby furnish new weapons to the heretics, He was a Eoman priest, the chief of the Eoman clergy, and as such he could not make any concession that might imperil the supremacy of Eome.

Embarrassed by these difficulties, Clement lied and shuffled a good deal ; he did not stand up

1 Examination of John Fisher, Record Office, Henry VIII., Box Q, 155.

ANNE BOLEYN. 87

boldly for that which he thought to be right. But CHAP. n. he was influenced much more by regard for the wel- fare of the Church of which he was the head than by fear for his personal safety or by apprehension of another sack of Koine. And in one respect he was successful. Though the north of Germany was lost to Eome, though England was alienated, Clement contrived to retain the allegiance both of the emperor and of the king of France. By sacrificing a part of the dominion of the Church he saved the rest and consolidated its power.

CHAPTER III.

THE DEATH OF WOLSEY.

WHEN Cardinal Campeggio took leave of the pope ^Mission, at Orvieto, Henry seemed to have a fairly good June, prospect of success. Charles V. had not yet been reconciled to the Holy See, the pope was still excluded from his capital, and three of the cardinals remained as hostages at Naples. Nevertheless, true to his pur- pose, Clement instructed Campeggio to act with the greatest caution. Henry and Charles being at enmity, it was now the principal object of the pope to avoid being drawn into the strife. Campeggio, therefore, was first to try to reason Henry out of his purpose, and if this failed he was to ask the queen to give up her rights by entering a convent, in which case the pope was prepared to dispense for bigamy. If the queen would not give way, he was to delay as much as possible the opening of the court.1

Success of While Campeggio was on his way, a great change

in Italy. Pasged over the political situation in Italy. An army

raised by authority of the empire had entered

1 Cardinal Campeggio to Jacopo Salviati, June 21, 1529, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. dclxx. ; and Giovanni da Casale to Wolsey, December 17, 1528, Burnet, Collectanea, part ii. book ii. No. xvii.

ANNE BOLEYN. 89

Lombardy for the purpose of defending it against the CHAP. in. inroads of the French. Though the commander, the j^ Duke of Brunswick, did not act in concert with 1528- Antonio de Leyva, Charles's general, the latter was enabled by the presence of the German force to prevent the Count of Saint Pol from marching to Naples. The army which under Lautrec had invaded Naples and laid siege to the capital, was thus placed in a bad position, which was rendered still worse when Andrea Doria, angered by some slight put upon him by the French, went over with his galleys to July 19, the emperor. The French army suffered greatly from heat and privations ; large numbers, among them Lautrec himself, died of disease ; the remnant, cut off from their line of retreat, were made prisoners by the August very men whom they had just besieged. 28' 1528'

Although success once more attended Charles's Charles V. armies, his behaviour towards the Holy See remained as conciliatory as it had been during the time when his prospects seemed darkest. He continued to carry on negotiations with the pope, the imperial agents being instructed to make moderate demands. More- over, the emperor and his brother Ferdinand began to support the Holy See more energetically in Germany ; they opposed the clamour for a national council, which might have led to the overthrow of the papal power in the whole kingdom. Charles's policy presented a striking contrast to that of Francis and Henry. The French during their short period of success had never done anything in favour of the pope. They had attempted to conquer Naples for their king, but they had not

90 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. thought fit either to drive the Imperialists out of the papal fortresses or to restore those papal towns their allies had occupied. Henry's agents had threatened the pope with open rebellion, and both French and English were constantly pressing him to accept a guard of soldiers, which, as Clement knew, would be a band of disguised gaolers. The pope therefore wished more than ever to secure the friendship of the em- peror, and sent message after message to warn Campeggio not to take any definite step.1 Cam- The legate on his arrival — acting according to his peg&o instructions — tried first of all to dissuade Henry

England, from his purpose. His representations, however, October were met with long theological arguments ; Henry 3> ' 2 ' was proud to show his learning, and would not listen to the counsels of Campeggio. An attempt to shake the queen's fortitude having equally failed, the cardinal had to follow the third course — to procrastinate and to hold back as much as possible.2 The This was taken very ill by the king. Campeggio

showed the decretal to Henry and Wolsey, as he had been directed to do, but he refused to part with it or even to communicate its contents to the royal council. A document which was to remain secret was of little use ; the pope might not, after all, con- sider himself bound by it. To obtain possession of the decretal became, therefore, one of the chief aims of the royal policy. A messenger was sent in hot haste

1 G. B. Sanga to Cardinal Campeggio, September 2 and 16, 1528, Porcacchi, Letter -e di XIII. huomini illustri, pp. 39 and 41.

2 Cardinal Campeggio to G. B. Sanga, October 17, 1528, Laemmer, Monumenta Vaticana, No. xxii.

ANNE BOLEYN. 91

to Sir Gregory Casale, Henry's agent with the pope, CHAP. m. with orders that he should insist on the decretal being handed to Wolsey, that it might be shown to a few members of the council.1 If this had been done, of course the decretal would not have been returned to Campeggio as Henry promised ; it would have been carefully kept as a weapon against the vacillations of Clement.

Sir Gregory received Henry's orders at Bologna. November, Being ill, he sent his brother, John Casale, to the pope to present the royal request. Clement at once detected the trap laid for him, and was greatly angered by the demand. He refused, saying he would give one of his fingers not to have signed the decretal : Campeggio ought to have burnt it as soon as it had been shown to Henry and Wolsey.2 A few days later Sir Gregory himself, having recovered, went to Eome, but he also was unable to shake the pope's resolution. Sir Gregory thereupon sent his brother Vincent to England to give an account of the whole case to the king, while the pope despatched his most confidential December secretary, Francesco Campana, nominally to explain 15» 152a to Henry why his request could not be complied with, in reality to tell Campeggio to destroy the dangerous document without delay.3

1 Wolsey to Gregorio da Casale, November 1, 1528, State Papers, vii. p. 102.

2 Giovanni da Casale to Wolsey, December 17, 1528, Burnet, Collectanea, part i. book ii. No. xviii.

3 F. Bryan and P. Yanni to Wolsey, December 28, 1528, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, b. x. 186 ; and Cardinal Campeggio to Jacopo Salviati, Jane 21, 1529, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. dclxx.

92 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. Before Campana reached London a new incident Causes of occurred. A brief had been found in Spain, addressed Delay. ky Julius II. to Henry and Catherine, different from the bull of dispensation for their marriage and remedying in a way its pretended defect. A certified November, copy was now produced in England before the two 15 8' legates.1 Henry at once asserted that the brief must be a forgery, but Campeggio was not so easily per- suaded. That Henry did not believe the document to be a forgery is amply shown by the attempts he made to obtain possession of it. Charles refused to give April, it up, Clement declined to declare it a forgery without seeing it, and the brief had to be considered genuine.2

The cause was retarded by another circumstance. After the complete overthrow of the French army in Naples, the pope had returned to Rome. Here he had several attacks of rheumatic fever, one of which was so severe that he was reported to be dead, and the rumour reached London. By Clement's death the powers conferred on Wolsey and Campeggio would have terminated ; no progress was made with the cause,

1 Julius II. to " Dilecto filio Heinrico Charmi in Chro filii nri Henrici Anglie Regis 1111 nato 1110 et dilecte in Chro filie Catherine Charmi et in Chr° filii nri Ferdinandi Regis et Charme in chr° filie nre Elizabeth Regine Hispaniarum et Sicilie Catholicorum Nate 1116," December 26, 1503, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, iv. No. 1 ; and Don Inigo de Mendoza to Charles V., November 18, 1528, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. No. 15.

2 P. Vanni to Henry VIII., March 28, 1529, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 154 ; and G. B. Sanga to Cardinal Campeggio, April 10, 1529, Porcacchi, Letter e di XIII. huomini illustri, p. 63. As to the authenticity of the brief see Note C. in the Appendix.

ANNE BOLEYN. 93

therefore, until it was known that the pope had CHAP. m. recovered. All the ingenuity of Campeggio could then serve no longer, he was at last obliged to open the legatine court. But another disagreeable incident happened which Henry and Wolsey had not foreseen. The draft of the papal commission kept at the British Museum is addressed to Wolsey and Campeggio ; 1 and as the English cardinal was of older creation than his Italian colleague it was natural that it should be so addressed. It appears, however, from the minute of the proceedings that the address was changed. Campeggio and Wolsey being commissioned, the former insisted on presiding,2 and he was thereby enabled to procrastinate even more until he should hear from the pope.

The proceedings of the court are well known. The Proceed- first sitting was held on the 18th of June at Black- *%$&£ friars. At the second sitting, on the 21st, Catherine Court- objected to Wolsey as a judge and to England as the place of trial, and declared that she had appealed to the pope. Campeggio, hard pressed by Henry and Wolsey, dared not accept Catherine's protest, and the proceedings went on ; but before judgment could be given, on the 23rd of July, he prorogued the court July 23, under the pretext that this was the time of vacation at Eome.3

Anne watched closely the course of events during

1 Commission of June 8, 1528, Cotton MSS. Yitellius, B. x. 97, and Pocock, Records, vol. i. p. 167.

2 Procedure in Divorce Court, June 21, 1529, Pocock, Records, vol. i. p. 223.

3 Procedure in Divorce Court, Pocock, Records, vol. i. pp. 206—211, and 216—231.

94 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. these eventful days. It is clear from one of Henry's Anne letters to her that, better informed than the king,

dlCam-S s^e distrusted Campeggio even before he reached peggio. the English shore.1 When the legate, shortly after his arrival, showed that he was no obedient tool of the king, her suspicions increased. By-and-by, especi- ally after she received reports of the pope's change of attitude, she became convinced that there was but little probability of a favourable verdict being given by Campeggio. This she ascribed in part to secret machinations of Wolsey — who was supposed to dis- approve of the claim for divorce — in part to the in- fluence of the imperial party at Eome. She felt that if her cause was to triumph she would hence- forward have to rely on her own efforts, as the means Wolsey had proposed and to which he still tena- ciously clung were inadequate. But since the autumn of 1527 she had gained considerable experience, and had been able to attach a good many men to her fortunes, foremost of all the energetic and able secre- tary of Wolsey, Dr. Stephen Gardiner. The cardinal was left with scarcely a friend, exposed to the malice of his enemies, who were made bolder every day by the prospect of his disgrace.2

Stephen Gardiner, who in January had been sent a second ier' time to Eome to assist the English ministers there,

June 22, returned to England on the 22nd of June.3 He had

1529.

1 Crapelet, Henry to Anne Boleyn, Love Letter No. xvii. p. 140.

2 Jean du Bellay to Anne de Montmorency, September 18, 1529, Legrand, vol. iii. fol. 354, &c.

3 Cardinal Campeggio to J. Salviati, June 24, 1529, Theiner, Vetera Monumenta, p. 584.

ANNE BOLEYN. 95

now a chief share of Henry's favour. A week after CHAP. m.

the prorogation of the legatine court, when the news

was received that on the 13th of July the pope, con- juiy 13,

trary to a secret promise made in July, 1528, had

revoked the commission to the legates and decided

that the cause should be tried at Rome, Gardiner was July 28,

made chief secretary to the king.1 Both Henry and 1529'

Anne thought they had found in him a man who

might be advantageously substituted for Wolsey ;

and from this moment the king no longer cared

for his former favourite and prime minister. Anne, Wolsey in

Gardiner, her adherents, and those peers who were

not personally favourable to Catherine, formed an

alliance to bring down the cardinal. Articles were

framed against him, and everybody expected to see

his early ruin.

Contrary to the general anticipation, a short respite was granted to the unhappy victim. His enemies, indeed, prevented him from regaining his influence by the exercise of the power he knew so well how to use in personal intercourse with the king. Henry, attended by Anne and Gardiner, went hunting about the country, and Wolsey's requests to be allowed to repair to the royal presence were evaded or refused. But outwardly his position was unchanged, and no open attack upon it was allowed.

Wolsey's doom was postponed because it was still hoped that by his means the divorce might be secured. Cardinal Campeggio, after having received due notice

1 Mi§er May to Charles V., August 4, 1529, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,579, fol. 20 ; and Gardiner to Yanni, July 28, 1529, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2591.

96 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. that his powers had been revoked, prepared to return Septeriiber to Eome. On the 19th of September he presented 19, 1529. himseif at Grafton to take leave of the king. With some difficulty Wolsey had obtained permission to ac- company his colleague, and to the astonishment of the courtiers Henry received both in the most gracious manner. He had a long conversation with "Wolsey, treating him with the greatest kindness. On the following morning, however, the king went out early to hunt, and Wolsey saw him no more, but had to return with Campeggio to London.1 On the 5th of October the Italian cardinal left and proceeded by October 8, slow journeys to Dover, which he reached on the 8th.2 If29' Here the royal officers of the custom-house seized

Cam- J

peggio's his luggage, and, notwithstanding his passport and searched. hig quality of legate, broke open the chests and subjected everything to a minute search.3

This was not an act of mere stupid insolence, nor did the king intend simply to punish Campeggio for his disinclination to proceed with the case. The incident was a part of a well pondered plan. Henry and Anne thought that the famous decretal might still be in Campeggio's possession, and that on strict search

1 Thomas Alward to Thomas Cromwell, September 23, 1529, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xii. 173, printed by EUis, first series, i. 307.

2 Cardinal Campeggio to Jacopo Salviati, October 7, 1529, Theiner, Vetera Monumenta, p. 587.

3 Henry VIII. to Cardinal Campeggio, October 22, 1529, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2677 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 25, 1529, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. No. 23, printed by Bradford, Correspondence of Charles F. Carlo Sigonio, in his Life of Cardinal Campeggio, gives a highly coloured account of this affair, but adduces no authority.

ANNE BOLEYN. 97

it might be discovered among his luggage. Had this CHAP. m. been the case, Campeggio would have been allowed — if necessary, even obliged — to depart ; Wolsey would have received orders to reopen the legatine court ; and as the commission gave power to the legates together, or to either of them separately, the cardinal would not have dared to disobey. Any protests of Catherine would have been met by producing the decretal and the pope's written promise not to revoke the powers of the legates. Wolsey would have proceeded to give judgment in favour of Henry, and the trick would have been successfully played. Such, from all the circumstances, seems to have been the plan of Henry and his ad- visers ; but it was frustrated, for the decretal had been destroyed after the arrival of Campana in January. York herald, who had accompanied Campeggio, rode post haste to London with the woful tidings that the document could not be found.1 This sealed Wolsey 's doom ; there was no longer any reason for sparing him. The same day on which the news was received October 9, Christopher Hales, the king's attorney, preferred a 1529* bill against him for prsemunire ; shortly afterwards, on the 17th of October, he was deprived of the seals ; October and his committal to the Tower was daily expected.2 l ' 1529' For a moment Wolsey lost courage, and sat weeping

1 Accounts of Bryan Tuke, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 315.

2 Bill of Indictment, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2686 ; Memorandum of the Surrender of the Great Seal, Rymer, Fcedera, xiv. p. 349 ; and G. Cavendish, Life of Cardinal Wolsey, p. 251.

VOL. I. H

98 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. and lamenting his misfortunes. He probably over- rated the danger to which he was exposed ; for Henry, who had not yet made up his mind to come to an open rupture with Rome, and who hoped still to induce Charles V. and Clement to accede to his requests, would scarcely have dared to lay hands on a cardinal. Nor would he have embittered the strife by pushing on a prosecution for prsemunire for the exercise of legatine powers in England. But Wolsey dreaded the worst, and tried to save himself by com- plete submission. He acknowledged that he had been guilty of an offence which he had never committed, and sought to conciliate his most powerful enemies by heavy bribes ; granting pensions on the bishopric of Winchester to Norfolk, George Boleyn, and the friends of Anne,1 and giving up to the king all his movable property, all pensions or money due to him,

October and the palace of York Place at Westminster be-

22, 1529. }onging to the archbishopric.2 Thoroughly humbled

and stripped of his wealth, he was allowed to retire

to Esher to spend the winter without further

molestation.3

A new Immediately after the disgrace of the cardinal, his

9ment~ enemies set themselves to form a new government.

formed. There was some rivalry about the first place. The Duke of Suffolk had been foremost in the attack

1 Grant to G. Boleyn, R.O., Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2730 ; and Wolsey to Cromwell, /State Papers, vol. i. p. 355, &c.

2 Indenture, October 22, 1529, R.O., Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2678.

3 Letters of Protection, November 18, 1529, Rymer, Feeder a, xiv. 351.

ANNE BOLEYN. 99

and claimed his reward, but the Duke of Norfolk was CHAP. in. the abler statesman and was the uncle of Anne. This latter consideration seems to have been decisive. Norfolk was made president and Suffolk vice-presi- dent of the council. The chancellorship was thus stripped of much of its importance and splendour, and if Anne had had her way, it would have been granted to Gardiner. But Gardiner himself was not over anxious to be appointed to so difficult and dangerous an office. A bishopric seeming much more convenient, he preferred a promise of promotion to the see of Winchester, which was about to become vacant by the renunciation of Wolsey. The seals were given to a man less thoroughgoing and able in politics, but whose literary fame, high character for probity, and great breadth of view promised to shed a lustre on the cabinet — to Sir Thomas More. Sir William Fitzwilliam, the treasurer of the house- hold, received in addition to his office that of chan- cellor of the duchy of Lancaster. Cuthbert Tunstall was allowed to hold for a few months more the post of keeper of the privy seal. After this he accepted March 25, the see of Durham, giving up the bishopric of London to Dr. John Stokesley, an ardent advocate of the divorce, and making over the privy seal to Anne's father.

The new government was eminently aristocratic, with a strong leaning towards France. Norfolk, Suffolk, Boleyn, Fitzwilliam, and More were all in receipt of pensions from Francis.1 But as yet they

1 Pensions payees en Angleterre, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francis, vol. 2997, fol. 54.

H 2

100 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. were not quite agreed as to the policy to be adopted ; they had arrived at power without a clear programme, the chief bond of union between them being their common hatred of the cardinal.

The first thing to be done was to provide for the meeting of parliament. Shortly after the proroga- tion of the legatine court, writs had been issued for the election of members to serve in a new parliament to assemble on the 3rd of November. But the control of the elections was taken from Wolsey and confided to the Duke of Norfolk and his allies, who of course were most careful to nominate only such members as were likely to favour the intended change of policy.1

In the time of Henry VII L the House of Commons was not really an elective body. The sheriff generally received with the writ a letter men- tioning the names of the persons whom the king wished to be elected as knights and burgesses. In a few boroughs the responsibility of making arrange- ments for the elections was nominally entrusted to the bishop or to some of the lords, but this was a mere matter of form, for in each case the patron was informed of the royal wish and had to see that it was fulfilled.

When the sheriff received the writ, he communi- cated the contents of the accompanying letter to the gentry or citizens, and called together as many electors as he thought fit. Either there were no electoral lists, or they were little regarded. Electors living at a distance often did not know when the

1 Gardiner to Wolsey, R.O., Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2668.

ANNE BOLEYN. 101

nomination was to take place, and those who appeared CHAP. m. were generally men who could be trusted to vote as they were directed. If anybody was bold enough to oppose the royal candidates, his opposition was rarely if ever of any avail. A show of hands decided against him. And it was not quite safe to contest a seat against the king's nominee or to vote for any one who ventured to do so. This was considered a clear proof of wilfulness, a most heinous offence under the Tudors, and a man guilty of so grave an in- discretion was soon denounced at headquarters, and generally received a letter of appearance, that is to say, an order to present himself before the royal council. By the council he was soundly rated for his presumption, and if he did not at once make humble submission, he had to appear again. If after several such appearances he remained stubborn, he might find himself as a seditious and lewd person committed to Newgate or the Marshalsea, there to meditate on the duties of a good subject. Thus the members of the House of Commons were about as freely elected as the bishops ; the writ and the letter setting forth the king's wish formed together a conge d'elire.

And even if, by some mischance, independent can- didates were returned, this did not mean that they were allowed to take their seats. In the spring of 1536, the sheriff of Canterbury received the royal writ, but inadvertently the letter of Secretary Cromwell was not handed to him. He immediately called May 12, together about seventy substantial men, who elected two representatives. Scarcely had the new members been declared duly elected, when Crom well's letter

102 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. arrived. The sheriff wrote to the secretary excul- pating himself and regretting that the king's wish could not be fulfilled ; l but he was soon undeceived. The reply of Cromwell we do not possess, but the May 19, result of it was that a week later the mayor and 1536> sheriff summoned eighty or more good and substantial men, and that they elected the two royal candidates without a single dissentient voice.2

November A parliament thus chosen met on the 3rd of

3> li 29- November. The interval between the dismissal of

Wolsey and the opening of the session had been

employed by Henry and Anne in viewing the rich

Anne and spoil they had obtained. They went down to Green-

Hyry,at wich and then secretly to York Place, where the

Place, magnificent furniture and the plate were exhibited

to them.3 Anne was highly pleased with all she saw,

and decided that this should be the future town

residence of the king, one great advantage of it

being that there was no apartment for Catherine.

Necessary changes in the building were to be begun

at once, neighbouring houses were to be pulled down

to provide space for a garden, York Place was to

become Whitehall.4

TU new Shortly afterwards the king returned to his new policy. Dwelling to be present at the opening of parliament.

1 John Hobbys, sheriff of Canterbury, to Cromwell, May 12, 1536, R.O., Cromwell Correspondence, vol. v. fol. 108.

2 The mayor and sheriff of Canterbury to Cromwell, May 20, 1536, R.O., Cromwell Correspondence, vol. v. fol. 102.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 25, 1529, Vienna Archives, P.C. 225, i. No. 23.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., February 6, 1530, and May 14, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 24 and 227, i. fol. 43.

ANNE BOLEYN. 103

Sir Thomas More read to the two houses a long speech CHAP. m. in which the cardinal was not spared and in which a new and better policy was promised.1 One of the first proofs of this better policy was the passing of a bill by which the king was released from all debts he had contracted towards his subjects, on the whole a sum of nearly £150,000, of which his creditors were thus cheated.2 After this, little was done during the session, except that a great many complaints were made against the rapacity and insolence of the clergy.3 As these complaints -could scarcely have been made without the consent of ministers, they showed the real inclinations and tendencies of the cabinet.

If little was done as far as politics were con- Favour cerned, a good deal was done to promote the interest °

of Anne and her family. First her brother, George

Boleyn, a very young and totally untried man,

was placed at the head of an embassy to France ; 4

and Lord Rochford, while his son was employed on

this honourable and lucrative errand, was raised

in dignity. On the 8th of December he was The Earl

created Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, and his &fa^

daughter became Lady Anne 5 — strange to say, Lady j)ecemi(r

Anne Rochford, not Lady Anne Boleyn : for what 8» 1529-

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 8, 1529, Vienna Archives, P.O. 225, i. No. 24.

2 Statutes of the Realm, vol. iii. p. 315.

3 Grievances charged by the Commons upon the Spiritualty; Hall, Union of the Houses of York and Lancaster, p. 765.

4 Instructions to G. Boleyn and Dr. Stokesley, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 219.

5 Patent, December 8, 1529, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2718.

104 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. reason I do not know, except, perhaps, that Bullen, the mercer, was still too well remembered.

To mark the favour shown to Anne, a great December banquet was given by the king on the day after the ceremony, Anne occupying Catherine's place, above the Duchesses of Suffolk and Norfolk and other ladies of high rank. The banquet was followed by a ball, and by such feasts and rejoicings that nothing, says Chapuis, seemed wanting but the priest to make the lovers exchange their rings. There wTas no longer the slightest restraint : everybody understood that Anne was to be the queen.1

friends As to the means by which her exaltation was to and be brought about there was some difference of

enemies. • • a jr n i j * • A >

opinion, feutiolk was by no means ardent m Anne s cause, for he considered himself ill-treated, the arro- gance of the Boleyns annoyed him, and he could not gain anything by the divorce. The peers generally took the same view : the cardinal having been ousted from office, and the officials thoroughly humbled, they wanted no more. Nor were the officials much more eager, for the game was a hazardous one. Of those who sat in the royal council More and Tunstall were secretly hostile, Gardiner was begin- ning to cool down ; even Anne's uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, occasionally showed himself lukewarm, while the duchess, with whom he was still on tolerable terms, supported Catherine. Only Anne's father could be thoroughly trusted, and he was about to leave England for a considerable time.

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 13, 1529, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 81.

ANNE BOLEYN. 105

During the spring of 1529 the reconciliation be- CHAP. m. tween Charles V. and the Holy See had been made Mission complete, a treaty having been concluded at Barcelona Wiltshire on the 29th of June. Charles had thereupon decided to to visit the pope in Italy. The meeting took place at Bologna ; and on the 29th of February, 1530, Charles February was crowned emperor. Afterwards the two chiefs of 29' 1{ Christendom remained together for some time in order to discuss the many grave matters by which the western world was troubled ; and Henry seized the occasion to send an embassy to Charles and Clement to reason them out of their opposition to the divorce.

At first it had been intended to entrust the Duke of Norfolk with this mission, but as he had no wish to be blamed for a failure he knew to be inevitable, he prayed to be excused. He did not speak French well enough, he said, the Earl of Wiltshire would be a better ambassador.1 The earl may also have felt reluctance to go on a bootless errand, and to travel among robbers and soldiers ; but, if so, his objections were overcome by the prayers of his daughter and by the prospect of an extraordinarily high salary.2 He was to be accompanied by Dr. Edward Lee, by Dr. Stokesley, who was already in France collecting opinions in favour of the divorce, by Dr. Thomas Cranmer, who had been his chaplain, and by Dr. Edward Karne. He left on the 21st of January January, 1530, with a large retinue, was joined by 21» 153a

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 13, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. fol. 4.

2 Bryan Tuke's Accounts, January 20, 1530, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 317.

106 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. Stokesley, and proceeded by slow stages towards Italy.1 At Roanne, learning that the emperor was going to leave Bologna, he took post horses, and, abandoning his retinue, rode forward in hot haste. But he was not equal to the exertion : at Lyons he was so tired that he had to stop ; his train rejoined him, and the whole company proceeded to Bologna together.2

Wiltshire^ The earl arrived at Bologna on the 14th of March.

failure, rpj^ f0uowjnnr day he had an audience of the emperor,

March 15, .

1530. but it was merely formal, and he had to wait a few days before finding an opportunity of explaining his errand. He began by asking whether the emperor would permit him and his colleagues to argue the matter of the divorce before the cardinals, and whether, if the English could convince the consistory, Charles would cease to resist the king's wishes. The emperor at once interrupted him by a very pertinent question : " Will your king, on his part, bind himself to desist from the divorce if the cardinals are not convinced by you ? " The earl could but reply that he had no power to give this pledge. " Then," said Charles, " I shall not promise anything either ; the matter must take its regular course before the proper tribunal." The earl now began to recite his commission, a long theological treatise, and Charles leant back in his chair while the tedious lecture proceeded. When it was ended, he calmly repeated that the matter was to take

1 E. Ghapuis to Charles V., January 25, 1530, Yienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. fol. 7.

2 J. du Bellay to Montmorency, February 20, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3080, fol. 90.

ANNE BOLEYN. 107

its regular course at Kome, and that he would not CHAP. m. hear any further argument.1 All attempts to shake his resolution proved fruitless ; the most tempting bribes were rejected with scorn.

A few days later the emperor left, but before his departure the imperial ministers played a most annoy- ing trick on the ear]. Simonetta, auditor of the tribunal of the Rota, had issued a citation calling on Henry to appear in person or by proxy before him at the tribunal in Rome. Copies of this act had been sent to England, but no usher had been bold enough to serve it on the king ; and the cause had been thereby delayed, much to the annoyance- of the Imperialists. Wiltshire^ as duly accredited ambassador, repre- sented the person of the king, and to serve the writ on him would be sufficient for the proceedings ; ac- cordingly an usher presented himself at his lodgings and exhibited the citation. Wiltshire protested, and his colleagues and his servants would fain ha,ve knocked down the usher, but behind him stood the threatening forms of Charles's Spanish soldiers and bravi. The writ was served. As long as Charles and his guards remained at Bologna, Wiltshire dared not even remonstrate ; but on the day after the emperor's departure he went to the pope and bitterly complained of the indignity offered to him. He entreated the Holy Father, if not to recall the citation, at least to grant a delay, promising, on the part of the king, that in the interval no further steps should be taken in England. Clement,

1 Charles Y. to Eustache Chapuis, March 25, 1530, Yienna Archives, P.O. 228, ii. fol. 50.

108 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. having sent a message to Charles, granted a delay of six weeks, and this was all the earl could obtain.1 Shortly afterwards the pope left Bologna, and Wiltshire took his way by Milan and Turin to France.

When Henry heard of the failure of Wiltshire's mission he was extremely angry, and laid the whole blame on the ambassador's incapacity and want of energy. In those with whom he had hitherto had to deal, Henry had generally observed only abject cring- ing or coarse egotism ; either people had bowed to his caprice, or they had resisted him because it was their interest to do so. Himself destitute of generous senti- ments, and having scarcely ever seen any evidence of them in others, he was unable to understand them or even to believe seriously in their existence. Here he met with an opposition which was wholly dis- interested ; the offers of friendship, of money and military help, which the earl had been commissioned to make to Charles V., had been treated with the same contempt as the hints thrown out that Henry might be driven by the emperor's obstinacy to enter into closer alliance with the French. This, Henry thought, could have been due only to the manner in which his wishes had been represented to Charles. He was angry and annoyed, and regretted that the ability of

1 Charles Y. to Chapuis, March 25, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, ii. fol. 55 : " Disant le comte de Wilschire que combien quil neu procuration speciale pour assehurer que le diet Roy son maistre ne innoveroit rien de son couste cependant par voie de fait ny autrement que touteffois il avoit bien tel credit de son diet maistre quil sen vouloit bien faire fort ..."

ANNE BOLEYN. 109

which. Wolsey had given him so many proofs was no CHAP. m. longer at his command.1

The cardinal, having thrown himself on the king's Wolsey

_ , pardoned.

mercy, had received royal letters 01 protection, by which all proceedings against him had been stayed ; and his friends had begun once more to rally round him. Soon after Christmas an attempt was made to obtain for him an interview with the king.2 He fell January, ill, and his physician asked for a consultation with Dr. Butt, the king's physician.3 This request was complied with ; and Butt, a secret friend, reported to Henry that the cardinal's life was in danger, that the chief cause of his malady was anxiety and grief for the royal displeasure, and that if he continued in the same state of mind he would shortly be dead. Henry, so Cavendish relates, exclaimed that he would not lose the cardinal for £20,000. He sent Wolsey a token of his favour, asking Anne to do the same, and she willingly assented, since, by showing herself more relenting towards the fallen minister, she hoped to be all the better able to counteract his schemes.4

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 10 and July 11, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. fols. 50 and 59 ; J. J. de Vaulx to Francis I., April 2 and 4, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3019, fol. 126.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 6, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 24.

3 Dr. Agostino to Cromwell, January 19, 1530, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2747.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 6, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 24 : " Sire tin cousin du medecin du Cardinal ma clit que la dame lavoyt envoye visitor durant sa maladie et se presenter de luy estre favorable vers le Roy quest chose dure a croyre attendu ce que dessus et linimitie quelle

110 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. Doctor Butt returned to Esher to deliver the messages with which he had been charged, and to convey a promise that Wolsey 's pardon should be made out.1 Though the main object of the intrigue had not been attained, something, at least, had been secured ; the

February pardon was sealed on the 12th of February, and,

12, 1530. on the 14th, the temporalities of York were returned to the cardinal, as well as £6,374 in money, plate, and other movables.2 He was, moreover, allowed to

pensions. leave Esher, the air of which did not agree with him, and to retire to Eichmond Lodge.

If Henry really exclaimed that he would not lose the cardinal for £20,000, he spoke in a very matter-of- fact way of an intrigue he was carrying on. Like all spendthrifts, he was always in want of money, and his greed overruled nearly every other considera- tion. Wolsey had in his first fright ceded to the king not only all his movable property, but all sums due to him as debts and as pensions, and had offered to aid Henry in realising these assets. The pensions from Spain, and the arrears thereof, there was little hope of obtaining, for even when the cardinal was in power they had been most irregularly paid. But it was possible that the French debt and pensions might be realised, and they were so considerable as to tempt the cupidity of the king.

August, When in 1525 Wolsey had negotiated the peace

1525.

luy a toujours porte, ce nestoit ou quelle pensast quil dehust mourir ou quelle heu voulu monstrer sa dissimulacion et affayterie de quoy au dire du commung elle est bonne ouvriere."

J G. Cavendish, Life of Cardinal Wolsey, p. 287.

2 Rymer, Fo&dera, xiv. pp. 366 and 374.

ANNE BOLEYN. Ill

with France which was signed at the More, he had not CHAP. m. forgotten his personal interests. He had asked that 100,000 crowns should be given to him, and that the arrears of pension, which had been stopped during the war, should be paid with the coming instalments. These requests had been granted, and an obligation for the whole sum of 123,885 crowns, equal to about £27,000, had been made out. He was to receive from that time half-yearly 12,500 crowns, of which 4,000 crowns were to be his regular pension, and 8,500 crowns an instalment of the arrears. Had all the eight payments from November 1525 to May 1529 been made, the debt would have been reduced to 55,885 crowns. But since 1527 no payments had been made, and Wolsey, already insecure in his position, had not dared to press for them, but had tried to conciliate Francis by allowing him to employ the money in the prosecution of the war and for the ransoming of his children. It was uncertain whether the claim to the 37,500 crowns thus expended by Francis had been entirely abandoned, as the French pretended, or only postponed, as the English main- tained. If the latter view was correct, the sum still due to Wolsey was about 93,000 crowns, that is to say, a little more than the £20,000 at which Henry had rated his life. Besides, the November instalment of the pension was already due, and another would be due in May.1

All these sums Wolsey had made over to the king, but it was doubtful whether under the altered circumstances

1 J. J. de Yaulx to Francis L, March 5, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3014, fol. 78.

11-2 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. they could be realised. The French would certainly raise difficulties, and the help of the cardinal seemed absolutely necessary to obtain payment. This gave him a considerable advantage, as he was pretty sure to be allowed to remain in the vicinity of the court where he would be able to press Jean Joaquin, the French ambassador, for payment of the arrears and of the amount becoming due. He was made to ask urgently for these sums under the pretence that he was now very poor and in debt. The Duke of Norfolk earnestly backed his request, and gave the French to understand that Henry would be glad if the money were paid, that Wolsey might live at ease at his bishopric. But Jean Joaquin was not the dupe of Henry ; he cleverly evaded all demands for payment, and asked the cardinal to give him a receipt for the amounts which Francis had been permitted to use in 1528 and in May 1529.1

As time went on, the resentment of Henry against his former prime minister abated. Already the friends of the cardinal dared to speak of him to the king, and made no secret of their sympathy.2 'It

1 J. J. de Vaulx to Francis I., March 15, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3014, fols. 80, 81.

2 Eustaclie Chapuis to Charles V., February 6, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. fol. 24 : " Jean Joaquin a charge . . . de rabiller les affaires du Cardinal avec le Roy que seroit sans la dame fort ayse. ... La pratique bien demesle ne pourroit estre plus advantageuse pour eulx mais elle nest sans grand danger de demoure imparfaytte et dirrite ceulx que ont le credit et manie- ment aux quieux y va la vie. . . . Maistre Rossel ma dit que a cause quil avoit porte quelque parolle au Roy en faveur du diet Cardinal que la dame avoit bien demoure ung moys luy tenant trognie et refusant luy parler."

ANNE BOLEYN. 113

was their wish to procure for Wolsey an interview with CHAP. m. Henry, that he might once more use his powers of flattery and persuasion. As the fine season, during which Henry went roaming about the country, was fast approaching, there was every chance that a meeting might take place ; for, if the king came near Richmond Lodge, the cardinal might, as if by acci- dent, find himself in his way. This was a danger which Anne and her associates viewed with consider- able alarm.1 They all agreed that the cardinal must leave, and the recovery of the French pensions became a matter of secondary importance, which was not to prevent Wolsey's departure. Even if he remained, it seemed doubtful whether it would be possible to overcome the stubbornness of Jean Joaquin.

Anne openly resented the conduct of those friends of Wolsey who dared to speak in his favour, while her uncle pressed him to leave for York.2 It was in vain that Wolsey pleaded poverty, the bad state of the roads, and the worse state of his houses in Yorkshire ; his excuses were not accepted. Norfolk was now prime minister in his turn, and spoke in the name of the king, so that the cardinal was obliged to obey. But before starting for York, a Wolsey few days before Easter, he had an interview with ^£° Jean Joaquin, and, having no further interest in con- March, tinuing the intrigue about his arrears, he tried to

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 6, 1530, loc. tit. : " Jentends que pour remedier a cet inconvenient yl aye este ordonne quil napprocheroit de la court de cinq ou sept milles de ce pays."

2 Chapuis to Charles V., February 6, 1530, loc. cit. VOL. I. I

114 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. gain the good will of Francis by signing the three receipts for 37,500 crowns. His life thus lost £9,000 of its value to Henry.1

Wolsey's hope of obtaining some assistance from France was wholly illusory. Had he known what negotiations were going on between France and England, he would not have expected any advantage for himself by pleasing the French. For the new cabinet were even more eager than he to conciliate Francis ; they professed the utmost anxiety to meet all his demands. The influence of Francis at the English court had increased to such an extent that he could scarcely have wished for more.2

Henry's chief object was now to obtain opinions

from learned men and learned bodies in favour of the

Theolo- divorce. His pedantic folly led him to believe that

9wns^and foQ world at large and the Roman court would regard divorce, such opinions — however dishonestly come by — with a certain reverence. Fair and foul means, more foul than fair, were not spared to secure signatures for the king. In England intimidation was freely used, and nearly every divine or lawyer, fearing the royal anger, bullied and insulted by the royal commissioners, subscribed. A few resisted, but they were so small a minority that Henry could boast that in England almost everybody was on his side.

