Be th iy ney

iN

THE.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

on A VIEW of THE / ?

mis f On”;
POLITICS,

AND

LITERATURE,

For the YEAR 1792.
A NEW EDITION.

LONDON:

PRINTED, BY ASSIGNMENT FROM THE EXECUTORS OF- THE LATE
MR. JAMES DODSLEY, FOR
BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY;
W. OTRIDGE; J. CUTHELL; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORMF, AND
BROWN ; E. JEFFERY; LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO.; J. BELL;
J, ASPERNE; AND SHERWOOD, NEELY, AND JONES.

1821.

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PREFACE.

"Tue latest events have at all times appeared the most
important. Present scenes seem more crowded than suchas
are past ; and there are few periods, not imagined by the
existing generation to be at least as werthy of a place in
history as any that have preceded them: With a full re-
collection of this partiality, we hesitate not to affirm, that
the years 1791 and 1792 are of singular, and even of unpre-
cedented interest and importance in the history of the
world: no antecedent period, of equal duration, has pre-
sented so great a number of extraordinary revolutions: the
jntercourses of mankind were moreextended, and the means
of their communication more generally diffused, as well as
eagerly employed among all ranks of society, in all civilized
nations. The changes that were produced by the prevail-
ing opinions, and an artful address to those opinions partook
of the quickness of thought from whence they sprung.
Though many and various, and involving the most serious
consequences, they were yet less remarkable for their num-
der and magnitude, than for the extreme rapidity of their
succession.

By means of the press, the grand forum on which all
‘public affairswere agitated, a principle of restless discontent
and endless commotion had been introduced into the most
‘populous and centrical, the most refined, ardent, and in-
flammable nation in Europe ; and whose fashions, manners,
and opinions most of the othernations were prone to follow.
eid a2 Meta-

iv PREFACE.

Metaphysicians, geometers, and astronomers, applied the
compasses of abstraction to human passions, propensities,
and habits: the minds of men were alienated from kings,
and became enamoured of political philosophy. ‘The old
government of France was completely subverted ; religion
and morality were equally despised ; dominion was gra-
dually transferred, from well meaning men, perhaps, to
bad—from bad to worse ; and the maxim of the noble phi-
losopher, statesman, and historian of Rome was inverted *.
A bloody anarchy was erected on the ruinsof social subordi-
nation. Theruling party, armed at once with enthusiasm,
and a command of the finance and whole property of the
nation, trampled on the rights of their fellow-citizens, and
held the law of nations and foreign treaties in derision. In
the pretended pursuit of liberty, they violated all regard to
humanity. The lawswere without force; innocence without
protection ; obscurity and indigence, or a participation in
crimes, the only safety. The destructive infection of this
attempt to reduce what is called the modern philosophy into
practice, spread rapidly abroad before the effects of the fa-
tal experiment were known at home: and it would be dif-
ficult to determine whether the progress of the evil was
more forwarded by the ill-judged exertions of individu-
als, whether by political writers, statesmen, or sovereign
princes, to oppose it,—or, by the impunity with which it
had been suffered, in its commencement, to prevail in
France, and to extend to every country in Europe.

While the atrocities of democracy pled the cause of mo-
narchical and even absolute governments, the insatiate am-
bition, and unprincipled policy of monarchs, not more
shamefully than foolishly displayed in the partition of Po-

* Tta imperium semper ad optumum quemque a minus bono trans-

fertur, ’
land,

-

~ PREFACE. v

land, apologized for the excesses of democracy. On the
whole, it appeared that the European nations, however ad-
vanced in speculative knowledge, had made but very little
progress in practical and political wisdom.

Since the events of this period are manifold and surpriz-
ing beyond all example, it may perhaps be expected by
some of our readers, that we, like certain other journalists,
should increase our volumes to a size, bearing a kind of
proportion to the variety and extent of the busy scenes of
the years that form their respective subjects: but this would
be absurd, unless it should be thought proper wholly to call
off attention from former scenes; or possible to enlarge the
faculties of men, and extend the period of human life.

Science does not exist in the enumeration of facts, but
in their classification. There are no facts of any kind,
either instructive or interesting, otherwise than as they are
connected with principles and views; with theories, whether
true or only hypothetical. When events cease to surprize
by novelty they become instructive by their want of it.
In proportion as transactions and operations of the same
kind, springing from similar causes, and producing similar
effects, are so multiplied as to become common, it is not ne-
cessary to detail facts; but sufficient to mention general re-
sults and principles of action. It is thus that knowledge
of every kind is advanced: the gradual and leisurely de-
ductions of one age, or generation, being taken in the
next, for things granted.—If it were otherwise, the bound-
aries of science could never be enlarged ; and the republic
of letters, like that of Rome, would sink under its own
magnitude. Ifin writing the History of Europe for 1791
and 1792, we should attempt to describe every thing that
_ passed, we should, in fact, describe nothing :—the compli-
cated scene would be too various and vast for human com-

prehension,

vi PREFACE.

prehension. Among innumerable interesting events, the
annalist must makeaselection of suchas aremost interesting :
and in making this selection, he must of necessity be
guided by his own genius and habitual way of thinking.
Some things may appear most striking to one mind; and
other things the most important to another: whence it is
possible, and sometimes happens, that of the same times
we may have histories widely differing from each other,
both in matter and style, and yet both of them at once
pleasing and instructive.

The great effect, or impression, that remains on the
mind, after reviewing any series of events which impels
either the historian or epic poet to communicate his sen-
timents and emotions to others, serves as ‘a bond of union
among the transactions and occurrences which he involves
in the stream of his composition. On a review of the
affairs of Europe, from 1790 to 1793, we are chiefly im-
pressed with the rapid progress of public opinion and pub-
lic spirit on the one hand; and, on the other, with the
efforts that were made by the old governments to resist
them. Amidst the thick and entangled forest, this divi-
sion opens some prospects. The revolutionary spirit may
be traced from Paris to the provinces and foreign depend-
encies of France, to her armies, and to other nations; and
the re-action marked of its various effects on the people,
and public councils of France, and other countries. Guid-
ed by these vistas, we have easy opportunities of taking oc-
casional views of whatever is most remarkable in the
different quarters of Europe, without losing sight of the
main object.

In ordinary times, the great chain of events may often
be traced to mean and pitiful intrigues: the investigation
of which, however, cannot be very interesting to any others

than

PREFACE, vil

than such as have conceived a great attachment and curi-
osity of enquiring into every thing that relates to parti~
cular characters. The Revolution, which we contemplate
with mingled astonishment and terror, originated not in
any private intrigue, nor with any individual character ;
nor exclusively in Paris, nor France; but in the wide circles
of Europe, and of civilization *. Its seeds, diffused over
the earth, and long dormant or concealed, collecting force
with the progress of Time, Commerce, and Knowledge,
burst at length into a flame in the capital of the French
monarchy. Fostered in that exuberant soil, fanned by am-
bitious and discontented men of every rank, and spreading
with velocity through all the channels of the state, it could
neither be smothered nor extinguished. Neither the lapse
_ of fourteen ages, nor the veneration which the French had
always nourished for their princes, could protect the person
of Louis XVI. The barriers which Richelieu and Louis
XIV. had opposed to popular violence and innovation, were
too feeble to prevent the conflagration; and some of them
’ contributed to its excitement. After laying the ancient
_ laws, constitution, and order of things in ruins, in still con-
tinues to blaze, and to devour every thing with which it
comes in contact, with unabated violence. The anxious
and terrified attention of mankind is directed towards it,
wherever it spreads. The old and the new world are both
of them menaced by its progress.

Instead, therefore, of looking to individual agents, or
their measures, we consider the revolution itself as the
beacon by whose awful coruscations we are to lead our
readers through the history of the eventful year 1792. A
retrospect of the events which have already been detailed

* Many marked and vigorous characters arose out of the Revolution,

but cannot be said to have created it.
in

viii PREFACE.

in this Work, will aid us in our undertaking. They as.
sumed an alarming appearance in 1791; and as Great
Britain became a principal party in the war as early as
February 1793, the impartial history of the preceding year
1792, is peculiarly interesting as well as important. A con-
test then commenced, which has already extended its
bloody and convulsive struggles to the opposite sides of
the globe; which still subsists in all its force, and which
has threatened, in their turn, the subversion of every state
and every religion. It is by examining its commence-
ment, and the springs that gave it activity, that its progress
can be best estimated, and the period of its duration most
probably ascertained.

Instead of fatiguing our readers with a detail of the in-
cidents that occasioned the publication of the present vo-
lume, before that of 1791, we shall only say, that this last
is now in the press, and that it will be published in the
course of a few months.

For the late appearance of these volumes it will, we:
hope, be deemed some compensation by our intelligent
readers, that we have availed ourselves of those lights.
which have been thrown on our subject by the progress
of time: which have also presented opportunities of en-
quiring and obtaining new information from the most
authentic sources, respecting the original springs of the
great drama of Europe.

1793.

EXPLA-

EXPLANATION
ooo NEW... ER MS,

wri - . a.
bing 1? 4

AS new terms are, from time to time, introduced with new. ideas and
"new. objects, living languages are subject toconstant changes ; and suc-
_cessive barbarisms,, deriyed from, temporary ,and_ local circumstances,

render them in some. measure unintelligible to all, besides those to whom

such circumstances are familiar. It is impossible for a foreigner, by
~ any knowledge or analogy of ‘language,’to know what we mean in this
‘country'by Whig, Tory, the! Minister’s Budget; andiso on.» None but
a Frenchman, or one acquainted ‘with France,: can be supposed to
~-know that a Swiss means'a porter, or a Savoyard.a chimney-sweep.. Of
-Hlate years, amidst other changes and novelties in. France, a very consi-
~*derable dégree: of innovation has. taken place in the French language.
‘Although, for our own ‘parts}-we: studiously avoid ‘the use of the new
pliraseology of our neighhours, as/being equally voffensive against puri-

ty, perspicuity, and dignity of style; yet,..as:this, in some instances,

may find its way into the papers, to which we give a place in our re-

STOt se

- cord, or to which we may occasionally refer, we thought it not alto-

_ gether unnecessary to give an. explanation of the following words :—
The New or Mopvern Puitosoruy. The doctrines of Rousseau,
Voltaire, Hume, Diderot, and others, who, exceeding the zeal as well
_as-boldness of their sceptical predecessors, have devoted, or continue
-to devote their lives to the seduction of mankind, into 2 mockery of the
christian religion, and the adoption of a system of atheism and licenti-
ousness, As the writers just mentioned outdid, in point of extrava-
_ gance, the philosophers who had gone before them ; so they themselves
-were, in their turn, outdone by Condorcet, Brissot, Sieyes, Mr. Paine,
and a whole herd of other philosophers, who ‘actually attempted to car-

_ ry the dreams of metaphysicians, on political subjects, into practice.

“The 'Sraves-GeneRay of | France, assembled at Versaijles by the
~vauthority of the King, assurhed thename and the powers of

Tue Constituent, AssemBty ; or, an Assembly for the purpose of
forming a new constitution, This was.also called the first National
Assembly. A. new ‘constitution being formed, and accepted by the

King

Vor. XXXIV. b

xX EXPLANATION OF NEW TERMS.

King and a great majority of the French nation, under the solemnity of
an oath, the Constituent Assembly, in September 1791, gave way to

The LecisLtative AssrMBLY; which was also called the Second
National Assembly. A convention of the nation being called after the
massacres of August 1792, and the imprisonment of the King,

The NATIoNAL ConveENTION met in September, 1792. This was
also called the Third National Assembly.

The Mountain. The higher or most elevated seats in the hall of
the Assembly ; occupied by the violent revolutionists, or democrats. *

The Pratn. The lower seats; and these in the middle of the hall
of the Assembly,—bearing some resemblance to the pit in a play-house.
‘This part of the hall was occupied by a more moderate party : among
whom there were many well-meaning men, distinguished more by pro-
bity than by talents. It was at one time very commonly called Les
bas Cotés. It is now commonly called Le Ventre. 3

Core Droit. The right side, or that on the right hand of the pre-
sident : corresponding with our speaker in the House of Commons. It
was here that those members who set their faces against democratical
violence took their seats from the first sittings of the Constituent As-
sembly at Versailles. The most distinguished of that party were Mou-
nier, Bergasse, and Lally Tollendal. These gentlemen quitted the As-
sembly, after the royal family were constrained to remove, on the 6th
of October, 1789, to Paris; and were succeeded by Maury, Cassales,
Malouet, and Montlosier.

After the election of the second, or Legislative Assembly, among
the most strenuous supporters of the feeble constitutional powers of the
King, we find the names of Dumas, Theodore Lameth, Rochegude,
and Jaucourt.

Core Gaucue, the left side, or that on the left hand of the presi-
dent ; where the violent adversaries of monarchy were seated. Of this
party Robespierre had been a very active and conspicuous leader in
the Constituent Assembly. In the Legislative Assembly, among the
most distinguished leaders of the Republican party, was Brissot. The
chiefs of that party were for the most part destroyed by Robespierre,
elected a member of the Third Assembly, or National Convention. It
is worthy of remark, that, amidst all the various changes of power and
parties, from the commencement of the revolution till the present time,
a majority was always found on the left side of the house. The famous
Abbé Sieyes was always to be found on that side, during the Constitu-
ent Assembly, even when he maintained an obstinate silence. Those
who had been members of the Constituent, could not be elected mem-
bers of the Legislative Assembly, which immediately followed it. But
the violent promoters of revolutions, like the Abbé, preserved their po-

pularity,

EXPLANATION OF NEW TERMS. XI

pularity, and were re-elected, with Robespierre, members of the Con-
vention for the trial of the King.

On the nicur and Lert sides of the Assembly-House, there was a
jeu de mots (a play on words) very commonly repeated before the reign
of terror began, under Robespierre, in the polite and fashionable
‘circles of Paris. Le Coté droit est Gauche: mais le Coté Gauche n'est
pas droit,—the right side is the left (or wrong) but the left side is not
the right. ;

Jacozins. A number of gentlemen, from Britanny, joined chiefly
by several journalists, and other men of letters, had formed themselves
into a club for the discussion of political subjects ; and were called the
Breton Club. Towards the end of 1789, they were distinguished by
the appellation of Jacobins, from a. convent of monks called Jacobins,
where they held their meetings.

Tue Jacosin Cuvs, established at Paris, and composed of the
ringleaders of the revolution, excited the inhabitants of all the other
towns in France to insurrection. They corresponded directly with about
eleven hundred kindred, or, as they called them, Affiliated Clubs:
which eleven hundred clubs, had each their circle of affiliated clubs, in

inferior towns and villages, with which they corresponded...

\

Grronpists. The deputies of the departments of the Girond ;
that is, Bourdeaux and the country around it; being the course of the
Garron. Like the Constitutionalists, or Friends to Limited, Monarchy,
they wished to steer a kind of middle course between the two ex-
tremes; and, like them too, after enjoying, under Louis XVI. all the
authority of government, were crushed in the contest between the two
opposite and violent parties. ;

Feuittants. Another political club like that of the Jacobins; but
of which the members were men of moderation. They maintained for
a time, an unavailing opposition to the Jacobins; by whom they were
at length, in 1791, driven out of their hall by force, and finally dis-
persed. Such was the cLus-Law of the Jacobins,

Corpvetiers. Another club, composed of men even more
violent than Jacobins ; and, for the most part, of the lower classes of
the people. They were not in opposition to the Jacobins, but main-
tained the same doctrines. Though their society was not so com-
pletely organized, and though they had not so extensive a correspon-
dence, the club of the Cordeliers was kept up nearly as long as that
of the Jacobins. At the head of the Cordeliers were a number of
Journalists.

Brissotins. So-called from the Journalist, and author of various
works, Brissot; who held a distinguished place among the Giron-
dists: from which circumstance the terms Girondist and Brissotine

are

xi EXPLANATION OF NEW TERMS.

aré sometimes confounded. _ Brissot, who.had travelled, in America,
considered the form of government of the United States of, that
country as the best that had ever actually existed; and consequently
‘as the best model-for imitation. Hence the adherents of Brissot,
‘and: sometimes the’ Girondists, in gensentl were called :

\FEDERALISTS,. or friends to. a federal union ; ; such. as that among
-the Swiss; Cantens; the United. Provinces of the Netherlands; and,
above all, that among the United States of America.

Muyictratirs. An institution for regulating the police of
cities, similar to our courts of a Mayor and Common Coun-
cil-men,

.
'

-Sections. These have been formed only in Paris. They
“correspond nearly to the former parochial divisions, and are ne-
cessary for the management of the police, and a national guards.

Depantenrs. The general divisions of France.
Districts. “Sab- divisions of; departments.
CommuNrTiEs or Commungs. Sub- divisions of districts.

PriMARY ASSEMBLIES, Meetings of the communities for the pur-
pose of chusing electors.

Erectors. Citizens chosen by the communities for’ representing
‘their respective departments i in the National Assembly.

SAns- CuLorres. Litcmily without breeches: /The lowest and
most numerous class of the people; the mob; the rabble,

THE

THE

:

ANNUAL REGISTER
~.. For the YEAR 1792.

s

THE
ey Soy OR OY
Bi is ND BR
ee Oe Re OvPp BE:

Cui CHAP. IL.

Human Affairs governed by permanent Principles. Characters of Na-

. tions how formed. Character of the French Nation. History of the

| Spirit of the French Nation for more than a Century past. Connect-

- ton between the institution of the French Academy and the late Revo-

_ hition in France. The greatest Characters in the highest Stations,

carried, alone with others, on the Tide of public Opinion. Question

- concerning the real Views of the Authors of the French Revolution.

~ Manifesto drawn up by Condorcet, and decreed by the National As-

8 The same extravagant Hopes of general Improvement and

_ Happiness that were entertained in France, diffused throughout other

- Countries in Europe. Different Parties and Denominations of Men

concur in a desire to subvert the old, and establish a new Order of

Affairs. The immediate Commencement of the Millennium expected.

Miserable Disappointment. The Constitution from which so much had

_ been expected, fraught with the Seeds of Dissolution and the most shock-

_ ing Crimes and direful Calamities. In the Midst of these, the Levity

and Impetuosity of the French Character still prodominant. The first

The of the new Constitution adopted by the Legislative Assembly.
t

Revolution and Massacres of Avignon. The ambitious Policy of
French the same as that of the ancient Romans. Act against
ation, and for punishing the Emigrants. This not sanctioned

by the King. The king writes Letters to the Princes, pressing them
Vor. XXVI. Ee te

2] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.
to return within the Bosom of France. The Royalists of France, after
the Retreat of the Princes, divided into two Parties; the Queen’s and
that of the Princes. Circumstances that fermented a preconceived Jealousy
of ithe King. Plan of the Assembly for lessening the Power of the King,
and establishing their own on its Ruins. The various Steps taken in the
Prosecution of this Plan, Those taken by the Court for their Ccunterac-
tion. Change of Ministry. Internal Contests and Dissentions. Declara-
tion of War against the Emperor. The King refuses to sanction Decrees
or a Camp near Paris, and against the Refractory Priests. A furious
Multitude breaks intothe Palace of the Thuilleries, Remonstrance against
this Outrage by the General La Fayette. Decree announcing the Country

.t9 be in Danger.

& LTHOUGH in all well esta-
blished governments, and par-
ticularly those of the monarchical
kind, many important events may
be traced to the intrigues of courts,
and characters, and views of parti-
cular persons, yet there is atide in
the affairs of nations, as well as in
those of individuals, operating with
an uniformity which excludes the
possibility of chance, and flowing
from permanent principles. The
constant change in the opinions,
passions, and characters of nations,
ds not readily perceived in the mo-
notony of peaceable times; but
sooner or later it tends to some im-
portant crisis, and is found to be
the grand engine that governs the
world. It is this that exercises a
sovereign influence on the great
movements of the human drama:
the rise, the convulsions, and the
fall of empires.

The characters of nations are not
formed entirely by moral, but part-
ly by the physical causes of extrac-
tion, climate, soil, and other cir-

cumstances. The character given
of the French nation by Koman
historians, men of intelligence and
penctration, and who had the best
opportunities of knowing it, be-
jongs to them at this day.* They
are restless, impatient, and desirous
of change: they are the most uni-
versally, and the most sensibly and
suddenly alive to the spirit and pas-
sion of the times, whatever that
may be: religion, war, gallantry,
colonization, and commerce; or
refinement and the advancement of
knowledge. Whatever they desire,
they pursue with ardour, and ina
body. Distinction and pre-emi-
nence is always their aim, whether
in gaiety and frivolity, or arts and
arms, Ifthe genius of the times be
an ambition of conquest, and an at-
tachment to warlike chiefs and he-
reditary sovereign princes, they
convert their king almost literally
into an idol: + if that of piety and
devotion, they are the foremost in
the crusade, and the most liberal in
their donations to the church: and,

* Cesar tells that the Gauls were fickle, given to innovation, and so turbulent
and seditious, that factions existed not only in every principality and state, but

almost in every house,
character.

Polybius, Tacitus, and other writers, give them the same

+ The statue of Louis XLV. was set up in the place de Victoire in Paris ; and the
¥rench officers and others took off their hats, and bowed to it as they passed,

as

:

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

as we see now, if that of liberty and
equality, they violate all treaties,
invade all property, level all ranks,
and give the kiss of fraternization to
negroes. In short, in every thing,
good or bad, they must be foremost;
with this adjunctive and unfortu-
nate circumstance, that any thing
good in which they engage, is fre-
quently by excess converted into
evil. It has been remarked by
their best historians, that in almost
every stage of their history, they
have been subject to moral and po-
litical phrenzies.*

This lively nation, deprived of
all share in the public councils for
a space of near two hundred years,
and bending under the yoke of an
arbitrary government, abandoned
themselves to frivolity and dissipa-
tion. Admirable exertions, indeed,
were still made in thearts of peaceas
well as war: but literary genius was
for the most part prostituted tu adu-
lation, and the military spirit taint-
ed by an unlimited devotion to
kings. The greatest heroes blush-
ed not to profess that the great ob-
ject of their valour, was the glory of
the grand monarch: and their great-
est reward, his countenance and
smiles. A new train of thinking
introduced a new and correspond-
ing passion; the descendants of the
Franks and Gauls, the most devoted
to the church, the ladies and the
king, running according to their
manner from extreme to extreme,
but still retaining their pretensions
to be the first ofall nations, exchang-

[3

ed their religion, their gallantry,
and their loyalty, for the coldness
of scepticism, the rudeness of de-
mocracy, and the boldness of liber-
ty, perverted into extravagance of
conception and design, and the ut-
most licentiousness of conduct.

It had become fashionable, in the
early and long reign of Louis X1V.
to patronize the studies of both li-
terature and science. It occurred
to his great minister Cardinal Riche-
lieu, as a measure of good policy,
to divert the busy and ardent ge-
nius of his countrymen into that
channel, from the affairs of state.
Academies were instituted in France
for the cultivation of the arts and
sciences, nobly endowed with pecu-
niary funds, and farther encourag-
ed by literary honours. Nothing,
at first, could exceed the obsequi-
ous adulation of the academicians,
who once had it in contemplation
to hold out the reward of a golden
medal to the best discourse or ora-
tion on the question, ‘* By which of
all his virtues his Majesty was dis-
tinguished the most?” But this ob-
sequiousness, it seems, was not in-
consistent with vanity.¢ The self-
conceit of this body, as well as of
most of those who assumed the cha-
racter of philosophers, was nourish-
ed and heightened, and the number
of philosophers daily encreased.
Few could be statesmen, or hold
the principal places under govern-
ment; nor yet could very many
rise to eminence by the pursuits of
commerce: but all could be philo-

* See Wraxall’s History of France, from the Accession of Henry III. to the
Death of Lewis XLY. preceded by a view of the state of Europe, between the mid-

dle and the close of the sixteenth century,

valuable work.

+ The discussion of this question was quashed by the King himself,

See, particularly, the preface to that

See ** The

Fulogics, or Lives, of the French Academicians by D'Alembert.”

[B] 2

sophers.

4]

sophers. Philosophy gratified vani-
ty, consoled disappointment, and,
as a vehicle of censure, gratified re-
venge. Philosophy became the
tone, the passion of the nation: and
a junto of philosophers, by manag-
ing this passion, which was directed
with greater energy, against all esta-
blished authority, humanand divine,
than to the investigation of truth
and knowledge, supplanted the in-
fluence of the court, and took vio-
lent possession of the French mo-
narchy. Thus did Louis XIV.
blindly labour for the overthrow of
his throne: and thus the French
academy, both in its origin and
consequences, shows how much the
great affairs of the world are go-
verned by public opinion. It was
the taste and turn of the public for
letters, and the example of esta-
blishments for their promotion,
both imported into France from Ita-
ly, that suggested the idea of the
French academy: and it was the
general spirit to which that institu-
tion gave birth, that produced the
change of government in 1789: the
fruitful parent of other revolutions.

On a survey of the political his-
tory of modern times, certain dis-
tinguished names on the theatre,
whether in the cabinet or field, are
apt to engross almost the whole of
our attention; while in reality,
even those illustrious characters are
only bornealong the popular stream,
which to vulgar apprehension they
appear to agitate and direct. The
habit of looking up to a Frederic,
or a Catherine, was natural in their
respective dominions, where the
power of the sovereign had not yet
been imperceptibly limited by the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1799.

influence of civilization, or the
diffusion of wealth; and where the
extraordinary talents of the rulers
connected obedience with admira-
tion. But Catherine and Frederic
were both of them warm and pow-
erful patrons of all the arts and sci-
ences; and the latter, with all his
prudence and penetration, was yet
so improvident as to introduce and
cherish, together with the French
language and literature, an atheisti-
cal philosophy into Berlin, from
whence it has struck out its roots
into all parts of his dominions, Of
these changes we have not yet seen
all or many of the consequences:
but of this we may be certain, that
the future historian, who in trac-
ing the great chain of causes and
effects, measures the passing events
of the times, not by years, but
centuries, will view the counsels
and actions of those illustrious
princes, not as governing, but as
being themselves governed by the
spirit of the agein which they lived.
Still less willhe consider the French
revolution as flowing from the par-
ticular charactersof Lewis XVI.and
Mr. Necker. Even a sovereign
such as Henry IV. aided by a mi-
nister such as Sully, could not have
long prevented a convulsion in the
French government; unless indeed
it should have been found possible
to protract this, or finally to render
a dissolution and change of govern-
ment more gentle and easy, by a
gradual and prudent accommoda-
tion of established institutions to
the varying opinions, manners, and
circumstances of the nation and of
mankind.*

Whether the designs of the first

* See on this subject, Stewart’s Elements of the Philosophy of the Human

Mind, chap, iv.

movers

‘

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

moyers of the revolution were
founded in the spirit of patriotism,
humanity, and universal philan-
thropy, as they pretended; or, on
the contrary, in selfish views, and
the usual pride and arrogance of the
French nation, has been made a
question. There are not a few
writers, and among these some of
great celebrity, who will not allow
that there ever was any thing good
or great in the real intentions of
the French philosophers; but trace
the revolution to an ambition en-
tertained by those men, of self-ag-
grandisement, of extending the
baundaries of France, and raising
her to what they conceived to be
her just consideration and pre-emi-
nence in Europe. Which of these
was the original and predominant
passion, or how far they may have
been mixed and blended in that
great mass of people of various
conditions and characters, who
forwarded the revolution, it would
be useless to enquire, and impossi-
ble to determine. Certain it is,
that if a general passion for political
changes had not prevailed in
France, it would have been im-
possible for the most profound phi-
losophers, or dextrous politicians,
to have raised and turned it to their
purpose: and it is equally certain,
that professions of peace, and the
most extensive philanthropy, were
considered by those who had seiz-
ed the government, as popular
throughout the kingdom,
On the 29th of December 1791,
a manifesto, in the name of the
French nation, drawn up by Con-

it}

[5

dorcet, decreed by the National
Assembly, and approved of by the
King, was addressed to all states
and nations, and ordered to be de-
livered by the French ministers to
all the courts of Europe. In this
paper it was declared,* amon

many other particulars, “* That the
French nation, proud of having
regained the rights of nature,
would never outrage them in other
men. That she would present to
the world the new spectacle of a
nation, truly free, submissive to the
laws of justice amid the storms of
war; and, respecting every where,
on every occasion towards all men,
the rights which are the same to
all, Peace (which imposture, in-
trigue, and treason have banished)
will never cease to be the first of
our wishes; France will take up
arms, compelled to do so, for her
safety and her internal peace; and
she will be seen to lay theny down
with joy, the moment she is assured
that there is nothing to fear for that
liberty, for that equality, which is
now the only element in which
Frenchmen can live. She dreads
not war, but she loves peace; she
feels that she has need of it; and
she is too conscious of her strength
to fear making the avowal. When,
in requiring other nations to re-
spect her repose, she took an eter-
nal engagement not to trouble
others, she might have thought
that she deserved to be listened to;
and that this solemn declaration,
the pledge of tranquillity, and the
happiness of other nations, might
have merited the affection of the

_ * Agreeably to an article, in the French Constitution, under the head ** of the

connection of the French nation with other nations,” the French nation renounces
the undertaking of any war with a view to make conquests; and will never employ
its forces against the liberties of any people.

2 Wi

[B] 3

princes

6]

princes who govern them; but
such of those princes, as apprehend
that France would endeavour to
excite internal agitations in other
countries, shal] Jearn that the cruel
right of reprisal, justified by usage,
condemned by nature, will not
make her resort to the means em-
ployed against her own repose,
that she will be just to those who
have not been so to her; that she
will everywhere pay as much re-
spect to peace as to liberty ; and
that the men, who still presume
to call themselves the masters of
other men, will have nothing to
dread from her but the influence
of her example.—Resigned to the
evils which the enemies of the
human race united against her may
make her suffer, she will triumph
over them by her patience and her
courage: Victorious, she will seek
neither indemnification nor ven-
geance. Such are the sentiments
of a generous people, which their
Tepresentatives do themselves ho-
nour in expressing. Such are the
projects of the new political system
which they have adopted ; to repel
force, to resist oppression, to forget
all when they have nothing more
to fear; and to treat adversaries,
if vanquished, as brothers; if re-
conciled, as friends. These are the
wishes of all the French; and this
_ as the war which they declare against
their enemies.”

They passed from the glory of
arms, and the pride of conquest,
even to the patient, meek, and
long-suffering disposition recom-
mended in the gospel; but, even
in this new career of moderation,
they were still the first of nations.
They had rencunced conquest, dis-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

tinction of rank, and the grandeur
of courts and kings: but they glo-
ried in the humility of equality,
they triumphed in the triumph of
philosophy, and in setting an ex-
ample, and taking the lead in a
reformation of the world; a re-
formation that should redeem the
human race from many physical
evils, and advance the improve-
ment, not only of their intellectual
powers, but their moral sentiments;
and on the whole, promote the
felicity and the perfection of hu-
man nature.

It was not only in France that
the most sanguine hopes were en-
tertained from the revolution: of
1789, thus systematized and im-
proved by the constituent, and
adopted by the legislative assembly,
and from the political efforts of hu-
man reason in general. A spirit of
politicalenthusiasm appeared in most
countries of Europe; in Germany,
Sweden, Britain, and Ireland, and
even Spain and Italy. In Ger-
many, and particularly in the Prus-
sian dominions, a sect arose, though
under different denominations,*
who, ascribing the greater part of
human calamities to bigotry, super-
stition, arbitrary power, and error,
endeavoured to awaken their cc-
temporaries to the most animated
hopes from political improvement,
a philesophical education, and in
all things, a vigorous exercise of
reason, They professed, at the same
time, the warniest sentiments of
hemanity, and a spirit of universal
philanthropy.

It was this school that formed the
famous Anacharsis Clootz, who be-
ing elected a member of the legis-
lative assembly, assumed the charac-

* The Ilumines, the discivlesof Kant, and others,

ter

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

ter of friend and orator of the hu-
man race; and inculcated in his
speeches universal fraternization
with all tribes and nations.

In England, the leading doctrines
of the French revolution were
maintained by several members of
parliament, as well as by a consi-
derable number of writers; Paine,
Barlow, Godwin, and others: all
of\ whom, both pamphleteers and
politicians, considered it as an era
auspicious to mankind. The po-
litical doctrines of France and
Germany, and the hopes conceived
from the energy of human reason,
were carried in England, by cer-
tain distempered spirits, to the
length of extravagance and mad-
ness. In a seminary, established
at Hackney for the education of
young men for the dissenting
church, certain of the professors,
and others who were associated with
them, as friends to that institution,
maintained, that by a due exertion
and direction of the human facul-
ties, it was possible, and that a pe-
riod would probably arrive when
they would obtain a complete tri-
umph over disease, and even death,
For their own parts, although they
did not positively predicttheir own
immortality, they did not hesitate
to express a lively hope that they
should be able to prolong their
own, greatly beyond the usual pe-
riod of human life, and to live as
long as they could wish. Among
this number of happy mortals,
was Godwin (already mentioned)
author of a large work on poli-
tical justice; in which there is,
in reality, as little sense as in his
doctrine of immortality ; since it
would be as impossible for his sys-
tein of government, were it possi-

[7

ble to make the experiment, to
maintain itself, in opposition to the
strongest passions and propensities
of human nature, as it would be
for any effort of human reason to.
set disease and death at defiance.
Mr. Godwin, being bred among
the dissenters, was naturally led to
a lively conviction and sense of the
right of private judgment in mat-
ters of religion. This principle
he has extended in its utmost la-
titude to politics. Though he had
long been devoted to political stu-
dies, he tells us, he was not made
aware of the desireableness of a
government in the utmost degree
simple, but by ideas suggested by
the French revolution. To the
same event, he adds, he owes the
determination of mind which gave
existence to his work. ‘ He hopes
that men may one day be governed
by the purity of their own minds,
and the moderation of their own
desires, without all external coer-
cion.” There is no authority, ac-
cording to him, ‘but that of rea-
son; and no legislators, but philo-
sophers and propagators of truth,’”
He thinks it unjust to be influenced
by any particular sensations, pro-
pensitics, affections, and passions:
and in all cases considers and calcu-
lates, not what may be good for an
individual or any part of society,.
but what is due to the whole. ‘ It
cannotindeed (he admits) be defini-
tively affirmed, whether it be
known in such astate of society,
who is the father of each individual:
child; but it may be affirmed, that
such knowledge will be of no im-
portance.—It is aristocracy, self-
love and family pride, that teach
us to set a value upon it at present.
I ought to prefer no human being

[B] 4 to

8]

to another, because that being is
my father, my wife, or my son;
but, because, for reasons which
appeal equally to all understand-
ings, that being is entitled to pre-
ference. One among the mea-
sures which will be. successively
dictated by the spirit of democracy,
and that probably at no great dis-
tance, is the abolition of surnames*.
In a word, it is in the spirit of
Mr. Godwin’s political system, to
harden the heart against all the en-
dearing charities of life; to teach
men, and even women, according
to his own phrase, “¢ to rest on their
own centre.”? He would reverse
the actual order of nature, in the
different circles of society, from a
single family to the most exten-
sive empire; and arrange all ideas
of social attachment and duty,
around the centre of a most com-
plicated chaos of cold abstractions.
This Book of Gedwin, not. the
Jeast curious among the fruits of
French principles and revolution,
seemed not unworthy of particular
attention on the present occasion ;
as it shews to what consequences
some of these principles might be
pushed, by a process of reasoning,
if the principles be granted, not
easy to be refuted. Though the
wrongheadedness and insanity of
Mr. Godwin’s publication must
be admitted, he must be allowed to
possess great subtlety of genius, as
well as hardiness of thinking, and
vigour of fancy.

In London, and in every great
town in Britain, many idle, discon-
tented, and self-conceited persons
were to be seen, affecting the ha-
bit, character, and name of philo-
sophers. It is very proper to men-
tion, that their philosophy consisted

ANNUAL REGISTER,.1792.

not. so much in an investigation of
truth in general, or in a. wise
pursuit of “the best ends, by the
best means, as in a freedom from
all manner of prejudice; particu-
ar ; from all respect for established
overnments, and all reverence
for religion. Yet a common cause
seemed to be made, and sympathy
formed between those atheists and
many religionists of different sects,
from a common aversion to the
established church, not to say go-
vernment. They frequently as-
sembled together in small parties,
in close divan; from which all who
were not notoriously dissatisfied
with the present order of things,
were carefully excluded. And it
was very curious to observe, that
men, who were generally ac-
counted the most crabbed, morose,
and unsociable in their manners

towards their countrymen and
neighbours, were - the loudest
advocates ‘for universal philan-
thropy.

There were also men, and among
these some of note, who, uniting
a species of christianity with a spi-
rit of philosophical inquiry, in-
ferred from the present pheno-
mena of the world, compared with
the scriptural prophecies, that the
time was fast approaching when
there should be a new or regene-
rated earth; and considered what
had passed in America, and was
passing at the time in France and
Poland, as. the commencement,
at least the sure and immediate
forerunner, ofthe millennium ; when
Satan should be bound for a thou-
sand years, and human felicity
promoted by the promotion of
knowledge and_ righteousness,

Dr Price, well known as a

* Godwin’s Inquiry into Political Justice, vol. ii, p, 582.

writer

a ee a en

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

writer on both political and meta-
physical studies, in a valedictory
sermon to his dissenting congrega-
tion at Hackney, one of the sub-
urbs of London, in allusion to the
revolutionary spirit of the times,
and particularly to the French re-
volution, chose for his text the
words of Simeon, when he had
seen the infant Jesus: ‘* Lord, now
lettest thou thy servant depart in
peace, according to thy word ; for
mine eyes have seen thy salva-
tion*.” All these classes of men
in the different kingdoms of Eu-
rope, and other parts of the world,
wished well to the French revolu-
- tion, and Jooked up to the wisdom
and patriotism of the constituent
assembly with the most pleasing ex-
pectations. Never did any as-
sembly of men seem to act, on so
extended a theatre, so conspicuous
a part. They seemed to hold in
their hand the destinies of the hu-
man race. The Genius of France
having assumed the tone of a hu-
mane and grave philosopher, had
taken human nature under his pro-
tection, and promised to raise them
to dignity and happiness by a re-
formation, civil and religious. The
new constitution was completed.
Universal and eternal peace was
proclaimed on the part of France;
and if ever this should be inter-
rupted, it would be only by unjust
aggression. But soon did corrupt
nature re-assume her reign! Soon
did the Genius of France lay aside
the habit and tone of the humane
_ philosopher, and completely realize
the fable of the cat metamorphosed
into a fine lady.
. The seeds of dissolution were
sown inthe constitution itself, in
- * Luke, chap.
2)

[9

the means by which it had been
obtained, in the character of the
French nation, the depravity of
their morals, and the violence of
their passions. The new govern-
ment, mistrustful, and bearing no
good-will to the sovereign prince
whom they had treated so ill, tho’
the most amiable of men ; and jea-
lous ef the sovereign powers whose
authority was indirectly attacked
by the revolution, saw no security
to themselves but in reducing still
farther the royal power, already
too much contracted by the recent
constitution; and in the propaga-
tion of their political creed, and a
general fraternization with neigh-
bouring states and kingdoms.
While emissaries were employed
for this purpose abroad, attacks
were successively made at home,
on the prerogatives of the king, the
privileges of the nobility and the
clergy, and on all who possessed
property. The great mass of the
people, taught to consider them-
selves as fractions of the sovereign
will, became impatient of controul,
and imperious, Disappointed in
their blindand extravagant expecta-
tions of some unknown and indefi-
nite good from the new constitu-
tion, they became discontented,rest-
less, unruly, and fit instruments of
all manner of crimes in the hands
of designing men, who aimed at
farther and farther changes in go-
vernment. While the greatest
disorders prevailed in France, fo-
reign armies, advancing to her
frontiers, threatened the restora-
tion of monarchy. But the French,
while all was wild and inhuman
uproar in their own country, dis-
played in their conduct to other

2.ver, 29, 30.
nations

10]

nations the highest degree of ge-
nius and courage. <A. striking as-
semblage was exhibited of virtues
and crimes; of a general devotion
to liberty, and an inhuman feroci-
ty in the pursuit of it; of great-
ness and meanness of mind; of
treachery and fidelity ; of the most
shocking ingratitude and generous
attachment; of public exertion well
directed, and private profligacy and
every species of depravity and ex-
cess. ‘There is an active fortitude,
and there is a passive fortitude.
The latent energy of the French
character, which had either been
benumbed or perverted for ages,
shone forth in instances of the for-
mer on the frontier, and examples
of the latter in the interior of the
kingdom. The weaker sex, on
manifold occasions displayed a con-
stancy that shewed how independ-
ent the sublimest courage is of
bodily strength. Though a gene-
ral lethargy had fatlen on the no-
bility, yet they were not on the
whole disobedient to the calls of
honour. In the church, the noblest
patterns were exhibited of Chris-
tian submissionand resignation; and
many obtained the crown of mar-
tyrdom. But it was in the royal
family that the most magnanimous
and affecting constancy and good-
ness was displayed—a family, which
in this extremity of fortune, ap-
peared the first in dignity as in sta-
tion.

From the minds, however of
all those who were the most active
in the internal. convulsions of
France, all principle, all faith, all
natural affection seemed for a time
to be expelled; and all things were
involved in distrust, fear, rapine,
and frenzy. The convention which
succeeded to the constituent assem-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

bly, was in general such as the
lowest class of the people brought
into play by the downward pro-
gression of power in times of civil
commotion, by whom it was form-
ed, directed, or intimidated. Or
if they attempted to exert an au-
thority of their own, it was suffici-
ent only to enforce the commission
of crimes, not to restrain them.
The most perfect tyranny was dis-
guised under the name of revelu-
tionary ardour. Anarchy, accord-
ing to the nature of extremes, ran
into despotism; and in the midst
of this horrid tumult of contending
views and passions, the levity and
impetuosity of the Frenck character
were still predominant.

The concurring testimony of all
the journalsof the times willscarcely
render it credible to posterity, that
the very first act of the legislative
assembly, after swearing to maintain,
to the utmost of their power, the
constitution of the kingdom, de-
creed by the constituent assembly,
was to seize the small territory of
Avignon (Oct. 1791) which had
been ceded to the Pope, and the
cession repeatedly ratified; and
the Bishopric of Basle, which secur-
ed certain defiles that open a pas-
sage into Switzerland. A chosen
band of assassins under the com-
mand of one Jourdan, distinguish-
ed by the name of Cut-throat,
which then was far from being
considered as a term of reproach,
was dispatched to that beautiful
spot where the nature of the in-
habitants was congenial with the
mild benignity of the climate.
They began the system of their
Operations by instituting a club,
and gaining partizans among the
people. After massacring the most
peaceable and respectable inhabi-

tants,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

tants, they compelled the remainder
to meet and vote their union with
the kingdom of France. Those
assassins were sent, under the name
of commissaries, for settling certain
differences which they pretended
to have arisen amongst the inhabit-
ants, and between Avignon and
Carpentras. The assembly, by this
management, had the appearance
of only acceding to the will of the
majority of the inhabitants, when
they afterwards declared that Avig-
non was an integrant part of the
kingdom.

The revolution of Avignon, the
first fruits of the new pacitic system
of France, formed a presage of
farther encroachments, and unfold-
ed the principle on which these were
to be made; which were precisely
the same with that on which the
ancient Romansextended their con-
quests over the greatest part of the
known world. Like the Romans,
they began their operations with
Jearning the state of parties, and
fomenting divisions; by espousing
the cause of one of the parties,
and making it the tool of their
ambition.

_ On the same plan they have pro-
ceeded, like the Romans, to make
war on other nations, not as ene-
mies, but friends and protectors ;
affecting to govern distant countries
by influence and management, with-
out seizing on them immediately
and openly as possessions. While
they lull the nation into habits of
peace, they themselves nourish in
their own country a spirit of war,
and this becomes the great road
todistinction, and the ruling passion
‘of the nation: nor is this road pre-
‘cluded to the very meanest of the
citizens ; to whom the highest dig-
nities are opened, as they also were

fii

to the plebeians of Rome in the
course of their contests with the
senate. Granting certain — privi-
leges to the states whom they sub-
due under the name of allies, they
even induce them to fight their bat-
tles, and to become the vile instru-
ments of rivetting the yoke of sla-
very on their own necks, and im-
posing it on their neighbours: and,
finally, like the ancient Romans,
they affect to raise their authority
by lofty pretensions and names, by
external magnificence and pomp,
and carrying to their capital what-
ever is to be found most exquisite
in art among the spoils of the con-
quered countries. Such is the sys-
tem of ambition to which the revo-
lution of the small state of Avignon
formed a cruel, though proper pre-
lude. Vhe horrors committed at
Avignon have been forgotten and
lost in those that have since been
committed all over Trance. But
long did men shudder at the name
of the glacis under the walls of
Avignon, filled up with the dead
bodies of its slaughtered inhabit-
ants.

The next object to which the
new legislature of France turned
their attention, was, the continued
emigration of the nobles to join
the army of French assembled be-
yond the frontiers, under the Prince
of Condé.

October 14, 1791. It was de-
creed that emigrants, thus assem-
bled, should be from that time con-
sidered as traitors against their
country ; and that from the first of
January 1792, such as should be
known to be assembled, should be
punished with death: that all the
French princes, and public fune-
tionaries, who should not return
before the first of January, should

‘be

12}

be adjudged guilty of the same
crime: that such as should be con-
victed during their absence, should
forfeit their estates and property
during their own lives, but not to
the prejudice of their children;
that all such persons holding offices
should be adjudged to have for-
feited the same: that all such be-
ing officers in the army and navy,
should be considered as deserters ;
and that Frenchmen, enlisting men
to attack the frontiers, should be
adjudged guilty of high treason.
It could not be expected that the
King should ratify a decree so se-
vere against men who had been
guilty of no other crime than that
of faithfully adhering to the mo-
narchy and the monarch. He
withheld his sanction for the pre-
sent, and did that which any other
just and humane prince would have
done in similar circumstances. De-
termined to support the constitution,
to which he had sworn, he would
not encourage or connive at pre-
parations for war against it; but,
concerned for the personal rights
and safety of men whom he es-
teemed and loved, lie resolved to
attempt a reconciliation between
the French government and. the
emigrants, by the mild method of
admonition and persuasion. He had
dispatched letters again and again,
even before the violent decree of
the assembly, to all the princes,
earnestly entreating them to re-
turn; and used all his endeavours
by a public proclamation, as well
as by all the private influence he
possessed, to recall the emigrants
to the bosom of their country, and
to retain those who were inclined
to emigrate,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Dec. 14, 1791. The King, om
the same day that he refused his
sanction to the decree against the
emigrants, had previously given it
to another decree of the assembly,
requiring the Count of Provence,
his eldest brother, to return to the
kingdom within the space of two
months. The French princes, in
answer to the King’s repeated let-
ters, persisted in their refusal to
acknowledge the constitution ac-
cepted by his Majesty, and de-
clared their views to be the re-es-
tablishment and respect of the
Roman catholic religion and its
ministers, and to restore to the
King his liberty and legislative
authority. The King would pro-
bably have approved heartily of the
constitution, had a few modifica
tions been made to satisfy his con-
science as to religion, and_ his
feelings with regard to his family
and the nobles. But still, harsh as
it was in these respects, there was
not any reason to doubt of his sin-
cerity in his earnest and repeated
letters to the princes. His piety,
the sacrifices he had often made to-
humanity, the gentleness and the
timid hesitation and irresolution of
his character, all conspire to pre-
clude every idea of duplicity on the
part of the King on this occasion.
It is also to be observed, that what-
ever repugnance may have been
felt by their Majesties to so great
a retrenchment of the royal au-
thority, it could not be, and in
fact it is well enough known, that
it was not their wish that the an-
cient monarchy should be restored
by external force, under the direc-
tion and auspices of the princes ; *
whose victorious entrance and re-

* The Prince of Condé, the Count de Provence, and the Count d’ Artois.

establishment

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

establishment in France must eclipse
what remained of the splendor of
the crown, throw a cloud of dis-
gust and even contempt on their
Majesties, as being incapable of
maintaining a throne which they
had restored, and put all places of
power and trust in the hands of
their party. From the commence-
ment of the revolution the court of
France was divided into different
parties: that of the Count d’ Artois,
under the direction of M. de Ca-
Ionne, who had been disgraced at
the instigation of the Queen in
1788 ; and that of this princess, to
which the other was in direct op-
position. When their Majesties
attempted their escape to Mont-
medi, and were stopped at Varennes,
neither the Count d’Artois, the
Prince of Condé, nor M. de Ca-
lonne were in the secret: nor did
they receive any intelligence be-
fore they read it in the newspapers.
To suppose that there was a secret
collusion and concert between their
Majesties and the princes, appeared
in reality to those who were ac-
quainted with the court of France,
and on whose authority we give
these facts, not only improbable,
but extravagant. Yet it must be
owned that there were not wanting
many circumstances which might
‘Daturally nourish suspicion in the
breasts of such a people as the
French; of whom it is a character-
istic that they are at once prone to
Suspicion and credulity: a paradox
that will not appear altogether in-
explicable to Hibs who reflect on
the extreme sensibility of their
temper, and that a momentary be-

[13

lief attends the vivid conception of
every object. His Majesty’s letter
to his officers, when he fled to
Montmedi, evidently tended to
throw all things into confusion.*
When the King accepted the con-
stitution of 1791, he should have
done it firmly and frankly ; and,
at the same time, given positive
orders to his brothers and the other
emigrants to disarm: though they
would have been involved in dis-
astrous consequences by a refusal,
he had still in reserve the power
of pardon. The manner too in
which he accepted the constitution,
and the observations he made on
it, were not calculated to inspire a
belief and confidence in his since-
rity.—‘‘It appears to me,” said the
King, “ that the constitution does
not possess that energy of execution
and administration which are ne-
cessary to impress the movement
and preserve the unity of so vast
an empire.”’ This observation was
just: but it was imprudent to make
it. In this qualified acceptance,
the republicans imagined that they
saw hypocrisy,—and. the constitu-
tionalists, a King protesting against
laws entrusted to his execution. It
would be hard to censure with
severity the conduct of the King at
this crisis: he was sincere, but de-
ficient in decision and vigour: he
had penetration to discover the de-
fects of the constitution; but not
to foresee the consequence of his
strictures. ‘There are some other
circumstances naturally tending to
produce a suspicion of the sincerity
of the King, which it may be na-
tural in this place to mention. It

* A-measure not altogether dissimilar to that of James IL, of England, who,
before his flight into France, caused the great seal to be thrown into the river

3 ‘ ames.

was

14]

was a common thing for the emi-
grants to pass and repass publicly
between Coblentz and the Thuil-
leries ; and it became quite a mat-
ter of fashion for the young men
when they had got into their chaises
in the court of the palace, to call
out to their postillions, “ To Co-
blentz.? It was very common for
those about the persons of the King
and Queen to speak with contempt
and derision both of the new con-
stitution and all those who were en-
trusted with the execution of it.
The people could not easily be in-
duced to believe that the master
was cordial in a cause which the
servants without restraint made an
object of ridicule.

It was farther observed, that the
King was more inclined to admit
into his familiarity and confidence
the zealous partizans of the ancient
monarchy, though of obscure situa-
tions, than any of the constitutional-
ists; even of those who had risen
to the most elevated situations in
the military or other departments
in the public service.

New circumstances of suspicion
sprung up before the jaundiced eye
of jealousy every day; and, in the
midst of this general mistrust and
disaffection, the predominant party
in the assembly were encouraged
to proceed in the execution of their
design of !essening the power of the
King, and exalting their own on
its ruins.

The first step they took for the
accomplishment of this end, was,
by all means to get rid of the usual
marks of respect to his Majesty’s
person: in which insolence they
were encouraged by dissentions
and even bickerings in the cabinet.

Feb. 6, 1792. Condorcet, ap-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

pointed president, was ordered to
write a letter to the King, in which
he was directed to lay aside the title
of your Majesty, and to observe
the same formula usually adopted
by the King in writing to the
national assembly.

Condorcet wrote the letter ac-
cording to the form prescribed:
which, after being submitted to the
assembly, was sent to the King by
one of their ushers. This passed
on the first day of their sittings.—
On the second, it was decreed that
when the King should come to the
assemby, he should place himself
in an arm-chair, on the left hand
of the president, exactly alike and
on the same level with that on which
the president himself was seated.
As nothing had been fixed by the
constitution with’ respect to the
King’s and the president’s chairs,
and as the former assembly had
never thought of refusing the most
honourable place to his Majesty,
this insolent pretension of the new
deputies excited without doors a
very general indignation, Whe-
ther it was still thought proper by
the French nation that the King
should be honoured; or that the
usual odium was excited against
upstart vanity and eminence; it was
the general wish that the King on
this occasion should firmly assert
his dignity. The matter being dis-
cussed in the council, the King
himself found means of eluding the
intended humiliation in the consti-
tution, which did not oblige him to
open the sessions in person. The
assembly perceiving the public voice
to be against them, repealed their
odious decree; and the King then
consented to go to the opening of
the assembly. The external signs

of

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

of good-will and respect are of
great importance in society, as they
not only tend to restrain the ex-
pressions, but in some measure the
growth of discordant passions.
Bertrand de Moleville, minister of
the marine, declared his opinion in
council, that the insult offered by
the assembly ought not to be passed
unnoticed; but the King was on
all occasions averse to vigorous
measures.