On the Continent his agents found it much

1 J. J. de Yaulx to Francis I., March 27, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3126, fol. 106.

2 J. J. de Yaulx to Francis I., March 22, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3012, fol. 79, &c.

ANNE BOLEYN. 115

more difficult to obtain favourable opinions. Though CHAP. m. they offered bribes to any theologian who would sub- scribe, they met with such a reception in Germany that all hope of success in that country had to be abandoned. Eoman Catholics and Lutherans con- curred in holding the marriage to be perfectly lawful.1 Spain and the Low Countries were out of the question, for not only were most of their theologians hostile to Henry, but even if it had been possible to induce any one by bribes to support him, Charles would never have allowed the English agents to make the attempt. There remained but France and Upper Italy, and here the English agents were hard at work trying to obtain subscriptions. The task was by no means easy. Frenchmen were certainly rather unfavourable to Charles and to his family ; nevertheless, they would not decide against Catherine. The Faculty of Theology of the University of Paris, the famous Sorbonne, obstinately refused to give an opinion. The Faculties of Theology of Angers and Poitiers went further, and declared the marriage with Catherine to have been perfectly lawful.2 Henry saw that if the

1 Dr. Martin Luther's Saemmtliche Schriften, vol. x. p. 716, Sermon, anno 1522 : "Das" (to marry a late brother's widow) "ist nun nicht mehr geboten doch auch nicht verboten," and Ibid. vol. x. pp. 744 and 745, Sermon (anno 1525?): "Daraus folget dass ich meines Weibes oder Braut Schwester nach ihrem Tode ehelichen mag, darzu auch des Bruders Weib nach seinem Tode im Gesetz befohlen war zu nehmen." At a later period Luther disapproved of such marriages, but he never admitted that a marriage once concluded with a deceased brother's widow was illegal and void.

2 Opinion of Angers, May 7, 1530, Legrand, vol. iii. p. 507 \

I 2

116 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. other French universities followed the example of the

Faculties of Angers and Poitiers, his cause would be

entirely discredited ; and as this could not be pre-

Influence vented by his own efforts, he urged Francis to use his

Francis!, influence with the doctors of Paris.1 Francis could

scarcely be expected to render such a service for

nothing, and in order to obtain it the English court

was obliged to make concessions of every kind, and

to offer very real advantages.

But it was not only in France that the assistance of Francis seemed indispensable ; in Italy too the English agents would have failed, had they not been backed by the French party. At that time the whole peninsula was divided into two hostile camps : the French and the Spanish or Imperial. In every town of Upper Italy Charles and Francis had numerous adherents or pensioners, ready to obey their behests. Henry had no such organised party at his command, and without French aid the English agents would never have been allowed to bribe as they did. The

and Opinion of Poitiers, April 23, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, ii. fol. 25.

1 Gr. du Bellay and J. J. de Vaulx to Francis I., February 15, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3019, fol. 112: "Sicome col mezo de V. Mte la Mta sua non dubita que tutti ben sentirano altramente chin suo favor non puo venire, cossi disse ley. E perche la prestezza importa . . ." ; and J. J. de Vaulx to Francis I., March 5, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3014, fol. 78: "E se con tal mezo S. Sta inclinera al intento desso Smo Re in buona hora se manco Sua Mte, parendoli haver justissima causa, per satisfatione della sua conscientia per aventura prendera degli expedient! che a lei e al suo buon consiglio pareran piu al proposito . . ." ; and J. J. de Vaulx to Francis I., March 27, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3126, fol. 106.

ANNE BOLEYN. 117

Imperialists would have asked for their expulsion, and the request would have been granted. But when the English were backed by France, they were able to disregard the Imperialists and to bribe as much as they pleased.

For the same reasons French assistance was necessary at Home, where the College of Cardinals was divided into an Imperial and into a French faction. A few cardinals might be neutral, but there was no English faction, and not even a single Englishman occupied any important position in Eome. It was only through the influence of the French party that the English agents could hope to obtain an opportunity of gaining over some of those opposed to the divorce.

Under these circumstances, the English government, Deference if bent on pursuing the course which had been adopted English by Wolsey, could have no policy of its own ; it could Govern- not risk defeat by alienating the good will of the France. French king. Never therefore had there been such demonstrations of affection for France. When a quarrel as to some disputed territory near Calais arose, Henry, otherwise so punctilious, exclaimed that he would permit the French to take a rod of his ground rather than allow his servants to take a foot of what belonged to France, and the matter was settled to the satisfaction of the French ambassador.1 And so in all other matters ; it was no longer necessary to buy the friendship of English ministers by such bribes and services as

1 J. J. de Yaulx to A. de Montmorency, November 15, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Italians, vol. 1131, fol. 44.

118 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. Wolsey had claimed ; the most powerful influence, that of Anne, was bound to Francis.1 The Earl of Wiltshire had, by command of Henry, stayed all the summer in France, partly to give an account of his mission to Francis, partly to negotiate a March, closer alliance.2 George Boleyn, who was totally unfit for his new post and who longed to be back in England, had been recalled, and John Welles- bourne had taken his place.3 But the principal negotiation remained in the hands of Wiltshire. Wiltshire The earl not only acted as Henry's minister, Francis I ^e worked in favour of his daughter. He begged that, as soon as the French princes should be liberated by Charles, Jean du Bellay, who was now a staunch friend of the Boleyns, should go to England and promote Anne's cause ; and he promised that if she were made queen she would for ever be the most devoted adherent of Francis. Du Bellay disliked the mission, but Francis was not wholly deaf to such overtures,4 for it seemed worth while to make an effort

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 15, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 61 : "Le diet Sr Koy de France na rien perdu a la mort du Cardinal dYorch recouvrant cette dame car oultre quelle est plus maligne et a plus de credit que navoit lautre il ne luy bailie vint cinq mille escus comme il faisoit au susdit Cardinal ains tant seulement flatteries et promesses de soliciter le divorce."

2 J. Breton de Villandry to A. de Montmorency, May 6, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3018, fol. 58.

3 J. J. de Yaulx to Francis I., March 27, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3126, fol. 106 ; and Accounts of Sir Bryan Tuke, March 20, 1530, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 318.

4 J. du Bellay to A. de Montmorency, June 26, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3079, fol. 35 : " Je crois Mgr. Vous souvient dun propos que je Vous tins a Bayonne qui avoit est mis en

ANNE BOLEYN. 119

to bring about a lasting enmity between Henry and CHAP. m. Charles. Wiltshire was treated with the greatest courtesy ; and the king flattered his vanity, which seems to have been great, by lodging him at the palace and by giving splendid entertainments in his honour. Moreover, his request regarding du Bellay was granted.1 French

With the help of Francis, whose ministers bullied

and browbeat the Parisian doctors, an irregular ,.the

divorce.

opinion was obtained at one of the sessions of

the faculty of theology declaring the marriage July 2>

between Henry and Catherine to have been void

and illegal.2 Forty-three doctors protested against

the vote as surreptitiously obtained, but the registers

were taken away, so that the opinion could not be

cancelled.3 Other French universities followed the

avant envers Mr. de Yuilcher pour resserrer lamitie de ces deux Boys quil na oublie envers son maistre de sorte quil este arreste que incontinent messieurs delivres je cours en Angleterre pour cet effect . . . il est vray quon se fust bien passe de tant se haster . . . il ny a plus ordre de rompre la chose mais vostre venue la pourra beaucoup amender."

1 J. du Bellay to A. de Montmorency, "De Moulins ce mardi," Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3079, fol. 45; and J. Breton de Villandry to A. de Montmorency, May 6, 1530, loc. cit.

2 Francis I. to the President of Paris, June 17, 1530, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 2903 ; Guillaume du Bellay to A. de Montmorency, June 12, July 8, and August 15 and 18, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3020, fol. 113; 3080, fol. 153; 3079, fols. 91 and 99; Jean du Bellay to A. de Montmorency, August 15, 1530, Ibid. vol. 3077, fol. 93 ; and Opinion of the Faculty of Theology of Paris, July 2, 1530, Bymer, Feeder a, vol. xiv. p. 393.

8 Names of doctors in favour of Catherine, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, ii. fol. 28.

120 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. example of Paris, and with these favourable results

the Earl of Wiltshire returned in the beginning of

August to England. He was closely followed by

August du Bellay, who arrived in London on the seventeenth

17, 1530. « , , , TI

of the same month/

The bishop, when received by the royal council, advocated a bold course. He urged that Henry should marry the Lady Anne, and expressed his belief that with the help of the French king Clement would be brought to ratify the marriage. This seemed plausible enough, for Clement himself had in former times spoken in a sense very nearly the same, but the English council were as averse from the plan as ever, for they feared that by such precipitancy England might be made even more dependent on French help. With the exception of Anne's uncle and father all the councillors voted against the scheme, the Duke of Suffolk being loudest in opposition.2 The bishop spoke rather sharply about their action, and it seemed to him that a sudden change had come over the English court, for in other matters also he met with a cold response. The treaty which he had been com- missioned to sign was not concluded, and for a moment it appeared as if the mission, instead of confirming, would shake the friendship with France.

Du Bellay failed chiefly because the members of

1 E. Chapuis to Margaret of Savoy, August 20, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iv. fol. 45.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 5, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 73 : " Et dient que le due de Susphoc a este celluy qua le plus resiste." The abstract of this letter given by Mr. de Gayangos in his Calendar, vol. iv. part i. p. 708 to 710, is very inaccurate.

ANNE BOLEYN. 121

the council were once more quarrelling. Wolsey CHAP. m. being far off at York, they thought themselves secure, Dissension and those who found their share of the spoil insufficient now meditated the overthrow of Anne and her uncle. The Duke of Suffolk had been so enraged by the slight put upon his wife at the banquet, and by subsequent acts of insolence of Anne and her brother, that he dared to tell the king that the woman he destined for the throne had been the mistress of one of his gentlemen. Sir Thomas Wyatt seems to have been meant, but in any case Suffolk offered to prove the accusation by the evidence of unimpeachable witnesses. Henry either disbelieved or feigned to disbelieve what his brother-in-law told him, and the duke retired half in disgrace from the court. But the opposition was not thereby allayed ; the divorce became every day more unpopular at the council, at court, and throughout the country.1

Meanwhile, Wolsey was watching his opportunity. He had by no means resigned himself to finish his life in obscurity ; he continued to maintain a numerous train, he made himself popular in the north, and he never gave up the hope of returning to power. He

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 10, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. fol. 50 : " Sire il y a longtemps que le due de Suffocq ne sest trouve en cort et dit Ion quil en est banni pour quelque temps a cause quil revela au Boy que la dame avoyt este trouvee au delit avec ung gentilhomme de court que desia en avoit autreffois este chasse pour suspicion et ceste derniere foys Ion lavoit faict vuyder de cour a linstance de la dicte dame qui f aignoit estre fort couroussee contre luy mais enfin le Roy a intercede vers elle que le diet gentilhomme retournast a la court ; " and George Wyatt, Life of Sir Thomas Wyatt.

122 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. was of course greatly pleased by Wiltshire's failure at Bologna, and was delighted when he heard of the dissensions in the council.1 By means of a former physician of Campeggio who had gone over to his service, he kept up an active correspondence with Jean Joaquin and with Eustache Chapuis.2 But in these intrigues he showed little ability and little acquaintance with the character of the men whom he tried to gain over. When it was ru- moured that the French ambassador had advised Henry to marry Anne Boleyn without further delay, Wolsey sent a message to Chapuis to say that he would be content to lose his archbishopric if the marriage had been concluded two years ago, for in that case the ruin brought upon him by the infamous woman would already have been avenged.3 Wolsey, who understood Henry's character, knew that if Anne became his wife he would soon get tired of her ; but in his rage he overlooked the fact that his vindictive feelings were not shared by Chapuis. To the imperial ambassador the ruin of Anne was desirable chiefly as a means of preventing the divorce ; if it was to be secured by the repudiation of Catherine, he would have no hand in it. Though the court at Brussels

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 23, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 43.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 23 and June 15, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fols. 43 and 64.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 10, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 50 : " Et vouldroit le diet Cardinal quil luy eust couste son archevesche que cella eu este attempte il y a deux ans car mieulx neust il peu estre vange de ceste garse que la deffayt."

ANNE BOLEYN. 123

was rather friendly to Wolsey, the ambassador gave CHAP. m. no encouragement to the cardinal's agents and did not in any way act in his favour.1

Nor was the cardinal more happy in his attempt to obtain the assistance of Jean Joaquin de Vaulx. He reminded de Vaulx of his manifold services to France and of the promises made to him, but Jean Joaquin had by this time discovered that his best friends in the English council were the very men against whom his aid was wanted.2 He would not listen to Wolsey's messages. An appeal which Wolsey is said to have made to the pope, asking him to excommunicate Henry if he did not at once submit and send Anne away, remained equally without response.3

Another attempt which the cardinal made to regain his power proved even more disastrous to him. While, to make the king more pliable, he was intriguing with Chapuis, Jean Joaquin, and the pope, he tried to intrigue with Henry himself against the royal ministers. He sent off several secret agents, who were instructed to offer his services, in the hope that Henry, disgusted with the incapacity of his present

1 Giles de la Pommeraye to A. de Montmorency, December 28,

1529, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 20502, fol. 44: "Le Cardinal de Yort ne demourera gueres longuement . . . les flamands ne luy donnent.le tort ; " and E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 27,

1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 96.

2 J. J. de Vaulx to Francis I., March 27, 1530, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3126, fol. 106 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 13, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 93.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 13 and 27, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fols. 93 and 96.

124 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. m. advisers, frightened by the difficulties threatening him, would recall the cardinal to his presence.1 But the men whom Wolsey had chosen for this errand were the first to betray him. It was very dangerous to negotiate such matters with so untrustworthy and dishonest a man as Henry VIII. was known to be, for he might at any moment denounce the messengers to the council and hand them over to the tender mercies of Norfolk and his adherents. Wolsey's agents preferred, therefore, to play false themselves, and in- formed the duke of the mission entrusted to them.2 The news created considerable alarm among the members of the cabinet. They had discovered one of Wolsey's intrigues, but it was probable that he was carrying on many more of the same kind. He might succeed and be recalled to court, in which case their influence would soon be gone ; and as Wolsey was not of a forgiving temper, this was not an agreeable prospect for those who had displaced him.3

The common danger drew the ministers together. It was impossible to watch the cardinal's movements

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 27, 1530, loc. cit.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., July 11, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 59. Norfolk said of Wolsey: "Touteffois de sa vie ne parleroit au Roy ny le verroit ; ce quil avoit bien pense fayre il y a peu de jours et a cet effect avoit invente la plus caute et subtille occasion du monde, mais les moyens de lexecution avoint este bien f ols car le diet Cardinal sestoit declayre a troys qui feroint faulce monnoye pour le diet due."

3 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., February 6, 1530, Yienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 24.

ANNE BOLEYN. 125

so closely as to prevent any secret intercourse with CHAP. m.

the king : the only way to counteract his intrigues

was to strike at him fast and hard. The whole party

set to work to bring their adversary to complete ruin,

and before long they found a way of doing it.

Agostino was arrested, and by threats or promises he

was induced to make a full confession of all that had

been transacted with Jean Joaquin and Chapuis.1 This

done, it was not difficult to raise Henry's anger against

the fallen minister, and orders were sent to the Earl

of Northumberland — Anne's former admirer and fast

friend — to arrest the cardinal. On the 4th of November

November Wolsey found himself a prisoner at '

Cawood, and he was shortly afterwards sent to take

his trial in London.

Norfolk was still ill at ease, for the evidence ob- tained would scarcely justify a sentence of death, and it could not in any case be divulged without danger. The cardinal would at the utmost be kept a prisoner at the Tower, where he would cause as much anxiety as at York, since in a moment of anger with the duke Henry might recall Wolsey to the council board. No hurry was, therefore, made to bring him to London.

But Norfolk and Anne were spared all further Wolsey's trouble in this matter. Frightened by his arrest, deaih-

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 27, 1530, Vienna Archives, i. fol. 96: "Mais depuis quilz ont eu le medecin du diet Cardinal entre les mains ils ont trouves ce quilz serchoient. . il a chante comme ils demandoient."

126 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. in. travelling in the very worst season, already worn out by work and indulgence, Wolsey fell ill on the road. He was obliged to stop at Leicester, his illness having been increased by the journey ; and a few days later, on the 27th of November, 1530, he breathed his last.

CHAPTER IV.

THOMAS CROMWELL.

THE news of Wolsey's death was received by Anne Exuita- and her friends with an exultation they did not care ^nn/s to conceal. Their great rival was gone, all danger Party- threatening them from his vengeance seemed over ; and with characteristic coarseness they expressed their hatred by violent lampoons on his character. Lord Wiltshire gave an entertainment at which a December, farce was performed representing the late cardinal going down to hell, and Norfolk was so pleased with the play that he had it printed. Wolsey was spoken of in such opprobrious terms that even the French ambassadors were shocked and loudly expressed their disapproval.1

1 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., January 23, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 11 : "Sire le comte de Yulchier naguiere donna a soupper au sieur de la Guiche ou pour mieux le festoyer fust jouee une farse de lallee du Cardinal en enfert de quoy le diet de la Guiche blasme fort le diet comte et encoires plus le due pour ce quil a commande le fayre mectre en impression. Lon a fayt et continuellement fait Ion grande chiere au diet de la guiche touteffois ilz nen scavent tant faire quil ne sen gaudisse et ne leur die de [leur die en] leurs entreprinses pouvre gouvernement

128 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. Anne became daily more overbearing. The latest Anne's exploit in her honour had been the fabrication of the

Arrogance, wonderful pedigree, in which good Sir William Bullen the mercer was represented as the descendant of a Norman knight. Though these pretensions were laughed at, and though Anne's aunt the duchess freely told her what they were worth, she was nowise abashed.1 To show her contempt for those who opposed her, she chose a device which she had heard in France, but which she only partially remembered. t( Ainsi sera, groigne qui groigne ! " was embroidered on the liveries of her servants.2 Anne had no luck in such matters ; to her mortification she learned that she had adopted the motto of her bitter enemies, the princes of the house of Burgundy. " Groigne qui groigne," she heard it repeated, " et vive Bourgoigne ! " The liveries had to be laid aside, and Anne's servants on Christmas Day appeared in their old doublets.3

et conseil." The passage, as quoted by Mr. de Gayangos in his Calendar, vol. iv. part ii. p. 41, I have not been able to find in Chapuis' despatch.

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 31, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 109 : " Lon ma diet que la duchesse de Norphocq luy a naguyres derechiefz desclayre et deschiffre larbre de sa genealogie la blasonnant bien asprement. Le Roy en est bien deplaisant mays il fault quil aye pacience."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 21, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 106.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 31, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 109 : " Sire la dame na permis que ces serviteurs a ces festes ayent portes leurs accoustrements faytz avec la devise grognie que grognie. Je ne scais si elle attend la determination de ce parlement ou sy quelqung luy a dit que le propre et vray refrain dicelle devise est de y a j ouster vive borgougne."

ANNE BOLEYN. 129

She vented her anger by abusing the Spaniards, and CHAP.IV. wishing them all at the bottom of the sea ; and when one of Catherine's ladies, bolder than the rest, bid her remember that the queen was born in Spain, she swore that she would not acknowledge Catherine to be either her queen or the wife of the king.1

Anne would have borne these little annoyances with ^nne greater equanimity had not more serious troubles come deserted at the same time. The death of Wolsey, as she soon friends. found, was not, after all, of much benefit to her. The coalition which had ruined the cardinal having been dissolved, nearly all her allies began to forsake her. The nobles, Suffolk at their head, seeing that she was more arrogant than Wolsey had ever been, were the first to go over to the opposition. Gardiner, who had obtained a promise of the bishopric of Winchester, showed himself less eager to please, and was no longer implicitly trusted.2 More, Fitzwilliam, the comptroller Guildford and other influential officials were decidedly hostile ; and even the Duke of Norfolk was said to have spoken in terms not at all favourable to Anne.3 Her party had for the moment dwindled

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 1, 1531, Yienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol, 1 : " La dame sen tenant asseure est plus brave quung lion jusqua dire a une dame de la Royne quelle vouldroit que tant dispaigniolz quil y a au monde fussent en la mer et luy disant lautre que pour Ihonneur de la Royne quelle ne debvroit ainsi parler elle lui replica quelle ne luy challoyt de la Royne ni des siens et quelle aymeroit mieulx que ladicte Royne fust pendue avant quelle confessa quelle fust sa maystresse ne famme du Roy."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 6, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 47.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., April 29, 1531, Yienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 41 : " La ducesse de Norphoc a cecy rapporte a

VOL. I. K

130 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. down to a few of her nearest kinsfolk and personal friends. Catherine took advantage of this state of A matri- things to have a serious talk with her husband. On dispute. Christmas Eve she saw him in private, and upbraided December n™ w^n ^ne wrong ne was doing her, and with the 24, 1530. scandalous example he was setting by keeping Anne Boleyn in his company. When they quarrelled, Catherine generally got the better of the king ; he was cowed by her firmness, and could not prevail against her simple and straightforward arguments. But in this case the queen had courted defeat by making an insinuation which was unfounded. Henry trium- phantly replied that Catherine was altogether mis- taken, that there was nothing wrong in his relations with Anne, and that he kept her in his company only to learn her character, as he had made up his mind to marry her. Having grown bold by this first suc- cess, he declared that marry her he would, whatever the pope might say.1 Wherewith this matrimonial dispute came to an end.

Henry's Notwithstanding his valorous talk, Henry found himself n°t a little embarrassed. It had now become pretty clear that the Roman court would not grant the divorce ; and his agents at Eome had been occupied in staving off the inevitable result of Catherine's appeal. They had already hinted that the cause could not be judged out of England, and that

la Royne luy disant davantaige que son mary en estoit merveil- leusement marry et tribule, disant quil veoit bien quelle (Anne Boleyn) seroit cause de fayre detruire tout le parentaige."

1 Catherine of Aragon to Clement VII., December, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, ii. fol. 1.

ANNE BOLEYN. 131

it ought to be settled by the authority of the CHAP. 17. English bishops. The Boleyns strongly advocated this course, the French would have approved of it, and Henry's conscience would have been satisfied by a show of a verdict in his favour. But the difficulty was, that the bishops were not at all inclined to do what he desired, and that they were daily becoming less submissive. The attacks made upon them in parliament had alarmed their cupidity ; the insolence of the royal ministers angered them ; a few had a remnant of conscience, and were disinclined to take part in an iniquitous judgment. Several of those who had formerly gone with the king now held back or resisted his policy.

During the first month of 1531, Henry seems nearly January, to have lost heart.1 The news from Eome was so bad that he knew not what to do. The imperial agents were pressing the pope to order Henry under pain of excommunication to send Anne from court ; and now that Wolsey was dead, and the former existence of the famous decretal could neither be proved by his testimony nor made use of with his help, Clement was less unwilling to act upon the emperor's advice. If he did so, and if he followed up his threat by ful- minating the censures of the Church, Henry was not yet in a position to resist, the public mind in England

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 31, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 13 : "La duchesse de Norfock a envoy e hier dire a la Royne quelle sera tousiours de son party et quelle print bon cueur car ses adversaires estoient au bout de leur sens estans plus estonnez et nouveaulx en ceste affaire que le premier jour."

K 2

132 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. being unprepared for a schism. The only hope was that Francis might prevent Clement from issuing the brief; but the French king just now was out of humour with Henry, who had not complied with the most exorbitant of his demands.1 Things March, looked so gloomy that, if Chapuis may Jbe trusted, 1531- Henry thought of sending Anne from court, before he should be called upon to do so. He cannot have intended to make her remain away a long time ; but, with Henry, " out of sight " was easily " out of mind," the opposite party was strong and numerous, and her absence might have proved the beginning of a total separation.2

Anne Anne knew well that her game was not yet impatient. WOIL During the preceding summer, when it had

June, r^ • -11

1530. appeared that Campeggio would not give sentence m favour of Henry, she had urged the king to marry her at once, without waiting for a formal dissolution of his marriage with* Catherine. Henry was afraid to take so bold a course, and told her that for her sake he ' was making many enemies. Anne received the reproach badly, and vehemently exclaimed that his sacrifices

1 Instructions to the Bishop of Bayonne, Paris, Bib. Nat. MSS. Fr. 3020, fol. 59 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 31, 1530, and March 8, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 87 and 227, i. fol. 27.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 31, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 13: "Le Roy . . . delibereroit veu quautreinent il ny pouvoit remedier prandre Ihonneur a soy et de son propre mouvement avant quil y soit aultrement force de separer la dame davec luy. II est bien a supposer que son intent est de la rappeler tost mais je pense que sy une fois elle est en voye dieu et la Royne pourvoyeroint bien a son ret our."

ANNE BOLEYN. 133

were nothing compared with what she was ready CHAP.IV. to endure. She was well aware, she said, that there was an old prophecy that in this time a queen of England was to be burned, and she loved him so much that she did not fear even death if she could marry him.1 But Henry was not to be moved, and Anne had to wait.

This she did not do very patiently. We hear of another quarrel between the lovers in November 1530. November Anne once more upbraided him with his slackness and want of energy, and cried out that she regretted the loss of her youth and her reputation in striving after that which she could not obtain.2 Henry tried to soothe her; and to show how much he was in earnest he allowed her to hide behind a screen while he gave audience to Chapuis, and to overhear all he said to the ambassador,3

But even this could not satisfy Anne. In the spring of 1531 her marriage seemed as distant as ever, and the delay did not improve her temper. She appears to have had violent quarrels with Henry, in the course of which she used such strong language

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. fol. 59 : " II y a desia quelque temps que le Koy luy disoit quelle luy estoit merveilleusement obligee car pour son amour il pregnoit picque a tout le monde . . . que cela estoit peu de faict au regart delle que scavoit bien que par les anciennes prophecies que disoint que en ce temps yl y devoit avoir une Royne que seroit bruslee mais quant bien elle devroit mille fois morir si ne rabbatroit elle rien de son amour."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 27, 1530, Yienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 99.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., November 13, 1530, Yienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 93.

134 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. that he complained about her to the Duke of Norfolk, saying she did not behave like the queen, who had never in her life used ill words towards him.1 Thomas It was at this most critical juncture that Anne Cromwell. founc| an ^IQ an(j faithful ally in a man who had just entered political life, but who had risen in it with the utmost rapidity. Thomas Cromwell was the son of a wealthy citizen, and received in youth a tolerable education. After his father's death he found himself in bad circumstances, and tried to mend his fortunes by going abroad, but he does not appear to have succeeded. On the Continent, however, he gained a fair knowledge of French, Italian, and Dutch, and of the state and resources of foreign countries. Having returned to London he became a small attorney, and, as it seems, a money lender. He was brought under the notice of Cardinal Wolsey, who took him into his service and employed him in most question- able transactions, by which convents were despoiled to enrich the foundations at Oxford and Ipswich. When shortly afterwards Wolsey fell, Cromwell gave signal proof of his ability, managing to serve men of all parties. For Wolsey's enemies he secured pensions on Winchester and St. Alban's, for Wolsey himself he obtained royal letters of protection and ultimately his pardon. At the same time he was not

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 29, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 41 : " Elle devient touts les jours plus fiere et plus brave usant de parolles et auctorite envers le Boy de quoy il sest plaint plusieurs foys au due de Norphoc disant quelle nestoit point de la condicion de la Royne laquelle en sa vie ne luy avoit diet mauvaise parolle. La ducesse de Norphoc a cecy rapporte a la Royne. ..."

ANNE BOLEYN. 135

forgetful of his own interests. He solicited and CHAP. iv. obtained from the Duke of Norfolk the privilege of being nominated as one of the burgesses of the borough of Taunton ; he received from the duke himself instructions how to act in parliament ; and November, he was soon preferred to the royal service.1 As he had made many friends at court by giving away the wealth of Wolsey, and as his talents and energy attracted attention, he quickly advanced in favour and in rank. In 1530, he was made secretary to the king, and at the time of his former patron's death he was already taking a leading part in politics, especially in all matters relating to the clergy. When the coalition broke asunder, he stood by Anne and the Boleyns, and was soon rewarded by being sworn of the king's council.

Cromwell advocated a bold and energetic policy, Proposed and wished to use for the benefit of Lady Anne ^clergy. his experience in dealing with clergymen. The first indication of a plan to frighten the English clergy into submission to the king's will is to be found in a letter of Cromwell to Wolsey, and it seems most probable that the idea originated with Cromwell.2 The proposal was that all those .who had ever received powers, investiture or dispensations from

1 Half Sadleyr to Cromwell, November 1,1529, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Cleopatra, E. IY. fol. 178; and Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 3180.

2 Cromwell to Cardinal Wolsey, October 21, 1530, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. 3019: "The parliament ys pro- rogyd [until the] vi daye of January. The prelatts shall not appere [in the] premunire. Ther ys another way devysyd in [place thereof] as your Grace shall ferther know."

136 ANXE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. Wolsey as legate, should be threatened with pro- secution for prsernunire, if they did not entirely submit to the king. Nearly all the higher clergy belonged to this category, and with the fear of so great a penalty before them they would, it was hoped, grant everything the king wished. Such a plan could not of course fail to please Anne, to whom it held out a sure way of obtaining what she desired. The king was equally satisfied with it, as its success would make the clergy entirely dependent on him. And the party in the council which now generally opposed the measures brought forward by Anne's friends, willingly assented to a scheme which would weaken the influence of the bishops.

Parochial At that time the English clergy consisted of two very different classes having little sympathy with one another. The lower parochial clergy, who were usually neither learned nor ambitious and seldom rose to higher rank, lived with the people, and were considered the equals of small farmers and yeomen, decidedly the inferiors of well-to-do gentlemen. They tried to eke out their salaries — ranging from ten to twenty pounds a year — with the small fees they got for their services, and with presents from the wealthier parishioners. Beyond the limits of their parishes they found little to interest them; they contented themselves with performing the ceremonies of the Church and administering the sacraments, arid rarely meddled with politics.

The The regular clergy, who were rather numerous, were of greater importance. Many of them, like the parochial clergy, sprang from the lowest classes of society, and

ANNE BOLEYN. 137

individually did not rise much above their kinsfolk. CHAP. iv. But even a monastery wholly peopled by such rude and lowly friars had as a collective entity consider- able influence. The monks were mostly landed proprietors employing a number of servants and labourers. They often had some skill in medicine ; they kept in safe custody documents and articles of value ; they were in frequent communication with other monasteries of the same order, and were thus able to inform their neighbours of the news of the day. They had hundreds of little ways of making themselves useful. Besides, several of the monastic orders con- sisted of preachers who went from place to place to supplement the failings of the secular priests, who were generally too ignorant to deliver a sermon. In the whole archdiocese of York there were in 1534 but twelve parochial priests able to preach.1 Some monks possessed the gift of real eloquence, and their sermons were listened to eagerly by congregations who had few opportunities of hearing anything so impressive. The regular clergy were therefore more powerful than the parochial priests, and they used their influence for the attainment of all kinds of ends, political ends not excepted.

Bishops, deans and archdeacons did not often care -The to manifest clerical qualities. The most correct ^lerT definition of a bishop under Henry VIII. would, per- haps, be— a royal official pensioned on Church funds. The way in which bishops, deans, and archdeacons arrived at their dignities was generally this. A young man of humble origin and small means, who was i Record Office, Report of Edward Lee, Box R, No. 60.

138 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. unable or unwilling to be a soldier, had, if he was ambitious, but two careers open to him — the Church and the law. The former offered by far the most brilliant prospects, for it provided scope for a variety of talents, and the one drawback, the condition of celibacy, was often not greatly considered by a man who had not the means of maintaining a family. A man who could read, write, reckon fluently and keep accounts, and who knew enough of Latin to make out the sense of legal documents, very easily found employment with some wealthy and influential patron. Under the name of chaplain he was en- gaged during the week in keeping accounts, in writing letters, in acting as steward or agent, and on Sunday he said mass. If he was admitted into the household of some great nobleman or some high official, he made a good start towards arriving at a bishopric. Gaining the confidence of his new master, and being entrusted with important business, he came into contact with a great many persons of influence, and might finally arrive at that road to fortune, the royal chapel, or the chapel of the prime minister. Here he was pretty sure to obtain before long a deanery or a good parsonage, which he never visited, but left to the care of a vicar at ten pounds a year. By and by he might be sent on foreign missions, or be made a royal secretary, master of the rolls, or something of the kind ; so that between his ecclesiastical income and the emolu- ments and profits of his office he could live well enough. After many years of intelligent and unscru- pulous service he became ripe for a bishopric ; and at

ANNE BOLEYN. 139

the next vacancy of a fitting see, the king, making use CHAP. i of his quasi-right to grant conge d'elire, nominated him, the pope confirmed the nomination as a matter of course, and the worthy official was consecrated a bishop. In obtaining a decided rank and a better income, he did not cease to render purely political service. Many a bishop remained to the end of his life a mere royal official, never caring for the diocese over which he was set. And for this course he had very good reasons. First, there were poor bishoprics and opulent bishoprics. A bishop of St. Asaph, St. David's, or LlandafF, with scarce £300 a year, very naturally desired to be translated to Ely, Winchester, or Durham, the revenues of which were about £3,000 a year. Moreover, the king on granting a bishopric generally reserved a part of its revenues to be employed as pensions at his pleasure. When the recipients of such pensions died or were otherwise provided for, the prelate tried to secure the money for himself; but this was allowed only if the king was well pleased with him. It was therefore the interest of the bishop to retain the royal favour, and to serve the king who could bestow such benefits, rather than the Church which had nothing to give him. Even cardinals' hats were bestowed only on royal recommendation.

It was only when the better part of his life was spent, when his health was impaired and his energy broken, when he was no longer good enough for the royal service, that a bishop retired to his diocese and spent there at least a part of the year. But he was of course a stranger to his clergy, and his life had been

140 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. so different from theirs that he rarely understood their character or won their confidence. Even if after a time he began to take some interest in his spiritual work, he was not well fitted to reform abuses ; and any reforms he introduced came to a speedy end when at his death a new non-resident bishop was appointed, the diocese being then again left for many years to take care of itself.

In 1530 three English sees, those of Salisbury,

Worcester, and LlandafF, were held by foreigners who

simply enjoyed the revenues of them. All the other

bishops, with three exceptions, either were or had

been royal officials. Officials also held more than

half of the deaneries and archdeaconries.

The The episcopal bench was detested by the barons,

and the for the bishops were not only, as a rule, more

lay peers. arrogant than lay officials, but they generally voted in the upper house of parliament with the government. A bishop residing in his diocese was scarcely more agreeable than a bishop who lived in London ; he was a dangerous competitor for local popularity, his influence becoming often even greater than that of the smaller barons. For, once in the country, the bishop courted popularity. He entertained his neighbours, spoke kindly to the farmers and yeomen, and aided his clergy, rendering a great many little services for which his career had fitted him. He advised people who had suits at court, gave them letters of introduction, or obtained information for them. In every respect he was thus a rival to the lay peers, all the more for- midable as he wielded the powers of the Church, and

ANNE BOLEYN. 141

as an open quarrel with him was perilous for high. CHAP. iv. and low.

The peers, therefore, offered no opposition to the Convoca-

plan of Cromwell, not being aware that the end he had Oram-

in view was very different from what they desired. w^s Shortly after the new year, in 1531, convocation

met, and the clergy were informed of the danger in Janvary,

1 RQ 1

which they stood. At first they thought that the scheme was simply a device to obtain a larger grant of money than they otherwise would have made ; and after some discussion they offered the sum of £100,000, to be paid in five years for the king's use. But to their dismay the grant was refused in the form in which they had agreed to it, and Cromwell sent them the draft of a declaration requiring them to acknowledge their offences, to crave for mercy, and to recognise the king as the supreme head of the Church of England.1

But the new minister had miscalculated the power which he could bring to bear on the clergy. As soon as it became apparent to what end his proceedings tended, they met with general opposition. The peers had been ready enough to assent to the humi- liation and the spoliation of the hated bishops, but they did not at all- wish them to be made more dependent on the king's will. The clergy also made a stand, the demand urged by Cromwell being so unheard of that even the most timid would not concede it. Every day the opposition grew, disunion crept into the royal council, and Cromwell found that

1 Wilkins, Concilia, iii. 725-745 ; and Chapuis to Charles V., February 14, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 15.

142 . ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. he would not triumph so easily as he had anticipated. A compromise was effected, convocation agreeing to make the proposed declaration with the saving clause " as far as God's laws allow," a clause by which all practical value was taken out of the act.1

Effect of This compromise was in reality a serious defeat for on the Anne's party. The bills hostile to the authority of

clergy. ^Q pope, which it had been intended to submit to parliament, were abandoned ; and a strong reaction became manifest throughout the country. The bishops were rather ashamed of having made even

May is, nominal concessions ; and a protest was signed by numerous priests of both provinces against any encroachments on the liberty of the Church or any act derogatory to the authority of the Holy See.2

1 Chapuis to Charles Y., February 21, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 18.

2 Chapuis to Charles V., May 22, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 45 : " Sire depuis quatre jours les ecclesiastiques de larchevesche dyort et de levesche de Durem ont envoye au Boy une grande protestation et reclamation centre la souveraincte que le Roy veult pretendre et usurper sur eulx. Ceulx de larchevesche de Canturbery ont de mesme public une autre protestacion de laquelle envoye un double a Mgr. de Granvelle et se trouve le Roy bien desplaisant des dictes choses." Protestation of the clergy of Canterbury, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, ii. fol. 26, signed by Peter Ligham in his own name and in that of the clergy of Canterbury, Robert Shorten, Adam Travis, Ric. Fetherstoune, Richard Henrisoun, Thomas Petty, John Guarr, Rowland Phelippes, Wylliam Clyffe, archdeacon of London, J. Fitz james for the clergy of Bath and chapter of Wells, Thomas Parker for the clergy of Worcester, Rob. Ridley for the clergy of London, Nicolas Metcalfe, archdeacon of Rochester, Rob. Johanson for the clergy and chapter of Rochester, Ralph Suede for the clergy and chapter of Coventry and Lichfield, John Willo for the clergy of Rochester, and John Bayne for the clergy of Lincoln.

ANNE BOLEYN. 143

The bishops of Kochester, Exeter, Chichester, Bath, CHAP^IV. Norwich, St. Asaph and Llandaff were now decidedly in favour of Catherine. The Archbishop of Canter- bury himself began to lean to their side. Nearly all the lower secular and regular clergy were against the divorce.

At Rome Cromwell's attempt produced even more striking consequences. It was regarded as a revolt against the Holy See ; and many of those who had hitherto rather favoured the king were alienated by his proceedings. The tribunal of the Rota, and a con- sistory of cardinals called in on the question, had both decided that Henry was bound to plead at Rome, and that even if he did not appear in person or by proxy the cause must go on. On the 5th of january January 1531 Paul Capisuccio, one of the auditors 5> 15ai- of the Rota, had been appointed by the pope to hear the cause, and a mandate had been issued calling upon Henry to appear ; l but the English agents had declined to admit the jurisdiction of the Roman tribunal, contending that it was a privilege of kings to have such causes tried in their own country. The pope had granted delay after delay, and there Lad been endless discussions about the question whether Henry was bound to plead or not. But after receipt of the news of Henry's proceedings in the spring of 1531, the temper of the Roman court was roused, and the pope by his nuncio in England, Baron de Burgo, sent warning to the king that the cause must now begin.