About this time the Jacobins,
both in and out of the assembly,
began to be very sparing in the
application of the titles of King
and Queen. Circumlocutions were
used; such as “the executive power
and his wife.’ By the mob they
were commonly stiled, ** Monsieur
and Madame Veto.”

Though the act of degradation
was repealed, the example of inso-
lence was set; and the viler sort
of the populace resorting in crowds
to the places under the walls of
the Thuilleries, gave vent to their
malignant passions, in revilings of
the whole royal family, not to be
repeated. The Queen was insulted
in one of the walks. The un-
generous mob appeared continually
under the windows of the King’s
apartments, loading him with in-
sults and injuries; and no person
of either sex, attached to the royal
family, could visit the palace in
safety.* On this account it was
determined to shut up the garden
of the Thuilleries;—but the assem-
bly decreed that though the garden
belonged to his Majesty, the ter-
-tace on the side next to the assem-

[io

bly belonged to the nation. The
mob, or, as they stiled themselves,
the nation, were freely adinitted to
their own terrace. The royal re-
sidence was exposed to any out-
rage they might be induced to
commit: and a dislike and distrust
of the King, by this ridiculous dis-
tinction between a right of property
in one part of the garden, and that
of another, nourished in the breasts
of the people.

March 17, 1792. The tide of
the public spirit running strong
against the court, three of the
ministers, Duport, Cahier, and Far-
bé, resigned their offices; and Gar-
nier, Roland, and Claviere, agree-
ably to the desire of the assembly,
were appointed in their stead :—
Garnier, minister of war; Roland,
for the interior; and Claviere for
contributions. Dumouriez was no-
minated to the department of
foreign affairs, and de la Coste, in
the room of Bertrand de Moleville,
to the marine.

De Lessart, to whom Dumouriez
succeeded, had been accused on
the first of March, of having de-
ceived the nation; of having omit-
ted to give information to the as-
sembly of a concert formed among
foreign powers, against the liberty
and independence of France; of
not having pressed the measures
proper for the defence and safety
of the nation; of having given to
Prince Kaunitz details improper to
be communicated, on the situation
of the kingdom; of having meanly
sued for peace, and having refused
to obey a decree of the assembly of

* One of their methods of insult consisted in accusing the Queen of every
abominable crime: another, in singing songs, in which the King was treated
with ridicule, insolence, and even with menaces of violence.

the

16]

the 22d of January, for a declara-
tion to the Emperor, in the name
of the King, ‘* That he cannot any
longer hold a political correspond-
ence with any sovereign but in the
name of the French nation, and
according to the powers with which
he was invested by its national as-
sembly ;—that the King should be
invited to intreat the Emperor, as
head of the house of Austria, to live
in peace with the French nation ;
—that the King should he invited
to declare to the Emperor, that if
he should not give a satisfactory
answer to the above decree before
the first of March, it should be held
equivaleut toa declaration of war.”
He was conducted under a strong
guard to Orleans, to take his trial
before the high court, appointed
for the trial of the state criminals.
M. de Lessart, it was alledged, was
a leading member of what was called
the Austrian Committee: a junto,
it was pretended, whose business
it was to correspond with the court
of Vienna, for the purpose of facili-
tating the entrance of the Germans
into France, and their march to
Paris ; but which existed only, as
clearly appeared on a public trial,
in the suspicious imaginations of
the Jacobins: nor is it thought by
many that its existence was serious-
ly believed, even by the leaders of
that party, though it was deemed
good policy to spread this fable;
which was done by methods in which
great subticty of contrivance was
combined with extreme profligacy.

The king was allowed by the
constitution, besides the national
guards of honour, eighteen hun-
dred men for a guard, or household-
troops, to be paid from the civil
list, and wearing an uniform dif-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

ferent from that of the national
assembly.

The necessity of making great
sacrifices to popularity constrained
the King to compose this body of
officers and soldiers, taken half from
the national guards and half from
the line:—But instead of chusing
that half which was to be taken
from the national guards, out of
the body of the national guards of
Paris, among whom it was of great
importance that he should be po-
pular, and where the character of
those chosen could be better known,
his Majesty was prevailed on to al-
low a certain number to be named
by each department of France.
Those departments in which men
of character presided, sent very
good men; but others sent a set of
worthless fellows; who, soon after
their arrival at Paris, were received
in the Jacobin clubs; where they -
were prompted to make daily ac-
cusations, ridiculous indeed, but
well adapted to excite the animo-
sity of the people against their
comrades of the King’s guards;—
against whom a lively jealousy was
excited among the whole of the
national guards at Paris, Conti-
nual disputes took place between
the two corps; which would cer-
tainly have occasioned bloodshed,
had not the King ordained that
they should do duty at the palace
alternately; assuring them, at the
same time, that the highest proof
they could give him of their attach-
ment, would be to live amicably
together. The new guards did every
thing in their power to cement an
union: but it happened too often
that some of the national guards,
more envious or irritable than the
rest, complained, that the King and

. ~ Queen

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

Queen spoke oftener, and with
more complacency to the new
guards than them.

This new guard became an ob-
ject of suspicion and terror to the
inhabitants of Paris, who consider-
ed them as aristocrats in disguise.
The jealousies and squabbles he-
tween this body and the national
guards, added to the fable of the
Austrian Committee, encouraged
the Assembly to persevere in throw-
ing out and circulating suspicions
against the intentions of the King
and the civism of his guards.
When vague rumours and accusa-
tions had thus worked up the minds
of the populace to a state of anger
and inquietude, the legislative as-
sembly, under pretence of a plot
that threatened its existence, with
the safety of the country, declared
itself permanent. By a decree of
the assembly, the whole body of the
life guards were dismissed, May 20,
1792; and their commander, the
Duke de Brissac, sent to the prison
at Orleans. The Duke was unal-
terably attached .to his Majesty:
and it was a double advantage to
send this gentleman to a distance ;
and by confining him in prison to
be tried at a future day, to keep up
an appearance that some charges
could actually be brought against
him. The King was perfectly sen-
sible that the motive of the decree
for disbanding his guard was no

_ other than to deprive him of the

protection of men who would de-
fend his life, at the hazard of their
own. He was extremely agitated;
and the morning after the decree
passed, he sent for his ministers at
an early hour, and communicated
a letter to them, which he intended
to send to the Assembly, announc-
ing his refusal to sanction the de-
Vou. XXXIV.

[17

cree: but they all refused to coun-
tersign his letter; which conse-
quently could not be sent. His
Majesty then proposed to go in
person to the Assembly, and pro-
nounce a discourse, in which he
would give his reasons for not
sanctioning the decree. But the
ministers assured him that the fer-
ment of the people was so violent,
that the sanction could not be de-
ferred without exposing the guards
and every person in the palace to
the greatest danger. The unhappy
prince, without farther resistance,
consented to sanction that fatal
decree. Nor was the Assembly
satisfied with disbanding the body-
guards, and dispersing the Swiss
regiments of guards among the
troops of the line. As it was pos-
sible that the Parisian guards might
be headed by a moderate man, 2
decree had been passed that the
commandant of the guard should
be renewed every two months; so
that there might be no time for
any commander to gain any dan-
gerous ascendancy over the minds
of the officers and soldiers. Ac-
cordingly (after La Fayette quitted
the command ofthe Parisian guard
for that of the army) six command-
ants were appointed to relieve each
other at the periods just mentioned,
instead of one.

The fund of the civil list was
divided into twelve equal pay-
ments, and placed in the chest of
M. de Septreuil, who was at once
the King’s valet de chambre and
treasurer of the civil list. These
payments were made in assignats,
except the sum of seventy-five
thousand livres, which the King
desired he might have in specie.
But towards the end of 1791, the
commissioners of the natignal trea-

{C] sury

18]

sury informed M. de Septreuil, that
on account of the extreme scarcity
of money, they could no longer
give the above sum to his Majesty
In specie; and that it must in fu-
ture be paid in assignats, ‘The King
was no longer able to pay in specie
several expences foreign to his per-
sonal service, which he was used
to draw from his private purse :—
and he was thus cut off from all
means of exercising what was so
pleasing to him, any act of grati-
tude, of kindness, or compassion.
The scanty spring of any little in-
fluence that might have arisen from
the exercise of the social and be-
nevolent virtues, with such limited
means, was thus almost totally dried
up by the inhuman and unrelenting
severity of the Jacobins, as they
were called, or democratical party ;
which now ruled public affairs with
despotic sway. The king was
much affected at this ungenerous
and cruel act, and mentioned it in
the council.—A member of the
council found means of procuring
a sum of which his Majesty was in
want. The King accepted it with
a smile, saying, ‘‘It is not for my-
self that | want it, for my expences
are paid in assignats; but it is for
old servants whom I have always
paid in money ;—also for charitable
uses, and to enable me occasionally
to furnish the Queen and my sister
with a few Louis, in exchange for
their assignats,

Having thus given some account
of the measures taken by the As-
sembly for overturning the throne,
we shall here enumerate the prin-
cipal of those that were pursued or
advised by his ministers for their
counteraction. The ministers of
the King, or rather some of them,
propesed measures for saving the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

royal family and the constitution.
M.de Moleville, minister of marine,
had planned a scheme for obtaining
a minute knowledge of the public
disposition, by means of certain
persons called Observers, who were
chosen and employed for that pur-
ose, in nurober thirty-five: some
attended the tribunes of the Assem-
bly, others the Jacobin club, and
that of the Cordeliers; while others
were ordered to mix in the various
groups that attended the palace
royal, the Thuilleries, the principal
coffee-houses, and the carbarets.
Their business was to support by
their applause all constitutional and
royal motions, and to hiss, and even
insult whoever should propose a
measure contrary to the interest of
the King and the constitution.
Their custom was to give a daily
report of whatever they saw or
heard. The King by this means
knew all that passed in Paris, and
might have derived advantages from
it, at least equal to the whole ex-
pences of the plan, which amount-:
ed to 8000 livres.a month, had it
not been for his aversion to those:
vigorous measures which the pre-
sent emergency required; but that
aversion was so great, that the in-
formation which he received, only
served to alarm and torment him.
It was not pursued con amore, and
came to nothing:—nor was the
result more fortunate of another
establishtnent, more expensive, in-
tended for the same purpose. A
person of great subtlety, dexterity,
and insinuation; always of the opi-
nion of the person he conversed
with, but, in reality, attached to
no party, persuaded M. Mont-
morin, that from his intimacy with
the popular characters of the revo-
lution, it was in his power to be of
essential

|
|

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

essential service to the King, espe-
cially by inspiring and keeping up
a spirit of loyalty in the national
guards of Paris, by associating him-
self with the officers and soldiers
who had the greatest influence in
their particular battalions. The
expence of his scheme was 34,000
livres a month. The ministers, so
far from hesitating to grant him the
sum demanded, were convinced
that they had made a very advan-
tageous bargain; and, in order to
remove any suspicion that might
be occasioned by his expensive
manner of living (for he invited
about twenty persons every day to
dinner) M. de Lessart, who had
succeeded to M. de Montmorin, as
minister of the home department,
appointed him to a place of 16,000
livres a year; which, together with
his own personal property, might
be supposed to enable him to sup-
port the expence which his place
required him to keep up. No ad-
vantage resulted from this measure,
either by conciliating the national
guards or the sections, who con-
tinued to be as ill disposed as ever.
It may appear astonishing that the
Noisy patriot, Danton, through the
means of this very agent, received
more than a hundred thousand
crowns at different times, under
the ministry of M. de Montmorin,
for proposing or supporting various
motions in the Jacobin club. His
usual method was to season these
with violent declamations against
the court and ministers, that he
might not be suspected of being
sold tothem. The terms of Dan-
ton being judged extravagant, cer-
tain motions suggested by ministry
were made and carried in the club
on easier terms, by Dubois Crance.

[19

The same agent, towards the end
of December, 1791, was com-
missioned by M.de Lessart to make
proposals to the deputies Brissot,
Vergniaud, and Gaudet. The Abbé
Fauchet and other members of the
Assembly, had agreed to give their
voices and influence in the Assem-
bly to the minister, for the sum of
6,000 livres a month each. Their
price was thought too high: and as
they wouid not abate in the least in
their demand, the negociation end-
ed, and only produced the effect of
irritating these five deputies against
the minister. Attempts were also
made to gain the galleries; and vast
sums were expended in these, with-
out effect. The persons entrusted
with that business turned it to their
own profit, Spies and agents were
also hired, who should mix in all
popular meetings ; who should en-
deavour to manage the public spirit,
and qualify the motions made in
those assemblies in miniature, in
such a manner as that they might
be the least injurious, if they could
not be so modified as to be of bene-
fit to the royal cause.

A prosecution was carried on
before a court of justice against
certain journalists who maintained
the existence, and even charged
several individuals with being mem-
bers of the Austrian Committee,
above mentioned. The futility of
this story was clearly exposed: but
the calumniators were screened
from punishment by the interfer-
ence of the Assembly, of which
they were members; and the judge
La Riviere, who had the fortitude
to arrest, and would have had the
justice to punlish them, was sent to
the prison of Orleans.

Different plans were concerted

i a for

20]

for the escape of the royal family
from the Thuilleries: particularly
one for their retreat to the castle
of Gallion, in Normandy, near
Rouen. The building was spacious,
and the park very extensive: it
was exactly at the distance pre-
scribed by the constitution for the
royal residence, being just twenty
leagues from Paris ; and presented
in its moderate distance from the
sea, the loyalty of the inhabitants
of that part of Normandy, as well
as of the commander of the troops,
the Duke of Liancourt, and of the
commissary of marine at Havre de
Grace, a secure retreat, if neces-
sary, from the pursuit of the Jaco-
bins. The Duke of Liancourt,
who had on former occasions given
the strongest proofs ef attachment
to his Majesty’s person, made a
tender to the King, on the present
occasion, of all his interest and
fortune. The plan for escaping
was as plausibly arranged as the
place of retreat was well chosen:
but the King, always averse to ac-
tive measures, and more passive
than ever since his arrest at Varen-
nes, refused to adopt it. The ob-
jection of the Queen, who was very
far from being defigignt in either
decision or energy, Meseties to be
recorded; it opens a clear vista into
the mind of her Majesty, from
which it may be presumed, that of
the King was not very dissonant on
the subject of the new constitution ;
and indicates an unfortunate inve-
teracy against even the friends of
limited monarchy.—Her Majesty,
speaking of this plan that had been

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

adopted by M. de Montmorin, and
supported by M, Bertrand, said,
«« They do not consider that they
are throwing us into the hands {of
the constitutionalists.”’ It is in
truth to this unrelenting pride and
raneour against correction of abuses
and improvement in the constitu-
tion, on the part of the court, and
its adherents, as well as to the un-
governable and base passions of
the people, that the calamities of
France are partly to be ascribed.
It would appear that the hatred
otf the court towards the consti-
tutionalists was even greater than
that which it bore to the republi-
can party. From the violence of
the latter, it looked for a confusion
that should involve in its conse-
quences a restoration of the ancient
monarchy: from the stability of
the constitution it saw nothing but
vexation, and royalty in fetters,
There was a party about court, of
whom the chief was the celebrated
Abbé Maury, one of the greatest
favourites at court, who were of
opinion that the best way for re-
storing the power and dignity of
the crown, was, to permit, and
even to encourage and forward
the eruption of those evils which
they were convinced must sooner
or later arise from the constitution.
In the Constituent Assembly, on
the question for the abolition of
tythes, the Abbé Maury, in oppo-
sition to Tallyrand Perigord, then
bishop of Aulun, and the Abbé
Sieyes, voted for the abolition !*
On the same principle, when a new
muyor of Paris was to be eleeted in

* On that occasion the Abbé published a pamphlet with the following motto,
“« Ils veulent etre libres, et ils ne savent pas etre justes!” ‘* They would be free, and,

vet they know not what it is to be just!”

the

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

the room of Bailly, the court bribed
a majority of the electors of Paris
to vote for Petion, in preference to
La Fayette; in the hope that the vio-
lence of the former would eventu-
ally overthrow the new order of
affairs, and bring back the old. It
was suspected that there wasa col-
lusion between the friends of the
“pessimum* and Marat, who had been
in the service of the, @ount d’ Ar-
tois, and who was suspected of be-
ing still in that prince’s interest. It
was the constant business, as is
well known, of Marat, to pour
forth the bitterest invectives against
Mirabeau, Lameth, La Fayette,
and all whom he supposed to be of
greatest credit with the people.
‘Marat did not, like Robespierre, des-
pise money; it was in truth necessary
to his luxurious manner of living.
The only scheme of defence and
‘counteraction approved bythe King,
was a féte in honour of the mayor
of Destampes. The féte of Chateau
Veux, celebrated on the 19th of
June, 1791, in honour of the sol-
diers who had revolted at that place,
and had been condemned to the
gallies, but released by the absurd
populace as martyrs to liberty, and
carried in triumph through the
‘Champ de Mars, had all the success
which the contrivers of it intended.
It familiarized the people with ideas
of revolt, and entirely extinguished
the faint remains of respect they
had still retained for the King and
his authority. A plan for counter-
acting this impression, proposed by
one Buob, an honest Alsacian,whose
zealous endeavours for turning the
popular tide in favour of royalty
were eminently signalized in other
instances, was highly approved by

$
i

-

* © The worst :” so Abbé
[C] 3

ipa

his Majesty, and adopted. By the
address of Buob, and means of his
adherents, a féte in honour of the
mayor, who had just been massacred
in a popular insurrection, while dis-
charging the duties of his office, and
who was very generally regretted,
was voted by the sections and muni-
cipality of Paris, in spite of all the
manceuvres of the Jacobins to pre-
vent it. For encouraging this, the
sum of 10000 ‘livres, contributed
from the civil list, was prepared as
the produce ofan anonymous sub-
scription. Nothing was omitted to
render the celebration of the féte
splendid and affecting; and numer-
ous pamphlets were distributed, exe-
crating the plots and crimes of the
factions. But such resources pro-
duced only a momentary effect, and
were but feeble barriers against the
superior energy of the Jacobins, and
the strong current of public pre-
judice.

The King was now in a deplora-
ble situation. The nobility and
clergy, the natural pillars ofthe royal
authority, had emigrated, or con-
tinued to emigrate; he was deserted
or forced to part with the servants
in whom he could confide, end com-
pelled to receive in their stead, Ro-
land, Servan, Claviere, of the Jaco-
bin club, and Dumouriez, who had
no fixed principle but that of sailing
with the tide, and making the most
of circumstances for hisown advant-
age. He was personally insulted,
deprived of his guards, and reduced
with his family literally to board-
wages. The grand principles and
pillars of the monarchy; the power
of coining and collecting money,
and that of directing the public
spirit or tone of France, were over-

Maury’s policy was called.
} thrown

22}

thrownby theassignats,and the rude-
ness and fury of democracy. The
monarchy had in fact been subvert-
ed in October, 1789: it could not
be rebuilt with the small fragments
that remained, conjoined with amass
of heterogeneous materials. The fa-
bric attempted to be composed, ill-
cemented and battered on every
side, had begun to shake and totter;
and events now happened which
precipitated its fall and utter ruin.
The people of France, particular-
ly the inhabitants of Paris and other
cities and towns, subsisted chiefly on
the employment they found from
the great proprietors of estates,
whose revenues were circulated for
their benefit in various channels.
By the emigrations, those channels
were in a great measure dried up,
and great numbers were reduced to
idleness, poverty, and extreme want.
Still, however, during the period
in which the States General, and
afterwards as they constituted them-
selves, the National Assembly, were
employed in the formation of a new
constitution, their spirits were kept
up by the expectation of the great
comfort and happiness that were to
arise out of the new order of affairs
to be arranged according to the will,
and of course for the good of the so-
vereign people. The new order,
however, had been actually esta-
blished, and still satisfaction and
happiness appeared to be at a great-
er distance thanever. In such cir-
cumstances, the minds of men who
were under no restraints from reli-
gion or honour, and who had been
flattered without difficulty into a
conceit of their own importance,
were ready instruments for the ex-
ecution of any purpose, however
criminal. In this state of affairs,
the supreme power was vested in

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

the Jacobin club:—they swayed
the people of Paris, and thus held
in their hands the same engine of
terror that had effected both the
first and the late revolution. They
still possessed the same arms by
which they had pulled down the
nobility,—the people, who had no-
thing to lose, and who were very
ready to avenge on all persons of
property the inequalities of fortune.
Their system of government was
simple and obvious;—namely, to
overawe and over-rule the Legisla-
tive Assembly by «the national
guards, and the mob of Paris: nor
did they seem to have any greater
or more fixed object in the exercise
of their power, than the subversion
of all order, and the confusion of all
property. But still, in the midst of
all their popularity and violence,
there was one thing that gave them
uneasiness. They had found, from
experience, that the proprietors
who had not emigrated, and also the
merchants, the master tradesmen,
and manufacturers of all kinds who
had not emigrated, were enemies to
all new commotions. These, in the
present order of things, had become
the first class of society; and now
desired nothing so much as to re-
main in quiet possession of their
property, and of the consideration
and influence in the state to which
the new constitution had raised
them. To cultivate peace and pre-
servation of order, was held, ac-
cording to the French acceptation of
the word, an aristocrat: so that the
democrats of 1789 (the same men
who had pulled down their own su-
periors) were become the aristocrats
of 1792, and laboured in their turn
to preserve order against the attacks
of their inferiors. It was hinted to
the populace, that passive ne
ha

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

had equal rights by nature, with
those to whom the constitution had
given the rights of voters or active
citizens: and certainly it could not
be contested that, if all men were
born and remained free and equal,
there was an absurdity in giving a
full exercise of his rights to the per-
son who paid sixty sols of taxes,
and refused it to another because
he paid only fifty-nine. After the
declaration of rights, it was not to
be expected that any considerable
portion of the inhabitants of the
country could be excluded from a
full and free participation. If the
nobility could not defend the an-
cient distinctions of the feudal sys-
tem two years before, it was not to
be supposed that the newaristocrats
would be able to maintain the dis-
tinctions that had been made in
their favour: shops and warehouses
were not likely to be held more sa-
ered than gentlemen’s castles and
feudal rights.

The national guards of Paris, so
highly respected and proud of their
military honours in the beginning
of the revolution, began not only
to be cbjects of jealousy, but to be
regarded with less respect from the
time when they permitted the mob,
in June 1791, notwithstanding the
remonstrances of M. de la Fayette,
to stop the King in the way to St.
Cloud.

A ragged coat was now become
more honourable than the embroid-
ered epaulet. The ragged emissa-
ries of the Jacobins began to arm
themselves with pikes, and to form
“pretensions which evidently tended
to the destruction of their aristocra-
‘tical superiors.

- In the midst of these internal
-Ontests and distractions, war was
declared by France against the Em-

uv

[23

peror and the King of Prussia, on
account ofa treaty said tohave been
formed at Pilnitz forthe dismember-
ment of France, and the permission
granted to the emigrants to enroll
themselves in a military manner at
Coblentz. Dumouriez, minister
for foreign affairs, laid before the
National Assembly, April 14, 1792,
the correspondence that passed be-
tween the French and Austrian go-
vernments relative to the circum-
stances and measures that had ex-
cited apprehension and alarm on
either side. The French King hav-
ing repeatedly remonstrated against
the hostile posture and appearances
in Germany, to no purpose, trans-
mitted to the King of Hungary a
letter demanding an entire renun-
ciation on the part of his Hunga-
rian Majesty, of all coalition of all
armament against France; and de-
claring to him, that if he did not
agree to this, he would regard him,
from the present moment, as in a
state of war. The renunciation
demanded not being obtained, the
King came to the Assembly, April
26th, 1792, and said, *‘ | have come
among you for an object of the
highest importance in the present
circumstances. My minister of fo-
reign affairs will read to you the re-
port which he made to me in coun-
cil on our situation with respect to
Germany.”’ The report being
read, the King, resuming hisspeech,
said, ‘1 come therefore to propose
to you formally to declare war
against the King of Bohemia and
Hungary ;” which was done ac-
cordingly with the usual formalities
in every city throughout the king-
dom. The kisg himself, appre-
hending many evils from the victo-
ries which he believed would be
gained by the Prussians and Austri-

[C 4] ans,

2A]

ans, was averse to the war, It
‘seemed necessary to his ministers,
for the ostensible reasons set forth
in the French manifesto: and pro-
bably for the secret reason, that
without open hostilities they could
not keep on foot so great a war es-
tablishment as was necessary to be
opposed to the menacing prepara-
tions of the German and other na-
tions. -The King on this occasion
threw all the responsibility on his
ministers, by making them sign
each his opinion and reasons for
going to war, in opposition to his
own sentiments. These he sent by
a Mr. Morris, & violent enemy to
the new constitution, in vindication
of himself, to the Emperor. This
mode of justifying himself at the
expence of men of great probity
and honour, whom he himself had
called to the administration (M.
de Grave, whom all writers, as well
as the more immediate witnesses of
his conduct, assert to have been stea-
dily attached to the person of the
King and the dignity of the crown ;
M. de Ja Coste, minister of the ma-
rine, and M, Duranthon, minister
of justice, both men of unsullied
reputation; and finally M. Du-
mouriez himself, on whom at that
time Louis lavished his favours and
confidence); this mode of self-jus-
tification, it must be allowed, gave
some colour of plausibility to accu-
Sations of insincerity ; although
those who were best ‘acquainted
with the King, even they who were
victims to this timid policy, vindi-
cate the memory of Louis from
that imputation, and make every
allowance for a character undecid-
ed, inactive, and humane to excess,
acting in a situation new and diffi-
cult, almost beyond example.
The declaration of war was fol-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

lowed by a decree, ordering the
troops of the line at, Paris to join
the army on the frontier of France,
towards the Austrian Netherlands.
These troops were suspected of in-
civism, that is to say, attachment to
the royal cause. The Jacobinical
party by this measure gained the

double advantage of getting quit of
‘Opponents, and replacing them with

an armed force of different disposi-
tions, and by whom their own prin-
ciples and power would not be en-
dangered, but protected and ad-
vanced,

Though the constituted authori-
ties had all of them been appointed
by the domineering party, which
now comprehended the Jacobin
club, with the leading men of the
assembly and the ministers, andren-
dered almost independent of the
executive power, as well as of one
another, yet the position in which
they were placed, required, if it
were only for self-defence, that
they should maintain some degree
of order and obedience to the laws ;
they therefore became suspected
persons, or aristocrats, and no in-
considerable danger was to be ap-
prehended from a general union of
their efforts in the cause of govern-
ment, arising from a general union
of personal interests: for although
Petion was mayor of Paris, and Ma-
nuel and Danton under him, yet
the spirit of the common council
was by no means such as to justify
a dependence on the co-operation
or passivity of even the municipality
of Paris, much Jess on those of the
other cities in the kingdom. Un-
certain therefore how the munici-
pality of Paris, and of course how
the Parisian guards might act inany
new conjuncture or commotion,

they determined to have an army
of

HISTORY :$0O

of their own at their command; -
and for this end, on pretence of an
-apxiety for the safety of the capital
after the removal of the troops of
ithe line, they agreed on the forma-
tion of a camp of twenty thousand
men, to consist of volunteers from
every part of the kingdom, and as-
sembled under the walls of Paris.
It was very well known that these
volunteers would everywhere be
-chosen by the republican party,
whose power was universally felt,
and had impressed such a general
terror as gave them a complete con-
troul over every election, Servan,
the minister at war, in connivance
with the Girond party, Condorcet,
Brissot, Vergniaud, aud others,
without any order from the King,
and without communicating his in-
tentions to his colleagues, proposed
the measure of the encampment in
aletter to the president of the Na-
tional Assembly.
_. The Assembly, whose usurpations
“increased in proportion as the King’s
powersof resistance were weakened,
not only passed this but another
atrocious decree, conceived in the
same spirit of jealousy and rancour,
for the banishment of the priests,
who refused to violate the oath they
had taken tothe heads of the church
and the monarchy, and to take a
mew oath to the new constitution.
The King shewed the utmost repug-
mance to sanction either of these
decrees, notwithstanding the threa-
tening intimations he daily receiv-
_ ed from his ministers Claviere, Ser-
_ van, and Roland. Many squabbles
took place between these men and
the other ministers, who, though
@eeply tinctured with republican
yf

F EUROPE.

ideas, yet seemed to be touched
with the King’s misfortunes, and al-
ways behaved to him with respect.
They were shocked at the conduct
of their colleagues, and determined
to take the present opportunity to
procure their dismission. Dumou-
riez, with the approbation of Du-
ranthon and La Coste, made a pro-
posal of three new ministers to the
King; which he accepted with the
joy of a person who feels himself
suddenly relieved from a load under
which he is ready to sink.

The King, thus freed from these
three ministers, persisted with the
utmost firmness in refusing his sanc-
tion to those two decrees. The
spirit that appeared in the capital
on the dismission of three violent
ministers, did not at first give any
ground for inquietude respecting
the refusal of the royal sanction to
the two atrocious decrees. But
though a silence was maintained on
the subject of the decree against the
priests on the 26th of June, twenty
deputies from the Fauxbourg St. An-
toine,* appearing at the bar of the
Assembly, boldlyavowed themselves
the authors of the meeting of the
20th of June, inveighed against the
executive power, which, they said,
would sacrifice the arms of France
to the King of Hungary, if by doing
so the reign of despotism could be
restored. ‘ It is always,”’ said their
orator, ‘from the foot of the throne
that the stream of conspiracy spreads
itself into every part of the body.”
About the same time petitions were
sent to the Assembly from different
sections of Paris, Laval, Lyons, and
other places agitated by the Jaco-
bin club, accusing the King of

[25

* The St, Giles’s of Paris.

perfidy,

26]

perfidy, and the Queen of treach-
ery.

It was now resolved by the dis-
graced ministers, the mayor of Pa-
ris, and other leading men among
the Jacobins, since they could not
have a camp of twenty thousand
men, to have twenty thousand men
without a camp. An immense
multitude, collected from the diffe-
rent quarters of Paris, and armed
with pikes, axes, swords, musquets,
and artillery, marched in a body,
June 20th, 1792, towards the Thuil-
leries, in order to force the King to
sanction the two decress ; the one
relating to therefractory priests, the
other to the camp near Paris. A
part of this body, armed as they
were, marched in parade through
the hall of the Assembly, which did
not blush to applaud the lawless
and unruly procession; from whence
they repaired to the square of the
Carousel, in front of the palace, and
demanded admittance for the pur-
pose of presenting their petition to
his Majesty. The gates of the
Thuilleries were thrown open at
four o’clock in the afternoon. The
multitude entered violently into the
palace and apartments of his Ma-
jesty ; while six thousand of the
national guards in arms, stood look-
ers on. Petion the mayor, the
mob being expected, was absent on
purpose ; so that no orders could be
given for opposing force to force.
They presented the red bonnet of
liberty tothe King, which he cheer-
fully put on; and the Queen with
the greatest condescensiondistribut-
ed among them ribbands and May-
branches, the new test of patriotism.
Many acts of rudenessand insolence
were committed, and evidentsymp-
toms were manifested of an inten-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

tion to assassinate the royal family.
The King owed his life to his pre-
sence of mind and cool courage;
the Queen, hers to the dignity of
her manners and appearance ; and
the Princess Elizabeth, tothe gen-
ral respect due to hercharacter, and
the admiration inspired by the he-
roic manner in which she exposed
her own life to save that of the
Queen. Certain wretches insult-
ed the Princess, mistaking her for
her Majesty. ‘* Do not undeceive
them,”’ said the Princess to her
attendants, “it will prevent them
from attacking the Queen.” The
firmness of his Majesty once more
defeated the projects of the Jaco-
bins. It is worthy of remark, that
though this scene lasted from four
to nine in the evening, and that
upwards of $0,000 armed men were
computed to have ranged freely
over the palace, nothing was found
missing, nor the most trifling article
of furniture removed from its place.
A political enthusiasm had for a
time swallowed up every passion ;
not as afterwards, when ali princi-
ple seemed to be laid aside, and no-
thing else to be pursued than the
means of selfish and sensual gratifi-
cation. The decrees were not
sanctioned. The conduct of the
King was generally applauded, and
the leaders of the mob covered with
disgrace. Hardly had the rabble
gone out of the palace, when those
even of the lowest class, who had
not taken any part in the insurrec-
tion, expressed their indignation
against those who had; and at the
same time their admiration of the
conduct, courage, and moderation
of the King and royal family. A
proclamation, drawn up by Fer-
riar de Monciel, just appointed mi-

nister

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

nister of the home department,*
produced a very good effect, not
only in Paris, but in all the differ-
ent departments, which sent ad-
‘dresses to the King, and also to
the Assembly : demanding that the
authors and abettors of the insur-
rection might be punished with
the utmost severity. These it was
not difficult to trace to the Jacobin
club. It evidently appeared that
Petion the mayor, and Manuel the
procurator of the municipality of
Paris, might easily have prevented
or quelled the insurrection. The
mayor arrived calmly in the even-
ing, after the tumult was nearly
over, in his carriage from Ver-
sailles, whither he had gone with-
out any plausible or pretended rea-
son, and, aswas generally believed,
for no other purpose than to be out
of the way when his presence and
authority might have been neces-
sary for the preservation of order
and the prevention of outrage.
Both Petion and Manuel were
suspended from the exercise of
their offices by the department
of Paris, of which the irreproach-
able Rochefaucault was president.
This decision made a great noise
in the capital. The majority of
the citizens approved it; the roy-
alists thought it too moderate ; the
Jacobins were enraged, and breath-
ed vengeance.

The executive government now
seemed to have gained courage, as

[27

well as a degree of solidity, from
the fortitude of the King, applaud-
ed by the general voice of the na-
tion. In these circumstances La
Fayette, at that time general of
one of the three armies on the fron-
tiers, who, on the 16th of June
had addressed a letter to the As-
sembly, full of severe complaints
against the Jacobin club, with whom
he had become an object of calum-
ny, left his army, without asking
leave of absence, and unexpectedly
appeared at the bar ofthe Assembly,
to complain, in the name of his ar-
my, and all good people in France,
of the insult offered to the consti-
tutional head of the nation. He
avowed the letters he had sent.
He intreated them to step forward
and save the country from ruin,
by dissolving the Jacobin club, and
inflicting exemplary punishment
on the instigators of the disgrace-
ful outrages of the 20th instant.
Various conjectures and comments
were made on this step of the Ge-
neral, by those who were not will-
ing to give him great credit for
real patriotism, or real kcourage.
Some said that he would not have
ventured on this movement if he
had not perceived, or imagined
that he perceived, on the occasion
of the 20th, the tide of popular
opinion had begun to flow again
toward monarchy.’ Others alleged
that he bore a personal spite against
Petion, of whom he was the un-

* 'n place of Dumouriez who had resigned, and was permitted to return to

bis post in the army.

Dumouriez, with the approbation of his colleagues, Duran-

thon and La Coste, advised the King to dismiss the three ministers, Rolland, Cla-
viere, and Servan, who had endeavoured to force his Majesty to sanction the two
decrees : yet he resigned his office as minister, and abandoned the King for persist-
ing in the yery measure which he himself advised, when he found that it was only
by making court to the Jacobins that he could expect either preferment or stability

in office, .

successful

28]

successful competitor for the may-

; oralty of Paris. Certain it is, that
whatever were the secret motives
of his conduct, he neither possessed,
nor seems by aught that has ap-
pear ed in his life, to have deserved
such a reputation fer decision, or
even consistency and probity of
character, and promptitude and
intrepidity of action, as to inspire
either his friends with confidence,
or his enemies with terror. His
declamations, and distant threats,
served only to convince the Jaco-
bins that it was in this manner,
and not by the silent and reserved
mode of combination and action,
that he meant to give vent to his
feelings. Though the discourse of
the General was as strong as the
circumstances required, he was
heard withapplause by the tribunes,
and invited by the Assembly to the
honours of the sitting, But scarce-
ly had he taken his seat when his
conduct was severely arraigned by
Vergniaud, Gaudet, and others of
the Girondists, in quitting his army
without leave, and attempting to
govern the Assembly by intimida-

_tion. In reality, he exposed him-
self fairly to such censures, by as-
suming the. character of a deputy,
not only from the army, but from
all people of character and honour
in the nation. <¢ If”? said Vergni-
aud,” Fayette be the representative
_of all men of character and honour
in the nation, whose representa-
tives are we ?”

During these declamations,
which were also applauded by
the audience in the galleries,
the General remained silent and
passive; and thus permitted all
the effect of the bold step he had
taken to be completely annihilated.
He thought the best thing he

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

could do was, to make his escape
from Paris that very night, and to
join the army. He was not, how-
ever, wholly repulsed by the ill
success of his appearance at the As-
sembly: he wrote a long letter
to M. Lally Tollendal, in which
he proposed a plan for opening a |
way to the King through his ene-
mies, and to establish him in safety,
either at Compeigne, or inthe north
part of France, surrounded by his
constitutional guards, and by his
faithful army. All this was to be
done constitutionally. The King’s
distrust of Fayette was considerably
abated: but he could never believe
that he had it in his power to re-
store the monarchy. He therefore,
through M. Lally, sent the fol+
Jowing obliging, but negative, an-
swer: “ Let him know that I am
sensible of his attachment, in pro-
posing to incur so much danger;
but it would be imprudent to put
so many springs in motion at once.
The best way he can serve me is,
to continue to make himself a ter-
ror to the factions, by ably per-
forming his duty as a General.”
M. de la Fayette, having been
advised by his friends at Paris of
what was intended, that commissa-
ries were to be sent to arrest him;
immediately sent orders to the ma-
gistrates of Sedan to arrest the com-
missaries as soon as they should en-
ter the town. He represented what
had happened at Paris, as the tem- —
porary insurrection of amob, which
would soon be quelled; and by
this means, prevailed on the magis-
trates to arrest and imprison them
as impostors, But finding, how-
ever, no disposition in his army to
adhere to him; but, on the con-
trary, that many of the officers, and
almost all the soldiers, were deter-
mined

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

mined to support the decrees of
the assembly, he withdrew, with
a few of his principal officers, in the
night, into the territory of Liege,
where he fell into the hands of an
advanced post of the enemy, who
were now on their march towards
France. On his refusing to join
the standard of the French princes,
‘he was, with three of his com-
panions, members like himself of
the first assembly, sent as a prisoner
to Namur.
_ The Jacobinical party contemn-
‘ed the feeble and imprudent step
taken by la Fayette; and all the
papers devoted to their cause,
now poured forth accusations and
calumnies against the General, more
abundantly than ever.
During the suspension of Petion
from the office of mayor, he em-
loyed himself in writing a pamph-
fe entitled, ‘General Rules of
my Conduct towards the People.”
In this production, he declared
that it had been his constant deter-
mination never to suffer any effu-
_ sion of the blood of the people.
No distinction was made between
the peaceable and the seditious.
Such a declaration was little less
ie to say, that turbulent and fac-
ous men might do any thing they
leased, provided they did it in a
od . An infinite number of
journalists and pamphleteers daily
assailed the public ear, with a thou-
“sand crude notions on_ political
subjects; and too many of them
held the same doctrine. The press,
with the auxiliary declamations of
orators in coffee-houses, squares,
d all public places, beeame the
ia on which the great af-
% of the nation were debated
and decided. It was a singular
and awful object of contemplation,

ts

[29

to behold the refinements of me-
taphysics, armed with the fury of
popular passion and the point of the
bayonet, while the popular pamphle-
teers and orators, both stationary
and itinerary, laboured with too
much success to inflame the public
mind against the court, and all ranks
and classes of men connected with
itor dependent upon it. The con-
federate armies of the Austrians
and Prussians were in the field;
and that of the Prussians, under the
command of the Duke of Bruns-
wick, had penetrated into Cham-
pagne. In proportion, as he ad-
vanced towards Paris, the fears of
men were heightened; and, with
their fears, their suspicion, credu-
lity, and vengeance. It was now
almost universally believed in Paris,
and the other great cities of France,
that the King was in correspon-
dence with the emigrant princes ;
and that the refusal of his sanction
to the decrees, with many other
circumstances which Jealousy re-
ported, and Fame magnified and
increased, were clear proofs of a
design to betray the country into
the hands of the enemy. A decree
was passed, declaring the country
to be in danger. The national
assembly then decreed two ad-
dresses; one to the army, the other
to the French people. In the ad-
dress to the latter, they spoke
thus :— * Your constitution relies
upon the principles of eternal jus-
tice: a league of kings is formed
to destroy it. Their battalions
advance, they are numerous, sub-
jected to a rigorous discipline, and
for a long time exercised in the
arts of war. Do you not feel noe
ble ardour inflame your courage?
Will you suffer that foreign hordes
shall spread, like a destructive tor-
rent,

30]

rent, over your harvests, desolate
your houses by fire and murder ;
and, in one word, that they shall
load you in chains stained with the
blood of those you heid most dear?
You have taken the oath to live
free or die; the Assembly know
you will adhere to it, and they will
shew you the example; but it is
not enough to brave death, it is
necessary to conquer; and you
may conquer if you abjure your
hatreds, if you forget your political
dissensions, if you rally to the com-
mon cause. Astonish your ene-
mies by the majestic display of
your strength, and of a great cha-
racter of union, of respect for the
laws, immoveable courage, and

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

speedy victory. shall crown the al-
tar of liberty with her palms.”

The decree, announcing the
country to be in danger, was fol-
lowed by another, restoring Petion
and Manuel to their important
offices in the municipality of Paris.
The assemblies of sections, muni-
cipalities, and departments, were
rendered permanent; and it was
declared that all the citizens, qua-
lified to bear arms, should be in a
state of permanent activity: a mea-
sure, by means of which, the whole
order of things was soon completely
subverted; and thus the interfer-
ence of foreign powers, instead of
sustaining the shaking monarchy,
precipitated its fall.

CHA PE:

Confederation against Franceof the Empires of Germany and Russia, and

the Courts of Turin, Naples, Rome, Spain, and Portugal.
3 -NADUCS, 8

The Com-

bined Armies of Austria and Prussia, on the Frontiers of France, com-
manded by the Duke of Brunswick. Manifesto of the Duke. Federates,
Jrom all Parts of France, celebrate the Third Anniversary of the Revo-
lution. Thewhole of Paris overawed bya small Band of Marseillois. The
Marseillois become a Rallying Post tothe passive Citizens, who gain by De-
grees an Ascendancy in Paris,and the other Towns in France. Motion
for an Accusation against la Fayette rejected. The Rejection of this Motion
irritates the Parisians. Petitions to the Assembly for the Deposition of
the King. Proclamation of the King to the Nation. The Thuilleries at-
tacked by an immense Multitude, armed with Pikes and Muskets, and

urnished with Cannon. The Thuilleries reduced by the Assailant;. The
Defenders of the Thuilleries, after a gallant Resistance, overpowered by
Numbers, and the greater Part of them massacred. The King and
Royal Family flee to the National Assembly. Measures that had been
taken or advised, previously to this, for the Support of the Royal Au-
thority. Conduct of the Assembly before, at, and after the Engagement
of the Thuilleries. Generous Efforts of Individuals for saving the fly-
ing Swiss. The King suspended from the Royal Functions. The King
and Royal Family detained in Prison as Hostages.

hike jealousy and apprehen-
sion of the court, and of all
who favoured and sympathized with
courts and kings, which at this time
agitated and distracted France,

were inflamed into terror, rage, and
hostile vengeance, by the intelli-
gence that the empires of Ger-
many and Russia, the courts of Tu-
rin, Naples, Rome, Spain, and

Portugal,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

Portugal, had formed a hostile con-
federation against France ; and by
the approach ef the Duke of Bruns-
wick, atthe head of agreat Prussian
army, towards Paris*. His march
was preceded by a manifesto, dat-
ed Coblentz, July 27, 1792; which
he published in the character of
commander in chief of the combin-
ed Austrian and Prussian armies,
on the frontiers of France. It de-
clared the objects of their Imperial
and Prussian Majesties in making
war on France; invited the suber
part of the nation to return into
the paths of reason and justice, or-
der and peace; made all that ex-
ercised power in France respon-
sible, on pain of death and confis-
cation of property, for whatever
crimes they should suffer to take
lace ; and which they should not
ve attempted, in a public man-
ner, to prevent. Their Iinperial
and Prussian Majesties particularly
declared, that if the Jeast violence
should be offered to, or outrage
done their majesties the King and
Queen, and the royal family ;
if they should not be immediately
placed in safety, and set at liberty,
they would inflict on those who
should deserve it, the most exem-
lary and ever memorable aveng-
ing punishments, by giving up the
city of Paris to military execution,
and exposing it to total destruc-
tion.”
In an additional declartion, by
his Most Serene Highness, in the
name of their Imperial and Prussian

[31

Majesties, the most certain, as well
as severe punishment, was de-
nounced against all those who
should not oppose and stop any
measures or proceedings, that
might be entered into, for carrying
off the royal family from Paris. B

what arguments the Duke of Bruns-
wick, whose uncommon talents and
sound judgment are universally
acknowledged, could be persuaded
to issue a manifesto, replete with
such menaces, against a great king-
dom, inhabited by so populous and
courageous a nation, excited by a
general enthusiasm to an extraor-
dinary degree of exertion, it was not
easy to conjecture ; nor was the won-
der lessened, but increased, when it
was considered that the august fami-
ly, to whom he carried relief and
assistance, were at the mercy of the
very people whom he so loudly
threatened. This manifesto that
had been drawn up, by an enthu-
siastic loyalist, under the eye of the
princes, was afterwards moditied
according to certain communi-
cations from the King of France,
transmitted by the hand of Mallet
du Pana. This agent had it parti-
cularly in charge, to recommend
to the foreign powers never to
place the emigrants in the fore-
most ranks, but rather to employ
them in garrison :—a recommen-
dation which was attributed to those
apprehensions which they supposed
to have been suggested to the King,
of the extravagant claims which
might be preferred by the emi-

-* The spirit of Paris, at this time, is strikingly illustrated by a motion in the
bly, by Jean Debry, for raising a body of 1200 volunteers; whose business

7

should be to assassinate the generals and princes who commanded the armies
which attacked France. This proposition was thought worthy of deliberation,
submitted to the consideration of the extraordinary committee.

Debry was

‘Appointed by the National Convention, a number of the committee of consti-
7

tution.

grants,

32]

grants, if his Majesty should be re-
duced to thehumiliation of owing
the restoration of his authority
to their services. This unfortu-
nate manifesto did not produce fear,
but a closer union, and a more de-
termined purpose to ruin those in
whose behalf it was issued.

The third anniversary of the re-
volution, furnished the leaders of
the Jacobins with a pretext for in-
viting, for the safety of Paris, fede-
rates from all parts of France:
amongst others, a number of aban-
doned wretches from Marseilles,
who had been guilty, of various
crimes, and particularly active in
the massacre at Avignon, Underthe
auspices of this rabble the federa-
tion was celebrated, and ina style
and spirit entirely suitable to their
genius. When the King appeared
in the place assigned him in this
festival, there was a_ profound
silence ; but no sooner had Petion
entered the Champ de Mars, than
the whole people repeated, ‘‘ Long
live Petion! No Austrian com-
mittees! No traiterous corres-
pondence with Brunswick! Down
with the departments and the
veto |”?

The Marseillois, under the com-
mand of General Westerman, a
Prussian, were too late for the
federation, but not for the pur-
pose of both uproar and confusion,
for which they had come, and
for which they had in reality been
called. Having entered Paris at
the Barriere du Trone, tliéy tra-
versed the city till they came to
the Thuilleries. In their way thi-
ther they made it their business to
wait on Petion, who received them
kindly, though it was his business
to chace them out of the city, as
had been done at Lyons, and

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

other places, and even at Melun,
which is a very small town. They
obliged every person whom they:
met in the streets to change their
silken cockade for others made of
worsted. On this occasion a very
remarkable example was exhibited
of the fluctuating natureof courage,
and of the various circumstances
by which it may be roused or dis-
pelled, especially in great and un-
disciplined bodies. On the spot
where the citizens of Paris, armed
with sticks and stones, three years:
before, triumphed over a regular
ammy, under the Prince de Lam-
besc, did the small but resolute
Marseillois triumph over the na-
tional guards of Paris, amountin
to thirty-two thousand, and wit
the command of an hundred-and-
twenty cannon. The Marseillois,
after paying their homage to the
Assembly, went to a tavern in the
Elysian Fields, where near an hun
dred officers, of the Parisian guards,
were also dining. A quarrel was
raised; a contest ensued: the
whole of the guards, directly in
arms, paraded, and were in readi-
ness for action; yet the Parisians,
while their companions in arms re«
mained passive spectators, were put
to flight, with the loss of one
killed, five wounded, and two taken
prisoners. They next paid a visit
to the Jacobins, where they re-
ceived the fraternal embrace, and
were admitted as members of the
club; which, thus reinforced, be-
came like the Assembly itself, both —
a deliberative and executive body.
The passive citizens, or those
who paid no taxes, arranged them-
selves around the centre of the’
Marseillois and the Jacobins. The —
number of this formidable associa-_
tion @vas daily increased by the
general

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

general apprehension and terror
that prevailed, more and more, of
“the Prussian army; the suspicion
that they were encouraged in their
advances by a collusion with the
court, and a very general conviction
-that there was no safety to the
“nation but in a second revolution.
‘This republican combination, the
Jacobin club, with its affiliations
‘and adherents, by governing the
‘great mass of the people who had
‘neither property, nor good charac-
ters, nor good hopes, governed also
‘the Assembly, of which almost ali
the leaders of the Jacobin club were
also members.

The Legislative Assembly had
been divided into three parties :—
the Moderate Men, or those who
endeavoured to support the consti-
“tution; the Republicans, who were
determined to pull it down; the
-Girondists,* friends to a feederative
~republic,and who balanced and com-
‘bined the different interests of the
Opposite parties, in such a manner
as to promote their own views,
concerning which various opinions
were entertained ;+ and the party

»who called themselves Independ-
ents, though they might with great-
“er propriety have been stiled Indif-
ferents, as they were neither much
hed to the constitution, nor
, entertained any particular de-
, ‘or views of farther revolution.
SG TGN ie Q

ig, +
*

‘
try J

[33

The members of the Jacobin club
at that time associated not with
any other of the Assembly than
the republicans; or, as they were
called, by one of those cant
words that. are coined in all
great political commotions, the
Mountain; and the Girondists, who
were all of them members of the
club in which the measures to be
adopted by the Assembly were pre-
viously debated:—so that, in fact,
the Jacobin club had become the
legislative body for the whole of
France. Liberty had been decreed,
but men were not permitted either
to speak or dress, but in the way
that pleased the rulers of the Jaco-
bins. Suspicion was as dangerous
as conviction; denunciation was
amongst the number of the patriotic
duties of a citizen; it.was become
dangerous.to be obnoxious to the
rulers of the predominant party,
but not so to be guilty; juries
had been ordained, but justice
had never had its free course.
In political matters, and even in
private causes between men of op-
posite factions, every thing was car-
ried by party spirit: nor can the
Jacobins in this be said to have
been inconsistent with their pro-
fessions of disregard to all long esta-
blished authorities, human and di-
vine, They had nothing to con-
sult but their appetites and their

Composed of the deputies from Bourdeaux and the course of the Garron; who
ned to he men of very distinguished abilities, and who were joined in political

“sentiments and habits of intimacy with Brissot, Condorcet, Wergniaud, and other

of talents,
’

RA the appointment of a regency.

S) Vou. XXXIV.