1 Brief of Pope Clement VII., January 5, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, ii. fol. 3.

144 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. The message was not an agreeable one for De Burgo, and he took some days to make up his mind to deliver

J/«y3i, it. At last, on the 31st of May, he had audience of 1531' Henry, and explained the matter as mildly as he could. As he had expected, the king railed against the pope, swearing that he would not submit, and threatening with the help of France to march on Rome at the head of an army. De Burgo could but shrug his shoulders at such childish bragging, but the result of the audience was that the king was more enraged than ever.

Deputa- When the nuncio left, Henry, on the same evening, Catherine, called a council. It was decided that another attempt should be made to induce Catherine to forego her rights, and that a deputation should be sent to her next day. Catherine was warned at once by some secret friend, perhaps by one of the commissioners. On the following morning she heard several masses

June i, to gain strength for the impending struggle. It was nine o'clock at night when she received the deputation, consisting of the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis of Exeter, the Earls of Shrewsbury, North- umberland, and Wiltshire, several other peers, the bishops of Lincoln and London, and Drs. Lee, Sampson and Gardiner. Norfolk, taking advantage of the act passed in convocation, told the queen that Henry was highly displeased at having been cited to appear at Eome, that he would not submit to such an indignity, and that he was absolutely sovereign in his realms both in temporal and spiritual matters, parlia- ment and convocation having admitted him to be so. Catherine stoutly defended her right, and with perfect

.ANNE BOLEYN. 145

good temper battled with, the duke and the other CHAP. iv. counsellors. Many of them were not displeased when she made a happy retort and silenced an adversary, and some one of the party exclaimed that though they laboured a good deal a woman got the better of them. After a time the conference was broken up, the comp- troller Guildford declaring that all those doctors who had first mooted the question of the divorce should be sent to Eome to defend their opinion, or to be treated according to their merits.1

Neither Anne nor Cromwell seem to have expected any other result. The former, who, about the new year, had thought that her purpose might shortly be accomplished, had after the indecisive action of convocation and parliament lost confidence in most of the leaders of her party. Cromwell appears to have been unwilling to argue the matter with Catherine, and he is afterwards mentioned by Chapuis as the only councillor who did not take part in the long discussions about the validity of her marriage.

But, although neither Anne nor her ally were ^nne astonished at the result of the interview, Anne Henry's wished to profit by Henry's resentment. The first whom she attacked was the outspoken comptroller. She had high words with him, threatening that he should be dismissed when she became queen. Guildford, disgusted by her insolence, went at once to Henry, and resigned his appointment. He

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 6, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 47.

VOL. I. L

146, ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. IT perhaps expected that the king would make Lady Anne retract, but he was mistaken ; Henry only asked him to remain in office. As, under the circum- stances, Guildford could scarcely do this, he insisted on having his leave,1 and it was granted ; Sir "William Paulett, a more obedient courtier, being appointed in his place. Of the other friends of Catherine, the Duchess of Norfolk, who had not been civil enough to the favourite,2 had been sent away from court some weeks before ; and the Marquis of Exeter was now also ordered to leave.3 By these means Anne hoped effectually to silence all who spoke against the divorce and in favour of the queen.

Anne made even better use than this of Henry's annoyance at what he considered the obstinacy of Catherine. Whenever the king and the queen met, neither of them being very refined, they freely quarrelled about the question whether they were

1 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., June 6, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 47.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 14, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 43 : "A lappetit aussi de la dicte dame la duchesse de Norphoc a este envoyee en sa maison pour ce quelle parloit trop liberallement et se declayroit plus quilz ne vouloint pour la Royne."

3 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., July 17, 1531, Yienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 55 : " Le jeune Marquis a eu defense de non se trouver en court de quelque temps pour ce quil a ete charge de fere assemblee de gens en cornouallies et au pays de lenviron, la Royne croit que ce soit invention de la dame pour ce que le diet Marquis luy est tant serviteur." Both M. de Gayangos and Mr. Gairdner think that the "young Marquis" is the Marquis of Dorset ; but it is quite clear from other letters of Chapuis that the Marquis of Exeter is meant.

ANNE BOLEYN. 147

married or not, and the result generally was that CHAP. iv. Henry left the field entirely cowed. Anne might upbraid him for his want of courage, but on the next occasion the same thing would happen,1 for the firmness, courage, and perfect good temper of Catherine had not yet lost their power over Henry's weak and vacillating mind. Besides, Catherine had a great advantage over Anne in the force of habit. Kings and queens at that time, with all their show and state, were much more of goodman and good wife than is commonly imagined. A queen had a good deal to do with housekeeping, and rendered the king many little services which nowadays any fine lady would think beneath her dignity. Catherine took care of her husband's wardrobe, looked after the laundry, and superintended the making of his linen. Henry, accustomed to apply to her when he wanted any- thing in daily use, continued to do so, and she did her best to provide for his needs.2 There were sharp quarrels about this between Henry and Anne, but it was certain that there would be no change as long as Catherine resided with the king. Anne had tried as much as possible to separate them by leading Henry away on hunting excursions, but these could not last for ever ; he had to rejoin his court, and at court he found the queen. One of the principal reasons why Anne was so pleased with York Place was, as we have seen, that there would be no apartment in it for

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 8 and December 6, 1529, Yienna Archives, P.O. 225, i. Nos. 22 and 28.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 15, 1530, Yienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 54.

L 2

148 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. Catherine ; 1 and, indeed, when Henry went there, the queen was left behind at Greenwich.2 But the court was seldom in London ; and at Greenwich, Hampton Court, and Windsor, there was plenty of room for Catherine. Anne therefore wished to have her sent away from court, and by stimulating the anger of Henry she managed to obtain her object.

On Whitsunday the king and the queen dined together, and Henry, being in an unusually amiable mood, spoke in terms of affection of his daughter the princess. Next day, made bold by his seeming good temper, Catherine expressed a wish that Mary might be allowed to come to court. He received the request very badly, and answered that if Catherine wished to see her daughter she might go to the place where Mary was, and remain there as long as she liked. This would have been the beginning of a separation, for although Henry lacked the courage to send his wife away, he would have found means to prevent her return if she had once left. Catherine saw the snare, and meekly replied that for nobody in the world would she leave his company ; and with this the incident came to an end.3

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 14, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 43.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 8, 1529, Yienna Archives, P.C. 225, i. No. 24.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 14, 1531, Yienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 43: "Sire disnant ces jours le Roy avec la Royne que il a accoutume la pluspart des festes il entra a parler des treves . . . et apres tombant en propos de la princesse yl accusa la Royne de cruaute a cause quelle navoit faict con- tinuellement resider son medecin aupres de la dicte princesse et ainsy fust icelluy disne rempli dhumanite et de bonnayrete. Le

ANNE BOLEYN. 149

In June the court went to Hampton Court ; and CHAP.IV. Henry, as was his custom at this season of the year, spent some time in hunting in his parks. The queen was not allowed to accompany him, as she had always done hitherto ; he was attended only by Lady Anne and a few favourite servants.1 About the middle of July, while Catherine remained at Windsor,2 Henry and Anne started on a longer excursion than any they had . yet undertaken together. A month Catherine after they had gone, the queen received a message afrom to the effect that Henry wished to return to Windsor court- and objected to see her, and that she was to retire with her servants to the More, a house the Abbot of St. Alban's had been made to cede to the king.3 Catherine had no alternative but to obey ; and a few days later Anne Boleyn made her entry as the future queen.

This was certainly a great triumph, for not only

lendemain que cela fust advenu la Royne sur confiance desdictz gracieux propos requit au Roy vouloir permettre que ladicte princesse les vint veoir, laquelle requeste il rebroua assez rude- ment et luy dit quelle pouveoit aller veoir ladicte princesse si elle vouloit et y demourer aussy. A quoy tres prudemment et gracieusement luy repondit la Royne que ne pour fille ne pour autre personne du monde elle ne vouleoit eslougnier sa compaignie et a tant demeura icelle practiqUe."

1 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., June 24, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 53 : " N'ayant en sa compaignie que la dame, le grant escuyer et deux autres et y a pres de quinze jours quil na faict autre."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 17, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 55.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 19, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 61.

150 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. was a dangerous influence removed, but Henry's vanity and obstinacy were now engaged, and it had been made more difficult for him to draw back. Anne tried also to strengthen her cause by securing for her adherents nearly every vacancy which occurred at court, in the administration, and in diplomacy. Stokesley, a prominent advocate of the divorce, had been duly installed Bishop of London, Gardiner had become Bishop of Winchester, and the archbishopric of York, which Reginald Pole had just refused, was given to Dr. Edward Lee, one of Anne's most zealous supporters. Dr. Foxe, formerly Gardiner's colleague at Rome, was made almoner instead of Lee. Sir Francis Bryan, Anne's cousin and friend, was ambas- sador in Paris ; and Sir Nicholas Carew, who had married Bryan's sister, was sent on special missions first to the emperor and then to France. Sir Nicholas Harvey, whose wife (widow of Sir Richard Wingfield) was much liked by Anne, had been appointed am- bassador at the court of the emperor ; 1 and when he was considered unfit for the post, Sir Thomas Elyot, who, after the downfall of Wolsey, had attached himself to Anne, was nominated in his stead.2

Untrust- But there was one annoying circumstance : the worthiness new bishops, as soon as they were installed, became

friends, much less ardent in their zeal for the divorce. The lay officials also cooled down. When Sir Nicholas Carew was at the imperial court, both he and his

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 10, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, i. fol. 52.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 10, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 63.

ANNE BOLEYN. 151

colleague, Doctor Eicliard Sampson, dean of the chapel, CHAP. had secret audiences with the emperor, and assured Charles that they greatly regretted the demand for a divorce, and that they would do all they could to resist it, and to serve the queen.1 Sir Thomas Elyot, too, soon became a strong opponent of the divorce, and even wrote a treatise against it which he showed to the king, and a copy of which he sent to Spain.2 Dr. William Bennet, one of the principal agents at the papal court, secretly assured the emperor that, if no weakness were shown, Henry would give way and plead his cause at Rome.3 When on leave in England, Bennet wrote to Catherine to express his devotion to her. Whatever he had done against her, he said, he had been forced to do ; and he predicted that if she remained firm she would ultimately succeed.4 There is good reason to believe that Bennet acted as he spoke, and that at Eome, while officially and publicly pressing for a divorce, he

1 Charles V. to E. Chapuis, March 14, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.O. 226, ii. fol. 19: "Le grand escuyer et doyen nous ont parle chascun deulx particulierement demonstrans avoir gros regret de la poursuite que le diet Sr. Roy f aict centre nostre dicte tante et quilz desireroient dy pouvoir faire service et davantaige ma diet ledict grant escuyer quil vous advertiroit de ce quil pour- roit entendre concernant nostre service et celluy de nostre dicte tante. . . ."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 5, and July 11, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fols. 42 and 50.

3 Charles V. to Chapuis, May 11, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, ii. fol. 35 : " Que le Roy dangleterre . . . se con. descendroit a ce que laffaire soit connue et videe a Rome."

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 4, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 1.

152 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. privately let the Pope know that in his opinion it ought not to be granted, that the cause ought to be tried at Kome, and that the decision should be in favour of Catherine.1

This secret or open hostility of most of the courtiers and officials made it hard for Anne to obtain any decided advantage over her enemies. Her fight was a weary one, something like the work of the Danaides, and in the autumn of 1531, scarcely any progress had been made.

ChariesV. Henry would have liked to disregard papal inhibi-

and the J _ .

divorce, tions, to obtain some pretence ot divorce in Jhmgland, and to marry Anne immediately afterwards. But there were several difficulties in the way. First of all, Charles V. had so warmly taken up the cause of his aunt that if such a course were adopted he might proceed to acts of open hostility. And Henry, how- ever much he might boast of his power, knew very well that single-handed he could not withstand the emperor. If war broke out, a Dutch fleet would land a body of Spanish and German veterans on the eastern coast, and Henry would have no troops capable of opposing them. His raw, prob- ably disaffected levies, would be scattered like chaff before the wind, and the crown would be torn from his brow. If he wished to pursue a bold policy, it was indispensable that he should conclude an alliance with France ; and the tone of the French ministers had not of late been such as

1 Micer Mai to Charles V., February 29, 1532, British Museum, Add. MSS, 28,584, fol. 206.

ANNE BOLEYN. 153

to reassure him. Jean Joaquin had shown no favour CHAP. iv. to religious innovations, and had occasionally behaved with something like contempt towards the king ; while in France Sir Francis Bryan, and Foxe, who had been sent to assist Bryan, thought they had some reason to complain of the French.

Henry, therefore, before proceeding further, wished to make sure that King Francis would not fail him at the proper time. The new Bishop of Winchester was sent to France to take the place of Bryan and to negotiate a treaty of closer alliance.1 He was well received, and de la Pommeraye, who had suc- ceeded Jean Joaquin as ambassador in England, was instructed to discuss the conditions. After some haggling as to the terms a treaty was signed at Greenwich in April, 1532, by de la Pommeraye on the part of France, and by the Earl of Wiltshire and Dr. Foxe on the part of England.2

In the new treaty it was stipulated that if the Treaty emperor attacked England Francis should assist prance. Henry with 500 lances and a fleet mounted by 1,500 men, and that if France was attacked Henry should send 5,000 archers and a similar fleet to the assistance of the French king. The stipulation in favour of England was wholly illusory ; for if Charles had invaded England, he would have done so with such rapidity that the French fleet would not have had time to arrive. The 500 lances might have served to defend Calais, but the war would have been decided

1 Francis I. to Mr. de la Pommeraye, January 13, 1532, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 4126, fol. 5.

2 Camusat, Meelanges historiques, ii. fols. 84 — 88.

154 ] ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. before they could have reached England. On the other hand, the English fleet and the 5,000 archers might have been of some use to France in a regular campaign of four or five months. There was, moreover, this point, which had been over- looked by those who in England wished for the treaty, that it bound Francis to do less than it would have been his interest to do in any case. If Charles had overthrown the government of Henry, Catherine would have governed for Mary, and England would have sided with the emperor against France. Francis could not have allowed this, so that, treaty or no treaty, in case of attack, he would have done his best to assist Henry against Charles. In the end England would not have profited by the intervention of France, for on account of Calais the French were at heart hostile to the English, and had Francis overthrown the emperor he would soon have turned against Henry.

But the French influence was now paramount at

court. The sympathies of Anne were all in favour

of the land in which she had been brought up. The

Duke of Norfolk was a strong partisan of France, and

Cromwell had not yet sufficient authority to control

foreign policy. Henry, himself but a poor politician,

ascribed undue importance to the treaty, and on the

30th of April he ratified the act of his commissioners.1

Assem- While the treaty was being negotiated, attempts

Parlia- w^re made by ministers to organise their forces.

ment. Parliament had met on the 15th of January. It had been carefully convoked, most of the queen's 1 Camusat, Meslanges historiques, ii. fol. 88.

ANNE BOLEYN. 155

partisans having either been excused from attending CHAP. iv. or having received no writ at all. Tunstall and Fisher were among the latter. Tunstall stayed away ; but Fisher, more courageous, and nearer to London, attended as usual.1 The bishops who appeared in their places were sounded as to the assistance which might be expected from them ; and the great majority were found to be hostile to any measure which might smack of revolt against the authority of Eome. No hope could be entertained of a joint action of the English episcopate in favour of Henry. Another way had to be tried.

If the bishops as a body could not be made to Arch- further the king's designs, it seemed possible that ^srhh°^m their chief and representative, the primate, might be bullied or coaxed into complying with Henry's wishes. It was thought he might be induced to call in a few bishops who could be relied upon, to open a court as primate of all England, to accept in its widest sense the doctrine that the king was the supreme head of the Church of England, to disregard entirely the papal authority and all inhibitory briefs, and to proceed to try the case. Archbishop Warham had acted with Wolsey in the infamous attempt at a collusive suit in 1527 ; he had continued for several years afterwards most docile to the king ; and when he abandoned Henry's side his timidity was in striking contrast with the energy of Fisher. Ira principis mors est, he had piteously replied when Catherine had asked

1 E> Chapuis to Charles V., January 22, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 8.

156 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. his advice. Not unnaturally, therefore, it was sup- posed that the king's anger might frighten him once more into obedience.1

Norfolk and Wiltshire submitted the matter to him and tried to gain him over.2 But the utmost limit of Warham's servility had been reached. He was seriously ill, dying in fact, and the inevitable having lost something of its terrors, he dared affront the royal anger although it might be death. He thought of the anger of a greater King before whom he would soon have to appear, and steadfastly declined to associate himself with a dishonourable scheme. Lay All spiritual authorities having refused their help,

Tribunals. . %

it remained to be seen whether a general consent ol the laity might not be obtained. About the middle of February the Duke of Norfolk assembled a number of the leading peers and members of the Lower House, and told them he had been informed that matrimonial causes ought not to be judged by ecclesi- astical but by lay tribunals. He wished to know what was their opinion on this subj ect, and what they would do to preserve the rights of the crown. Lord Darcy, formerly an ally of Norfolk and a bitter enemy of Wolsey, was the first to speak. He flatly con- tradicted the duke, maintaining that the cognisance of matrimonial causes belonged to the spiritual courts, and that laymen had nothing to do with them. The

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 6, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 47.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 14, 1532, Yienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 15.

ANNE BOLEYN. 157

other lords sided with Darcy, and the duke's attempt CHAPPY. utterly failed.1

Henry was greatly vexed by Norfolk's failure, and An

„ i i P • A immediate

for a moment he thought of marrying Anne at once, marriage She seems to have been willing, and the French am- vroi)osed- bassador approved of the plan, which (from Henry's point of view) might, after all, have been the wisest.2 But the council was strongly opposed to it. Anne's father, who was never in favour of a hazardous course, knew that if Henry married his daughter before Catherine was divorced, there would be a general outcry; he feared that the government would be over- thrown, and that he would lose everything he had gained by a most laborious and servile life. He spoke, therefore, against an immediate marriage, and Henry, seeing his council unanimous, reluctantly gave way.3

From this time there was a growing enmity between Anne and her uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, which drove

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 14, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 15.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 16, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 26. The French ambassador said to Chapuis : " Que si ce Roy avoit en vie de soy remarier quil nestoit pas bien conseille de perdre temps et argent a faire tant de poursuites ains a lexemple du Roy Loys devrait sans autre proces expouser celle quil veult."

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 29, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 77: "Apres ce il [the Duke of Norfolk] se commenca descharger quil navoit este ne promoteur ne faulteur de ce mariaige ains lavoit tous jours dissuade et neust este luy et le pere delle, que contrefit 1\3 malade et le frenetique pour avoir meilleur moyen de contredire, ce mariaige se fust fait il y a ung an passe, dont la dame fust fort indignee et centre lung et centre lautre."

158 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. IT. him at last into the camp of her enemies. She was

offended with her father, too ; and sharp taunts which

passed between them led to a complete estrangement.1

The Although an immediate marriage was impossible,

c^r£in there was nothing to prevent Anne and Crom-

attacked. well from preparing the ground for further action. They wished to deprive the church of the last rem- nants of independence, and the end of the session was marked by an energetic attack on its privileges. Convocation was pressed by the royal ministers to declare that the clergy had no right to make ordinances in provincial councils without the royal assent. Gardiner, now installed Bishop of Winchester, argued strongly against the declaration, but all to no avail ; convocation had to give way, and to admit that pro- vincial ordinances and canons should be revised by a

WarJiaris royal commission.2 Warham was indignant at the

prc est. jnjury c"lone to his order, and from his bed he dictated a formal protest against all encroachments on the ecclesiastical power, asserting that he would not allow

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 29, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 77 : " Puis huict jours ayant la dame print une piece comme font icy les femmes ensainctes pour supplir aux robes que se trouvent tropt estroites son diet pere luy diet quil falloyt louher et regracier dieu de la veoer en tel estat, et elle en lieu de merciement en presence des ducz de Norphoc et Sufforc et du tresourier de Ihostel respondit quelle estoit en meilleur estat quil neust voulu."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 13, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 32 : " Le chancelier et les evesques contrarient ce quilz peuvent de quoy le Roy est tres indigne especiallement contre le diet chancellier et levesque de Vuinchestre et sobstine fort le Roy de fere passer la chose ; " and Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. i. part i. p. 130.

ANNE BOLEYN. 159

himself to be bound by any statute or agreement, and claiming the whole of his episcopal authority.1 This made it very difficult for Henry to bring his case before a tribunal appointed by himself, for although he might refuse to appear at Kome, he could not with any show of reason deny that the arch- bishops had hitherto exercised the functions for which Warham contended. Henry himself had so often asserted that the matter of the divorce ought to be tried by the primate that it was impossible for him now to take up a different position.

Warham might have been put on his trial for some imaginary offence ; but this would have created an immense scandal, and the difficulties of the divorce would only have been increased. Besides, fear of worldly consequences had no influence over a dying man. Nothing, therefore, could be done, and matters remained in suspense.

This was most annoying to Anne, for every delay An became the occasion of fresh complications. During ™^ the summer an intrigue was spun against her, which, Anne. if it had succeeded, would have stopped her further career. Her former admirer, Sir Henry Percy, who had now become Earl of Northumberland, had married Lady Mary Talbot, daughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury. The marriage had not been happy, the wayward and violent young earl having soon quarrelled with his wife ; and for the last two years he had abstained from her company. Being questioned by her as to the cause of his behaviour,

1 Protestation of Archbishop Warham, February 24, 1532, Burnet, Collectanea, part iii. book ii. No. xxv.

160 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. iv. he replied that he was not her husband, that he had long ago been betrothed to Anne Boleyn, and that in consequence of this pre-contract any subsequent marriage was illegal. The countess fancied that this statement afforded her a chance of obtaining release from one with whom she had led an unhappy life, and that it would be an obstacle to the marriage of the king and Anne. She wrote to her father giving her account of what the earl had said, and asking that the matter should be laid before the king. But Lord Shrewsbury, though an enemy of Anne, was a cautious man. Had he done as his daughter desired, he would not have gained much ; the letter would have been at once communicated to Anne, who would have found means to defend herself. It was accord- ingly taken to the Duke of Norfolk, by whom it was handed to his niece.

Anne at once chose the boldest course. She showed the letter to the king, and insisted that the affair should be investigated. At her request Northumber- land was sent for and strictly examined. Whatever the young earl might have said in a fit of passion to his wife, he was not the man to abide by it in cold blood. He knew that for having concealed a fact so closely affecting the king's honour he might almost be charged with treason, and that if, by revealing it now, he rendered the marriage of Anne and Henry nearly impossible, he would draw on himself the hatred both of the king and of the lady. Before the council he denied that any pre- contract existed between him and Anne, and this statement he solemnly repeated before the Archbishop

ANNE BOLEYN. 161

of Canterbury.1; Anne had once more defeated the CHAP. iv. plots of her enemies.

The hearing of the earl's deposition was the last Death of important act of Warham's life. He was far advanced in age, and his strength had for some time been fail- ing. The difficulties of his position, the profound alarm and displeasure he felt at the turn things were taking, preyed heavily on his mind. His body was not able to bear the strain any longer, and on August the 23rd of August he died. 23> 1532'

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 22, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iv. fol. 57 ; and Earl of Northumberland to Cromwell, May 13, 1536, Burnet, Collectanea, part iii. book iii. No. 49.

VOL. I. M

CHAPTEE V.

THE MARRIAGE.

CHAP. v. THE death of Warham removed the chief obstacle in the way of Anne. The stubborn resistance of the primate during the last year had hampered her efforts, and had made it impossible to obtain a divorce in England. Now this difficulty was at an end. It was Henry's duty to choose Warham's successor, and he would of course appoint a man certain to do his bidding. The new primate, when installed, would be ordered to open a court and to hear the cause, and immediately after the decision Henry would publicly marry Anne.

Anne's On the 1st of September, eight days after Warham's ttesfy- death, the courtiers were treated to a ceremony of a nificance. rather extraordinary kind. Lady Anne Eochford September was °n that day created Marchioness of Pembroke i, 1532. w'L\h remainder to the heirs male of her body. The words " lawfully begotten," which were generally in- serted in patents of creation, were significantly left out ; any illegitimate son whom Anne might have, would be entitled to the dignity.1 A thousand

1 Order of the Ceremony, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 522 ; and Patent of Creation, September 1, 1532, Ibid. p. 585.

ANNE BOLEYN. 163

pounds in lands were at the same time settled on CHAP. v. the new marchioness, and a few days later she received a present of jewels taken by royal command from the queen.1

What was the reason for this extraordinary step ? There seems to be but one explanation. Hitherto Anne, uncertain how long it would take to obtain a divorce, had feared that if she yielded to the king, his passion might cool before she could become his wife. After the death of Warham there was less reason to dread this result, and it is highly probable that having obtained a promise that the new archbishop would forthwith pronounce a divorce, she became the king's mistress. But even now she was cautious, and to provide against the worst, against any unforeseen event that might prevent her marriage, she asked for a title for herself and any illegitimate son she might bear, and for a grant of lands and jewels. No other theory will account for all the circumstances — the curious wording of the patent, the promotion of Anne immediately after Warham's death, the nomination of Cranmer, and the premature birth of Elizabeth.

The lovers were not to spend their honeymoon Henry in perfect quiet. Henry, who always attached too Pr°P°ses much importance to mere professions of friendship, view with had expressed a wish to confirm the alliance between Franci8L England and France by an interview with Francis.2

1 Grant of Annuity, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 585 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles Y., September 5, and October 1, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fols. 57 and 63.

2 Francis I. to Giles de la Pommeraye, January 13, and

M 2

164 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. Eemembering the costliness of the famous meeting of 1520, and the bad results which had sprung from it, Francis was not very eager to grant the request ; but Henry was pressing, and in the summer of 1532 de la Pommeraye, at his solicitation, went to France to arrange the conditions of an interview.1 On June, de la Pommeraye's return in June the King of

1532

England surrendered one after another certain ridicu- lous pretensions on which he had at first insisted ; and the Duke of Norfolk assured de la Pommeraye that Francis should be treated throughout as the superior.2 It was agreed that in October the two kings should meet at Boulogne and Calais, that no exorbitant display should be made, and that the number of their attendants should be limited.3 Francis, having no longer any pretext for declining the proposal, ratified what his ambassador had done, but asked that the agreement should be kept secret until the very eve of the meeting, so that it might appear to happen by mere chance. This, however, would not have served the King of England, and scarcely had the convention been concluded when the

September 15, 1532 (the latter wrongly dated 1531), Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 4126, fols. 2 and 5.

1 Giles de la Pommeraye to the Bishop of Auxerre, June 21, 1532, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 93 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 13, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 32.

2 Giles de la Pommeraye to A. de Montmorency, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3094, fol. 145.

3 G. du Bellay to A. de Montmorency, September 10, 1532 ; and "Ordo observandus in conventu. . . ." Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fols. 133 and 135.

ANNE BOLEYN. 165

secret was allowed to leak out. During August it CHAP. v. became generally known in London.1

Henry wished to take Anne with him to meet his royal brother of France, first, because he now found it very hard to be deprived of her company even for a few days, secondly, because he hoped that Francis might be brought to treat her as a person who was shortly to be the Queen of England, whereby a certain sanction would be given to the divorce. De la Pommeraye was asked to obtain an invitation for her from France, and wrote to Montmorency explaining the king's wishes.2 Guillaume du Bellay (brother to Jean, Bishop of Bayonne) was now sent to England to arrange the details of the meeting; and, in reply to de la Pommeraye's suggestion, he brought a September message for Henry which was capable of being ' interpreted as an invitation for Anne.3

Thereupon, early in September, privy seals were sent out to a number of Lords to hold their wives in readiness to accompany the king's cousin, the Marchioness of Pembroke, whom King Francis had

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 29 and August 9, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 52, and P.O. 227, iv. fol. 60.

2 G. de la Pommeraye to A. de Montmorency, July 23, 1532, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3003, fol. 23. This letter has been ascribed by Legrand (vol. iii. p. 553), by Mr. Froude, and by Mr. Gairdner to Jean du Bellay. But by a comparison with the postscript to the paper in vol. 3094, fol. 145, which is a holograph, it clearly appears that the letter must have been written by de la Pommeraye. The copy at Paris is dated July 23, while Legrand prints July 21.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 15, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 61.

166 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. invited to be present at the meeting.1 These messages were received with much indignation ; nevertheless, as disobedience might have proved dangerous, Anne would certainly not have lacked attendance had not a new difficulty arisen.

Who shall Francis had been quite willing that Anne should be Anne? brought to Calais or even to Boulogne. But when Henry had desired that the new marchioness should be met by some French lady of high rank, Francis had not shown the same readiness. The Queen of France was out of the question, for in outward things her husband retained some of the manners of a gentleman, and he would not ask her to meet the mistress of Henry — he would not oblige Leonor to greet the woman who was conspiring against the happiness of her aunt. But, Henry had suggested, might not Marguerite, the king's sister and titular Queen of Navarre, be induced to attend ? She was known to be hostile to the emperor, who kept her husband out of the kingdom to which he pretended, and she belonged to that party in France w^hich showed most enmity to the pretensions of Borne;

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 15, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 61: "Et davantaige a eu charge le diet Langey de prier et requerer de la mesme part ce Roy de vouloir mesner et conduire dela de la mer en sa compaignie la nouvelle marquise. Syl na eust telle charge yl souffist que le diet ambassadeur le donne ainsy dentendre et quil avoue le Roy, lequel a dernierement escript a plusieurs seigneurs quilz tinssent prestes et en ordre leur femme pour accompaigner sa tres chiere et tres aymee cousine la Marquise de Pembrot laquelle a la priere de son bon frere et perpetuel allie le Roy de France il a de mesner a cette assemblee."

ANNE BOLEYN. 167

But Marguerite — although an enemy to emperor CHAP. v. and to pope — objected to the divorce. She had some generous feelings, and had spoken strongly of the shameful way in which votes had been obtained for Henry.1 She refused to go, and Francis does not seem to have been very anxious to overcome her reluctance. When de la Pommeraye brought this unwelcome message, he added that the Duchess of Vend6me might receive Lady Pembroke ; but Anne was too well in- formed as to French court scandal not to know that the good duchess, the worthy mother of Antoine de Bourbon and grandmother of the king " vertgalant," had led the gayest and not the most irreproachable of lives. Her court was still anything but strict in morals, and had it been decided that she, of all the princesses of France, should accompany Francis, Anne, instead of being honoured, would have been made ridiculous. So Henry in his turn objected to Madame de Yendome, and Anne preferred not to be met by anybody.2 The ladies by whom she was to have been accompanied were released from the obligation to attend her.

1 Dr. Ortiz to the Empress, February 7, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,586, fol. 217.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 1, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. 63. Carew sent word to Chapuis : " Et davantaige que ce roy nestoit pas tropt content a cause que Ion luy avoit donne quelque fumiere et espoir que le Roy de France meneroit avec luy en contrecharge de la dame sa sueur madame delanson et que maintenant ilz disoient quelle estoit malade et que en son lieu se trouveroit Madame de Yandosme de quoy ceulx cy ne se contentent disant que comme la dicte Dame de Yandosme a ete autreffois bonne compagne quelle aura quelque compagnie cor- respondente au temps passe et de male reputacion, que sera uce honte et injure pour les dames de pardeca."

168 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. As the time for the proposed meeting approached, Dissatis- the temper of the English nobles did not improve. ^English" ^ French alliance was very unpopular, and it was nobles, feared that if the conference took place the country might be dragged into unprofitable wars. The nobles knew also that attendance on the king would involve considerable expenditure, for, not- withstanding the sensible message of Francis as to simplicity and economy, Henry wanted his followers to make a fine display. And for all this they expected to get nothing but French sneers.1 All the courtiers with the exception of the Boleyn fraction were, therefore, violently hostile to the meet- ing ; and the Duke of Suffolk — although he was a pensioner and partisan of France — dared even now to remonstrate with the king. Being rewarded for his pains by a volley of abuse,2 he went to his country seat, determined, if possible, to be late in his pre- parations and to miss the time for the interview.3 Lord Oxford, the high chamberlain, more prudently expressed his ill humour in conversation with his friends, asserting that the whole matter had been brewed between the king, Anne, and de la Pommeraye, to the total exclusion of the council.4 Sir Nicholas Carew, who was sent over to France to hasten the arrival of Francis, was heard swearing that

1 G. de la Pommeraye to A. de Montmorency, July 23, 1532, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3003, fol. 23.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 5, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 57.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 15, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C., iii. fol. 61.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 5, 1532, loc. cit.

ANNE BOLEYN. 169

if it lay with him he would rather do his best to CHAP. v. prevent the accomplishment of the scheme.1 But all was of no avail ; Henry had gone too far to draw back, and Anne had set her heart on the meeting.

In the beginning of October the royal party set out, going by river to Gravesend and then proceeding to a house of Sir Thomas Cheyne, the king's favourite and a great friend of Anne.2 After a few days they went by land to Dover, and on the llth they arrived at October Calais.3 Here they heard of the arrival of Francis llj 1532* at Boulogne on the 19th, and on Monday the 21st October Henry rode out from Calais to meet his royal brother ' of France.4

Notwithstanding the reluctance of the English courtiers, Henry's train presented a brave show as it wound its way towards the French frontier, and at any other time the king might have felt elated by it. But at this moment the person he would have liked most to have at his side was wanting. The French had proved firm ; no princess had come to Boulogne to greet the Marchioness of Pembroke, and under these circumstances Anne herself had not wished to accompany the king. Eiding out to meet

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 1, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 63.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 1, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 63.

3 Chronicle of Calais, printed for the Camden Society, p. 41 ; and Peter Ligham to Bishop Fisher, October 12, 1532, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 600.

4 Account of the meeting at Boulogne, Camusat, Meslanges) ii. fol. 106.

170 ANNE EOLEYN.

CHAP. v. Francis, therefore, Henry smarted under a double injury ; the honour he had wished to be shown to Anne had been refused to her, and he himself was about to be deprived of her company for three days. He had become so accustomed to her presence that he could scarcely bear to be away from her even for one day.

Meetingof Francis, though firm on this point, was most and obliging in every other respect. At the limit of his Henry, territory he stood ready to receive his guest, and when Henry arrived, they embraced tenderly, and after prolonged demonstrations of mutual affection rode together towards Boulogne. According to the promise made by Norfolk to de la Pommeraye, Henry was going to ride at the left of the French king ; but Francis, having obtained this acknowledgment of his superior rank, desired to show all courtesy to his guest and insisted on giving him the place of honour. l At Boulogne the King of England was splendidly entertained for three days ; and he tried to gain Francis and the French courtiers over to his views by studied amiability and liberality. With the greatest of the French noblemen he played at cards or dice, and he was careful to lose considerable sums.2 To Montmorency, Chabot Brion, Cardinal du Prat, Jean du Bellay and Jean Joaquin de Yaulx, he offered pensions, the full value of which Francis allowed

1 Account of the meeting at Boulogne, Camusat, Meslanges, i. fol. 106.

2 Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII., British Museum, Add. MSS. 20,030; and Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. pp. 760 and 761.

ANNE BOLEYN. 171

them to accept, although he would not permit them CHAP. v. to receive regular annual payments.1 On others Henry bestowed costly jewels or chains of gold, and when the sons of Francis came to visit him at his house he made them a present of the bonds their father had signed to obtain money for their release from Spain.2

On Friday, the 25th, the two kings went together October to Calais, where Francis was to return the visit 25' 1532* paid to him. On his arrival he sent the provost of Paris to Anne with a valuable jewel, which he begged her to accept.3 On Sunday, when Francis had supped October with Henry, some masked ladies dame in and began to dance with the French king and his courtiers. After a short space the ladies took off their visors, when it appeared that Anne was among them.4 Whatever mortification she may have felt, she was too clever to show it ; and Francis did his best to make her forget that she had been slighted. Anne's natural sympathies being in favour of France, they Were soon on very good terms, and they had a long political conversation in which the

1 Accounts of E. Fowler, November 1, 1532, R.O. Henry VIII. Box N; and Permission granted by Francis I. to Cardinal Duprat, A. de Montmorency, and Ph. de Chabot Brion, March 18, 1534, Paris, Bibliotheque de 1' Arsenal, Registres Conrart, vol. xv.

2 Account of the meeting at Boulogne, Camusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 108.

3 Account of the meeting at Boulogne, Camusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 108.

4 Wynkin de Worde, The Manner of the Tryumphe. Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 624.

172 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. French king made all kinds of vague promises.1 " Good reasons," Chapuis remarks, "the King of France had for it, for the lady serves him better than Wolsey ever did, without asking for 25,000 ducats a year." 2 So the three days at Calais passed pleasantly

October enough, and when, on Tuesday the 29th, Francis

29 1532

took his leave, Henry upon the whole felt satisfied

with the result of the meeting. The French king

rode that day to Boulogne, and after a short stay

went to Amiens to fulfil some of the obligations he

had undertaken at Calais. Henry and Anne were

detained by contrary winds, and could not cross until

Norember the 13th of November.3 They spent a few days at

is, 1532. j)over> an(j proceeding by slow stages arrived on the

24th at Eltham.4

Results During the interview, a treaty of alliance had been meeting, concluded against the Turks, so worded that in case of any real danger from Soliman it would have been of no effect whatever.5 But, besides this, Francis had assented to some measures for the special benefit of Henry. The two French Cardinals of Tournon and of Gramont were to be sent to Bologna, where Clement was once more to meet the emperor. They were, if possible, to prevent the pope from going too

1 J. de Dinteville to A. de Montmorency, November 7, 1533, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 276.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 15, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 61.

3 Chronicle of Calais, p. 44.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 26, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 71.

5 Treaty of October 28, 1532, Camusat, Meslancjes, ii. fol. 109.

ANNE BOLEYN. 173

far in favour of Charles, and to propose a meeting CHAP. v. between Clement and Francis. They were also to dissuade the pope from taking vigorous measures against Henry, and to represent to him that if he procrastinated, he might arrange everything to his satisfaction at the interview with Francis, to which the king of England would send an ambassador with full power.1 To make the pope more pliant, a pro- posal of marriage between his niece, Catherine dei Medici, and a son of Francis, was again to be put forward.

Henry saw in all this a proof of the friendship and regard Francis felt for him ; and the words of the French king had strengthened his confidence. Francis had been most courteous, and had professed unalterable love for his good brother of England, by whom he had promised to stand in every emergency.2 He had repeated the advice given long ago through du Bellay, that Henry should marry Anne without further ado, and afterwards defend his cause at Eome or elsewhere.3 The pope, he had said, pressed as he was by the emperor, could not authorise beforehand the measures on which Henry was bent ; but if the step were taken, he might accede to it as a thing past remedy. Charles himself would perhaps become less hostile, and if not, Francis would throw • all his influence into the scale and neutralise the action of the emperor.