+ It was very generally supposed that they wished to drive away the King, and
s abdication of the throne to declare the Dauphin his successor, and to take the
of the young prince and the government of the kingdom into their own

If this was the case, the Girondists may

ered as the Whigs of France; attached to Kingly government and regu-
berty, but more attached perhaps to their own ambitious interest than to

(D]

will;

34]

will: by physical force, to pursue
the means of physical gratification.
Though the Jacobins on the whole
preponderated greatly, and swayed
the Assembly, yet still there was
room for avowed dissension, debate,
and division in all questions; in the
discussion and decision of which
they were not under the influence
of terror. On a motion for accus-
ing M. de la Fayette, there appear-
ed.244 for the question, and 406
against it. But when they were
threatened with common and im-
mediate danger, then, and then
only, they were unanimous; of
which they hadsoon occasion to give
a very striking proof and example.
The people, irritated at the ac-
quittal of M, de la Fayette, deter-
mined to have ample amends and
satisfaction, by taking proper mea-
sures for securing unanimity on
the important question for the
deposition of the King (August
9, 1792) though this pious and
pacific prince had done every
thing in his power to dissuade
the emigrants and foreign princes
from making war against the new
order of things, proclaimed their
hostile preparation again and again,
and called on the French nation to
defend the liberty and independence
of the country. In consequence
of the manifesto of the Duke of
Brunswick, he addressed a letter to
the president of the National As-
sembly, August 3, 1792; in which
jhe said that the Duke’s declaration
seemed to him ‘to require a new
declaration of his own sentiments.
Never, he declared, should he be
‘seen compromising the glory or the
interests of the nation, or receiving
‘the law from foreigners, or from a
‘party:—it was to the nation he
owed himself, and he was one and

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the same with her. The usual
motion that the King’s letter should
be printed and sent to the eighty-
three departments, was negatived.
M. Isnard asserted that the King’s
letter was only a heap of falsehoods,
without being rebuked for the in-
decency of the expression. Thus
the rulers of the Assembly, while
they industriously misrepresented
the whole conduct and designs of
the King, intercepted the natural
mode of communication between
his Majesty and the nation, and de-
prived him of the best means of
explaining and justifying himself.
This perhaps was not one of the
least severe among all the acts of
tyranny and injustice with which
they oppressed and overwhelmed
their unhappy sovereign. On the
same day (August 3, 1792) a de-
putation from the general council
of the municipality of Paris, at the
head of which was Petion, ap-
peared at the bar, and demanded
in the name of the forty-eight sec-
tions, that the King should be ex-
cluded from the throne; and. that
the management of affairs, during
the inter-regnum, should be en-
trusted to responsible ministers,
until the election of a new King in
a national convention, Other de-
putations, with petitions to the
same purpose, followed from. parti-
cular sections; and a few days
thereafter, August 7, 1792, several
citizens were admitted to the bar
of the Assembly, bearing a Pevaoe
also to the same effect, and signed
by many thousand persons in the
Champ de Mars. This was a multi-
tude of passive citizens, or those
who had no votes by the first con-
stitution in the elections of repre-
sentatives: it was headed by the
comedian Collet d’Herbois. ‘They

were >
’

HISTORY

were preceded by a pike, surmount-
ed with a woollen bonnet ; upon
the middle of the pike was a label
with the words ‘* Deposition of
the King.” No answer was given,
or resolution formed on the pre-
ceding petitions; but the petition-
ers from the Champ de Mars were
informed that the Assembly would
take their demand into consider-
ation.
| As affairs now assumed a very
serious aspect, a council of state
was held, and a proclamation was
addressed by the King to the nation,
The King, after animadverting on
the mutual diffidence which a few
factious and seditious men wished
to excite between the nation and
its sovereign, proceeded thus :—
“Foreign armies menace you.—
Frenchmen, it is for you to daunt
them by your countenance, and
especially by your union. They
insult your independence ;—renew
with the King your oath to defend
it. Frenchmen, can your King be
responsible for the language which
your enemies hold? Can it be in
their power to break the bands
which subsist between you and him?
and by manifestos, more dreadful
perhaps than their arms, can they
scatter division among us when they
cannot inspire terror?” —Had senti-
ments and arguments so just been
transmitted to the departments with
the authority and approbation of
the Assembly, they could scarcely
have failed of making an impres-
sion favourable to his Majesty.
the moment they departed
from the usual custom of ordering
the royal communications to be
iblished, and that too on the al-
d ground of deceit and false-
hood, his cause was prejudged in
the minds of all who reposed any

OF EUROPE.

[35

confidence in the representatives of
the nation ; and he may be said in-
deed to have been in a great mea-
sure precluded from the liberty of
the press.

On the 9th of August, the day
appointed for the question, of
the deposition of the King, bodies
of armed men sorrounded the hall
of the. Assembly, and insulted,
menaced, and assaulted the memb-
ers who had voted in favour of La
Fayette. As the confederates, and
particularly the Marseillois, were
known to be the great instigators
of confusion and outrage, a motion
was with the most perfect propriety
made by M. Vaublanc for their
removal from Paris: but this mo-
tion, though pressed warmly by him
and others, was rejected. Many
of the members going and coming
to the hall of the Assembly were in
danger of assassination, At mid-
night the tocsin sounded in every
quarter ; the cannon of alarm was
fired; and at two o’clock the As-
sembly, under the present alarm,
declared itself permanent.

An insurrection on this very day
had been predicted for several
weeks, and was universally expect-
ed. The open and undisguised
preparation for this was announced
by M. Rhaederer, procureur syndic
for the department of ‘Paris. Pe-
tion being summoned, declared at
the bar of the Assembly that the
people were very discontented and
mutinously disposed ; ‘but although
the firing of the cannon and the
sounding of the bell of alarm had
been both announced, the Mayor,
who had the whole national guards
at hiscommand, and the cannon of
alarm, as well as the tocsin in‘his
power, spoke as if he could not
find any means to prevent what he

[D] 2 pretended

36] ANNUAL RE

pretended to fear. On the whole,
although at this time a majority of
the Assembly were on the side of
peace and good’government, it does
not appear that any proper mea-
sures were taken for the prevention
‘of insurrection, either by the As-
sembly or the Mayor of Paris.

The efforts made by the council
of state for repelling the attack that
was expected on the palace were
sincere, and not destitute of either
vigour or wisdom; yet they were
unfortunately overborne by circum-
stances to which human prudence
and foresight do not extend.

There were about fifteen hun-
dred gentlemen, officers, and others
of various ranks within the palace,
attached to the King, and ready to
die in his defence: a thousand
Swiss in the barracks of the Carou-
sel, and about eight thousand na-
tional guards. ‘Twelve pieces of
cannon were placed around the
palace, in the manner thought most
advantageous for repelling an at-
tack. Besides the troops above
enumerated, there was a body of a
thousand cavalry, all under arms,
all attached to the King, and posted
in various places, under different
commanders: other bodies of na-
tional guards were stationed in the
avenues near the palace royal, un-
der arms, ready to march to the
Thuilleries, in order to support the
battalionsthat had gone before them.
The attendants of the court and
servants were distributed in the
different. halls, having first sworn
to defend the King to the last drop
of their blood; they were about
four hundred strong, but their only
arms were swords and pistols. The
dattalions of national guards on
duty at the palace, were extremely
avell disposed to the King: their

GISTER, 1702.

commanders and officers entirely
devoted to him, Those troops
were reinforced by gentlemen and
loyalists ‘of every rank, whom the
danger of the royal family drew in
crowds to the palace. This united
force would cerrainly have been
able to have defended it until the
arrival of three thousand Swiss
trom Courbevoye, about four miles
‘from Paris, if they had received
timely orders to set out. Even on
the 10th, when they were sent for,
if the King had remained in the
palace till their arrival, which would
have taken place soon after he went
to the National Assembly, he might
perhaps have repelled the attack of
that fatal day.

Such was the force prepared for
the defence of the palace on the
10th of August.

In opposition to this force, in-
numerable bands of men, armed
with muskets, artillery, pikes, pitch-
forks, hatchets, and iron bars, filled
all the adjacent streets and squares,
and rent the air on all sides with
their clamours. The battalion of
the Marseillois, joined by. the
inhabitants of the Fauxbourg St.
Antoine, marched towards the
Thuilleries in the greatest. order, .
with their cannon and. matches
lighted, inviting the people to follow
them, and * assist,” as they said, .
*in dislodging the tyrant, and pro-
claiming his despotism to the Na-
tional Assembly.”” The national —
guards had formerly done duty by
battalions: but by a late decree of —
the National Assembly they had been
directed to do duty by detachments —
from all the various battalions. If
the former method had been con-—
tinued, Mandat, commander of the
guards, might on any emergency
have chosen those battalions which

were

were well affected to the King, as
some of them were* for this night’s
service.

By the new method of doing
duty, many of the disaffected were
introduced into the palace among
others; and by the contagion of
their principles, at so critical a
time, when the minds of men were
exalted to extraordinary suscepti-
bility, seduced their comrades from”
their duty. Yet this contagion
might perhaps have been counter-
acted by an opposite spirit of fide-
lity to the King and constitution,
and even of military honour and
pride, had not this spirit been dis-
couraged and damped; and all the
steps that had been taken for the
detence of the palace been rendered
ineffectual by a ymeasure as flagi-
tious, but as prompt and decisive
as any thing recorded in history.

A new council-general of the
municipality of Paris, elected at
midnight in the midst of confusion
and alarm, dissolved the old coun-
cil, murdered the commander of
the national guards, usurped the
whole executive government, and

- instantly established their authority
over the National Assembly and the
whole of Paris. It is not to be
supposed that this nefarious plan
_ originated in an instantaneous re-
_ solution of the various sections of

Paris: the whole had been arrang-
ed by a few conspirators, of whom
Danton was believed to be one of
the chief, and who possessed an
absolute sway over the electors of
the sections. The new deputies,

_ previously pointed out’ by the con-
_ Spirators, found little difficulty in

vad

were zealously attached to the King.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

[37

dismissing the old, who were sur-
prised by so bold an attack; and
many, very probably, at: such a
crisis, were not displeased with the
usurpation, Of the old elected
into the new council were Petion,
Danton, and Manuel. This council,
like all others, constituted autho-
rities, was permanent, and in the
present crisis was better attended
than the others. The assemblies
of the forty-eight sections had been
declared permanent by law, but
could not be said to be so in reality,
most of the citizens, as national
guards, being occupied at different
posts in their respective quarters of
the city. The King’s ministers had
applied to the National Assembly for
a -de¢ree that would permit the
national guards to rally themselves
wherever danger might require it ;
but Petion, who seems. to have
conceived a personal rancour a-
gainst the King and royal family,
opposed this proposition, and re-
fused to let the guards carry arms,
without particular orders, beyond
the precincts of their own sections
or wards; while the rabble, supe-
rior to orders, were preparing to
attack the palace.

‘the old council-general of the
municipality of Paris were, on the
whole, as already observed, dis-
posed to support the King and the
constitution; but the energy of a.
few acting in concert, prevailed, as
usual, over superior numbers, not
united in one design and plan of
operation. A body of determined
Jacobins, separated from the esta-
blished common council (August
10, 1792) between the hours of

yond Particulanly those of the sections of Petits Peres, and Filles St, Thomas, whe

[D] 3

twelve

ss} ANNUAL RE

twelve and one o’clock, went, a
few of them, to each of the forty-
eight sections; and seizing the
books and papers, suspended their
deputies in the general council in
the town-house, and named them-
selves, or some of their most zea-
lous partizans, in their place. The
new deputies hastening to the hall,
assumed the government of Paris
and the kingdom. ‘The suspended
deputies ‘were ordered to return
quietly to their respective homes,
and say nothing.

The first use made by the usur-
pers of their new power, was to
send for Mandat, the commander
of the guards, stationed at the pa-
Jace. The unfortunate Mandat
hesitated between his duty to his
Sovereign and obedience to the
town-council. Being sent for ase-
cond time, he reluctantly obeyed.
When he arrived at the town-
house, he was interrogated with
harshness, and accused of a design
to slaughter the people during their
intended march from the suburbs
to the palace, treated like a crimi-
nal, and ordered to prison. On
descending the stairs under a zuard,
his brains were blown out, and his
body thrown into the river.. The
council then appointed Santerre,
a brewer in the suburbs St. An-
toine, commander of the national
guards of Paris, Mandat, who was
an honest man of plain sense, had
made a very judicious movement
in placing a part of the national
guards on the Pontneuf, with some
cannon, on purpose to cut off the
communication between those who
were assembling in the different
suburbs of the opposite sides of the
river. The new council-general
saw the detriment of this post to

GISTER,

their design, and ordered the guard
to be removed from the bridge.
Thus, with a decision and prudence
worthy of a better cause, while
they disorganized and shook’ the
ee of guards at the Thuilleries;

y Opening a free communication
between each side of the Seine,
they rendered the power of the
insurgents more compact and for
midable.

Although an order was found in
the pocket of the murdered Man-
dat, from the Mayor, in case of the
palace being attacked, to oppose
force to force, it was surmised at
the time, and is now generally be-
lieved, from a consideration of cir=
cumstances, and of the character of
Petion, that there was a secret un=
derstanding between him and. the
conspirators, and that nothing was
done without his privacy and collu-
sion. Itwas only in order to prevent
the council-general and the depart-
ments of Paris, both of them au-
thorities superior to his own, from
penetrating his designs, at least, in
order to cut them off from any
pretext for superceding him in his
authority, that he stationed some
troops to defend the palace, and
gave the written order to Mandat,
just mentioned,

After ,all, it is impossible to
penetrate into the real sentiments
and views, and these probably flue-
tuating, that governed the mind of
Petion ; nor would this be of any.
importance. What is certain: isy
that, although the enemy, of the
King, and the friend and confidant

1792.

of the Jacobins, he was in the pa-.

lace till two or three o’clock of the
morning of the 10th of August.
He had been with the King to give

an account of the state of Paris, but .

remained

!

HISTORY‘ OF EUROPE.

remained in the palace or on the
terrace ; which gave occasion to a
report that he was kept there against
his will. It was thought proper by
the Assembly to send a message to
the place for the mayor; which
was accordingly done, and he came
directly to the bar. Soon after his
going from the palace to the Na-
ti Assembly, he was consigned
to his own house under a guard, by
the new council general of Paris,
that he might not seem to have any
part in transactions which he did
not at Jeast openly approve. But
M.de Joly represented at the same
time, that his Majesty, understand-
ing that there were still great mul-
titudes assembled in some of the
suburbs, if not already on their way
to the palace and to the hall of
the Assembly, recommended it to
the representatives of the nation to
consider of some measures to pre-
_ vent the people from taking such a
step. On which a member observ-
ed, that there were laws existing
against disorderly assemblies of the
people, and that it was the business
of the executive power to put them
in execution. No other notice
_ was taken of the King’s message,
_ although reports were continued of
_ greater still, and more imminent
%i ers,
_ A part of the Marseillois, and
~ others of the rabble who had joined
them, arrived at the square of the
Carousel behind the palace between
and seven in the morning, and
_ obtained admission into the court of
_ the palace, by pretending to have
_ come for the protection of the King.
: they immediately manifested a
very different intention, and began

_ to pervert the spirit of the national
4 s, who had been there during
the night. —

[39

When Mandat left the Thuille-
ries, and went to the town-house,
he left no particular orders, as he
designed to return immediately.
The various detachments of nation-
al troops stationed round the pa-
lace and its different courts, in the
absence of their commander, knew
not how to act on the different
emergencies that occurred, or whom
to obey. Under extreme anxiety,
impatience, and suspense, many of
thems in this agitation listened to the
infectious voice of sedition.

About six o’clock in the morn-
ing, the King, who had not gone to
bed the preceding night, descended
into the courts of the palace to re-
view the Swiss and national guards,
who swore to defend him, The
Queen and her children followed
the King: the Swiss began the cry
of vive le Roi as soon as he appeared,
and the national guards repeated
this, and at the same time vive la
nation ; but all the cannoniers criéd
vive la nation ; which not being ac-
companied by the other, was a sign
of disapprobation. From the courts
the King went into the gardens,”
and received the troops there and -
on the terrace of the Thuilleries ;
and afterwards walked all the way
to a post that had been taken at the
Pont Tournant. On his return to
the palace he saw a large body of
national guards pouring out in dis-
order through the garden-gate op-
posite to the Pont Royal. Sorrow
was visible in the countenances of
many, who hesitated, and halting,
were heard to say, ‘‘ We swore this
morning to defend the King; but
in the moment of his greatest dan-
ger we are deserting him.””? Others,
in the interests of the cannoniers
and other conspirators already men-
tioned, introduced into the palace

(D] 4 among

40]

among the guards, abused and threa-
tened their reluctant fellow-soldiers,
and dragged them along with them
in their retreat, by force.

But about five hundred of the na-
tional guards remained at their post,
with equal fidelity and courage.
These were placed indiscriminately
with the Swiss guards, within the
palace, at the different stair-cases,
and at all the entrances, The com-
mand of this united force, accord-
ing to their several stations within
the palace, was given by the King
to Mareschal de Mailly, the Dukede
Chatelet, the Count de Puvsegar,
the Baron de Viomeuil, the Count
d’ Hervilly, the Marquis dePujet, and
other faithful officers. These troops
having spent the night without tak-
ing any refreshment, the King’s
household servants, and other atten-
dants of the court, were eagerly em-
ployed in administering to those ho-
nourable men bread and wine, and
encouraging them not to desert the
royal family. ‘The virtues of this fa-
mily in this extremity of danger,
were emphatically displayed in that
anxious concern which animated
every human being of every condi-
tion within the palace for their safe-
ty, and that generous indignation
which overcame the suggestions of
personal fear, and exalted and unit-
ed the minds of all in a firm and re-
solute purpose to resist and repel
the threatened violence, and to
abandon their posts only with their
last breath. (This generous band
within the palace, had many friends
without ; and the contagion of their
‘virtue and bravery might very pro-
‘bably have encouraged some diver-
sions in their favour in the depart-
ment of Paris, had time been given
for the advancement of the troops

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

at Courbevoye, and turned a tide
that was impelled by the uncertain;
gale of a tumultuous and animal,
phrenzy, if the King had remained
in the palace- in the midst of his:
faithful adherents, and at the mercy,
not of any one junto or set of men.
in Paris and the environs, but at the »
disposal of the whole. He proved,
in this precipice of fortune, how
much the fate of man is indepen-
dent of extrinsical circumstance, |
and how intimately connected with |
that physical or constitutional com=\; ~
plexion and character which is pro-
bably impressed on every individu-'
al, even before the period of birth,
and the result of combinations and:
influences far beyond the limits of
human research or comprehension.
The King wanted not courage; he.
was not appalled at the approach of ;
danger, but he was averse to all
bustle and vigorous exertion, espe-
cially when likely to be attended
with any degree of suffering or pain
to any human creature, Giving ;
way to solicitations perhaps perfi-;
dious, certainly unfortunate, he
sought an asylum among those who
were preparing for himself and his
family a prison, chains, and death.

A little after seven o'clock, M.de .
Rheederer, solicitor for the munici-
pality of Paris, with other officersof |
the department, entering the room
where the King was, declared that,
the palace was surrounded by an ir-
resistible number of armed men; )}
that the national guards who had,
come early in the morning, were, _
corrupted, and more ready to assist
than oppose the assailants; that the
King, Queen, their children, and) —
attendants, were on the point of be-) —
ing slaughtered, and that there was,
no other means of safety left but) y

imme- —

:

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

immediately to put themselves un-
der the protection of the National
Assembly. When this measure had
been proposed to the Queen before,
she said that she would rather be
nailed to the walls of the palace.
But when it was urged that there
was no other refuge for the King
and the children, and that even this
would be lost if not immediately
taken, she heaved a profound sigh,
and said, “ it is the last sacrifice; Jet
it be made.”’?’ The same motive of
tenderness for the Queen and chil-
dren overcame at last the resolu-
tion of the King: “ Let us go then,
yentlemen,” said he, ** we have no
onger any business here.” As this
was the last voluntary public act of
the King, so it was the weakest, as
well as most unfortunate. M. de
Grave, minister at war (a man of
great probity and honour, as well
as of sound understanding) and
others, had frequently, before this
time, advised the King to mount

on horseback, and shew himself

frequently, and throw himself thus
upon the department of Paris.*
Firm in resisting this and every ad-
vice and plan, be yielded to the ad-
vice of men, of whom the best that
ean be said, is, that they made court
to all parties, and took care not to
offend any openly ; and delivered

imself into the hands of that assem-

ly, which, but a few days before,
had applauded a petition for his sus-
pension. Yet it is not to be doubt-
ed that, could he have imagined the

fall extent of their designs, the
| Very motive that induced him to go

mer

acter of the anarchists.

[48

to the Assembly would have impel-
led him to undergo every danger,
and either to have recovered, or:
gloriously to have lost a throne, in
the midst of his faithful friends in
the castle of the Thuilleries.
Various motions were made in
the Assembly respecting the royal,
family in the present crisis; and,
among others, one to invite the
King to the Assembly as a place of
greater safety than the palace. Be-)
fore the debate to which this mo-
tion gave rise was concluded, it
was announced that the King and
royal family were on the way, com-
ing from the palace to the Assem-
bly. A number of the members
spontaneously went out to receive
the King; and soon after, the
Queen, the Princess Royal, and the
Princess Elizabeth entered the hall
of the Assembly. A grenadier
walked before, with the Prince
Royal in his arms, whom he plac-
ed on the table of the secretaries.
M. Wthederer, procureur of the
department, who had come witls
the King, and had remained ever
since at the bar, declared that a vast ;
number of people being assembled
in the Carousel, and cannon being
pointed against the palace, some of,
the populace had knocked with vio-
lence atthe gate. On this Rhade-
rer, with two municipal officers,
spoke tothem, They said they had
a petition, and must speak to the
King. M. Rhaderer answered
that the whole could not enter;
but he offered to admit twenty of
their number, who should be safely

* The directors of the department of Paris were attached to royalty and the
ution; but they were timid men, and easily borne down by the more vigo- ,
/ If, however, they could have been animated
7 orted by the presence of the King, movarchy perhaps might have existed
day in France,

conducted

42]

conducted to present their petition
to the King. They retired to. con-
fer with their leaders on this pro-
posal.

M. Rhederer, after this, spoke to
the national guard within the court,
and told them, that although they
were there for the purpose of pre-
serving the peace, yet the law al-
lowed them, in case of being at-
tacked, to repel force by force, and
that they seemed disposed to do
their duty : but on his speaking the
same language to the cannoniers,
they, by way of answer, unloaded
their pieces, and plainly shewed they
would make no resistance whatever
to the multitude. That having
heard nothing of the commander in
chief of the national guards, not
knowing what his plan of defence
was, and there having been no
communication whatever between
the department and the municipa-
lity.since Mandat had left the pa-
lace to goto the town-house ; hear-
ing every moment of fresh multi-
tudes advancing from the suburbs,
and perceiving no means of pro-
tecting the King and royal family,
he had proposed that they should
leave the palace and seek an asylum
inthe Assembly. M. Rhederer had
scarcely ended his report, when an
officer appeared at the bar, and de-

clared that the gates of the palace’

were on the point of being forced.
M. Lamarque moved that the As-
sembly should instantly order ten of
their number to go and admonish
the people against such excesses,
“¢Let the commissaries throw them-
selves between the assailants and
the defenders of the palace; and I
desire to present myself to their first
fire, if they should fire on each
other.” M. Gaudet proposed to

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

the Assembly that twelve of their

number should go to the town-

house, take the commander in chief

out of arrest (which he was suppos-

ed to be under) and re-establish
the communication between the

department and the municipality.

Both these motions were adopted ;

and the president having named the

members for the first deputation,

they hastened to the Carousel to

prevent the commencement of
bloodshed. A very short time after

they were gone, the firing of cannon?
was heard, with that of musquetry

in the interval of the cannonade,
and a great noise in the garden of
the Thuilleries.

It is to beregretted that the King,
on quitting the palace, did not di-
rect those within it immediately tov
capitulate with the leaders of the
insurrection, and throw the gates
open tothe people; which would
have saved the lives of many gal-)
lant men : an omission to be wholly
ascribed to the agitation of his mind”
at so dreadful a crisis. It has been
observed, indeed not without plau-
sibility, that such orders were virtu-
ally implied in the words of the
King, on his resolving to go to the
Assembly, already mentioned.

It is scarcely possible for an offi-
cer even of high command, to give

‘an account of all the vicissitudes,

all the causes and circumstances
that have led on any occasion to
victory or defeat, even in a regular
and pitched battle in an open couns—
try ; much less is it in the power of —
any one accurately to describe all
the movements of such numerous
bodies on ground so greatly varied, —

-and in circumstances so eomplicated

and changing. Butifit were, such
a description could not possibly be
intelligible —

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

‘intelligible to any others than those
who are minutely acquainted with
_ the topography of the Thuilleries.
- About seven in the morning, the
different columns of the insurgents,
as above related, began their march
to the Thuilleries. Near nine they
penetrated into the Carousel, and
soon after into the different courts
of the palace. Their numbers
were so great as to be altogether
incalculable ; and they had thirty
pieces of cannon. A number of
the Swiss came before them un-
armed, offered to shake hands with
them*, and entreated them to re-
spect the residence of their sove-
/ reign. By these friendly remon-
Strances, which were ascribed to
| fear, their rage was heightened.
One of their party, an officer of the
/ national guards, at the head of about
| twelve men, advancing towards the
| palace, seized five of the Swiss on
| guard at their posts, and disarmed
|them. Thesavage crowd, rushing
_ forward, beat out their brains with
their clubs, and the heavy ends of
| their firelocks. The heads of the
| slaughtered Swiss, carried on poles
| along the terrace of the Feuillants,
towards the adjacent hall of the As-
sembly, appeared to be the signal
for a general attack on the palace;
for at the same time there began a
| dreadful fire of cannon and mus-
quetry, and the palace was in many
Ss pierced with balls and bul-
_ The Swiss stationed in the
garden, answered thisact of hostility
only by discharging their pieces
in the air. Buta heavy fire was
| given at the same instant from the
bea of the palace. The court
rae

Wit

|

ba

[43

was quickly cleared, and the can-
non abandoned. <A party of the
conquerors advancing to the Porte
Royale, though which the fugitives
pressed in crowds, fired on those
who lingered in the Carousel, or
had not been able, on account of
the press, to make their escape.
While one party was employed in
clearing the courts of the palace,
another proceeded towards the ter-
race of the Feuillants, near which
they seized several pieces of can~
non abandoned by the insurgents;
who nevertheless fired from the
terrace and killed about thirty of
the defenders of the Thuilleries.
During this engagement, the corps
of gentlemen within the palace re-
mained inactive for want of proper
arms and ammunition ; and the Pa-
risian guards that had still remained
there, from a disinclination to sup-
port the cause of the Swiss. The
insurgents, in less than an hour af-
ter the first defeat, again assembled
in the courts with a fresh supply of
artillery. Having penetrated into
the gardens, they were enabled to
attack the palace on every side ; and
a great number made their way in-
to the royal apartments, by the gal-
lery of the Louvret. The de-
fenders of the Thuilleries, reduced
in numbers, under a scarcity of
ammunition, and disheartened by
the flight of the royal family, be-
gan to fly before the invaders, who
massacred every one they met in
their way into the garden; where
they were slaughtered by the na-
tional guards, who now, both horse
and foot, took adecided part against
the court, and for the populace. In

* This expression of good-will was afterwards represented as an act of treachery.
+ Extending to the length of near a mile from the Louvre to the palace of the

this

AA]

this extremity, the band of gentle-
men already mentioned, resolved,
if possible, to force a passage to the
National Assembly. Rallying all
the Swiss they could find, with a
few of the national guards, they
descended into the main court in a
body, to the number of about 500,
300 of whom were Swiss. Having
passed with considerable loss thro’
the Porte Royal, and divided them-
selves into smaller bodies, they hur-
ried along the gardens in different
directions. Of those who took the
nearest line to the hall ofthe Assem-
bly, several fell by the fire of the
insurgents from the terrace of the
Feuillants, and even that of the na-
tional guards, who had been placed
inthe gardens, for the defence ofthe
Thuilleries. Within the palace all
was massacre, followed by a gene-
ral plunder. The national guards,
with the exception of afew who had
joined the band of gentlemen,
assisted in the pursuit and murder
of the royalists.

Of the whole regiment of Swiss,
near 1000 strong, not more than
180 survived, including those who
had first accompained the King,
and afterwards, as was reported
by M. d’Hervilly to the Assembly,
According to the best accounts,
there fell, besides the Swiss, five gen-
tlemen, 100 domestics of the royal
family, and twenty of the national

guards, who had remained faith-

ful to their duty. On the other,
3000 Parisians, and 3 or 400
federates.

As the Marseillois had been the
foremost even among the federates
in the attack, so they were found
to be the most humane ainong the
conquerors of the castle of the
Thuilleries. While a considerable
number of Swiss who escaped from

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

3
the palace by the Champ Elysees |
were pursued through the streets, ’
and dragged from the shops and !
houses to which they had fled for
shelter, the Marseillois received»
about fifty or sixty, who had asked ®
for quarter, into their protection. ®
They were delivered tothe national \
guards, and conducted by them to
the town-house, where they waited »
in the square for orders from the”
municipality respecting the place!
of their confinement. The fero~©
cious multitude, bursting through'!
the ranks of the national guards, *
who were at no pains to repel or!
moderate their rage, murdered)
their helpless prisoners in cold’
blood. Another party of the Swiss,
amounting to a considerable num- |
ber, who had also been saved by )
the federates, were confined in the
guard-house. A mob, however,
gathering round the place, de-
manded the heads of those unhappy:
soldiers. A general thirst of blood
was excited, and raged like a con-—
tagious disease throughout Paris. | |

But this inhuman fury was con't
trasted with many compassionate 4
and generous deeds. The Swisss
who had come by the nearest way!
to the palace, were saved by certaims
citizens of Paris, and certain depu=t
ties of the Assembly. The deputy?
Lasource informed the Assembly oft)
the danger of those poor Swiss,p
Gorsas stood fast at the door of my
guard-room, haranguing the mob,
and using all the means that huma-»
nity could dictate for preventing®
them from attacking the prisoners.)
The president La Croix opposed,
with firmness, some days after,”
petitions for speedy sentence, by
which was understood the execution
of the prisoners at Orleans: andon
one occasion he deprecated the po->
pular

_—"

—

at ee ee ot

4

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

pular fury on his knees. The depu-
ties, sent for the protection of the
prisoners, joined by many citi-
zens, conductedthem to the Assem-
bly. Their uniforms had been torn
offand dispersed as trophies among
the multitude. Each of the deputies
‘andcitizenshelda man by the hand,
in a white waistcoat, pale and de-
jected. Several individuals of the
flying Swiss found harbour in the
houses of particular citizens. That
‘coolness and intrepidity willbelong

' remembered, which M. d’Hervilly
Manifested at the awful moment
when the cannon were firing on the
palace, which was defended only by
the detachment of the Swiss, with
the few that remained faithful of
the national guards, that had been
dett behind by the King when he
went, escorted by a part of the Swiss
Tegiment, and to whom he gave or-
ders not to fire, to the National As-
sembly. The fire being continued,
many of the deputies betrayed
marks of consternation, and com-
plained that orders had net been
given to the Swiss not to fire; on
which one of the ministers declar-
ed that an order to that effect had
been given*. Jt was required on
all sides, that this order should be
_Fenewed: but how was it possible
to convey such an order to the pa-
Jace in the midst of a fire from both
_ the besieged and the besiegers ! The
King was greatly afflicted at this ob-

_ stacle. M. d’Hervilly, though he
had disapproved of his leaving the
on convinced that he would be
dethroned, and probably murdered,
immediately offered to carry the
order. The King, Queen, and
Madame Elizabeth were greatly af-

‘eft ‘

ai

[A5

fected at this proof of attachment;
but anxious for his life, seized his
arm, and pressing his hands affec-
tionately between theirs, entreated
him with tears in their eyes, not
to go. M. d’Hervilly, only ani-
mated the moreby such distinguish-
ed marks of regard, renewed his
demand with earnestness, and inva
manner the most capable of inspir-
ing confidence. The King wrote
the order, and delivered it to M.
d’Hervilly. M. de Vauzlemont, a
young officer of artillery who had
belonged to the King’s guard, un-
der the command of M. d’ Hervilly,
begged permission to attend his
commanding officer, and to share
his danger. M. d’Hervilly said,
that his post was at the door of the
King’s lodge; but the gallantyoung
man persisted in follwing M.
d'Hervilly, and shewed himself
worthy of being his companion.
Through dangersand wounds which
it seems scarcely credible that they
should survive, they made their way
to the castle of the Thuilleries,
through the garden, notified the
King’s order to a party of the Swiss,
whom he found in the court of the
castle, and ordered them to follow
him to the National Assembly. M.
d’Herviliy had only sixty of those
unhappy men in his suite when he
returned to the Assembly.

This, also, is the proper place for
recording the virtue of Mademoi-
selle Sombreuil, though the ocea-
sion on which it was displayed
did not occur till some time after.
M. Sombreuil, formerly governor
of the invalids, for being suspected
of secreting arms, was conducted
to prison. His daughter was re-

® Such an order had been given to the party that accompained the King ; who
probably understood thatit would of course be communicated to the whole.

od

|
|

solved

46]

solved to share his misfortune : she
accordingly applied to the gaoler
for permission to enter the cell that
confined her father! The gaoler re-
plied that he dared notallow any per-
son whatever to enter the prison
without orders from a superior pow-
er. Resolute and persevering in Ler
virtuous purpose, she waved all
difficulties, and applied to M. San-
terre, who granted her request.
On the wings of filial love she now
flew to the prison, and bore to the
heart of her aged parent the balm
of pious affection and duteous con-
solation: and thus beguiled the
tedious hours of confinement. On
September 3d, when the people
had taken the reins of justice into
their own hands, the prison where
M. Sombreuil was confined, was
visited. The twelve judges were
sat and the prisoners were tried.
His turn was now come, and the
gaoler appeared at the door. ‘I
am ready,’”’ exclaimed Mademoi-
selle Sombreuil, with a tone of for-
titude, “I am ready to die; but
oh! spare my father !’? The gaoler
was moved with compassion ; thrice
he approached the door, and thrice
withdrew. At length the moment
came, and M. Sombreuil was de-
manded. He appeared, supported
by his daughter ; her hair dishe-
velled, and her countenance ex-
pressive of anguish, perturbation,
and dismay. Disengaging herself
from her father, she threw herself
on her knees, and with uplifted
hands, pleaded for him in an un-
' connected but affecting address to
the judges; in which she offered
her own life to ransom his. It was
the note of pious sorrow, affecting
and persuasive. The judges sur-
veyed the old man and his daughter
alternately ;—their souls were filled

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

with admiration and pity. ‘ What-

ever M, Sombreuil may have been |

guilty of,” said the judges, “ he is
an old man, and let him know that
we are merciful! let him cry vive
la nation ! and retire.’ The virtu-
ous Mademoiselle Sombreuil, with
a piercing accent, repeated vive la
nation ! fell at her father’s feet, and
embraced his knees. The people
were so much pleased with this
moving scene, that they brought
an old door, on which they placed
M. Sombreuil and his daughter,
and bore them through the crowd,
amidst the acclamations of the mul
titude.
When the King first entered the
Assembly, he placed himself at the
side of the president, and said, ‘ I
am come hither to prevent a great
crime:—lI believe myself in safety
in the midst of you, gentlemen.”
The president answered, “ That
he might relyon the Assembly, who
had sworn to die at their posts in
supporting the rights of the nation,
and of the constituted authorities.””
On which the Queen, while the
cannon was firing upon the palace,
and in the midst of ferocious pe-
titions for dethroning the King,
turning to Count D’Hervilly, who
was standing behind her, said,
“Weil M. D’Hervilly, were we
not in the right to go away?” «I
wish with all my heart, Madam,’
answered he, ‘that your Majesty
may be of the same opinion six
months hence.?—The same fond

propensity to grasp at any subject -

of hope, however slight, was still
more conspicuous in the conduct
of the King. The day and the

hour, the plan of the insurrection —
was fixed. The King was perfectly
informed of this, yet still hoped
that he should be able to prevent —
it.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

it. A negociation had been. set
on foot with Brissot, and that as
date as the 9th of August, An
agent was authorised by the King
‘to treat with that patriot, who
demanded noless, forpreventing the
execution of the conspiracy, than
12,000,000 of livres in specie or
bills of exchange, and a passport
to secure his passage out of the
kingdom. It is possible that even
these terms would have been com-
plied with,*had the sum demanded
- been in the coffer of the civil list ;
though this sacrifice would not
‘probably have deferred the insur-
rection beyond a few days, The
firing of cannon and musquetry
continued: the Assembly remain-
ed for some time silent. A motion
» was then made and agreed to, that
‘all property and persons should be

“NL

[AT

under the safeguard of the law
and of the people: and another
for an act of proclamation to all
the citizens ; inviting them to have
confidence in their representatives
who had sworn to save the. country.
While the contest was yet doubt-
ful, the Assembly kept terms, and
were respectful to the King and
constitution. When that was de-
cided, the Assembly, just like the
national guards, joined the prevail-
ing party. Elated by the victory,
they resumed their former arro-
gance, and basely insulted the un-
fortunate prince by the most in-
jurious motions. A decree was
passed by which his royal functions
were suspended, and he himself
and his family retained as prisoners,
in the name of hostages.

CHAP. III.

“Cause that involved the Dissolution of the French Monarchy. The Foun-
dation on which the Monarchy was established. These removed by a

Change of Manners.

Three Eras or Periods of the Revolution.

The

| proximate Cause of the final Dissolution of the Monarchy. The Com-
_ munity of Paris takes the Lead in Public Affairs. Change of Ministers.
General Elections. Arrests and Domiciliary Visits. Walking Commis-
__ stoners. Prisons full of Victims. Massacres at Paris. Cruel Treat-

ao
ofr

ment of the Royal Family. The Meeting of the National Convention.
Their Proceedings. They abolish Royalty. Court the Favour and invite
the Aid of Philosophers. Amass in. their Treasury as much Gold and

_ Silver as possible. Prepare fora Mock Trial, andthe Execution of the

“ht
a King

. Efforts of Roland, Minister of the Interior, to sooth the public

Mind, and restore Order, and the peaceable Pursuits of Industry. With-
_ out Success. Absurdity of the great political Principles on which he

acted, and Extravagance of his Expectations.

Vanity of expecting

ral Change of inveterate Habits from the Institution of new Laws.

n
re
t, t,; JT is natural, at this im-
» 1792. portant epoch, to cast
back aglance onthe causes that in-
volved the dissolution of the French

.

2 Sper
_ The Efficacy of Laws depends on the Activity of the human Passions.

monarchy, All human affairs are
linked together by a chain of ne-
cessary connection; and to speak
with precision, there is only one

great

A8 |

great and first cause of all the phe-
“nomena in the universe. To mark
some of the principal. occasions or
cirumstances in the orderaccording
to which things are produced, is all
that is permitted to the civil histo-
~ rian or natural philosopher.

.The French monarchy was es-
tablished on great vigour of charac-
ter, formed in a rude, but manly
age, by a devotion to chiefs and
‘kings, who were the patrons, as
well as the judges of the people in
peace, and their leaders in war; by
military pride, and a reverence for
religion. A strong and mutual
band of attachment subsisted be-
tween the feudal chieftain and his
faithful vassals, whether they at-
tended him in the field of battle, or
joined the chace on his domain, or
shared in hishospitality at his castle,
or acknowledged him as the arbiter
of differences between themselves
and their neighbours; while the
doctrines and ceremonies of reli-
gion confirmed and heightened all
those sentiments of duty, whether
of individuals towards one another,
or to the Supreme Power that unit-
ed men in society. A very differ-
ent order of affairs was gradually
introduced by progressive know-
ledge and refinement, luxury, li-
centiousnss of manners, and, final-
ly, by the decay and death of reli-
gious faith, and the fatal misappli-
_ cation of certain maxims in political
. philosophy. When the brave and
hospitable Baron, forsaking his
lands and tenements, had become
a supple courtier: the Abbé a wit
and an infidel; the Bishop a licen-
tious beau ; and the hereditary and
independent judge had delegated
his power to venal deputies, then
it was evident that there was some-
thing rotten in the political fabric ;

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

and that it had begun to totter and
decline from that bold and perpen-
dicular line in which it had been
first erected.

The gradual declination from ~
this line was precipitated by the
interference of Lewis XVI. in the
American war, which accelerated
the movement that had been al-—
ready given to public opinion, in
a direction directly contrary to the
spirit of an absolute monarchy.
The philosophers of France, who -
had for many years become ex-
tremely self-conceited, and arro-
gated to themselves a right to give,
instead of receiving the tone from
the court, began now to discourse
concerning the rights of man, and
the nature of representation. On
these subjects they indulged in
much refinement; their natural
genius on this occasion being se-
conded by an emulation of produc-
ing a political system that should
excel that of England, and even of
America.

It was an error common to the
French, with other reformers, that
they proceeded on a kind of ma-
thematical principle; followed
analogies taken from inanimated
matter, and seemed to conceive
that they should set to work on
their new constitution in the same
manner as_ carpenters, smiths,
potters, taylors, and other opera-
tors on dead substances ; whereas
there is a closer analogy, which it
would be well to keep in view,
between societies or governments,
and plants or animals, which re-
quire particular soils, food, and
culture. No man in his senses
thinks of making a seed, or a plant:
he digs around it, he waters it, he

feeds it with proper manure; but

he never thinks of creating ‘such —
another,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

another, on an improved plan, by
any chemical or mechanical pro-
cess.*

- But if it had been safe and pru-
dent to launch forth on the ocean
of metaphysics without sight of
Jand, with the mere compass. of
human reason, the French philoso-
phers, and. Constituent Assembly
who had adopted their ideas, did
not by any means act consistently
with their own principles. Every
nation has its fundamental or con-
stituent laws: in conformity to
these laws the states general were
convened, for the purpose of re-
presenting the grievances of the
nation. They had no instruction
from the people either to subvert
the old government, or to form a
democratical constitution; yet they
proceeded, under the assumed name
and authority of the Constituent
Assembly, to do both the one and
the other. They formed a consti-
tution, not springing, like ripe
fruit, according to the analogy just
mentioned, out of the circumstan-
ces, habits, and wishes of the peo-
ple, but shaped after fancied mo-
dels of perfection, and to be ap-
proved by the general will after-
wards. In order to procure a show
and semblance of this will, they in-
vited armed federates, as they were
called, in July 1791, to Paris, for
the celebration of the third anni-
versary of the revolution, from all
the departments ; but armed fede-
rates were not the proper repre-

, Sentatives of free citizens.

_ Thus the Constituent Assembly
'

[49

violated the rights of men in the
very means they employed for their
establishment. Nothing could be
expected but destruction out of 2
system so inconsequent and absurd.
The American constitution has
hitherto been durable, because it
was founded on the general voice
of the people deliberately collected
and fairly represented.

The depraved state of morals
in France,+ private interests and
views, consequent intrigues, and a
general mistrust between individ-
uals and parties, were incompati«
ble with the duration of a consti-
tution so popular as that which had
been established in France. The
animating spirit of free govern-
ments is a sense of moral, includ-
ing religious, obligation, and sim~
plicity of manners.

In contemplating the great and
complicated mass of events that
more immediately preceded the
fall of the French monarchy, from
another point of view, we perceive
three different eras, or rather pe=
riods of revolution.

The first, the declaration of the
parliament of Paris in 1787, that
they had no right to register im-
posts not consented to by the na-
tion, with a concomitant demand.
of a convocation of the states gene=
ral; and the invitation of the prime
minister, the Cardinal de Lomenie,
to all men of letters to publish their
sentiments on the great questions

‘that occupied the attention and

cares of government, for the pur-
pose of aiding the deliberations of

* Tor a brief discussion of this subject in general, and this analogy in particular,
see a letter from the Rey. Dr. Thomson, to Dr. Parr, published by the latter, in
the Appendix to his Sequel to a Letter to Mr. Curtis,

+ lt might be very dangerous for other nations to hazard the experiment of
forming republics, on the supposition that their morals are much purer than those

of their French neighbours,

Vou. XXXIV.

[EZ] the

50]

the States General,* which it was
promised should be assembled.

In the second period of revolu-
tion we behold an Assembly of
Notables, determining the form in
which the meeting of the States
General should be held; deciding
that the Third Estate should have
as many representatives as the other
two orders of Nobility and Clergy
together; tlie States assembled, and
the Third Order out-voting the
other two; a contest between the
Third Estate and the other two re-
specting the verification of the pow-
ers of all the Deputies of the three
Orders by all the Orders in com-
mon, or as one body; the court
attempting to support the clergy
and noblesse by a military force,
but compelled to give way to the
superior force of the people; a
majority of the two higher orders
consenting to coalesce with the re-
presentatives of the people as one
National Assembly; and a new
constitution formed by this As-
sembly, accepted by the King.

During this period, we wonder to
see the enlightened and ingenious
French nation precipitated from one
difficulty and danger into another,
by the immoderate vanity, self-con-
ceit, and presumption of a foreign-
er,t and a protestant whom they
idolized; while he opposed and
frustrated the plans of a profound
financier and statesman of their
own country one day, andadopted
those very plans another.

_, 14th September 1791. In the

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

third period of revolution we see the
royal prerogative restrained by the
new form of government within too
narrow bounds, while many circum- .
stances concurred to extend,beyond
all possibility of controul,the preten-
sions and power of the people. The
King could not propose any new
laws; nor did he possess the power,
in case of any violation of the con-
stitutional laws on the part of the
Legislative Assembly, to dissolve
them, and to appeal to the people:
but, on the other hand, a simple
and unsupported accusation by the
Assembly was sufficient for the ar-
restation and imprisonment of any
of his Majesty’s ministers.

As the Constituent. Assembly
prepared the fall of the monarchy
by an excessive reduction of the
power of the crown, and augmen-
tation of that of the people, so
also they laboured for the same end
when they decreed their own ineli-
gibility either to the administration
of government, or to the second, or
Legislative Assembly. Whether
they were actuated by a desire of
displaying disinterested zeal for the
public welfare, or that they de-
clined the odious task of executing
and enforcing the Jaws that they
had-established, the effect was the
same:—they who were the best
qualified to direct, at a most criti-
cal time deserted the helm. And
lastly, what gave immediate and
full activity to all those prejudices
and passions that disorganized the
new constitution, and completed the

. * This wasa virtual acknowledgement of the legislative power of the people,
and ceuld not but imflame the pride and arrogance of the philosophers, who had
already formed themselves into a party, in opposition to the court.

+ M. Neckar,

+ If the scheme of M. de Calonne for taxing the lands of the nobility and clergy
had been adopted aad carried into execution, they would not have been seized as
they were some time after, for the payment of assignats; and consequently there

would not have beena revolution.

91!

Tuin

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

tuin of monarchy in France, was
the war prepared by the emigrants,
secretly supported by foreign pow-
ers, and which was generally,
though erroneously believed to
have been undertaken with the
privity and approbation of the King
and Queen of France. |

The immediate or proximate
cause of the final dissolution of the
monarchy, then, and what had been
produced by a series of preceding
causes, of which some have been

enumerated, was, the uncontroula-

ble will of the people, who were
permitted to assemble, and form,
and execute resolutious too in a
summary way, by violence, in spite
of all the new laws and new magis-
trates, on whom the lapse of time
had not conferred that authority
which is necessary to give life'and
action to forms of government. So
that on the whole it may be said,
that the catastrophe of the 10th of
August, 1792, was effected by the
same means precisely as that of the
14th of July, 1789:—the doctrine
of the equality and the rights of
men, and of the sacred duty, for
such it had beencalled by La Fayette
and others, of insurrection.*

_ While the power of the King was
too feeble to resist the repeated
encroachments and attacks of the
Legislative Assembly, the ambi-
tious and unprincipled leaders of
that Assembly courted popular fa-
vour by flattering all their passions,
paying homage to all their caprices,
and indulgence to all their excesses.
Petion basely courted the favour of

[53

the populace by the sacrifice of all
that was generous or just; and even
avowed as a maxim, that amidst all
the outrages of popular insurrection,
it is not justifiable on any account
to spill the blood of a citizen.

While the shadow of kingly
power remained, men sought to
cover their actions under the veil of
some plausible theory;—Still they
attempted or pretended to establish
their political systems on the basis of
morality; and accordingly, in the
first stages of the revolution, they
talked of right andjustice. The de-
mocratic leaders began now tospeak
only of necessity, expediency, and
revolutionary ardour. A conflict
of factions ensued for the sake of
power, but not of principles. Po-
pular favour was courted by accu-
Sations, proscriptions, connivance
at plunder and every crime; and 2
prospect held forth of a general
equalization of both power and
property. All power being vested
in the very dregs of the people,
there was no other government than
a tumult of various and contending
passions, until this at last, accord-
ing to the usual process of anarchy,
yielded the sceptre to the single
emotion of terror.

Soon after the flight of the King,
and the reduction of the castle of
the Thuilleries, a deputation from
the new chosen community of
Paris appearing at the bar of the
Assembly, said ‘ Legislators! the
new magistrates of the people ap-
pear at your bar; the dangers of
the country occasioned our elec-

* Of the French principles, modified afterwards by Condorcet into a democra»
tical form, and proposed among other schemes. though rejected, Horace Walpole,
Earl of Orford, in his posthumous works lately published, says, ‘‘ I did but just
cast my eyes on the beginning and end,and was so lucky as to observe the hypocrite’s
(Condorcet’s) contradiction. He sets out with a declaration of equality, and ends
with security of property; that is, wewill plunder every body, and then entail

the spoils on our own heirs,”

Vol v. p. 619.
[FE] 2

election ;

$2]

tion; circumstances. rendered _ it
necessary, and our patriotism ren-
ders us worthy of it. The peo-
ple at length, tired of being, during
four years, the dupes of the perfidy
of the court, have thought it time
to endeavour to save the empire,
on the brink of ruin. Legislators!
All that we have to do is to assist
the people. We came here in
their name to be adyised by you in
measures for the public service.
Petion, Manuel, and Danton are
still our colleagues. Santerre is at
the head of the armed force. The
people who have deputed us to
you have given us in charge to de-
clare that they will acknowledge
no other judges of the extraordi-
nary measures which necessity and
resistance to oppression have oblig-
ed them to adopt, than the French
people united in the Primary As-
semblies.” Thus, instead of being
advised by the Assembly, they pre-
scribed the conduct to be observed
by that body in the most peremp-
toryterms. They wanted to cover
and protect the crimes that had
been committed, by the authority
of a National Convention. The
address from the Common Council,
that had now assumed the reins of
government, was heard with great
applause by the people in the tri-
bunes. The Assembly (August
1792) having agreed on a call of
the House to determine who were
present, as many members had ab-
sented themselves either through

ANNUAL REGISTER, »1792.

fear, or some. other motive, took
the following oath: “1 swear, in
the name of the nation, to main-
tain liberty and equality, or to die
at my post.’”’—On a motion made
by M. Verginaud, the French
people were invited to form a Na-
tional Convention. The execu-
tive power was suspended until
such time as the. National Conven-
tion should decide on proper mea-
sures for securing the blessing of
freedom to the people. .The pay-
ment of the civil, list was also sus-
pended; it was decreed, as already
mentioned, that both the King and
royal family should remain under
the protection of the Assembly as
hostages: and all public officers, »
whether civil or military, who
should leave their posts in the pre-
sent moment of danger, were de-
clared infamous,

On a motion made by Brissot it
was decreed, that the present minis-
ters had lost the confidence of the na-
tion,and they immediately proceed-
ed to vote six new ones (August 14,
1792); Le Brun for Foreign Af-
fairs; Danton * for the Adminis-
tration of justice ; Monge, a teach-
er of navigation, for the Marine;
and the patriotic ministers lately
dismissed, Roland, Servan, and
Claviere; the first for Home As-
fairs, the second for the War De-
partment, and the third for Con-
tributions+. These three were
appointed provisionally, because the
King might be restored to his au-

* This factious and violent republican had received Jarge sums from the court;
which were given in order to soften him, and by his means to prevent extremities.

+ They had been in March, 1792, appointed by the King, through Dumou-
riez’s influence. The secret friends of the King had advised him to try at that

time a Jacobin administration.

They advised to dismiss them when Dumouriez

had some misunderstanding with them, and to dismiss Dumouriez at the same time,
Nine months before the 10th of August, d’Ablancourt, a nephew of M. de Ca-
lonne, had been appointed Secretary at War—this choice was not popular. The

republican faction recalled the three patiotic Jacobin ministers.

thority

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

thority by the new convention; in
which case he would have the right
to confirm or reject them, and name
others.

August 13th, 1792, the plan of a
decree for summening the National
Assembly was proposed by M.
Gaudet. The Primary Assemblies
for chusing the electors were ap-
gee for the 26th of August.

e electors for the Convention
were to assemble on the second of
September; and the members cho-
sen for the Convention, which
were not to exceed in number the
present Legislative Assemblv, were
to meet at Paris on the 20th of the
same month. ‘The former distinc-
tion of citizens into active and
passive was suppressed; all that was
now necessary in order to entitle a
man to vote, was, that. he should
be 2i years of age, a Frenchman
who had lived for one year in the
country on his own revenue, or
the produce of his labour; and
that he should not be in a state of
servitude. The citizens in the
Primary Assemblies, and the elec-
tors in the Electoral Assemblies,
were to take an oath to defend
liberty and equality, or die in
defending them. The regulations
respecting elections were not de-
creed, but only recommended, as
the present Assembly did not as-
sume the right of ordaining a form
ao exercise of sovereignty in
the formation of a National Con-
vention. The electors wert to
have three livres a day during their
mission, and to be allowed at the
rate of one livre a league for tra-
velling expences. These, with
od decrees and regulations, were

nt by couriers to the eighty-
three departments of France. Com-
‘missioners were also sent to the ar-

[53

mies to explain the conduct of the
Assembly, with orders to arrest
La Fayette, and powers to sus-
pend general officers, of whatever
rank,

Couriers were also dispatched to
all the provinces, for the purpose
of explaining the motives and views
of the Assembly to all the pro-
vinces, which were in expectation,
as in the days of the first revolution,
of some great event, and ready to
receive any impression.

There was now, however, a dif-
ference in the situation 0: men’s
minds, At first, the hope of being
better was the predominant pas-
sion; it was now the fear of being
worse. A general distrust, lassi-
tude, and despondency was appa-
rent throughout the whole of the
provinces ; yet such was the acti-
vity of the Jacobins, that congra-
tulatory addresses to the Assembly
for their firm conduct in dethroning
the King, were sent from all quar-
ters.

In the mean time the Assembly,
under the influence as well as pro-
tection of the municipality of Paris,
proceeded in the exercise of sove-
reign power in a manner that shew-
ed what opinion they entertained
of those assemblies of the people to
whom alone the municipality had.
appealed as judges of the deeds of
the 10th of August. They imme-
diately began, or rather continued,
an attack (August 1792) on all
things that made a distinction of
property and rank, and all that
could form a barrier between the
order, elegance, and harmony of
society, and the rude assaults of
the vulgar, on all the fruits of in-
dustry and art. They adopted and
published a manifesto, drawn up
by Brissot, of the motives on which

[FE] 3 the

54]

the French National Assembly pro-
claimed the convocation of a Na-
tional Convention, and pronounc-
ed the suspension of the execu-
tive power in the hands of the
King. All those ecclesiastics who
had not taken the oaths required,
or who retracted and persisted in
their retraction, were ordered in
eight days to quit the limits of
their respective departments, and
in fifteen days the kingdom. Dis-
obedience to the decree was to
be punished with banishment to
French Guianne. Those who left
the kingdom in a voluntary man-
ner were not to have either pen-
sion or revenue, but to be allowed
three livres: for every ten leagues,
or about a penny a mile for the
journey. Infirm priests, and those
above sixty years of age were ex-
empted. And so great was the
jealousy of that order, that the ec-
clesiastics thus excepted were not
permitted to live in the country
at large, but to be assembled in the
chief town of each department, in
a house of which the municipality
was to have the inspection. This
dreadful decree was followed by
the most numerous and direful ca-
lamities. England was distinguish-
ed above all other countries for the
generosity with which she received
and supported the exiles, who, to-
wards the end of 1792, had fled in
so great numbers from the fury of
their countrymen, At the same
time that this decree was passed and
put in execution against the refrac-
story priests, the council general of
the commune of Paris issued orders
‘that all the vessels, images, and
other moveables in the churches of
Paris, whether of gold or silver,
should be removed, and sent to the
aint. From the priests and images,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the reformers proceeded to the
demolition of certain statues: which
they seemed to consider as a kind
of auxiliaries of the clergy in sup-
port of monarchy. The statues in
the public places; of Louis XII.
inthe Place Royal; Louis XIV. in
the places Vendome and Victoire;
those of Louis XV. &c. and all the
statues of bronze, were converted
into cannon; and thus it was said
were drawn over from the cause of
tyranny to that of liberty. Thus
pursuing their victory over royalty,
and willing to remove every thing
that might lead to its restoration,
they decreed, on a motion by Bris-
sot, that the Swiss regiments in the
service of France ceased to be in
the service of France; but at the
same time that France wished to
continue in peace and amity with
them. The suppression of the Or-
der of Merit, or of St. Louis, was
decreed in the same spirit, All
claims of indemnity for feudal
rights were abolished; and an act
for the division of waste lands was
followed by one for the division
and sale of the lands of all the emi-
grants.

As the decree against emigrants,
and for the divison of their lands,
was an excellent expedient for en-
riching the nation, it readily oc-
curred that it would be good policy
to increase the number of emi-
grants, or to punish those who did
not emigrate, so as to put an end
to the race of ancient proprietors
in France.
rests and domiciliary visits were in-
stituted, under the inspection of —
the bloody municipality. Two —
hundred and eighty members of ©

;
a

the common council of Paris, and —

about six hundred officers belong- _
ing to the sections, were basely —
employed —

For this purpose ar- —

|

’

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

employed in accusing, and signing,
and executing orders for arrests.
Under pretext of searching for
eoncealed arms, all the citizens,
except those who were to be em-
ployed by the municipality, were
ordered to remain at home; the
barriers were shut; and armed men
were stationed at all the corners of
the streets. The members of the
sections having become the agents
of the principal leaders, through
fear, the whole of the Parisian
guards, with only a few excep-
tions, were just as completely un-
der their command as ever they had

_ been under that of Bailly or La

.
:
{
|

Fayette. About one g’clock each
morning, for several weeks, the
search began by patroles of men of
the lowest rabble, with pikes, un-
der the orders of commissaries of
the sections. When the Assembly
discovered that the municipality
was going on so fast with arrests
that some of its own members were
among the number of the arrested,
they passed a decree for dissolving
that corporations But Hueguenin,
president of the municipality, being
sent for, notbecause he had arrested
‘2000 innocent and respectable per-
sons, but because he had summoned
before histribunala clerk belonging
to Brissot’s newspaper-office, de-
clared to the Assembly that the mu-
nicipality had unlimited powers, and
that it was the representative of the
sovereign of Paris:—and Petion,
at the head of a deputation from
the municipality (August 31) coolly
menaced the Assembly with an in-
surrection, the great instrument of
yower, if they did not annul the
decree, Tallien proposed a plan
of compromise, which was adopted.
is was a new organization of the
municipality. ‘This transaction is

Bt {|

[55

recorded for the purpose of shew-
ing how completely the Assembly
was under subjection to the muni-
cipality ; as the municipality, on
their part, acted in the name and
spirit of the lowest classes of Paris,
and of France.

As the Assembly was threatened
by the people, so the people were
threatened by the approach of the
Prussians under the Duke of Bruns-
wick; so that the affairs of France
at this time were completely under
the government of the principle of
terror.

In these circumstances, Danton,
the minister of justice, by promises
and threats, procured from the As-
sembly, Sep. 2d, a decree for walk-
ing commissaries, tosecond the good

intentions, and execute the will of

the executive power, in aiding him
to save the country. By this de.
cree, whoever refused to give up
their arms, or to serve in the army,
was declared a traitor to his coun-
try, and to be punished with death.
Danton was no sooner furnished
with these powers, than the barriers
were shut; and the municipality
published the following proclama-
tion: “ Citizens, the enemy is at
the gates of Paris. Verdun can
hold out only eight days. Let us
assemble quickly at the Champ de
Mars, and there form an army of
60,000 men, in order to march
against the enemy.””

As the prisons were now nearly
filled with victims, it was thought
time to prepare for getting rid of
them in the manner of the 10th of
August ; and the usual artifice was
practised, of exciting the people to
acts of bloodshed, by rousing their
fears. The tocsin was sounded, the
cannon of alarm fired, and the mas-
sacre on the point of commence-

[E] 4 ment,

56]

ment, - But it was necessary to find
a pretext for beginning, Emissaries
were therefore dispatched into all
the quarters of Paris, to persuade the
curious and the idle, that, asthe pri-
sonswere fullof aristocrats and sus-
pected persons, and that the majority
ofthe inhabitants were underthie ne-
esssity of marching against the com-
mon enemy, it would be dangerous
toleave their wives and children to
be massacred by thearistocrats, who
had a design to escape from prison
and deliver up the town to pillage,
and all the horrors of which aristo-
crats are supposed capable. Diffe-
rent bands of assassins, though none
of them very numerous, but all of
them headed by some of the Mar-
seillois, were sent to the different

risons, Several carriages leaving
Paris withsome of the exiled priests,
were stopped at the barriers, and
carried back to the abbey-prison,
and the convent of the Carmelites,
also employed as a prison. While
the last of these unfortunate men
were descending from a carriage,
one of the assassins, pretending that
he saw them making signs to the
other prisoners, and that a general
mutiny was _ intended, — imme-
diately all of them, to the number
of about twenty, were massacred.
Until an example of murder be set,
the multitude, however depraved
and sanguinary, are backward to
imbrue their hands in human blood.
It was in order to overcome this
Natural reluctance that the chiefs
of conspiracy andassassination inall
the stages of the revolution, as par-'
ticularly on the 10th of August,
carried about the heads of murdered
persons upon pikes. Those heads
acting like an electric shock, con-

* In allusion to the words of our Saviour, John ch. xviii. ver. 4, 5.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

veyed a strong impression of the
act of blood, and inspired a mo-
mentary sympathy, and imitation
of the murderers. The massacre
of the priests, of whom bloody tro-
phies were handed about through-
out all Paris, served as a signal for
beginning the work of carnage. In
the convent of the Carmelites there
were above'300 clergymen, unac-
cused of any crime besides that of a
regard to the oath they had taken
to be faithful te the church and
the monarchy, and many of them
distinguished for learning, piety,
and virtue. The Archbishop. of
Arles, the Bishop of Beauvais, and
the Bishop of Saintes, were the
first who felt the stroke of assassina-
tion. The scene of massacre was
the garden of the convent, adjoin-
ing to which was the chapel. A
number of the ecclesiastics crowd-
ed around the Bishop of Arles,
anxious to preserve his life at the
risk of their own; the furious as-
sassins in the mean time calling out
to know which was the Bishop,
whom they considered as a leader
and encourager of his order, in
disobedience to government. The
Bishop, unwilling to court a mo-
mentary safety at the expence of
his brethren, stepped forth from
the throng, a willing victim to
duty and honour*, and said, “I
am he whom ye seek.”? The as-
sassins seemed at first to be some-
what struck with such serenity of
character and dignity of conduct;
but, to overcome this impression,
one of them went behind him and
struck of his hood. Having suf;
fered other indignities and revil-
ings, he was cut to pieces with
sabres. The number of priests

mas-

———_—_ eeeeersae

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

massacred on this occasion, amount-
eat 244. .The massacre at the
abbey. was. suspended, after the

murder of the priests, about an

hour. During that interval a kind
of tribunal was erected, in which a
few of the most abandoned and fe-
rocious of the populace were the
accusers, judges, and executioners.
The first step was, to demand the
effects of the prisoners; the trial
was short, and the execution of the
sentence instantaneous. It was in
very few instances that condemna-
tion did not follow accusation:
not only were men and women
condemned on suspicion, but on
account of their being related to
suspected persons. Immediately
on condemnation they were cut
down with sabres at the door,
amidst the cries of viva la liberté.

_ The massacre ofthe Concergierie
began nearly at the same time with
that of the Abbey prison, Eight
Swiss officers who were on their
trial, and which had been just be-
gun, with that of Major Bachman,
and other persons waiting for their
sentences, among whom probably
were many guilty of crimes, to the
number, in all, of 85, were mas-

paeres! without any shew of legal

wocess. Two hundred prisoners
in the great Chatelet shared the
same fate. Many of these were
confined on suspicion of forgery,
or passing false assignats ; others of
crimes of a private nature; but
none of them had been tried. Se-
venty-three felons condemned to
thegallies, confined in the Cloister
of St. Bernard, were there mas-
sacred, Forty-five unfortunate wo-
men of the town were massacred in
pital, or workhouse of the
Ipetriere. At the prison of the
otel de la Force, where the
Massacre was begun on the 2d,

[57

and continued for some time at
certain intervals, one hundred and
sixty-four persons were assassinated.
The prisoners who had been sent
to Orleans on account of their at-
tachment to ancient monarchy,
now called treason, sedition, and
incivism ; the Duke of Brissac, de-
Lessart, the judge La Riviere, and
others, to the number of 58, were
conducted to Versailles, and there
massacred in presence of the na-
tional guards and principal officers,
who did not make any attempt to
save them. But the most horrible,
aswellasthe last ofall the massacres
of September, was that of the Bi-
cetre, both a prison and an hospital,
where the criminal, the sick, the
wounded and the insane, were all
shut up together. Here the pri-
soners, inspired with some hopes
perhaps,’ from the greatness of
their numbers, or at least being
certain of their fate, with the reso-
lution of despair, determined to
make resistance, though in irons;
and prepared, as wellas they could,
for their defence. The assailants
aware of this, played on them with
cannon charged with grape-shot, as
they ran from one side of the dif-
ferent courts, in which they were
confined to another. When they
were no longer formidable for their
numbers, they were shot with fire-
arms, by way of diversion, ‘The
massacre of prisoners was continued
night and day, without interrup-
tion, for a week.

To enumerate the various cir-
cumstances thataggravated the hor-
ror of these crimes, and opened
new and humiliating prospects of
human nature, would require vo-
lume on volume. Nor are these
wanting; for it was not possi-
ble that this subject, so painfully
interesting, should be passed over

in

58 |

in silence in an age so abundant in
journalists and all denominations of
writers. ‘To these writers, all of
them concurring in the most im-
portant factsand circumstances, we
refer our readers for circumstantial
details of the massacres of Paris, and
other parts of France. Among
these, however, there are a few
which cannot be wholly omitted in
this place, as they serve to illustrate
not only the inhuman fury of the
Parisians at this time, but the pro-
gress of the revolution from bad to
worse; from false theories of go-
vernment, to the most depraved and
destructive actions.

The amiable and generous Prin-
cess of Lamballe was massacred, al-
though her only crime was a sin-
cere and unconquerable attachment
to her royal mistress, and a detesta-
tion equally insurmountable, of the
murderer of her husband. Being
called to take the oath of liberty
and equality, and that of hatred to
the King, to the Queen, and to
royalty, she said, ‘I will readily
take the first, but I cannot take the
last; it is not in my heart.” A
person who was there, said in her
ear, ‘‘ Swear, or you are a dead
woman.’ The Princess lifted up
her eyes without saying a word,
and went towards the door. The
president gave the usual sign for
execution*, and in an instant she
was assassinated. ‘Then aked body
was submitted to insults scarcely to
to be imagined, certainly not to be
expressed. Here, once for all, we
shall take occasion to relate that it
was a common thing for persons of
both sexes to give poignancy and
zest to their other crimes, by a stu-
died violation of all the sentiments

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

of decorum and modesty. The
head of the Princess, after bemg
carried on a pole to the Temple,
was exposed to the view of the
King and Queen, who expected
the same fate. The head, we are
told by M. Clery, who saw it with
horror, “ though bleeding, was not
disfigured ; and her fine light hair
still curling round the pike.”

The Count de Montmorin, who
had taken refuge on the 10th of
Avgust in the house of a fisher-
woman in the Fauxbourg St. An-
toine, being discovered by the im-
prudence of his hostess, was arrest-
ed, and conducted to the bar of the
National Assembly. He answered
the questions put to him with great
calmness, and in the most satisfac-
tory manner; butthecircumstances
of his having concealed himself,
and a bottle vf opium being found
in his pocket, formed, as they said,
a presumption that he was con-
scious of some crime. * Having
been detained two days in the
committee, he was sent a prisoner
to the Abbey, when he was mur-
dered, with circumstances too
shocking to be mentioned.

In the first stages of the revolu-
tion, the tumults, outrages, and
most criminal excesses, flowing
from speculative principles, though
erroneous, were not disgraced with
the additional turpitude of theft
and robbery. On the 20th of
June there was nothing missing or
misplaced in the royal apartments
in the Thuilleries: and many
proofs of a zeal, at least disinterest-
ed, were exhibited even on the
10th of August ; but after that pe-
riod, when the reign of numbers
and physical force was established,

the

* Qu’on enlargisse la prisoniere—The prisoner must be released. ,

_ the flood-gates of all the basest pas-
| sions were opened, and that poli-
| tical enthusiasm, which had ina
great degree swallowed up all infe-
| rior views, was mixed, contami-
| mated, and overwhelmed by an in-
undation of crimes, and an almost
universal disregard toconsiderations
of either morality or religion. The
assassinations, arrests, and menaces
of this gloomy period, were uni-
formly accompanied with robbery
and extortion. The numbers, whom
fear and danger drove out of the
country were immense; and the
municipal officers and members of
the Jacobin club who gave or pro-
cured the necessary passports, en-
-riched themselves by enormous
sums. Five thousand pounds were
frequently given. for one passport.
Large sums were also extorted ‘by
means of denunciation; and in
: others, by promises of protection.
___ Ata time whenthe French nation
were breaking through all the an-
cient bonds of society, it would
have been very extraordinary, if
so lively and changeable a people
should have continued to wear the
yoke of matrimony. The Assem-
‘by, on the motion of M. Sillery,
relative to divorces, came to the
following resolutions: ‘ Ist. That
a dissolution of marriage, by the
mutual consent of the husband and
wife, be allowed. 2d. That a di-
_ vorce be allowed at the desire either
of the husband or the wife, on the
simple allegation of difference of
; papers or other stated grounds,”’
While the most unprincipled, the
_ Most active, and those who possess-
_ ed the greatest power and influence
in their individual capacity, grew
rich on the spoils of their neigh-
bours, the great patrimonial estates

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

[59

of the nobility and clergy were
seized by the Assembly in the name
of the nation ; and these being di-
vided and subdivided, were sold to
all who could purchase them, and
for the greater part to the cultiva-
tors of the soil, who had an oppor-
tunity of hoarding up assignats in
the course of service in the national
guards, and in the army. The plate
and jewels of the crown were also
seized for the public exigencies.
A time was foreseen when assignats
would no longer serve to purchase
the necessaries of life; on which
account every effort was made to
keep up gold and silver in the mint.
The rulers of France were not
more restrained by the laws of mora-
lity in their conduct towards other
nations. Claviere, minister for con-
tributions, as he could not venture
to propose any new taxes on the
people of France, conceived the pro-
ject of drawing contributions by ne-
gotiations with the principal banks
of Europe. Agents were sent to
London, Amsterdam, Madrid,
Hamburgh, and other places, who
had orders to negotiate bills on Pa-
ris, payable, as was well under-
stood, in assignats. The value of
the bills discounted was remitted to
France in specie. When they be-
came due they were paid according
to the course of exchange. But be-
fore thiscould be converted into gold
or silver, assassins were hired to pa-
trole the streets, and by threats, or
acts of violence, to chace away from
their several stations all those who,
according to the manner of Paris,
sold money for billsinthe streets. At
other times, when a rise in change
was wanted for the purpose of
drawing new bilis, Claviere sent
men to offer more money than was —
wanted

60 ]

wanted. Thus the new govern-
ment of France was shifted from
that basis of morality on which
Condorcet, and other leaders inthe
Constituent Assembly, pretended
to establish it, and rested wholly
on a violation of private property,
and afraud committed, in the crea-
tion of assignats, on public credit,
rendered by the varied and extend-
ed intercourses of society and of
commerce, the common bankers
of Europe, and the whole civilized
world.

Having taken a brief survey
of the character and conduct of the
new government of France, we
return to those of the royal family,
on whose ruins it was erected.

When the King and royal fa-
mily came to the Assembly, they
were received with respect, as it
was not then known how the
contest expected at the Thuil-
Jeries might terminate. When
the roar of musquetry and cannon
had ceased, and the cry was heard
that the Swiss fled, then all appear-
ance of respect for the royal family
was laid aside: the oath of equa-
lity was unanimously taken, and
the suspension of the King unani-
mously voted, as above related. It
was decreed at first, that the King,
with his whole family, should be
sent to the palace of the Luxem-
burg ; and also, that as the civil
list was suspended, a revenue should
be assigned out of it for the King.
It was not known how far the
French nation might suffer any
treatment of the King less respect-
ful or moderate. Perhaps the As-
sembly itself did not at this time
feel those sanguinary and deadly
sentiments towards the King and
blood royal that were soon inspired

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

by conscious guilt and consequent’
terror; and by the very fury that’
arises in every animal against any’
living creature it has once made an
object of hatred and persecution.
Be all this as it may, the royal fa-'
mily was not conducted to the pa-'
lace, nor supported at the expence’
of a liberal, a decent, or any fixed’
and certain revenue whatever. The’
unfortunate Louis XVI. with his’
amiable and unfortunate family,
was doomed to a miserable prison,
harsh treatment, and the bare ne-
cessaries of nature :—every remain’
of comfort and consolation, even
that of social intercourse, was gra-'
dually taken away. Death shook
his dart day and night over their’
heads, and what remained of the
course of life was embittered by a
series of cruelties that seemed to
have been dictated by the ferocity’
of the most savage nation, and the’
subtlety of the most refined. But,
under all these severe sufferings the’
whole royal family displayed the’
most magnanimous and amiable
virtues; fortitude, piety, resigna-
tion to the will of God; conjugal,
parental, filial, and fraternal affec-
tion; and a generous concern for
the fate of their friends, and the’
whole unhappy French nation. |
While the new rulers rioted in the’
midst of prosperity in every lust of
sensuality and power,—the family
driven from the throne exhibited,
in a prison, and under the most
terrible circumstances that can be’
imagined, a mostbrilliant pattern of
moral excellence. Many publica-
tions, all of them agreeing in the’
main and most affecting points, il-
lustrate the truth of what is now
asserted concerning the deportment:
of the royal prisoners of France a
the ©

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

| last year of the monarchy. But
_ we cannot, on this occasion, pass
over in silence the journal of the
- eccurrences in the Temple, by Mr,
ral ery, the faithful and heroic valet
de chambre of the King; in the pe-
_ tusal of which we are agitated be-
tween indignation and grief, admi-
ration and compassion. The mo-
ralist in the contemplation of such
a scene, is for a time lost in per-
plexity and doubts concerning the
vays of Providence; and even re-
ligious faith itself might be in some
danger of being staggered, if this
principle had not been found in the
present, as well as in so many for-
mer instances, to console and sup-
port the mind under evils not to be
removed or assuaged by any or all
of the resources of humanity.
_ The same spirit of democratical
rage and contempt of all consti-
tuted authority, law, or justice,
which had prevailed in Paris from
the 9th of August, under the direc-
tion of factious agitators, prevailed
also in the election of the National
Convention. A circular letter
from the municipality of Paris, and
countersigned by Danton, minister
_ of justice, was sent to all the other
‘municipalities in the kingdom, Its
object was to procure the appro-
bation of the whole kingdom to
‘the massacres, and even to recom-
mend them, in case of necessity,
to imitation. ‘“ The prisoners,”
they said, ‘had been put to death
. Tay people: An act of justice,
which appeared (to them) indispen-
bly necessary to keep in awe le-
of traitors.” It was under
‘the impressions that such produc-

yeti.

[61

tions were capable of producing,
that the primary and electora! as-
semblies were held for chusing a
new Assembly. The clergy were
banished ; the higher and the most
honourable of the nobility had fled
or fallen by the hand of assassina-
tion; the royal family in prison
expected their fate;—all who
favoured royalty or distinction of
rank,* were held in abhorrence;
and those who had been called’ pas-
sive, as well as the active citizens,
had been declared to be eligible to
all honours and offices of the state.
The vilest of the people had com-
pletely triumphed, and they now
proclaimed at once their victory and
sanguinary intentions ; so that good
men were discouraged from mixing
in the ferocious and unprincipled
crowd; and the convention was
chesen for the greater part, out
of the most despicable and des-
perate men in the kingdom,

Jt was common for bands of as-
sassins, at the instigation of Danton,
and other leaders, to attend and
overawe the freedom of elections.
At Rheims there appeared, among
other candidates, one Armonville,
a butcher, a man of noted brutality
of manners. At the name of Ar-
monville there was a great murmur
and outcry of indignation; but the
armed federates cried out, “‘ We
must have Armonville. If you do
not give us Armonville, we will con-
tinue the massacres, agreeably to
the letter of the municipality of
Paris.”

The National Convention, with
unlimited authority, assembled at
Paris, on the 20th of September.

_* So general and strong was the hatred of the noblesse, including not only the
nobles, but what we call Gentry, that it was under deliberation whether any of
this order should be permitted to hold commissions in the French army,

Twelve

62]
Twelve commissioners informed the
National Assembly, that the Na-
tional Convention was constituted
in the hall-of the Thuilleries. M.
Gregoire, bishop of Blois, said, ‘ Ci-
tizens, the National Convention is
constituted. Weare deputed by it
to inform you, that it is about to re-
pair hither, in order to commence
its sittings.”? The president then
said, ‘‘ the Legislative Assembly de-
clares that its sittings are termin-
ated.”? The whole Assembly upon
this withdrew, in order to repair
to the National Convention. They
entered the hall of the Thuilleries
in a body, ‘and M. Francois de
Neufchateau spoke thus :—* Re-
presentatives of the nation, the
Legislative Assembly has ceased its
functions; the late members of
it hasten to be first in giving to all
the empire an example of submis-
sion to the laws which you may de-
cree. They have resolved, that
their first act, as simple citizens,
shall be that of serving as a guard
to the National Convention, and
of offering them the homage of
their respect, in order to give to
all France an example of bowing
before the majesty of the people,
whom you represent. We con-
gratulate ourselves, that, upon our
voice, all the primary assemblies
adhered to the invitation which we
gave them; by electing you, they
have consecrated the extraordinary
measures which the safety of
24,000,000 of people may-require
against the perfidy of one man.”
September 21st. The first act of
the Conventional Assembly was, to
sanction by law the abolition of
royalty. They proceeded on the
next day, to decree, Ist, That all
the public acts should be dated
“* the first year of the French Re-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

public, 2nd. That the state-seal
should be changed, and have for its
legend, French Republic. 3d. That
the national-seal should represent
a woman sitting upon a bundle of
arms, having in her hand a pike,
with the cap of liberty upon it;
and on the exergue “ Archives of
the French Republic.”

The new legislators of France,
as well as their immediate prede-
cessors, discovered much solicitude
to consolidate their power, and
cover the enormities of the revolu-
tion by the sanction of philosophers,
and by propagating their doctrines
among neighbouring nations; being
impressed with a strong conviction,
which they did not effect to conceal,
that “he that was not with them,
was against them.”” A decree was
adopted on the motion of Barrere,
in the name of the committee of
constitution, inviting all the friends
of liberty and equality to present
to the said committee, in any lan-
guage whatever, the plans, methods, |
and means which they thought the
best calculated to form a good con-
stitution for the French Republic ;
and enacting that such works
should be translated, printed, and
laid before the National Conven-
tion. In a nation in which there
are not very many who did not ima-
gine themselves qualified to make
laws for the whole, this invitation,
so flattering tothe vanity of French- °
men and authors, was eagerly em-
braced; and the number of politi-
cal tracts published about this time
was as great as was to be expected.
The convention made the compli-
ment of citizenship to political
writers and orators, whose notions
they approved, in different coun-
tries ; and particularly in our own,
to Dr, Priestley, Thomas Paine, Mr.

Wiiberforce,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

‘Wilberforce, and Mr. D. Williams.
Dr. Priestley was not ashamed to ad;
_dvess two letters, one to the Conven-
-tion, and the other to M. Roland,
‘expressive of the great honours con-
ferred on him: first, by the nation
_at large, in adopting him acitizen of
_France;and next, by the department
of Arne, in electing him a member
of the legislative body.* These let-

_ters were much applauded, and or-
dered to be inscribed in the mi-
‘nutes of the Assembly. In answer to
hisletter addressedtothe Assembly,
ape penitent was charged toinform
him, that the Convention would
receive with pleasure any reflections
that he might he pleased to trans-
mit to them. Very different from
the conduct of Dr. Priestley was
that of the German poet, Klops-
tock, celebrated with still greater
justice for the humanity of his dis-
position, than for his poetical ta-
dents, and to whom the Assembly
d sent a patent of citizenship.
“ModeratorsoftheFrench empire,”’
says Klopstock, in a letter to the
Assembly, “I send back with hor-
ror those titles of which I was so
proud, while I could think that they
united me to a society of brothers
and friends to humanity.—Learn
t the excess of your barbarism
and your crimes has placed an eter-
nal barrier between you and the
poets of happy Germany. French-
men, I turn away with affright from
that impious troop which is guilty

«tt

bry un

[63

of assassination, by looking on, the
peaceable witnesses of murder. I
fly far from the cries of that execra-
ble tribunal. which murders, not
only the victim, but which murders
also the mercy of the people.”

The remainder of this year was
spent by the Convention in endea-

.vyouring to amass in their treasury

all the gold and silver of the king-
dom, in organizing the sale of the
lands of the emigrants, and in mak-
ing preparations for the execution
of their King.

But, in the midst ofso much con-
fusion, injustice, and horror, the
minister of the interior laboured,
with unremitting activity and zeal,
to soothe and compose the minds of
the distracted people to order, jus-
tice, and the pursuits of useful and
honourable industry. He used his

_utmost endeavours to prevent or to

quell disordersand insurrections, by
instructions and exhortations circu-
lated throughout all France, and by
preventing or removing causes of
discontent ; particularly by a faith-
ful and equitable distribution of
the large sums of money granted by
the Assembly, for the purpose of
making advances to such of the de-
partments as were the most in need
of them; and particularly for the
extraordinary supplies demanded by
Paris.+ He paid due regard to
hospitals and deserted children ; to
highways and bridges ; to agricul-
ture, munufactures, arts, and com-

” * The Doctor did not accept of a seat in the Conventiun himself; but the same

compliment was paid and accepted by his son.
+ These advances were made on the condition that they should be repaid, with-

ut interest, in the space of two years. In fact they never were repaid, nor ex-

Perted to be repaid at all s but were necessary for the preservation of authority in

a new government in a turbulent nation, And in this, as inso many other instan-

ces, we recognize a striking similarity between the present system of the French and

that of the ancient Romans, From the first divisions of the spoil among the rob-

bers on the Seven Hills, to the last stages of the empire, it was thought expedient to
ow largesses on the Roman citizené.

ie)

merce,

64]

merce. But the calm voice of rea-
son was but little regarded amidst
the general uproar. All his efforts
were exhausted in reports, plans,
pathetic addresses, and prayers for
the public good. The executive
power was everborne by the violent
spirit of insubordination that raged
in all places and among all parties.
Roland himself was abundantly sen-
sible of ‘this. | While he endea-
voured by compliments and caresses
to moderate the rage and conduct
the passions of his countrymen,—in
all his addresses, he confesses how
little he expects from the mild mede
of moral persuasion, In his report
(23d September) given in to the
National Convention, and which
being printed, was sent to the eigh-
ty-three departments, and the ar-
mies, he says, ‘ Paris has ever
given the signal of action to the re-
mainder of the empire on all great
occasions: its inhabitants have trod-
den down despotism, prevented its
blind fury, and disconcerted its
plans. It has, indeed, been self-
destructive ; and despotism and its
project must end together. But,
should the fermentation it has ex-
cited survive the foe, this fermen-
tation will be equally ruinous.
France is rending herself, and all is
disorder. The danger is extreme.
Can Paris, which has done so much
for the general good, become the
cause of misery? No. The Na-
tional Convention will soon give a
new face to affairs. The present
law is truly the law of the people,
who ought at least provisionally to
acknowledge their own work, by
obeying the decrees which shall be

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

passed by the National Convention
No plea of suspicion can now ex-
cuse disobedience tothe law. Mi-
nisters can no longer be suspected ;
for they and the people have but
one common cause: whoever shall
refuse obedience to the law, must
be either a mistaken or a perfidi-—

‘ous man; and in either -case, his

resistance may be destructive to the
state. Reason will certainly'direet
the great majority; and to their
force the minority ought to cede.”’.
But, after all these expressions of
confidence in the reason of a great
majority and the clearness of what
they ought to do, he immediately
adds, ‘* A vigorous government
only can secure’ the existence of
free states. This truth is particu-
larly applicable to a people consist-_
ing of 25,000,000 of * men, in
times of public danger, This idea
leads to another. Confidence is the
strongest of political springs; and
the only one which ought to actuate
a free people on ordinary occa-
sions. But the present is none of
that class. Brunswick extends his
influence round the National Con-
vention. Confidence singly, is im-
potent; force is necessary :—force
alone can overthrow treachery.
It is my opinion, therefore, that the
National Convention should be
guarded by an armed force, capable
of inspiring awe ; and that this force
ought to consist of men wholly de-
voted to military service; which
should be their profession :—Regu-
lar troops only can effect this pur-
pose.”’

It might appear astonishing to
those who did not reflect on the

* Under which designation, Roland, it may be thought also, comprehended wo-
men: and not with great impropriety. The French women had displayed manly

courage, and more than manly ferocity.

nature

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

nature of enthusiasm, that, on the
very first meeting of an assembly
chosen by the whole people of
France, without any consideration
of property or rank, when mutual
confidence might be supposed, if
ever to reign (and immediately
after the abolition of royalty, and
an oath of eternal hatred to kings)
such sentiments should be avowed
by so eminent and popular a leader
in the revolution. The ground of
virtue, the basis of republican go-
gernment, was abandoned, andan
asylum sought within the precincts
of despotism.
» But Roland, with his friends and
adherents, though he distrusted the
present generation, anticipated the
virtue of future times, the happy
and glorious fruit of the new form
of government. In a letter which
the minister of the interior sent,
_ ‘Nearly at the same time, to the ad-
' ministrative bodies, he says, ‘* Hi-
deous egotism, which would walk
tranquilly amidst ruin, to search
after what it could appropriate to
itself; jealous and bold ambition,
always ready to shoot up in minds
heated and unruly, the unthinking
and immoral habits of so many men
vitiated by tyranny,—all these kept
up a focus of corruption, the effects
Of which have appeared to tarnish
some epochs of the constitution.
It would be as great injustice to
Siren as to be astonished at them.
he instant at which the elements,
confused in chaos, came into regu-
Jar union; must have been that of
am agitation in which none but the
Creator could perceive the incalcu-
a var

[65

lable and disorderly movements.
The moment when the genius of

liberty extinguishes empire, offers

something analogous which philo-
sophy alone can calculate.—But
the light is made :—its shining rays
animate and give colour to objects.
Royalty is proscribed, and the reign
of equality begins.”

If ever there existed a chaos, or
abyss of disorder, there could have
been no such thing in its agitation
as disorderly motion, since every
motion from a state of disorder
must have been a motion towards
the establishment of order and har-
mony. But it would be idle to
waste time in exposing the inapti-
tude, as well as extravagance of 2
comparison, between the creation
of the universe and the French re-
volution. This scene doves not so
naturally recall to a dispassionate
mind, light and order springing, at
the Almighty fiat, out of darkness
and confusion*, as the whole crea-
tion groaning and inf pain, in conse-
quence of the disorders introduced
into the world by sin. But it is
not wholly foreign to our purpose
to give a specimen of those flowers
of rhetoric which accorded so well
with the genius of France; parti-
culaly at this time, and were consi-
dered as very convincing arguments
by so great a portion of the nation.
The weight of this observation is
not lessened but rather encreased,
if the letters and other compositions
of Roland were written, as is ge-
nerally believed, by his wife.

M. Roland, in a letter to the de-
partments, on the subject of the

_ * M. Roland alludes to the justly admired passage in the first chapter of Genetis,
“ And God said, Jet there be light: and there was light.”

+ Rom, viii. 22.
Vou. XXXIV,

fe-

‘

(F]

massacres,

66]

massacres, dated the 4th of Sep-
tember, uses other similitudes. ‘‘ I
know that revolutions are not to be
ealculated by common rules: but
I know likewise, that the power
which makes them, ought ‘soon to
arrange itself under obedience to
the law, if total destruction be not
intended. ‘The anger of the people,
and the movement of insurrection,
are comparable to the action of a
torrent. which overturns obstacles
that no other power is able to de-
stroy; but which, spreading wider
and wider in its progress, will carry
ravage und devastation far and wide,
if it does not soon return to its
usual course. It is in the nature of
things, and of the human heart,
that victory should always be fol-
lowed by a certain degree of ex-
cess: the'sea, agitated by a tempest,
roars after the tempest is over; but
every thing has its bounds where
it ought at last to be terminated.”’
Even in'these sublime and gentle
admonitions to the people, we dis-
cover the latent principle of all the
evil; which ought not to be com-
pared to’ a torrent which ceases
with the rains, or the dissolution of
the snow by which it is occasioned,
but to a well of bitter waters con-
stantly springing up into poisonous
streams of misery and death. The
French nation are admonished of
what they ought to do, or not to do;
but the grand principle of insurrec-
tion and revolt js still approved,
held sacred still, and compared to
whatever is grand and affecting in
the course of nature. Yet it is al-
lowed that insurrection may be too
long continued. ‘If,’ M. Roland
continues, ‘“ disorganization be-

* History of Jacobinism, page 516. © _

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

comesa matter of habit and custom;
if men, zealous, but without know- —
ledge and skill, pretend to mix per- —
petually with administration, and
to stop its course; if, supported by
some popular favour, obtained by a
great degree of ardour, and main- —
tained by a still greater’ facility
of making harangues, they spread —
abroad mistrust, and sow calumny —
and accusation, excite fury and
dictate proscriptions,—the govern-
ment is then only a shadow *.?
Though these remarks may havean
appearance of criticism rather than —
of narration, yet nothing is more to
our purpose than to trace the great
cause amidst all the symptoms: of —
the disease. For light on this sub-
ject, we cannot but acknowledge
our obligations to a publication by —
one of our countrymen, who wit-
nessed the volcano in its most vio-
lent eruptions, and marked with —
accuracy and penetration, the strata
disclosed, of moral nature. (On
the passage just quoted from the —
Letters of Roland, the author of
the History of Jacobinism observes, —
“Those who patronize revolt, —
should not liken it, when supported
by principle, to a river that is to —
return to its bed: it should bé~
likened to a fire that never ceases —
till all is consumed. Have not all

those’ who have witnessed the re~ —
volution, seen that the habit’ of re-
volt was subversive of order, law,
and liberty, as Roland says? And
is it not evident, that what menare —
taught to consider as a duty, is very —
likely to become a habit? Why
then, instead of preaching eternally —
against revolt carried too far, and —
continued too long, do not they at —

——

=

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

once declare that revolt is illegal,
and, instead of being a duty, isa
crime? This is the language that
Ought to be spoke: but every one
willing to reserve to himself and

iends the privilege of revolting,
when to them it seems proper, re-
fuses to make this declaration, and
each has, in the end, fallen a sa-
crifice to this terrible article of the
declaration of rights *.”’ Roland,
and the other reformers of France,
were sensible that the French cha-
racter was not adapted toa repub-
lic; but they reckoned upon the
change that would be introduced
into that character by the institu-
tions of a free form of government ;
not recollecting that written laws
are, inthemselves, but lifelessthings;
and that they derive their whole
énergy from the activity of the hu-
tan passions that carries them into
execution. Where the morals of
men are grossly depraved, they
either suffer equal and just law to
become obsolete, or use their li-
berty only as a cloke of licentious-
ness. Not only did the passions and
. immoral habits of men hurry them
on, in the progress of revolution and
anarchy, to greater and greater ex-

\ «

[67

cesses and crimes, but also blinded
their understandings, contracted
their views, and involved them in
continued contradictions. Though
the primary movers and leaders of
revolution, agreeably to the genius
of the French nation, entertained
the same projects of national ag-
grandizement with their successors,
they intended, at least professed to
pursue great and glorious ends, by
wise and virtuous means. Mlira-
beau’s plan was to produce a change
of manners in his countrymen, by
altering the system of education, in
a space of time not less than fifteen
years; and to extend the influence
of France, by enlarging that of
other nations. Had Mirabeau lived,
the vices and defects of the consti-
tution of 1795, would, perhaps,
have been corrected by appeals to
the primary, whose rights had been
usurped by the Constituent As-
sembly, and by restoring the King
to liberty and political importance.
In other countries as well as France,
there were many men who abhor-
red the crimes of the 10th of Au-
gust and 2d of September, yet still
thought it expedient to adopt the
principles from which they flowed,

__|* Had Mr, Playfair attended more than he has done to arrangement and to dates,
his work might be considered as incomparably the best account of the French Re-
volution that has yet been published ; the most profound, satisfactory, and entertain-
ing. While the phenomena of the revolution, in its different stages, are traced with
farly moapicciy to the Freich doctrines concerning the rights of man, and particu-

‘the duty of insurrection, the excesses, inconsistencies, and absurdities of both

the people and those who assumed the reins of government, are painted with great
of ridicule ; which, however, seems not at all to arise from any design of dis-
ert and humour on the part of the author, but to be the natural and una-
voidable result of a clear and just view of his subject. Mr. Playfair unites a fine
oles and turn for speculation with great knowledge of the world, political, com-

‘mercial, and financial; and has shewn, by other publications besides the present,

how much he is capable, especially in times like the present, of being of service to
his country,

88.

d
vVi5

[LF] 2 CHAP.

68] ANNUAL REGISTER, !792.

CNS UO NB Sato

Insurrection in the French West Indies. Internal State of the Islands pre-
vious to 1789. Division of the Inhabitants. Formof Government. Uni-
versal Oppression which prevailed. All parties discontented. Threaten-
ing Aspect of Affairs. Dreadful Convulsions evidently at hand. Dis-
position of France towards the Colonies. Society of Les Amis des Noirs.
Its Proceedings: The Inhabitants of St. Domingo send 18 Deputies to —
the National Assembly in 1789. Suppression of an Insurrection of the
Mulattoes. The Legislature of France wisely resolve not to interfere in
the Affairs of the Colonies. The General Colonial Assembly of St: Do-
mingo meets at St. Marc's on the 16th of April, 1790. It is opposed by
Mauduit and the Partizans of Royalty, who gain over the People of Co-

lour to their Interest. Extravagant Plan of anew Constitution, voted by _

the Assembly on the 28th of May. Both parties prepare for War. The
Deputies embark for France, to justify their Conduct before the King
and the National Convention. Proceedings of the Jacobins in France. —
They prevail upon J. Oge to undertake an Expedition to St. Domingo, ~
in favour of his Brethren. Character of J. Ogé : his Rebellion and
Death. Hostile Disposition of all Parties in France to the West Indian
Planters. Reception of the Si. Domingo Deputies. Murmurs excited in
the Colonies. Murder of Mauduit. Decree of the National Assembly, for
__ placing the People of Colour ona Footing with the Whites. Its Impolicy.
dts dreadful Effects in the Islands. Rebellion in Guadaloupe and St.
Lucia. It is proposed at Cape Francois to deliver up the Colony to the
English. Meeting of the new Colonial Assembly at Leogans on the 25th
of August. Insurrection of the Mulattoes. They gain over the Negroes
who rise in a Mass. Their dreadful atrocities. They destroy every thing —
with Fire and Sword. Consternation at Cape Francois. Measures pur-
sued by both Parties. Anecdotes of Negro Barbarity. Peace ts restored
bya Treaty between the Whites and Mulattoes ; in which the Operation —
of the Decree of the 15th of May is agreed to by the former. Repeal of —
that Decree by the National Assembly. Upon Intelligence of this Event,
Civil War was renewed in St. Domingo. Battle of Cul de Sac. Mutual —
— Cruelties. The Commissioners i igi by the National Assembly arrive —
about the end of December. They are universally hated and despised, —
Soon after return to France. New Commissioners appointed with unh- :
mited powers. Decree of the 4th of May. Arrival in St. Domingo of —
Santhonaz, Polveril, and Ailtian. Their Tyranny and Oppression. —
- They become absolute Masters of the Colony, and reduce it to the most —
abject Slavery. State of the other Islands. Conclusion. wa

. st
%

1 K 7 ILE the mother country affecting and melancholy. Here
was thus convulsed by faction, too the spirit of innovation appear- —

and over-run with violence, the co- ed; here it prevailed to excess,

lonies presented a picture still more grew into phrenzy, and produced —
misery

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

misery and devastation. The bands
of society were loosened ;—the dif-
ferent orders of the state rose in
arms against each other:—the most
cruel civil war was carried on;—
the most dreadful atrocities were
perpetrated:—human blood was
shed in torrents. The French co-
lonies were not plunged into this
deplorable situation at once: they
were reduced to it by a long course
of calamitous events; many of
which took place several years pre-
vious to 1792. None of these
have we yet mentioned in any for-
mer volume: partly because we
could receive no information but
what was confused and contradic-
tory; and partly because, by wait-
ing a little, we hoped to present
our readers with a clear and unin-
terrupted view of the whole. Ac-
counts have become more fully
authentic, now that the spirit of
faction has in some measure sub-
sided, and time has begun to clear
away the mist of prejudice. We
shall, therefore, proceed to de-
lineate a short sketch of the history
of those islands .during the years
1789, 90, 91, and 92.
All the inhabitants were ranged
under three great classes. ‘These
_were the whites, the negroes, and
the sang melées or gens de couleur.
“The first, it is scarcely necessary to
‘Yemark, was composed of Europeans
who had been attracted by hopes of
security and gain, to settle in the
new world: the second of those un-
happy Africans, who had been
dragged from their native s' ore, de-
prived of their liberty, and obliged
to spend their lives in the cultiva-
tion of the soil; the third, or peo-
peo! colour, of the offspring from
‘an intermixture betwixt the other
two, As the descendants always

[689
inherited the lot of their fathers,
these three classes comprehend
every inhabitant of the island; and
betwixt the three there was drawn
an impassable line.

The system of internal govern-
ment which prevailed in those
islands, was as bad as the imagina-
tion of man can weli conceive:—it
was monstrous and unnatural: it
had slavery for its basis, and the
most dreadful oppression was its
fruits. No order of the community
could be said to be free:—their
chief privilege consisted in insulting
and injuring their inferiurs. The
negroes who were subjected to the
arbitrary will of a master, were in
a situation scarcely more deplorable
than the gens de couleur. The un-
fortunate mulattoes (tho’ not abso-
lutely private property) had often
reason to envy the lot of those that
were: they were not only to every
generation deprived of all shadow
of political liberty, and prohibited
from exercising any liberal pro-
fession,—but they were considered
as belonging to an inferior species,
as bordering on the brutes. They
were subjected to the most intoler-
able grievances; they were per-
mitted by the laws to be insulted,
and even beat with impunity. As
it was not in their case as in that
of the negroes, the interest of any
one to protect them, so they were
cruelly oppressed by all. The
brutish uncultivated negro, suffers
only from the pain a stripe inflicts
upon his nerves :—to the mulattoes
this treatment was torture. From
being in easy circumstances, and
from having received a good edu-
cation, many of them were pos-
sessed of fine feelings and acute
sensibility.

' The whites themselves could
[LF] 3 boast

79]

boast but little of their freedom and
independence ; they groaned under
despotism in all its rigours, The
government was administered by a
governor general, and an intendant
named by the King of France,
whose power was absclute in their.
respective colonies. They framed
laws, imposed taxes, and command-
ed the military. An appeal. lay to
‘them from all the courts of justice ;
and they were evenshamefully open
to bribery and corruption. The
victory of the prosecutor or defend-
er depended more upon the weight
of their purses than the justice of
their cause. Thus, no man’s pro-
perty or his life could be said to be
secure. He was even exposed to
the effects of envy and malice, of
rapacity and violence; and as the
fountains of justice were poisoned,
he could not hope for redress.
Under a system thus unreason-
able and oppressive, the colonies re-
mained in tranquillity till the year
1789. But though this was the
case, and though they gave ample
proofs of public prosperity, we are
not to suppose thar they remained
in contentment; that there were no
secret murmurings against slavery,
no longings after change, Not-
withstanding this seeming acquies-
cence in the system, it might have
been easily foreseen that dreadful
convulsions would attend its dis-
solution. All usurped authority is
temporary, and the confusion which
attends a revolution, is always
great in proportion to the former
deviation from the principles of
liberty. Though till 1789 the po-
litical fabric gave no external
signs of decay, yet it had been
secretly undermined for years ; and
now it tottered to its fall. The
hardships and sufferings endured by

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

every rank in society, had gene-
rated discontent in. alJ, and all
were impatient for reform, ,
The negroes, uncultivated and
insensible, continued to ply their
laborious. task without thinking

much of the justice with which it —

was inflicted. But evenamongthem
a spirit of insubordination began to
appear. Books calculated for their
low capacities, tending to inflame
their mindsagainst their masters,and
to excite them to revolt, had been
industriously circulated amongst
them.
benefit of those whocouldnot read,
representing their degraded situa-
tion, and instructing them in their
violated rights. The people of co-

lour, many of whom were men of

liberal fortune and good education,
had become enlightened upon the
subject of politics. “They were un-
happy at their lot before ; they now
knew that it was unjust ea
knew that they were aggrieved,
and were exasperated, to a man,
against the whites, who thus cruelly
oppressed them. The writings of
the French philosophers had found
their way to the West Indies; and
here they produced their natural
effect. The planters kept pace
with their brethren in the mother
country, in their detestation of
arbitrary power. They were filled
with indignation at the thought of
the despotism under which they had
hitherto groaned, They enter-

tained high ideas of colonial inde-—
pendence, and considered theme
selves as forming an integral part —

of theFrench empire, and bound to

obey no laws but what they them-—

selves had framed.

Thus a revolution was wished for —
by all, and by all it was considered —
as the certain harbinger of un-—

bounde

Medals were struck for the —

Qa
3S Se

ao2%

——

ie eh IP err ee ro oy

A

es)

reer, —-—»—»—~= rar a ae a i i
<> ae

HISTORY OF EUROPE,

bounded felicity. Many | happy
effects might have been produced

such an event, had it been con-
ducted with moderation and pru-
dence : but, unhappily, two circum-
stances existed which were sure to
‘render it, instead of a blessing, a
curse. The expectations and de-
mands of each class were extrava-

nt:—each was solicitous about
its own. ‘The negroes wished for
nothing less than complete eman-
Cipation. Complete equalization
with the whites was expected by
the mulattves. The whites, in
their fond visions of power and
happiness, had formed an idea of a
system of government which would
have realized the former; but
which was incompatible with co-
lonial subordination: A_ selfish
‘narrow-minded spirit universally
prevailed ; no symptom of diffusive

_ benevolence, or general philanthro-
g Pp

Py-
am

While the whites eagerly and
atiently expected freedom and
ependence, they were deaf to
the demands of the mulattoes, or de-
termined to rejectthem. The un-
happy negro bled under the lash of
the mulatto, who was himself im-
patient of oppression, and importu-
te in his calls for redress. The
gathering for
ars; now it hung gloomy over

devoted islands, big with
:—at length it burst; and the
e of power, the rage of inno-
vation, and the struggles of con-
ing factions, produced a torrent
of destruction which swept away
every thing before it.
_ Had the islands been each a so-
ign state, from the circum-
we have already mentioned,
1 war was inevitable. But
colonies must ever he dependent
upon the mother country; they

[71

must be guided. by its, directions,
and obedient to its decrees. Upon
these all the events that befall them
chiefly depend. It was)therefore in
the powerof France to haye averted
the. impending storm, at least to
have mitigated its horrors. Had
her councils been directed with po-
licy and foresight, she might have
saved those inestimable possessions,
which constituted the chief source
of her naval power, her commerce,
and her wealth. But, unhappily,
the spirit, which then animated
France was ill calculated to soothe
the discord, and to heal the divi-
sions which were about to distract
the colonies.

The minds of men were filled
with ideal schemes of government,
built upon abstract principles; which,
though never to be realized, they
had determined to execute without
regard to times or to seasons, to ef-
fects or to consequences. A fa-
vourite plan at this period through-
out France, was, to abolish negro-
slavery, andto place every inhabit-
ant of the sugar colonies on a
footing of equality. A society was
established of men of these princi-
ples who called themselves Les
Amis des Noirs, and who laboured
incessantly to bring about this or-
der of things. They madespeeches,
they published pamphlets, and did
every thing in their power to in-
fluence the public mind. These
men, at the expence of all thatwas
just and good, andsacred in France,
at length obtained the sovereign
dominion in that country; when
they had it in their power to make
experiment of their system upon
the colonies, That system was
ill calculated for the meridian, of
St. Domingo, Martinique, Guada-
loupe, St. Lucia, and, Tobago.

[Fy 4 These

72]

These islands, inthe event, were to-
tally ruined by a series of precipi-
tate measures, of rash and untried
schemes, adopted without due con-
sideration, or competent knowledge
of the subject, and founded upon
the same abstract notions and me-
taphysical dreams which had in-
volved the parent country in its
present unparalleled situation.

The first revolutionary symptoms
exhibited in St. Domingo appeared
in 1789, soon after the king had
come to thememorable resolution of
convening the states general of the
kingdom. Upon receipt of this
intelligence, the inhabitants, in ex-
press contradiction to the com-
mands of the governor, met every-
where in a tumultuous manner,
passed resolutions declaratory of
their rights ; and at length elected
eighteen deputies, whom they dis-
patched to France to represent
them in the great national council.

However, things remained for
some time tolerably tranquil, tho’
the planters became daily more
alarmed and discontented at the
disposition which prevailed towards
them in France, and the resolution
which it was manifest the French
had adopted, to espouse the cause
of the mulattoes.

This state of delusive tranquillity
was soon interrupted, by intelligence
being received of the celebrated
declaration of rights voted by the
National Convention on the 20th
of August. The doctrine there held
forth is incompatible with any form
of society, above all with that ex-
isting in the islands. Ameng other
sentiments of asimilar nature, it is
there declared, that ‘* All men are
born and continue free and equal
as to their rights;” according to
which the negroes had not only a

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

right to freedom, but to share their
estates with their masters.