1 Instructions to the Cardinals of Tournon and of Gramont, November 13, 1532, Camusat, Meslanges Historiques, ii. fol. 114.

2 Instructions to Lord Rochford, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 429.

3 J. Hanart to E. Chapuis, January 18, 1533, Vienna

174 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. The fair speeches of Francis made a great impres- sion on Henry's mind. Whatever distrust may have been excited by the French was now overcome ; he took courage to proceed more vigorously, and without regard for the emperor. He was carried so far by his belief in the fine phrases of Francis that from being indecisive and timid he became over-eager and too self-reliant.

Thomas Anne profited by this change in Henry's temper, Cranmer. an(^ ^ wag ^jy ^gjpg^ ^y Cromwell and by his

agents. She had already gained a most important point, the nomination of a primate on whose absolute servility she might rely. Thomas Cranmer, who was chosen to succeed Warhana in the see of Canterbury, had studied divinity at Cambridge, but had married and had been obliged to leave his college. His wife having died, he had taken holy orders, had returned to his college, and had been made lecturer on divinity. When the question of the divorce was raised he sided with the king and Anne, and was rewarded by being made chaplain to Lord Eochford, Anne Boleyn's father.1 He soon exchanged the service of the Boleyns for that of January, the king, and in January 1530, being then one of 1530. fae royal chaplains, he was chosen to accompany his former patron, now Earl of Wiltshire, to Bologna.2

Archives, P.O. 228, ii. fol. 17 ; and Instructions to Lord Rochford, loc. cit.

1 Catherine of Aragon's Appeal to the Pope, from Ampthill (no date), Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, ii. fol. 61.

2 E. Cbapuis to Charles V., January 20, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, i. fol. 15 ; and Accounts of Sir Bryan Tuke, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 317,

ANNE BOLEYN. 175

On the return of the earl, Cranmer remained in Italy CHAP, v. to collect opinions in favour of the divorce and to assist the English ambassadors at Kome.1 Towards the end of the year he went back to England, where December, shortly afterwards he received, as a reward for his services, the archdeaconry of Taunton. When Henry and Anne became dissatisfied with Sir Thomas Elyot, then ambassador to the emperor, Cranmer was chosen to take his place ; 2 and he started in the begin- January, ning of 1532 to rejoin the imperial court, which was then residing in Germany. Besides his official mis- sion he is said to have had a secret one, namely, to try to win over to the king's cause as many Ger- man divines and doctors as possible.3 This he did with considerable zeal but with little success, and he had soon to leave those places where at least a few doctors would have given him a favourable hearing, to

1 Cranmer to R. Crocke, Pocock, Records of the Reformation, No. cxxx.

2 Henry VIII. to Charles V., January 25, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 22, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 8 : " Lambassadeur que ce roy a advise den voyer resider devers vostre Majeste aulieu de celuy qui est apresent (duquel ceulxcy ne soy contentent, ne scay pourquoy) partira dans peu de jours. Cest ung des docteurs de ceulx que f urent a Boulogne avec le comte de Vulchier, duquel et de sa fille il depend entierement. II a escript en faveur du divorce et est de ceulx qui ont translate en Anglois le livre du Roy. Je doubte quil oseroit bien avoir charge passant par les universites dalle- maigne de veoir sil pourroit les tirer a son oppinion, soit lutheriens ou autres ; " and E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 30, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 10 : "II plaira Vostre Majeste y faire tenir loeul."

176 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. attend the court of the emperor, who was preparing to repel the invasion of the Turks.1 He followed Charles V. first to Vienna and then to Italy, giving piteous descriptions of the ravages committed by the soldiers of both parties and of the dangers he himself had to encounter.2 At Mantua he met Dr. Nicholas Hawkins, from whom he received the news of his recall.3 The letter addressed to him to that effect in the beginning of October had not reached him on account of his travels, and he had to be content with taking cognisance of the credentials of his successor November Hawkins.4 On the 18th of November he took leave 18, it 32. o£ Charles, and on the following day left Mantua and

hastened back to England.5

Cranmer's Both by his character and by his ability Cranmer c aracter. wag eminently fitted to become a useful tool in the hands of Henry and Cromwell. He was now a man of forty-three, rather learned, of ready wit, a good controversialist, and withal elegant, graceful, and insinuating. An admirable deceiver, he possessed the talent of representing the most imfamous deeds in the finest words. In England he had spoken

1 Cranmer to Henry VIII., September 4, 1532, Strype, Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, Appendix No. ii.

2 Cranmer to Henry VIII., October 20, 1532, Pocock, Records of the Reformation, No. ccxciii.

3 N. Hawkins to Henry VIII., November 21, 1532, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 386.

4 Henry VIII. to Charles V., October 1, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iv. fol. 71.

5 Charles V. to Henry VIII., November 18, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iv. fol. 76 ; and N. Hawkins to Henry VIII., November 21, 1532, loc. cit.

ANNE BOLEYN. 177

so strongly in favour of the divorce and against the CHAP. v. papal authority that he could scarcely venture to alter his tone ; and in the event of his feeling any inclination to do so, it was believed — for his timidity was well known — that he would be easily frightened into any course Henry and Cromwell might prescribe.

His intellectual ability and the weakness of his Th3 king's moral character were not Cranmer's only titles Cranmer. to preferment. By accepting the archbishopric he would place himself entirely at the mercy of Henry. In Germany, at the house of Osiander, he had made the acquaintance of a young woman by whose charms he had been captivated. His opinions about the celibacy of priests were as vague and shifting as about most other subjects, and as the woman did not object to have a priest for her husband, they went through a ceremony of marriage. Cranmer had not the hardihood to acknowledge publicly what he had done, but it was not so well hidden but that some inkling of it reached Cromwell's spies. No action was taken against the archdeacon ; although his marriage was clearly illegal, the matter seems not even to have been mentioned. But it was kept in good remembrance, to be made use of at the proper moment. If Cranmer, after being installed as primate, should feel tempted to follow the example of Lee and Gardiner, should stand up for the rights and independence of the Church and refuse to do the king's bidding, a slight hint might be given to him that bishops could be deprived and punished for incontinence. This would, no doubt, suffice to ensure his immediate sub- mission ; but if he held out, Henry might pretend to

VOL. i. N

178 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. have just discovered the marriage ; and Cranmer, accused of incontinence, sentenced, and deprived, would be sent to the Tower to make way for an arch- bishop even more pliant, and to serve as a warning to persons disposed to betray the king's confidence.

When a bishopric became vacant, Henry generally

waited a year or more before appointing a new bishop,

enjoying in the meantime the revenues of the see.

Cranmer But in this case unusual haste was made. A week

apPArch- after Cranmer arrived at the English court in the

bishop of noddle Of December, the see of Canterbury was

Canter- bury, offered to him and was gladly accepted.1 After the

January, customary forms had been gone through in England, the English ambassadors with Clement VII. were in- structed to apply for the bulls confirming his nomina- tion, and that no delay might arise the money necessary for them was lent to Cranmer by the king himself.2

Had either the emperor or the pope been fully aware of the character, opinions, and position of Cranmer, the former would have vigorously opposed the confirmation of his appointment, and Clement might for once have laid aside his complaisance and refused to issue the bulls. But Cranmer at the court of Charles had given ample proof of his talent for deceit. While encouraging Henry to persist in his course, while intriguing with the Protestant doctors to obtain their votes in favour of the divorce, he had with the emperor and the imperial ministers played the part of a man who was at heart wholly opposed

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 29, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 3.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 29, 1533, loc. cit.

ANNE BOLEYN. 179

to the king's policy. He had spoken with so great a CHAP. v. show of sincerity that even Granvelle had been mis- led.1 Carew and Sampson, Harvey and Eliot — some of them, like Cranmer, former servants of Anne — had, when at the imperial court, been converted into stout opponents of the divorce, and were now rendering valuable service to the cause of Catherine. Why should not the archdeacon of Taunton have been converted too ? Why should not his assurances be taken for truth ?

It was in vain that Eustache Chapuis warned the emperor how dangerous a person Cranmer was.2 His words had no effect : the imperial agents offered no opposition to the issuing of the bulls.

The pope might have been informed by his nuncio as to the intentions of Henry and as to the character of Cranmer, and might of his own authority have raised some objection. But the same clever hypocrisy by which Cranmer had succeeded at the imperial court was practised in England towards de Burgo. One of j)e

Henry's ministers (his name is not found in the and the

i r* • \ T divorce.

despatches of Chapuis) suggested to de Burgo a way in which the matter of the divorce might be brought

1 N. de Granvelle to E. Chapuis, September 26, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229|-, ii. fol. 48: "Je mesbahys fort des termes estranges que comme Ion a entendu du couste de Rome tient larchevesque de Canturbery mesmes en laffaire des Royne et Princesse, actendu que durant le temps quil estoit resident en ceste court il blasmoit mirablement ce que le Roy dangleterre son maistre et ses autres ministres f aisoient en laffaire du divorce encontre les dictes Royne et Princesse."

2, E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 9, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 8.

N 2

180 ANNE BOLEFN.

CHAP. v. to an end. If the pope would depute two cardinals to hear the evidence and the pleadings at some neutral place near England, Cambray for instance, Henry would consent to send an ambassador to plead his cause before them.1

The nuncio swallowed the bait. Notwithstanding the warnings and protests of Chapuis, he reported the proposal to the pope in a way most favourable to Henry ; 2 and his judgment was confirmed by the two French cardinals who had arrived from Amiens.

January, They represented to Clement all the dangers of a 33' schism, and spoke of the strong friendship between Francis and Henry. They promised, too, that every- thing should be arranged to the pope's satisfaction if he would consent to meet the French king.3

Clement was not indifferent to the warning con-

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 29, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 3.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 9, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 8; and Charles V. to E. Chapuis, January 5, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 23 : "Nre Sainct Pere (en grant secret et confidence) nous a faict entendre comment son nonce extant en Angleterre avoit eu propos a quelqung des gens dudict Sr Roy, mesmes de ceulx dont il se fye, que luy avoient declare que si Nre diet Sainct Pere vouloit remettre la connaissance et examen de la cause hors de Rome fust a Cambray ou autre part ailleurs que en Angleterre que le diet Roy pourroit estre induit a soy soubmettre expressement dois maintenant au jugement de sa sainctete."

3 Instructions to the Cardinals of Tournon and of Gramont, November 13, 1532, Canmsat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 103; Cardinals of Tournon and of Gramont to Francis I., January 21, 1533, Camusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 23 ; and Frangois de Dinteville, Bishop of Auxerre, to A. de Montmorency, January 7, 1533, Camusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 117.

ANNE BOLEYN. 181

veyed by the two cardinals. He had, besides, some CHAP, v, reason to believe what de Burgo had written. It had been generally expected that at Boulogne or Calais Henry would protest to the French cardinals and other prelates against the injustice done to him, and that he would marry Anne Boleyn either at Calais or immedi- ately after his return to England.1 Nothing of the kind had happened ; Henry had shown no extraordi- nary eagerness to discuss his grievances, nor had the new Marchioness of Pembroke received anything like royal or even princely honours. People began, there- fore, once more to say that the marquisate had been conferred on Anne instead of, and not as a step towards, the crown, that Henry was getting tired of his mistress, and that he was almost ready to desist from his purpose of marrying her.2 Clement believed

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 9, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iv. fol. 60 : " Bien que de quelque autre part Ion ma averti que la dicte da me fait tout son effort pour recouvrer dames qui la voysent accompaigner a ceste entrevue et si cela estoit il seroit fort a doubter que pour mieux auctoriser le cas ce Roy la vouldroit esposer en lassistance de lautre;" and E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 26, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii.fol. 55.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 9, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iv. fol. 60 : " Je luy (la Pommeraye) demanday si le jeusne due de Lorraine estoit en court de France pour espouser laisnee fille de France que autreffois luy avoit este promise. Sur ce il demeura ung espace tout pensif . . . . Lesquelz propos joinct la myne dudict ambassadeur me font souspeconner que ce Roy, voyant que ne pour son honneur ne pour la sehurete de son estat ne selon conscience, avec quil se pust separer de la Royne, actendu quil a eu affaire avec la sueur de cestecy, il ne la peut avoir, quil vouldra entendre en la fille de France. Ne scais si les autres seront tant despourveuz de sens quilz voulsissent hazarder une telle princesse en dangier destre desclaree un jour une concubine

182 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. these reports, so that it naturally seemed to him of no great importance who was to be Archbishop of Canterbury, while he thought it desirable to avoid any conflict which might anger Henry and put English public opinion on his side. Charles V.. who was at that time staying with the pope at Bologna? was forced to admit that Clement might be right, and offered no opposition.1 The warnings of Chapuis were dismissed as the outcome of party spirit, and on the February 21st of February Cranmer was proposed in consistory.2 There was some talk about the fees for the bulls by which the nomination was to be confirmed ; but the March, documents were soon made out, and in the beginning

of March they were handed to the English agents.3

The secret Delay would have been extremely inconvenient for

marriage. Anne, because the marquisate of Pembroke had begun

January, to have its natural consequences. In January 1533

she had announced to Henry that she was with child.

The news filled the king with joy ; the child of course

would be a boy, the Prince of Wales for whom he had

longed so many years. But alas, no Prince of Wales,

if Henry and Anne were not married betimes. If the

child were not at least born in lawful wedlock, it

et adultere. Et maugmente ma dicte suspecon ce que quelqung ma faict entendre quil estoit quelque propoz de envoyer de court la dame avec touteffois grand honneur et reputacion ; " and E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 26, 1532, loc. cit.

1 Charles Y. to E. Chapuis, January 5, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 23.

2 N. Hawkins to Henry VIII., February 22, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 425.

3 Ibid. ; and Bull of Clement VII., IX. Cal. Martii, anno 1532, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 190.

ANNE BOLEYN. 183

would scarcely be rendered legitimate by a subsequent CHAP. v. marriage. But a public marriage would overthrow the whole edifice that had been so carefully reared. The bulls for Cranmer would be refused, the divorce would not be pronounced, and the legitimacy of the child would still be doubtful. There was no way out of the difficulty but by a .clandestine mar- riage, and on or about the 25th of January, in presence January, of a few of the most confidential attendants, the ' ceremony was performed.1

It is not quite certain who was the priest so servile The priest and so perjured as to officiate on this occasion. Dr. Rowland Lee, the king's chaplain, soon afterwards appointed to the see of Coventry and Lichfield, is generally said to have been the man ; but there is no evidence for this, and the evidence which still exists tends the other way. Eustache Chapuis asserts that the priest by whom the ceremony was performed was an Augustinian friar, whom the king rewarded by making him general of the mendicant friars.2 This description fits perfectly with George Brown, who in the spring of 1533 was prior of Austin Friars in London. In 1534 he became provincial prior of all eremitical bodies in England, and (together with John

1 Archbishop Cranmer to N. Hawkins, June 17, 1533, Archceologia Britannica, vol. xviii. p. 81 ; E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 23, April 15, and May 10, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fols. 20, 41, and 61 ; and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, February 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 43. See Appendix, Note D.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 28, 1535, Vienna Archives P.C. 229^, i. fol. 9 : "En recompense de ce quil fit loffice a lepousement."

184 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. Hilsey) was commissioned as visitor general of com- munities of friars of every order.1 George Brown was certainly in favour of the divorce, and it was he who April, on Easter day first prayed for Anne as queen from

1 ** *-jQ

the pulpit.2 He subsequently became Archbishop of Dublin, where he showed himself a strong reformer. The For a few weeks the secret of Henry and Anne was

kept well enough. The nuncio, ignorant of what had taken place, and anxious to bring about a re- conciliation, humoured Henry's caprices and allowed himself to be made use of by the king's ministers. Parliament had been called together for the 4th of

February, February ; and de Burgo was invited to accompany the king to Westminster on the 8th, and to be pre- sent at the opening of the session. Although this was rather contrary to custom, the nuncio dared not refuse. Henry sat on his throne, having on his right the representative of the Holy See, while on his left was

February, the French ambassador.3 Two days later de Burgo

10 1533

was once more pressed to accompany the king to parliament, and after having done so, he and Dinte- ville, the new French ambassador, were ostentatiously taken by the Duke of Norfolk and other nobles to the house of Sir William Fitzwilliam, where a banquet had been prepared for them.4

1 Patent to G. Browne and J. Hilsey, April 13, 1534, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 223.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 27, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 55.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 9, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 8.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 15, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 16.

ANNE BOLEY'N. 185

These demonstrations were not intended only or CHAP. v. even chiefly to please de Burgo and the pope, they were rather made for the purpose of misleading the English public as to the policy of the Holy See. The action of the nuncio was pointed to as unmistakable evidence that Clement approved of Henry's course ; and this perplexed the king's opponents and took from ^them their best argument, the fear that the divorce might lead to a schism.1

The short time during which this game could still be Rising

11 i -i • - r ,1 • power of

played was employed, in preparing lor the coming Cromwell. battle. The chief management of affairs had now passed into the hands of Cromwell. By his ability and energy, and by his zeal in the service of the king and Anne, he had gained the favour of both and had rapidly increased his influence. Sir Thomas More, the chancellor, had vainly tried to oppose him. In the spring of 1531 Sir Thomas with his conservative friends was still strong enough to ward off the blow aimed at the independence of the clergy. But he was already so suspected by the king, and his move- ments were so closely watched, that he had to ask Chapuis not to come to see him, and not to send him a letter Charles V. had written to him.2 When in the spring of 1532 further proceedings were taken to limit the power of the bishops and the authority of the Holy See, More stoutly resisted the innova- tions. Henry, extremely angry, insisted that the bills

1 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., May 10, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 61.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 2, 1531, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227; i. fol. 34.

186 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. should pass ; l' and Sir Thomas More, seeing that it was impossible to stem the torrent, handed in his

May\§, resignation.2 It was accepted, and on the 16th of 32' May he returned the seals of his office. Thomas Audeley, speaker to the House of Commons, a friend and strong adherent of Cromwell, was chosen to succeed More, but for the moment he was made only keeper of the great seal.3

Cromwell, no longer hampered by the opposition of

More, filled every vacancy in the royal service

with determined adherents of his party. William

July, Paget, a very able young man, was made secretary to

the king and employed on important foreign missions.4

May 13, Eichard Eiche, a clever lawyer and absolutely unscrupulous, became attorney-general for Wales, and was afterwards preferred to the post of the king's solicitor in England.5 Other friends and clients of

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 13, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, iii. fol. 32 : "Le chancellier etles evesques contrarient ce quilz peuvent de quoy le Roy est tres indigne especiallement contre ledict chancellier et levesque de Yuinchestre et sobstine fort le Roy de fere passer la chose."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 22, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 36: "II a rendu les sceaulx se demectant de loffice soubs couleur que son traictement estoit trop petit aussi quil ne pouvoit la peyne. Tout le monde en est bien marry et non sans cause car il ny eu oncques ny aura plus homme de bien en loffice."

8 Memorandum on the delivery of the great seal, Rymer, Feeder a, vol. xiv. p. 433.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii. fol. 50.

5 Patent, May 13. 1532, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. v. p. 484; and Patent, October 10, 1533, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 552.

ANNE BOLEYN. 187

Cromwell received minor appointments, and the whole CHAP. v. administration was reorganised under his vigorous direction.

In the beginning of 1533 the party of Cromwell and Anne was still further strengthened. Sir Thomas Audeley, having shown himself an obedient and thoroughgoing servant of the king, was rewarded by being raised on the 26th of January to the rank of ^n^j lord chancellor.1 Those who showed themselves lax or hostile to the divorce were so constantly watched by Cromwell's agents that they dared not stir. It was about this time that the secretary began to or- ganise that formidable system of espionage by which he afterwards made himself so terrible.

The Boleyns felt sure of success and were more overbearing than ever. Anne herself, although she did not tell people that the marriage had already been performed, talked of it as a thing quite certain to happen within a few weeks ; and she already bespoke her future household servants.2 Lord Wiltshire had hitherto never shown himself very ardent for the divorce, and had for some time been even reckoned among the opponents of it, but now he laid aside his wonted caution. On the 13th of February he Lord said to the Earl of Rutland, whom he happened to ^dLord meet, that the king would no longer be so timid and Rutland. patient as he had been, that the marriage with 13, 1533. Anne would soon be celebrated, and that it would be

1 Memorandum on the delivery of the great seal, January 26, 1533, Kymer, Foedera, vol. xiv. p. 446.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 9, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 8.

188 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. easy by the authority of parliament to silence any one who might disapprove of it. " If this matter is brought forward in the house of peers," he added, " will you, who as a personal relative of the king should adhere to him, think of resisting him ? " Eutland tried to escape by giving the answer that had been hit upon by Darcy the year before ; but a twelvemonth had changed the state of affairs, and his objection was not allowed to pass. Wiltshire grew very violent, and Rutland, fearing the royal anger, promised to do all that was wanted. But being at heart as opposed to the measure as ever, he sent a message to Chapuis, giving an account of what had happened. The other peers, Rutland said, would probably be treated in the same way, and it could scarcely be hoped that parliament would withstand the royal will.1 The The spiritual peers, like their lay brethren,

spiritual were pressed to support the king. Two proposi- tions had been drawn up, setting forth that the marriage between Henry and Catherine had always been illegal and void.2 These propositions the king

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 15, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 208, i. fol. 16.

2 Propositions enclosed in the letter of Chapuis to Granvelle, February 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 44: " I. Ex attestationibus testium nobilissimorum virorum scriptura etiam tractatus inter illmos et potent™08 principes Sereme Regie Mw et Clarme Dfie Catherine parentes conclusi confirmatis atque aliarum allegationum . . . corroboratis, videtur nobis canonica ac legitime fide constare Hlmum principem Arthurum clarissimam dominam Catheriram predictam carnaliter cognovisse, nee debere judicem quemcumque ex hujusmodi productis aliter pronuntiare,

ANNE BOLEY-N. 189

urged the prelates and doctors to subscribe. Cranmer CHAP. v. was quite willing to do so, and asked the other bishops, to grant the king's request. But the Archbishop of York and Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, refused to set their hand to the instruments, and their resistance was not for the moment to be overcome. l

Though officially the marriage was still a secret, some Anne's

rumour of it soon began to be circulated. Anne had Discre- tions. been unable to hide her exultation at her pregnancy.

In the middle of February, in open court, she told Felruary, the Duke of Norfolk that if she did not find herself 15> 1533- with child she would go on a pilgrimage immediately after Easter.2 A few days later, on the 22nd, she peiruaryf

22, 1533/

sed oportere eum hujusmodi exhibita considerantem motum animi sui in nostram opinionem inclinare. Ita quidem sentimus et opinamur non obstante juramento predicte dne Catherine. . . . III. Conclusio est uno ore omnium theologorum quod non valet matrimonium secundum si primum matrimonium erat carnali copula consumatum. Atque ad probandum . . . unde creditur quod clerus anglie vult fateri copulam esse plene probatam, quo admisso statim conveniunt theologi quod matrimonium secundum est invalid um."

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 20 ; and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, February 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 43.

2 E. Chapuis to N". de Granvelle, February 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 43 : "Mgr. celluy que ma adverty des esposailles du Roy avec sa dame est tel que la Royne- ma com- ic ande de pouvoir escripre au rapport dicelluy comme delle mesmes. Depuis escripte la lettre de Sa Mate jen ay parle a ung autre que ma dit quil avoit sentu quelque vent, adjoustantque le Roy avoit este precipite de ce fere tant pour Iyer lesleu de Canturbery que pour ce que la dicte dame se treuve grosse ou au moins elle le t'eindoit ainsi ; et semble quelle veult donner entendre au monde

190 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. came out of her apartment into the hall where a large company was assembled. Seeing one of her favourite courtiers (Thomas Wyatt, probably) she abruptly told him that three days ago she had felt such a violent desire to eat apples as she had never felt before, that when she had spoken of it to the king he had said it was a sign that she was with child, but that she had replied it was not. Thereupon she broke into a violent fit of laughter. She may have repented of her indis- cretion, for she quickly retired, leaving the courtiers not a little astonished at her speech.1 The con- clusion to which they came was that Anne was either married already or quite sure of being so within a short time.

Towards the end of February, de Burgo could scarcely be ignorant that he had been duped by Henry, and that the king did not really intend to

quelle est ensaincte ou quil est ainsy, car il y a environ huict jours que parlant au Due de Norphoc en presence de plusieurs elle luy dit quelle vouloit aller incontinent apres pasques a ung pellerinage de nostre dame en cas quelle ne se trouvast ensaincte." 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, February 23, 1533, loc. cit. : " Et hier encoires elle se desclayra ung peu plus en avant en plus grande compaignie et sans grands propoz ne raison car ainsy quelle sortoit de sa chambre elle commenca dire a ung quelle ayme bien et lequel le Roy a autrefEois chasse de la court pour jalousie delle que puis trois jours en ca elle avoit heu une in- extimable et tresauvaige envie de manger des pommes ce que en sa vie ne luy estoit advenu et que le Roy luy avoit dit que sestoit signe quelle devoit estre grosse et quelle luy avoit reddit quil nen estoit riens. Sur ce elle se print a rire si fort en sen re- tournant en sa chambre que presque toute la court la pouvoit ouyr desquelz propoz et gestes la pluspart de ceulx questoient en la presence furent esbays et honteux."

ANNE BOLEYN. 191

submit to the authority of the pope. But the nuncio CHAP. v.

being a weak man, and apparently rather vain, was

slow to admit that he had been wrong and Chapuis

right, and slower still to act in accordance with the

new state of things. Meanwhile, everything had The

gone smoothly at the papal court. The pope had meeting of

agreed to meet Francis, Charles offering no great F^c^e

opposition to the proposal ; and the French cardinals pope,

had reported their success to Francis. The latter now

sent Guillaume du Bellay, Seigneur de Langey, to

London to settle with Henry all necessary details in

connection with the approaching meeting. On the

26th of February, de Langey, Jean de Dinteville,

Bailly de Troyes, the new French ambassador, and de

Beauvais, who had just arrived from Scotland, had a

long audience with the king. Henry spoke eagerly

of the conference, and promised to send to it either

the Duke of Norfolk or the Earl of Wiltshire with full

powers to arrange everything. To the demands made

by Francis in favour of Scotland he yielded, conceding

several small matters which had been in dispute ;

and all he asked in return was that the French

cardinals should be instructed to obtain a promise

that the pope would not " innovate " anything until

the interview had taken place.1 This request was

granted by Francis on condition that Henry would

in the meantime abstain from further proceedings in

the matter — a condition which Henry accepted. In March,

consequence of this arrangement the pope gladly 153a

1 G. du Bellay, de Beauvoys, and J. de Dinteville to Francis I., February 26, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 291.

192 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP- v. consented to remain passive ; T and during the latter part of March and the whole of April, notwithstanding rumours which were brought to Eome, he kept his

March, word. Henry, on the contrary, almost as soon as Francis granted his request, broke his promise, several bills contrary to the papal authority being introduced into parliament on the 14th and 15th of March.2

March Langey and Beauvais, who left London on the 1st of March, must already have heard something about the marriage, for their letter of the 26th of February to Francis contains a hint about a secret matter which had been disclosed to Dinteville. In these circum- stances Henry did not think it prudent to leave Francis any longer in the dark ; so George Boleyn,

Lord Anne's brother, now Viscount Eochford, was sent to

mis^ondto France to tell the whole truth to the king. He

Francis. was instructed to ask that the matter should be

kept secret for a while, that no steps should be taken

at Eome to defend the marriage without Henry's

consent, and that Francis should order his ambassadors

at the papal court to do everything the English agents

required of them, placing them at the command of

Bennet, Bonner, and Carne.3

March Lord Eochford left on the 1 3th of March, and tra- velled post haste to the French court.4 He was coldly

1 Cardinal de Tournon to Francis I., Camusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 8.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 15, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 27.

3 Instructions to Lord Rochford, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 427 to 37.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 15, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 27.

ANNE BOLEYN. 193

received. Francis was probably not very sorry that CHAP. v. the marriage had taken place ; but he resented the way in which he had been duped. He had been made to ask the pope not to do anything against Henry, although Henry had already set the Holy See at defiance. Francis had been used as an instrument for deceiving the pope, and however ready he might be to cheat on his own account he did not like to be made to cheat for other people. Besides, Henry's demands were preposterous ; Francis could not degrade his ambassadors by transforming them into mere tools of English agents of inferior rank ; he could not abdicate his right to have in this matter a policy of his own. The whole message — amplified by the foolish bragging of young Kochford — foreshadowed a course of action which was most distasteful to Francis. He earnestly wished to prevent an open rupture between Henry and the Holy See, and was alarmed and annoyed when he heard that in England every- thing tended towards this disaster. Eochford seems to have made matters even worse than they would otherwise have been by his arrogance and by his ignorance of diplomatic forms. The Aprils consequence was that all his requests, with the 1533- exception of that for secrecy, were refused, and that the French court became much less favourably disposed towards Henry than it had been before his coming.1 Jean du Bellay now for the first time seriously blamed the conduct of his English

1 Francis I. to Jean de Dinteville, March 20, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 221.

VOL. I. O

194 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. friends ; and his disapproval was the beginning of a

growing coldness.1

Henry £ut Henry went on in his course, and Anne as- February sumed almost royal state. On the 24th of February 24, loss. g|ie gaye a grea£ (Jinner at which, besides the king, the

Dowager Duchess of Norfolk, the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Suffolk and others were present. Henry was chiefly occupied in dallying with Anne ; but, tearing himself away for a moment from his beloved, he called out to the old duchess to say whether the gold and plate on the sideboard were not a goodly show. It all belonged to the marchioness, and had she not a great portion, and was she not a good match ? This witticism was duly acknowledged by the obedient courtiers, and quickly reported to Chapuis.2 March 9 A fortnight later the king and Anne went to church 1533. ^0 near a sermon, the burden of which was that Henry, as long as he had lived with Catherine, had remained in abominable sin, and that he was bound now to marry a good and virtuous woman, even if she were of lower degree than his own.3 By such speeches the public mind was prepared for the final act which was drawing near.

When it was announced that the pope had pre-

1 J. du Bellay to J. de Dinteville, March 20, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 218: "Jusqua ce jour je ne veis one homme si desraisonnable . . . je crois quil mandera que je suis bien mauvais anglois pour ce que je ne luy ay voulu accorder les pires raisons et les plus jeunes que passerent one a mer."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 8, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 23.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 15, 1533, Yienna Archives P,C. 228, i. fol. 27.

ANNE BOLEYN. 195

conised Cranmer, and that the bulls for the new CHAP. v. primate would shortly arrive, Henry plainly revealed The Holy the objects of his policy. About the middle of March attacked. a bill was submitted to parliament forbidding appeals to Eome, and settling the supreme authority in matrimonial cases on the primate and, in certain cases, on the convocation of the clergy. So open an attack on the authority of the Holy See could not but meet with considerable opposition. The House of Lords had been carefully packed, many of the members having received no writs, others having been excused from attending, while the rest had been treated as Rutland had been. But the House Resistance of Commons, elected three years before under the HwMof influence of Norfolk and Suffolk, had no desire to Commons. rebel against the papacy. Those members who be- longed to the aristocratic party — and they formed the large majority of the House — did not wish to augment the power of the primate or of convoca- tion, while the burgesses of the greater towns feared the international complications which might result from a schism and the harm it would do to their trade. Ministers had therefore to employ every artifice to ensure the passing of the bill, which was not carried for nearly three weeks.1

Similar artifices were employed to obtain an Convoca- obedient majority in convocation, which had been tion' summoned for the 17th of March.2 Many of the

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 31, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 33.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 20.

o 2

196 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP, v clergy were excused from attending personally, and requested to give their proxy to some of their brethren, whose devotion to the king could be relied upon ; and this was done to such an extent that 119 clergymen who appeared represented 200 more whose proxy they held. The first sitting took place on the

Marches, 26th of March, and the Bishop of London, who pre- 1533> sided, proposed the question as to the validity of the king's marriage. The opposition, knowing that direct resistance to the royal will was hopeless, raised a previous question. The matter, they said, was sub judice' at Eome ; was it permissible to discuss it here ? But Stokesley was equal to the occasion ; he produced a brief of Clement of the year 1530, authorising many classes of persons to state their opinion and to offer advice in the matter of the divorce. The bishop boldly asserted, " summus ponti- fex voluit unumquemque declarare mentem suam et opiniones suas in dicta causa libere et impune." Bufc with that dishonesty which was so characteristic of Henry's chosen agents, he omitted to say that since 1530 Clement had recalled the permission he had given, and had solemnly forbidden all clergymen and doctors to meddle with the dispute.

The opposition was in a very difficult position. They had no authentic copies of the subsequent briefs of Clement, and even if they had had them they would not have been allowed to appeal to them. Stokesley might refer to a papal brief in favour of Henry, but if his opponents had dared to produce one against the king, that would probably have been considered premunire, and heavy punishment might

ANNE BOLEYN. 197

have followed. Besides, the agent of the Holy See CHAP. v. was afraid of Henry, and he had not the courage to act firmly and decisively. The English Catholics thought themselves betrayed by the pope himself, and after a short but angry struggle most of them gave way. The two propositions drawn up by Cranmer were carried with some slight modification by nominal majorities of 253 to nineteen and forty-one to six. But among the majority appear the names of Cardinal Campeggio, of Eichard Nix, Bishop of Norwich, and of the Bishop of Chichester, all known to be ardent opponents of the divorce.1

A copy of the Acts of Convocation recording the votes was applied for by the royal agent, Dr. Tregonwell ; and the request was granted on behalf of the assembly by Cranmer, who had been con- secrated on the 30th of March, and now presided in the Upper House. John Fisher, Bishop of Eochester, being so bold as to protest even at the last moment, 1533- was arrested on the following day, and kept a prisoner at Winchester House.2 Two days later, April 8, having done all that was wanted for the present, 1533< convocation was by royal decree prorogued.3

Chapuis still manfully fought a losing game. When Chapuis he heard of the discussions in convocation and of i^wit the passing of the Act of Appeals, he asked for an Henry.

1 Account of the Proceedings in Convocation, Pocock, Records, No. cccxxvi.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 10, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 37.

3 Account of Proceedings, Pocock, Records, No. cccxxvi. ; and Determination of Province of Canterbury, Pocock, Records, No. cccxxvii.

198 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. v. audience ; and on the 1 Oth of April, Maundy Thursday, April 10, he was admitted to the royal presence. He had a long discussion with Henry, to whom he represented the injustice done to the queen. The king replied that he wanted to have a son, and when Chapuis bluntly answered that he was not sure to have one by Anne, Henry smiled complacently and hinted that Chapuis did not know all his secrets. After an hour of wrangling the ambassador left, and on his return home found a message which showed that his interview could not have had any important result.1

Catherine The day before, a royal commission, headed by the rgiveway. Duke of Norfolk, had waited on Catherine, and had 9> most earnestly entreated her to relinquish her title and to submit to the king. They had recourse to every kind of lie and artifice to shake the resolution of Catherine ; representing the separate opinions of the members of Convocation as a judgment passed by a tribunal, threatening her with the king's utmost anger if she persisted, and offering her all favour if she would give way. Seeing that she intended to remain firm, Norfolk exclaimed that it mattered not, for more than two months before the king had married the other in presence of several witnesses. With that the commissioners retired, and soon after- wards Lord Mount] oy, Catherine's chamberlain, came to tell her that it was the king's pleasure she should neither call herself nor be addressed as queen, and that henceforward she was to live upon her dowry

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 10, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 37.

ANNE BOLEYN. 199

as Princess of Wales. She refused, declaring that CHAP. v. if the king would not provide for her she would go and beg her bread from door to door.1 Poor woman! she imagined that she was free, that she would be allowed to leave her house as she liked. A few months dispelled that illusion.

Notwithstanding Catherine's resolute maintenance The secret of her rights, the secret was now allowed to transpire. On Thursday and Friday (the 10th and the llth of April), the courtiers were talking freely of the fact that on the day of the Conversion of St. Paul, the 25th of January, the king had married Anne Boleyn. On Saturday, the 12th of April, she appeared for the first time in royal state. Trumpeters preceded her 1533< as she went to mass, she was followed by many ladies, and her train was borne by the Duchess of Eichmond, daughter of Norfolk. After the service Henry passed from courtier to courtier, telling them to pay their respects to the new queen. They felt rather awkward, for although something of the kind had been expected, they could not all at once con- sider " Nan Bullen " a real queen. But Henry stood watching them, and, having no choice, one after another went and bowed to " her grace." 2 Anne had at last arrived at the desired goal.

1 Eustache Chapuis to Charles V., April 10, 1533, loc. cit,

2 Eustache Chapuis to Charles Y., April 15, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 41.

CHAPTER VI.

THE CORONATION.

CHAP. vi. ANNE having publicly appeared as Henry's wife, Popular it was desirable that her position should be generally against acknowledged. Preachers were accordingly directed Anne. ^0 substitute her name for that of Catherine in the prayer for the king and queen. The very first experiment made in this direction showed how strong a feeling there was against the divorce even among the most advanced class of Henry's subjects. On Easter Sunday, the day after Anne's first appearance

as queen, the prior of Austinfriars, preaching at St. Paul's Cross, prayed loudly for her. His congre- gation, hearing the change in the long-accustomed formula, tumultuously rose, and nearly all left, although the service was not half over. A sharp and threatening message from the king to the lord mayor, transmitted by the latter to the guilds and freemen of the city, prevented people on the following Sunday from talking too loudly against the new marriage ; but it could not hinder private criticism of the king's choice and the growth of sullen irritation.1

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 27, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 227, i. fol. 55.

ANNE BOLEYN. 201

Orders were sent to the country that the prayers CHAP. vi. for the queen should henceforward be offered for Queen Anne. In most parishes compliance with these orders led to scenes similar to that at Cheap- side, and in some the royal command was for a time disobeyed. Hitherto the nation at large had taken but a languid interest in the question of the divorce. After the legatine court had been closed, little had been heard about it in the country. Since the universities had been coerced into giving an opinion, no public action relating to it had been taken in England ; and what was done in Rome was nearly unknown out of London. People were therefore taken by surprise when they heard the new name, and understood that the divorce and the second marriage were accomplished facts. For the next few months the matter was discussed everywhere, notwithstanding royal proclamations and commands. It had become a national question in which all Englishmen were interested.