The publication of this declara-
tion excited a violent ferment
throughout the island; and appre- —
hensions were entertained of a civil
war being instantly kindled. The
mulattoes were inraptures with the
seemingly near prospect of all their
gay visions of equality being realiz- —
ed. The long night of darkness,
of ignorance, and of prejudice, they
thought, was drawing to a close.
They concluded thisto be the dawn
of a bright day, when man was to
be treated as man. Dreadful was
the consternation of the planters,
and strong their feelings of indig-
nation and resentment. They said
that this declaration had been dic-
tated by political fanaticism, or
deliberate villany; and that it
was calculated to produce uni-
versal confusion and anarchy. An
assembly was immediately con-
vened ineach of the three provinces
into which the French part of St.
Domingo is divided, to deliberate —
upon the most proper method to —
guard against the encroachments of ~
the mulattoes. The opinions and —
decrees of those assemblies were
various and discordant; but they
were unanimous in expressing the ©
most marked disapprobation of the
disposition which France had ~
shown to intermeddle with their —
internal regulations. They here ©
assumed a high tone, talked of their ©
exclusive right in this matter, and —
seemed to'set the power of France ~
at defiance. 5

The mulattoes meanwhile, exas-_
perated by the conduct of the
whites, and their steady determina- —
tion not to admit the validity of”
their claims, became turbulent and —
seditious, and prepared to enforce —

their —

we

“HISTORY OF EUROPE.

their demands with the sword. Ac-
cordingly, large bodies of them ap-
. in arms in different parts of
ae country, and published mani-
festos, setting forth their views,
their demands, and determinations.
But without a skilful leader, with-
out sufficient concert, and without
a plan, their attempts for the pre-
sent were easily overpowered.
© At this period the cause of the
mulattoes seemed to be desperate ;
their rebellion had been curbed at
home ; they were abandoned by the
legislature of France. Upon hear-
ing of the disposition of the colo-
nies to the mother country (for
sentiments of rage and indignation
were general throughout all the
islands, particularly at Martinique)
the commercial and manufacturing
towns, which subsisted by the West
India trade, took the alarm. They
believed that the inhabitants either
wished to renounce their depend-
ency, or to throw themselves into
the arms of a foreign power; so that
the source of their wealth would be
dried up, or diverted into a different
channel. The National Assembly
was forced to pay attention to their
amours, and to deliberate upon
he most proper scheme to soothe
| the minds of the colonists. After
long and animated debate, a de-
4 45 . .
eree was passed which imported that
aba of France would not
erfere with the commercial ar-
rangements or internal regulations
t le colonies; and that the con-
‘stitution of each should be such as
‘itself should choose, provided it was
istent with the necessary subor-
ization and dependence on the
her country.
; isdecree was perhaps the most
equitable, prudent, and_ politic,
‘that could then have been devised.
| A colony has surely a just right to

7 A eT j
|

[73

frame the laws by which it shall be
governed. Never would the French
colonies have submitted to be go-
verned by a legislature at 3000
miles distance, after what had hap-
pened in the mother country, and
with the example of the Americans
ever before their eyes. Besides,
the decree was founded on the
strong basis of moral necessity ; the
colonies were ready to’ renounce
their allegiance. Had France ad-
hered to it, they might still have
been in her possession ; yet nothing
could equal the clamour which it ex-
cited among the mulattoes; but par-
ticularly among the members of the
society of the Amisdes Noirs. They
reprobated it as the offspring of ty-
ranny and the mother of oppression.
They said that it sanctioned all the
abuses which already existed in the
West Indies, and that it would be
the foundation of greater. Thusthis
decree failed of effect in establish-
ing tranquillity: while it satisfied
one party, it rendered another dis-
contented and furious.

About the beginning of 1790, an
order arrived in St. Domingo, from
the king, for convening a general
Colonial Assembly. To such a de-
gree was the respect for royalty di-
minished in St. Domingo, that this
order was nearly disregarded. The
members were elected in a manner
different from what had been there
enjoined; the place appointed for
holding it was altered, the time fix-
ed for its meeting.

This important assembly, on
which so much depended, at length
met at St. Mare’s, on the 16th of
April, to establish the peace, and to
settle the constitution of their coun-
try. They at first evinced a spirit
of moderation; their deliberations
were conducted with prudence,
and their acts were framed with

wisdom

74]

wisdom. The pleasing prospect was
opened of tranquillity and happi-
ness being speedily restored by the
enactment of just and equitable
laws.

Many abuses were rectified in the
administration of justice; which
made it equally open to a man,
whatever was the colour of his
skin. The mulattoes were relieved
from all the oppressions and griev-
ances under which they had for-
merly groaned; and, though not
placed absolutely on a level with
the whites, yet this melioration in
their lot was declared to be only
the earnest of future favours.

These conciliatory measures had
the desired effect. upon the people
of colour. They now began to lay
aside all thoughts of violent pro-
ceedings, and to hope for redress
only from the operation of law.

But unhappily there existed in
the island a set of men to whose in-
terest this coalition was prejudicial.
These were men who had held
commissions and offices under the old
government, and to whose wishes
nothing could be more opposite
than the success of the Assembly in
establishing good order throughout
the colony on the permanent foun-
dation of liberty. In this case,
those officers, tax-gatherers,. com-
missaries, and judges, whohad lived
by violence and corruption, and
fattened upon the spoils of in-
nocence, would have seen their
power and their riches annihilated
for ever. At the headof these was
M. Mauduit, colonel of the regi-

ment of Port au Prince; a man of

great talents and insinuating man-
ners, devoted to the ancient system,
though of fairer reputation than
most, of those with whom he acted
in concert. He now strained every
nerve to detach the mulattoes from

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the alliance of the whites... He de
clared himself their protector, and
insinuated that they might expectte
he supported by the government of
France. He told them that the
planters were insincere; and thatif
they would join themselves to him, -
every demand should be granted,
By these arts, he soon succeeded in
sowing discord between. the two
parties. The mulattoes. became
jealous and distrustful of the whites,
and wholly devoted to his inte>
rest. ;
The conduct of the planters
themselves, at this juncture, was
impolitic and weak in the extreme,
Instead of behaving with unanimity
and moderation, they split among
themselves, and gave their enemies
just ground to complain of their ame
bition and extravagance, The pros
vincial assembly in the north did
every thing in its power to coun-
teract the measures of the general
assembly at St. Mare’s, on the 28th
of May. It passed the famous de-
cree containing the new constituti-
on, which gave the finishing stroketo
the ruin of the cause of the whites.
Many of the articles of that decree
are altogether subversive of colonial
subordination,and affordedan ample
handle for the ruin of its operation,
No sooner was it promulgated
than the governor Peynier, Mau-
duit, and others of that faction,

‘boldly asserted that the assembly,

imitating the conduct of the Ame-
ricans, aimed at shaking off the
authority of France, and establish-
ing complete independence. The
improbability of this story prevent>—
ed its credit. They then invented |
areport, and industriously propa-
gated it, that the colony had been
sold to the English; and that the
assembly hadreceived forty millions -
of livres as the reward of their
treachery.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

_| treachery. Strange as it may ap-

pear, this unfounded and extrava-
pant charge gained universal belief
th oughout the island, and cast the
greatest odium on the general as-
sembly. Several parishes recalled
th eir deputies ; and in general the
habitants looked upon it with
i ousy and mistrust.
Breve yernor, encouraged by
impression which had gone
broad to the discredit of his ene-
mies, determined, by the advice of
é olonel Mauduit, to take active
easures to ensure his ascendancy,
e dissolved by proclamation the
general assembly. With an armed
force he arrested several of the de-
pages of a provincial meeting, who
ad presumed to convene contrari-
| ly to his wishes. He collected
troops from every quarter of the
| island, established magazines, and
ide, with activity, every prepara-
on for war.
ae eanwhile the members of the
f Assembly were not inactive. They
| summoned the inhabitants to re-
pair to St. Marc’s in defence of
their deputies; they raised troops,
|| and gained over to their side the
srew of a ship of war, which had
een under the command of a par-
fizan of Peynier and Manduit. All
Was anxiety and alarm, Hostilities
seemed on the eve of commencing ;
mn important blow was expected to
= instantly struck; every thing

reatened an obstinate and bloody

Hs critical period the effu-
yuman blood was prevent-
and the fate of the colony sus-
ed for aseason by an event un-
ed for, and at this day unac-
atable. A sudden impulse seiz-
he members of the general as-
nbly to go to France, and to jus-
y their conduct before the su-

[75

preme authority of that country.
Accordingly,inafew days they,actu-
ally, to the number of eighty-three,
left their native country on this
bold and patriotic enterprize. This
disinterested conduct struck the
contending factions with equal as-
tonishment and admiration. A
momentary calm succeeded, and all
parties seemed disposed to abide
by the decision of the King and the
National Assembly of France. The
peace of the colony, however, was
soon violated from another quar-
ter, and by men of different prin-
ciples. A desire of anarchy and a
desire of despotism are equally pre-
judicial to good government, and
produced the same fatal effect upon
the island of St. Domingo. It had
lately suffered from the latter ; it
was now to suffer from the former.

The ruling party in the Assem-
bly, with Petion, Brissot, and Ro-
bespierre at their head, had seen
with extreme ‘dissatisfaction the
peaceable demeanour of the gens de
couleur, and the prospect of.peace
being established by their coalition
with the ‘whites. Such an event
would have baffled all their schemes ;
they therefore strained every nerve
to prevent it; and as misrepresen-
tation and calumny had not been
effectual, they were determined up-
on a bolder enterprize.

Among the mulattoes of the
West Indies then residing in France,
was James Ogé, a young man of
considerable abilities, of a warm
imagination, and a sanguine tem-
per. Him the levellers pitched
upon as a fit person to answer their
purposes. ‘They introduced him
to. the meetings of the society of
the Amis de Noirs, where he was in-
structed in his rights and his inju-
ries ; where he had painted to him,
in glowing colours, the cruel wron

an

76)

and contumelies to which he and his
brethren in the West Indies were
exposed ; and where he was shewn
the monstrous absurdity of that pre-
judice which estimates the merit of
aman from the colour of his skin.
By hearing these discourses, his
mind became inflamed to frantic
madness ; and he was prevailed up-
on to undertake the command of
an expedition to rescue his brethren
from oppression and slavery.

Being furnished with money and
letters of credit, Ogé embarked for
America in July 1790 ; where he
purchased arms and ammunition,
which he found means to get con-
veyed to St. Domingo. But what
was his disappointment upon his
arrival ! He had been led to believe
from the assurances of his friends
in France, that the coloured people
would instantly flock tohis standard.

With all his efforts in the space of

several weeks, he could scarcely
muster 200 raw inexperienced
youths; andeven of these he had but
an imperfect command. Notwith-
standing his utmost exertions, they
committed the most atrocious enor-
mities. All of their own order who
would not join them, they inhu-
manly murdered. One man, as an
apology for his conduct, pointed to
a wife and six helpless children.
Wife, children, and husband, they
involved in one common massacre.
The event was as might have
been expected. He was soon met
by a superior force, and his little
army completely destroyed. He
himself, with a few of his followers,
contrived to make his escape into
the Spanish part of the island. Here
he foand only a temporary asylum.
He was soon delivered up by the
Spaniards, brought to Cape Fran-
cois, tried, condemned, and broke
upon the wheel. But though the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

expedition had this unfortunate is-
sue, its consequences were import-
ant and lasting. It was the means
of sowing irreconcileable hatred be-

twixt the mulattoes and the whites. .
We must now recur to what was
in

going on in the mean time
France. Here every thing ran
counter to the
planters.
parties :

They were hateful to all

to moderate men from these, .
from their treatment of the people
of colour; tothe violent democrats

and Jacobins, from the slavery of

their negroes.
Accordingly, the deputies from

St. Domingo met with a very un~_
gracious reception upon their arri- |
They were scarces —
ly admitted to a hearing by the
National Assembly : ci their conduct —

alii in France.

was censured in terms of the great-
est asperity ; all their decrees were

reversed, and their persons put un-~
The National Con- |

der an arrest.
vention accused the planters of dis-
affection to the mother country,
and of impatience of constitutional —

subordination and good govern=—
ment: it requested the King to-

give orders for forming a new com
Tonial assembly, and to send out a-
strong military force to maintain

the royal authority in St. Dente

No language can describe val
ferment which was there excite
on hearing of this decree, or’ the
amazement and consternation 0
the whites.
tyrannical sentence was never dic-
tated by Louis XIV. They consi-
dered this as a re-establishment 0
the ancient system; and looked
upon themselves as devoted to de-
struction between the mulattoes ot
the one hand, and Mauduit and hi
followers on the other,
con=-

interests of the”

to the royalists, from their —
visionary schemes of government; _

and —

A more arbitrary and

As he was.

ZT

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

considered as the author of their
calamities, the rage of the populace
gainst him knew no_ bounds.
eir hatred was soon participated
ay his own soldiers, who had for-
merly idolized him. With a levity
peculiar to the French character,
ad, with a barbarity characteristic
the times, in a few days they
forgot their former affection, rose
on their benefactor, and murder-
d him, with every circumstance of
savage atrocity.
Affairs now prospered with Gre-
goire, Brissot, Robespierre, and the
| Teaders of the Jacobins, ‘They had
the prospect of seeing their wishes
| speedily crowned with success. All
| was confusion in the. colonies: the
planters were in disgrace; they
mselves were every way gaining
luence at home.. Trusting to
ir strength, they now determin-
edto call on the supreme legisla-
ies authority of France to give ef-

t to their projects. A formida-
| ble obstacle here opposed their pro-
gress: for it may be remembered
| that the National Assembly, on the
8th of March, 1790, renounced all
| right to interfere in the internal re-
| gulations of the colonies, How-
ver they did not despair, but be-
| gan, by every art, to bend the pub-
ic mind to their purposes. All
the argumentative reasoning of
Srissot, all the metaphysical powers
. of Condorcet, all ot emanate

eloquence of the Abbé Gregoire,
were employed to reprobate the
planters, and to shewthe equity and
licy of the complete entranchise-
t of the mulattoes. Fortune
‘oured them; for at this critical
ment the news of the fate of
e unfortunate Ogé arrived in
France ; which excited the deepest
| Tegret, and the most lively indigna-
atl

L77

tion. To heighten the effect, Ro-
bespierre procured a company of
players to represent his tragical end
in pantomime upon the stage.
Such odium was by that means re-
flected upon the planters then resi-
dent in Paris, that for some time
they durst not appear in the streets.

Now confident of success, the
Abbé Gregoire, on the 15th of
May 1791, brought the business be-
fore the National. Assembly, and
moved that the people of colour
resident in the French colonies,
born of free parents, should be al-
lowed, as their right, all the privi-
leges of French citizens, and, among
others, those of having votes in the
choice of representatives, and of
being eligible to seats both in the
parochial and colonial,,assemblies.
This motion he supported with all
the powers of eloquence. Strong op-
position was made. . If such a de-
cree was passed, it was predicted by
some, that it would: prove the ruin.
of the colonies, ‘* Perish the colo-
nies,”’? said Robespierre,. ‘ rather
than sacrifice one zota of our vrin-
ciples.” The advocates for the
planters were overpowered and cun-
founded ; and the motion was pass-
ed by a great majority, amidst the
applause of the multitude.

Very different was the effect pro-
duced by this event among the white
people inthe colonies. They utter-
ed the most dreadful imprecations
against the National Assembly, and
censured the members of it as their
most cruel and implacable enemies.
Great preparations had been every-
where made for a general federa-
tion on the 14th of July. They
now unanimously resolved to refuse
the civic oath. ‘The national cock-
ade was trodden under foot.

This furious indignation, and this

spirit

78]

spirit of resistance, raged with pe-
culiar violence in the island of St.
Domingo. ' At Cape Francois, it

"was proposed to seize all the ships
in the harbour, and to confiscate
the property of the Freneh mer-
chants. A motion was made in
the provincial assembly, to pull
down the national colours, and to
erect the British standard in their
room. The authority of the go-
vernor general was completely an-
nihilated. To ensure his personal
safety, he was obliged to promise
that he would suspend the execu-
tion of the decree, and send a re-
monstrance against it to France.
As the most proper method to se-
cure the peace of the colony, the
different parishes proceeded to elect
deputies for a general assembly,
which should’assume sovereign au-
thority, and resist the encroach-
ments of France. These deputies,
to the number of 176, met at Leo-
gane, on the 9th of August 1791,
and having declared themselves the
general assembly of the French part
of St. Domingo, adjourned till the
25th of the same month, when
theyresolved to meet at Cape Fran-
ois.

But before that day arrived, the
most fertile and populous plains
were turned into scenes of dreary
desolation and indiscriminate car-
nage.

The people of colour had long
been in a state of irreconcileable
enmity with the whites. When
they laid aside hostilities soon after
the death of Ogé, it was far from
proceeding from the suggestions of
amity or good-will :—their resent-
ment abated not; hatred still lurk-
ed in their minds; they only de-
ferred the hour of vengeance.—
Owing to these dispositions, a civil

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1762.

war was sooner or later to break
out between the two parties.

The decree of the 15th of May
was the brand which lighted
up the flames,—that set the
combustible materials which had
long been prepared, into immedi-
ate action. When the mulattoes
observed the hostile disposition of
the white people; when they saw
their determined resolution to re-+
ject their claims; when they heard
of massacre and proscription, they
concluded that the time was now
arrived when they must be ruined
forever, or make good their pre-
tensions by force, and purchase
their security with the sword. They ~
therefore flocked together from
every quarter in arms, resolved to
conquer or die. Death in the field,
they said, was preferable to dying
on a scaffold; or to being butchered
in cold blood. An honourable
death wasall that at first they could
hope for. They were inferior in
numbers to the whites; much more
so in discipline and skill.

The whites saw the coming
storm ; but mistaking its force, they
despised its violence:—they had
little doubt of easily quelling the
insurrection.

At this moment of anxiety and
alarm, a plan was devised among
the mulattoes, by which they hoped
not only to save themselves, but an-
nihilate their enemies. This was, to
call in the assistance of the negroes.

This scheme at first seemed im-
practicable. The people of colour
had always treated their slaves with
great cruelty and harshness. The
slaves, imagining them to be little
better than themselves, could the
less brook their ill-treatment. There
had constantly subsisted between
them the greatest rancour and ani-

mosity-

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

mosity. However, there existed
several circumstances which tended
to counteract these impressions.
The negroes had long fostered hopes
of deliverance from slavery, though
hitherto) in» vain... The only. pro-
spect of seeing these realized,
seemed to be in abandoning their
masters at/once, aud joining them-
selves: with the mulattoes. The
exertions of the society of the Amis
de Noirs, had familiarized the idea
to their minds: they were ripe
for revolt. Accordingly, when the
commissaries of the gens de couleur
with anxiety sounded the disposi-
tions of the Africans, they found
them by no means averse to their
wishes. By assuring them that they
themselves were supported by the
supreme legislature of the mother
country ; by asserting that with their
assistance they could not fail of suc-
cess ; by promising them the speedy
possession:of the estates’ of their
masters ; and by filling their minds
with visions of future happiness,
they completely conquered all re-
maining reluctance, and engaged to
their views nine-tenths of all the
_ slaves in the northern province of
St. Domingo. Both parties laid
aside or suspended their ancient
8, and swore eternal friendship
and fidelity. A plan was concerted
fora general insurrection through-
out all thevisland. The 23d of.
August was fixed upon as the fatal
ita vs.
- Soon after midnight the revolt
began in the parish of Arcmul, and
in a few hours became general
throughout the province. The
of proceeding was bloody
and systematic. The negroes on
_ each plantation first butchered the
white people, who lay sleeping un-
Saspicious of harm. ! They Mies
fe

[79

marched on to join their confede-
rates. Their numbers.were com-
puted by some to amount to little
less than a hundred thousand. Eve-
ry white that they could find, they
indiscriminately murdered.. They
made no distinction betwixt the
old and the young, the strong and
the weak, the father and the daugh-
ter; their former benefactors and
oppressorsall shared a common fate;
all were put to death with eve-
vy circumstance of savage atrocity,
The only exception that was made,
was in the case of sume unfortu-
nate females who were reserved
for a more lamentable fate. . Fire
accomplished the ruin: of what the
sword was unable to destroy. The
torch was applied to the buildings
and plantations; and. in a few
hours the country presented to the
eye of the beholder one vast con-
flagration.

In Cape Frangois all. was: confu-
sion, consternation, and horror. Vast
volumes of smoke all around the
horizon, ascended to the sky. Eve-
ry moment fugitives with ghastly
looks:arrived) from the country to
relate new disasters. It was expect-
ed that the savages would instantly
make: an attempt upon the city it-
self; the city was nearly defence-
less: thus. inevitable death seemed
to await the wretched inhabitants.

Happily the negroes, intoxicated
with the success of theirenterprize,
and rioting in the slaughter of inno-
cence, neglected to take this step
which would have completed their
triumph, The white people had
thus time to recover from their pa-
nic, and to take measures for their
safety. ‘They sent the women and
children on board the ships in the
harbour :—they raised fortifications
about the city, they seized) some

strong

80 |

strong posts in the neighbourhood,
disciplined troops, and at length
cotitinenced offensive operations
against the insurgents,

Our bounds would not permit us
to enter into the warfare which en-
sued; nor would the most circum-
stantial account of this, have any
other effect than that of exciting a
painful sympathy, or serve any
other purpose than that of illustrat-
ing the degrading andthe deplorable
excesses to which human nature,
untutored by education, and unre-
strained by religion, is, in certain
circumstances, capable of being
carried.

The negroes, notwithstanding
every effort of the white people,
still maintained their ground. They
were routed to-day, but to-morrow
they appeared in still greater force.
The rebellion spread to the other
provinces; and Port au Prince was
in danger of being burnt to the
ground.

It was computed, that within two
months after the revolt began, two
thousand white people had been
massacred ;—that between ten and
twelve thousand of the insurgents
perished by the sword, by disease,
and by famine.;—that one hundred
and eighty sugar plantations, and
about nine hundred coffee, cotton,
and indigo settlements had been
destroyed; and one thousand two
hundred christian families reduced
from opulence to such a state of mi-
sery, as to depend altogether for
their clothing and sustenance on
public and private charity.

The mulattoe chiefs at length, be-
coming tired of beholding scenes of
carnage, and beginning to lose their
authority with the negroes, seeing
no prospect of tranquillity being
restored, and fearing that they them-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

selves would be utterly ruined by
this attempt to amplify their privi-
leges, began eagerly to long fora
reconciliation with the white people,
To bring this about, they declared
that they had taken: arms, not with
any view to desolate the colony, but
merely in selfsdefence, that they
might enforce the exaction of the
decree of the 15th of May ; and that
they were willing to lay them down
as soon as their demands were com-
plied with.

These overtures were gladly re-
ceived by theplanters, who now bit-
terly repented of their »former vio-~
lence and precipitancy; and who
would have purchased peace by any
concessions. Accordingly, the Ge-
neral. Assembly, bya decree of the
20th September, declared that they
would no lenger oppose the decree
of the National Convention of
France, enacted on the 15th of May,
and that they would willingly admit
the people of colour to a free par-
ticipation of.every privilege with
themselves.,, Upon this proclama-
tion, the insurgents in general dis-
persed, many of them returned

home, and many of them)retired to —

the woods and fastnesses, .

Thus the flame of civil war was
smothered for the present; but jea-
lousy and hatred. still rankled in
the breasts of all parties: it was
ready to burst forth into a fresh
conflagration.

Numberlessare the disadvantages
which are laboured under by a dis-
tant colony. In war it is the seat
of blood-shed ; upon a peace, it is
handed about from one state to.an-
other. Its privileges are undefined
and insecure; all its enjoyments are
precarious. | Whatever may be
pretended, it is ever at the mercy of
the country to which itis attached.

But,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

But above all, it has reason to re-
gret its situation in times of difficul-
ty and disturbance. If it possessed
sovereign power within itself, it
might, by active measures and pru-
dent regulations, succeed in pre-
serving or restoring tranquillity.
But the powers of the government
are limited and circumscribed: it
must remain inactive, and wait for
instructions from abroad :—these
instructions, when they arrive, are
perhaps fraught with destruction.
Laws calculated for the good of
the colony, in the circumstances in
which it was seen by the legislature
at home, by the time they have tra-
velled three or four thousand miles,
may have become, instead of salu-
tary, pernicious and destructive.

These truths were now fatally
experienced by St. Domingo.

M. Blanchelande, the governor
general of Cape Francois, a few
days after the arrival of the decree
for the affranchisement of the mu-
lattoes, had dispatched intelligence
to France of the effect which it had
produced upon the whites. He ac-
quainted the king’s ministers with
the general discontent and violent
fermentation it had exacted; and
predicied that it would prove the
death-warrant of thousands, and the
loss to France of the colonies for
ever. Immediately the Jacobin
leaders, who had procured its en-
actment, sunk into disgrace; they
were loaded with reproaches, and
almost treated with outrage. Peti-
tions poured in from every quarter,
beseeching the National Assembly
to reverse every decree which was

Prejudicial to the interests of the

ters; and to leave no method
untried to soothe their minds, and
to regain their affections, At length

-& motion was made (24th Septem-

Vou, XXXIV.

[s2

ber) to annul the obnoxious decree:
—the Constitutional Assembly a-
bout to dissolve, wished to leave
every thing in tranquillity ; and its
repeal was actually voted by a large
majority.

No sooner was intelligence of this
event received in St. Domingo, than
civil war was renewed with all its
former horrors. The people of co-
lour had, ere this, begun to enter-
tain doubts of the sincerity of the
white people. Convinced that they
had been instrumental in procuring
the repeal, they accused them of
the most horrid duplicity, faithless-
ness, and treachery. Exasperated
to madness, they every-where flew
to arms, and swore that they would
never lay them down till either
themselves or the whites were ut-
terly exterminated.

And a war of extermination it
became. Every movement of com-
passion, every feeling of humanity,
was banished from the breasts of
the bloody combatants. Both par-
ties were animated with the most
fierce and savage phrenzy ; and there
was a keen emulation betwixt the
two, which should excel in inflicting:
cruelties upon the other, A pitched
battle was fought at a place called
Cul de Sac, but which was not de-
cisive, though the whites had rather
the advantage; they killed 2000 of
the negroes on the field, and made
several prisoners. Upon the bodies
of these unhappy men they prac-
tised every refinement of cruelty
which the most depraved imagina-
tion could suggest. Some they
broke upon the wheel, others they
threw alive into the flames, It is
needless to mention that the mu-

Jattoes were actuated by equal re-

venge and ferocity.
Terrified at the alarming state of
[G] St.

82]

St.Domingo,the National Assembly
_of France, in the preceding autumn,
had appointed three commissioners,
4#o assume the government of the
province; whom they invested with
unlimited powers. They arrived
about Christmas. Men of low birth,
mean talents, and profligate man-
ners, commanded little attention or
respect; and, as they had no troops
to support their authority, thev
were soon neglected and despised.
They published the decree of the
repeal of the decree of 15th of May,
1791 ; by which they beeame odi-
ous to the mulattoes. They then
iteok upon them to publish a gene-
ral amnesty to all who sliould lay
‘down their arms within a certain
time; and thus lost the confidence
of the whites, who considered this
measure as a justification of the
‘most horrible enormities, as hold-
dng out a dangerous example to
such of the negroes as had preserved
‘their fidelity. Having travelled
through several parts of the island,
without being able to accomplish
any thing of consequence, and see-
ing themselves hated and contem-
med by all parties, they returned
‘separately to Francein the months
‘of March and April 1792.

‘Affairs in the colony remained
‘fer'some months without any ma-
‘terial change. The white people
continued masters of Cape Francois,
‘Port au Prince, and most of the
towns and fortresses throughout,the
island, The mulattoes and negroes
were in possession of all the open
‘country in the northern and west-
ern) provinces, and had formed se-
weral strong camps in it, particu-
- larly at a place called Le Croix
des Bouquets. All cultivation,
commerce, and industry were com-
pletely suspended.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

But important events during this
period, were falling out in the mo-
ther country. The Jacobin faction
had now gained a complete ascend-
ancy, had dethroned their sove-
reign, and were pursuing, without
opposition, their plan of universal
change and subversion. They de-
termined, without delay, to intro-
duce their system into the colonies.
No motives of prudence, no repre-
sentations from others could retard
the execution of their purposes.

May 4th, 1792, a decree was
passed, which declared that <‘ the
people of colour and free negroes
in the colonies were French citi-
zens, and should henceforth be ona
footing of equality with the whites.”
But this was but a part of the plan;
commissioners were appointed for
all the islands, and vested with ab-
solute powers. To these it was
given in charge to do their utmost
for a total emancipation of theslaves.
They were desired to hesitate at no
sacrifice in bringing about this

event;—they were told that insur- —

rection and anarchy were prefer-
able to peaceful slavery.

The commissioners appointed for
St. Domingo were Messrs. Santho-
nax, Polveril, and Aithaud, three of
the most violent and unprincipled
Jacobins to be found in the French
empire. ‘To ensure respect and au-
thority to their commands, they
were furnished with 8000 troops,
selected with great circumspection
from the national guards.

order in the state, and keep the ne-

groes in order, if they should be-—
come turbulent and seditious; but

they were chiefly meant to intimi-
date the planters, and to lay them at
the mercy of the commissioners. |
The commissioners, with their at-
‘tendants,

These, —
it was meant, should overawe every —

HISTORY

tendants, landed at Cape Frangois,
(Sept. 13) “ much in the same dis-
position,” says Mr. Edwards, “ as
the Duke of Alva, when he appear-
ed in the Netherlands, in 1568,”’
burning with vengeance, elated with
the hope of the riches, power, and
splendor which they were to enjoy
at the expence of the wretched co-
Jonists.
The first measure of their new
government was violent and arbi-
trary. They dissolved their colo-
nial assembly, which was then sitt-
ing, and sent Blanchelands, the go-
_vernor, a prisoner to France; where,
to be accused, was to be condemn-
ed: he soon after suffered by the
guillotine.
The greatest consternation and
dismay again prevailed throughout
the colony. All parties joined in
looking upon the commissioners as
so many demons sent to aggravate
their misery; and they had reason,
for all groaned under the most ri-
gorous despotism. A new general
assembly was eagerly longed for,
and importunately demanded. The
‘commissioners listened neither to
_wishes nor demands. The public exi-
“gencies, it was thought, would ren-
ee this measurenecessary. By their
own authority, they imposed new
taxes, and assumed to themselves
every branch of sovereign power.
_ The first object to which they di-
rected their attention, was the esta-
blishment of their own authority.
They formed a body of life-guards
of all the thieves, murderers, and
‘assassins whom they could findin the
ong of St. Domingo. The troops
shewn some mutinous symp-
toms “4 immense largesses they
“gained their decided support.
Now absolute masters of the co-
lony,and firmly seated on thethrone,
commenced a career of tyran-

OF EUROPE.

[83

ny which stands without a parallel.
They madearbitrary regulations,im-
posed oppressive taxes, and raised
exorbitant contributions. All who
presumed to oppose them, they ar-
rested and put inirons. The prisons
were every where crowded; and
they sent numbers to be tried cri-
minally in France; among which
number was M. Desparties, the new
governor, whom they deposed.
The country continued still to be
infested with bands of insurgents ;
who, issuing from their fastnesses in
the mountains, made predatory ex-
cursions into the plains. Owing to
these, but still more to the oppres-
sion of the tyrannical triumvirates,
the wretched inhabitants had often
reason to regret the turbulent year
of 1791. Their misery was now
more certain and more hopeless.
This was the melancholy posture
of affairs at the end of 1792. Of the
proceedings of these scourgesof hu-
manity in the emancipation of the
slaves; of the nomination of M.
Galban to supercede them upon the
cries of injured innocence at length -
reaching across the Atlantic, and
stirring up compassion in the flinty
hearts of the savage murderers of —
Louis XVI; of the bloody evil war
which ensued upon his arrival; of
the general revolt of the negroes ;
of the conflagration and sack of
Cape Frangois, we speak.not at pre-
sent, as these mournful events did
not take place till the subsequent
year, and as this subject is of too
great extent and importance not to
be resumed in another volume.
The internal circumstances of all
the other French colonies were the
same with St. Domingo. ‘The de-
crees of the National Assembly ex-
tended to all; and upon all they
produced the same woeful effects.
The state of Guadaloupe and.Mar-
[G] 2 tinico,

84 |

tinico, at the end of 1792, was,
if possible, still more deplorable
than that of St. Domingo. At the
same time when Santhonax and his
compeers were sent to the last, a
commissioner of the same stamp re-
paired to each of the former. They
rivalled Santhonax in tyranny and
extortions. The inhabitants rebell-
ed; they calledin thenegroesto their
assistance; all was confusion and
horror. In short, it may be well
said that, when our account closes,
the inhabitants of the French West
India islands were certainly the
most miserable portion of the hu-
man race.

Nor were the calamities that
overwhelmed the French colonies
excited solely by the unavoidable
course of events, but, in some mea-
sure, invited by a great portion of
the inhabitants themselves, and even
purchased by money. It is certain,
beyond all doubt, that Brissot, Con-
dorcet, and other chiefs among the
Amis de Noirs, received from the
mulattoes large sums of money.
From the correspondence between
the mulattoesandthe Amis de Noirs,
discovered to the French ministry
by the mistress of Raymond, agent
of the mulattoes at Paris, it appear-
ed that instructions and plans were
sent by the party just mentioned to
St. Domingo, in the years 1790
and 1791, for the purpose of exe-
cuting, conducting, and supporting.
the insurrection of the negroes;
with copies of prints, pamphlets,
and handbills, to be distributed in
the colonies. Among the same
papers was found a parcel, contain-
ing a plan and register of a contri-
bution to be raised upon the mulat-
toes of St. Domingo; the sum total
of which amounted to above
7,000,000 of livres. To these pa-
pers was joined a memorial, respect-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

ing the manner in which the mo-
ney was to be employed. Great
part of it was to be sent to Paris to
reward the past, and purchase new
services of several members of the
Assembly and of the Jacobin clubs,
to pay lawyers, writers of pamph-
lets, and journalists, to defray the
expence of printing placards, &c.
Another parcel contained a great
number of originalletters, addressed
to Raymond by his correspondents
of St. Domingo, and notes of his
answers. One of the letters an-
nounced, that nearly a million had
been sent to Paris, ** en attendant
mieux.’? And it appeared, by one
of his letters, that Brissot had been
intrusted with the sum of 300,000
livres, Condorcet with 150,000, the
Abbé Gregoire 80,000, and Petion
60,000:—but Robespierre would
accept of no money, either for the
purpose of distribution or gratifica-
tion, although he served the cause
with equal zeal.

When the laws of the Constituent
Assembly granting liberty to the
negroes, were transmitted to the co-
lonies, some of the governors and

officers, attached to the ancient go- ©

vernment, refused to comply with
the orders they had received, and
resigned their places.
cessors in office, appointed by the
King, were then of respectability,
but being ignorant of the manners,
customs, and regulations of the
islands, were incompetent to the ar-
duous task of managing and restrain-
ing negroes intoxicated with ideas
of liberty ; which they confounded
with a total loss of insubordination
to all authority. Matterswere every
where involved in greater and great-
er confusion, misery, and horror
till the conquest of Martinico by the
English, and the manly conduct of
the French government of Guada-

loupe,

Their suc--

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

loupe, who told the refractory ne-
groes, “ That, being free, they were
“not to be flogged for rebellious
“* practices, but shot like gentle-
“men; and, farther, obliged to

[85

‘¢ work like freemen ; that, by the
“produce of their labour, they
“« might be enabled to furnish their
“ proportion for the support of go-
“ vernment.”

CH. A. PV.

Effects of the Death of the Emperor Joseph, and of the Accession of Leo-
pold to the Austrian and Imperial Thrones. Mistaken Notions of the
Meeting atPilnitz. The real Object of that Meeting. Project of Leopold

for setiling and preserving the Peace of Europe. The Cause of the King

~ and Royalists of France espoused by Catherine II, of Russia, by the
~ King of Prussia, and the young Emperor Francis. The Combined Ar-
~ mies of Austria, commanded by the Duke of Brunswick. The Duke not

at perfect Liberty to pursue his own Plans. The Manifesto published in
the Duke's Name. By whom composed.

J AVING considered the inter-
nal movements of France,

and the influence of these upon
her own foreign dependencies, we
come now to view them as affecting,
or affected by, the counsels of inde-
pendent nations. The decease of
the Emperor Joseph, and the suc-
cession of his brother Leopold, as is
illustrated in former volumes of this
work, to the Hungarian and Bohe-
mian thrones, had already given a
new aspect to the affairs of Europe.
Leopold had governed Tuscany for
Near five-and-twenty years, with
eat wisdom and high reputation.
He had directed his exertions prin-
cipally to the good government of
his people, to the improvement of
their general condition, to the esta-
blishment of a perfect police, and to
every beneficent object of a pacific
reign. While at Florence, and onlya
distant spectator of the great scenes
passing in the empire, he had atten-
tively studied the affairs of Europe.
Nor did he fail to perceive or draw
instruction from the errors of his
elder brother. Upon his own ele-

vation to the imperial throne, he
carried with him to Vienna the sen-
timents of his former lite. Free
from the inconsiderate spirit of re-
form and innovation, he knew how
to temporize and to attain his ob-
ject, by profound policy, by pa-
tience, and by conciliation. In the
course of avery short reign,scarcely
comprizing two years, he remedied
many of the calamities occasioned by
the precipitation of his brother, He
had recovered the low countries,
which had revolted; concluded an
honourable peace with the Porte,
and finally, after disarming the jea-
lousy of Russia, secured the friend-
ship of Great Britain. The objects
of the convention of Reichenbach,
eatered into between Leopold and
Frederic William, inthe autumn of
1790, were fulfilled by the peace of
Sistova, concluded in the following
year with the Turks. The misun-
derstanding between the courts of
London and Petersburgh, which
gave rise to the armament of 1791,
was completely terminated. Onthe
31st of January, 1792, the King of

[G] 3 Great

86 |

Great Britain, in his speech to par-
liament, opened the history of the
last, and the prospects of the year
begun; which prospects were wholly
pacific. France, in whose interior
the storm had been for some time
fermenting, which burst forth io
the explosions aiready described.
had suffered a temporary eclipse.
A celebrated orator in the English
House of Commons. said, ‘* That
he looked in vain for that once pow-
erful country, on the map of En-
rope, and found only a blank. The
monarchy was fallen, the sovereign
was powerless, the cabinet distract-
ed, and the finances without any or-
der or solid support.” Projects had
been formed for restoring the old
government by foreign force; and
the French territories were to pay
the expences of the restoration.
These plans were supposed to have
originated at the memorable inter-
view at Pilnitz; and the court of
London, as well as the great pow-
ers on the continent, has been pub-
licly charged with a knowledge of
them, if not a participation. On
this subject the public have been
hitherto misinformed. It was the
interest of all parties that the truth
should remain under a veil, but of
none that itshouldbe published. Eu-
rope has been led to believe, thatthe
project of Leopold, which has been
misrepresented under the designa-
tions of the Coalition, and the Con-
Spiracy of Pilnitz, was hostile to the
interests of national liberty, and
aimed at nothing short of the esta-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

blishment of despotism in France,
after dismembering it of its ancient
acquisitions. This opinion was con-
firmed by the invasion of the Duke
of Brunswick, at the head of the
armies of Austria and Prussia, and
accompanied by the emigrated
princes and nobles of France. The
interview at Pilnitz was indeed at-
tended by the Comte D’Artois,
M. de Calonne, and the Marquis
de Bouillé: and a species of engage-
ment was entered into, and after-
wards published, by which the Em-
peror and the King of Prussia en-
gaged, in certain eventual cases *,
to support the re-establishment of
order in France. This engagement,
which, after its publication, was
formally disavowed by the Emperor,
as an act implying any hostility to
France, gave full scope to the pub-
lic opinion. The rulers of the
French revolution anticipated and
confirmed the belief, thatareal con-
spiracy had been formed against
them at Pilnitz. The death of the
Emperor, which took place a few
months afterwards, and which
many connected with his love of
peace +, left the imposition to
its course, Time has discovered
the truth on this important subject.
The memoirs of the Marquis of
Bouillé have, to a certain extent,
done justice to the memory of Leo-
pold, in rescuing it from imputati-
ons with which it has been loaded ;

and the ministers of Great Britain |

have formally disavowed in parlia-
ment any knowledge or participa-

* For a particular account of the views of the Emperor Leopold, at this juncture,
and also those of the other great courts of Europe, we must refer our readers to our

volume for 1791 ; in which will be found the substance of the circular letter, writ-

ten by Leopold to all the states of Europe, with a view of rousing their attention”

to their general interest.

+ There is little doubt but that he died by poison.

tion

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

tion in the supposed league of Pil-
nitz.
A misrepresentation of so gross
a nature is best done away, by leav-
ing it to its own exposition. The
discovery of publicimposture is suc-
ceeded by indignation®*. But there
are great political reasons for un-
folding the real project of the Em-
peror Leopold, when he met the
King of Prussia and the Elector of
Saxony at Pilnitz. The wish of
that wise and pacific prince, was,
to oppose an effectual security a-
gainstthe hurricane which menaced
Europe: a hurricane like those in
the physical world, ready to be
formed by equal forces rushing a-
gainst each other from opposite di-
rections: the ambition of conquest
from the north, and from the south,
therage of the rightsof men. These,
he said, were about to meet from
Russia and France on the fields of
Germany, and to level her consti-
tution and her Jaws to the earth,
unless her sovereign rulers should
have the good sense to join hands,
and, in concert with the maritime
powers, to consolidate the security
of nations. We have seen the ori-
inal plan of the intended treaty of
ilnitz, and know from the best au-
thority, that the late Emperor, in
illustrating his own project, was of-
ten heard to observe, ‘“ That the
e which Henry 1Vth of France
Elizabeth of England, aided by
their wise ministers, had discussed,
in speculation, for the benefit of

[87

Europe, must now be realized far
its existence.”

The alarms and precautions of
Leopold did not escape the penetra-
tion of Catherine the Great. The
agents of that princess had been
long at work to complete her de-
signs against Poland. The death of
Joseph bad deprived her of an ac-
tive, as well as powerful ally, in her
grand project for overthrowing the
Turkish empire. The succession
of Leopold, his peace with the
Porte, and union with Prussia, had’
thwarted her ambition, and morti-
fied her severely; while the opposi-
tion of Great Britain, to her acqui-
sition of Oczakow, had well nigtr
given a total check to the career of
her glory. In this dilemma, she
announced herself the protectress
oftheancient government of France,
and stood forward as the heroine
who was to conquer, like her pre-
decessor Peter the Great, the new
barbarism of her time +.

In this pleasing strain she was
addressed by the emigrant princes
and nobles of France. And, after
the death of Leopold, drawing a
veil over all the resentment that she
had nourished against the late union
between Austria and Prussia; and
giving it, with uncommon address,
another direction and acceptation,
she paid her compliments to. the
new Emperor Francis, who had
distinguished himself, under his
uncle, at the siege of Belgrade,
as the worthy representative of

* If any doubt should yet remain concerning the imposture in question, it would’
be removed by the perusal of a paper in the Anti-Jacobin of July 2d, 1793, sub»

seribed Detector,

There wasa meeting in August 1791, at Pilnitz; bul not any

plan then and there formed for the dismemberment of France.
+ Charles X1L, of Sweden, it is well known, like the new rulers of France, as-
sumed a tone of domination amonghis neighbours,

[G] 4

her

88]

her late ally. She encouraged the
most eloquent of the French emi-
grants, to rouze the military pride
of the king of Prussia, who, from
his connexions with England, had
been exposed to the discredit of
returning from the expeditions of
Reichenbach and Riga, without
adding to the renown of the Prus-
sian armies.

Frederic William, naturally brave
and benevolent, and feeling for the
sufferings of the King, princes, and
nobles of France, embraced with
joy, an opportunity of acquiring
great glory to himself, while at the
head of his troops, he should restore
the French monarchy. The new
Emperor, equally generous, and
disposed to military glory, was in-
duced not to consult the ministers
and friends who had possessed his
father’s confidence, but yielded to
the influence of the Russian party:
which had so many partizans at the
court of Vienna.

The human mind forms resolu-
tions, not from a complication of
different considerations, but under
the influence of one predominating
passion. The motives which ac-
tuated the great northern powers on
this occasion, and at this time, were
probably no other than what have
been just described. Yet, we may
easily imagine other motives which
might have occurred, and might
have dictated the same conduct
“on the part ofall the parties, The
Empress might be well pleased to
occupy and weaken the power of
Austria and Prussia, while she still
kept an eye on Turkey and Poland,
and extending her influence over
Germany and Europe. The empe-
ror might, without the imputation
of very inordinate ambition, be in-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

clined to embrace an opportunity
of recovering the territories that
had been wrested by Louis XIV.
and Louis XV. from his hereditary

domihions, as well as from the em- |

pire on the left side of the Rhine;
and the King of Prussia, besides
that he might be inclined to em-
brace an opportunity of cementing
a reconciliation with the Empress,
or at least deem it imprudent to op-
pose her will, seconded by the Em-
peror, and all this at a juncture
when he could not reckon on the
support of France in a_ contest
with his riva!, had an interest
in the existence of a power that
had formed so long a defence to
the states of the empire against the
encroachments of Austria. Ata
meeting at Mayence, the Emperor
andthe King of Prussia hada confer-
ence for the purpose of restoring the
French monarchy. The combined
troops were placed under the com-

mand of the Duke of Brunswick,:
esteemed, from his past services, as,

one of the first generals inthe world,
and justly considered in Germany
as one of the most just and enlight-
ened of her sovereigns. The Duke
had been considered by the Empe-
ror Leopold, as the most proper per-
son, in every respect, to direct the
force of this defensive confederacy.
Anintercourse had been opened be-
tween them confidentially on this
subject ; and the Duke was fully ap-
prised, and approved of the enter-
prize of Leopold.
circumstance that led him eventual-
ly to the command of the combined
armies. He was, in fact, involved
in the enterprize, without possessing
the real power of either controlling
or guiding it to theobjects of which
he had approved, and which his own

wisdom

This was the

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

wisdom would have suggested*.
This circumstance is a key to the
subsequent issue of the campaign ;
and will account for several events
that have been hitherto involved in
mystery.

The Duke of Brunswick was na-
turally an advocate for any co-ope-
ration between the courts of Vien-
na and Berlin that tended to se-
cure the rights and integrity of the
German empire ; in equal danger
from the violence of the French re-
volution, and the policy by which
‘Russia had constantly succeeded in
inflaming the states of the empire
against each other. He accordingly
accepted with pleasure of a com-
mand that was originally signed
for him by Leopold; and which
the new Emperor and the King of

~ Prussia were destined to confirm.

From a delicacy towards those sove-
reigns, he was unassuming in their
presence. In proportion as one of
them was as yet inexperienced,
and the other diffident of his own
talents, the veteran and profound
Generalissimo was attentive to
their orders ; so that in fact, he gave
bat few of hisown; and these nore
in the detail than the suggestion of
Measures. Hence it was, that a
proclamation, above noticed, evi-
dently in a tone opposite to what
the Duke of Brunswick would have
dictated, was given in his name.

[so

This work, the cause of mucli evil,
was both suggested and composed
by an individual, who, without of-
fice, obtained an influence which
(where there was no permanent
command) was equal to authority.
It lay naturally with the princes of
France to suggest the kind of ma-
nifesto which, from their know-
ledge, might have the most power-
ful effect, in intimidating the revo-
lutionists in France, and encourag-
ing the loyalists. |The disposition
of princes and statesmen, to en-
courage the intemperance of vio-
lent partizans, rather than to listen
to prudent advice, and to depend
for justification and acceptance on
the conciliatory voice of modera-
tion, is an error as fatal as it is
commonf.

An unfortunate effect also flow-
ed from another deviation from the
line of conduct that would have been
pursued by the Duke of Brunswick.
The husband of the Arch- Duchess
Christina, aunt of the young Em-
peror, commanded the Austrian
troopsin Flanders. Had the army
under the Duke of Brunswick
marched into France directly,
through that country, his command
must have been for a time sus-
pended. Hence, we have under-
stood, originated the march into
Champaign, and the eventual fai-
lure of the siege of Lisle, by the

* It is not with the Kings of the north, and above all, with those of Prussia, as
with those of the south; who, even when they attend their armies in person, delegate
their whole authority to a commander in chief; as Lonis XLV. did to the Marischal
de Turenne and the Prince of Conde ;—and George IL. of England, to the Earl of

Stair,

When the kings of Prussia, whose characters as sovereigns, are essentially

connected with that of military chiefs, appear at the head of their armies, every eye
is turned on them, as the primary source of motion; the authority of the General

beng but secondary.

+ And Abab, king of Israel, said unto Jehoshaphat, There is yet one man by
whom we may enquire of the Lord; hut I hate him, for he never prophesied good unto
te, but always evil: the same is Micaiah, the son of Imla, 2 Chron, xviii. 7.

Prince

90]

Prince. of Saxe Teschen; which,
with other events in the field, of
this year, we are about to relate.

The intelligence brought from
time to time to the French princes,
from every city, strong-hold, and
military corps in France, was of the
most encouraging kind. The sen-
timents of the Duke of Brunswick
on this and other heads, which had
been discussed. before the expedi-
tion broke ground, may be col-
lected from an observation which
he is said to have made to the con-
federate sovereigns and princes re-
lative to their intelligence: —“ If
these reports be true, there will not
be occasion for half the force to be
assembled: but.if they be false, and
that a spirit is to be encountered
in France directly opposite to what
is described, the combined armies
will not be sufficient for. the under-
taking.”’ It is at. the same time to be
observed, that the Austrian govern-
ment, weakened by the war against
the Turks, instead of sending sixty
thousand men. into the low coun-
tries, according to the original plan,
was unable to raise more than thir-
ty thousand; which were reduced
to half that number, by a detach-
ment of fifteen thousand, under
General Clairfait, to join the Prus-
sian army before Longwy; which
detachment was farther reduced
by the necessary garrisons of Na-
mur, Mons, and Tournay. These
facts it seemed proper to intro-
duce in this place, previously to a
narrative of the campaign, to which
they belong ; as they serve to il-
lustrate, ina very importantdegree,
both its conduct on the part of the
German commander-in-chief, and
its termination.

The plan of the Duke of Bruns-
wick, then, on, the whole, appears

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

to have been as follows: To set out,
from Coblentz, with an army of
Prussians, fifty thousand strong, and.

to march, by Treves and Luxem-. —

bourg, to Longwy. After the re-.
duction of this place, and also, if
possible, Montmedy, to establish at
both, magazines for the army ; and,
from thence to continue the march,
and to reduce Verdun. In support
of these, as well as of subsequent
operations, the court of Vienna ene
gaged to bring into the field two,

armies: the one to act in the coun-,

try between the Rhine and the
Moselle, and to, be of sufficient
strength for the purpose of me-
nacing at once Landau and Saar-.
Louis, and carrying on the siege of.
Thionville ; while the other, of
much superior force, should be en-
gaged in some important operations
in the low countries; but whose

positions should be as near to the

army of the Meuse as possible. If

the pleasing expectations that had —

been entertained of a general rising
in France, and co-operation with:

the invading army should not be) |

verified, it was the design of the
Duke of Brunswick not to cross:
the Meuse; but, during the siege
of Thionville, as soon as the Prus~
sians should be masters of Verdun,
to detach a considerable portion of
his army for taking Sedan, Me-
zieres, and perhaps, with the aid of,
the Austrian armies inthe low coun-
tries, of Givet. In possession of the

banks of the Meuse from Verdun —

to Givet, his flanks covered by two
Austrian armies, it would be in the
power of the Duke to throw his
troops into cantonments behind’
that river: from whence he would
be able to observe the opposite: po-
sitions. of the enemy on the Sam-
bre ; and from graund so strong to

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

go on the ensuing year, to con-
quests almost certain.

The French King, in conse-
quence of the preparations and
movements of the Austrians and
Prusssians, and with a view, it is rea-
sonable to suppose, to his own pe-
culiar situation, had established
three armies, in order to cover and
protect his country, and to be in
readiness to act as emergencies
might require, or existing circum-
stances direct. The first army that
was assembled, and which was dis-

don the northern frontier of
rance, was placed under the com-
mand of the Marischal de Rocham-
beau, an experienced officer, who
had served in the French armies
during the late American war; the
second underthe Marquis dela Fay-
ette, whohad also served under him
in the American war ; and the third
under the command of a gallant ve-
teran who had spent more than for-
ryears in the service of France,

e Marischal Luckner,ontheRhine.
Of the three generals, only Luck-
ner and Ja Fayette were attached
tothe revolution. The discipline
of the French army had, for some
time past, been much neglected ;
while, from the political principles
introduced into France, insubordi-
nation of the troops had been dai-
ly increasing. The soldiers living
m garrisons, the great towns of

[91

France imbibed the ideas of the
civil classes with whom they asso-
ciated, and became connected with
the inhabitants of the capitals and
the different provinces throughout
the country. The want of disci-
pline, however, was compensated
by an ardour in the cause of liberty
and the revolution; and, on the
whole, what were called the troops
of the line, were as capable of being
led on to action, with alacrity and
with effect, as any troops in the
world. But the greater part of the
officers, especially those in the first
stations, were enemies to the revo-
lution, and disaffected to the present
government; which they consi-
dered as an usurpation. This di-
versity of sentiments produced of
course a division in the army. Some
of the officers, avowing their disaf-
fection, retired from the service ;
others remained, ready to improve
circumstances that might arise
for overthrowing the present order
of affairs, and restoring the former.
A wistrust of the officers, produced
among the soldiers, and communi-
cated tothe whole nation, increased
the general hatred against the no-
bles: insomuch that it was under
deliberation, at one period, among
the rulers of the revolution, whe-
ther the class of nobles should not
be precluded from the rank of com-
missioned military officers.

CHAP. VI.

M. Rochambeau takes the Command of a French Army. Head Quarters
at Valenciennes. Disposition and State of the Army. Divisions. The

. .

mere and greater Part of the Officers attached to Royalty. Expedi-

n under Biron against Mons.

” Fails of Success. So also, that under
Dillon against Tournay. Resignation of Rochambeau. Servan Aa
nted Minister at War. Reflections on the Military Operations of the

French. New Plan of Operations. Servan succeeded in the War De-

partment

92] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

partment by Dumouriez. Operations under Marischal Luckner. First

Division of the Prussian Army, under the Duke of Brunswick, arrive at

Coblentz. The Situation and Strength of the different Armies of France.
Position of the Austrian Army. Maniftsto of the Duke of Brunswick.
Desertions from the Austrian Armies. Reduction, by the Austrians
under General Clairfait, of Longwy and Verdun. Siege of Thionville,
and vigorous and successful Defence. Various Actions between the
Prussians and the French, under Dumouriez. Sickness in the Prussian
Army. War with Sardinia, and Successes of the French Troops under

General Montesquieu. Retreat of the Prussians.

N the 21st of April, M. de

Rochambeau left Paris for
Valenciennes, to assume the chief
command on the frontier of the
Netherlands, towards Mons and
Tournay. The farce that had been
collected there amounted to nearly
30,000 men, and had been drawn
principally from the different gar-
risons, The general’s orders from
the ministers of France, were, to
establish, on his arrival at Valenci-
ennes, three camps, in order to
cover the frontier, and to be ready
to act against the enemy. The
head-quarters being Valenciennes,
the Marischal was directed to re-
tain under his own immediate com-
mand 18,000 men; and to establish
at Maubeuge, at the distance of
twenty miles, asecondarmy of 5,000
men; while a third was to be formed
at Dunkirk. The whole army, com-
posed of all the three, occupied,
besides Valenciennes and Lisle, Ar-
ras and Cambray. The army on
the side of Maubeuge and Cambray
was commanded by D’Harville;
that of Dunkirk by Delbeck. Be-
sides those principal officers, Lieu-
tenant-General D’Aumont com-
manded at Lisle, and Caulaincourt
at Arras ; making in all nine Mares-
chales de Camp,

_M. de Rochambeau, greatly
struck with the undisciplined state
of the army, determined (April 22)
to avoid offensive operations, and

to carry on the war by posts and
entrenched camps.

The force under the command
of Rochambeau was destined to
cover the frontier towards the Aus-
trian Netherlands, from the Ger-
man Ocean, at Dunkirk to Mau-.
beuge, in French Haynauet, with,
their right extending to the Meuse.

The Marquis de la Fayette, ap-.
pointed to the command of the.
second army, fixed his head-quar-
ters at Metz, and occupied Nancy, ,
Thionville, and Luneville. He
had under hiscommand Lieutenant-,
General de Wittgeinstein, De Bel-
lemont, Crillon, Parquet, and De-
franc, with fourteen Mareschales
de Camp. By this means was the,
cordon extended from the banks.
of the Meuse to the Moselle, and
retained in checks the important.
fortress of Luxemburg. ;

This officer had also conceived a
very unfavourable opinion of the
state of the army; but younger,
more ofa courtier, and milder than
Rochambeau, he did not deliver his
sentiments with equal warmth and
decision. He hoped to be able to
place matters in a better train, and
in time to model the army accord-
ing to the rules of military men.

The third army was formed on_
the Rhine, under Luckner, and
extended from Landau, by Stras-

burgh, towards Montbeliard, and

the pass of Porentrui into Switzer-
land.

i
oe.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

land. The possession of this im-
portant pass, aided by the favour-
able position of the mountains of
Jura, rendered the extensive fron-
tier of Franche-Compté entirely
safe. M. Luckner was the only
one of the general officers who
spoke in any tolerable terms of the
soldiery ; he was himself a favourite
amongst them; and he had en-
deared himself to them by every
mark of attention to their wants,
while he, at the same time, main-
tained a regular discipline. The
Marischal boasted of his troops,

that they would follow him like

Jambs. The system of this gallant
veteran was in direct contradiction
to that of Rochambeau :—the plan
of operations, which he advised,
and wished to practise, was, to carry
‘immediately into the enemy’s coun-
“try all the horrors of war, and to
‘subsist at their expence. His line
of conduct was stamped by the
boldness of decision: he detested
procrastination, and wished at once
a vigorous offensive war. His ar-
dour, however, was always damped
by the enemy of the revolution,
and the most successful intrigueant
of France, Berthier, Chef de l’ Etat

Major of Luckner’s army*. This
officer had so much influence

upon the old and weak Gene-
ral, that he directed entirely his
Operations; and, being notori-
ously known for an enemy to
the revolution, and a violent royal-
ist, brought upon the poor Gene-
ral an unfavourable opinion, which
ake some time afterwards his
grace and fall.
_ A fourth army was likewise as-
sembled on the side of Savoy, com-
manded by M. de Montesquieu,
to oppose the troops of his Sar-

[93

dinian Majesty, who had already
advanced to Van-var and Mont-
meliant, with a view to attack the
city of Lyons. The Marischal’s or-
ders were to fix three camps; one
at Var, another at Barraux, and a
third to cover Lyons.

It will be here attended to, that
the left of M. Luckner’s army ex-
tended to Montbeliard, and to the
pass of Porentrui; from whenge
the connection was interrupted by
the lofty mountains of Jura. The
Marischal’s army may be term-
ed the army of the Rhone, or of
the Alps; the right of which ap-
proached to Franche Compté, from
whence it communicated with that
of Luckner.

Thestrength of these armies was
rapidly encreased.

The army of the north, com-
manded by Rochambeau, amount-
ed to about fifteen thousand men;
the centre army, commanded by
La Fayette, at most to seventeen
hundred; the army of the Rhine,
under Luckner, to about twenty-
two thousand. Besides these ar-
mies, there was a body of about ten
or twelve thousand, dispersed in
different stations on the coasts of
France, from Bayonne to Dunkirk.

In this statement of the French
force, we do not include that sent
abroad for the protection of the co-
lonies, and which amounted to up-
wards of 1'7,000 men.

The magazines of France were
found so empty, that the ministers
were making contracts, and sending
abroad different commissaries to buy
arms, chiefly muskets. Beaumarché
went to Liege and Holland; and
another to North America, to
procure the muskets that were in
the magazines of that country, fa

a

* And afterwards of Bonaparte.

94]

had served in their revolution,
chiefly procured from France.

Matters were thus situated, when
it was determined in the French
councils to march a body of troops
into the Austrian frontiers, and to
take possession of the important
pass of Porentrui, already taken no-
tice of, and the territory of the
Bishop of Basil, in which it is situ-
ated.

We cannot sufficiently condemn
the very extraordinary measures
adopted on this occasion by the go-
yvernment of France.

It has already been observed,
that neither of the armies were in a
state to take the field; for besides
their want of discipline, they were
in want of every requisite to consti-
tute an army. It was originally in-
tended by the French cabinet, that
the campaign should not commence
before the 14th of May; but such
was the rash anxiety of the royal
party, that on the 22d of April or-
ders were transmitted to begin ope-
rations from the army of the north
and the centre army; and the ar-
my of the Rhine on the 29th of
that month.

The commanders and principal
officers were aristocrats, menstrong-
ly inclined to the person of the
King, and strenuous supporters of
monarchical, power. M. Biron,
who held a subordinate command
under Rochambeau, was appointed
from Paris, by orders immediately
from the King, to conduct an ex-
pedition, the object of which was,
to appear before the garrison of
Mons, a considerable frontier town
of Austrian Netherlands, distant
from Valenciennes, twenty-one
miles.

The avowed intention of this
movement was, to discover the dis-
position not only of the troops, but

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

of the inhabitants of the Low Coun-
tries: but the whole appears to
have been extremely ill concerted ;
and if we were to venture a con-
jecture on this subject, it would be
unfavourable to the cause of royal.
ty, and that it was done more with
a view to throw matters into great-
er confusion, and to open the way
for the entrance of the Austrian —
troops into France, and to hasten —
their approach, as the situation of —
affairs in the capital was becoming
every day more and more uncer-_
tain and precarious. What ap-
pears extremely suspicious is, that
M. Rechambeau was not at all
consulted, and had no discretionary
orders or power. Had he been
apprized of the intentions of the
French ministry, he would with-
out doubt have given it his decid-
ed negative. What could exceed
the madness of the scheme of send-
ing against regular -disciplined
troops, the worst disciplined in
Europe, ‘and those too unprovid-
ed with tents, stores, or ammu-
nition? no hospitals for the sick
and wounded,—nothing but dis-
order throughout every depart-
ment! If we consider that the
commanders were for the most
part disaffected, we may account
for this apparent confusion and
contradiction.

In order to favour this diversion,
for it never can be considered in
the light of a real and serious at-
tack, orders were transmitted to
Lieutenant General d’ Aumont, to
detach M. Theobald Dillon, with
ten squadrons of cavalry, and some
battalions of infantry, ene
in all to three thousand, towar
Tournay. M. Carle was in like
manner to march from Dunkirk
with 1200 men, to make a feint on
Furnes.

The

HISTORY

The question which comes to be
considered is, the utility of these
‘extraordinary transactions, and
-what good purpose they could pos-
ssibly answer. If it was with the
view of dividing the force of the
enemy, and drawing their atten-
‘tion to the defence of the frontiers
generally, and without being able
to discover to what point the prin-
cipal attack was intended to be
directed, where was the army, and
‘the equipment necessary for that
-army, to enable it to strike an im-
portant blow?

The whole force of France was
mow extended from the Rhone to
the German Ocean, an extensive
frontier of not less than seven hun-
dred miles, strengthened by several
large navigable rivers, and protect-

-ed by strong and important sta-

ions. M. Biron marched from
Valenciennes ; and on the evening
-of the same day was in possession of
‘Quiverain, the Austrian advanced
te on the side of France, where
eremained for the night.
On the morning of the 29th, the
Marischal moved on, dislodging in

his way all the outposts of the ene-
2: and in the evening appeared

before Mons. The Austrians, ac-
juainted with the approach of the
ench army, had previously taken
possession of the heights in the
neighbourhood of the city. These
were now occupied by a numerous
‘body, who had taken the precau-
‘tion to throw up works and batte-
ties, in order to cover the garrison
‘and prevent the enemy from gain-
%

OF EUROPE.

[96

ing the advantageoussituation which
the heights presented. Biron was
astonished at a sight, which he so
little expected, from the accounts
which he had received, and hesitat-
ed on the propriety of an attack.
The night between the 29th and
the 30th was a scene of tumult and
disorder. The troops became dis-
affected; and this was followed up
by the desertion of the 5th and 6th
regiments of dragoons, or the great-
est part of them. With great dif-
ficulty they were brought back to
camp by the exertion of Biron in
person. On his return with the
flying squadrons, he found nothing
but dismay. It had been given
out, during the absence of Biron,
that he had gone over to the ene-
my* ; and that his intention was
to deliver the whole of the force
under his command into their hands.
His appearance restored, in some
degree, confidence: but the idea of
an attack onthe Austrian lines was
now atan end. At day-break of
the morning of the 30th, Biron
commenced ‘his retreat in the face
of asuperior enemy. The Austri-
ans did not lose a moment to take
the advantage of this retrograde
movement, but commenced a vi-
gorous attack on the French co-
lumns. The army were able to
make good their retreat to Quive-
rain ; from whence they were con-
ducted to their former camp at
Quiverechain, leaving a battalion
of national guards to protect the
former post. ‘The Hulans soon
after advanced upon Quiverain,

* This was a common artifice among aristocratical officers of the army, in order

hope of disgusting the soldiers, and crushing the spirit of the revolution. To

Ie the pe w soldiers, and to bring confusion and shame uponevery undertaking ;

motive (when the perfidy was obvious to the soldiers) we may attribute the

Y ened that attended afterwards the retreats of Dillon, Biron, and others.

and

96]

and drove out the French troops.
Biron made some efforts to regain
it; but the troops, exhausted by
fatigue, insisted on being led back
to Valenciennes: with which de-
mand Biron was obliged to comply.
The camp was plundered by the
Hulans: all the camp-equipage, and
every thing else was lost ; and the
French re-entered Valenciennes in
the greatest disorder.

A fate similar to that of the army
under Biron, awaited also the expe-
dition from Lisle; but which end-
ed still more unhappily in the death
of M. Dillon, the commanding of-
ficer, as well as that of many other
of the officers. The system was,
that the whole nobility of the army
should be put to death.

M. Dillon, on the 28th of April,
set out from Lisle, and arrived by
day-break on the next morning,
withina short distance of Tournay.
A small body of the enemy ap-
pearing in sight, commenced a dis-
tant cannonade. The French ca-
valry, abandoning their artillery,
fied to Lisle in their utmost disorder:
the infantry followed with great
precipitation. One half of the
men and horses were killed and
disabled on the road, partly through
fatigue, and partly by the sword of
the enemy. The fugitives, whe-
ther with a view to palliate their
own disgrace, or from a conviction
of the fact, exclaimed that the men
were betrayed by their officers, and
hanged M. Chaumont, brother of
the Adjutant General, M.de Ber-
thier, officer of engineers, a priest,
and some Austrian chasseurs that
had beentaken prisoners. An eye-
witness of this scene says, “I
heard theridicule and thebarbarous
shouts of the soldiers, and saw them
amuse themselves in striking the

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

dead bodies with their hands. They
were crowded ina wheel- barrow,
with the officers of engineers. I
shuddered at the sight. The muni-
cipal officers arrived with a cart, in
which they placed the dead bodies,

and continued to abuse them: It is —

two o’clock, and I have not been
able to hear the last news of the
General, or the action. Not a
wounded man has yet appeared ;
and among all the. solders, not one
seems to have been in a battle, ex-
cept a foot-soldier, who has receiy-
ed some shot through his hat. +

** T remained in the street to ob-.
serve the dispositions of the people.,
About four o’clock 1 went towards

Fife’s Gate. In the entrance of the _

street the agitation was great, and
the howling most terrible. At last

I heard the cry of ** He’s coming, —

he’s coming to the lantern.”
asked, with a trembling voice,—
“© Who??? —

I .

* Dillon,” they an- —

swered, the traitor, the aristocrat : 4A

we are a-going to tear him to pieces,
he and all that belong to him.”
‘‘Rochambeau must also perish,

and all the nobility in the army. —

Dillon is coming in a cabriole: his
thigh is already broken—let’s go
and finish him? The cabriole

es “as oe. ee

>

soon appeared ; the General was in
it without a hat, with a calm and ~

firm look. He was escorted by
four horse-guards. He had hardly
passed through the gate when more

than a hundred bayonets were ‘

thrust into the cabriole, amidst the

most horrible shouts! The horse- —

guards made use of their sabres, it
is true;

but I don’t know whether _

it was to defend themselves or to ©

protect the General.
who drove the cabriole disappear-

The man —

a

ed, the horse plunged, and no bayeas ,

onets had yet been fatal, when a
shot

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

shot ‘was fired into the carriage ;
and I think this killed M. Dillon,
- forI never saw him move _after-
wards : he was taken from the car-
Teg (Misti : J
riage and thrown into the street,
when they trampled upon his body,
and ran a thousand bayonets thro’
_ it. I neither heard from him com-
plaints or groans.
_ “Between seven and eight
o'clock, I went to the market-
ace where a fire was lighted, in
which his body was thrown. French
soldiers danced round the burning
body of their General. This barba-
_ rous scene was intermixed with the
DMG 4
most savage howlings.”’
Pi ochambeau, who had been
_ made acquainted by Biron with
_his different operations, had fore-
~ seen and dreaded the event. He
“was satisfied that no part of the
failure could be attributed to him;
; et it was with the utmost regret
Pe rat he beheld the disasters which
he ha _not in his power to pre-
vent. _ To cover the retreat of Bi-
' ron, he occupied, with all the re-
i maining force, the heights of Sainte

.-
_«
f

hI
.

auve, where he established | his
‘ ead quarters. . Nothing could
al his chagrin at this (as he
med it) inferpal stroke. He
ie tg the King in terms of the

est disgust, at the injudicious
erence of ministers; and both
Biron demanded leave to re-
The confidence between the
als and the army was destroy-
he former thought themselves
ted; while the latter imagin-

at the principal officers, who
i ed the aristocracy of the army,
d conspired to betray them, that
e road to Paris might become
ore accessible to the friends of
we King. =

t These acts of cruelty proceeded

‘Vor, XXXIV.

,

[97

from the same cause with the dis-
grace of Biron, . The principles of
democracy were now deeply rooted
in the lower ranks of the army, and
had even extended to the subaltern
officers; between whom and their
more immediate superiors there is,
in most foreign armies, more than
a becoming distance.

From this epoch may be dated
the fate cf royalty in France; and’
the rapid declension of the power
of the King, and the consequent di-
minution of his adherents ; for, the
disposition of the army being thus
publicly known, it both checked
and overawed those who might be
inclined to support the royal cause.

In consequence of these unfor-
tunate transactions, the small force
which had been detached towards
Furnes, under M. Carle, retired
to the camp at Dunkirk. Their
march was not marked by any ex-
traordinary event, as they met
with no opposition whatever.

According to the pian of opera-
tions previously agreed on, the ar-
my under M. de la Fayette, on the
94th of April, at night, received
orders from the council to move to
Givet, and to arrive there by the
30th, in order to second and sup-
port the operations of the detach-
ments sent to Mons and Tournay
from the army of Rochambeau.. It
was impossible for Fayette to, quit
his position before the 26th, when
he sent off M.de Narbonne withthe
artillery. The distance from the
position of La Fayette was fifty-six
leagues; and besides, 'the roads
were very heavy and bad: yet such
was the zeal and activity of the
commanders, and the spirit of the
troops, that this march was effect-
ed in five days, and in the mean
time all the troops in the neigh-

[7] bourhood

98]

bourhood of Givet were ordered to
repair thither.

On the 29th, the French and
Austrian patroles had some skir-
mishes; and on the 30th Colonel
Lattem, with his regiment of horse-
chasseurs, took possession of Bouve-
nis, with the loss of only a few
men. ‘This post, which is half way
to Namur, was on the succeeding
day occupied as an advanced post
of the army by M. de Gouvion,
with 3000 men. By this time Fay-
ette had received intelligence of
the misfortunes which had taken
place in the army of the north;
which determined him to postpone
farther operations. The General,
in his letter to the minister at war,
complained loudly that he was in
want of articles indispensably ne-
cessary to the movement, as well as
to the preservation of his troops,
He was destitute of tents, hay,
straw, and draught-horses. His ar-
my occupied the heightsof Givet,
while his advanced posts had pene-
trated seven leagues into the ene-
my’s country. The little foresight
of the French executive power
strikes us with astonishment. This
army was literally in want of every
thing. Artillery, powder and ball,
articles of the first necessity, they
were without; and the soldiers
passed the night in the open air.
Add to all this, discipline was re-
Jaxed.

Similar orders were transmitted
to M. Luckner, to commence hos-
tilities on the side of the Rhine.
byentering the district of Porentin,
and to take possession of the pass of
Porentrui. This pass is on the side
of Basle, and is important to the
French, as it is equally so to the

* Servan wasa clerk in the war-office, under the Comte deGraye.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Germans, in case of war: it opens
a road at once into Germany and
Switzerland, if

M. de Custine, who was sincere-
ly attached to the revolution, and’
Ferriere were ordered by the Ma-
rischal on this service. The troops
were ordered to rendezvous at Ri-
chery, on the frontiers of France,
on the 29th of April. - This force
consisted of 2000 men, with seven
pieces of artillery ; and were said to_
be in excellent order. On the 30th,
complete possession was taken not
only of the pass, but of the whole
paincipality; and General Custine
himself, with 1000 men, occupied
the town of Delemont. The
French troops met with no oppo-
sition from either the armed force
or the inhabitants of the country ;
who, on the contrary, express-
ed themselves highly satisfied with
the event, and brought wine in
abundance for the use of the troops.

The Prince Bishop cf Porentrui
had some days before taken the
alarm, and in consequence had ap-
plied to the Austrian General who
commanded in the neighbourhood,,
for a sufficient force to protect the
country and pass. The Prince was
actually on the road, accompanied _
by 400 Austrians; but the previous
success of the French rendered
that measure fruitless.

The chagrin of Rochambeau ~
made it necessary for the ministers —
of France to nominate a successor
in his command. M. Luckner was —
called to Paris ; and about the same
time M. Servan was appointed mi- —
nister at war, inthe room of M, —
de Grave: a sincere friend at once _
to the King and the system of a li- —
mited monarchy*. Luckner warms —

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

ly represented the loss which the
army would suffer by the secession
of the old Marischal from his bre-
thren in arms; and that, if all sub-
- ordination was not entirely at an
end, it would be better to prevail
on him to retain his command; and
offered himself as a mediator in the
business. The Marischal set off for
Valenciennes, where he found the
discipline of the troops in a much

worse state than he had supposed.

Rochambeau continued for a little
while to act in concert with Luck-
ner; but in fact resigned the com-
mand into his hands, and returned
to Paris. The command of the
army of the Rhine, in the mean
time devolved on Biron.

The Legislature of France was
about this time taken up with en-

quiring into the state of the armies,-

and of devising a proper and ex-
emplary mode of punishing the
troops who had conducted them-
selves so ill in the recent affairs of
Mons, Tournay, and Lisle; when
cesolutions were entered into, high-
ly necessary to curb the licentious
and dangerous proceedings of the
soldiery.
Previously to Rochambeau’s
quitting Valenciennes, on the 17th
of May, an action took place at
Bavay, an advanced post towards
Haynau, half-way to Maubeuge: in
whieh the French garrison of cighty
men were taken prisoners. But the
trians were, in their turn, ob-
iged on the approach of Rocham-
beau and Luckner, to evacuate the
place with some loss; taking with
them a quantity of forage.
_ It would now seem that the ex-
ecutive government of France, ei-
ther improving on past misconduct,
or otherwise apprehensive of the
growing violence of the Assembly,

.

[99

and that their measures would be
minutely and carefully investigat-
ed, and for which their lives would
be responsible, came toa resolution
no longer to dictate the measures
necessary for the armies, or to di-
rect in future the plans of military
operations ; whether in regard to
the co-operation of one army with
another, or the necessary move-
ments in the attack, or the requi-
site assistance in the defence of
fortified places. They now deter-
mined to confine themselves mere-
ly to forwarding the supplies and
raising in the internal provinces of
the country, recruits for the diffe-
rent divisions of the land-forces,
This system being arranged, a meet-
ing was held at Valenciennes, on
the 19th of May, between Roch-
ambeau, Luckner, and Fayette;
when every thing was settled for
the progress of the campaign, un-
der the most strict and inviolable
secrecy.

So far we have seen the measures
of France ill-timed, abortive, dis-
graceful; and we have in some de-
gree shewn the immediate causes of
their disgraces and misfortunes.
The reduction of the low countries
was the object of the campaign; and
the disaffection of these provinces
to the house of Austria, afforded a
well-grounded probability as to the
success of the expedition. There
cannot be a doubt that the plan
was a good one; nor that, had the
armies been well appointed, and
had discipline been duly preserved,
it would have been attended with
success. The position of the ar-
mies, and the relative situation of
the strongest fortified towns, which
are in fact the keys to the different
countries, are in this place to be
adverted to and gonsidered, The

(H] 2 army

100]

army under Rochambeauw occupied
the direct road to Brussels, without
any impediment but the garrison of
Mons; and besides, the roads and
country were extremely favourable
to the march ofan army. The force
under La Fayette, which bad been
ordered to assemble and form in
the neighbourheod of Mentz, had
been ordered to rendezvous at Gi-
vet; a commanding and projecting
situation towards the county of Na-
mur, on the river Neuse. The
strong fortress of Namur is also on
this river, and commands on that
Side, not only the county itself, but
the city of Brussels and all Bra-
bant; from whence the reduction
of the maritime Netherlands was
an easy and an immediate step.
Fayette had every advantage to ex-
pect from the navigation of the
Meuse; by which means also his
stores and provisions, with the ar-
ticles necessary for a siege, would
have been conveyed with ease and
alacrity. Another object of the
first importance, was the capture of
Liege and Maistricht, both strong
holds on the same river; and whose
seizure would have been justified
on the score of political necessity ;
which in all cases where princes or
‘kingdoms are concerned, super-
cedes all other considerations. The
armies of France possessed of these
places, would be able to oppose a
strong barrier against the house of
Austria; and prevent their forces
from penetrating into and relieving
the low countries. The numerous
detachments of French troops ex-
tending from Dunkirk to Givet,
would have easily accomplished
the reduction of Tournay, Furnes,
Ipres, and all the subordinate garri-
sons ; whilst the great body of the
army would. have concentrated

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

themselves at Brussels and Lou-
vain, and speedily have entirely
subjugated this valuable appendage
of the house of Austria. It is here
to be remarked, that the arms of
France were by no means seconded
by the Belgians, in the way it had
been supposed: and in place of
many of the inhabitants being ready
to join their standard, scarcely any
appeared besides the emigrants who
had accompanied the army.

Every thing was now in the great-
est state of disorder: the original
plan of the campaign was totally
overset; and in place of the Aus-
trian Netherlands being over-run
by French troops, the frontier of
France was entirely open to the in-
roads of the Hulans and other irre-
gular troops, who committed every
depredation in collecting forage,
plundering the peaceabie inhabit-
tants, and even in levying contri-
bution in the towns and villages. -

According to the plan concerted —
between the generals at the meet-
ing at Valenciennes, it was resolved _
that the army of M. de la Fayette —
should give up all intentions against —
Namur, and by degrees draw to- —
wards Maubeuge: there to forma ~
permanent entrenched encamp-_
ment, This measure was suggested —
with a view to favour the operations ~
of Luckner, who, during the ap-—
proach of Fayette’s army, was ®usi- —
ly employed in equipping and bring- —
ing into order the troops under his —
command, for an attack on West.
Flanders; where it was imagined —
there was a great probability of
success. o

When Fayette was about to p
this plan in practice (23d of May,
M. Gouvion was surprised at Ham- —
phede, near Florennes. ‘This little
affair terminated on the side of the

Austrians: —

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

, Austrians;, but the French, in their
account of it, gave it the colouring
ofa drawn battle. Fayette moved
_on dy tlie route of Philipviile and
‘Beaumont to Maubeuge. This ge-
meral placed his advanced guard on
the direct road.to Mons: a circum-
stance which could not fail to draw
the attention of the garrison and the
troops encamped it its neighbour-

. Gouvion was at Grisnette, .

bout four miles and a half from
aubeuge, where he commanded
_an advanced post, which he had en-
trenched. ; On this post the Aus-
_trians made a desperate assault on
the 13th June, and carried with it
but very little loss; obliging the
French troops to retire to the gates
of Maubeuge. What is remarkable,
ayette made no movement to sup-
port this detachment, but suffered
be ae quietly to retain pos-
ion of the post, and carry off a
_ gonsiderable booty. In-this engage-
Ment, Gouvion was killed by acan-
_ mon-shot in the village. This gallant
| officer had been since the year 1789
| extremely assiduous, and entirely
| Bote to the service of his coun-
| try... The Nationa! Assembly paid
attention to his virtues, and

\ ed honours to his family.
| . , On the 13th June, M. Servan re-

e

Signed his situation of war minister,
| @nd was succeeded by M. Dumour-
lez. This man had rendered him-

rand adviser of the plans
the low countries, which
ved so unsuccessful, But
2? failures, Dumouriez observed,
1 only serve to make the
Mation more successful in
and enable them to profit by
rs which he had committed.
le that bad discipline and
_ Want of equipment were the real

} eteagis
-

:
:
!
|

ous by avowing himself

[104F

sources of the distresses and calami-
ties which had ensued, he made. it
the first act of his new ministry to
report the state of thé armies and
fortifications,where, throughout, he
saw nothing but negligence, weak-
ness, and disorder. Dumouriez re-
signed his office on the 16th of June,
fearing the resentment of the Jaco-
bins; and requested leave of the
Assembly to repair to his station, as
lieut. general in the army of the
north, as before mentioned. ,

In the mean time, Fayette had the
command of the entrenched camp
at Maubeuge, where he held in
check the Austrians on the side of
Mons and Namur. M. Luckner,
having in some measure organized
the army of the north, had filed off
towards Lisle; and on the 17th of
June the Marischal took Menin
without opposition, and the follow-
ing day effected, with little loss, the
capture of Courtray.

The Marischal’s main object was
the capture of Gheat, alage city in
the centre of Flanders, from whence
he might, by means of the different
canals all through the province,
have easily reduced the» whole_
country to bis subjection. Orders
hadbeen previously sent to M. Carle
to march with a division of the army
from Dunkirk, to the attack of
Ipres; which he accordingly did;
when this place surrendered with
no opposition. M. Carle now form-
ed a junction with Luckner, with
the force under his command, con-
sisting of 5000 men, The army un-
der Fayette, to favour the opera-
tions of Luckner, made a diversion
towards Tennieres, where a slight
action ensued, with little loss om
either side. The King, who had at
this time great confidence in Luck-
ner, demanded of the Assembly a

(H]3 carte

102]

carte blanche for him in all military
affairs. This commander still con-
tinued to complain of the want of
discipline and appointment in the
army under hiscommand. Occasi-
onal skirmishes took place between
the contending armies ; but of too
little consequence to be minutely
detailed. It appears that M. Luck-
ner found his endeavours to pene-
trate into Flanders were ineffectual ;
and on the night of the 29th June,
he evacuated Courtray and Menin,
and marched back to Lisle, where
he encamped on the 30th on his
former ground. Early next morn-
ing the Marischal separated his
army into three divisions: the first
marched to Valenciennes; the se-
cond took possession of Orchies ;
and the third resumed its position
in the neighbourhood of Dunkirk.

By this sudden and unexpected
movement, the whole of Flanders
was evacuated by the French; but
the system of war became totally
changed. That war which, accord-
ing to the military notions of M.
Luckner, was proper to be an of-
fensive, now became merely defen-
sive. The defensive was Berthier’s

lan, the offensive was Luckner’s.

On the 3d of July, the Duke of
Brunswick arrived at the head of
the first division of an army of Prus-
sians, at Coblentz, on the right bank
ofthe Rhine, This army was com-
puted at 52,000 men, all in the
highest state of spirits, discipline,
and subordination.

It was now necessary to oppose
‘the whole strength of the country
against so formidable an enemy ;
and that too in a situation where it
was most assailable, on the side of
the Rhine, Lorraine, and Alsace.
The junction of the Austrians with
the Prussians would constitute a re-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

gular well-appointed army, 80,000
strong. —~

The minister for foreign affairs
represented to the National Assem-
bly the dangers which threatened
France, and the strong combination
that had been formed against it.
He included in this report, beside
the King of Hungary, who, on the
5th of this month had been elected
Emperor at Frankfort, the Kings
of Prussia, Spain, Portugal, Naples,
Sardinia, and the Pope.

On the 14th of July the two ge-
nerals, Luckner and Fayette, ar-
rived in Paris. The former was de-
manded by the Assembly to give

an account of his campaign; but —

this he positively refused to do; al-
ledging that the King was the im-
mediate person to whom he was to
detail operations that were merely
military: at the same time he as-

sured the Assembly that the army
was still incomplete, deficient in

number of corps, and by no means
united; and that, if neglected, it
would be in immense disproportion
to that of theirenemies. These re-
presentations were no less true than
the other which followed them. | It
appeared that, after garrisoning the

various places absolutely necessary, —
there would not be a greater num-

ber of effective men than 70,000,
to oppose the combined strength
now approaching the frontiers of
France. Augmentations and levies
were in consequence proposed, and
Marischal Luckner was appointed
by the King Commandant-General
of the two armies of the Centre
and the Rhine. M. Biron was
appointed to the immediate com-
mand of the army of the Rhine,
but subject to the orders and con-
trol of the Marischal. :
It is necessary to revert to the
position

és
4
-

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

position of the Austrians, and the si-
‘uation of the army of the north.
‘The Austrian advanced posts had
penetrated the French frontier, and

taken possession of Orchies and Ba-

vay. The French force in that
aca was very much divided and

ispersed. The entrenched camp
‘at Maubeuge, and another at

“Maulde, with tbe strong fortress of

Valenciennes, formed the princi-

ea

the French. Dumouriez, who com-

» manded at Maulde, in absence of

Luckner, had repaired to Valen-
‘ciennes, from whence he corres-
‘ponded with Fayette on the situa-
tion of affairs, and wishing him to
make some movenients in his fa-

- vour.
It appears thata good understand-

Ing did not subsist between these
generals; and that the Austrians

were in a fair way of making still
farther progress, without having
‘much resistance to apprehend,
Damouriez, in his plan for checking
the progress of the Austrians, rested
principally upon his position at
aulde; which evidently appears to
have been well taken.

. Inthis posture of military affairs
- Luckner left Paris, and returned to

ti

his command. On the 27th July,

_ the Duke of Brunswick, who by this

“i!
“

time had fully established his head

warters at Cobleutz, published his
famous manifesto * ; which in place
of serving the cause of kings, in
which he was engaged, only united

‘the various and divided opinions of

‘Frenchmen, and bound more firm-
dy the Jacobin faction ; while at the

_ Same time it made numberless con-

vey!

_ Verts to their opinions,
_ tothis measure, there was tlie great-

Previously

Sa

al points of defence on the part of

[108

est difficulty in recruiting the armies
of France; but such was the patri-
otic spirit which this manifesto in-
spired, that, in eight days, no less
a number than 10,715 young men
voluntarily, and without bounty,
enrolled their names in the common
hall of Paris, for the defence of their
country. A similar spirit manifest-
ed itself throughout the different
departments of France. The war
carried on between the Austrians
and French, on the side of Valen-
ciennes, Orchies, Bavay, and Mau-
beuge, was merely a diversion, to
assist the arrival of the Prussian and
Austrian detachments, for the grand
attack by the way of Luxemburg.
When matters began to ripen, the
Austrian forces relinquished thesuc-
cess they had obtained in French
Flanders, and returned within the
line of their own frontier. In the
mean time, the army of Fayette
had marched towards the Rhine.
During its progress on the 23d, and
three succeeding days, the enemy
engaged them with various success,
but which chiefly ended in favour of
the French. There appear about
this time very great commotions in
the Austrian army, and a strong in-
clination on the part of the sol-
diery to desertion,—liberal rewards
were offered by the French, to all
those whoshould resort tothe stand-
ard of liberty. At this time not less
than 150 Austrian soldiers deserted
in one day to Valenciennes,

M. Luckner had by this time ar-
rived at hiscommand, in the neigh-
bourhood of Mentz. Biron and
Custine made a push beyond Lan-
dau, and put to death 400 hussars ;
after which they retreated to Lan-
dau, on hearing of a considerable

* See State Pap rs, p, 229. |
HH) 4

104]

body of Austrians being inthe vici-
nity. of that place. . _,

‘August the 11th, the Prussian ar-
my was put inmotion. . This force
had been encamped in, the, neigh-
bourhood of Triers, and intended
to enter France by the route of Sirk
and Thionville. The army of emi-
grants consisting of 10,000, men,
were kept a day’s march.in the rear
of the Prussians. On the night of
the 11th,a slight skirmish took place
between a party of Frenchand Prus-
sians.. On the 12th, the Prussi-
an hussars and chasseurs. eccupied
the post of Sirk; where the in-
habitants who had fired from the
windows on the Prussian, troops,
avere hanged by the common hang-
man.

General Clairfait was now in full
marchitowards Montmedi, with the
view of co-operating and forming a
junction in France with the Prussian
army. On the 22d this General
made himself master of Longwy,
after,a very feeble and ineffectual
resistance, notwithstanding that it
was strongly fortified, well-garrison-
ed and amply provided with. stores
and provisions. Some days previ-
oustothis, the Prussians had attack-
ed, the French post, .at Aumeby,
near to Villers la Montagne ; which
they carried after a vigorous resist-
ance; inwhich each party sustained
a.considerable loss. The combined
armies now commenced the impor-
tant siege of Thionvalle ; and shoyt-
Jy.after that of Verdun. . Thion-
ville was gallantly defended, al-
though surrounded by an army of
50,000 men; but Verdun was
treacherously delivered, as Longwy
had been before, to the enemy;
which facts confirmed, in the opi-
nion of the nation, the danger in
which they were, by having their

himself as an active and enkSBRAH »
Ga

ANNUAL REGLS TER; ; 17092.

armies and fortified places in; the
hands of nobles, and most of them

disaffected to the cause of the revo~

lution, .The Freneh executive go-
vernmentapprehending their gtow-
ing danger, used every method t
stimulate the patriotism of their
countrymen. .M. Luckner was ap-
pointed Generalissimo, of, the ar-
mies of France. . An entrepol, was
established under hisimmediate con-
trol at Chalons-sur-Marne, - where
he established his head quarters.
Tothis pointall the freshlevies were ___
conducted; from whenee, after they
were inspected, they were forwar 1-
ed to the different armies, accord-
ingly as circumstances or exigen-
cies might require. , ! :
It cannot be disputed that .Du-
mouriezdid, on all oceasions, acquit

ing officer; and that he evince
very considerable degree of know- _
ledge in. his profession.—The sprae-
clamation, which, according tot
instructions of Roland, minister, of
the home department of France, he ~
issued at the critical Bde me rh
the combined armies were by rapid _
movements attempting to penetrate »
to Paris, was a well-judged, and a -
provident measure. He command- &!
ed the inhabitants to drive all t “4
cattle and horses behind the Freneh bj
camps, to destroy, or carry, away *
provisions and forage, and to cut
down the trees every where, to _
form abbatis, that the march of
enemy might be impeded Bape ry
as possible. About this time Gene- .
ral Latour and Colonel Mylius _
made an attack on the towns of |
Lannoi and Roubaix, situated be-
tween Tournay and Lisle; which |
were taken after a, vigorous, resiste
ance onthe part of the French,
‘The disgrace that followed the
feeble _

oHISTORY (OF EUROPE.

feeble.defenceof Longwy, appears
to have had a good effect on those
to whom the command of fortified
places had been entrusted, Thion-
ville continued to make a vigorous
resistance... A sortie was\made with
the best\effect ; and prevented the
enemy from carrying on active oper-
ations, against the place.
» /Dheadvanced guard of the Prus-
sians (still continuing to advance,
General Kellerman moved to Bar-
le-duc ; which obliged the Prussians
to fall back on the main body. He
afterwards orderedhis army towards
St. Dizier, to cover'Chalons from
‘the enemy. ff

‘Am attack had been made on the

12th, by the Prussian army, upon
Dumouriez's~ head quarters at
Grand Pré—The enemy was met
at Chenay Befu, bya detachment of
‘the French army, under the com-
-dandyof General Miranda. An
action took place between the
French and Prussian infantry ;—
which dast.were <driven by the
| French, supported. by their. artil-
dJery, to: the village of Mortheme—
here the engagement was renewed,
the Prussians having received rein-
forcements both of infantry and ar-
fillery.. But they were again over-
‘and forced to retire upon
theiradyanced posts at Briguenay,
where their cavalry was equally

|

eens retire by the French
‘ light cavalry. This ac-
Pra em great one (the bo-
ols miabiee V2. |

ere re- ii “ .
6) fabe niand von i :

| «

[105

dy of troops engaged, being on the
side of the French 1500 invall, and
thatof the Prussians 3000) yet was

_of great importance at thatmoment.

The French were taught, by that
essay, that they might meet.a body
of Prussians, and with advantage,
even with an inferior number,:—
that their artillery had. appeared
that day intrinsically superior to the
enemy’s; and that their Generals
could manceuvre before the Prussi-
ans with equal success : which con-
siderations, certainly raised very
much the spirit of the French afmy.

On the 14th September another
attack; was;made on Dumouriez’s
army,,at La Croix au Bois. A de-
tachment under General Chazaux
had-suffered and lost that important
post ; which cheek forced Dumou-
riez to make his retreat; and’ the
General was on the point of break-
ing up bis camp at Grand Pré, and
retiring to St. Menehould* ;, when,
by a lucky change of fortune, he
defeated the enemy, re-established
his camp, and issued orders for the
protection of the country. Dumou-

‘niez’s force was daily increasing ;

and the armies of France drawing
to a focus,forthe protection of the
capital. Dumouriez’s army con-

sisting now of 26,000 men; Keller-

man’s of 22,000 ; Bournonville’s of
11,000 with $000 men expected
from Paris, constituted an army of

nearly 20,000 men.

Butrumours, very unfavourableto

1 aero of this retreat, which really caved the French army, see in
, the detailshe gives there ; though he does not sufficiently explore
ror in which the army was thrown that night by the reports propa-
e disaffected officers of the French army ; nor the merit that General
erand General Miranda bad, in rallying the troops, and checking these bad
y by shewing to the soldiers, who listened to these two officers, the perfidy

) of the reports they had heard ; and by which means order and confi-

by the

106]

the French army, were at this
time in circulation ; and, in con-
sequence thereof, two battalions
which had been ordered by Luck-
mer to join Dumouriez from
Chalons, refused to march. The
real truth of the. unfortunate
event which occasioned these re-
ports, has not as yet been clearly
ascertained ; or rather, they have
been industriously concealed. Du-
mouriez, in his letter, denounces
vengeance onthe fugitives and those
battalions who had basely deserted
their guns,—at the same time, the
General asserts, that he can answer
for the safety of his country, and
requests that the Assembly may be
under no alarm.

Montmedy, invested by Clairfait,
-made an excellent defence, which,
‘with that of Thionville, prevented
-the combined armies from advanc-
ing in their march towards the ca-
pital of France.

On the 11th of September, the
army under Clairfait having quitted
the camp at Romayne, posted itself
on the heights above Barecourt and
‘Besancy ; and a part of the Prussian
troops made a movement in a paral-
Jel direction. In consequence of
‘these movements,’ partial actions
took place between the armies; in
which the French appear to have
regained the credit they had lost
in the action of Grand Pré. The
forces of the French were now col-
dected at the important points of
Chalons, Rheims, and St. Mene-
hould. The army of Dumouriez
-was that of the advanced guard;
and on whose particular exertions
depended the fate of France.
The combined armies, by their
entrance into Champaign, would
have obtained possession of the
finest country in the kingdom, and

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the best adapted to the movements
of regular troops; and more espe-
cially of cavalry, with which the
Austrian and Prussian armies so
abounded. It would, in fact, have
giveo the key of Paris, andthe cer
tainty of its possession.—The eyes
of ali were now turned to this im-—
portant object: the defeat of Du-—
mouriez’s army would instantly
have broken up the body of raw, |
undisciplined troops, stationed at_
Chalons; who, no doubt, would
have fled to Paris, and whose arrival —
would have created the greatest a-—
larm and consternation. The friends _
of royalty would have rallied, and—
have opened the gates of the capital -
to the victorious enemy. ©

On the 20th of September, the
combined armies attacked the ad-
vanced guardof Kellerman,near to —
Dampierre: —the Austrian and —
Prussian armies were’ repulsed, —
This attack took place on the 20th
of September, when there was a
very vigorous cannonade on both
sides. Soon after a truce took
place; and a negociation was’ open>
ed between the King of Prussia and ~
Dumouriez. The Prussians were
in the mean time taking measures
for their retreat. The republican
government was proclaimed by the —
Convention; and all negociati if
was of course at an end. The
Duke of Brunswick sent bis second
manifesto, as preposterous as the
first, and in contradictionto the pros
positions that had been made in the
course of this suspension of arms,
Kellerman, struck with asuddenter-
ror, wanted to make pp
this critical moment; and all t
Dumouriez and other officers of in-
flence of the army could do, wi
to promise him that all the ba,
of the army should be sent to the

rear

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

Year at Vitry, toenable him to move,
if necessity should compel him to
take such astep. The enemy made
hisretreatsvonafter;and Kellerman
- “was convinced of his imprudence
‘and folly. We cannot help remark-

[107

success on the enemy, was very
conducive to the retreat of the
Austrians and Prussians.

War having been declared by
France against the King of Sardi-
nia, and a very considerable body

“Ing that this seems to be the period
when discipline and subordination
‘Degan to be displayed in the French
armies. — Sickness and want of

rovisions began to pervade the
~ combined armies, particularly that
ofthe Prussians. The soldiers, from
eating large quantities of unripe
grapes, had brought on a bloody
flux: the horses of the cavalry were
in like manner seized with distem-
pers, owing to the new wheat on
which they had been fed. In a
‘etter, found in the pocket of the
‘Prince de Ligne, who was killed
‘on the 14th of September, it ap-
“pears that the Austrian troops could
‘procure nothing to eat; that they
‘searcely ever eat meat, and had
tasted nothing hot for four or five
days together: the weather too
‘had been very bad, which increased
the sickness and mortality, and ren-
dered the roads impassable. By the

of his troops having advanced to.
the defiles of Savoy, General Mon-
tesquieu put his army in motion,
and advanced upon that country.
Montmelian received the French
army; and shortly after Chamberry
opened its gates. The Sardinian
troops made no stand against the
enemy, but made a precipitate and
irregular retreat. ‘These successes:
for a time shielded Montesquieu
from an attack which had been
made on his conduct in the Assem=-
bly, and from a vote of suspension.
which had absolutely taken place.
The government of France deter-
mined also on the reduction of
the Nice; for which purpose Ge-
neral Anselme and Admiral Tri-
guet were joined in an expedition.
Towards the end of the month,
General Custine took possession
of Spires, where he found abun-
dance of ammunition and many

same letter of the Prince de Ligne,
it appears that all the promises
‘made to them by the emigrants,
with the most sanguine expectation
of success, had completely failed ;

guns. The Duke of Saxe Teschen,
on the other hand, had invested
Lisle with a considerable force, and.
had summoned it to surrender.
But the Generals Ruhaut and Gis-

which produced great coolness and
Visions among them. We may

~ Fecollect that Dumouriez had, in a
proclamation, commanded the pea-
‘sants to cut down the trees, and
‘everywhere to form abbatis, to cut

card, of the artillery, officers of
great merit, took every measure to
defend it, and succeeded. La Bour-
donnai, the commanderin chief, was
much censured for the little assist-
ance he gave to the garrison.

The Duke of Brunswick fore-
seeing that the tide of war was like-
ly to turn in favour of the French ;
and that his army, reduced by sick-
ness and famine, would soon be
obliged to return home, under the
disadvantages of aretreat (on which

he

- up the roads, and to oppose by
_ €very means the progress of the
ed forces, These prudent
asures, added to the bravery of
€ peasants themselves, who fre.
x amped attacked small detachments
_ from the army, and fired with great

108] ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

he would be harassed on all sides)

_ prudently resolved to attempt ne-
gociation; and on very moderate
terms offered to withdraw his army,
and to become the ally of France:
all that he wished, was, the perfect
safety of the King, and an honour-
able place for his Majesty in the
new constitution.

About the end of the month the
Prussians began to move off; they
left Clermont, and quitted their ad-
vantageous camp on the heights of
LLalune. The retreat of the Prus-
sians opened the communication
between Chalons and St. Mene-
hould, which had been intercepted
about twenty-four hours. The
Duke, in this retreat, lost daily a
great number of men, waggons,
and horses; and afforded to the
French . generals a complete. tri-
umph. In this retreat the French
army might have obtained advan-
tages over the enemy if they had
acted upon his rear with activity
and resolution :—and this was Du-
mouriez’s intention, having sent his
orders for the purpose to Valence,
Bournonville, and Miranda: but
Kellerman opposed it; Bournon-
ville acted with delay; no advan-
tage was obtained ; and time was
left to the Duke of Brunswick to
execute it with order, and a success
which he could scarcely have ex-
pected from his situation. Dumou-
riez was»particularly elated ; and he
assured the Assembly that he would
fix for the winter his head-quarters
at Brussels, The distress and want

* Among other persons of consequence, on whose co-operation the Prussia
relied, was General Dumouriez himself, who assured the court of Berlin of this
early as the month of May, but who was utterly devoid of sincerity and |

uppermost,

duct of the Duke of Brunswick, be-

of the Prussians in this business, was
undoubtedly great: the camps
which they left, and which were _
taken possession of by the French, _
appeared more like a_burying-
ground than the residence of the _
living : they had even been reduc-
ed to the necessity of eating ther
horses, to satisfy the cravings of
nature. rR
The reputation of men, in all the

different walks of life, but in. none -
so much as that of war, depends,
with vulgar minds, on success:.as
success, again, depends on fortune.
The military renown of the Duke
of Brunswick suffered a temporary
relapse; and his pedantic adversa- -
ry in the field, who has celebrated _
his own praises in three sizeable ;
volumes, laboured to set off his
own ability and address, by con-
trasting these with errors alleged
by him to have been committed _
by the Germaa commander. But
the errors of the day are usually —
corrected by the progress of time; _
Opinions descend from the higher _
and best informed to the lower
classes of men: and the light of
truth dispels the illusions.of fancy.
It has already sufficiently appeared _
that Dumouriez was not qualified —
to make a just.estimate of the con- —

ing unacquainted with the whole
of his views, as well as with
many important circumstances in
his actual situation. Though the”
Duke was disappointed in the —
force* on which he had been in- —

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

diced to reckon, and also of a ge-
‘rising in his favour, he fair-

‘ly put the dispositions of the na-
to the test by entering France;

cou try hostile, and ready, if he
‘should advance, to close around
a*, by address and negotiation,
he made good his retreat, under all
the disadvantages and disasters of
an inclement season, sickness, fa-
“mine, and an enemy superior in
numbers, and daily encreasing. So
that, all circumstances duly consi-
Pi satis M4 “
jSustha vi
JINIO UG
maghy. ds.
Anois “oo

[109

dered, it was not General Dumou-
riez, but the Duke of Brunswick
that gained the greatest, that is, the

‘most difficult victory.
and when he found the whole ~

But the retrograde movement of
the German armies, and a conse-
quent attack upon Flanders, under
the auspices of General Dumouriez,
gave a new direction to the revolu-
tionary current of France; from
being invaded, she became the in-
vader. She not only pushed to the
Rhine, but, crossing that river, made
various conquests in Germany.

Ctra br. evi.

’ Accusations decreed by the National Assembly against the Generals Luck-

ner and Anselme.

Progress of General Custine on the Banks of the

Rhine, in Germany. Armistice proposed to Dumouriez by the Duke of
a > eae Jor the Purpose of Negotiation. Longwy given up by the

od russians to the French.

Dumouriez goes to. Paris to concert with the

_ Assembly the future Operations of the War. Progress of Dumouriez in

:

_ the Netherlands. Battle of Jemappe._ Consequences of the Victory ob-
tained there by the French. The Reduction of all the Austrian Ne-
_therlands ; of Liege; and all the Country between the Sarne and Mo-

_, elle, as far as the Bridge of Cosarebruck,

ees :

RTUNE now seemed parti-
cularly propitious to France;
county of Nice had, by recent

advices,’ entirely surrendered; by

which a great quantity of arms and

ammunition were added to. the ar-

opm republic ; and the Aus-

ns, finding their attempts against

avrison of Lisle impracticable,
a :

Ovin vo:

broke up their camp, and abandon-
ed the siege. We cannot. read,
without painful emotion, the mi.
series of the unhappy. inhabitants
of Lisle, or without praising their
fortitude; not less than 30,000
balls and 6,000 shells had been fired
against the city ; but such was the
calm. intrepidity of the people,

@ Bir Henry Clinton, who had commanded in America, and had served formerly

Duke of Brunswick, accompanied him in part of the present expedition.
eral observed to the duke, that the silence of the country, the retreat of the
ts, and their speedy communication of intelligence among each other,
‘think he was oo the soil of America during the last rebellion, ** Return,”

ke, “and mention these facts to the government of England, that they
‘aaderstand the nature and probable issue of the present war.”

conducted

410]

conducted by the two Generals,
Ruhaut and Giscard, before men-
tioned, that they patiently waited
the event of fire and desolation,
and used every effort to repair, at
the moment, as much as possible,
the dreadful consequences which
they occasioned. Enquiry seems now
‘to have been particularly set on foot,
in regard to certain of the Generals
who had been hitherto entrusted
with commands; and in conse-
quence, Generals Luckner and An-
selme were served with a decree of
accusation from the National As-
sembly ; and Luckner was commit-
ted to prison. This honest veteran
paid for the perfidies and faults of
Berthier, who had either emigrated
or absconded.

The Prussians still continued in
full retreat, by the way of Stenay.
They evacuated Verdun on the
12th of October; and which, on
the following day, was taken pos-
‘session of by M. Dillon, who com-
smanded the advanced guard of the
‘army, after the junction had been
Jermed between Dumouriez and
Kellerman. Besides this army, that
under General Bournonville, who
was stiled the French Ajax, was
particularly galling tothe Prussians;
and daily took men, horses, and
cannon. It is, however, allowed
wnall hands, that the retreat of the
Prussian army, although marked by
the roads being strewed with car-
cases of horses and dead bodies, was
very regular and orderly, and con-
ducted with the most consummate
ability.