As it was now impossible for the king to draw back, he felt that his somewhat informal proceedings ought to be ratified by a semblance at least of a judgment in his favour. This the new primate was JU gment' to give, and accordingly, on the llth of April, he Apriiiit wrote a letter to Henry asking permission to open a 1533- court and to adjudicate on the matter.1 The letter, as Cranmer penned it^ was subservient enough ; it was the letter of a servant to his master, not that of a judge to one of the parties. But, cringing as it

1 Archbishop Cranmer to Henry VIII., April 11, 1533, State Payers, vol. i. p. 390.

202 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. was, it was not considered sufficiently submissive. Cranmer was to be taught once for all that he was entirely dependent on the royal favour, that even in his clerical capacity he must regard himself as a humble agent of the king. He had to write a second letter, even more abject than the first, in which, prostrate at the feet of his majesty, Henry's most devoted bedesman prayed for authority to pro- ceed to the examination and final determination of the matrimonial cause.1 Henry, while protesting that he recognised no superior on earth, graciously per- mitted the primate to hear and judge the case.2 If any sense of dignity had survived in the archbishop, he would have felt degraded by the position into which he had brought himself. But Cranmer felt no degradation.

The primate wished to follow the example of Wolsey and Warham, and to work as far as possible in the dark. He feared that, if his action became generally known, the adherents of Catherine might give some trouble, and that Catherine herself might interject an appeal, or otherwise disturb his pro- ceedings— a possibility to which he looked forward with considerable alarm.3 But Thomas Cromwell, who chiefly directed the preparations, relied on the statute of appeal just passed, and the cause was

1 Archbishop Cranmer to Henry VIII., April 11, 1533, State Papers, vol. i. p. 391.

2 Henry VIII. to Archbishop Cranmer, State Papers, vol. i. p. 392.

3 Cranmer to Cromwell, May 17, 1533, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Otho, C. x. fol. 166.

ANNE BOLEYN. 203

carried on in the usual way. A citation was served CHAP. vi.

on Catherine in the middle of April to appear on the Catherine 9th of May at Dunstable before the archbishop,

Being at first rather frightened, and not knowing what to do, she asked the advice of Chapuis, who very sensibly replied that Cranmer could not preju- dice her rights, and that the best course for her would be to take no heed of his proceedings, and not to admit in any way that he could have juris- diction in her case.1 Catherine, following the am- bassador's advice, simply signed two protestations by which she declared that she would not acknowledge 1533< Cranmer, a former servant of Anne's father, as her judge.2 In no other way did she take the slightest notice of anything done by the archbishop, so that he was able to go on with his work without let or hindrance on her part.3

Chapuis went to the nuncio, to whom he had brought a letter from Charles; and explaining the state of the case, he requested de Burgo to interfere by serving on Cranmer the papal brief which forbade any one to meddle with or give judgment in the matter of the divorce. But it was impossible to

1 Chapuis to Charles V., April 27, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, i. fol. 55.

2 Protestation of Catherine that she does not recognise Cranmer as her judge : notarial copy by George, Bishop of Llandaff, April 30, 1533, from Ampthill ; signed by Catherine, by George, Bishop of Llandaff, and, as witnesses, by Thomas Abel, pryst, el licenciado Lassao, Francisco Phelipe, Johan Soda — Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 56 ; and Appeal to the Pope, no date, from Ampthill, draft, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, ii. fol. 61.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 27, 1533, loc. cit.

204

ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. VI.

Judgment delivered

by

Cranmer.

May 10,

1533.

May 23, 1533.

May "28, 1533.

Anne pro- ceeds to

the Tower.

May 29,

1533.

prevail on the nuncio to do his duty ; he was per- sonally afraid, and he still hoped to prevent the worst. The brief remained in his chest, and this obstacle was removed from the way of Cranmer.1

The archbishop, having opened his court on the 10th of May, pronounced Catherine contumacious; and when the formalities prescribed by canon juris- prudence had been fulfilled, he gave on the 23rd of May a judgment by which the marriage between Henry and Catherine was declared to have been null and void from the beginning.2 A few days later he held another court, and decided that the marriage between Henry and Anne was good and valid.3 This having been done, there was no longer any reason for delaying the coronation, which in hope of this favourable issue had been arranged to take place on the 1st of June.

On the day after Cranmer's sentence in her favour Anne left Greenwich, where she had been staying with Henry, to come up by the river to the Tower. With the indelicacy and want of feeling so character- istic of Henry, he had thought fit to give Catherine's

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 10, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228r i. fol. 61.

2 T. Bedyll to Cromwell, May 12, 1533, State Papers, vol. i. p. 394; Archbishop Cranmer to Henry VIII., May 12, 1533, State Papers, vol. i. p. 394 ; Archbishop Cranmer to Crom- well, May 17, 1533, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Otho C. x. fol. 166 ; Archbishop Cranmer to Henry VIII., May 23, 1533, State Papers, vol. i. p. 396; and Sentence given at Dunstable, Burnet, Collectanea, part i. book ii. No. 47.

3 Sentence given at Lambeth, May 28, 1533, Rymer, Feeder a, vol. xiv. p. 467.

ANNE BOLEYN. 205

barge to Anne ; and the arms of Catherine had been CHAP.VI. cut down from it to make way for the apocryphal emblems of the Boleyn family. In this barge, attended by a numerous retinue, and followed by nearly two hundred boats, Anne went up the river. At the Tower she was received with the customary ceremonies — trumpets sounded, and cannon roared — but the people remained silent. There was none of the enthusiasm with which in all ages Englishmen have greeted a popular queen.1

The following day Anne spent at the Tower, and She goes on the afternoon of Saturday, the 31st of May, she

went in great state and pomp through the city to Westminster. By order of the king becoming 1533. preparations had been made for the occasion : flags were unfurled, carpets hung from the windows, barriers kept off the crowd ; and the guilds were drawn up in their best array on both sides of the road. To meet the expenses a tax had been laid on all householders, whether Englishmen or foreigners ; but an exception had been made by the lord mayor and his brethren in favour of the Spanish merchants, as countrymen of Catherine.2 This piece of delicacy shows that the Spaniards were very popular at that moment, for otherwise the court of aldermen would scarcely have paid much attention to their feelings.

The procession was headed by about a dozen French merchants residing in London, dressed all alike in

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 29, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 77.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 18, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 69.

206 AISNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. VT. violet velvet, wearing on the sleeve the colours of Anne.1 An attempt to bring over a throng of French gentlemen to take part in the festivities had failed, so, faute de mieux, merchants rode in their stead.2 After them rode English gentlemen and noblemen according to their degree. Then came the lord chancellor with Carlo Capello, the Venetian am- bassador, and the primate with the Bailly de Troves. They were followed by Anne's litter, all covered with white satin, carried by two mules. A canopy was borne over her head, and at her side rode the Duke of Suffolk as earl marshal, and Lord William Howard (representing his absent brother the Duke of Norfolk) as high steward. Next came numbers of ladies in cloth of gold and velvet, riding on hackneys, and the old Duchess of Norfolk and Anne's mother riding in a chariot. Lacqueys and archers closed the procession, which from the Tower took its way by Fenchurch and Gracechurch to Leadenhall, and thence by Cheapside, Ludgate, Fleet Street, and the Strand, to York Place or Whitehall.3

Annoy- Anne's triumphal progress was not without its little

anceson" annoyances. The merchants of the Steelyard had

not been able to obtain the same favours as the

Spaniards, and had been obliged by the lord mayor

to erect a pageant at Gracechurch near their house.

1 Narration de Tentree et coin-on nement, Camusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 17.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 15, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 41.

3 E. Hall, Chronicle of the Union of the Houses of Lancaster and York, fol. 215 ; and Narration de 1'entree, loc. cit.

ANNE BOLEYN. 207

They chose to represent Mount Parnassus, on which CHAP, vi, sat Apollo with the muses. The fountain of Helicon ran with Rhenish wine, to the great delight of those who were permitted to drink of it. When Anne arrived before this pageant and halted in front, the muses addressed her, singing verses in her praise.1 But just opposite to her was that part of the pageant by which the German traders avenged themselves for having been forced to raise the structure. Parnassus was appropriately adorned with coats of arms, and above all others, in the most honourable place, was a great imperial eagle, bearing on its breast the emblems of Castille and Arragon, the arms of Anne's hated rival. Lower down came those of Henry, and, lowest of all, the coat which the heralds had made out for the Boleyns. Anne was well versed in heraldry, and detected at once the insult offered to her. For the moment she had to submit, for there was no doubt that the emperor was of higher rank than the great- granddaughter of good Alderman Bullen. But we learn from Chapuis that she deeply resented the slight, and that on the following day she tried to induce the king to punish the obnoxious merchants.2

The English, less secure in their position than the mighty traders of the Steelyard, were more cautious in their marks of disloyalty. Still, they too contrived to do some unpleasant things. The merchants of the staple had erected a pageant at Leadenhall ; and

1 E. Hall, Chronicle of the Union of the Houses of Lancaster and York, fol. 215.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11 and 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fols. 88 and 91.

208 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. on it sat St. Anne and Mary Cleophas with four children, of whom one stepped forward to compliment Anne. The child delivered a long oration, saying that from St. Anne had sprung a fruitful tree, and expressing a hope .that the like would be true of this Anne also.1 As the mother of the virgin never had any children but that one daughter, and as Anne desired above all things to have a son, this was not a very kind thing to say, and it can scarcely have helped to smooth her ruffled temper. Thecoro- It was late when the procession reached West- *jj^{ minster, where Anne publicly accepted some wine, 1533. and then retired to her apartment. Early the next morning, attended by the same splendid throng, she went on foot to Westminster Abbey. There the coronation took place with all the accustomed cere- monies, Cranmer officiating, assisted by Stokesley and Gardiner. After the ceremony in the church there was the usual banquet in Westminster Hall, which Henry, with Dinteville and Capello, wit- nessed from a latticed window. The next morning there was a tournament, in which, as no French knights had come, Lord William Howard and Sir Nicholas Carew led the opposing parties. After this the king and Anne returned to Greenwich, where balls and banquets continued for a few days more.2

In the meantime the new form of prayer had

1 E. Hall, Chronicle, fol. 215.

2 Narration de 1'entree, etc., Camusat, Meslanges, fols. 17 and 18; and Sir E. Baynton to Lord Rochford, June 9, 1533, R.O. Henry VIII. Box I.

ANNE BOLEYN. 209

been slowly bearing its fruit. The question of the CHAP. vi divorce had been brought before the nation, and now the nation gave its verdict. At no time was p0pu- Catherine received by the people with such demon- l^iherme strations of love and loyalty. In July, by order of the king, she was removed from Ampthill to Bugden ; and on the way great numbers of people flocked together to see her pass. Notwithstanding her escort, they loudly cheered her, calling out that she was still their queen, and that they would always hold her to be so.1 And her popularity was shared by her daughter Mary, who — according to Anne — was treated in the villages through which she passed "as if she were God Himself, who had descended from heaven." 2 Anne had been crowned, but the nation would not acknowledge her.

Anne's old enemies, the Hanseatic merchants, con- Anne tinued to annoy her. A numerous fleet of German

,

hulks came up the Thames and anchored opposite captain Greenwich, where she was staying ; and to show their animosity the Hanseatic captains invited Chapuis to dine on board their ships. When he arrived they July, hoisted the hateful eagles, and in honour of the ambassador made a loud noise with shouting, drum- ming, and firing of cannon. Anne was intensely irri- tated by the demonstration, and Chapuis was of course delighted at her rage. She complained to Henry, and wanted him to punish the insolence of the Easterlings

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 91.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 88.

VOL. I. P

210 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. and the disloyalty of the country people.1 But the king, under the influence of Cromwell, wisely abstained from taking any notice of the offences of either. The punishment of the English peasants would have made matters even worse, and a quarrel with the Easterlings would have been most dangerous. Their fleet was strongly manned, the Steelyard was still fortified and armed, and they might have proved stronger than the king. All that Anne could do was to leave Greenwich and to retire to Windsor out of reach of Hanseatic bacchanals.2

However disagreeable this opposition might be, Anne had probably expected it, and would not have been made anxious by it, for she was aware that popular excitement does not last long. As for Catherine, she might be brought either to bend or to break, and then the course would be clear and easy. But that which filled Anne with serious misgivings was that her allies began to fail her.

Policy of Francis I., up to April, 1533, had upon the whole been well satisfied with the way in which Henry had proceeded, and the conclusion of the marriage had pleased him rather than otherwise. But he wished Henry to continue to defend his cause at Borne as before. This would have led to an interminable suit, for neither the pope nor the cardinals were willing to go to extremities ; and during the whole time Henry would have needed the assistance of the French, and would have sunk more and more to the

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 91.

2 Chapuis to Charles V., July 30, 1533, foe. cit.

ANNE BOLEYN. 211

level of a client of Francis. When, therefore, CHAP. vi. Dinteville heard that Cranmer was to hold an May^ archiepiscopal court and to pronounce a divorce, he strongly protested. He went to Henry and asked that Cranmer' s sentence should either be postponed until after the intended interview between Francis and the pope, or be kept strictly secret. But Henry would make no concessions : it was necessary, he said, to place the legitimacy of Anne's child beyond doubt. The bailly went away rather angrily and spoke to Norfolk, who said that he regretted what was being done as much as Dinteville, but that he could not help it.1

It was true that it could not be helped, for Anne Anne was bent on it. Her interests absolutely required that r French6 Cranmer should publicly pronounce sentence in her P°llcy- favour; she could not possibly sanction the course proposed by Dinteville. If the question of the validity of her marriage remained in suspense, if

1 J. de Dinteville to Francis I., May 23, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 128; and Camusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 128: "Sire larchevesque de Canterbery besongne sur le grand affaire du Roy vostre diet bon frere pour juger sy lautre Eoyne estoit sa femine ou non, et croy que dans trois jours la sentence en sera«donnee. Je lay supplie a mon pouvoir quil luy pleust vouloir faire dilayer le jugement aumoins jusques a ce que nostre dit St. Pere feust arrive a Nice ce quil ne ma voulu accorder, puis je lay suplie quil luy pleust faire tenir le jugement secret, en sorte que nostre dit St. Pere nen peust estre adverty que premierement ne eussiez parle ensemble. II ma dit estre impossible de le pouvoir temr secret et quil faut quil soit pub- liquement entendu et inesmes avant le coronation. . . . Sire mondit Sieur de Norfort ne sy trouve moins empesche que moy comme plus au long vous pourra compter jusque il vous voye."

P 2

212

ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. negotiations went on with Borne, Henry might, the very moment he got tired of her, accept some com- promise with the Holy See, such as the proposal for the settlement of the dispute by a court at Cambray. The award — with his secret consent- would go against him, he would virtuously submit, and Anne would be ignominiously discarded. If she miscarried, this would almost inevitably be the result ; it would probably be the result if her child proved to be a girl. To such a danger she could not expose her- self, and as her anti-clerical inclinations accorded with her interest, she exercised all her energy to commit Henry to an irrevocable step which would prevent him from hereafter submitting once more to the pope.

Cromwell energetically seconded her. He seems to have had no sympathy with the ultra reformers, but he was heartily sick of the vacillations which had marked the policy of the last six years. He wished England to be independent of France, to be on good terms, if possible, with Charles V., but in any case to pursue a definite course of her own. So he helped Anne, and both together overcame any resistance which the Duke of Norfolk and his adherents dared to offer.

By this policy Anne, of course, offended the French ; and it increased the hostility of those Englishmen whose animosity had hitherto been kept within bounds by the influence of Francis. The French party in England, as well as the imperial, was now decidedly hostile to Anne.

But even this was not the worst. Henry himself

A Vena- tion of the

French.

ANNE BOLEYN. 213

began to grow lukewarm. He had accomplished his CHAP. vi. purpose ; he had shown the world that, pope and emperor notwithstanding, he had been able to have his own way. Anne, therefore, could no longer play upon his vanity, one of the principal motives by which she had hitherto ruled him. Moreover, he had already become rather tired of her; and thinking that in Anne's condition he was entitled to look out elsewhere for amusement, he began to flirt with the young ladies of her court. She was alarmed by this incipient infidelity, and angrily upbraided him for it ; but Henry, who would have been cowed by her indignation a year ago, now brutally replied that she ought to shut her eyes to his pleasures, as others— he significantly added — her betters had done before her. Anne flew into a violent passion, and Henry threateningly bid her remember that it was still in his power to lower her as quickly as he had raised her. This made her more furious than ever, and for several days they did not speak to one another.1

Anne's chief hope lay in the fact that Henry firmly Attention expected she would give birth to a boy, whom he might proclaim Prince of Wales and appoint his

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 102 : " Remplie de jalousie et non sans juste cause usa de quelque parolle au Roy dont il ne fust content et luy dit quil falloit quelle serrat les yeulx et quelle endurast aussi bien que avoint faict les autres que valloint mieulx quelle et quelle debvoit savoir quil estoit en sa main de la rabaisser en ung moment plus quil ne lavoit exalte ; a cause desquels propoz il y a eu du groing et facons de faire de sorte que le Roy a este deux ou trois jours sans parler a elle. . . ."

214 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. successor. As she was already far advanced in pregnancy, it became necessary to take care of her health ; and Henry, for the sake of the child, notwithstanding occasional fits of ill-temper, showed some attention and kindness to the mother. The Easterlings having sailed away, the court returned August to Greenwich, and here Anne's apartment was

28 1 'SS'}

fitted up in splendid style. A magnificent bed which had been lying in the treasury, part of the ransom of a French prince, was given to her, that the king's child might be born in it.1 Everything which might frighten or annoy Anne was kept from her ; and when matters of state looked rather grave, Henry rode out as if to hunt, and met his council at some distance.2 The life and health of the future Prince of Wales were not to be endangered.

Sad news There were certainly good reasons why Anne should "cwicf ke Prevented from hearing the news which came

France, from France and Italy. When it was known in Eome that the Statute of Appeals had passed into

May so, law, the pope was extremely angry. He complained of having been deceived not only by Henry but by Francis, since he had refrained from proceeding against Henry in deference to the French king, who had undertaken that his authority should be respected in England.3 The French cardinals, being anxious that the meeting should take place, tried to exculpate

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 102.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 91.

8 Bennet to Henry VIII., June 14, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 469.

ANNE BOLEYN. 215

Francis, and were lavish of promises of all kinds. CHAP. vi. They even went so far as to declare that Francis would help to put down the German Lutherans by force of arms. The German princes were not greatly alarmed by this news ; for as long as Francis paid them their subsidies, they cared little what his cardinals said. But when Henry heard of it, he was very differently impressed.1 Francis did not in the least intend to coerce the German Lutherans, but it was not improbable that he would attempt to reconcile them to Home, and if he succeeded in doing so, Henry would stand nearly alone in his rebellion against the Holy See. Seeing in how difficult a position he would thus be placed, Henry strongly expostulated with Dinteville, insisting that such promises would alienate the Germans and make the pope more overbearing than ever. Dinteville tried to calm him, but in vain ; Henry remained angry and suspicious.2

Henry's anger was intensified when, a fortnight later, he heard that Clement, although he had not refused to meet Francis, had allowed the matrimonial cause to go on. Henry's excusator having been re- jected, Capisucchi, the auditor, proceeded with the matter, and letters citatorial were served on Ghinucci, as ambassador of the king of England, to appear at the Rota.3 This was reported in England towards

1 Bennet to Henry VIII., May 28,1533, State Papers, vol. vii, p. 463.

2 J. de Dinteville to J. du Bellay, June 9, 1533, Camnsat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 130.

3 Paul Capisucchi to Ghinucci and Bennet, May 12, 1533, R.O. Henry VIII. box i. No. 156.

216 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. the end of June, and seriously alarmed the king ; l for the nation was in so irritable a mood that it might rise against him if he were excommunicated Henry and deprived by the pope. As it was impossible to draw back, Henry resolved to act boldly ; and on

the 29t^ of June' before the Archbishop of York, he 1533. ' solemnly appealed from the pope to the next general free council.2 This was an act strictly forbidden by the rules of the Church. It would, indeed, have been impossible to maintain ecclesiastical unity and discipline, if it had been lawful for any individual, at any moment, to set the power of the pope at defiance by appealing to a council which might never be held in the lifetime of the parties. Such an appeal was rightly considered the first open advance towards a schism ; and Henry was not quite pre- pared to let it be publicly known at once that he had taken so momentous a step. The appeal, there- fore, was not sent to Rome immediately, but kept as secret as possible, although Henry's precautions did not prevent Chapuis from hearing of it a few days later.3

Norfolk The unwonted vigour displayed by Henry against

France R°me was rendered possible by the absence of the

Duke of Norfolk, the chief of the conservative

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 88.

2 Appeal of Henry VIII., June 29, 1533, Kymer, Fcedera, vol. xiv. p. 478. In presence of E. Archbishop of York, Ric. Sampson, W. Fitzwilliam, Th. Cromwell, and Th. Argall and J. Godsalve, notaries.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 88.

ANNE BOLEYN. 217

aristocratic party. The duke had been chosen to CHAP. vi. represent Henry at the meeting between Clement and Francis, and had left London on the day on May 29, which his niece had gone from Greenwich to the Tower. His colleagues in the embassy, Lord Koch- ford, Sir Francis Bryan, Sir William Paulet and a good many other gentlemen and doctors, had left on the 27th of May. Norfolk had remained behind to make a last attempt to win Chapuis over to the cause of the divorce, but his efforts had failed.1 On the 30th he reached Calais, and immediately started for Amiens, where he was received by Frangois de Mont- morency, the grand master's brother, by de Humieres, and by other men of high standing.2 At Amiens he stopped, and wrote to England for fresh instructions, for he had heard that the meeting had been post- poned. In reply, he was directed to proceed to Paris Julte 6> and to the French court, and to dissuade Francis from meeting the pope at all. If Francis persisted, Norfolk was to accompany him, and to ask him not to conclude anything with Clement before the affairs of Henry should be satisfactorily arranged. Should the duke find that the pope had adopted any decisive measure against the king, he was to abstain from direct negotiation with his holiness and to leave the matter to Francis, who was to be reminded of his alliance with Henry. Norfolk was also to urge

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 29, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 77.

2 Norfolk to Henry VIII., May 30, 1533, R.O. Henry VIII., Box I. No. 176; and A. de Montmorency to J. de Dinteville, May 31, 1533, Qamusat, Meslanges, ii. fol. 127.

218 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. Francis to make some strong demonstration against Henry's enemies.1

This was certainly an ungrateful task. It was most unlikely that Norfolk would succeed, and the negotiation would keep him out of England during the whole summer. The scheme had clearly been devised by Cromwell, who was already trying to oust the duke from his position as prime minister, and who wished for the next few months to rule in the royal council. But however repugnant the mission might be to Norfolk, he was obliged to proceed. At Paris, where he went first, he saw the Queen of Navarre, who, so far as opposition to Rome was concerned, was in favour of an English alliance. She received the duke very graciously, and warned him of the secret hostility of Anne de Montmorency, who at heart was an imperialist and had lately drawn the dauphin over to his party. She spoke much and well, and sent a friendly message to Anne ; but she cleverly evaded all reference to the special object of Norfolk's mission.2

Norfolk left Paris with the intention of joining the French court. But Francis, who had been apprised of his instructions, had no great wish to see him,

1 Henry VIII. to Norfolk, Rochford, Paulet, Browne, and Bryan, June, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 473.

2 Marguerite de Navarre to J. de Dinteville, June 22, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 726, fol. 98 ; and Norfolk to Henry VIII., from Paris, middle of June, 1533, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. pp. 308 to 311. Mr. Gairdner places this letter after the 23rd of June, which is clearly a mistake, for on the 23rd of June Norfolk was already at Briare, fifty miles south of Paris, on his way to Auvergne.

ANNE BOLEYN. 219

and the duke was not able to reach the court, which CHAP. vi. was continually moving, till the 10th of July. The July 10, court was then at Eiom, in Auvergne.1 He was splendidly entertained by the Duke of Albany, and was graciously received by Francis ; but he was entirely unsuccessful in his mission. The meeting, Francis said, must take place, and Norfolk ought to assist at it. As, however, the French court was to proceed through parts of Auvergne, Languedoc, and Provence, which were rather out of the way, Norfolk was requested to take the more commodious road by Lyons and down the Ehone. Jean du Bellay — who had lately been advanced to- the more opulent see of Paris — Morette, Jean Joaquin, de la Hargerie, and others well acquainted with England were ap- pointed to accompany him.2 He took leave of Francis at Albany's castle of Vic le Comte, and on July 21,

I K«5O

the 21st of July reached the suburbs of Lyons.?

At Lyons the authorities received him with great honour, the governor going out to meet him. But the ceremony was suddenly interupted by a courier, who arrived from Home on his way to England.4

1 Sir W. Paulet to Cromwell, July 15, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 481.

2 Francis I. to J. de Dinteville, July 15, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 250.

3 Sir Anthony Browne to Cromwell, July 24, 1533, R.O. Henry VIII. Box I. P. No. 70.

4 Account written by Jean du Bellay to serve for the memoirs of Martin du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 53 : " Ainsi quilz entroient dedans la ville les accompagnans les gens dela dicte ville et gouverneur en grand honneur, voicy un gentilhomme qui venoit de Rome en poste et extreme diligence devers le Roy dangleterre qui vient dire a loreille du

220 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. Thinking that Norfolk was at the French court, the English ambassadors with the pope had sent their letters to him under cover to Anne de Montmo- rency ; 1 but they had also given the courier a short note, which he handed to the duke. Norfolk is said by Jean du Bellay to have nearly fainted when he read it. It contained but a few lines, to the effect that sentence had been given against the king. The duke hurriedly retired to the apartment prepared for him, to take council with the bishop and with his colleagues.2

The pope The news of Cranmer's proceedings at Dunstable

sentence and °^ ^ne sentence he had dared to deliver, had

against reached Eome on the last day of May.3 During the

May 31, preceding days, Gramont being very ill, Cardinal de

Tournon had in consistory proposed a plan which he

had wisely concealed from Bennet. The plan was

that when Francis and Clement met, the former should

ask the latter not to press the matter against Henry,

to which the pope was to reply that in so abominable

a case he could not but proceed, and that if the King

of England remained stubborn he must be condemned

Due de Norfoc quil sen alloyt signifier au roy dangleterre com- ment sentence avoyt este donne centre luy par Pape Clement."

1 A. de Montmorency to J. du Bellay, July 22, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 265, fol. 232.

2 Account of Jean du Bellay, loc. cit. : " Et luy en bailie une petite letre dont le pouvre due demeure si estonne que soub- dainement cuyda deffaillir et ayant diet ceste nouvelle a levesque de Paris apres estre le mieulx rasseure quil peult se retirat secretement au logys et commencent a communiquer par ensemble quel remede se pourroyt trouver. ..."

3 "W. Bennet to Henry VIII., June 13, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 469.

ANNE BOLEYN, 221

and deprived. When this had been done, Francis CHAP. vi. was to send a message to Henry that if he were excommunicated it would be necessary, notwith- standing all treaties, to abandon him, since by standing by him Francis himself would incur the censures of the Church. Tournon made no doubt that Henry, so pressed, would cry for mercy, that through the influence of Francis the cause would then be heard at Cambray, and that Anne in the meantime would be sent away and Catherine allowed her rank, title, and place at court.1 This strange proposal Clement communicated to Count Cyfuentes, the Spanish ambassador. It was received by Cyfu- entes with great suspicion ; but Clement was once more so hopeful that he permitted the cause against Henry to lag, and Bennet was able to write most favourably of the goodwill of the pope.2

The news of Cranmer's sentence changed the whole aspect of affairs. The pope, when he heard of this usurpation of his authority, was terribly angry ; and even those cardinals who had hitherto been most friendly to Henry, owned that concession and for- bearance made him only more insolent. For a time the partisans of Catherine had it all their own way. Tournon abandoned his former position,3 and the Italian cardinals were indignant at the re- bellion of Henry and Cranmer. But by far the most

1 Count Cyfuentes to Charles V., May 29, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,585, fol. 260.

2 Bennet to Henry VIII., May 28, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 462.

3 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., September 9, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 1.

222 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. dangerous enemy of the king of England was the pope himself, who had been deeply hurt at the manner in which he had been duped and insulted.

June 14, On the 14th of June, when the Cardinal of Jaen saw the pope, Clement declared that Henry merited every pain and penalty, and that the proceedings against him were to be carried on without delay.1 During the following days, while the congregation sat to consult about new briefs against Henry, Clement tried to stir up as many enemies as possible against the king and felt his ground with the French and the imperial agents.

About a fortnight later, Clement proposed to Cyfuentes that Francis should be incited to take part against Henry by a promise of the town of Calais, and that the emperor and the King of France should jointly make war to execute the papal cen- sures. The count, rather startled, merely replied that it was a very grave matter. Clement, discouraged by this answer, then asked whether Mary might not marry the Duke of Norfolk's son, and thus gain many adherents and overthrow her father. True, the Earl of Surrey had a wife living, but, said Clement, that did not matter much, as he had been forced to marry her, and it had been done only per verba de future. Cyfuentes did not like this plan any better than the other, and urged the pope to have the cause decided as soon as possible.2

1 Cardinal de Jaen to Charles V., June 14, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,585, fol. 270.

2 Cyfuentes to Charles V., July 5, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,585, fol. 309.

ANNE BOLEYN. 223

There was no necessity to press Clement to proceed, CHAP. vi. for he was now as eager as could be desired. Several congregations and consistories were held ; and on July n, the llth of July, having taken the advice of the cardinals, the pope delivered publicly, in open con- sistory, a sentence annulling the proceedings of Cranmer, declaring that Henry, Anne, and the arch- bishop had incurred the penalties threatened in the former inhibitory briefs, and requiring them, on pain of excommunication, to undo within six weeks all that had been done.1

But even more had been accomplished for Catherine, although as yet it remained a secret. In one of the consistories the question had been raised whether the pope had power to dispense for a marriage with a deceased brother's widow, and the cardinals had de- cided in the affirmative.2 As all Henry's arguments rested on the denial of this position, his agents could hereafter obtain only delay ; judgment could not go in his favour.

Norfolk knew that when Henry heard of these proceedings, so far as they had been made public, his vanity would once more be brought into play, and that, under the influence of those who wished for a separation from Rome, he would attack the

1 Sententia diffinitiva, Y Idus Julii, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, ii. fol. 102 ; Pocock, Records, Appendix, No. xxxiv. ;

and Secretary Ferrarys to July 15, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat.

MSS. Dupuis, vol. 462, fol. 48.

— to Catherine of Aragon, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xiv. fol. 50; Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 473 ; and Dr. Ortiz to Charles Y. March 4, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 148.

224 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. papal authority still more bitterly and render every compromise impossible. This the duke wished to prevent, so that his first idea was to return straight-

Juiy 21, way to England, where he hoped by his presence to counteract the measures of the radical party. But Jean du Bellay assured the duke and his colleagues that the sentence just given was not definitive, and that at the coming interview everything might still be settled to the satisfaction of their master. He therefore urged them to remain, and to proceed to the place of meeting. Norfolk answered that after the pope had given sentence against his king it would not be proper for him to assist at the con- ference, and that if he committed so great a mistake he might lose his head for it. After an animated discussion they arrived at a compromise. The bishop, in the name of Francis, entered a formal protest against the departure of Norfolk from France contrary to the agreement between the two kings ; and Norfolk, being thus provided with an excuse for remaining,1

1 Account of Jean du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 52 : " Us disoient que apres que leur maistre avoyt receu une telle honte que destre condemne par le pape et declare excommunie il ne seroyt honneste queulx se trouvassent avec le Roy comme supply ans vers le diet pape et disoient que silz avoyent faict une telle faulte leur vie seroit envers luy en tres grand dangler et de faict neust este lasseurance que leur bailloyt levesque de Paris que ceste sentence quil presupposoyt avoir este donnee par contumace se pourroyt reparer par lordre de droict a ceste entrevue et une facon de protester quil feist a lencontre deulx au nom du roy silz sen alloyent si soubdainement (desquelles protestes ilz se pouroyent couvrir envers leur maitre) ils rom- poyent des Iheure toute pratique de paction et sen retournoyent soubdenement en Angleterre."

ANNE BOLEYN. 225

consented to abide for the present at Lyons. He CHAP. vi. sent Lord Kochford, Anne's brother, to England to ask for further instructions, while he despatched Sir Francis Bryan, Anne's cousin, to Francis to complain of the injury done to his master.1

Lord Rochford made good speed. He rode post to The Calais, crossed at once, and on the 28th was already sentence at court.2 The news he brought filled Henry with made

-IT 111 T-I • Known to

indignation and dismay, all the more because Jbrancis Henry. seemed determined not to resent what the pope had ^3 ' done. Henry — guided, no doubt, by Cromwell — decided to strike out an independent line of policy. Norfolk was to go to Francis to try once more to dissuade him from meeting the pope, and if his representations proved unavailing he was to return to England.3 And that the loss of the firm and close

1 Account of Jean du Bellay, loc. cit. : " Levesque de Paris qui suyvant et sachant lintention de son maistre estre pour le bien de la chrestienete que la chose si bien commencee se con- tinuast feist tant envers le diet due et aultres deputez quapres plusieurs disputes ilz se contenterent que pour suyvre leur pre- miere opinion qui estoit daller en poste prendre congie du Roy pour retourner devers leur maistre le frere de la Royne seulement y iroyt en poste et extreme diligence pour scavoir ce quil luy plairoyt quilz f eissent et Bryant iroyt vers le Roy pour ladvertir aussy de ce qui leur estoyt survenu et se plaindre de loutraige du pape."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., July 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 221, i. fol. 91.

3 Account of Jean du Bellay, loc. cit. : " Par la fin retourna le frere de la Royne avec les plus grandes querimonies du monde voulant, sil eust peu, tirer le Roy de son coste centre le pape monstrant que luy avoyt rompu sa foy et promesse, desprise le Roy, etc. ;" and Francis I. to J. de Dinteville, August 27, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 137.

VOL. I. Q

226 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. friendship of the French king might be balanced by other alliances, Stephen Vaughan, a client and friend New of Thomas Cromwell, was despatched, on the day of Kochford's arrival, to Germany to negotiate an alliance with the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Brunswick Lueneburg, and the other princes of the Schmalkaldic league.1 Another agent, Cristopher Mundt, a German, was sent to the dukes of Bavaria who, although Catholics, were intensely hostile to the Austrian power.2

The intelligence brought by Kochford was kept strictly secret. The council at which it was dis- cussed was held at some distance from court, that Anne might not hear of it, and it is probable that she was not even apprised of her brother's arrival.

July 30, He remained two days in England, and on the 30th left again for France, travelling at a less furious pace.3 He found his uncle still at Lyons, whence Norfolk, having read his new instructions, set out for Mont- pellier to meet Francis. Here he had a long

August, interview with the king, who continued to preach

33< moderation, and protested that if Norfolk could have

remained, a good result might still have been hoped

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 91.

2 Yaughan to Cromwell, August 3, 1533, State Papers, vii. p. 489 ; and Yaughan and Mundt to Henry VIII., August 27, 1533, State Papers, vii. p. 501.

3 Chapuis to Charles V., July 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 91 : "Ann que la dame ne sen pust appercevoir pour non dommaiger ce quelle pourte et pour mieulx couvrir le cas sous umbre daller a la chasse le Roy est party de Windezore ou il la laissee et est alle a Guillefort ou il a appelle outre ceulx de son conseil plusieurs docteurs. ..."

ANNE BOLEYN. 227

for at the meeting. He asked that at least another CHAP. vi. ambassador with full powers should be sent in the duke's place. Norfolk, convinced by the arguments of Francis, promised to do his best to calm his master and to obtain what the French king desired ; * and that he might be the better able to do so, he took post horses and rode from Montpellier to Calais.2 30, 1533. On the 30th he was in England.3

In consequence of Norfolk's representations, the Gardiner Bishop of Winchester was appointed to take his French place at the French court, and left on the 3rd of Sep- „ cour\

r September

tember. As Gardiner, next to Norfolk, was the 3, 1533. chief rival of Cromwell, the latter was not sorry to get rid of him for a time. With Cranmer, Audeley, and Wiltshire at his back, Cromwell expected to be more than a match for the duke alone. He knew that nothing could be effected by Gardiner, who did not receive those full powers Francis had asked for, but only vague and general instructions.4 Moreover, after Eochford had left on the 30th of July, the radical party had not been idle, and although Henry had already recalled his ambassadors at Rome, he sent to one of them, Dr. Bonner, a copy of his appeal to 18,^1533. the council, with orders, if Bonner should think fit,

1 Francis I. to the Bailly de Troyes, August 27, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 137.

2 Chronicle of Calais, p. 44; and Norfolk to Lord Lisle, August 28, 1533, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 442.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 102.

4 Account of Jean du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 54 ; and Instructions to Jean du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 121, fol. 35.

Q 2

228 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vi. to intimate the same to Clement.1 Bonner was an essentially coarse and violent man, who delighted in showing rudeness to the pope ; and Cromwell was pretty sure that if he found an opportunity he would not refrain from thinking fit to intimate the appeal. This, as Cromwell knew, would put an end to all hopes of a compromise.

1 Henry VIII. to Bonner, August 18, 1533, Pocock, Records, Appendix, No. xxxv.

CHAPTEE VII.

MARCUS MEYER.

DURING this time Anne's confinement had drawn Loyal near, and the king was in the very best of humours. He had consulted numerous physicians, astrologers, wizards and witches, and, as everybody knew what he wanted, they had, as right loyal sorcerers, unani- mously replied that the child would be a boy — the Prince of Wales whom Henry craved for with such eagerness.1

The Duke of Suffolk had been a widower for full Marriage ten weeks ; his wife, the king's sister, having died on p^ e0j. the 24th of June. He could bear his bereaved state Suffolk. no longer, and on the morning of Sunday, the 7th of 7, 1533. September, he married Catherine Willoughby, only daughter and heiress of the late Lord Willoughby. On the death of her father. Catherine had become a royal ward, and Suffolk had paid his brother-in-law a thousand pounds for permission to marry her to his son, young Henry Brandon, Earl of Lincoln.2 Henry Brandon and Catherine had been formally

1 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., September 3 and 10, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fols. 102 and 105.

2 Debts of the French Queen and the Duke of Suffolk, RO. and Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 613.

230 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. betrothed, but when Suffolk became a widower lie caused the betrothal to be annulled, and took his son's place.1

Birth of This Sunday was to be a busy day at court, for a

Elizabeth. £ew nours after Suffolk's marriage, between three and four in the afternoon, Anne's child was born. Doctors and midwives made haste to receive the young Prince of Wales ; but their faces grew long, and they slunk away crestfallen. The child was a girl.2

Henrys Henry was exceedingly vexed by what he considered a mischance and a humiliation. All the hopes he had so foolishly paraded before the world had come to nought ; the wish of the children at Gracechurch had been too literally fulfilled. And what made the king's mortification all the greater was that he perfectly understood the exultation of his enemies. He could neither forbid nor resent the demonstra- tions of joy which were made all around him ; but he knew that the bonfires which blazed in the streets, and the shouts with which the city rang, were in- tended to celebrate, not the fact that Anne had borne him a child, but the fact that the child was but a girl.