This campaign is one of the most
glorious and the most scientific
that the French armies ever per-
formed :—it was a war of positions,
by which means and manceuvres
they stopped a superior enemy that

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

was marching in triumph to the
capital of the kingdom, with an ar-
my of about 70,000 men; while
the French generals that were be-
fore them at Grand Pré, only had.
17,000. With this small force, they
fought them, they made a successful
retreat before them, they joined
two other corps that were at a great

distance, and with them formed an —

army, with which they took a grand
and superior position at St. Mene-
hould, repulsed their attacks, and.
forced them to retire and to quit
France, without putting to the ha-
zard of a battle the only army that

France had at that time to protect _

the country. This really was what
the military call a war of positions,
in which science must have the ad-
vantage; and the event shewed
that the French had made proper
use of it.

We have already taken notice of
the capture of Worms by General
Custine; which was soon followed
up by that of Spires, and a large
quantity of flour with warlike stores
of every description, which proved
a valuable acquisition to the armies
of France. The progress of this
general was at once rapid and suc-
cessful; he followed this blow by
the attack of Mayence. This strong
fortress, on the banks of the Rhine,
was garrisoned by 10,000 men; and
which surrendered on the 2ist of
October, without much loss on the
side of the French: a spirit of dis-
may seems to have seized the whole
of the German frontier, if we may
judge from the little resistance given.
to the French at this period, Franc-~
fort on the Main was delivered up
to Custine on the 23d, almost on the
first summons. Here also a large
quantity of stores was found, be-
sides the inhabitants being obliged

ta

\

|
:

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

to pay a contribution of two mil-
lions of florins. ‘This General was
energetic in the cause of liberty;
and there is no doubt, had he been
properly supported, but that he

_would have penetrated to Coblentz,

the grand emporium of aristocracy.
But either there was a want of co-
operation in Kellerman,* or it was
not thought proper by that officer
to leave the French frontier open to
the incursions of the enemy. Gene-
tal Custine also weakened his ar-
my by continued detachments, and
by the progress he had made in the
country of the Prince of Hesse.
The center army, underthe com-
mand of Kellerman, continued un-
ceasingly to harass the rear of the
German troops; and General Va-
lence, who commanded the ad-
vanced guard in the room of Dil-
lon, was particularly successful in
driving the Prussians from the post
of Pillon. It appears somewhat
singular that the Duke of Bruns-
wick, as he became more enfeebled
in point of military force and equip-
ment, and at the same time that his
weakness was known to the enemy,
became more urgent for negocia-
tion than he had been in his former
overtures. He could scarcely sup-
jose that in the posture in which
Prnirsthen stood, he would at all be
attended to. Whatever were his
views and motives, on the 17th of
October, the Duke and General

[iit

Kalkreuth sent an aid-de - camp
with a trumpeter, to request an
interview with General Kellerman.
The General understood from this
aid-de-camp, that it was the in-
tention of the Duke tc propose in
the intended conference some ami-
cable mode of terminating the dis-
astrous war. The General treated
the idea of a retreating and ruined
army opening a negociation, with
contempt:—neither was he au-
thorised by the National Assembly
or the executive power, to listen to
any terms of accommodation. His
orders were to chase the enemies of
France fron the republic; and he
prudently and properly replied,
that he could not in his capacity en-
ter into any parley, more especially
while any part of the combined
forces yet remained within the
boundaries of the republic.

The Duke of Brunswick remain-
ed still in possession of Longwy, the
only possession of any consequence.
which the combined powers had,
and on the very confines of France.
It was suggested by General Kel-
lerman, that this should be given
up as a preliminary article, and pre-.
viously to the French nation listen-
ing to any terms or offers whatso-,
ever, The Duke, willing to gain
time in doing what he would ulti-~
mately and indeed very speedily be
compelled to do, proposed that it
shouldbe surrenderedtothe French

_ * For the purpose of co-operation with Custine, Kellerman was employed ; but
his genius and military talents were proved by the events, to have fallen short of

the public expectations,

He conducted himself with delay and timidity in the

we. of the Prussians, throughout all their retreat ; and when his positive orders.

€ to march towards the Rhine, to join Custine, and tosupport him in the

pute

of the Prussians, he led his army into cantonments, and stopt in the frontiers

f France.

For this fault, the Executive Council wanted to try him; but they con-

tented themselves with suspending him from hig cammand, and appointed Bours

nonvillein his place,

QI

on

112] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

on the 26th: but the General‘ find-
ing that the intention was delay;
and that allowing for the extreme
badness of the reads, which were
every where'cut up by the French
peasantry, in the first instance on
the advance of the Prussians, and
lastly by the Prussians themselves,
on their retreat, and made worse by
the heavy rains that had fallen, he
could bring up the whole of his force
against Longwy in the course of
three days, demanded that the gates
of the town should be put in posses-
sion of the French troops on the
22d: on which day the combined
forces should finally quit the terri-
tory of the republic. To this pro-
position the Duke assented; and
General’ Valence was directed to
settle the terms of capitulation.
They were very short, and consisted
of no more than the usual formali-
ties necessary and proper on such
_ occasions. One thing indeed is re-
markable, that while the Duke of
Brunswick was eagerly bent on the
restoration of royalty, and endea-
vouring to enter into negociation
for the purpose, he consented, or
rather perhaps was under the ne-
cessity of consenting, by article 4th
ofthe capitulation, thatto give more
authenticity to it, it should be seal-
edwith the seal of the French people;
and that of his Majesty the King of
Prussia, This appears to have been
the first step on the part of the coa-
lition, to acknowledge, and in some
measure to guarantee the independ-
ence of the republic, and. even: to
sanction the trial and death of the
King. The Duke does not appear
to‘have been compelled to enter in-

*Yet it must be acknowledged, that we are not acquainted with all the cireums

to this capitulation; he had it in his
power either to evacuate the place
altogether, or otherwise to have left
it in the hands of a garrison, who
might have given it up when com-
pelled by the exigencies ofa siege.
But as Verdun and Longwy appear
to have been treacherously given
up, so Longwy, for aught that has
yet appeared, seems to us to have
been foolishly given away.* ~~

The Prussians were now retired
into Germany, and the states of
France free from the invaders. The.
French National Convention de-
creed, that the armies of the repub-
lic had saved their country, and
that it was no longer in danger.—
We cannot pass over without cen-
sure, the rhodomontade stile of the
French Generals, and the vaunting
manner in which they severally de-~
scribed their successes: but this
is, In a great measure, to be ascrib-
ed to the genius of the French
nation.

General Valence still continued
to force the enemy to evacuate
Remy. Chenoy, Lotom, St. Mare,
and New Virton. In the attack of
the important post of Virton, the
Prussians left 200 men.on the field
of battle, while the loss of the
French only amounted to fifteen:
Virton was appointed by the
combined armies, as the general
point of retreat, and where they
were again to collect and form
their armies.

It has been already. observed,
that General Custine had weaken-
ed his army by imprudent detach-
ments. Flushed with success, he
went.on from one step of success

e

Stalices of the case; and that it was not the manner of the Duke of Brunswick to

act foolishly, or from unjustifiable motives,

to

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

to another ; at the same time calling
on Kellerman to form a junction,
and to co-operate with him in carry-
ing the war into Germany. He
was now in possession of Mayence,
which he was strongly fortifying,
and in which he possessed a key to
the Rhine and the mouth of the
Maine. Elated with the idea of
having it in his power to enter the
states of the empire by this pass,
he acquainted the minister of war
that he had made all his conquests
with 16,000 men ; that it required
only an army of 45,000 men to re-
volutionize all Germany; and that,
with the force under General Kell-
erman, added to his own, not an
Austrian should be seen on the left
bank of the Rhine, and not a Ger-
man on the right.

It was the evident object of Cus-
tine to have prevented the Hessians
from rendezvousing at Coblentz ;
whither also the Prussians had di-
rected their march. The plans of
the enemy, on the other hand, were
to oblige the French General to
abandon Frankfort, and to shut
himself up in Mavence, where he
could be blockaded for the winter,
and be eventually obliged to sur-
render. The Prussian army, by a
movement from Coblentz, occupied
the right and left banks of the Lhan,
from Nassau to Wetzlaar. Custine
determined to attack them in their
position before they could form an
idea of his intentions. By some
means the Prussians were apprized
of his march, and prepared for him;
but such was the impetuosity of the
French, that they forced the Hes-
sians beyond Marbourg, and drove
the Prussians from all their posts on
the Lhan, This action happened
on the 9th of November; and was

Vor. XXXIV.

[112

attended with little loss to the
French, the Prussians, it is said,
having fired too high.

On the 12th of October Generaf
Dumouriez arrived in Paris, to con-
sult on the future operations of the
war. This General, in an address
to the Assembly some time before,
had declared that he would estab-
lish that winter his head-quarters.
at Brussels; and as the Prussians
were by this time almost entirely
out of the French territory, follow-~
ed by Kellerman with an army of
40,000 men, the opportunity now
presented itself of putting his. in-
tentions into execution.

This plan of the invasion of Bel-
gium had been fcr some time a fa-
vourite idea of Dumouriez’s, though
not approved by the Executive
Council, nor by the Committee of
War; but the last successes of Du-
mouriez, and the great influence
that he acquired by them, were ir-
resistible powers, and carried his:
plans into execution.

The executive power and lead--
ing members of the Convention,
had formed a design of attacking
and revolutionizing Spain. For
this purpose, Condorcet had writ-
ten a pamphlet, entitled “* An Ad-
dress to the’ people of Madrid.”
They sent, by an express, an order.
to General Miranda, recalling hing
to Paris. This General quitted
Valenciennes for this purpose, at
the moment that the French army
was marching towards Mons. On
his arrival in Paris, he was inform-
ed that an army was collected to-
wards the frontiers of Catalonia, for:
the purpose of introducing liberty
into Spain; and that he was ap--
pointed to the chief command, &
council was calldd, in which the

Cat Generat

rra]

General appeared, and shewed the
impolicy and impr acticability of the
enterprize at that time. He de-
clined this command; and-was suc-
cessful enough to persuade the mem-
bers to relinquish the enterprize; or
to suspend it till time should bring,
things to maturity; and furans
events shew what was the. proper,
line to be pursued. both relative to
Spain and her colonies.

The force under the command of
Kellerman had been, with infinite
trouble and perseverance, organ-
ized, and was now become a regu-
lar, subordinate, and well appointed
army, consisting of 40,000 effeetive
men. The recent retreat, and the
various defeats of the Austrian and
Prussian troops, inspired the Gene-
ral with confidence that the period
was now arrived when the Belgians
and Liegeois would eagerly espouse
the French cause; and by a ready,
co-operation, materially assist in
the reduction of those fertile pre-
vinces, from whence the numerous
armies of France would be supplied
with provisions and forage; while
the fortified places, with which the
Low Countries abeunded, would
farnish ammunition and warlike
stores of every kind. Advantages
like these were not to be neglect-
ed. It was determined on by the
National Assembly, that Brabant
should be invaded by Dumouriez;
and on:the Ist of November, it was
resolved by the Executive Council,
that the armies should not cease to
improve the advantages which they
had already gained; nor enter into
winter, quarters till they had driven
the combined armies beyond the
Rhine.

When Dumouriez quitted his
army, on his journey to Paris, this

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

army divided into two corps, under
the Generals Bournonville and Mi-
randa, and marched, on the 11th.
October, towards Valenciennes 5,
which movement produced the rais-
ing of the siege of Lisle by the
Austrians. Dumouriez, at his re-
turn from Paris, found the army,
quartered near Valenciennes, in
very high spirits, and every thing,
by the exertions of those two Ge-
nerals, ready for marching into.
Belgium.

On the 27th of October, we find
General Dumouriez at Valenci-
ennes, where the magistracy shew-
ed him every attention, and pre-
sented lim with the keys of the
town; the acceptance of which was.
of course refused. Troops were
now. daily arriving to complete the
force destined against the Nether-
lands; and particular attention was
paid by. Dumouriez in collecting a
very formidable train of field and
heavy artillery, and which was said
to. extend. to the length of some
leagues on the road, At this pe-
riod the German troops, which
had already evacuated Orchies,, St.
Amand, and Marchiennes, were by
degrees retiring from the French
Netherlands towards Tournay and
Mons, They had entrenched them-
selves in the Lys;, and the advanc-
ed posts of the French army were
at Roubaix and Lannoy.

By the 4th of November, Du-
mouriez had entered the Austrian
Netherlands in nine columns, ‘and
advanced to Boussu (having quitted
his -head-quarters at Konning on
the 3d) where the Austrians had an
excellent. position, He immedi-
ately attacked them, and killed
150, and took 200 prisoners, with
the loss of no more than twenty

men.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

men. By this success, a junction
was formed with General d’Harville
and his detachment from Bavay;
and the army took possession of the
territory of Delonges.

On the Sth, in the morning, Ge-
neral Dumouriez reconnoitred the
position of the enemy. The Aust-
trian army consisted. according to
some accounts, from 20,000 to
28.000* men, commanded by the
Duke of Saxe Teschen. Their
right extended to the village of
Jemmappe, and their left towards
Mount Palisel. They were posted
in all this length, on a woody moun-
tain; where they had, in an amphi-
theatre, three tiers of redoubts, fur-
nished with twenty pieces of heavy
artillery, at least as many field-
pieces, besides three field-pieces
foreach battalion, amounting in all
to 100 pieces of cannon.

The army of Dumouriez was
aphid supplied with artillery ;

on account ofthe superior ad-
vantage which the elevated situa-
tion of the enemy’s guns afforded
them, it would have been the height
of imprudence to have trusted the
event of the day'to artillery alone.
Dumouriez, relying on the energy
and spirit of his troops, and’ the
strong desire they had evinced to
be led to'action, determined on a
vigorous and close attack in the
course of the following day. On
the afternoon of the 5th, several
partial skirmishes took place be-
tween the contending armies ; and
General d’Harville’ was enabled,
with 690 men, to take possession of

f1is

the heights of Framery; while Ge-
neral Dumouriez took his position
with his right toward Framery, and
his left extending towards Horme,
having the enemy immediately in
front. On the morning of the 6th,
the General ordered twelve six-
teen-pounders, the same number of
twelve-pounders, with twelve six-
pounders, to be advanced and dis-
posed in the front of his line; by
which disposition, d'Harville had
the advantage of flanking the ene-
my’s left. ‘The General, in person,
commanded the attack on the right:
that of the centre was led by Ega-
lité and other Generals. At seven
in the morning a very heavy fire of
artillery commenced on both sides.
This continued without intermis-
sion, and without any decided ef-
fect on either side, till ten o’clock.
The toops of France by this time
displayed the greatest eagerness to
attack the enemy with fixed bayo-
nets. This mode of attack was re-
commended by the Generals Ega-
lité and Bournonville; but it was
necessary, previously to this, to ap-
proach certain of the enemy’s bat-
teries, and to occupy. the village of
Carignon, tlen'in the possession of
the Austrians, and without which
the French could not attack the
lines of Jemmappe. The direction
of this attack was entrusted to Co-
lonel Thuvenot, an officer of merit
and experience. His efforts were
to be directed against the villages
of Carfgnon and Jemmappe, and
the right of the enemy’s entrench-
ynents, as soon as he had effected

_ * Ina pamphlet composed under the eye of the Duke of Brunswick, entitled
* Lettres sur VOuvrage intitulé La Vie du General Dumouriez,”’ published by
Fauliler, 1795, it is asserted, that on this occasion there were 60,000 French

against only 15,000 Austrians.

[1] 2

hie

116]

his object. To the left d’Harville
was ordered to carry his batteries
nearer to the enemy; by which
means he could produce a more
considerable impression, and, sup-
ported by General Bournonville,
who was ordered at noon to attack
the left, keep them in check towards
that quarter, This was the time
appointed for the general assault;
when the centre of the French army
moved on in columns, in regular
order, to carry the lower tier of the
Austrian batteries, This service
was readily effected, but not with-
out considerable confusion and dis-
order in the French line. Of this
disorder the Austrian General wish-
ed to take advantage, and for that
purpose detached the cavalry to
charge the French troops. This
maovement was soon discovered by
Dumouriez, who instantly gave
orders for the hussars and chasseurs
to cover the infantry, and to charge
and repel the enemy; and he was
himself of considerable use in form-
ing and directing the manceuvre.
While the French cavalry were
successfully employed in this busi-
ness, the infantry, under the com-
amand of Egalité, pushed on to gain
possession of the second tier of re-
doubts. After this was performed
with’ great bravery, there was still
another effort to be made, in order
to gain the summit of the heights,
where the Austrians were posted to
make their last and greatest stand.
The intrepidity of Dumouriez’s ar-
my, and their coolness in surmount-
ing the complicated difficulties as
they occurred, in the course of a
long contested engagement, had
very considerably slackened the
order of the Austrians. At two
o'clock in the afternoon, they com-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

pletely gave way on all sides; nei-
ther did they attempt to occupy or
dispute any of the posts which re-
mained to be defended between the.
heights of Jemmappe and Mons.
They entered the garrison of this
place in the most irregular manner,
and which partook more of flight
and panie than the defeat of a re-
gular army, whose discipline and
courage had hitherto been regarded
as equal, if not superior to those of
the first troops in Europe.

After the action, the General
posted his army on the heights of
Cuvenis, where he collected his
wounded; and at the same “time
General d’Harville took possession
of Mount Palisel, as M. Stetenboffe
did of Mount Bertellmont. The
Austvians lost in this action, accord-
ing to the account of Dumouriez,
“the most terrible in the memory
of man, 4000 in killed and wound-
ed, and nearly the same number in
missing and disbanded.” The loss
of the French was about 300 killed
and 600 wounded.

We cannot avoid remarking, that
the French studiously, in all their
engagements, diminish their own
loss, whilst they exaggerate that of
their opponents.

In this action, the superiority of
numbers was very much on the side
of the republicans, as they perhaps:
exceeded the Austrians in the pro-
portion of three to one: and it is
remarkable, that, notwithstanding
the irregular retreat of the Aus-
trians, they only lost eight pieces
of cannon,

Dumouriez lost no time in sum-
moning Mons to surrender. This
place, after three different demands,
was totally evacuated by the Aus-

trians; and on the morning of the
7th,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

7th, surrendered by the magistracy
to General Bournonville, who had
been ordered to commence the at-
tack, by erecting batteries, and
bombarding the town.

* The Austrian forces retired to
Brussels, whither Dumouriez now
prepared to follow with all expedi-
tion, and otherwise to reap the fruit
of this important victory.

~ Bournonville, to whom the magis-
tracy of Mons had opened its gates,
was appointed by the executive
power to repair to Mentz, totake the
command of the army under Gene-
ral Kellerman; that officer having
been recalled to Paris.

He was promoted to this com-
mand, for the purpose of support-
ing Custine, and acting with more
vigour and judgment than his pre-
decessor. but in this expectation,
both ministers and the public were
still disappointed.
' Operations in West Flanders
were at this time carried on with

eat enterprize and effect. On
the 6th of November, General
Labourdonnaye, who commanded
in that quarter, gave orders to
make a false attack on Menin, in
order to cover his design of forcing
the Austrians from several import-
ant posts which they occupied. They
were in consequence beat at Pont
Rouge, Comines, and Varneton ;
where they had entrenched them-
selves, but were obliged to retire.
By these events the navigation of
the river Lys was opened; which
was an inestimable advantage to the
French army. Forage was very
scarce, and cattle could not be

_* This General only joined the army

[117

spared to bring it from a distance.
A boat was able to bring as much
as would require sixty waggons to
draw.

On the Sth in the morning, La-
bourdonnaye entered Tournay, with
the first division of his army, which,
following the example of Mons,
had likewise been evacuated. The
second division, encamped at Ci-
soing, was to follow the next day,
in order jointly to proceed on ope-
rations concerted with Dumou-
riez.

The fall of Tournay was accom-
panied by that of Menin and Ipres;
and on the 12th, General Labour-
donnaye took possession of Ghent,
the capital of Flanders, without the
least difficulty. The Austrians un-
der Ja Tour, to the number of
5000 men, fell back on Antwerp ;
ut part of the baggage of his de-
tachment, embarked onthe Scheldt,
fell into the hands of the French.
During this time, Dumouriez had
not been idle; for on the 13th he
appeared before the city of Brus-
sels; andon the morning of that
day, his advanced guard beat a force
commanded by the Prince of Wir-
temberg, consisting of 8000 men,
on the heights of Anderlicht. The
engagement lasted six hours. The
French lost thirty men; the loss of
the Austrians is stated at a much
greater number. On the 14th, in
the morning, the gates of Brussels
were opened to Dumouriez. Gene-
ral Miranda* had beenleftin charge
of the army, while the advanced
guard, with Dumouriez at their
head, had advanced to Brussels.

On

the day after the battle of Jemmappe ;

having been absent, by the orders of the Executive Council, recalling him to Paris
from Valenciennes, for the purpose of taking the command of the French army on

the Spanish frontiers, as before mentioned,

On his arrival at Mons, he took the
command

C7]s

118] ANNUAL REGISTER, | 1792.

On hearing the cannonade at
Anderlicht, and receiving an ex-

ress from Dumouriez, Miranda
immediately moved on to sup-
port the advanced guard; and he
would doubtless
Brussels as soon as Dumouriez,
had he not. been prevented by
subsequent orders from that Gene-
ral, ‘The merit of General Miran-
da had been in many instances con-
spicuous ; and his bravery and ser-
vices are on this occasion very
handsomely and justly acknow-
ledged by General Dumouriez to
the minister at war.

An army under the command of
General Valence, from the district
of Maubeuge, was penetrating by
the Sambre towards Namur. In his
march he occupied the town of
Charleroy, belonging to the Aus-
trians, where the people planted the
tree of liberty; and where it was
reported that the inhabitants of
Namur anxiously expected his arri-
val. It is a curious and an extraor-
dinary fact, that notwithstand-
ing the French were everywhere
throughout the Belgic provinces
received with acclamation and eve-
ry demonstration of joy, the inha-
bitants were nevertheless extreme-
ly sparing of their supplies to the
army. Of this circumstance Du-
mouriez very pointedly complains,
in his letter to the war-minister,
and informs him that his men had
not tasted food for thirty-six hours.

General Labourdonnaye now de-
tached his advanced guard, by the

have been at.

route of Sermonde, towards Ante
werp, and some battalions to take
the towns of Bruges. and Ostend.
The expedition to maritime Flan-
ders was assisted by another, fitted
out from. the port of Dunkirk.
The Eveille sloop sailed on the
morning of the 16th for Ostend :
the convoy intended to accompa-
ny her, could not, by reason of
contrary winds, get out of the har-
bour; but the sloop arrived in the
afternoon of the same day at Os-
tend ;—where the commander was.
received by a deputation of the
magistrates and citizens, who gave
immediate possession of the place.
On the 18th the Duke of Saxe Tes-
chen proposed, that both armies
should, on aceount of the lateness
of the season, go into winter quar-
ters, taking the Meuse as a barrier
between both armies. This request
was negatived by Dumouriez, who
verbally replied, that he should
transmit the proposition to the
heads of his government; and that,
in the mean time, he should.con-
tinue the operations of the cam-
paign. It is to be observed, that
the French armies were in a much
better condition to prosecute the
war than the Austrians. The latter
had Jost the magazines* of which
the French were in possession; and
the recent capture of Malines, or
Mechlin, had very considerably ad-
ded to their resources.

General Clairfayt and the Duke
of Saxe Teschen had concentered
themselves at Louvain, and in its

command of the right of Dumouriez’s army, till ils arrival at Tirlemont, in Bel-

gium ; when he was appointed commander in chief of the army of the north: and

succeeded Labourdonnaye, then encamped near Antwerp, on the 25th November.
* In these magazines they left not much; having carried with them many arti-

cles.

It is remarkable. that Dumouriez should ‘have committed the same faults, in

the pursuit of the Austrians from Jemappe to Cologne, that Kellerman did befere
withthe Prussians, in-their retreat from. France,

neighbourhood.

HISTORY OF EUROPE,

neighbourhood. On the 18th, the

advanced guard of General La- .

bourdonnaye’s army, commanded
By Lamorlui, entered the city of
Antwerp:—but the citadel — still
held.out: the inhabitants of this
aeons evinced the same friendly

isposition to the French which
all the other places had done ;—
andthe wavigation.of the Scheldt
was now completely in their pos-
Session.

General Valence, the command-
erin chief of the army of Ar-
dennes, after the capture of Charle-
roy, had posted himself at Nevilles,
which he quitted on the 16th, in
order to prevent a body of Austri-
ans, under-General Beaulieu, from
covering Namur. The General had
been detached from the main body
at Louvain, to effect this purpose ;
which was.of considerable import,
from the frontier situation of this
important fortress.

Valence had sent forward his ad-
vanced guard onthe 17th: and the
day following he marched with his
whole army to support this body,
as the force under Beaulieu was by
this time very near. The French
army fell in with his out-posts; all]
of whom they attacked. and routed.
General Valence proceeded, with
the forces under his. command, to-
wards Namur, where he encamped.
On the 19th, the enemy took their
ground at Ramillies; and on the
20th, in the morning, the French
batteries were erected against the
town. The batteries opened at
seven.o'clock in the morning : and
at four o'clock, four companies of
grenadiers took possession of the
gate of Brussels. The fortress was
prepared to make a vigorous re-
sistance : the garrison consisted of
3000:men; and the commandant

faa9

depended on being reinforced by

rince Hohenloe, or by General
Beaulieu, who for 'that purpose in-
tended to,pass by Hui, and to,as-
cend the right,bank of the Meuse
to Namur. Tobe able ta attack
the enemy, General Valence con-
structed two bridges, the one over
the Sanibre, and another ‘over the
Meuse.

Dumouriez having quitted Brus-
sels, witha view te reduce the city
of Liege, agreeably to the planlong
before concerted, proceeded to that
place by the route of Tirlemont.
He found a large body of Aus-
trians posted behind the town,
with an advanced guard of three
or 4000 men, in possession of the
heights of Cumptich, opposite to
the Beautersem. Dumouriez with
his advanced guard, attacked that
of the enemy, by aheavy discharge
of artillery. The advanced guarad
of the Austrians were reinforced by
5000 men, yet they did nothing ;
and .on the morning of the 22d,
moved entirely away, when the
French entered Tirlemont with the
loss of four men.

The General |pursued his march
to St. Tron, where he arrived on
the 25th, and was now within seven
leagues of Liege. On the 27th, in
the morning, he came up with the
rear guard of the Austrians, com-
manded by General Staray, and
consisting of 12,000 men. Amat-
tack was commenced with great in-
trepidity ; »and ended in the defeat
of the Austrians, and the loss of
Staray, who was killed in the action.
The loss of the French amounted
to no more than fifteen or twenty:
men, killed or wounded; and on
the part of the Austrians, betweem
five and'six hundved. ‘This battle
was-fought inthe vicinity of Liege ;

[I] 4 but

120]

but it being late before it was ter-
minated, Dumouriez judged it pru-
‘dent not to take possession of the
town till the next morning. At
‘nine o’clock he marched in, amidst
‘the joy and acclamations of the
people, who, as the General ob-
served, were lively, sensible, and
dignified. It appears, from the
same letter to the minister at war,
that desertion still continued a-
mongst the Austrian troops; and,
‘in justice to the General it ought to
be noticed, that when he mentions
the great disproportion in the killed
‘and wounded between his army and
that of his opponents, he accounts
for it, by extolling the address and
vivacity of his artillery.

This siege was carried on with an
extraordinary celerity; the trenches
having been opened only on the
“25th, by General Miranda. This
“General found that La Bourdon-
“maye, far from pressing the citadel,
had not even brought the artillery
for the siege to the park: he im-
mediately sent General Duval for
it, and in the course of four days
the artillery was brought to the
spot; batteries and trenches were

“finished; and the citadel, after a
violent attack, having been on fire,
surrendered. La Bourdonnaye was
much suspected of acting in concert
with Dumouriez’s enemies, such as
Pache, minister of war, and others

~with whom he was very much con-

“nected, for the purpose of stopping
Dumouriez in his career, and
checking his success; which ap-
peared pretty evident by his delays
in marching forwards and taking
the citadel of Antwerp.

On the 29th of the month, the
citadel of Antwerp surrendered to
the forces under General Miranda ;
after he had set fire to and done

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

considerable damageto the barracks
and storehouses for provisions.

General Valence continued un-
remittingly to prosecute the siege
of Namur, and at the same time
drove the Austrians, to the amount
of 5,000 men, from a well entrench-
ed camp on the Bois d’Asche, on
the opposite side of the Meuse.
Although the whole of this affair
was a work of difficulty and danger,
and likewise of very great enter-
prize, it was luckily effected by the
French troops. Fortunately for Va-
lence, a junction had been previ-
ously formed between the army
under the command of d’?Harville,
otherwise he might have been at-
tacked with great advantage by the
enemy. ‘The greatest praise is due
to d’Harville for his ready co-ope-
rations, by which the fall of the
fortress of Namur was secured.
On the 2d of December, articles
of capitulation were signed for the
surrender of this important frontier,
to the army under general Va-
lence; the garrison being made
prisoners of war.

It would appear that at the same
moment an equal spirit of energy
and enterprize pervaded the armies
of France, and that their leaders
were only emulous who should ex-
ceed in not only forming, but in
succeeding in new schemes of con-
quest and aggrandizement. Scarce-
ly was the capture of the citadel
finally settled, when General Mi-
randa became anxious to push his
victorious army into Austrian Guel-
dres. On the ‘st of December, the
next day after he had taken posses=:
sion of the city of Antwerp, Gene-
ral Miranda sent La Marliere with
the advanced guard of the army to-
wards Maseyck to try, by a rapid
march, to surprize the Austrian:

posts

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

posts that were on this side of the

euse, to secure some batteaux for
the purpose of passing the river,
and to examine the proper place
for executing this passage. The
rest of the army followed on the
3d, and executed the march thro’
the Campine with great success,
and arrived on the banks of the
Meuse upon the 17th and 18th.
General La Marliere had driven
all the posts that the enemy had on
this side of the river to the other:
but, wanting resolution andactivity,
had let them take away all the bat-
teaux that were upon the river
Meuse, except two that General
Miranda was fortunate enough to
take near Wassein. In this place
he conceived the passage might be
executed; and in consequence,
sent La Marliere with his avant-
guarde to threaten the enemy, oppo-
site to Ruremonde, as if he had in-
tended to pass the river thereabout;
which stratagem called their atten-
tion to that quarter, while in the
‘night, with the two batteaux afore-
said, General Miranda passed the
_ river at Wassein with a body of
1,500 men, took possession of a
wood that was opposite to Wassein,
and protected the passage of his
troops. When the number amount-
ed to 4,000 men, he marched to the
enemy that was behind the river
Roire, forced all their advanced
posts to repass this river, and at-
tacked the bridges of Ruremonde
and Orsbeck. As soon as the ene-
my perceived this resolute attack,
they set on fire two bridges, and
with the greatest precipitation be-
‘their retreat towards Wassein-

By a ford, pointed out by
some of the scholars of the town of
Ruremonde, drawn by curiosity to
the opposite side of the river, two

[121

squadrons of French light cavalry
crossed it, and seized some bat-
teaux ; by means of which the in-
fantry also began to pass. With
these.two squadrons of cavalry and
one battalion of infantry that fol-
lowed, General Miranda entered
the town of Ruremonde; where he
found some of the enemy’s baggage,
and made a few prisoners. The
magistrates delivered every thing
with friendly dispositions, and in-
formed him of the despondent si-
tuation in which the enemy, though
stronger in force, were in at that
time. General La Marliere was
sent immediately with his avant-
guarde in pursuit of the enemy, and
soon afterwards General Champ-
morin followed him with a second
division of the army towards Was-
seinberg and Bercheim: they made
some prisoners, and took part of
their baggage in their retreat. At
this time General Miranda received
an express from General Dumou-
riez, informing him, that some mat-
ters of the greatest importance
made it necessary that General
Miranda should come to him at
Liege as soon as possible. Gene-
ral. Miranda's intention was to fol-
low the enemy to Cologne, join
Dumouriez’s army there, and to
drive them to the other side of the
Rhine, making. this river their
barrier for the winter season; but
the news received from Dumouriez
compelled him to alter his plan.
However, he gave orders to La
Marliere to invade all Prussian
Guelders and the Duchy of Cleves,
and Jay a moderate contribution on
his Prussian Majesty's territories,
just to shew that the French army
that had driven him from Cham-
pagne, had ended the campaign, by
taking winter quarters upon his

russian

122]

Prussian Majesty’s dominions. He
left his army under General Duval,
and went to Liege to meet General
Dumouriez about the 10th or 12th
of December, When he arrived.at
Liege, he found General Dumov-
riez very much disheartened and
displeased with the government and
intrigues of Paris. A conference
was held between the commissaries
Camus, Gossouin, Danton, and La
Croix, and the Generals Miranda,
Valence, and Dumouriez. Com-
missaries had arrived for the pur-
pose of settling the dispute between
General Dumouriez, on the one
part, and the-minister Pache, and
the contractors for the army, on
the other. In this conference
General Dumouriez spoke with
asperity about the decree of the
Convention (of the 15th of Novem-
ber) by which Belgium was de-
prived of the rights and advantage
offered to them by Dumouriez’s
declaration, ‘* That he would not
obey any bad laws; and that the
decree was impracticable.” This
proposition was. very ill received
by the commissaries, who however
tried to sooth him. General Va-
lence spoke next, and.assented en-

tirely to.the opinion of Dumouriez..

General Miranda then spoke in his
turn, and gave an opinion in di-
rect contradiction to the principles
of Dumouriez ; acknowledging, at
the same time, the decree in ques-
tion to be unjust,—in some mea-
sure gimpracticable, and very im-
politic ; but that if a General was
permitted to say that he would
not obey a law, passed according
to the constitutional forms of the
State, “because he thought the
law bad,” there was an end of all
government. That.his.counsel was,
to suspend the execution of the
decree;; to remonstrate with the go-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

vernment on the impolicy and injus-
tice of it: but if the government,
after this, insisted upon the exe-
cution of it, their duty, as soldiers,
was to obey, and to enforce it_as
far as their command extended,—
This declaration pleased the com-
missaries very much: Dumouriez
felt the justness of it; and they all
agreed to remonstrate and suspend
the execution of the decree.

This circumstance may confirm
the opinion of those who think that
the true principles of a free govern-
ment were little understood in

-France, even by such enlightened

men as Dumouriez.

The motive upon which Dumou-
riez had written for General Mi-
randa to join him was, a letter from
a member of the Committee of Ge-
neral Defence, informing him that
government had agreed to appoint
General Miranda commander in
chiefoftheFrenchislandsinthe West
Indies, where an army of 12,000
regulars, 15,000 people of colour,
anda fleet of some sail of the le,
was collected, for the purpose of
making the Spanish colonies in
America free and independent:
That General Miranda was to be
entrusted with this command, and
to act as he should think proper >
That a frigate was waiting for him
at Brest, and should immediately
sail, &c. Though the object of
this plan was not disapproved, (as
that of the revolution of Spain had
previously been) by General Mi-
randa, yet he thought that the po-
sition of France at that moment
was not safe; and above all, was
less sanguine than many others in
his expectations of the benefits.to
be expected from these political.
principles that began to be propa+
gated in France at that periad>
He therefore remonstrated strongly

against

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

against the undertaking at that
moment, and begging them to
postpone it for a better oppor-
tunity, being a matter of too great
importance and of too much con-
sequence to mankind to be hazard-
ed.in that indigested manner, and
ata period of so much uncertainty,
confusion, and disagreement. The
force of his reasoning was justly
‘admitted, and his counsel fol-
lowed,

Some people have blamed Gene-
ral Miranda for not having seized
that opportunity of extending free-
dom and independence to his native
country. But it has sufficiently
omen by subsequent events,
that if he had followed the Jine of
conduct proposed, he might have
been the instrument of establishing
anarchy and despotism, instead of
liberty: and it must be matter of
sincere satisfaction to General Mi-
randa, that he was the means of
preventing incalculable evils, both
to Spain and South America,

During these operations, it ap-
pears that Dumouriez was much in
want of money, and every kind of
equipment for his army; his dis-
putes with the Convention, and his
necessities were so great, that he
wished and offered to resign. The
invasion of Holland was by this
time determined on; and as that
task was allotted to him, he, no
doubt, was anxious to have his ar-
my in the best possible state. In
his correspondence with the Con-
vention and the minister at war,
to whom he imputed much blame,
he was warm, and his expressions
on some occasions had much aspe-
rity. Complaints had been pri-
vately preferred against those who

contracts, or who otherwise
supplied the army; and whether
the-warmth of the General to de-

[123

fend these men, proceeded from. a
justindignation at the injustice done
to them, or otherwise, with a view
to cloke their peculation, is a point
very nice to be determined. We
should, however, be rather inclined
to suppose, that peculation did exist
in the army: and we are willing to
believe, that when Dumouriez de-
manded the unrestrained controul
over all departments, and the com-
plete power of supplying the whole,
that he was acting for the public
good, and with a view of check-
ing such irregularities as had crept
in. We know that confidence
must exist between the commander
in chief and’ the immediate heads
of departments; and the moment
that he loses his consequence with
them, and that the power is trans-
ferred into distant hands, the dis-
cipline, the first principle of actiony
the spirit which animates the
whole, is irrecoverably lost, and
from that moment the army ceases
to be organized. The General is
the soul of his army, and a soldier
has only him to look to fer his im-
mediate means of support, and for
the pay that is due to him from the
state. Dumouriez went so far, that
he requested to be suffered to ap-
pear at the bar to defend the bank-
ers, D’Espagnac and Malus, who
had advanced him money for the
pay of his troops:—He concluded
by saying, ** That the situation of
his army was such, that it lost the
republic more men than the loss of
a battle, and loudly calls for a new
order of things.”

The success of General Custine
on the Lhan, induced the war-mi-
nister, Pache, to order M. Biron to
send whatever troops might be de-
manded by that General to his im-
mediate assistance. Biron, witha
truly great.and magnanimousimind,.

throw-

124] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

throwing aside all personal pique,
pride, or animosity, wrote to Cus-
tine, putting himself, although for-
merly his senior, and all his army
under the immediate command of
that officer. It was indeed neces-
sary that measures should be taken
to strengthen the important position
of Custine on the Rhine and Meuse;
for the King of Prussia, after his
defeat on the Lhan, with the loss
of Limbourg, determined that his
army should now be supported by
that of Coblentz, the great centre
of rendezvous of the combined
powers. These armies, consisting
of 50,000 men, obliged Custine to
retreat to Mayence, which he had
taken care to fortify in the most
advantageous and formidable man-
ner. The inhabitants of Frank-
fort, not being satisfied with their
new masters, took an opportunity
of opening their gates to the Prus-
sians; by which one-half of the gar-
rison were made prisoners of war,
and the rest were butchered by the
Prussians and Hessians. At this
juncture it was impossible for Cus-
tine to give the smallest assistance,
as the junction of Biron did not
take place till next day. Some
movements took place after this
junction, on the part of Custine, in
which the French troops behaved
with the greatest bravery, and in the
course of which, on one occasion,
18,000 resisted for a considerable
time 30,000 of the enemy. In this
action the conduct of Colonel
Houchard was highly extolled:
with 2,000 men he had opposed
12,000, had checked their pro-
gress, and without the loss of a
man, took from the enemy several
prisoners.

It has already been noticed, that
General Bournonville had been ap-
pointed to succeed Kellerman in

the army of Metz, on the 13th of
December. ‘The head quarters of
this officer were at Cerf, and he
then occupied the towns of Mest-
zeig, Frendenberg, and Sarbruck.
The latter, being a place of consi-
derable importance, the possession
of it occasioned several small en-
gagements between the contending
parties, all of which ended in fa-
vour of the French. The loss ‘on
their part was generally very trifling,
from the enemy firing either too
high or too low. The object of
this expedition was, to get posses-
sion of Treves. Bournonville had
already conquered all the territory
between the Sarre and the Moselle,
as far as the bridge of Cosarebruck;
and the republican troops were in’
actual possession of all the district
between the confluence of these
rivers. In the course of this busi-
ness the armies were engaged ten
times ; and what is extraordinary,
the French in all these engagements
had only ten men killed, and sixty
wounded,

The dominion of France was
thus rapidly extended from the
Alps to the Rhine, and from Ge-
neva to the mouth of the Scheldt:
and the most numerous and best
appointed armies of Europe were
at this period everywhere retreat-
ing from the undisciplined but en-
thusiastic troops of the victorious
republic.

It seldom happens that govern-
ments possess the wisdom to an-
ticipate the just demands, or vo-
luntarily to yield to the wishes and
claims of the people, so long as
they think themselves sufficiently
strong to resist them by” force.
The house of Austria had but re-
cently secured, by the power of
the sword, the allegiance of the
states of Brabant and Flanders,

’ who

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

who had risen in arms for the pur-
pose of repelling the invasions that
had been made on. their privi-
leges by the house of Austria, in
violation of an express compact
called the Joyous Entry, between
the sovereign and the people. The
Emperor Joseph, confiding in his
arbitrary power, attempted to im-
pose on the Belgians innovations
in their religion; and at the same
time to deprive them of those fun-
damental privileges, on the con-
dition of which they had origi-
nally put themselves under the
protection of the house of Aus-
tria. This brave and constant
people, though overpowered by
the imperial arms, persevered still
in claiming their rights and pri-
vileges. Lhough they had been
unable to vindicate their claims
by arms, the persisted still in their
appeal to justice. The Austrian
government, without contesting
the legality or justice of their
claims, had hitherto refused to
grant their request, for no other
apparent reason than the tyranni-
cal pleasure of exercising uncon-
troulled authority. But after the
battle of Jemmappe, and the con-
sequent reduction of Mons, when
all was fear and confusion at Brus-
sels, and the Archduchess Mary
had removed with her court to
Ruremonde,* she addressed two
manifestoes to the Belgian people ;
one announcing her intention to
hold her court at Ruremonde ;
the other to communicate to them
the confirmation of the charter of
their liberties, the Joyous Entry.
The gratitude of the Belgians for
this:concession, must no doubt have
been nota little diminished by the
_ time and circumstances in which it
was made.

[125

The rapid progress of the French
arms, not yet disgraced by pillage,
outrage, and oppression, was a sub-
ject of joy and exultation to vari-
ous parties of men, in various parts
of Europe; and animated with new
hope their efforts to obtain the
redress of grievances. The Bel-
gian patriots, as they were styled,
triumphed in the success of their
new masters. A similar party in
Holland sought in the same source
an alleviation of their grievances
against the overgrown power of
the Stadtholder, which the arms of
Prussia, under the command of the
Duke of Brunswick, in 1789, had
increased. In England, the friends
and supporters of a parliamentary
reform, beheld, as they conceived,
in the progress of the French in-
fluence and power, an earnest of
greater popular influence and po-
litical power in their owr country.
In Scotland, the disappointed bur-
gesses, who had so long persevered
in fruitless endeavours to obtain a
restoration of ancient rights, looked
up to the successful invasion of the
Netherlands for a correction of the
abuses that had crept into the royal
burghs. In Ireland, the Roman
Catholics claimed a total emancipa-
tion from the penal Jaws; and what
may appear very singular, perhaps,
to some, not only were so fortunate
as to escape the invectives, but even
to obtain the countenance and fa-
vour of that great enemy, of late,
to popular claims and all innova-
tions, Mr. Burke. In the same
kingdom, a great party among the
dissenters connected the destruc-
tion of one abusive government, of
mighty importance in the scale of
the European nations, with the
destruction of every government,
founded on abuse and usurpation,

* Her husband, the Duke of Saxe Teschen, was with the army.

in

126]

in every other state and kingdom.
‘At Paris, a society or club of Bri-
tish subjects, on the news of the
conquest of Brabant, celebrated the
jovful tidings ina very magnificent
and generat festival. Some other
addresses of congratulation from
British subjects were also trars-
mitted to the Legislative and Con-
ventional Assemblies, from England,
Treland, and Scotland. One of these
was sent to the Assembly, from the
Constitutional Society of London,
by their deputies Joel Barlow and
John Frost; who, at the same time,
presented 1,000 pair of shoes as a
patriotic offering to the brave sol-
diers of liberty.—In a word, as at
the time of the reformation, the
world was divided between, and
governed by, the ancient faith and
the new doctrines of the christian
religion ; so, at this crisis, political
sympathies and antipathies agitat-
ed, divided, and governed a great
portion of the civilized world.

But there was no country in
Europe where the victories of the
republic made so lively an impres-
sion, and produced such important
and rapid effects, as in Vrance it-
self. So greatly was the National

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

Convention elated with the irre+
sistible progress of their arms, that,
on the 19th of November, in direct
and open contradiction to their
former professions, not to interfere
in the internal government of other
kingdoms, they passed, by accla-
mation, a decree “ That the Na-
tional Convention declared, in the
name of the French nation, that
they will grant fraternity and assist-
ance to all those people who wish
to procure liberty; and that they
charge the Executive Power to
send orders to their Generals to
give assistance to such people as
have suffered, or are now suffering
in the cause of liberty.” This de-
cree confirmed the suspicion that
had already been excited by the
affair of Avignon and Venaissin,
and other circumstances, that the
fomentation of sedition and insur-
rection, in foreign countries, had
become a systematic principle of the
French republic; and, of course,
immediately produced a jealousy
and caution in neighbouring na-
tions; and in most of them, a de-
termination to prohibit all inter-
course with them, and not admit
them to settle in their dominions.

UH AP,, ViIl.

The Sessions of the British Parliament opened. Debates in the House

of Commons on the King’s Speech.

On: the War in India. On the

Armament against Russia. Motion for Papers by Mr.Gray. Debates

tn the House of Lords on the Russian Armament.
House of Commons: on the same Subject.

Y, garrma the sessions of par-
‘Y liament were opened on
the thirty-first of January, 1792,
the attention of the people of Great
Britain was much more taken up
with the affairs. of the Continent

Debates in the

than with their‘own. The: French
revolution, together with its conse-
quences, was the great topic of
conversation, and of general re-
flections in all parts of Europe;
and the unsettled. state of France

excited

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

excited much alarm and conjecture
among all its neighbours.

The royal speech, from the in-
ternal tranquillity of the realm,
contained little more than what
related to foreign transactions. The
subjects of it were, the marriage of
the Duke of York to the daughter
of the King of Prussia; the treaty
of peace concluded, through the
mediation of Great Britain and its
allies, between the Emperor and
the Turks; and the preliminaries
settled between these latter and
the Empress of Russia,; the con-
tinuation of the war in India; the
assurances of friendship and good-
will on the part of the European
powers, and the prospect thence
arising of a stability of domestic
peace and prosperity, and of a di-
‘minution of the public expence,
and particularly of a reduction in
the army and navy.

On moving the usual address, the
terms of it occasioned a long and
spirited contest; wherein Mr, Gray
bore the principal part. He se-
verely animadverted on the con-
duct of ministry, relative to their
interference in the war between
Russia and Turkey. He censured,
with no less severity, the ministe-
rial representation of a speedy and
successful issue of the hostilities in
India, which, he asserted, were as
far from. promising a happy termi-
nation as in the preceding cam-
paign. He complained that the
indemnifications held out to the
British merchants by the late con-
vention with Spain, had not been
obtained; and that no decision had
yet taken place on that subject.

The several particulars in Mr.
Gray’s speech were answered by
Mr, Dundas, with his customary
acuteness ; and Indian affairs were

[127

placed in such a favourable point
of view, as to justify the represen-
tation that the war was drawing toa
prosperous termination.

The animadversions of Mr. Fox,
in the discourse he made on this
day, were chiefly pointed at the in-
terference of administration be-
tween the Turks and Russians. He
accused ministers of having acted
neither with honour nor efficaey.
The very interference itself met
with his heaviest disapprobation. It
was, he said, unnecessary and dan-
gerous to excite the resentments of
the court of Petersburgh; which,
lying under no controul, and guid-
ing, instead of being guided, by the
opinion of the public, might have
rushed with temerity into war,
against its real’ interest. Such an
event, however it might have prov-
ed detrimental to that power, must
also have. been highly pernicious to
Britain. It was happy, therefore,
that the minority in parliament
resisted such a measure on the part
of the ministry, and that the voice
of the nation spoke so loudly against
lene

He took remarkable notice that.
the constitution of Great Britain
had been of Jate extolled in such.a
manner as. conveyed indirect cen-
sure on himself and his friends, as
not sufficiently convinced of its
freedom from all defects. and im-
perfections, and as it argued dis-
loyalty to wish for a reformation of
abuses, But herein he was not in
the ieast desirous of imitating those
who had overturned a constitution
so radically bad as that of France,
and who had justly run all hazards
to destroy it. The constitution of
Great Britain was, on the contrary,
fundamentally good, and merited
therefore the efforts of all honest

and

128] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

and loyal subjects to preserve it.
It was unjust, therefore, to insi-
nuate that those who approved of
the destruction of despotism in
France, would rejoice in the down-
fall of the British constitution.

He next adverted to the riots at
Birmingham; and bitterly com-
plained, that through the laxity of
the magistrates there, violent cut-
rages had been committed on the
property and persons of those of
whom the populace of that place
had been taught to entertain inju-
rious opinions. They had been
basely connived at in treating
those person with the most barba-
rous indignity. A gentleman of
the greatest celebrity for his science
and character, the famous Dr.
Priestley, had been, through their
lawless and cruel proceedings, re-
duced to absolute ruin, and had
hardly been able to escape with
his life. Such were the deeds of a
multitude which had the audacity
thoughout the whole of these ini-
quitous transactions, to justify them
by the pretence of their zeal for
the present constitution in church
and state: as if those whom they
treated in this outrageous manner,
had not, upon every occasion, ma-
nifested as much sincerity at least
as they themselves, in the defence
of the constitution, whenever it
had been brought into real danger.
This testimony he thought himself
bound openly and unequivocally to
bear to that respectable, as well as
prosperous part of the British na-
tion, which went under the name
of Dissenters.

Mr. Pitt encountered the asser-
tions of Mr. Fox and the opposi-
tion with apposite facts and argu-
ments. He appealed for the just-
ness of what the royal speech had

mentioned concerning India, to
the sense of the House, as express-
ed in the preceding sessions. He
lamented the disorders of Birming-
ham; but thought these were an
object which discretion ought to
consign to oblivion, as enough had
been done for their atonement.

He warmly defended the con-
duct of ministry, relating to the
differences between foreign pow-
ers. Their object was to main-
tain that balance of Europe which
was of the most indispensable im-
portance to the safety of this coun-
try. Had no obstruction been
thrown in his way, the negociations
he had undertaken would have
terminated advantageously; but
the clamours excited throughout
the public, and the unseasonable
opposition he had met with, afford-
ed occasion to the power which he
would have reduced to compliance,
to avail itself of these national cla-
mours, and to persist in demands
which it obtained, as it were thro’
the intervention of the public in its
favour, To this alone was due
the successful competition of Russia
with the British ministry.

He laid before the House a cir-

-cumstantial statement of the last

year’s revenue; by which it a-
mounted to 16,790,000 pounds ;
from which, deducting the expen-
diture, there remained a surplus of
900,000, after the annual million
was paid off towards the redemption
of the national debt.

Encouraged by this prosperous
condition of the finances, he pro-
posed to take off part of those taxes
which were felt most heavily by
the necessitous classes, as being in-"
dispensable necessaries of life. :

Thus ended the debate on this
first day of the sessions; when the

question

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

question being called for the ad-
dress, it was carried without any
amendment, by two hundred against
eighty-five.

The discussion of Indian affairs,
which had employed much of the
House’sattention on that first day of
the session, wasresumed onthe third
of February, by several gentlemen
of the opposition; who contended
that some papers ought to be pro-
duced, that would throw a better
light upon the subject: but this
was firmly resisted by ministry, on
the ground of their inutility to for-
ward any real service, and as tend-
ing rather to embroil than to faci-
litate any desirable purpose. -

Six days after, these papers were
again required by Major Maitland,
who accompanied his demand with
a retrospect of Indian affairs, and
of the former mode of administer-
ing them. ‘This, he observed, was
founded on pacific principles, as be-
ing more safe and advantageous in
their issue than those that had since
been adopted; and which had
plunged our settlements in perpe-
tual brails and dangers. He re-

resented the present war there as
eading to all manner of difficul-
ties. He condemned that war as
ill-founded and aggressive on our
part, and resulting from a breach
of the treaties made with Tippoo.
He strongly reprobated the facility
with which large subsidies had been
advanced to the Mahrattas; who,
after receiving them, acted with
the most notorious negligence. In-
to the hands of those predatory
people, we had improvidently com-
mitted ourselves, and were become
the instruments of their desultory
warfare: which consisted chiefly in
plundering. Such were theallies who

Vor. XXXIV.

[129

were to assist us against Tippoo ;
who had in the mean time offered
us terms of peace, which he now
required; and which would, hesaid,
fully elucidate all those matters.

Mr. Francis entered copiously
into this subject. He testified equal
disapprobation and surprise at the
denial of the papers necessary for
the investigation of the Indian af-
fairs, on the ground of leading to
discussions. Without the papers,
no real knowledge of the subject
could be obtained; and without
discussion, no proper judgment
could be formed by the public,
who had the clearest right to be
informed of what was passing in
India. The charges of the war in
that country, and the conduct of
the people in our alliance, were
points of indispensable knowledge
and investigation. To deny the
papers relative to either of these,
was to acknowledge that they
would not bear investigation.