And the fact was not only vexatious and wounding to Henry's vanity, it had a real political significance. Englishmen were not accustomed to be ruled by women, and had Anne's child been a boy, some part of the opposition against the king's marriage might have been overcome. Many an Englishman might have abandoned the cause of Mary for that of a

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, loc. cit.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 10, 1533, loc. cit.

ANNE BOLEYN. 231

Prince of Wales, but between two girls the choice CHAP. vn. was not difficult : the nation stood by Mary.

Chapuis, of course, was delighted at the disap- pointment of Henry, and plotted all the more eagerly against Anne. There had been some differences between Cromwell and her ; the former having wished that in Cranmer's sentence of divorce Mary should be admitted to be legitimate, as born in bond fide parentum.1 This would have allayed much of the secret resistance offered by Mary's friends, and would have facilitated a good understanding with the em- peror. For very obvious reasons Anne had opposed the idea, and she had carried the day. Something of this seems to have transpired, and Chapuis tried to make out how matters stood, and, if possible, to gain the secretary over. In July he had a long Chapuis

and

conversation with Cromwell, exhorting him to be a Cromwell.

July, 1533.

friend of Charles. As long as the late cardinal had July>

associated himself with the emperor, all had gone well with him ; as soon as he abandoned the imperial party, he was ruined. Let Cromwell take warning from Wolsey's fate. No friendship, Chapuis signifi- cantly concluded, could be more advantageous to England generally, and to Cromwell especially, than that of Charles. To all this the secretary listened most attentively, thanking Chapuis for the interest he took in him. "He is a man of sense/' the

1 Memorandum on the back of a letter of John Mille to Cromwell, April 25, 1533, R.O. Cromwell Correspondence, vol. xxviii. fol. 74 : " Item touching in the judgment that the great personage might be brought in to be notyd in bona fide parentum."

232 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. ambassador wrote, " who knows business and under- stands reason."1

September Six weeks later, it was Cromwell who tried to speak in private with Chapuis. A few days after Elizabeth's birth the secretary was flying his hawks in the fields, and Chapuis rode out by appointment to meet him. This time the ambassador thought that he might express himself more openly. He said that now the king had married Anne it might be easier to redress matters than it had been before, for Henry, having shown that he was able to do as he liked, might take Catherine back without losing any of his reputation for independence ; and Cromwell ought to support so good an arrangement. The secretary listened very patiently, but replied that the time had not yet come, as the king's love for Anne was still strong and ardent. The friendship of Charles was certainly all important to England, for it would be easy for him to ruin the kingdom ; but Cromwell hoped Charles would not try — the emperor would certainly not benefit by such an enterprise. As to himself, Crom- well said, he was quite ready to abandon Anne and to act for Catherine, but things of this kind could not be done in a hurry. Chapuis left him with the conviction that he was only waiting for an opportunity to change his whole policy.2

It seemed probable that the opportunity would soon present itself. Shortly after his last conference

1 Chapuis to Charles Y., July 30, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 91.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 27, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. Ill : " Actendu que les choses sont trop fresches et lamour du Roy tropt vehement et ardent."

ANNE BOLEYN. 233

with Cromwell, Chapuis received strong hints that the CHAP. vn. ill-will against Anne was having serious consequences. Symptoms Among the ladies of her household there was a fair re^ttwn. damsel called Elizabeth Holland, for whom the Duke of Norfolk had shown his preference in rather too public a way. The duchess, a very haughty and violent woman, had taken this very ill, and on Norfolk's return from France had absolutely refused to see him. The quarrel, which reflected some discredit on Anne, was very disagreeable to the court ; and it was decided that Lord Abergavenny, the duchess's brother-in-law, should be sent to her to effect a reconciliation. He was accordingly invited to Green- wich to receive instructions.1 Here he met Chapuis September at mass, and they returned arm in arm from the ' * chapel to the hall, the king walking immediately behind them, and Cromwell in front. Abergavenny seized the opportunity to tell the ambassador hurriedly that he should have liked to confer with him, but dared not do so. He could only say that he was a warm friend of the emperor; and to intimate the strength of his feelings, he pressed the ambassador's arm.2 This was the first hint Chapuis received of a vast conspiracy which was being formed.

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 27, 1533, loc. cit. : " Je cuydois Sire quil eust este appelle en court pour quelque affaire dimportance mais ce nestoit que pour une folie a scavoir lenvoyer vers la Ducesse de Norphoc quest sueur de sa femme pour faire lappoinctement entre elle et le due son mari lequel elle ne vouloit veoer ne ouyr a cause quil est amoureux dune demoyselle de la concubine du Roy que sappelle Hollande. ..."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 27, 1533, loc. cit. : "II (Abergavenny) eust charge dernierement que f uz en court de me

234 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. A few days later, a more precise message was sent to Chapuis by the Bishop of Rochester, who had been released after a confinement of two months, and had returned to his diocese more incensed than ever against Henry and Anne. The pope's censures, he now told Chapuis, were against the obstinate like a leaden sword; they produced no effect. Charles ought, therefore, to take matters into his own hands, whereby he would do God as great a pleasure as in fighting the Turks.1 Another malcontent suggested to Chapuis that Reginald Pole, who resided at Padua, and whose family were powerful, rich and discon- tented, might marry the princess and claim the crown, to which he had some pretensions by right of birth. In any case the emperor would do well to make sure of him.2

ramener de la messe et lors me dit quil eust eu bien desir de deviser avec moy mais quy ny avoit ordre et seullement me signiffioit que ny avoit gentilhomme au monde que de meilleur cueur feist service a Yostre Maieste que luy et que pourroit estre que Vostre Maieste sen appercevroit quelque jour. Et pour ce que le Roy poursuidoit tout de pres et Cremuel qui nous precedoit et nous alloit tenant les oreilles ny eust ordre de plus long practique ; touteffois Sire laffection quil monstroit avoir de me declairer son intencion linduisoyt de cop sur cop me fere feste et me sarrant le braz par soubz lequel il me mesnoit."

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 27, 1533, loc. cit. : " Que les armes du pape pour ceulx cy que sont obstinez sont plus fresles que de plomb et quil convient que Vostre Maieste y mecte la main et que en ce elle fera ceuvre tant aggreable a dieu (que) daller centre le turcq."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., September 27, 1533, loc. cit. : " Le diet filz est maintenant a Padue a lestude pour la grande et singuliere vertu duquel joinct quil est du parentaige du Roy du couste du pere et de mere et pour la pretension que luy et ses

ANNE BOLEYN. 235

All this seemed very threatening for Anne ; and CHAP. vn. it was the more dangerous, as she had some reason to complain of the conduct of the French. Francis was in a singular position. For his designs on the Low Countries he wanted Henry to be on bad terms with Charles, and to be the ally of France ; and to secure this end he had favoured the divorce and the marriage with Anne. But for his designs on Italy, which he had much more at heart, he needed the friendship of the pope ; and in order to please the pope he urged Henry to go no further, and disapproved of all steps tending towards schism. This was neither the real interest of Anne, nor did it suit her character and inclinations. During the prolonged strife she had contracted a strong feeling ;^t of hatred against the Holy See and the Eoman priest- Church of hood. She desired a complete rupture, and supported every scheme likely to bring it about. " The cause and the principal wet-nurse of heresy," Chapuis in his quaint language styled her, and he was not much mistaken.1

Although Anne had not an important ally whom Elizabeth. she could trust, she had still something in her favour. If her child was but a girl, it had a wonderful quality

freres pourroient avoir au royaulme la Royne desireroit austant colloque la princesse sa fille par mariaige qua autre quelle sache. A quoy la dicte princesse ne feroit reffuz ains sen tiendroit plus que contente." I have quoted so largely from this letter of Chapuis because the quotations in M. de Gayangos' Calendar are not quite correct.

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 1, 1536, Yienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fol. 50 : " Pour remedier aux heresies dyci dont la concubyne est la cause et principale nourisse."

236 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. for a child of Henry VIII. : it lived and throve, and

gave rise to a hope that it might have brothers who

September WOuld do the same. On the 10th of September it

10 1533

was christened.1 Dinteville, who, notwithstanding Norfolk's request, had received no orders to be proxy for Francis, was spared the trouble by the sex of the child.2 The dowager Duchess of Norfolk and the Dowager Marchioness of Dorset were ordered to stand godmothers, while Cranmer was godfather. After this the child remained for nearly three months at court until a separate establishment was provided for it, and it was taken to Hatfield.3

Success of With this little in her favour, Anne had to allay the king's annoyance, to raise his courage, and to revive his hopes. Once more she succeeded, once more the hopes of Chapuis came to nought. Crom- well was right : the time had not yet come. She was still able to profit by all the little incidents of the summer and the autumn, and to reconstruct her power. And it happened that her task was lightened by two events which had not been foreseen. One of these events cannot be properly understood without reference to the circumstances of the time Luebeck in the north-west of Europe. The city of Luebeck, chief among the Hanseatic towns, chief too of

1 Account of the christening, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 464.

2 J. de Dinteville to Francis I., October 5, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 269.

3 Minutes for the council and acta in consilio, December 2? 1533, State Papers, vol. i. pp. 414 and 415; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 9 and 16, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fols. 140 and 143.

ANNE BOLEYN. 237

the group of them called the Wendic towns, had CHAP. vn. obtained during the fourteenth century an almost undisputed supremacy on the Baltic. The Scandina- vian kingdoms had been so thoroughly humbled by its fleets and armies that they had submitted to the terms the mighty burghers had chosen to dictate ; and the Danes, by the treaty of Nystadt, had even conceded to Luebeck the right of vetoing the election of their kings. But Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes cannot easily bear a foreign yoke, and at the end of the fourteenth century the three northern nations united and called Eric of Pomerania, himself a German, but no friend of Luebeck, to the throne. A long series of struggles then began between the town and the union-kings, and Luebeck slowly lost ground. When, in the middle of the fifteenth century, Christian, of the house of Oldenburg, as- cended the Scandinavian throne, the position of the town was such that it could not exercise its old privileges. Luebeck was deserted by its allies, Luebeck and the lesser towns began to look after their supremacy. own interests, and to oppose the wishes and plans of the chief city. It had been a rule that certain classes of goods should not be imported directly to the Scandinavian ports, but should first be brought to the staple of Luebeck ; but this rule was now disregarded. The Dutch towns, which had formerly been among the chief friends of Luebeck, became its most formidable opponents and rivals. They de- clined to submit to restrictions on their trade, and sent their ships to any port in the Baltic they chose ; and when the Luebeckers tried to prevent them, they

238 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. allied themselves with the union-king, who in re- turn granted them extensive privileges in direct violation of Luebeck' s treaty rights.

When Christian succeeded to the throne of the duchies of Sleswick and Holstein, and became the close neighbour of Luebeck, its difficulties were very much increased. After Christian's death, however, his territories were again divided, his elder son John inheriting the three kingdoms, Frederic, the younger son, the two duchies. John took no decisive steps against Luebeck, and there was a period of calm until his son Christian II. succeeded him. Christian, who had married a sister of Charles V., followed a more active policy ; but, while he energetically withstood foreign oppression, he was himself a tyrant at home, and an(l alienated the goodwill of his subjects. A re-

kei}ion broke out in Sweden, and Gustavus Vasa, Denmark with the assistance of the Luebeckers, drove Christian 1522.' out of the country. The two other kingdoms of Christian also rebelled, and Frederic of Hoi stein became their king. Christian had to fly from court to court, asking everywhere to be assisted against his rebellious subjects and his treacherous kinsman.

During the early years of their reign, both

Gustavus Vasa and Frederic of Denmark were

friendly to Luebeck, whose help they needed.

For Christian had still a party in the country,

and was always trying to regain his throne. In

1531, with the aid of the Dutch cities, he fitted

October ou^ a ^ee^ » an(^ taking some landsknechts on board,

24,1531. he sailed from Holland to Norway. At first he

met with success, but a Luebeck fleet which suddenly

ANNE BOLEYN. 239

appeared on the coast cut off all further reinforce- CHAP. vn. ments, victualled Frederic's strongholds, and trans- July i, ported his troops. Christian was then forced to capitulate, and Frederic treacherously seized him, and threw him into a dungeon at Grottorp.

Having obtained so decisive a victory, and having no longer anything to fear from his foe, Frederic grew cold towards those who had aided him in the hour of his need. He did, indeed, threaten the Dutch, and demand an indemnity for the assistance they had given to his rival ; but he soon granted them terms which were most disagreeable to the Lue- beckers. The latter were left to fight their quarrel out as best they could, Frederic putting himself to little trouble on their behalf.

Had the old constitution still been in force at Luebeck, the city might have kept quiet. But the narrow oligarchy of conservative patricians had lately been overthrown. A violently reforming democracy had taken its place, and Juergen Wullen- 1533.' wever, its chief spokesman, had been elected burgo- master. As a true demagogue, Wullenwever was bent on a spirited foreign policy, and under his rule a fleet was fitted out to compel the Dutch to admit the privileges of Luebeck and to pay a fine for having aided Christian. In 1533 this fleet cruised along the ^ coast of Holland, and spread terror among the sea- squadron faring people. In August a detachment of it, con- Englilk sisting of five line-of-battle ships, mounted by 2,200 Channel. men, sailed towards the English Channel,1 and at the

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 98. '

240 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. Nore captured three vessels, one Flemish and two Spanish. Thence they proceeded to Dover, where they were allowed to victual, and finally they went to the Eye to lie in wait for fourteen Dutch hulks which were expected from Spain.1

Chapuis, hearing of their depredations, strongly protested against the favour shown to them ; and as the Hanseatic traders had offended the court, the council were quite ready to promise that no further help should be given to the strangers. Orders to that effect were sent down to the coast, and when on

August the 18th of August the Luebeck captain, Marcus

•to -I COO

Meyer, landed to confer with the mayor of Eye, he was arrested on a charge of piracy.2 The Luebeck ships, deprived of their leader, exposed to the cannon of the town and of the Dutch hulks, which had gained the harbour, dared not use force. They stood out to sea, and left the Channel.3 Marcus Marcus Meyer was brought to London, and Henry, Meyer. rememkering the insults offered by the Easterlings to Anne Boleyn, wanted to punish him and to make the Hanseatic merchants responsible for the damage done by his ships.4 But the aldermen of the Steel- yard protested that they had no connection with

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 102.

2 Reimer Kock's Chronicle of Luebeck ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, loc. cit.

8 Sir Edward Guldeford to Cromwell, August 21 and 22, 1533, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 433 ; G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever ; and Wurm, Die politischen Beziehungen Heinrich VIII. zu Marcus Meyer.

4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, loc. cit.

ANNE BOLEYN. 241

Meyer, and this they were quite able to prove. CHAP. vn. By and by, when the captain was closely exam- ined by the royal council, he brought out certain facts which altogether changed Henry's intentions regarding him.

Marcus Meyer was one of a class of men who abounded in Germany in the sixteenth century — adventurers of talent and ambition, who delighted in daring enterprises and hairbreadth escapes. They were not without generous aims, but, leading a hard and checkered life, they could not afford to be very scrupulous, and were generally ready to enter into part- nership with any one, however dishonest, who could help them to attain their ends. Meyer had originally been a blacksmith in Hamburg, but had enlisted as a soldier ; and after having been tossed about a good deal, he had entered the service of Frederic of Denmark. In 1531 he passed with the rank of ensign to the Luebeckers, in whose service he rose to be a captain ; and being an adherent of Wullenwever, he was ap- pointed to the command of the soldiers on the squadron which ultimately made for the English Channel.

Meyer was not only a stout soldier, but a clever intriguer ; and when examined, he expressed astonish- ment that he had been arrested for despoiling some of the king's bitterest enemies. He had thought Henry would be rather pleased by what he had done, but as it was otherwise, he promised that if he were set free the ships and merchandise should be restored.1 At the same time he proclaimed the good intentions

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 3, 1533, loc. cit. VOL. I. R

242 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. of the Luebeckers — enemies of the pope and of the pretensions of Kome. He explained how matters stood in the north, and how advantageous it would be for Henry to conclude an alliance with Luebeck.

Northern J

confederacy Frederic of Denmark had just died, and a successor eyer. was about to be chosen. If a friend of Henry were elected, a confederacy might be formed between England, Denmark, and Luebeck strong enough to withstand any enemy. Meyer declared that the king ought not to miss so good an opportunity, and he offered to do his best to promote Henry's interests in the matter. Perhaps he even hinted at the pos- sibility of Henry himself being elected, and thus uniting the whole north-west under his sceptre.1 The There was much that was absurd in this plan, but

fascinates ^^ an(^ fantastic combinations had an irresistible Henry, attraction for Henry, and he listened with pleasure to Meyer's glowing speeches. The captain was set free and received permission to go back to Luebeck, giving security for his return to England in Novem- ber. He may not have taken advantage of this permission, as the way to Luebeck was rather dan- gerous for him ; but an English secretary was sent thither, nominally to urge the restitution of the two Spanish ships, in reality to inform himself about the true state of the case.2

The hopes of an important alliance against Charles and the Holy See restored some firmness to Henry's mind. He was no longer so afraid of losing the

1 "Wurm, Die politischen Beziehungen ; "Waitz, Wullenwever, etc.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 15 and December 9, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fols. 107 and 140.

ANNE BOLEYN. 243

friendship of France ; he dared once more to pursue CHAP. vn. a vigorous and decided policy. In this course he was encouraged by the activity of Anne and her nearest friends, who were able to frighten the king with tales about a clerical conspiracy, and to rouse his anger by the account they gave of what the malcontents said.

Early in July a lay friar of Greenwich, Brother Brother Laurence, who had acted for some time as a spy?

went to talk to Cromwell about two friars observant tiT01]s-

July

whom he had been watching. They professed to 1533. have come to England for the purpose of collecting books for Friar Peto, who had fled to Flanders and had been writing against the divorce ; but Laurence was able to state that they had visited Catherine at JBugden. This was immediately reported to the king, and Cromwell asked to be allowed to take any steps that might appear to him to be necessary.1 The friars, notwithstanding their caution, were then ar- rested, having been dogged from Ware to London. No papers were found on them, but as they seemed unfavourable to the new state of things, and probably knew many of the secrets of their order, Cromwell applied for leave to have them racked.2

In his interview with Cromwell, Laurence had The holy expressed a wish to make some revelations to the mxen° king regarding the holy maid of Kent, a nun named Elizabeth Barton, who was at this time much talked about. She had been for years subject to fits and

1 Cromwell to Henry VIII. (not dated), RO. Henry VIII., Box Q, No. 147.

2 Cromwell to Henry VIII., July 23, 1533, RO. Henry VIIL, Box P, No. 361.

R 2

244 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. YII. hallucinations, and had spoken of her visions to a great many people who had been deeply impressed by them. She was very hostile to the divorce, and her prophecies were by no means favourable to Henry and Anne. The king decided that the matter should be investigated by Cranmer, who was staying at Canterbury ; l and Cromwell sent the archbishop a list of. questions he was to put to her, relating es- pecially to predictions she was said to have uttered as to the death of the king and the queen. Cran- mer had been in communication with her before he received these orders, and with his consummate talent for dissembling he had had no difficulty in making her suppose that he believed in her. He was very unwilling to act as Cromwell directed, because the questions, he thought, might put her on her guard ; but being obliged to obey, he proceeded, August with Dr. Gwent, the new dean of arches, to execute his commission. The maid asked permission to speak privately with the archbishop, and when this was granted, she said she had been told in her trance that the next time she would know how Henry and Anne would end. " And therefore " Gwent wrote " she desired to go to Curtopstrete, and there this week she shall have another trance, and then she shall know per- fectly. And my lord has given her leave to go thither and to repaire to him again, trusting that then he shall plainly perceive her foolish dissimulation. And if your interrogatory had not been, she would have con- fessed more things, for my lord does yet but dally with

1 Cromwell to Henry VIII., July 23, 1533, E.G. Henry VIII., Box P, No. 361.

ANNE BOLEYN. 245

her as (if) he did believe her every word, and as soon CHAP, vn, as he has all he can get out of her she shall be sent to you." x

It seems that Cranmer was successful in his endea- vour to lead the unsuspecting nun into a trap. She was arrested and sent to London, and shortly after- September wards several monks, parsons, and gentlemen shared her fate. Their papers were seized, they were sub- mitted to a strict examination by Cromwell and his agents ; and every device was employed to obtain from them a full confession of all the nun had said and a list of the persons who had seemed to attribute importance to her statements.2 When the list was made out, it proved to be a very formidable one. October It contained the names of Sir Thomas More, the Bishop of Kochester, the Marchioness of Exeter, the Countesses of Salisbury and Derby, Lord and Lady Hussey, and many others of less note.3 It was pre- tended that the princess dowager and her daughter had communicated with Barton ; 4 but this was contradicted by Catherine herself, and Cromwell subsequently owned that nothing had been found

1 B. Gwent to Cromwell, August 11, 1533, E.G. Cromwell Correspondence, vol. xv. No. 70.

2 Examination of Elizabeth Barton, E.G. Henry VIII., Box Q, No. 141 ; Examination of John Mores, E.G. Henry VIII.,

Box Q, No. 154 ; Examination of of Syon, E.G. Henry VIII.,

Box Q, No. 127; and Sir Christofer Hales to Cromwell, Sep- tember 24 and 25, 1533, E.G. Cromwell Correspondence, vol. xvi. Nos. 33 and 38.

3 List of names, E.G. Henry VIII., Box Q, Nos. 148 to 150.

4 Ibid. ; and Account of J. de Dinteville, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 323.

246 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vn. to compromise either her or Mary.1 An attempt to implicate the Bishop of Winchester also failed.2

It does not seem to have been Cromwell's intention

to proceed with any great severity against the nun

and her accomplices or dupes, for the examination had

shown that no real danger was to be apprehended

November from them. She was made to stand at St. Paul's Cross,

23, 1533. .£Q rea(j a confession? anc[ to listen to a sermon about

her folly,3 after which she was sent back to prison. Several of her adherents, however, were released on bail — to the disgust of Cranmer, who advocated the adoption of stern measures.4 As for those whose names appeared on the list of compromised persons, Cromwell's aim was to terrify them by giving them the impression that they might at any moment be sent to the Tower. A few of them were informed of the danger in which they stood, and hastened to make their most humble submission ; 5 but the great majority were left in suspense whether they were to be punished or not. All this was very agreeable to Cromwell, with whose plans it perfectly accorded. Marcus Meyer had inspired Henry with fresh courage, and now the nun had provided the secretary with

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 20, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 125.

2 Examination of John Mores, loc. cit.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 24, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 130.

4 Archbishop Crarimer to Cromwell, December 16, 1533, and January 5, 1534, KO. Cranmer's Letters, Nos. 8 and 10.

5 Lady Exeter to Cromwell, Wednesday, E.G. Cromwell Correspondence, vol. x. fol. 199; and Henry Gold to Cromwell, Ibid. vol. xiv. fol. 4, etc.

ANNE BOLEYN. 247

the means of overawing the opposition, while the CHAP, vn. king had been more than ever irritated against the conservative party. Everything appeared favour- able to a revival of the energetic policy which had been followed during the spring.

Meanwhile, the Bishop of Winchester had proceeded Clement to the French court, which he reached some time

before the arrival of the pope. On the llth of , at

JxlfJ ¥ ^P ?*/ IP 9

October, Clement landed near Marseilles, and on the October ' following day he made his solemn entry into the town.1 12) lt 33* Two or three days being spent in ceremonious visits and public consistories, negotiations did not begin until the 16th, but they were carried on very quickly, for the ground had been prepared.2 Henry's ridiculous Clement demand that the pope should forthwith revoke the ^okefhe sentence of the llth of July, and decide the whole sentence question in his favour, was politely refused by Clement, who said that the acts of the cause were at Eome, and that without them he could do nothing. Francis, who had not seriously pressed the demand, informed the English ambassadors of Clement's answer, but declared that other* means would be found to satisfy their king.3 Gardiner seems to have taken this very ill, for he immediately sent

1 Secretary Berthereau to J. de Dinteville, October 15, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 273.

2 Ibid. ; and Account of Jean du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 52.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 3, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 120 ; and J. de Dinteville to Francis I., November 2, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 276.

248 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. a courier to England to apprise Henry of the dis-

appointment of his hopes.1 Discussion Three days later, on the 20th, a kind of dis-

Putation was held at the lodging of Cardinal Duprat,

Anne, the Chancellor of France, in which the auditor 20, 1533. Simon etta, the nuncio, and Dr. Burla, a canonist of some repute, took part. The cardinal complained of the brief of the llth of July. Clement, he said, had annulled the marriage of Anne, and had declared her children illegitimate. But Anne had never been cited to answer the charge against her ; and whatever might be the faults of Henry she ought not to be punished for them, nor for her own, without having an opportunity of defending herself. To this, Simo- netta replied that, as Anne had known, the pope had threatened to excommunicate any woman who should contract marriage lite pendente with Henry. Her marriage had been annulled because it was contrary to the papal inhibition, and she had no cause of complaint.

But Simonetta did not make a very decided stand, for there was some force in the argument of Duprat. The imperial agents had, indeed, long discussed the question whether Anne should be cited or not.2 Chapuis had been of opinion that the pope ought to order her under pain of excommunication to leave the court of Henry ; but it seems that this was ultra

1 Gardiner, Bryan, and Wallop, to Lord Lisle, October 17, 1533, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 526 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 3, 1533, loc. cit,

2 Cyfuentes to Charles V., October 24, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 42.

ANNE BOLEYN. 249

vires. When the news of the marriage arrived, the CHAP, vn. question was once more thoroughly argued, and the imperial lawyers considered that the citation of Anne would greatly complicate the proceedings. She might send an excusator to plead that the statutes of premunire prevented her from appearing at Rome, and by legal artifices delay the cause for years. So she was not summoned, but the imperial agents were aware that this might not be quite regular.1

It was on this ground that Clement intended to Clement's base the concessions he was ready to make. A deed P10P°* had been drawn up by which, at Henry's request, he assented to the cause being reheard at Avignon before special legates, on condition that the king should acknowledge the authority of the pope, and promise to submit to his final judgment. Nothing remained but to execute the deed, and Gardiner was called upon to produce the full powers he had said he held. He coolly declared that he had not spoken the truth, that he had no full powers, and that he could not bind his master to such conditions.2 The French king, perceiving that he had again been duped by the English, became very angry, and said to Gardiner that he would no longer exert himself for a man who behaved like the King of England. Gardiner replied rather haughtily, and Francis went to the pope and indignantly reported what had happened. Shortly afterwards, on the 27th of October, the marriage 27, 1533.

1 Memorial sent from Rome by R. de Avalos, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 94.

2 Instructions to du Bellay, Legrand, iii. p. 571 ; and Account of J. du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 62,

250 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. of the Duke of Orleans and Catherine del Medici was concluded without any previous decision regarding Henry's affairs.1

After some reflection Francis resolved to make

another effort to settle the English difficulty. He sent

October Guillaume du Bellay to Gardiner, and on the 24th, at

24, 1533. ^u Beiiay 's request, Gardiner despatched a courier to London to ask for the necessary powers to sign the agreement Francis had proposed. It was hoped that Clement would remain until the messenger returned, and that all might still be peacefully settled.2

Anger of But on the 25th of October Henry had received Henry. Gardiner's letter of the 17th, in which the bishop

25^1533 rePorte(l that Clement had refused to dispose of the matrimonial cause in the offhand manner that had been suggested. Henry became pale with anger and crushed Gardiner's letter in his hand, exclaiming that he was betrayed, and that the King of France was not the true friend he had thought. He con- tinued for some time to swear at the pope, and could not regain his equanimity.3

His wrath was carefully nursed by all who wished for a final rupture with Kome. Cromwell opposed an arrangement which would increase the influence of France abroad and of the French party at

1 Cyfuentes to Charles V., November 6, 15 33, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 49.

2 Instructions to J. du Bellay, Legrand, vol. iii. p. 571 ; Account of du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 57; and Cyfuentes to Charles V., November 6, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 49.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 3, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. fol. 120.

ANNE BOLEYN. 251

the English court, while Anne was alarmed at the CHAP. \-n. prospect of the question of the divorce being re-opened, and the validity of her own marriage being thereby disputed. They combined, therefore, to prevent Henry from considering the matter calmly, and they were successful. When, on the 1st of November, the courier who brought Gardiner's letter of the 24th arrived, the king was in a most defiant mood. He at once decided to refuse the request, and instructions to that effect were sent to the ambassadors at Marseilles.

The draft of these instructions, which is still preserved at the Eecord Office, seems to be in the twm to handwriting of Cromwell, but the style resembles that English of the king rather than that of the secretary. " Upon ambassa- the saying of Monsieur de Langeay," it begins, " of November the appointment of two legates, the one a Frenchman *' 1( the other of the pope's chosing, to determine the matter in Avignon, the same has- been offered hereto- fore if the king's highness would condescend to make a proxy and grant the pope's jurisdiction, that the pope would then have made a commission to two cardinals whereof the one should be Cardinal de Monte to determine the cause at Cambray, which place is much more propice and tute and sure for the king than Avignon." ..." Item as touching the sending of the proxy it is to be answered what needs the proxy to be sent when the French king at sundry times promised at this enterview to be proctor himself." The writer goes on to argue against the course pur- sued by Francis, and directs the ambassadors to bribe, if possible, Queen Catherine's proctor. He concludes

252 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. with the words : " Item to provoke as may be the general council, which will more fear the pope than all other things."1

With these instructions a courier left England on the 1st of November, and made such haste that on the 6th he was at . Marseilles. Here he found Doctor Bonner, who had received at Lyons a copy of the Henry's king's appeal to a council, and had been ordered to join tne Bishop of Winchester at Marseilles and to con- cer^ furtner measures with him.2 The despatch was handed to Gardiner, who acquainted Bonner with its contents ; and both were of opinion that the appeal should be intimated without further delay. But such an intimation would of course put an end to the negotiations, and it would prove that Henry had all along been trying to deceive Francis. It would, moreover, be a gross insult to the French king's guest. Francis was already in a sufficiently bad temper ; and he might, perhaps, show Bonner and his colleagues that diplomatic privileges were accorded only in re- turn for diplomatic behaviour, and that France still had dungeons and gallows for those who roused the king's anger.

On the whole, it seemed best to the English ministers to begin by feeling their ground with Francis. They accordingly told him in general terms

1 Instructions to the Ambassadors, RO. Henry VIII. Box P ; abstracted, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 333.

2 Henry VIII. to Bonner, August 18, 1533, Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, App. No. iv. ; Henry VIII. to Bonner, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vit. B. xiv. fol. 52 ; and Bonner to Henry VIII., October 16, 1533, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 525.

ANNE BOLEYN. 253

what Bonner had been ordered to do. The king CHAP. vn. immediately tried to dissuade them from their purpose. " Your king," he exclaimed, " thinks him- self a wise man, but he is simply a fool. He is working in the interest of the queen, for by this appeal he admits that he knows of the sentence of the llth of July and nevertheless disregards it. Let him know that if, in consequence of his behaviour, he is excommunicated, I have declared and declare that I shall not assist him against the pope." l

But although Francis was greatly displeased, he spoke neither of hanging nor of prisons, and the English ministers came to the conclusion that the message of Bonner might be delivered without risk to their necks. So the doctor, taking Girolamo Penizzoni The ap- with him as a witness, went on the 7th to the pope, p^ated to and after some preliminary talk intimated Henry's *J«W«-

-1 . J November

appeal. When Clement perceived what was meant, 7, 1533. he interrupted for a moment the reading of the different papers, and spoke bitterly of Henry's disrespect and ingratitude.2

While the papers were being read, Francis was announced, and the pope hastened to complain to clement him of the insult he was receiving. " Being your tries to guest," said Clement in effect, " I allow people to rupture enter without insisting on all the formalities which England are used at Kome. These men, relying; on this, have ®nd

.J & France.

come in without asking the permission of anybody,

1 Cyfuentes to Charles V., November 9, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 62.

2 Bonner to Henry VIII., November 13, 1533, Burnet, Collectanea, part iii. book ii. No. 23.

254 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. and have just done that which at Eome would entail capital punishment. I have shown myself ready to do all that I can, but the King of England has acted in a totally different manner. You ought, therefore, to forsake his alliance and to unite with the Holy See against him."

Francis was not a little annoyed by Bonner's insolence ; and afterwards he promised that he would no longer support Henry's cause, protesting that he was as displeased with the King of England as his holiness could be.2 But as to an open rupture with

1 Account of J. du Bellay, loc. cit. fol. 56: "Je presuppose que vous scavez . . . comment apres toutes concertations a llieure que le Boy venoyt pour sur ce point la et a linstant mesmes prendre avec le pape a ung jour une resolution de faire affaire il rencontra les ambassadeurs dangleterre qui venoyent de signiffier au pape lappellation au futur concile, comment il trouva le pape en colere, comment il etc.

" Le pape done vinct a grandement se lamenter que non seule- ment le Roy dangleterre les eust tous deulx desprisez en faisant ceste innovation mais eust grandement abuse de la couverture du Roy car soubs couleur que le pape estoit logie chez luy au moyen de quoy sa sainctete donnoyt entree indiferement a chacung sans user de la ceremonie que a Rome il est accoustume de user a ses audiences ces docteurs sestoyent venuz insinuer et se presenter sans demander congie a huissier chambrier ne aultre et avoyent faict chose que a Rome eust este capitale cest de luy signifier ceste appellacion (chose que veritableinent les diets docteurs con- fessoient bien avoir faict pour la dicte rayson sachant quil ne leur seroyt loisible de la povoir faire ailleurs). Concluoyt la dessus le pape sestant de son coste tout voulu mectre en son debvoir et le Roy dangleterre faict au contraire que le Roy le debvroyt reputer pour enemy et se mectre contre luy avec le sainct siege apostolique."

2 Cyfuentes to Charles V., November 9, 1533, loc. cit. ; and Account of J. du Bellay, loc. cit. fol. 60 : " Le Roy que ne povoyt nyer ne excuser lerreur quavoyent faicte ces deputez et voyant la

ANNE BOLEYN. 255

England, that might lead to results which would be CHAP, vn. injurious to the interests even of the Holy See. If the King of England became desperate, he might throw himself into the arms of people whose alliance would be hurtful not only to the pope and Francis, but to the whole of Christendom. Henry had asserted (Francis said) that, after all, if things came to the worst, he might take back his wife and keep the other as his mistress, and that then he and the emperor might jointly make war upon the French. In fact, the King of England had discussed this scheme with some of his most confidential ministers.1 If it were not for

principale occasion de son voyage estre par cest acte demeure a neant, se trouva fort enmiye car a la verite il ne povoit nyer au pape quil neust raison de dire ce quil disoyt. Et apres avoir faict parler aux ambassadeurs dangleterre (je croy que ce fust par vous) et veu le peu de fondement quil trouvoyt de leur coste ne sceust faire de moins que de consentir au pape de ne luy parler plus de ceste affaire et a venir traicter des aultres." . . .

1 Account of Jean du Bellay, loc. cit. fol. 60 : " Mais den venir jusques la que de se declarer contre le Sr. Roy dangleterre il remonstra le dommaige quil feroyt aux affaires publiques et mesmement au sainct siege car telle chose pourroyt advenir que encores serviroyt bien ung mediateur et aultre ne sen povoit trouver que luy ; aussy que faisant icelle declaration cestoyt le vray moyen de desesperer le diet Roy et de le contraindre de se venir jecter entre les mains de gens dont lalliance pourroyt estre dommeagable non a eulx deulx seulement mais a toute chrestiente. Joinct quil estoyt eschappe au roy dangleterre de dire a quelqung que la ou le Roy son frere luy fauldroyt au pis alter il seroyt tousjours quicte pour reprendre sa femme au contentement de lempereur, entretenant laultre pour sa mye, et quil mectoyt telz partys en avant au diet empereur contre le roy avec lequel il estoyt en ... quilz le renieroyent eulx deux ensemble et de faict cestoyent propoz quil avoyt secretement concertez avec ses plus privez et familiers."

256 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. this, so Francis assured the pope, he would play Henry a trick the latter should long remember.1

But Clement was really angry, and urged so per- sistently that the insult which had been offered to him should be avenged, that Francis began to speak of Calais as the price for which he was ready to turn against Henry. The pope readily assented, and the proposal was submitted to the two chief ministers of Francis, the grand master and the admiral. They both commended it, for they had lost patience with Henry, and were anxious that he should be abandoned.2

Francis "With the English ambassadors Francis had a ^English violent quarrel. " You will have me do for you,"

ambassa- jie sa^ . « an(j wnen I and my council devise after what we may do, you regard us not therein, but of yourself do things clearly contrary ; and as fast as I study to win the pope, you study to lose him." " You see," he continued, " the effect of all your desires : they refuse that should receive." Gardiner said that whatever had been done had been done with the knowledge and consent of Francis ; but the king answered that he had never supposed they would go so far as they had gone. " I desired," he ex- claimed, " to have a proxy sent, and that was not only left behind, but also, in lieu of that, an intima- tion sent." 3 Francis declared that he would have no

1 Cyfuentes to Charles V., November 9, 1533, loc. cit. : "Que sino tuviera necessidad de tenerlo por amigo a causa que otros no lo tomassen le haria una burla que se le acordasse." 2 Ibid.

3 The English Ambassadors at Marseilles to Henry YIII., November, 1533, British Museum, Arundel MSS. 151, fol. 192; and Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 571.

ANNE BOLEYN. 257

more to do with the matter, and for the moment it CHAP. vu. seemed as if he intended to keep his word.

The pope, after the insult he had received, was The loath to stay ; and Francis, who could not now /f^fs expect a favourable reply from Henry, did not try Marseilles. to detain him. On the llth of November, Clement gave his formal answer to Bonner, rejecting the appeal of Henry as utterly illegal, and on the 12th November he mounted his galley and departed.1 Negotiations might be resumed, but instead of being conducted between the pope and the King of France in person, they would henceforth have to be carried on by subordinate ministers.

Before leaving Marseilles, the pope had once more November

Q -I " »J>«>

tried his luck with Cyfuentes, and had spoken about the cession of Calais to the French. But in the preceding summer the reserve of the Spanish ambas- sador had been approved of by Charles V.? who thought that Calais was much less dangerous in English hands than it would be in the hands of the

o

French.2 The count, therefore, would make no answer to Clement's proposals, and Francis, seeing that there was nothing to be gained by abandoning Henry, again attempted to reconcile him to the Holy See.3

Jean de Dinteville, the French ambassador in DintemlU London, had done his best to moderate the English "nd

Henry.

1 Bonner to Henry VIII., November 13, 1533, Burnet, Collectanea, part iii. book ii. No. 23.

2 Relacion de Cartas de Roma, July 5, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,585, fol. 309.

3 Cyfuentes to Charles V., November 9, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 62.

VOL. I. S

258 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. policy. He had had several sharp encounters with the king, and his temper had been sorely tried by Henry's insincerity and unfairness. The Duke of Norfolk, with whom Dinteville remonstrated, said that he could do nothing, as the king would not listen to any argument, and that he had already lost credit on account of the opposition he had dared to offer to extreme measures.1 Dinteville felt re- lieved when, in the middle of November, de Castillon, who was to succeed him, arrived in Eng- land. He decided that, before going away, he would November speak plainly to Henry ; but at the farewell audience 9, 1533. the king hardly gave him an opportunity of uttering a word, but himself broke out into vehement re- criminations. He accused Francis of double-dealing, and lied with such impudence that the ambassador

1 J. de Dinteville to A. de Montmorency, November 7, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 276 : " ce dit Sieur Hoy . . . me vouloit f aire a croire que mes instructions portoient de luy dire que jamais le Hoy ne feroit le mariaige de Mgr dorleans que le pape ne depeschat son affaire selon son intention, mais jamais je ne luy voulu accord er quainsi feust . . . je devisay bien amplement avec Mr de Norsfort auquel je re- monstroit . . . que sil (Francis) entendoit que ses peines et labeurs outre la grande despence quil faict feussent si mal reconnus de la part de ce Roy, que je ne doubtays point quil sen ennuyeroit et fascheroit . . . et que Ion peut bien tant presser et fascher son amy que Ion sen faict importun. . . . Mgr je vous puis bien asseurer quilz sont plusieurs du conseil de ce Eoy qui trouvent ces raisons dessus dictes veritables et tres bonnes et principallement Mr de Norsfort, mais il ma diet quil trouve le Roy son maistre si tres embrouille en son cerveau de ceste affaire quil ne se fie a homme vivant et que . . . il congnoist tres bien que luy et la Royne sont en souspecon bien souvent centre luy pour 3 amour de ce dit affaire."

ANNE BOLEYN. 259

stood amazed. Even Norfolk was shocked by Henry's CHAP. vn. behaviour, and subsequently admitted to Dinteville that in what the king had said he had not always adhered to the truth.1

Dinteville was so angry that the English ministers of the French party tried to calm him. Suffolk spoke of Cromwell's influence, and Norfolk and Sir William Fitzwilliam made other excuses for the king. Anne, true to her French sympathies, and glad at heart that no compromise had been effected, was most gracious to the departing ambassador, and loud in her praise of the French;2 and her cousin, Sir Francis Bryan, who, at the request of the French king, had hastened back to London, spoke in the same sense, and did his best to soothe the mutual irritation.3

1 Keport of J. de Dinteville, November, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fol. 321. : "II ne scait si Ion veult faire a lancienne facon de France quy est de mener et entretenir les gens pendant quilz en ont affaire sans venir au poinct mays de user de dissimulation qui est chose par ou on ne le menera pas" . . . and "Nota, que Mr de Norsfort dit nen avoir du tout tant diet "... and " Quant a lentreveue dont il a este adverty quon a parle deulx deux il ne peult penser pour quelles raisons . . . combien quil y a plus de deux moys que le diet sieur maye touche quelque mot de la dicte entrevue. Nota quil ne veult quil soit sceu."

2 Ibid. fol. 323 and 324 : " Nota que tout le conseil dangle- terre est bien marry de quoy leur Roy est si aigre . . . Mr le Tresorier est fort marry de quoy son maistre est tant passionne . . . de dire a Mr le grandmaistre les propoz de Monsgr de Suffoc touchant Cramouel " ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 16, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 145.

3 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., December 16, 1533, loc. cit. : "La dame disculpe fort les francois sy a faict Brian Turcq depuis son

S 2

260 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHARJII. But Dinteville was not to be regained so easily. On his return to France he wrote a long record of what had been said, and sent it to the court, where it was received with much displeasure. It was not made less disagreeable to Francis by the fact that Henry's accusations seemed to be something more than the passing talk of an angry man. For several weeks he remained in the same temper, abusing Francis and complaining of his want of faith.1

At Marseilles, Jean du Bellay had offered to go once more to England to try to bring Henry to reason. He now received long and elaborate instructions as

retourd de Marseilles." Brian Turcq, which would mean Sir Bryan Tuke, is a clerical error for Briant, which means Sir Francis Bryan. Tuke was not at Marseilles, and that Sir Francis was sent in October from France to England we know from the Account of Jean du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, 33, fol. 57 : " Prevoyant le B,oy la precipitation ou ilz estoient pour se jecter avoyt prier et persuader Bryant par plusieurs bons moyens daller en diligence faire arrester toutes choses jusques a la venue du diet evesque de Paris. . . ."

1 Mr de Castillon to J. du Bellay, November 17, 1533, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 19: "Je ne vous mettre qung mot des choses de se pays cest quelles sont en telz termes que le Boy dangleterre commence fort a dimynuer de lamytie et fiance qui pencoyt avoyr a jametz avec le B,oy voyant que sy f roydement il a precede avec le pape veil les aliances et longtemps quil ont este ensemble. Et davantaige il se resoult de toutalle- ment se mettre et luy et son pays hors de lobeissance du pape voulant faire prescher la sainte parolle de dieu par tout son pays ayant ferme foy que par icelle nostre seigneur laydera en son bon droit. Qui est une chose tres mauvaise pour lexemple que les aultres princes y pourront prendre, touteffois il en est tout resolu et la pluspart des seigneurs dautour de luy et de tout le pays y sont ja enclins " ; and E. Chapuis to Charles Y., December 6, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 132,

ANNE BOLEYN. 261

to the past, containing a defence of the proceedings CHAP. vn. of Francis and a severe criticism on those of Henry. In carrying on negotiations du Bellay was to have great latitude, because, being more intimately acquainted with England, Henry, and the Boleyns, than anybody else in France, he would know best what could be done.1 With this mission the bishop left, saw Dinte-

ville on the road, and arrived at London on the English

17th of December.2 He found (as Francis had been ncowrt

>• December

warned) that Henry had decided to reject openly the 17, 1533. papal supremacy, and that all the necessary prepara- tions for the schism had been made.3 But du Bellay was not disheartened. He was much liked by Anne, who trusted his friendship for her, and from her he feared no very stubborn resistance. In dealing with Henry, the bishop adopted a bold but judicious course. When the king again broke out into com- plaints and recriminations, accusing Francis of having violated his word, du Bellay interrupted him with a threat of instant war.4 The decided tone of the

1 Account of du Bellay, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 52.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, i. fol. 149.

3 Henry VIII. to Sir John "Wallop, December 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 524.

4 Account of Jean du Bellay, loc. cit., fol. 61 : " Etponrceque encores avoyt le diet Roy adjouste parlant a quelqung que le Roy luy avoit promis de jamais ne faire ce mariaige sans son consentement expres et quen ceste promesse luy avoyt failly, des aultres choses qui ne touchoyent son honneur il estoit pour en pardonner une bonne partie a la passion et colere de son frere. Mays quand a ce qui touchoyt son honneur il ny avoyt homme

concession.

262 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vii. bishop made some impression on Henry, and lie went Henry's so far as to promise that he would not separate from Eome if, within nine weeks, he heard from du Bellay that the pope, without further proceedings, would issue before Easter-day a brief annulling the sen- tence of the llth of July, declaring the marriage with Catherine to be null and void, and confirming the marriage with Anne Boleyn.1 If, at the end of the term of nine weeks, Henry was not informed that the pope would do before Easter-day what was re- quired of him, the schism would be proceeded with.2 Du Bellay knew that the proposal presented a very slender foundation for a compromise ; but he had at least prevented an immediate rupture, and he hoped

au monde a qui il en laissast passer le gros dung cheveu et pour ce le prioyt en fraternite et araitie commune que sil avoyt tenu ce propoz quil sen departit car sil y vouloyt perseverer il scavoyt bien ce quil avoyt accoustume de respondre quand on le chargeoyt de son honneur et en avoyt veu peu dannees au precedent lexperience et que luy nen povoit pas moins actendre."

1 Castillon to Francis I. March 16, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5499, fol. 197 : "Quand Monsieur de Paris partit dicy la conclusion que ce Roy print avec luy estoit que si sans forme de proces nostre Sainct Pere luy vouloit accorder sa demande et que ce fust devant pasques il ne procederoit point a la separation de lobeissance de leglise romaine. Mais si dedans ceterme it navoit la dicte sentence il en feroit la publication."

2 J. du Bellay to Castillon, February 8, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5499, fol. 191 : "Que je ne soye prins de si pres que du xxvme de ce moys ; " and J. du Bellay to Francis I., February 8, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5499, fol. 189: "Quil vous plaise ordonner une bonne depesche en angleterre pour impetrer ung peu plus de temps que celuy quon a donne a moy de Paris."

ANNE BOLEYN. 263

that in the course of the negotiation Henry would CHAP. vu.

become more tractable. With this result he left

the English court on the 29th of December, and December

OQ 1 P\QQ

went in all haste to confer with Francis and Montmorency.1

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 3, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. fol. 1.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE PAPAL SENTENCE.

HENRY did not consider that his concessions to du Bellay bound him to remain idle until the pope should arrive at a final decision. The policy advo- cated by Anne, Cranrner, and the other reformers, was indeed pursued with new vigour. If the pope chose to submit, to annul all that had been decided at Eome, and to ratify all that had been done in Eng- land, so much the better. If not, Henry wished to be ready for definite action.

What he wanted was that his spiritual supremacy aims, should be fully admitted, that his marriage with Anne should be acknowledged to be valid, and that Eliza- beth should be recognised as heir apparent. During the session opened on the 15th of January parliament was to be engaged in passing the necessary measures. An But there was still so strong a feeling in England

attempt to against the marriage of Henry with Anne, that the

coerce the . .

clergy, government considered it prudent to take some pre- liminary steps before submitting the matter to par- liament. It drew up a declaration to the effect that convocation had declared the marriage of Henry and

ANNE BOLEYN. 265

Catherine to have been null and void from the be- CHAP.VIH. ginning, and had pronounced the marriage of Henry and Anne to be good and lawful. This declaration the higher secular clergy and the heads of houses were called upon to sign, and every artifice was employed to obtain signatures. The recusants were threatened with the king's anger, they were reviled and insulted by the royal commissioners, and all kinds of accusations were invented against them to put them in fear of their lives.1 A great many signatures were thus secured ; but the document was opposed by no less a man than John Stokesley, the Bishop of London. That convocation had con- demned the marriage of Henry and Catherine was, if not strictly true, near the truth ; but Stokesley remarked that it had been prorogued before the January marriage with Anne had been officially acknowledged, and that it had never even been asked to give an opinion on the subject. So he begged to be excused from signing the paper. He proposed that the text of the declaration should be altered, so as to be more in accordance with the well known facts.2 But as this would have created fresh difficulties, the sug- gestion did not recommend itself to Cromwell, and after some angry discussion the paper was finally suppressed.

1 Friars of Greenwich to E. Chapuis, December 1533, Vienna Archives, P.O. 228, iii. fol. 14; Account of the Proceedings of the Bishop of Chester and Master Bedell at the Convent at Greenwich, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, iii. fol. 16 ; and the Friars of Greenwich to Henry VIII., December 11, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, iii. fol. 18.

2 Stokesley to Bedell, January 4, 1534, E.G. Box Q, No. 181.

266 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vm. The attempt to obtain signatures to this declara- Martfs tion was not the only step taken to facilitate the tensions, proceedings in Parliament. An effort was also made to overcome the difficulty arising from the pretensions of Mary. The importance of this difficulty was not underrated, for Henry was well aware that most of his subjects were secretly loyal to the princess, and would do their best to defend her rights. If she herself could be made to renounce her claims as heir apparent, his way would be comparatively clear.

October Soon after the birth of Elizabeth, Mary had re- 2' l' 33' ceived orders to lay aside the title of princess, but she had stoutly refused to do so.1 When Elizabeth was taken to Hatfield, Mary's household at Beaulieu was broken up, and she was told that she would henceforward have to reside with the princess. This

December, message was taken to her by the Duke of Norfolk, who, when she objected, answered that he had come not to argue with her but to fulfil the orders of the king. Mary thereupon asked for half an hour to prepare for the journey, and this being granted to her she retired to her chamber, where she signed a formal protest against the compulsion to which she was subjected.2 She then allowed herself to be

1 Mary Tudor to Henry VIII., October 2, 1533, P. Heylin, Ecclesia Restaurata, ed. 1660, p. 10.

2 Chapuis to Charles V., December 16, 1533, Vienna Archives, P. C. 228, i. fol. 143 : " II luy dit quil nestoit venu pour disputer ains pour accomplir la voulente et command em ent du Roy questoit tel que dessus et voyant la dicte princesse quil ny avoit excuse ne replicque que peust servir elle demanda respit de demy heure pour entrer en sa chambre ou elle demoura environ le diet espace,

ANNE BOLEYN. 267

placed in a litter, and to be taken to Hatfield, her CHAP.VIIT. new place of abode. If this harsh treatment some- what lowered her spirit, she received a little con- solation from a quarter whence it was least expected. During the journey it happened that Doctor Fox, the king's almoner, and one of the royal commissioners, rode alone at the side of her litter. He seized the opportunity to say to her secretly that she had done well not to submit. For the love of God and the welfare of the realm he besought her to remain firm. The other commissioners coming up, Fox once more became the harsh agent of Henry, but Mary was encouraged by perceiving that even the most trusted ministers of her father were at heart in her favour.1

At Hatfield Mary was entrusted to the care of Lady Shelton, a sister of Anne's father. This lady, of course, did all she could to subdue what she considered

pour faire et passer a ce quentends une protestacion que liiy avois envoye afin que si par force ou tromperie il la vouloient faire renuncer a ses drois ou marier a leur appetit ou la faire entrer en clostre que cela ne luy pust prejudicier et revenant de sa dicte chambre elle dit au due que puis quil playsoit ainsy au Koy son pere quelle ny vouloit desobeyr;" and Protestation of Mary, holograph, attested by Maurice Mistralis de Aviernez as notary ; Yivianus Montesa, Pern, Machet, and Gleyrod, witnesses at London. Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, ii. fol. 50.

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 10, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. fol. 4 : ." Et ma aussy fait scavoir que le docteur foux que fust lung des commis avec le due de Norfocq pour la mener ' ou elle est et linciter a la dicte renunciation luy avoit dit en passant ainsy quilz estoient en chemin quelle avoit respondu le plus vertueusement du monde et que pour lamour de dieu elle continua a tenir ferme autrement tout ce royaulme estoit en dangier de ruyne et perdicion. Je crois Sire que cela aydera beaulcoup a la dite princesse pour estre constante. ..."

268 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vni. the obstinacy of her ward, but she made no im- pression whatever ; Mary held out.

Henry Henry, surrounded by a crowd of subservient courtiers who missed no chance of humouring his vanity, had come to believe in his own powers of persuasion. He fancied that although others might fail to influence Mary, he would have no difficulty in bringing her to his way of thinking. Accordingly,

January on the 10th of January he set out for Hatfield.1 ' Knowing his fickleness and the pride he took in Mary's accomplishments, Anne feared that, instead of converting his daughter, he might himself be converted ; so she sent Cromwell and some others of her friends after the king with instructions to prevent any meeting between him and Mary.2 They were successful. Henry communicated with the princess by messengers (who were unable to shake her fortitude) ; but he had no direct inter-

1 E. Chapuis to Charles Y-., January 10, 1534, loc. cit. : " Yoyant le Roy que ceulx quil avoyt cydevant envoye devers la princesse pour luy persuader la renuntiation de son tiltre navoyent rien peu faire, il est party aujourdhuy pour experimenter si son triacle sera plus fin que celluy des aultres ; et va charge de belles parolles et promesses mais beaulcoup plus de horribles menasses. . . ."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., January 17, 1534, Yienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 6 : " Toutteffoys considerant la dame la facilite du Roy ou ligierete que louseroys dire et que par la grande beaulte, vertu et prudence de la dite princesse son pere pourroit abolir le courroux quil a contre elle et esmeu par les dictes vertuz et de compassion paternelle estre induict a la mieulx traicter et luy laisser son tiltre la dicte dame Anne envoya tout incontinent en diligence Cremuel apres le Roy et depuis aultres messaigiers pour empescher que le diet Roy en sorte du monde ne parlast a la princesse ny la vit."

ANNE BOLEYN. 269

view with her. When he was about to leave CHAP.VIIL Hatfield, having mounted his horse, he saw her standing at a balcony, and, forgetting his resentment for a moment, he lifted his cap to her. The courtiers eagerly followed the example of their master, and bowed low to Mary, after which the whole cavalcade went away towards London-1 A few days later, con- versing with Castillon, Henry could not refrain from speaking of Mary, and when the ambassador praised her virtues he sighed deeply, and tears came to his eyes. It is gratifying to know that even he retained some feeling of compassion for the daughter whom he was so deeply injuring.2

However praiseworthy such a feeling might be, Anne and Anne could not afford to let Henry indulge even

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 17, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. No. 6 : " Sire estant ce Roy vers sa nouvelle fille la princesse lenvoya pryer et supplier quelle luy peust baiser les mains. II ny eust ordre dimpetrer la dicte requeste, quoy voyant la dicte princesse ainsi quil vouloit monte a cheval elle allast sur une terrasse au hault de la mayson pour le veoir ; de quoy adverty le diet Sgr Roy ou par adventure par fortune il se retourna Ting peu devers elle et la voyant getter a genoulx et joinctes mains il luy inclina la teste mectant la main au chappeau, lors tous ceulx que la assistoient que devant ne ousoient haulser leurs testes pour la regarder resjouiz et animes de ce que le Roy avoit fait la saluerent tres reverentement avec signifficacion de bonne volonte et compassion."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 11, 1534, Vienna Archives? P.C. 229, i. fol. 32 : " Sire lambassadeur de France ma compte que revenant ce Roy de veoyr sa nouvelle fille yl dit a icelluy ambassadeur quil navoit voulu parler a la princesse a cause quelle se rendoit tant obstinee envers luy et que cela tenoit elle du sang despagne. Et luy disant le diet ambassadeur que a ce quit entendoit elle avoyt este fort bien nourrie, les lermes luy vindrent aux yeulx et si ne se peult tenir de la louer de plusieurs choses."

270 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. VIIL momentary impulses of kindness for one whom she had such good reason to fear. She remembered Cromwell's attempt to have Mary legitimated, and rightly suspected him of being still favourable to her ; l and it seemed not impossible that the king himself would by-and-bye share the sympathies of January the secretary. On the 15th of January Anne spoke is, n 34. ^ ^e king, reproaching him for allowing Mary too much liberty, and for permitting her to receive advice and encouragement. To Anne it was incredible that that the answers framed by Mary could be prepared by so young a girl without help.2

With this opinion Henry was disposed to agree. During the summer of 1532 Mary's movements had been watched, and Lord and Lady Exeter, who were known to be her great friends, had been forbidden to visit her.3 Now the king's suspicions had again

1 Cromwell's Memoranda, end of 1533, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Titus B. i. fol. 461, and Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 251 : "Those things with my Lady Mary which are not meet for the princess to be also brought thither. To remember what danger is in war and that the commons were better to bear a contribution to find in the estate that she now is in and to avoid war than to diminish anything." The last sentence is struck out.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 17, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. fol. 8 : " Sire Ion me vient de dire que avant hier la dame ayant entendu les responces si prudentes de la princesse elle avoit faict grand querymonie au Roy de ce quil ne faisoit tenir si court la princesse quelle ne feust si bien conseillee ni advisee quelle avoit este jusques yci, et que nestoit a croire que ses responces et propoz vinssent sans suggestion dautruy."

3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 22, 1532, Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iv. fol. 57 : "Le due de Norphoc a ces jours, premiere- rnent en particulier et puis en presence du conseil du Roy, deffendu

ANNE BOLEYN. 271

fastened upon Lord Exeter, and about Christmas, CHAP.VIII. 1533, he used very threatening language to the Lord marquis. It was Mary's confidence in the emperor, warned. said Henry, that made her so wilful and obstinate. De^^er) But she would soon have to submit, for he feared neither the emperor nor anybody else. It would be the duty of his subjects to stand by him if a conflict arose, and he did not doubt that they would do so. Persons who played him false would pay for it with the loss of their heads. He would cause such good watch to be kept that no one would be able either to send letters to, or to receive letters from, the continent without his knowing it.1 These warnings did not frighten Lord Exeter, who continued by means of his wife to correspond with Chapuis.

To the complaints of Anne, Henry replied that Lady

i f JlJr 1,1,3k 11 J J 8heUan'8

henceforward Mary should be more closely guarded ; imubordi- and we find that shortly afterwards the Duke of nation'

au Marquis que sur lindignacion du Roy que luy ne sa femme deussent aller en lieu que se treuve la princesse le mesme a este dit au frere du grand prieur de Saint Jehan qua sa mayson tout aupres de la dicte princesse et a este commande a celluy qua la garde delle que fasse bon guet sur ceulx que la yront veoir et de tout cecy me vint hier advertir la marquise mesmes."

1 E. Chapuis to Charles Y., January 17, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 6 : " Et y a environ xx jours que le diet Sr Roy dit au Marquis que la confiance que la dicte princesse avoit a Yre Ma*6 la rendoit difficile et obstinee, mais que la feroit venir au point car il ne craignoit ni Yre Mate ni aultre, mais que le diet Marquis et aultres ses vassaulx luy feussent loyaulx quil pensoit quilz seroient et que aussy ne besoignoit que nul deulx ne chan- cellast ny variast le moings du monde quil ne vouldroit perdre la teste et quil feroit faire si bon guect quilz ne scaurroient escripre ny recepvoir lectres de dela la mer quil nen soit adverty."

272 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vm. Norfolk and Lord Rochford upbraided Lady Shelton February, for her leniency and weakness, and ordered her to

1 P^*} \

treat Mary more severely, as the bastard she was. Lady Shelton, who seems to have been a good woman, and to have pitied her unhappy ward, an- swered with much spirit that Mary was kind and gentle and did not merit harsh treatment. Anne was enraged at this insubordination of her aunt, and became even more indignant when she heard that some • Essex peasants had assembled under Mary's balcony and cheered her, calling out that she was the rightful princess.1 It is said that Anne, after this display of loyal feeling, sent an order to Lady Shelton, directing that Mary should be beaten if she per- sisted in calling herself princess, and that if she would not dine at the common table she was to have nothing to eat at all.2 But Mary was not beaten, and the king was charged the extravagant

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 21, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. fol. 37 : "A laquelle gouvernante le due de Norfoch et le frere de la dicte Anne dirent naguyeres beaul- coup de grosses parolles a cause quelle usoit trop dhonnestete et humanite a leur semblant envers la dicte princesse que comme il disoit ne debvoit estre honoree ny traictee que comme une bastarde quelle estoit. A quoy respondist laultre que oyres que ainsy fust voyre quelle fust bastarde dung pouvre gentilhomme que sa bonte doulceur et vertu meritoient tout honneur et bon traictement ; " and "A ins a cause que les pay sans dautour dela la voyant pardessus une galerie la saluoient a haulte voix pour leur vraye princesse elle est maintenant tenue plus de court."

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 11, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. fol. 32: "Quelle luy dounast des buffes comme a une mauldicte bastarde quelle estoit. . . ."

ANNE BOLEYN. 273

sum of ten shillings a week for the breakfast and CHAP.VHT. supper which were supplied to her in her room.1

Anxious to use every weapon with which it was possible to strike at the opponents of the divorce, the government tried at this time to profit by the accusations against the holy maid of Kent and those who had been associated with her. After she had stood at St. Paul's Cross, Cranmer had written a book railing against her vain prophecies ; and he was irritated by hearing of a reply by a certain friar Dering, whom Cromwell had just saved from his clutches. Dering, when examined, declared that he January 9 had burned his book ; but Cranmer declined to be- lieve him, kept him in prison, and vehemently de- manded that he should be visited with all the rigour of the law. The archbishop also asked Cromwell to have the other adherents of the nun re-examined, and urged that " good and politic mean " should be taken at once for their trial.2

Cromwell had no theological hatred, but as it suited his purpose to adopt Cranmer's advice, the friar was kept in confinement, and new arrests were made. The nun could not very well be tried again, but the government framed a bill of attainder against her, and against her aiders and abettors, for high treason and misprision of treason. The general tenour of the bill was not concealed, but the names included in it were kept secret. The consequence was that everybody who had ever encouraged the nun was in

1 Privy purse expenses of the Lady Elizabeth.

2 Archbishop Cranmer to Cromwell, January 5, 1534, R.O. Cranmer letters, No. 10.

VOL. I. T

274 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vm. no little anxiety, and, fearing that his name might be on the terrible list, was anxious to please the king. In this way the government bridled the opposition, and, as nearly as they could, ensured the passing of the bills of succession.

Du Bdlay But during the first days of the session no measures °f anv moment were proposed. Henry evidently wished to hear what du Bellay might be able to do at Rome. On leaving England the bishop had re- paired to the French court, which he had found at Pied de Pappe, near Avignon.1 Here he gave an account of what he had obtained from Henry VIII. ; and the French king, the constable, and the bishop concerted a plan for carrying on the negotiation. They felt confident that, if the pope gave way in the matter of the divorce, Henry might be brought by flattery and gentle pressure to make larger con- cessions than he had yet offered. Their idea was that the pope should first be thoroughly frightened, and afterwards bribed. It was agreed that he should be lured by the proposal of a marriage between his nephew Alexander dei Medici and Mary Tudor — the latter relinquishing her pretensions to the English throne,

1 J. du Bellay and C. de Denonville, Bishop of Macon, to Francis I., February 8, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5499, fol. 189. Of this letter, as well as of others referring to this matter, abstracts have been published in the seventh volume of the Letters and Papers, edited by Mr. Gairdner. Owing to the involved style of du Bellay and Castillon, and to the errors of copyists, these abstracts differ very consider- ably from the true sense. I am informed that the mistakes are to be corrected in the forthcoming volume of the Letters and Papers, but in the meantime I feel obliged to quote more fully from the letters than I would otherwise have done.

ANNE BOLEYN. 275

but receiving a good dowry — and that the old plan CHAP.VIH. of a tribunal at Cambray should be revived in a modified form. Two cardinals were to go there by stealth, an agent of Henry was to meet them, and the cause was to be heard and judgment given in favour of the king before Catherine and her friends could become aware of the opening of the court.1

The advantages of this scheme, if it could have been accomplished, would have been great indeed for Francis and for du Bellay. The French king would have embroiled the pope and Henry in everlasting enmity with Charles, and he would have secured the alliance of both. Duke Alexander would have been made dependent on France, and a firm footing would thereby have been gained in upper Italy. As for du Bellay, a cardinal's hat would have been his reward from the pope, while Henry would have conferred on him large gifts or preferments.

All these high hopes of the French triumvirate were nearly blighted at the beginning. Du Bellay fell seriously ill on the road, suffering from such violent rheumatism that he could not bear even to be carried in a litter. But the ardent desire to try his abilities at the papal court overcame all obstacles. As soon as he recovered a little he had himself carried in a chair, and although he suffered the

1 J. du Bellay and C. de Denonville to Francis I., Februarys, 1534, loc. cit. : " Aujourdhuy nous susmes entrez sur le moyen des deleguez en quoy a este garde lordre quil vous avoit pleu recorder a moy de Paris allant a la messe a pied pappe . . ." and J. du Bellay to Castillon, February 22, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5499, fols. 191-6.

T 2

276 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vm. severest pains, he was able to reach Eome on the 2nd

February of February.1

Du Bellay According to the plan laid down at Pied de Pappe,

at Rome. ^ bisn0p spoke at first only of the dangers which would befall Christendom if Henry were definitely

February alienated from Rome. When, on the 6th, he was admitted before the consistory, he explained the pro- posed confederation of protestant states, carefully refraining from all reference to the fact that Henry's plan would be resolutely opposed by Francis, and that it had but little chance of success. Du Bellay % even magnified the danger. Heresy, he said, would spread everywhere ; not only England but many other realms might be lost ; nay, even Rome, he hinted, might no longer be safe. He wished to terrify the cardinals into conceding all he asked for.2

In private conversation he was as violent as possible. By order of Cyfuentes, Dr. Ortiz went to see him at

1 J. du Bellay to Castillon, February 8, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5499, fol. 191 : "Monsieur. J'ay tant faict avec layde de dieu que je suis icy et afin que vous ne pensiez que ce ayt este sans peyne jen ay este jusqua ne pouvoir endurer que homme me portassent en une chaire. Pour le mieux jen eschaperay pour uDg peu de sciatique, ce ne sera pas grand chose au mestier que je meyne ; " and Cyfuentes to Charles V., February 14, 1534 British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 129.

2 Cyfuentes to Charles V., February 14, 1534, loc. cit. Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., February 14, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,586, fol. 125 ; and J. du Bellay and C. de Denon- ville to Francis I., February 8, 1534, loc. cit. : " II " (the Pope) "a este dopinion que nous trouvissions au consistoire pour y faire entendre ce que luy avions diets touchant les inconvenients qui estoient prests de soubsvenir en la Chrestienete et mesmement au saint siege, aposant que si incontinent il ny estoit donne ordre. Ce qui a este faict. ..."

ANNE BOLEYN. 277

the house of the resident French ambassador, the CHAP.VIII. Bishop of Macon. Ortiz made inquiries as to the " Which health of the Queen of England. « Which queen ? " queenf" said the bishop. " The true and rightful queen," the Spaniard replied, rather annoyed by the question. " Queen Anne is well and triumphant," was du Bellay's answer ; to which Ortiz responded somewhat hotly that the bishop well knew that he was speaking not of Anne, but of Queen Catherine. " Four days before I left she was very ill," du Bellay then said, but Ortiz would not believe it, for Chapuis had said nothing about Catherine being ill, and indeed it was perfectly untrue. The doctor now began to blame Cranmer for Jiis contempt of the Holy See. " Cranmer," du Bellay sharply replied, " is held by the English to be a very saint. The English care nothing for papal censures and briefs ; they have taken a lesson from the Flemish, who have torn down the papal briefs from the church doors." The conversation continued in this strain, du Bellay evidently trying to bully the Spaniard and to frighten the advocates of Catherine.1 But du Bellay was not acquainted either with the

character of the papal court or with that of the pope and the himself. He thought Clement a weak coward of no great talent, whom he, du Bellay, might easily over- reach. " Le bonhomme," he called him at this time. A year later he spoke of Clement as the old fox, and mentioned his cleverness with a certain awe. The experience of two months had taught him that Clement VII. was more than a match for him.

1 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., February 13, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 125.

278 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vni. With the papal court du Bellay was not on good DuBellay terms. When he drew a fearful picture of the ^aal expected schism, the cardinals were unanimous in court, deploring it deeply, but equally unanimous in considering the matter past remedy.1 The other courtiers were either openly hostile or coldly distant ; and the few pensioners of Henry spoke in a de- sponding tone.2 But du Bellay did not lose heart ; relying on his influence with the pope, and on the brilliant advantages he was charged to offer, he believed failure to be impossible. It seemed to him, indeed, that matters had already taken a favourable turn, and that the pope was becoming more and more inclined to grant all that was wanted.3 Concession after concession was made by Clement VII.

1 J. du Bellay and C. de Denonville to Francis I., February 8, 1534, loc. cit. : "Et ont este trouvees les advertissements et remonstrances f aictes ladessus sy bonnes que toute la compaignye sen sent merveilleusement obligee et tenue a vous. Mais quand se vient aux remedes et expediens la plus grande partye sy trouvent si empeschez que qui ne leur tiendroit la bride bien royde ilz auroient bientost faict ung mauvais sault."

2 G. Ghinucci to Andrea Ghinucci, February 9, 1534, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Yitellius, B. xiv. fol. 116 ; and G. Gianetto to Sir John Wallop, February 14, 1534, ibid., Yitellius, B. xiv. fol. 118.

3 J. du Bellay and C. de Denonville to Francis I., February 8, 1534, loc. cit. : " Nous ne voyons que de la se puisse rien esperer de bon ; et si riens sy peult faire il faudra que ce soit nostre Sainct Pere qui le face secretement et a part a quoy nous taschons par tous moyens de le persuader." J. du Bellay to A. de Mont- morency, February 8, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5499, fols. 1896 : " Et ma faict et faict journellement pour respect du Roy plus de recueil que je ne merite et suys bien abuze ou il a grant envye en tant que touche le diet Sieur de bien faire."

ANNE BOLEYN. 279

But the pope was quietly outwitting the overbearing CHAP.TIII. Frenchman. He had not forgotten the insult offered Clement's to him at Marseilles ; and, although he had no wish ^° ™^' to displease Francis, he was determined not to in- terfere any longer between Henry and the due course of law. Immediately after Bonner had read the November, appeal to him, he had tried to bring about an alliance between the emperor and the king of France for the destruction of Henry. He had not been able to over- come the mutual distrust of the rival monarchs, but he had not given up his purpose. Two days after December, his return from Marseilles, he had been waited upon by Count Cyfuentes ; and Clement, who had always seemed to shun a conversation about the divorce, at once eagerly asked the ambassador what was to be done in the matrimonial cause of England. Cyfuentes was rather taken aback ; he said Capisucchi, the auditor who had charge of the matter, had not yet arrived, so that no steps had been taken. " Never mind," the pope exclaimed, " Simonetta may report on the matter : I want the case to be concluded." Cyfuentes was so astonished by this eagerness of the pope that he suspected some trick was being played upon him, and resolved to proceed with the greatest caution.1

But the Spaniard had soon to change his mind. The pope was in earnest, and pressed the matter on with all his might. In consistory some of the cardinals asked who would execute the sentence if it

1 Cyfuentes to Charles V., December 13, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS., 28,586, fol. 70.

280 ANNE BOLEYN.

HA^JIIL were against Henry? The emperor, Clement declared } had bound himself to do so in person.1 In reality the pope had found it impossible to induce Charles V. to make any promise of the kind ; but the statement had its effect, and, the pope being so zealous, every effort was made to satisfy him. Simonetta worked with a will, and when du Bellay arrived the report was ready to be submitted to the cardinals. That the sacred college might be in a position to judge of the facts of the case, an abstract of the depositions was embodied in the report, together with a number of queries and doubts respecting the legal questions involved, on which the consistory was to decide.2

A few days after his arrival and his reception by the cardinals, du Bellay had a private audience of the pope, and spoke to him about remitting the cause to delegates. Clement did not absolutely refuse — nay, he showed himself well inclined — but he could not decide at once. He must have time to consider ; for what would the emperor say ? Du Bellay watched him with intense delight. If the pope was already so favourable, it seemed pretty certain that he would give up everything after hearing of the great match Du ? for his nephew. On the 8th du Bellay wrote to

letters. Francis, Montmorency, and Castillon, giving an ac- count of what he had done. The two former he asked to make preparations for the mock trial at Cambray. Cardinal du Prat and Cardinal Qaddi had

1 Cyfuentes to Charles V., January 23, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS., vol. 28,586, fol. 117.

2 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., February 25, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,586, fol. 124.

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been proposed to the pope as judges, and they ought, CHAP.VIII. the bishop wrote, to hold themselves in readiness to leave at a moment's notice for Cambray, for quick- ness and secrecy were all important.1 To Castillon, du Bellay presented everything in the most favour- able light, hoping that Henry might be persuaded to grant a prolongation of the term which had been accorded. Castillon was directed to advise that an excusator should be ready to leave for Eome, there to remain hidden at the English hospital until du Bellay should want him.2

As these letters were despatched by a commercial courier, and as the passage of the mountains was still very difficult, they took more than a fortnight to reach Chantilly, where Francis had by this time arrived. Du Bellay's letter, and instructions to follow the bishop's advice, were immediately sent to Castillon, who received them at London on the 2nd of March.3

Although the term granted by Henry was long past, the moment was not unfavourable for the re- quests Castillon had to make. Notwithstanding 1534.

1 J. du Bellay to Francis I., February 8, 1534, loc. cit. : " Aussy nous semble que actendant lautre despeche sera bon de faire tenir bien secretement prestz pour leur voyage Messieurs le legat et de Guadis qui ont estez nommez a nostre diet Sainct Pere suyvant ce quil Yous avoit pleu les me proposer, car sil se peult riens obtenir, il fauldra quilz usent de telle diligence que les choses soyent faictes devant quesventees."

2 J. du Bellay to Castillon, February 8, 1534, loc. cit. : " Aussy vour prye donner ordre que lexcusateur se tienne secre- temment tout prest pour venir a Ihospital de Rome quand je vous envoyeray mes memoires qui sera pour la premiere depesche."

3 Castillon to A. de Montmorency, March 6, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 33, fol. 46.

282 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP.VIII. Cromwell's attempt to terrify the opposition, the bills of the government had not been so well re- ceived as had been expected. Great caution had

January been employed. On the 31st of January the lords had been called to the star chamber, and the treaty of alliance concluded in 1532 with France had been laid before them. They were made to believe that, whatever they might assent to, England would not be attacked by the emperor. Their fears in this respect being removed, a bill was brought in on the

February nth of February, settling a dowry on Catherine as Princess Dowager of Wales. This of course implied that her marriage with Henry was void, and the lords, by accepting it, would admit the fact. There was some opposition, and although most of the friends of Catherine and Mary had been excused from appearing, and the bishops, as usual, had to vote for the court, the bill did not pass for ten days. When it was disposed of, the government at once introduced the bill of attainder against Elizabeth Barton, John Fisher, Bishop of Kochester, Sir Thomas More, and others her aiders and abettors. But here the lords proved more difficult to manage. The bill was read a second

February time on the 26th of February, but the opposition

26> i*'34. prove(l so strong that it had to be abandoned for a while.1 In the Lower House, too, there had been a struggle. The bill about Catherine's dowry had been obstinately resisted ; and one argument urged against it the government could not disregard. Henry VII. had pledged the whole of the goods of his subjects for the fulfilment of the treaty of the 23rd of June, 1503, 1 Journals of the House of Lords, vol. i,

ANNE BOLEYN. 283

and for the payment of her revenues to Catherine ; CHAP.VIII. and the members for London now pointed out that if the bill passed Charles would have a perfect right to seize their property in Spain and Flanders. The danger, they said, was great, for if they could not trade in safety with Spain and Flanders English commerce would be ruined. Sharp debates took place and the bill did not pass.1

Nor had the king better reason to be pleased with Popular the temper of the people than with that of parlia- disc(mtent- ment. With the exception of a very few fanatics and some of Anne's creatures and dependents, every- body in England looked forward to a separation from Eome with grave alarm. Henry was well aware of this, and had he had any doubts they would have been dispelled on Ash Wednesday. On that day February the clergyman appointed to preach before the king 18> 1534* maintained in his sermon that the authority of the pope was the highest on earth. If he abused his power he was to be judged by a general council, but not otherwise. Moreover, saints ought to be honoured, and pilgrimage was acceptable to G-od and profitable to man's soul. Henry was of course displeased, and the courtiers cried out that the preacher had turned papist. But the king knew that what Hugh Latimer had the courage to tell him to his face the immense majority of his subjects secretly believed.2

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 7, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. fol. 54.

- to Mr. Fowler, London, February 20, (dated 26th Henry VIII., but clearly written in spring, 1534), British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xiv. fol. 119.

284 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. viii. The king was also vexed by Mary's steadfast Anne assertion of her rights. Threats having failed to

to Subdue make any impression on her, Anne determined that Mary- she herself would try what could be done by soft and

February, gentle means. At the end of February, she started for Hatfield ; and when she arrived, she sent a message to the princess to come and salute her as the queen she was. If Mary would do so she would not only be well received, but would regain the good will of her father. Anne would intercede with the king on her behalf, and secure for her kinder treat- ment and a more brilliant position than she had enjoyed at any time of her life. But Mary was obdurate. She knew no queen in England, she said, except her mother ; but she would be much obliged if the Lady Anne Boleyn would intercede with the king in her favour. Anne sent a fresh message with more tempting offers, but was again repulsed ; whereupon she threatened to take vengeance on the obstinate girl who dared to withstand her will, swearing that she would break the haughtiness of this horrid Spanish blood.1

But all this only made the situation more com- plicated. Henry began to feel perplexed, and to throw on Anne the responsibility for his troubles. A possession of eighteen months had cooled his ardour ; her great fault in having given birth to a daughter had not been forgiven ; and her violent temper and the contemptuous manner in which she

1 E Chapuis to Charles V., March 7, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. fol. 54.

ANNE BOLEYN. 285

often treated the king wounded his vanity.1 If his CHAP.VIII. difficulties became too great, he might have to con- sider the expediency of sacrificing her. In the mean- time, however, he had to think of his foreign policy ; and what with the resistance to his schemes in Parliament, the discontent throughout the country, and the enmity of the emperor, he felt very strongly that he could not risk a rupture with Francis.

Such was the state of mind in which Castillon Castillon found the king, when, after deciphering du Bellay's proposals letter, he was received in private audience. He had to llenry.

Jj^CLTClt 4

no difficulty in obtaining from Henry the fairest 1534. ' assurances of good will. Henry spoke as if he were quite ready to do all that could be desired. But he gave no conclusive answer ; he wanted first to consult his council.

The man who had most influence over Henry was certainly Cromwell. In the preceding autumn, as we have seen, he was not very unwilling to abandon Anne ; but since that time he had gone too far in the other direction to be able to veer round with safety. He had of course excited the hostility of all those whom he had terrified into submission The clergy were against him, the nobles hated him ; and if his policy were changed, he would probably lose his place, and perhaps his life. For the present, therefore,

1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 10, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. fol. 4 : " Mais ou la dame veult quelque chose yl ny a personne qui ose ne puisse contredire, ny le Roy mesmes que luy est comme Ion diet incrediblement subject pour ce que quand il ne veult faire ce quelle veult elle faict et fainct la forcenee ainsy que Ion ma adverty."

286 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP.VIIT. he remained faithful to Anne, and so did Cranmer, Audeley, and the rest of the reformers. They repre- sented to Henry the danger of departing from the principles he had professed ; they assured him that they would ultimately carry all his measures ; and they warned him of the duplicity of the pope. Henry listened to them, and became once more firm in his Castuion purpose. The following day he sent for Castillon, Council whom he asked to repeat his message before the •^1534 5' council. They heard it with frowning countenances, and most of them declared that the king could not again put himself in subjection.1

The ambassador tried to convince them that the course he proposed was the best for the king, for Anne, and for Elizabeth. The king ought to do all in his power to obtain a papal declaration that his marriage with Catherine was of no force, and that his marriage with Anne was good and lawful. The position of Anne and the succession to the crown would thus be assured, for all the arguments of Henry's adversaries were based on the power of the pope to dispense and on the sentence of the llth of July. Besides, the friendship of the pope would enable Henry to defeat the intrigues of the emperor. The king ought to

1 Castillon to A. de Montmorency, March 6, 1534, loc. cit. : " Le lendemain que jeuz adverty ce Roy de lesperance en quoy me mectoit Monsr de Paris il menvoya querir et me prya luy reciter de nouveau devant son conseil ce que luy avoys le jour davant diet de par Monsr de Paris et aprez que leur eu compte a veoir leur contenances la pluspart deulx ny trouvoit poinct de fonde- ment et disoient que le Roy navoit que faire de se mectre en telle subjection. Je trouvay aussi le Roy tout refroidy des propoz qui mavoit tenuz le jour de davant."

ANNE BOLEYN. 287

prefer this way, which was quite safe, to that which CHAP.VIII. he was now pursuing and which was full of peril.1

But Castillon's eloquence was thrown away ; the councillors remained decidedly hostile to his proposals. When the council broke up, the ambassador had begun to grow angry and to speak of ingratitude towards the king his master.2

Henry's confidence seems to have been somewhat Hemtfs shaken by Castillon's arguments. He took the am- interview

bassador into a garden, and, having made him ™^77,

Castitton.

promise secrecy, undertook to extend still further

1 Castillon to A. de Montmorency, March 6, 1534, loc. cit. : "A Iheure je les priay de mescouter et leur dis tout ce que je pensoys que pouvoit esmouvoir se Roy non seullement de prandre par les mains de nostre Sainct Pere la declaracion de son premier mariaige estre nulle et celuy ci bon, mais que daven- taige par tous les moye'ns quon pourroit pencer il devoit chercher paix et amytie avec luy. Et quant au premier que me sembloit ny en avoir point de meilleur, pour mettre en seurete la Royne et apres oster toutes contradicions que pourroient cy apres sur- venir que les enfans de ce mariaige ne feussent vraiz heritiers, que si par lauctorite de nostre dit Saint pere les choses estoient f aictes et conf ermees. Et que tout se que ses malveillans scavent mettre en avant nest fonde que la dessuz. Quant au second quil ne scaurroit mieulx rompre le dessain de lempereur qui parle si hault et fait des menees que jentens ne sont a laventaige de se ^

roy que avec lamytie du Roy mon maistre prandre celle de nostre Sainct pere. Car lempereur en sera dautant afoybly et luy plus fortifie qui sont toutes choses premierement pour layse et repoz du Roy secondement au temps a venir pour la seurete de la suc- cession de se Royaume aux enfans qui viendroient de se dit mariaige."

2 Ibid. : "Oultre quon auroit bien peu de regard au Roy son bon frere, qui a tant fait et travaille pour cest affaire, que, si le peut mettre a bonne fin, toutes ses paines et employs reveinsent a rien."

288 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. VIIL the term that had been granted to du Bellay. He would make no haste to have anything published against the authority of the Holy See ; only the money which had formerly gone to Eome should go no longer. Du Bellay had written of a certain memorial ; and when it arrived, the excusator, as had been suggested, should be despatched to Eome.1 Castillon was delighted to hear all this. He did not see that Henry bound himself to nothing, but only provided a way of escape in the event of his circumstances becoming desperate. To Castillon, Henry's offers seemed to show real good will, and on the 6th he wrote, full of joy, to Montmorency, describing all that had happened. He enclosed in Du cipher a letter which he asked to be forwarded to

Bellas du Bellay.

T/rom Without waiting for any reply, du Bellay had Rome. continued his labours at Eome. On the 22nd of

February

22, 1534. February he sent off the memorial alluded to in

1 Castillon to A. de Montmorency, March 6, 1534, loc. cit. : 11 Et apres Monseigneur quelques autres petits propoz le Roy me mena en ung jar din ou il macorda, me priant toutes foys que je le tinse secret car je pense quil crainderoit bien quon pensast que sy soubdainement il se fut condescendu a telle re- queste, qui ne se hasteroit de riens faire publier contre lobeissance du pape et quil atendroit comme se porteroient plus avant les choses du coste de Rome ; bien quil reformera que si grand somme de deniers qui souloit aller au pape nyroit plus. Daventaige que me fait plus pencer que se veult remectre au bon train, cest que quand Monsr de Paris envoyra les memoires qui mescript quil doit envoyer, il pourveoira a lexcusateur pour lenvoyer a Rome ainsi que Monsieur de Paris escript. Conclusion : il me semble que combien que le feu soit partout se royaume contre nostre Saint Pere que par le moyon du Roy et linclinacion que ce Roy y a la pluspart des affaires de nostre dit Sainct pere sy rabilera."

ANNE BOLEYN. 289

former despatches, containing the concessions he had CHAP.YIIT.

been able to obtain from the pope, and indicating the

points about which there was no difference of opinion.

I have not been able to find either this memorial or

the letter to Francis I. which accompanied it. But

a letter of the same date to Castillon, a postscript of

the 24th of February to Francis, and Castillon's reply

to the whole, are extant. From these papers may be

gathered how far Clement had allowed himself to be

drawn.

Du Bellay's letter to Castillon is hastily written, and its style does little honour to a man who made some pretensions to literary skill. It shows that he was eager and violent, wholly unjust to his opponents, careless of the rights of Catherine, taken up with but one thing — the negotiation he had in hand. He began by saying that he had to contend with great difficulties. The pope was terribly afraid of the emperor, and most of the cardinals were crying out, crucifige, " like little devils." If Henry separated from Kome, Francis could not remain the friend both of king and pope, and the friendship of the latter it would be impossible to jeopardise, because of the affairs of Italy. The memorial was a little hard, and ought not be shown to Henry ; he should merely be told that the pope was ready to send a cardinal and two assessors to hear the case at Cambray. They would not, however, according to present arrange- ments, receive powers to give sentence. To Cambray Henry might, at the request of Francis, send an excusator. At Rome, meanwhile, all the proceedings against Henry would remain in suspense, and the

VOL. i. u

290 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vm. emperor would be very angry. Du Bellay would continue his exertions, and hoped to obtain security that sentence should be given in favour of Henry, in which case the delegates at Cambray might receive powers to pronounce it. If the pope were no longer in fear of the emperor, and, above all, if the marriage of Duke Alexander with Mary were assented to by Henry, everything would be sure to go smoothly.1

1 J. du Bellay to Castillon, February 22, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fols. 191-6 : " Je laisse le pape en une perplexite si grande que ceulx qui le cognoissent disent ne lavoir jamais veu en plus grande . . . voyant de combien cela luy importe. Mais il est icy si captif de lempereur et si fort menasse quil nose luy desobeyr en rien et voila toute la maladie ; joinct que la pluspart de ces cardinaux cryent sur luy en ceste matiere crucifige comme beaulx petits diables "...." pour parler a vous a estomae ouvert je suis seur que quand le diet sieur aurafaict ce quil veult faire il sen trouvera bien empesche " . . . "et ung aultre grand inconvenient sen en suit que je ne voy point comment il sera possible que le Roy puisse demourer amy de tous deux et de cestuy cy ne peult il departir pour les practiques ditalye " . . . " quant au memoir e que j envoy e de ce que le pape ma consenty on na que faire de le luy communicquer car il est ung peu dur ; seulement luy fault dire que le pape est content denvoyer ung Cardinal a Cambray avec deux adjoinctz qui cognoistront de la matiere jusques a la dimnitive exclusive- inent. II peult respondre sil luy plaist que pour complaire au Roy son frere il est content de veoir que ces deleguez vouldront dire " . . . " et demoureront icy toutes choses au croc dont lempereur enragera tout vif. Je veux que cependant quilz yront dicy a Cambray on regarde si on se pourra asseurer quilz donnent la sentence comme nous la demandons et lors nous poursuyurons de leur faire amplier leur pouvoir jusques a la dimnitive inclusivement. Le vray moyen de sasseurer sera que le pape se treuve plus en liberte de lempereur quil nest et surtout qui pourroit asseurer entre eulx le mariage du due Alexandre a la fille du Roy ce seroit la conclusion des escriptures ce costeicy."

ANNE BOLEYN. 291

Du Bellay once more assured Castillon of the CHAP.VIII. goodwill Clement bore to Henry, but the poor man was daily threatened by the imperialists for what he had already done in favour of the king. It Henry would send the excusator du Bellay was willing to pledge his head that he would succeed. Castillon was to put the king on his guard against false friends, and to use every means to convince him that the course proposed by du Bellay was the safest and best for him. " Use all the herbs of sorcery," the bishop wrote; "until I have your reply the devils may rage, but they will obtain nothing against us here at Kome." 1

Such were the principal contents of this strange letter. At first sight one naturally suspects that it was composed in order to be shown to Henry, and that the bishop gave a more favourable account of

1 J. du Bellay to Castillon, February 22, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fols. 191-6 : "Le pape na moings denvye dapprouver le mariage du Roy que luy mesmes " . . . " Je ne suys pas trop papiste mais par ma foy il me faict grand pitie de le veoir en la peyne ou il est. Seulement pour se formalister pour le Roy dangleterre comme il faict, ouvertement et en beaux plains consistoires il est menasse et non pas de poires cuictes" . . . " sil men veult laisser faire je prens a ma charge sus mon honneur de luy rendre son cas despeche " . . . " il naura quen- voyer lexcusateur et quil me laisse faire le demourant. Si je ne luy conduictz les choses a son appetit, ne intervenant rien de nouveau; je me veulx rendre a luy quil me fasse trencher la teste " . . . " et vous soubzvienne de celluy que nous presumions vouloir sa ruyne. Je vous respondz quil est vray mais je scay a qui je parle. Considerez tout cecy et aultant que Yous aymez ce prince et que Yous scavez que je lay me mettez y toutes les herbes de la Saint Jehan ; actendant vostre responce les diablcs pourroient enrager quilz nobtiendront riens icy contre nous."

u 2

292 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP.VIII. things than he himself believed to be warranted. Bat it is quite clear that the letter was meant to be read by Castillon alone. The bishop several times asserts that he speaks nothing but the truth, and other letters show that he wrote to Francis very much in the same strain. The letter must, therefore, be taken as representing the real opinions and hopes of du Bellay.

The letter arrived at Brie Comte Robert, near Paris, early in March, and on the 5th it was sent to Castillon with further instructions to do all he could to assist du Bellay and to bring Henry to accept an arrangement.1 On its way to London it was crossed by the courier who carried Castillon's letter of the Mont- 6th. This letter reached Paris on the 12th, at the

congratu- ver7 moment when Montmorency was writing a reply latesdu to du Bellay's letter of the 24th of February,

March u, which he had just received. As the bishop's letter 34' confirmed the good news he had already sent, and stated that he had obtained still further concessions about details, Montmorency was highly pleased and wrote to him in most eulogistic terms. Francis, Montmorency said, was very much gratified by all

1 Castillon „ to Francis L, March 16, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fractals, vol. 5,499, fol. 197; and A. de Montmorency to J. du Bellay, March 12, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 265, fol. 230. Cipher, undeciphered : "Jay tousjours faict envoy er en angleterre tout ce que Yous y avez escript et mesmes le chiffre quavez adresse au sieur de Castillon duquel jay monstre au Roy le double que Vous mavez envoy e que le diet seigneur a trouve tres bon et a escript au diet Castillon par courrier que jay depesche expres pour le pourter plus seurement quil eust a se conduire envers le Eoy dangleterre selon cela"

ANNE BOLEYN. 293

that had. been achieved at Rome. There seemed to CHAP.VIII. be every probability of success, which would be a great boon to Christendom. Du Bellay ought not to trouble himself about the opposition of the imperial- ists, but should go on exactly as he had hitherto done.1 Montmorency had written so far when Castillon's letter of the 6th of March arrived. His satisfaction was increased by what the ambassador had to tell him, and he added a few lines to his letter to du Bellay to compliment him on the success he had had with Henry, and to express a hope that, contrary to the general expectation, a good result would be obtained.2

But Montmorency was mistaken. Castillon had A forged already begun to feel that Henry was not sincere.

1 A. de Montmorency to J. du Bellay, March 12, 1534, loc. cit. : " Monsr jay receu toutes Yos lettres et veu celles quavez escriptes au Roy qui a tousjours veu et entendu le tout par la ou il a tresbien cogneu que navez rien oublie ni obmis a faire entendre a nre St. pere de ce quil Yous avoit ordonne luy dire et quavez pu penser estre pour servir en laffaire du Roy dangleterre duquel il espere que moyennant la bonne conduicte du diet affaire que Yous avez si bien commancee a dresser par vostre prudence sen rapportera bonne issue qui luy seroit tel plaisir que povez penser. Yous advisant que le diet Seigneur est merveilleusement content de Vous et de la negociation que Vous avez faicte jusques icy par de la ; de la ou il ne veult pas que bousgez encores, que premier ement il ne le Vous mande. Et quant au doubte et souspecon de quoy ont les imperiaulx de vostre allee et demeure vers nostre Saint pere ne vous en soulciez autrement car le diet Seigneur vouldroit que pour ung soupecon quilz en ont de Vous quilz en eussent quatre."

2 Ibid. : Jay eu tout a ceste heure responce de Castillon qui Yous escript de la bonne volunte en laquelle Yous avez mis le Roy dangleterre qui me faict esperer que vostre allee portera oultre loppinion de beaulcoup de gens quelque belfruict pourla crestiente."

294 ANNE BOLEYN.

OHA.P.VIII. About the 10th of March the ambassador had re- ceived du Bellay's letter of the 22nd of February, and that of Montmorency of the 5th of March.1 Instead of showing du Bellay's letter to Henry, he cleverly concocted another, in which all that was to remain secret or that might wound the king's vanity was carefully left out. This forged copy he took to the king and palmed it off as the genuine letter that du Bellay had written.2 But hopeful as the tone of this paper was, Henry showed no great joy at it ; his manner was not the same as it had been a week before. The concessions he had already made he did not withdraw, but he modified them in a way which made them of little consequence. He said he was ready to send an excusator, but without power to appear in his name. Moreover, out of regard to Francis, he promised that he would continue the session of parliament until after Easter, which fell on the 5th of April, and would delay publishing his separation from Eome. But he peremptorily refused to send a proctor to Cambray to represent him before the delegates. If the pope was as friendly as du Bellay and Castillon said, he ought, without any further proceedings, to give the desired sentence. If he did this, Henry would be prepared to acknowledge the papal jurisdiction 3

1 Castillon to Francis I., March 16, 1534, Paris, Bib. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fol. 197.

2 Forged letter, dated February 21, 1534, K.O. Box Q, No. 160 ; and Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 85.

3 Castillon to Francis I., March 16, 1534, loc. cit. : "Main- tenant par vostre moyen ce Boy est contant denvoyer ung ex-

ANNE BOLEYN. 295

That is to say, Henry refused to plead, but asked CHAP.VIH. that sentence should be given in his favour. This he considered just and reasonable, and he supposed that he was making a concession by waiting some- what longer for the fulfilment of his preposterous demand. Castillon was unable to shake his resolution.

A few days later, on the 16th of March, the French The ambassador again asked for an audience, and was ^^riage admitted into the royal presence. On the preceding °f Mary day he had received letters from Francis, in which Alexander, he was instructed to suggest to Henry the proposed 1534 6) marriage of Duke Alexander with Mary. At the same time he had received a copy of the ciphered passage of a letter of du Bellay and the Bishop of Macon of the 24th of February. This passage con- tained a promise that, if the proposal to hear the case at Cambray were agreed to, the pope would remove in the meantime the censures and ex- excommunication under which Henry had fallen

cusateur ne faisant pas semblant de luy envoyer expressemenfc pour la peur quil a destre lie de se submectre a la jurisdiction de Rome car il sembleroit par la quil voulust renoncer a celle de Monsieur de Canturbery qui est tout leur fondement car par la leur mariage a este faict. Et encores en vostre faveur veult con- tinuer son parlement jusques apres pasques pour differer de faire publyer la dicte separation. Et pense beaucoup avoir accorde pour lamour de Yous. Pourtant Sire affin que entendiez ce poinct le Roy vostre frere ma diet et declaire quil nenvoyra poinct de procuration devers les deleguez ; mais bien, si sans forme de proces le pape luy veult accorder son affaire comme il diet que justement ne luy peult reffuser, et quil luy monstre ceste bonne volonte quon diet quil luy porte, il ne se separera point de son obeissance et'differera comme il a accorde en faveur de Yous jusques apres Pasques."

296 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vm. on account of the sentence of the llth of July, 1533.1

Henry did not take at all well the proposal that Mary should marry Duke Alexander. It at once aroused his suspicions and wounded his vanity, for although he did everything he could to deprive Mary of her rank, he did not like to see her despised. A daughter of his, to his mind, was always a lady the greatest kings ought to honour ; and to let her become the wife of a Duke of Florence seemed to him beneath his dignity. But when Castillon argued that the scheme would make the pope his staunchest friend, and that the emperor would be entirely check- mated, Henry appeared to become less hostile and said he would think about the matter. At Henry's request, Castillon stayed for dinner ; and after dinner he was called once more to the king, who had mean- while conferred with some of his councillors, and perhaps with Anne. The match was then positively refused ; but Castillon was told that if Duke Alex- ander wished to marry in England he might have one of the king's nieces, Lady Margaret Douglas, or Lady Mary Brandon.2

1 J. du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., February 24, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fol. 193.

2 Castillon to Francis I., March 16, 1534, loc. cit. : " II trouva de plain sault ceste ouverture fort nouvelle et estrange. Et apres quelques devises . . . il me prya de disner avec luy et que aprez disner nous acheverions ce propoz. II alia en sa chambre et croys quil en parla a deux ou troys de son conseil. Conclusion Sire, apres disner il me feist responce que touchant sa fille Marie il estoit delibere den faire pour toujours comme dune chose de rien et que de celle la il nen falloit janiais parler. . . ."

ANNE BOLEYN. 297

Henry plainly expressed his suspicion that all these CHAP.VHI. overtures were meant only to delay business, ac- cording to the pope's habit. If he did not soon perceive that the pope intended to act honestly, he would go on with the anti-papal measures on which he had determined. As to Cambray — delegates, proxy, and pleading — he remained as obstinate as ever. " Let the pope pronounce sentence in my favour, and I will admit his authority," he said ; " else, it shall not be admitted. " l

This stubbornness was due mainly to a change Henry en- which had passed over the temper of parliament, ty the tone Two days after Henry's conversation with Castillon °^^f a~ in the garden, the bill against Elizabeth Barton had March 6, been submitted to the House of Lords. Dissatisfied with the evidence against Sir Thomas More, the peers asked that he should be brought before them in the Star Chamber. The king was so enraged by what he considered an arrogant demand that he spoke of going down to the House himself, and the request was refused. Nevertheless, the name of Sir Thomas was struck out of the bill. With this victory the lords remained content, and on the 12th of March March 12, the measure was definitively adopted by the Upper House.2

1 Castillon to Francis I., March 16, 1534, loc.cit.: "Mais quon veuille ung peu dilligenter. Car il a tousjours opinion que ce sont tons delaiz pour (comme il diet que nostre Sainct pere a de coustume) de plus en plus prolonger son affaire et quil ne laissera pour toutes ces ouvertures a poursuivir les choses de par de ca comme il a ja commence si bientost il ne se apercoit que ses menees soient sans dissimulation."

2 Journal of the House of Lords.

298 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vni. The concession made by Henry sufficed to break up the compact force of the opposition, many of the lords thinking that they had done enough in saving More. On the same day that Barton was condemned, a bill forbidding the payment of Peter's pence to Eome came up from the Commons ; and it passed without the slightest difficulty. It was read a third time without alteration almost at the very hour when

March 16, Castillon was proposing Duke Alexander's marriage.1 This success gave Henry courage ; and as his spirits rose, he became less willing to yield either to Francis or to the Holy See.

Clement As' in England, so at Eome, the prospect seemed ver7 ^ar^ ^or ^u Bellay. The bishop had begun to doubt whether, after all, " le bonhorame " was a perfectly appropriate name for Clement. To his dismay he found out that the pope was better in- formed than himself as to all that went on in England.2 Through Cyfuentes and Ortiz, Clement heard everything that was reported by Chapuis ; and Sir John Wallop, Henry's ambassador in France, kept up a secret correspondence with the Baron de Burgo, late nuncio in England, and thus sent much intelli- gence to the pope.3 Du Bellay became somewhat 34' alarmed, and wrote to Montmorency and to Castillon, complaining of Henry's proceedings. Henry, he

1 Journal of the House of Lords.

2 J. du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., March 15, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. JFrangais, vol. 5,499, fols. 193-6.

3 Cyfuentes to Charles V., January 23, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,586, fol. 117.

ANNE BOLEYN. 299

said, was acting foolishly in irritating the pope • that CHAP.VIH. was not the way to obtain concessions.1

During this time the legal proceedings at Kome The pro- had made little progress ; and Clement, when speaking ^TMome to du Bellay, took the credit to himself. But the true reason was that the papers connected with the suit had got into disorder ; legal forms had not been observed ; and many little irregularities had to be redressed. On the 27th of February the matter was February brought for the first time before the consistory.2 27> 1534> Early in March another consistory was held, and the March 9, questions respecting the points of law were com- municated to every cardinal to enable him to study them for final judgment.3 The 23rd of March was fixed by the pope as the day on which the cardinals were to re-assemble to deliberate on the final sen- tence. Cyfuentes could not believe that the pope really meant to have the controversy settled at so early a date ; he feared some new trick, and was more alarmed than pleased.4 Du Bellay was more easily

1 J. du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., March 15, 1534, loc. cit. : " II est vray quil se trouve plus fasche de la matiere quil nestoit au commencement pour veoir que de tant plus que sa sainctete se meet en debvoir de bien faire plus ilz se mectent de la a le vituperer par yronies et choses diffamatoires. . . II seroit bien raisonnable que le Roy dangleterre se moderast ung peu de son coste ..."

2 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., February 15 and 25, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fols. 125 and 142 ; Acts of the Con- sistory at Rome, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 632.

3 J. du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., March 15, 1534, loc. cit.

4 Cyfuentes to Charles V., February 10, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 156.

300 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. viii. satisfied. To him the pope represented the delay of a fortnight as a mark of goodwill to Henry ; and the bishop took it to be so ; he was still full of hope and ardour. He had his laugh at the cardinals, especially at Enkevoert and the Archbishop of Bari, who, he said, were busy with their books and fully determined to show the vastness of their learning. But they would find these questions a hard nut to crack.1

The 23rd of March was Monday of Passion Week? and the last day before Easter on which a consistory could conveniently be called, As du Bellay felt con- fident that the matter could not be finished at a single sitting, he was triumphant. It would stand over till after Sunday quasimodo, the 12th of April ; and by that time he hoped to have such a reply from Henry as would induce the pope to ustop the proceedings.2

1 J. du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., March 15, 1534, loc. cit. : " En tant Sire que touche la matiere du Roy dangleterre les gens de lempereur ont faict extreme instance de faire pro- ceder au principal tellement que desja y a este besougne par deux consistoires et ont este baillez les doubtes a chascun des cardinaulx afin quilz estudiassent dessuz pour mieulx selon droict et raison en pouvoir opiner. Et de ceste heure sont tous ces clercs voire jusques aux cardinaulx de Bar et Denquefort empesche a remuer leurs livres estant chascun bien delibere de y desployer le tresor de sa science."

2 Ibid. : *' Et levent les diets ministres de lempereur fort les cornes davoir gaigne ceste partye suz le Roy dangleterre, mais ilz ont la baye car on leur a bailie tel os a ronger que Vous pouvez estre asseure que de qimsimodo ilz ny donneront coup qui puisse porter dommaige au diet Sieur. II est vray quil estoit besoin de y gaigner deux consistoires a compter jour pour jour et pour ce faire nostre diet Sainct pere est alle par advis des

ANNE BOLEYN. 301

Both du Bellay and the Bishop of M&con asserted CHAP.VIII.

that they were unable to conceive how, in dealing with Confidence the questions prepared, any cardinal could declare the Bellay

dispensation of Julius II. to have ever been valid. ^the^

* Bishop of

If judgment was to be given, the imperialists would Mdcon. find themselves in great straits ; for, were all the world hostile to Henry, it would be impossible for him to lose his case.1

The two bishops were not, of course, aware of the vote taken in July 1533 on the question of the validity of the dispensation. Cardinal de Tournon had been in Eome at that time, and had acceded to the decision, which had been carried by an over- whelming majority. But, as in duty bound, he had kept the matter secret, and the only two sovereigns who had heard of the vote were Charles V. and Henry VIII. It was because Henry knew what had

medecins prendre lair ceste semaine a Ostie. Si durant tout ce temps il vient responce du diet Roy dangleterre et quil accepte ce qui luy a este envoye, lors on parlera autre langaige. ..."

1 J. du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., March 15, 1534, loc. cit. : " Quand bien . . . tout seroit alle en Angleterre les piedz contre mont si ne voyons nous pas bien comment ilz peussent donner sentence contre le diet Roy dangleterre au principal. Car Sire sur les doubtes que leur a bailies nostre Sainct pere dont nous Yous envoyons le double, il ny en a gueres, tant partiaulx puissent ilz etre, qui osassent, en telle boutique quung consistoire, maintenir la dispence avoir jamais este bonne. Parquoy Vous pouvez Sire croire que quant on en viendroit jusques la il sen trouveroit de bien empeschez. Qui nous faict derechef Yous dire que ce sera ung grand malheur si le diet Roy dangleterre ne veult entendre raison, veu que quant bien sa matiere se mectroit icy suz le bureau et que tout le monde luy seroit contraire en cas quil ne la peust gaigner a tout le moings ne la pourroit il perdre."

302 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vm. happened that he declined to allow judgment to be given at Kome, and distrusted du Bellay's fine promises.1

Clement, never forgetting for a moment that the question had been irrevocably decided, humoured du Bellay by allowing him to raise all kinds of objec- tions against the validity of the dispensation. The Frenchman was soon to find that in this matter he had been* duped, and even he might have forgiven himself for being taken in by so clever a dissembler as Clement VII. But when he wrote that Henry's case was progressing favourably, that the suit could not be lost, common sense ought to have taught him better. Had nothing else put him on his guard, his attention ought to have been arrested by the fact that of the eight Frenchmen who then wore the red hat not one had appeared. Bourbon, Lorraine, Castelnau, du Prat, Tournon, Coligny, Le Veneur, and Givry were absent when a question of the greatest importance to their king was about to be settled. To Cyfuentes and Ortiz their reasons were well known. Had the French cardinals voted for Henry, they would have acted against their con- science ; had they voted in opposition to him, they would have done violence to their political allegiance.2 Cardinal de Tournon had openly declared that such was the true state of the case.3 Du Bellay over-

1 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., March 4, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 148.

2 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., March 24, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 191.

3 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., September 9, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 1.

ANNE BOLEYN. 303

looked this grave symptom, and hoped where hope CHAP.VIII. was folly.

On the 23rd of March, at ten o'clock in the Final morning, the cardinals met, the doors were shut, and the consistory began. Like du Bellay, most people thought that the matter could not be decided at one sitting, and few expected to hear that day of any. thing of great importance.1 It was remarked, how- ever, that the cardinals allowed their dinner hour to pass without rising ; and they were generally so punctual in this respect that curiosity began to be manifested. As hour after hour went by, the excite- ment increased ; imperialists and anti-imperialists impatiently waited for news. The cardinals had sat for nearly seven hours when, at five in the after- noon, the doors opened and the reverend fathers appeared. The next moment it was known that sentence had been given.

At the beginning of the consistory, the cardinal- protector of France, Trivultio, backed by Cardinal Ridolfi, a personal enemy of Charles, and by Cardinal Pisani, proposed that final judgment should not be given at this sitting ; but after a sharp and lengthy debate he was out- voted by a majority of nineteen votes to three. The discussion of the main question was now opened, and it quickly became clear that Henry had not a chance of success. Trivultio still did his best to prevent a final decision, but he had to give way. The question was put, and judgment was unanimously given in favour of the validity of

1 Cyfuentes to Charles Y., March 10, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 156.

304 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. vin. Catherine's marriage. Trivultio himself and his two

followers voted with the rest.1 Du Du Bellay was astounded by this result, and, when

perplexity. n^s anger nad. subsided, tried in vain to account for it. By whom had he been betrayed ? Such had been the cleverness of Clement that he was the only person whom the indignant bishop did not suspect. On the whole, du Bellay was disposed to think that the sentence had been given with the consent of Francis, that Cardinal Trivultio had had secret in- structions. He knew no longer what to do, arid decided to leave at once.2

"While he was preparing for his homeward journey,

March 28, a courier arrived on the 28th of March from Paris, 1534' with Montmorency's and Castillon's letters.3 From the former du Bellay learned that his conduct had been approved of, from the latter that Henry had granted a prolongation of the term first accorded, and that he was ready to send the excusator. Small as these concessions were, the bishop hoped that if they were judiciously used it might still be possible

1 J. du Bellay and C. de Denonville to Francis I., March 23 and 24, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5,499, fols. 1996 and 201; Cyfuentes to Charles V., March 24, 1534, British Museum, A£d. MSS. 28,586, fol. 197; Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., March $£ 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 191 ; Dr. Ortiz to Catherine of Aragon, March 24, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 195, etc.

2 J. du Bellay and C. de Denonville to Francis L, March 23, 1534, loc. cit.

3 Cardinal of Jaen to F. de los Covos, March 30, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,586, fol. 200 ; Cyfuentes to Charles Y., April 2, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, fol. 213.

ANNE BOLEYN. 305

to induce the cardinals to revoke or modify the CHAP.VIH. sentence, or, at least, to postpone its publication.1

That same day, while making his farewell visits, DuBeilay du Bellay, chanced to meet Count Cyfuentes at the Cyfuentes. house of one of the cardinals. As the bishop's be- haviour had thrown some doubts on his orthodoxy, he was anxious to justify himself. He assured the Spaniard that he had not come to Eome to contradict the good right of Catherine or to act in favour of Henry. He had neither a personal wish nor a commission from Francis to do so. He had simply wanted to point out that the pope would run the risk of losing the obedience of England by giving sentence against the king. Cyfuentes, seeing du Bellay so humble, answered politely ; whereupon the latter went on to deplore the sentence that had been given. Only four hours ago, he had received a letter from Henry VIII. telling him to believe all that Untrue Castillon would write; and the substance of Cas- tillon's letter was that Henry would acknowledge the jurisdiction of the pope if the question of the divorce were dealt with at Cambray. Cyfuentes coldly answered that these were but tricks to delay the publication of the sentence. If du Bellay, even when in England, had been unable to obtain any concessions whatever, how had it come to pass that by a simple letter he had made Henry accept a proposal that had always been obstinately rejected ? Du Bellay knew not what to answer ; he feebly said the Holy Spirit had enlightened Henry. "Well,"

1 J. du Bellay and C. de Denonville to Francis I., April 1, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5,499, fol. 201. VOL. I. X

308 ANNE BOLEYN.

CHAP. viii. Cyfuentes replied, " in that case the Holy Spirit will move him still further to submit to the sentence." Cyfuentes added a little anecdote about the Spanish cardinal of Santa Croce, who, when leaving the con- sistory, had remarked to his brethren that, now sentence had been given, the French agents would be sure to say they had received power from Henry to effect a compromise. This feeling being pretty general, du Bellay's account was everywhere received with suspicion.1

The statement made by the Bishop of Paris to Cyfuentes was certainly untrue. Castillon wrote on the 6th and on the 16th of March to Francis, Montmorency, and du Bellay. Of these letters two only have been found, the one of the 6th to Montmorency, and the one of the 16th to Francis. From the latter it appears that between the two dates Castillon did not write either to Paris or to Eome. As in the two letters preserved, he gives a very full account of the concessions Henry showed himself willing to offer, we may safely assert that his letters to du Bellay cannot have contained any other matter of importance. The letter which the bishop received on the 28th was probably that of the 6th, which, as we know from Montmorency, arrived at Paris on the 12th. The letter of the 16th could scarcely have reached Eome on the 28th, for the roads were very bad and the mountains covered with melting snow.

Now, in the letter of the 6th to Montmorency there is not the faintest indication that Henry was as

1 Cyfuentes to Charles V., April 2, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSB. 28,586, fol. 213.

ANNE BOLEYN. 307

compliant as du Bellay pretended. He is represented CHAP.VHI. as simply saying that he will wait before publishing the acts against the pope, and that he will send the excusator when required, although without giving him any power whatever. From Castillon's letter of the 16th to Francis himself it is clear that Henry never went further, and that he would not hear of having the cause tried at Cambray. Du Bellay's statement had not a shadow of foundation.

But even if it had been true, it would have The mattered little. Long before the letter of Castillon reached Rome, Henry had decided on the course he would adopt. On the 20th of March the government March 20, submitted to the House of Lords a bill ratifying the marriage of Henry with Anne Boleyn and settling the succession to the crown on Elizabeth. On Satur- day, the 21st, it was read a second, on Monday, the 23rd, a third time.1 As the whole question pending March 23 at Rome was settled by this bill, it would have been foolish to pretend that Henry was still ready to admit the jurisdiction of the pope.

It was from courtesy to Francis that Drs. Carne and Revett were sent about this time as excusators to Rome. They had no proxy from Henry, and their mission was a mere farce.2

That Henry was not sincere even in the few con- cessions he had made appears both from his deeds and from his words. He had told Castillon that

1 Journal of House of Lords.

2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 25, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. fol. 67 ; and Castillon to Francis I., March 16, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, 5,499, fol. 197.

308 ANNE BOLEYN.

parliament would sit until after Easter. Six days March so, before Easter it was prorogued, and the royal assent 34' was given to all the bills that had been passed, with the exception of that relating to Peter' s-pence. The schism was accomplished.1

April, Henry's double dealing is frankly disclosed in the 1534 draft of a letter addressed to Wallop in April, 1534. After directing the ambassador to invite Francis to revolt against the pope, the king continues : " And ye shall declare to our said good brother that we send not these messages and requests unto him only for displeasure that the said bishop has lately pro- nounced a sentence against us, contrary to the law and will of God, but ye shall assure our said good brother upon our honour that in case he had given sentence with us we would have laboured as diligently and as studiously for his reformation as we will now." Whether or not we believe what Henry here says, the conclusion forced upon us by the letter is that he had been cheating Francis all the time, and that he had never had any intention of admitting the jurisdiction of Clement.

1 Journal of House of Lords.

a Instructions to Sir John Wallop, April, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII. , Box B, No. 10a, 6, and c.

END OF VOL. I.

LONDON: R. CLAY, soxs, AND TAYLOR. BREAD STREET HI LI.

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Friedmann, Paul.

Anne Boleyn<

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