Mr. Dundas, in reply to Mr.
Francis, insisted that the producing
of papers relative to India, must
often be dangerous, from the sinis-
ter interpretations which might be
put on the discussions to which they
gave rise, by the princes and chiefs
in India, to whom, when reported,
they might wear an appearance ve-
ry different from their scope and
meaning. He assented, however,
to the demand of the papers.

When the papers had been suffi-
ciently examined by those who
required them, Major Maitland, on
the 15th of March following, mov-
ed several resolutions on the Indian
war, tending to reprobate it as
unjustifiable, and as the result of a
design planned, previously to any
occasion for hostilities, for the utter

{K] destruction

330}

@estruction of Tippoo. This was
a design equally unjust and impo-
litic. Were this prince to be de-
stroyed, no power would remain
‘to balance the formidable one of
the Mahrattas, who were chiefly
kept in restraint by that prince;
but when delivered from appre-
hensions on that quarter, would
become extremely dangerous, from
their restlessness and rapacity.
The principal reply to Major
Maitland was by Mr. Powis, who
argued the necessity of supporting
the executive government in India
m the war they had undertaken
against Tippoo, from the general
system long adopted in that coun-
try by British councils. He ac-
Lnowledged that system to be high-
ly pernicious in itself; but it must
be effectually maintained until. we
could wholly abandon it. This,
however, was impracticable while
viber European powers retained
territorial possessions in the east;
which was one of the greatest evils
that had ever befallen Europe.
Several other speakers took part
im this debate; which concluded
by a negativeon Major Maitland’s
motions.
_ Jt was again resumed on. the
2th of March; when the Major
declared, that from. the: most. at-
tentive perusal of the papers that
had been produced by ministers,
mstead of finding himself compel-
Jed to retract his. opinions, he was
farther confirmed in their pro-
priety; these papers clearly. prov-
mg that the English resident at
the Rajah of Travancore’s court,
been instructed to prevail upon
him to admit a force ia) his domi-
miens: much greater than was re-
-Quisite to protect. them, and. in

ANNUAL REGISTER, (1792.

reality sufficient to carry, on, the
most extensive hostilities against
Tippoo, according to the plan al-
ready projected. This and. other
particulars of a like tendency,
evinced the existence of such a
plan.

In answer to these assertions, it
was averred by the other side, that
from the personal character and
conduct of Tippoo, no person in In+
dia entertained any doubt of his
hostile intentions and preparations;
and that Lord Cornwallis had la-
mented with marked repugnance,
the necessity which he clearly fore-
saw, of again taking up armsagainst
that prince.

In consistency. with theseasseve-
rations it was moved, that. the con-
duct observed by Lord Cornwallis
on this occasion, accorded withthe
true spirit andintent of the rules'‘of
government, established by the
British parliament for the affairs of
India.

A motion of this nature was
warmly opposed. It was represent-
ed as involving in our general vote
of approbation, allthe measures pro-
secuted in India, whether worthy, of
praise or deserving of blame. The
correspondence on our part, with
the enemiesto Tippoo, plainly refers -
red to a dismemberment of his:de-
minions in their favour, and proved
of course an intended rupture with
him. His pacific offers had also
been refused; and the terms had not
been communicated. to parliament.
All this wore a suspicious: aspect’;
but what was still more reprehensi- |
ble, the civil and military govern-
mentofour Indian settlements. were
contrary to. the fundamental spirit
and essence of the Brittsh constitu-
tion, vested in.a single person, sub

ject

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

ject to no responsibility to any pow-
er established by Britain in this dis-
tant part of the globe. However
excellent and irreproachable such a

~ might be, it was a direct in-
ringement of British freedom to
constitutesucha system; which was
in every respect absolute and arbi-
trary.

In reply to these arguments, it
was maintained by Mr. Pitt, that
the motions and reasonings of his
opponents tended to hurt the cha-
racter of Lord Cornwallis. Terms
of peace, it was said, had been pro-
posed to him by Tippoo: but the
fact was, that none had ever been
specified by that prince, who had
merely informed him of an inclina-
tion to treat; and intended only,
by such appearance, to raise sus-
picions and jealousies in our allies;
and by weakening their confidence
in our good faith, to effect a sepa-
ration from them, and leave us
alone to contend with him. Had
honourable terms been offered, the
disposition of Lord Cornwallis was
too well known to doubt of his rea-
diness to listen to them, as well as
his determination to accept no
others ;—for these reasons he se-
conded the motion; which was car-
tied accordingly.

-Inthis manner parliament disposed
of the businessof India; which, tho’
it gave rise to some warm discus-
sions, could not, from the distance of
tlie scenes alluded to by the respec-
tive disputants, command much of
ooo and anxiety of the
lic.

Aw object of far higher and more
immediate attention took place
_ session, and employed,

active degree, the political
talents and eloquence of the most

"eminent speakers.

[isl

This was the interference of mi-
nisters, followed by the hostile pre-
parations against Russia. The do-
cuments relating to the apprehend-
ed rupture between Great Britain
andthat power, had been laid before
the House on the 6th of February.
As soon as they had undergone a
proper examination, the contents
were brought forward by oppo+
sition,

On the 33th of February the
business was opened by Mr. Gray:
he began by observing, that the
papers were incomplete, and did

‘not sufficiently enable the House to

examine particulars with regularity
and precision. He stated several
instances to prove what he had ad-
vanced : he specified the want of
the preliminaries between the Rus-
sian and Turkish ministry, without
which no adequate opinion could
be formed of the benefits arising
from the interference of the British
court, supported by an armament,
and accompanied by an apparent
determination to enforce the mea-
sures it held forth. These had
nearly involved the realm in a quar-
rel of a most serious and dangerous
nature, without any manifest and
unavoidable necessity. The con-
duct of the court of Berlin ought
no less to be laid open on so im-
portant an occasion: but, above all,
the expences attending the formid-
able armament that had been equip-
ped, ought to be brought before

the House with all expedition.
Mr. Pitt replied, that every pro-
per paper had been produced ; and
none had been withheld that did
not, according to the clearest dis-
cernment, require it. The expence
of the armament he was no less de-
sirous to lay before the House, than
[K 2] those

132]

those who were the most impatient
to see them, and would bring them
forward with all diligence. The
preliminaries between the bellige-
rent powers had not been official-
ly noticed; but he hoped shortly
to present the House with a docu-
ment of more satisfaction and con-
sequence, the definitive treaty of
peace between those two. powers.
This answer not satisfying those
who required more extensive com-
munications, Mr. Gray moved, on
the 20th of February, for a more
ample production of papers. From
those that had been communicated,
there appeared, he said, just cause
for censuring ministry; which had,
without any warrantable motive,
engaged in the basiness under con-
sideration, and then relinquished it
in abase and pusillanimous manner.
Administration had acknowledged
that they had not been able to pre-
serve the possession of Oczakow to
the Porte ; and yet this was the
great object of the armament.
Great Britain, it had been alleged,
stood on such intimate terms with
Prussia, that the interest ofits Tur-
kish ally could not be relinquished,
but to her essential detriment. The
alliance with Prussia was, however,
but defensive; and if we were, by
any secret articles, bcund to enter
more deeply into her views, the
House ought to know it, in order to
guard against mere projects of am-
bition: from which it behoves this
country to stand aloof, as inimical
to the interest of Britain, and tend-
ing only to aggrandize others at her
cost. ‘The requisitions to the Bri-
tish court from the Turkish ministry
for assistance and mediation, the in-
tercourse of the other persons con-
cerned in this business, and chiefly

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

the entire correspondence between
the British and the Russian minis-
tries, ought indubitably to be pro-
duced, if administration mean to
exculpate itself from censures, and
to justify the various steps it had
taken in the progress of an affair,
which the nation at large looked
upon with a jealous eye, and of
which it seriously demanded a com-
plete explanation.

To these allegations it was re-
plied by Mr. Pitt, that however can-
dour and openness were requisite
between ministry and Parliament,
the rule being general, admitted of
exceptions in particular cases,
wherein the honour and the very
safety of the state might be con-
cerned. Where other powers were
implicated, secrecy became an ab-
solute duty :—otherwise negocia-
tions could not proceed; as by lay-
ing open their reciprocal affairs and
intentions, these might by such
means be wholly deranged, and al-
liances rendered fruitless. Confi-
dence was due to those who. ad-
ministered the affairs of govern-
ment, until their capacity or their
integrity were impeached. They
had in the present case disclosed
enough to make the House master
of the essential parts of the business
in question, ‘The papers before it
would fairly shew what were the
objects of our armament, and how
far we had succeeded.

Those who seconded Mr. Pitt,
argued principally on the necessity
of placing a liberal degree of con-
fidence in the minister: but his op-
ponents expressed a marked disap-
probation of this doctrine, as ap-
plicable to the present case; the
prosperity of the state having been
most alarmingly endangered by the

conduct

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

conduct of ministers on this occa-
sion.

‘Mr. Fox reprobated in the sever-
est terms, the demand of implicit
confidence from parliament to mi-
nisters, who, by the spirit of the
constitution, ought much more to
be watched than trusted. The
highest confidence should mutually
subsist between the nation and its
representatives ; but if these trans-
ferred the confidence reposed in
them by their constituents to mi-
nisters, the people, instead of be-
ing represented, were betrayed.
While negociations were pending,
and even when at an end, the House
had in more cases than one been
denied the information which they
required,—though called on to
provide at the same time the sup-
plies of money wanted for the mi-
nisterial purposes, thus concealed
from their knowledge. Confidence
in ministers was at best a necessary
evilin the constitution. When the
crown dictated to whom confidence
should be paid, which it virtually
did by the appointment of minis-
ters,—such confidence necessarily
devolved to the executive power
itself; but this confidential method
- of voting subsidies implicitly at the
desire of ministers, without exer-
cising the parliamentary right of en-
quiry, was totally repugnant to the
genius of the constitution ; especi-
ally when the majority of the na-
tion was evidently opposed to mi-
nisterial opinions. When nothing
was wrong, nothing, he observed,
needed to be secret. It was fit,

erefore, that ministry insisted on

1€ propriety of its measures; the
correspondence between it and the
various courts with which it had
been negociatinz, should be ad-
duced in proof of its assertion ; and

es
7

[iss

to remove at once the doubts of it
veracity, and the persuasion pub7
licly entertained of its erroneous
conduct and incapacity.

Such was the substance of the
reasoning on both sides; but the
majority decided against the motion
of Mr. Gray.

This question was agitated on
the same day, with no less vivacity,
in the House of Lords: a warm ex-
position of the conduct of ministers,
and the severest complaints of their
ill-usage of the public were laid be-
forethe House by Lord Fitzwilliam.
In order to give additional weight
to his arguments, he circumstanti-
ally recapitulated the particulars of
the controversy between both par-
ties; grounding upon them a series
of resolutions, such as, he asserted,
they were fully calculated to autho-
rize. Niet

The Empress of Russia, he affirm-
ed, had, by the very confession of
the British and Prussian ministers
at her court, been unjustly attacked.
Her minister at London had com-
municated to our government, in
May 1790, the terms on which she
should make peace, and from which
she would not recede. These terms
were, the re-establishment of the
treaties in force between Russia and
Turkey, at the commencement of
hostilities, together with the cession
of Oczakow andits territory, as far
as the river Dniester; which was
hereafter to ferm the boundary be-
tween both empires. To this com-
munication it was replied by the
British administration, that neither
Turkey nor Sweden would be any-
wise satisfied with these proposals.
The Turks, especially, would most
warmly oppose the cession of Ocza-~
kow. Inthe mean while, Sweden
concluded a pacification with Rus

[kK] 3 sia

134] ANN

sia in August following, without the
participation of Great Britian. No-
tice was however given by the Swe-
dish monarch, that the Empress
would still abide by the conditions
she had proposed, and did not in-
tend to alter them, notwithstand-
ing the success of her arms during
the last campaign, nor the future
success that might still attend them.
The empress adhered faithfully to
the proposals she had made; but in
consequence of the message deliver-
ed by the King’s order, on the 28th
of March of the preceding year, to
both Houses,a formidable armament
was equipped; subsequent to which
a negociation was set on foot by the
British ministerat the Russian court,

in order to secure afortified frontier
to Turkey, on the side of Russia;
but this negociation ended byaccept-
ing the very terms already preferred
by the Empress in the foregoing
year, and by the consent of the Bri-
tish ministry; that if they were not
also accepted by the Turks within
the space of four months, the two
belligerent powers should be left to
terminate their quarrels without
further interference. Thus four-
teen months of fruitless negociation
elapsed on the part of Great Bri-
tain; during which her naval pre-
parations proved ineffectual, and
made not the least impression where
it had been hoped and intended.
The war had in the mean time con-
tinued, with the same determina-
tion in the Empress to conclude it
upon her own terms, in detiance of
our threats, and of the hostile pos-
ture which we had so vainly assum-
ed. The Turks had met with addi-
tional misfortunes; and the com-
mercial interest of Great Britain
been exposed to continual hazards,
from the perplexed situation of our

UAL REGISTER,

1792.

affairs ; but what in the public:ex-
amination was of much higher :va-
lueand importance, the honour and
dignity of the British nation suffer-
ed a material injury in. ithe =
Europe.

To these weighty asseverations
it was answered on the ministerial
side, that notwithstanding the argue
ments of opposition, it remained an
incontrovertible trath, that) mini-
stry had committed no sort of error
in its interference between Russia
and Turkey. The balance of Eu-
rope required that no power what-
soever should be depressed, norany
permitted to extend its just propor-
tions. It was manifestly the interest
of Britain to oppose the systeny
adopted by the court of Peters-
burgh; which was the aggrandize-
ment of the Russian empire, al-
ready too extensive and potent for
the safety and peace of its neigh-
bours; and which, if not timely
arrested in its progress, would at
last prove irresistivle, and give laws
to all the north of Europe. It was
solely, therefore, in compliance
with the earnest wishes of the pub-
lic, that ministry had desisted from
measures which in themselves were
unquestionably consistent with the

-long adopted policy of Britain, and

at this juncture peculiarly adapt-
ed toexisting circumstances. These.
were truly critical, and particularly
demanded the immediate exertion
of our naval power, in order to
prevent in time the exercise of that
which was forming by a ‘potentate
that had in the preceding war acted
an unfriendly part, and was new
again preparing with all her might
to oppose us upon our own-element.
Nor was the formidable fleet that
had been equipped, to be consider-
ed as.a useless parade of our mari-
time

: HISTORY OF EUROPE.

time strength: though it had not
proceeded to actual hostilities, still
it had not been beheld without ter-
ror. “The court of Petersburgh was
not ignorant cf our naval superio-
rity, and felt nowise inclined ‘to
a trial of skill: the confidence dis-
played by:that court in the bravery
and discipline of the Russian ma-
rine, was more “affected than real;
and whatever boldness is assumed,
was intended for the purpese of
keeping the people in spirits, and
not from ‘any substantial hope of
being able to cope with the navy
of Great Britain: it was therefore
a well-founded interference, that
the court of Petersburgh continued
her primitive offers, not from mo-
deration, but from a sense of the
danger she must incur by departing
from them, and insisting upon more
rigorous conditions. In this light
it was unjust to represent the ar-
mainent as a needless expedient,
and as having effected nothing: it
had, in fact, produced the most ad-
vantagcous consequences to the
Turks, by preserving them from
greater concessionsto Russia; which
would inevitably have happened,
had not the dread of our prepara-
tions operated against its well-
known ambition. ‘Thus, on ma-
ture consideration, our interference
had frustrated many hostile designs
to Turkey; and the expence in-
curred by the nation had in no
sense been wantonly lavished. On
the other hand, the continuation of
the war by Russia had put her to
immense charges, and she had reap-
ed no other benefit, if such it could
be called, than the acquisition of a
natrow and barren territory, pur-
chased by a deluge of blood, shed
in the course of many destructive

[13s

campaigns; during which the flow-
er of her military youth, and the
most valiant and experienced of
her'veteran officers and soldiers kad
perished.

Such were the principal arge-
ments urged in defence of the mi-
nistry during this debate; whick
terminated with the rejection of the
motion made by‘Lord Fitzwilliam

Not discouraged by this fatiure,
the opposition-in the upper House
re-assumed this business on the
27th of February ; but with no ad-
ditional strength or variety of rea-
soning on either side. The mast
remarkable observations on this oc-
casion were those made by Lord
Stanhope :—He particularly com-
mended ministry for having com-
plied with the desire of the nation,
and in consequence, dropped aif
inimical designs to Russia. This
was truly a constitutional behavwi-
our, and entitled them to appreba-
tion from all who knew how to set
a proper value on it:—this laud-
able conduct induced him to hope
it would not any more be pretend-
ed that the voice of the people
could only be expressed in_partia-
ment ;—daily experience made it
apparent that the sense of the na-
tion ought not to ke restricted te
any privileged spot. He ani-
madverted on the necessity whiels
ministers had urged in vindication
of their measures, to maintain the
balance of Europe, and to prevent
the overgrowth of any ambitious
power. He recommended, in pur-
suance of so just a design, an alli-
ance with France; which had, ia
the formation of its present system,
solemnly foresworn all projects of
aggrandizement, and determined te
draw the sword butiin a defensive

“"(K] 4 war.

136]

war. This was precisely the plan
that Great Britain ought to pursue;
and the abjuration of all others ren-
dered France at present worthy of
intimate connexion with this coun-
try ; the French had already shewn
a sincere disposition to become our
unfeigned friends; they had copied
zealously the British constitution ;
and whatever of excellence their
own could boast, was visibly deriv-
‘ed from ours. In lieu of that ilii-
beral antipathy to Englishmen,
which had long characterized them,
we were become the objects of
their esteem and predilection; good
policy dictated a return of this
friendly disposition, and a careful
cultivation of the pacific and com-
mercial relations subsisting between
both countries. He flattered him-
self from these motives, which were
equally founded on the reciprocal
interests of the two nations, that
no causes of any nature would be
suffered to operate to the destruc-
tion or the diminution of that amity
which was so essential to the pros-
perity of Great Britain and France.
However foreign politics might re-
present the situation of France as
unfavourable to its neighbours, still
it could not be denied that peace
was the most desirable object to the
people of this country: its welfare
chiefly depended on friendly con-
nexions with its neighbours; with-
out which it could not exercise its
commerce abroad, either with ad-
vantage or safety, Among those
neighbours, none were of more
importance, in a variety of respects,
than the French: to lose their
good-will at a time when the trea-
ties lately made with them render-
ed it particularly beneficial, would
besingularly imprudent; especially
when we reflected, that by treating

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

them with slight or indifference,
we should become the dupes of
those who sought to indispose us
against them, in order to render
us subservient to those designs
which, they were conscious, could
not be carried into execution with-
out our consent and co-operation.
While the motion on this busi-
ness was again negatived in the
House of Lords, it was revived on
the same day in the House of Com-
mons, by Mr, Whitbread: —He
reprobated, in terms of indignation,
the temerity of ministers, in lavish-
ing the nation’s money with such
profusion, for an object wherein
neither equity nor policy could
justify their interference. Much
had been said on their part to exas-
perate the nation against Russia;
its inimical conduct to this country,
during the American war, had been
recalled to notice, and placed in
the most odious point of view:
but in the transaction alluded to,
it was well known that Russia was
only one among many. The late
King of Prussia, the celebrated Fre-
derick, was the original contriver
of the measure so injurious to this
country, that went under the name
of Armed Neutrality ; but the en-
mity of that Prinee to Great Bri-
tain seemed now utterly forgotten,
and the influence of this kingdom
exerted a particular zeal for the
service of his successor. From the
papers comtounicated from minis-
try, it was piain that the Turks were
the aggressors in the present war
between them and Russia: they
demanded the restoration of the Cri-
mea, fairly won from them by open
war, and ceded to Russia by a re-
gular: treaty: they attempted, by
force of arms, to recover it:—thts
surely was aggression. The Em-
press

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

press on this occasion had applied
to the British court for its media-
tion: but its demands on the Turks
were fuund too exorbitant. This
answer induced her to relax from
claims, and to make such proposals
as, from their moderation, she might
have a right to insist upon: but
even these were refused by our mi-
nistry ; which, however, after long
and tedious negociations, was fain
toaccedetothem. The possession
of Oczakow, he affirmed, either by
the Turks or the Russians, was a
consideration wholly foreign to the
political or commercial interests of
Great Britain: it could not, there-
fore, be the real cause of the pro-
traction of this ruinous war: some
latent motive kept its conclusion at
a distance: the probable reason
was, that the politics of the court
of Berlin aimed at a stipulation,
with that of Petersburgh, for per-
mission to seize the cities of Thern
and Dantzic, on condition that it
would not oppose the cession of
Oczakow to Russia. The issue of
this unjust and dishonourable inter-
ference was that of an expensive
armament; and an arrogant con-
duct had not prevented the govern-
ment of this country from submit-
ting to the condition prescribed by
Russia, with a degree of implicit-
ness, not hitherto recorded in our
transactions with foreign powers.
—The resolution moved by Mr.
Whitbread, in consequence of the
premises, was that Oczakow was
not of sufficient importance to war-
rantthe armed interference of Great
Britain.
This motion was vigorously op-
greet by Mr. Jenkinson, the son of
sord Hawkesbury, in a speech
which, though the first he had ever
made in the House, excited un-

\3

[137

common attention and admiration.
He took an extensive view of the
circumstances of Europe, as relat-
ing to Great Britain, and to that
balance which it was necessitated to
maintain between its various pow-
ers:—the strength and influence of
France being, he said, at an end,
we had no farther danger to appre-
hend from that once formidable
rival ; but a power had succeeded
to France, no less deserving of at-
tention from its restless politics and
ambitious views:—this was Russia;
of which the conduct proved the
deep laid designs on the territories
and independence of her less potent
neighbours. Her plans of conquest
on the Turks were notorious. Were
she suffered toaccomplish them, the
balance of Europe would be totally
destroyed, to the manifest injury of
every state in this quarter of the
globe. The potentate whose po-
sition best enabled him to stem this
torrent, was Prussia; and the wis-
dom of the British government had
enabled it, by a seasonable alliance,
to undertake the task of counter-
acting the schemes of Russia. The
Turks were accused of having be-
gun the present contest: but were
they not justifiable by the manner
in which the Crimea was obtained,
by the revolt promoted in A&gypt,
through the intrigues of Russia, by
her haughty and unjust claims to
some of the fairest provinces of the
Turkish empire? Britain had al-
ready mediated successfully for the
Turks in the late pacification be-
tween them and the Emperor; and
her interposition between them and
Russia, however artfully misrepre-
sented, had obviated the claims she
would indubitably have enforced,
after the many successes that had
attended her arms. Happily, how-

ever,

138}

ever, he observed, the present era
was not calculated for invasions
and conquests: ‘a spirit had arisen
in Europe, decidedly adverse to
ambitious views: Great Britain was:
constitutionally their foe: a stable
unshaken peace was equally her
interest and inclination,

The speech of Mr. Jenkinson
was warmly seconded, and not
less'strenuously opposed by others.
Mr. Gray took particular notice,
that since the success with which
the minister had acted in Holland,
he had presumptuously attempted
to dictate in the same manner to
other powers, and had of course
raised himself many enemies. Ad-
ministration, he said, had widely
deviated from that open and firm
conduct with foreign states, which
had formerly commanded their at-
tachmentand confidence. Intrigues
and machinations were employed
among them; but neither to our ho-
nour or benefit. Wehad been jost-
led in conjunction with Prussia, not-
withstanding so formidable an union;
and so degraded were we among
nations, that even the Turks, of
whom we ‘boastingly, but vainly
affected to be the protectors, held
usin contempt and deri-ion: they
had found our friendship false, and
our promises not to be trusted ; and
were averse to a connexion with
sucha people.

In order to prove the odium we
had incurred among the ‘Turks,
Mr. Gray produced a letter, writ-
ten' by the Grand Vizier to Sir
Robert Ainslie, the British A mbas-
sador at’ the Porte: and which he
declared he believed to be authentic.
Thesingularity of the style and mat-
ter,render itdeserving of being given
at length, as'a specimen on tlie sup-
position of its being genuine, ‘of

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Turkish composition, ‘and ‘political
maxims :— - -Faiapiate
“ The Grand Seignior,”’ it said,
‘“¢ makes war for himself, and makes °
peace; he can trust his own slaves, ©
servants, and subjects; he kvows
their faith, has experienced their
virtue, and can rely upon their fide-
lity :—a'virtue long since banished
your cornerof Europe. If all other
christians tell truth, no reliance is
to be had on ‘England; she buys
and sells all mankind. The Otto-
mans have no connexion with your
king nor your country ; they never
sought your advice, your interfer-
ence, nor your friendship; we
have no minister, no agency, ‘no
correspondence with you. For
what reason offer ye then to medi-
ate for us with Russia? Why seek
ye to serve an empire of infidels,
as ye call us Mussulmen? “We
want not your friendship, aid, nor
mediation. Your Vizier, of whom
you speak so highly, must have
some project of deception in view;
some oppressive scheme to amuse
your nation; which we are told
is credulous, servile, an adorer only
of money: avarice, we are well
informed, is your chief character-
istic; you would sell your God;
money is your deity, and all things
are objects of trade with your mi-
nistry and people. Come ye then
to sell us to Russia? No; let us
bargain for ourselves. "When fate
has spun out the thread of our good
fortune, we must yield: what has
been directed by God and the
prophet of men, must and will come
to pass. We Ottomans know no
finesse ;— duplicity and cunning are
your christian morals. We are
not ashamed to be honest, down-
right, plain, and faithful in our state-
maxims. ‘If we fail in ‘war, we
submit

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

submit to the will of Heaven, de-
ereed from the beginning. We
have long lived in splendor, the
first power on earth; and we glory
in‘having triumphed ‘for ages over
christian infidelity and depravity,
mixed with all sorts of vice and
hypocrisy. We adore the God of
nature, and believe in Mahomet :—
You neither believe in the God
you pretend to worship, nor in his
Son, whom you call both your God
and ‘your prophet... What reliance
can there be on so sacrilegious a
race? Truth, we understand, you
banish, as you do virtue from all
your conduct and transactions with
each other. Read the catalogue
of the complaints, manifestoes, de-
clarations, and remonstances of all
the christian kings, monarchs, and
emperors, who have lived and war-
red with each other; you will find
themall equally blasphemous, equal-
ly perfidious, equally cruel, equally
unjust, and faithless in their en-
gagements. Did the Turk ever
forfeit his promise, word, or ho-
nour? Never.—Did ever a chris-
tian power keep an engagement,
but while it suited its avarice or
ambition? No. — How then do
you think are we to trust you; a
nation, at this moment, if truth is
told, ruled by a perfidious.adminis-
tration, without virtue to guide the
machine of state? The Grand
Seignior has no public intercourse
with your court ;—he wants none ;
-he wishes for none. If you wish
to remain here, either as a spy, or,
as you term yourself, an ambassador
for your court, you may live with
those of other christian nations,
while you demean yourself with
propriety: but we neither desire
your aid by sea nor land, nor your

na

L139

council, nor mediation. I haveno
order to thank you for your offer,
because it is by the Divan deemed
officious: — nor have I any com-
mand tothank you for the offer of
your naval assistance, because it is
what the Porte never dreamed of
admitting into our seas.’ What
you have to do with Russia, we nei-
ther know nor care ;— our con-
cerns with that court we tnean to
finish as it suits ourselves, and the
maxims of our laws and state-policy-
If you are not the most profligate
christian nation, as you are accused
of being, you are undoubtedly the
boldest in presumption and effron-
tery, in thus attempting to bring
such a power as Russia to terms
such as you, and some other incon-
siderable christians united, faney
yourselves able to command. We
know better; this conduct of yours
is an imbecile as well as an audaci-
ous endeavour to dictate; which
must render your councils con-
temptible, and your advice abroad
unworthy of the wisdom or atten-
tion of any power, especially of the
Porte; which, on all occasions,
wherein its ministers have listened
to you, has experienced evil either
in your intentions or your incapa-
city. His sublime Highness can-
not therefore be too much on his
guard against the attempts and the
presumption of a state so little to
be trusted, even by its own peo-
ple; but it is usual with christian
princes to sell their subjects to
each other for money. Every
peace made amongst you, as we are
well informed, is most favourable
to the highest briber. The Otto-
man ministry has too long, and too
often, given ear to European coun-
cils; and as often as they did, they

; were

140]

were betrayed and suld.— Away
then with your interference for the
Porte with Russia.”

Mr. Gray was seconded by other
speakers, whose arguments were
much of the same purport as those
antecedently alleged on the sub-
ject in agitation.

The principal answer to them
proceeded from Mr. Dundas ; who
maintained with his usual dexterity,
the justness of the conduct ob-
served by ministry, in every part of
their transactions ; forcibly urging
every argument to invalidate those
that were adduced on the part of
opposition. As to the paperbrought
forward as the production of the
Grand Vizier, he treated it as a
mere fabrication, visibly destitute of
authenticity.

The debate closed by an ad-
journment of the question to the
following day.

The debates on the firstof March
began with an observation made by
Mr. Martin; which was, that
wherever much secrecy prevailed,
either in public or in private affairs,
much fraud and deceit might be
expected; pursuant to this maxim,
he would vote for the motion of mi-
nisterial censure.

He was followed by Mr. Francis,
who spoke sharply on the same
side of the question. From his pe-
rusal of the papers, he had, he said,
discovered more, he believed, than
they were intended to reveal.
They empowered him to demand,
whether ministers were not engaged
in a Prussian, rather than an Eng-
lish quarrel? Ifsuch were the case,
the maxims they followed were
very different from those that were
uppermost on his first entrance into
public life. Continential connec-
tions were then held in aversion, as

vary speculations,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the bane of this country. German
alliances were paticularly dreaded,
as attended with endless as well as
unprofitable expences. But the
times werealarmingly changed; and
such maxims would no longer be
tolerated. The English character
was now, to throw aside all steadi-
ness in politics and national pur-
suits, and adhere only to pecuni-
The balance of
Europe, he observed, had been held
out by ministers, as a sufficient rea-
son for their conduct respecting
Russia :—allowing that its preser-
vation was an indispensable duty,
why should it be consigned to the
care of this country, more than of
the nations on the continent of
Europe, who were no less deeply
interested in it than ourselves? Mr.
Francis concluded by remarking,
that to the altercation with Russia
was due an injurious delay of se-
veral commercialadvantages, which
might have been obtained from that
power, and which were of the
highest importance to the trade of
this country.

Mr. Fox rose next. The ques-
tion concerning the balance of Eu-
rope, was, he noticed, involved in a
cloud of intricacies. The system
was of so complex a nature, that it
was easily disturbed and deranged:
some ofits parts were at such a dis-
tance from us, as to merit little of
our attention, and might rather
amuse our curiosity, than alarm our
interest. In this light the honour
of Great Britain was much more
deeply engaged in the business of
Oczakow, than any other national
concern. . Its value, which in itself
was nothing, had acquired import-
ance only through the imprudence
of adininistration; which ought
therefore never to have made it

an

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

an object of contention, The mi-
nistry, it was said, had shewn a
laudable deference to the public
opinion. by desisting from its in-
tended measures: but this deference
might be attributed to another
cause; the fear, when embarked in
them, of meeting with such an op-
position as would through the refu-
salofsupplies, disable them from act-
ing. But enough had been expend-
ed on this dishonourable transac-
tion. It had cost the nation half a
million, to no other end than to see
Oczakow seized by Russia; the
Turks whom we styled our friends
and allies, humbled, and ourselves
degraded by the conditions of a
treaty, which, after compelling us
to abandon them, loads us with the
further ignominy of guaranteeing
to Russia what she has wrested from
them. No interference at all would
certainly have been better than so
scandalous a dereliction of those of
whom we had assumed the protec-
tion. Then the reputation and
welfare of a people may thus, with
impunity, and by alleging frivolous
excuses, be sacrificed to ill-founded
projects. Well, said Mr. Fox, might
the enemics to the constitution of
the country avail themselves of
such undeniable abuses, to bring it
into disrepute, to represent it as a
mere nullity, and to persuade their
auditors or readers that they spoke
truth,

Mr. Pitt’s answer to these heavy
charges, was, that the indispensable
necessity of preserving the balance
of Europe, was an argument of such
evident propriety, that no reason-
ings could invalidate it. The ques-
tion could only be, To what degree
of exertion the strength and in-
fluence of Great Britain ought to
have been carried on this occasion ?

[14]

Upon this ground, which was a fair
and equitable one, he would readi-
ly meet all objectionsto his conduct.
Could any man conversant in poli-
tics, admit that the Turkish empire,
if unable by its own intrinsic strength
to resist the attacks of its two po-
tent neighbours, Russia and Aus-
tria, should be abandoned by the
other European powers, every one
of which was so visibly interested
in the preservation of its independ-
ence? But were they either so
indolent, or so impeded by unto-
ward circumstances, as to remain
inactive in its defence, could Bri-
tain neglect to assume it? Could 2
British ministry look on with in-
difference or tranquillity, while
commerce in those parts was so
manifestly threatened, and the ma-
ritime power of Britain, not only
in the Mediterranean, but through-
out the world, must receive the
most fatal blow from the immense
increase of shipping that would ac-
crue to those two powers, were
they to become masters of the
Turkish dominions in Europe?
Russia especially, already formida-
ble at sea, must through the posses-
sion of the Archipelago, derive such
an accession to the number of her
seamen, as would in a short time
render her in all probability the
first maritime power in Europe.
These were serious considerations,
and authorized a British minister to
act with uncommon vigilance and
care, to prevent so great a calamity
from befalling this country, as to
lose the sovereignty of the seas;
without which the immediate safe-
ty of Great Britain must necessarily
become precarious. The Turks,
Mr, Pitt allowed to have been the
ostensible aggressors ; but Russia
had incontestably afforded every

provo-

142]

provocation; and the ambitious
‘plans she had concerted against the
Turkish empire were universally
known, and needed no proof. No-
thing at the same time was more
obvious, than that if Great Britain
had not assumed that hostileposture,
of which opposition so unjustly com-
plained, the primitive demands of
the court of Petersburgh would
have been insisted on. They had
beenmade previcusly to avictorious
campaign ; and could it be believed
that so rapacious a power would
have relinquished such extensive

»

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

and important provinces as Bessa-
rabia, Moldavia, and Wallachia, af-
ter conquering them, unless it had
dreaded a contest with the first na-
val power in the world; which
would have probably been attended
with the annihilation of its own
marine,

This discourse of Mr. Pitt ter-
minated the debates on the inter-
ference of Great Britain between
the Porte and Russia. Mr. Whit-
bread’s motion was rejected, by two
hundred and forty-four against one
hundred and sixteen,

CHAP IX,

Debates on the Treaty of Marriage between the Duke of York and the

Princess of Prussia.
ment against Lotteries.

Statement of the Finances.
Debates on the Slave Trade in the House of

Petition to Parlia-

Commons and in the House of Lords.

SUBJECT which took up
much of the national and
parliamentary attention, during
this session, was the marriage of the
Duke of York with the King of
Prussia’s eldest daughter. It was
not the importance of the object it-
self, so much as the circumstances
attending it, that occasioned the an-
common notice taken of this trans-
action. The prodigious disparity
of the pecuniary advances and set-
tlements made by the respective
courts, were matters of considera-
ble surprise to the people of this
country; and gave occasion to a
variety of speculations, which,
though not expressive of the least
disapprobation of the match itself,
still indicated an opinion not fa-
vourable to the stipulations with
which it was accompanied,
The portion paid by the King of
Prussia, together with a nuptial

present, amounted to a sum equiva-
lent to 22,0001. sterling; which, in
case of the Princess’s demise before
the Duke, was to be returned to
him; but no reversion of a like
sum given on the part of England
(as a counter-portion with the
Duke, together with 6000I. as a
bridal gift) had any place in, the
stipulation. Her private revenue
was settled at 4000l.a year; and her
jointure. in case of the Duke’s de-
cease, at 8000I. a year, with a resi-
dence and establishment answerable
to her rank.

These pecuniary settlements
were accompanied at the same time
with a solemn renunciation by the
King of Great Britain, and the
Duke of York and his descendants,
of all right of inheritance to the
crown of Prussia. ‘

In addition to 12,0001. annual in-

come, already enjoyed by the hi
the

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

the further sum of 25,000 a year,
~ was voted to him by parliament,
on account of this matrimonial al-
liance.
_. The discussions that took place
in the House,on this occasion, were
neither warm nor interesting. Mr.
Fox observed, that in a monar-
ehical government suchasEngland,
founded on the preference given to
it by the natives to all other forms,
the splendor with which they were
desirousto see itattended, of course
required that every branch of the
royal family should be main-
tained with suitable magnificence.

He also observed, that the free-
dom and personal dignity of the
several. personages who were a
more distant part of that family,
ought to be particularly consulted,
by providing for them.in such man-
nev as to preventtireir total depend-
ence on the crown,

There was at the same'time some
difference of opinion concerning
the allowanee to be granted to the
Duke of York on his marriage: se-
veral members\deemed the revenue
proposed by the minister too large;
as the Duke received a very consi-
derable one from the bishoprick of
Osnaburgh, stated by some at no
less than 35,0001. a year. But this
appearing an object unfit for’ par-
liamentary discussion, the votespro-
posed by the ministry passed in his
favour.

After the settlement of this busi-
ness, which took place on the 17th
of February, the House resolved it-
self into a committee, to consider
the state of the finances. Mr. Pitt
represented them in so favourable a
light, that.a diminution of the pub-
lic) burdens might reasonably be
expected, The permanent taxes,
from the year 1791 to the com-
@5)

[143

mencement of 1792, had produced
16,730,000). exceeding the average
of the last four yearsabout500,000 ;
dedueting from which the totai of
the expenditures, amounting by the
reductions proposed, to15,811,0001.
the permanent income would ex-
ceed) the permanent expence, in-
cluding the million annually ap-
propriated to the extinction of the
national debt, by no less than
400,0001.

The supplies wanted for the
present year, would amount to
5;654,000i. for which the means
provided amounted to a sum ex-
ceeding the former, by 37,0001.

From the foregoing statement,
Mr. Pitt was of opinion, that the
surplus of the 4090]. would enable
government to take off such taxes
as’bore chiefly on the poorer classes,
to the amount of one half of that
sum; and to appropriate the other
half to the diminution of the public
debts.

By, the methods projected for the
redemption of this debt, 25,000,000
would be paid off in the space of
fifteen years; towards which the in-
terest of the sums annually redeem-
ed, shou!d be carried to the sinking
fund, till the annual sum to be ap-
plied tothe redemption of thatdebt,
amounted to'4,000,000.

Having made this favourable re-
presentation of the state of the fi-
nances, Mr. Pitt added toita warm
description of the actual prosperity
of the nation; which, though arrived
at an eminent degree, had not yet
attained that summit of grandeur
and felicity which lay within the
reach of its industry and manifold
abilities, But,toxsecure these hap-
py projects, domestic tranquillity,
and peace with other nations, were
indispensably required. Of both

these

144]

these blessings, however, he doubted
not the long permanency. He con-
cluded, by an earnest recommenda-
tion to the care and vigilance of
those of whom it was the duty to
preserve them.

Aftersomestrictureson Mr. Pitt’s
speech, by Mr. Sheridan and Mr.
Fox, partly sarcastic and partly seri-
ous, the House coincided with Mr.
Pitt’s proposal for a repeal of those
taxes on some articles that were the
most unpopular.

Among the various measures ob-
jected to, or censured by membersin
opposition, during this session, the
long standing practice of raising part
of the supplies by meansof a lottery,
underwenttheseverest rebrobation.

In the committee of supply on
the 8th of March, Mr. Pitt having
proposed the raising of 812,000),
by means of a lottery, he was vigor-
ously opposed by Mr. A. Taylor;
who highly blamed him for having
recourse, in aseason of public tran-
quillity at home and abroad, to a
method of levying money which
nothing could justify but the ex-
tremest necessity and distress of the
state. It was notoriously inimical
to the private welfare and morals
of all individuals, by instilling in-
to them a spirit of gaming, which
had unhappily diffused itself among
all classes, and occasioned a variety
of fatal accidentstoo well knownand
ascertained to suffer a denial. Per-
sons in affluent circumstances had,
by indulging in this pernicious
practice, acquired ruinous habits of
venturing more than either discre-
tion could warrant, or the interest
of their families reasonably permit ;
andthe lower classes, by the delusive
prospects of bettering their condi-
tions, were oftentimes reduced to
the worst extremes of miseries, and

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

driven by their sufferings to the
commission of crimes to extricate
themselves, for which they became
amenable to courts of justice.
Suicide also was sometimes the con-
sequence of the imprudences to
which this odious practice gave
birth, especially among the lower
classes; who possess but little to ven-
ture and to lose, and who, when
stripped by unpropitious fortune of
their scanty lot, often gave way to
despair, and rushed into the most de-
plorable extremities. In proofof the
justness of these allegations, several
instances of general notoriety were
laid before the House. Mr. Taylor
concluded thisinvective against lot-
teries, by representing the minister
so resolutely bent to add to the re-
venue by every possible method, as
to consider such addition, however
repugnant to good policy, as of more
importance than the preservation of
public or private morality.

Other members inveighed with
equal warmth against the use of lot-
teries. Mr. Mainwaring present-
ed, on the 3d of April, a formal pe-
tition against them from the grand
jury of Middlesex, stating the divers
mischiefs arising from them, and re-
commending to the serious consi-
deration of the House, the propriety
of obviating such evils, by a sup-
pression of the cause from whence
they originated.

This remonstrance of the grand
jury was seconded with great vi-
gour. The regulations that had
been made by parliament to prevent
the evils attending a lottery, were
described as totally insufficient.
Evasion and subterfuges were al-
ways found to elude them; as such
was the rage for gaming, excited
by lotteries, that they had from
their first institution gradually per-

verted

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

verted the dispositions of the people,
and taken numbers of them from
their occupations, to their manifest
injury. ‘lo convert so iniquitous a
practice into a regular mode of rais-
ing money, was disgraceful to the
nation. Those who gave it their
countenance in parliament, seemed

to have forgotten that the duty of

legislators was to sacrifice every
consideration to the support of pub-

lic honour and virtue, instead of

sacrificing these for the mere aug-
mentation of income.

The talents of Mr. Courtney were
on this occasion remarkably exerted
in favour of the opposition to lotte-
ries. He ironically represented the
minister as judiciously converting
private vices into public benefits,
and availing himself of the multi-
tudes that wanted wisdom, to ren-
der their folly of national utility.

Mr. Francis united with the ene-
mies of a lottery, in condemning it
as a source of many calamities; it
filled the jails with unhappy indivi-
duals, both as debtors and crimi-
nals ; an ignominious death, or trans-
portation was its usual effect; and
misfortune or infamy its usual con-
comitant.

Mr. Sheridan deprecated the use
of lotteries as banes to the nation:
they stripped families of their furni-
ture, their apparel, and the most ne-
cessary appurtenances, Parentsand
children were daily reduced by them
to every species of wretchedness;
and the drawing of a lottery was
always a period marked by the
most deplorable incidents, and
every description of domestic cala-
mities.

_ Through Mr. Taylor’s reiterated
remonstrances, a committee was
appointed to inquire into the various
evils resulting to the community

Vou. XXXIV.

[145

from the establishment of lotteries.
A report was accordingly laid before
the House; and the friends to the
abolition of this mode of raising mo-
ney, determined to leave no effort
untried to put an end to it.

Another object of an odious na-
ture was brought to the considera-
tion of the House during this ses-
sions: this was the slavé trade;
which had already been canvassed
in several sessions with uncommon
warmth andaccuracy, and given rise
toamultiplicity of regulations form-
ed with the humane view of soften-
ing its horrors, and obviating the
complaints of those who represent-
ed it as an outrage on human na-
ture, and a disgrace to civilized
people.

On the 2d of May, through the
repeated endeavours of Mr. Wilber-
force, who had the honour of pri-
mitively leading the way in this laud-
able attempt, the House went into
a committee of examination into the
particulars of the trade to the coast
of Africa, for the purchasing of ne-
groes for the use of the plantations
in America.

That gentleman had experienced
a multitude of obstacles in this at-
tempt; but he had uniformly per-
sisted in repeating it every sessions,
though opposed with all thestrength
and art of those who disapproved
of his design; which he had now
brought, through his resolution and
perseverance, to a maturity that his
many opponents did not expect he
would have been able to effect.

The more he reflected on this
iniquitous branch of commerce, the
more he said it appeared to deserve
an immediate prohibition. It was
equally inimical in its principle to
public interest, and to the feelings
of individuals of any rational senti-

[LZ] ments,

146 |

ments. He would not accuse those
who opposed him of being deficient
in humanity: there were, doubt-
jess, many who, judging from the
beneficent manner in which they
treated their own slaves, that others
resembled them, did not perceive
the necessity of proceeding to the
abolition of the trade in question.
But exceptions were not rules; the
number of such as treated their
slaves with cruelty, was too consi-
derable for humanity not to shudder
at the permission given to indivi-
duals to provide regular supplies of
unfortunate beings for the tyranni-
cal service of men who were un-
worthy of any authority over them,
through the barbarity with which
they exercised it. Unhappily for
that unpitied species of our fellow-
creatures, they often fell into the
hands of masters, of whom the only
respectable qualification was their
property. Destitute of every other
title to consideration, they valued
themselves in proportion to the
number of slaves it enabled them to
purchase; over whom their savage
dispositions led them to exercise an
unfeeling authority.
Notwithstanding these urgent
motives to oppose a commerce pro-
ductive of so much injustice and
misery, he did not however, he said,
aim at an immediate suppression
of this inhuman servitude, as those
who were subjected to it might
not be ripe for emancipation. The
liberty of mankind should be pro-
gressive, and keep time with the
improvement of the mind:. that
degree of liberty of which they were
capable, ought not, in the mean
time, to be denied them. They had
an undoubted claim to security from
cruel usage: but this was impracti-
cable, while the laws now in force

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

in the plantations, disqualified them
from giving legal evidence. Hence,
while no white man witnessed the
barbarities inflicted upon him, a
slave could hope for no redress.
The prodigious increase of the
numbers of negroes imported to the
British Islands in the West Indies,
particularly Jamaica, appeared to
Mr. Wilberforce pregnant with
evils, which the circumstances of
the times pointed out to all discern-
ing people. This was not the sea-
son for augmenting the dispropor-
tion between the whites and the
blacks, already alarming to a very
serious degree. These latteramount-
ed in that island to 300,000, and the
former only to 20,000. Such ill po-
licy had been no less justly than
warmly condemned by the most ju-
dicious persons there, who all con-
curred in the speedy necessity of pre-
venting any further augmentation.
The advocates for this trade had
unwittingly ventured to represent
it as anursery for seamen. But the
falsehood of this representation was
well known to those who had accu-
rately examined it. Out of more
than 12,000 seamen, more than
2600 were computed to be lost, ac-
cording to the returns made of the
ships crews in their respective voy-
ages :—a loss of men at the rate of
11 percent. An instance had been
known of only six or seven remain-
ing alive at the end of the voyage.
The decrease of our manufactures
had been also represented as a pro-
bable consequence of the decrease-
of the slave trade ; but this appre-
hension Mr.’ Wilberforce _invali-
dated by strong reasonings. Equally
erroneous was the idea that Liver-
pool flourished principally by this
trade, Some individuals, doubtless,
were gainers ; but according to clear
statements,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

statements, the nation at large was
not benefited.

The perfidious conduct of several
British traders on the coast of Africa
was then laid before the House by
Mr, Wilberforce ; who being called
upon to name the offenders, specifi-
ed them accordingly, together with
the enormities of which they had
been guilty,

Mr. Wilberforce next adverted
to the great mortality among the
negroes during the passage from
Africa to the American islands;
which he proved by incontestable
facts. The causes of this mortality,
acknowledged by the captain of a
trading vessel, were the grief and
melancholy of the slaves, contracted
through the harsh usage they suffer-
ed on board. Sometimes they re-
fused all food ; sometimes they lost
their lives through stupefaction and
insanity, and some were known to
have drowned themselves.

The barbarous behaviour of some
of those captains was notorious;
they not only exercised it over the
unhappy negroes, but even’ over
their fellow-seamen; many of whom
fell the victims of the brutal usage
they endured. Regulations availed
little with such men: they were so
radically inured to barbarity, by
long practice and impunity, that
they deemed it necessary in the bu-
siness they followed; and looked
upon mildness and good-nature as
inconsistent with the very principles
of the slave trade.

It had been objected, that unless
other nations were prevailed upon
to desist from such a commerce, it
were fruitless for the British mer-
chants to relinquish it: but such an
objection, Mr. Wilberforce observ-
ed, was clearly nugatory. The trade
of Great Britain on the coast of Af-

[17

rica, for the purchase of slaves, ad-
mitted of no comparison : it far ex-
ceeded that of all Europe collective-
ly. It was therefore our duty to
set to all the European nations the
example of humanity,—forbearing
to continue a commerce s0 opposite
to justice, and founded on the basest.
and most selfish avarice. A people
far inferior to us in the commercial.
world, the Danes, had, notwith-
standing that they could ill dispense
with any diminution of their trade,
still given up that for slaves.

Mr. Wilberforce concluded his
elaborate discourse on this subject,
by noticing that it had already been
shewn that there was a sufficient
stock of negroes in the islands for
every desirable purpose. When no
further importation was allowed,
interest would induce the planters to
render the lives of the negroes more
comiortable; they would of course
multiply far more extensively, and
be found nowise deficient in num-
ber. He then formally moved for
the total abolition of the slave trade.

Mr. Bailley, agent for one of the
West India islands, opposed this
motion, on the ground of its hav-
ing given birth to dangerous ideas
among the negroes. ‘The insur-
rections in the Freneh islands origi-
nated from this cause. Without the
constant fear of heavy punishment,
it was not practicable to keep them
in any order, as they were only to
be ruled by terror. The situation
of the negroes, however, was not, in
a variety of respects, worse than that
of the British sailors and soldiers,
who were often condemned to the
most cruel punishments, and somes
times known to have expired under
them. He appealed to the testimo-
ny of some of the most respectable
officers in the British navy for the

[L] 2 comfortable

148]

comfortable situation of the gene-
rality of the slaves in the islands ; far
preferable to that of many of the
Jabouring classes in Great Britain.
He warned the House not to invali-
date the characters that empowered
the proprietors of estates in the plan-
tations to enjoy the benefit of the
slave trade; it wasessential to their
political existence. To abolish it
would be to violate the compact
that connected them with Great
Britain; and suchan attempt would
infallibly be resisted by them, and
possibly attended with danger, But
were government to persist in abo-
lishing it, a compensation must in
equity be allowed to the planters;
who certainly would suffer a materi-
al injury by this deprivative of the
long established and solemnly au-
thorized means of cultivating their
possessions,

Mr. Vaughan, who spoke next,
highly disapproved of the manner
in which the’ proprietors of estates
in the islands was mentioned, as in-
volved in the same degree of guilt
as the captains of the slaving vessels,
and the other traders in slaves.
He asserted, that from his personal
knowledge of the disposition and
frame of mind of the blacks, they
could neither with safety to the
whites, noradvantageto themselves,
_ be placed on a footing of complete
freedom. The introduction of
christianity among them would be
preferable to emancipation, by pu-
rifying their morals, and rendering
them faithful servants. He averred
at the same time, that their condi-
tion was by no means unhappy.
They were found in whatever they
wanted: in houses, in lands, in rai-
ment, in provisions, in medicines.
They were not deterred by the fear
of want from marrying and having

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

children ; when old, they and their
wives were supported; their pro-
perty was never invaded ; and they
could not be imprisoned for debt.
They lived, in short, in so much
real plenty, that mendicity was un-
known among them.

The true cause why more died
than were born among them, was
the larger importation of males than
females, together with the disso-
luteness of their lives. The very se-
vere punishments occasionally in-
flicted upon them by their masters,
were usually well merited ; as, had
they been delivered into the hands
of public justice, they ‘must have
forfeited their lives ; which by this
private infliction of chastisement,
were thus preserved to their owners.
No tortures, in the mean time, but
whipping and sitting in the stocks, _
were used in the British islands.
The principal article of cultivation
was sugar ;_a wholesome plant, nei-
ther noxious to man nor animals,
but salutary to both in every stage
of its growth, culture, and prepa-
ration,

Many improvements might, how-
ever, be made in the economy of
the islands. Marriage in particular
ought to be promoted among the
negroes, and debauchery discour-
aged, as the source of most of their
personal miseries. | Working by a
set task would encourage industry,
by preventing their being oppressed
by too much labour, or allowed to
dissipate their strength in needless
recreations. The evidence of ne-
groes should be admitted as legal ;
and cruelty in their masters duly
punished. The degree of correc-
tion should be proportioned to the
fault committed; and masters not
permitted to inflict it according to
their sole discretion.

Mr.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

Mr. Jenkinson and Colonel Tarl-
ton asserted the propriety of the
slave trade, from a variety of consi-
derations. It had been long autho-
rized by the British legislature, as
indispensably necessary for the pre-
servation of the islands. The evi-
dence that had been produced
against it, was partial and ill found-
ed. Were it to be abolished, the
nation would be a loser annually, by
the diminution of six millions taken
from the worth of manufactures ex-
ported, and of shipping constructed.
This country was not therefore to
be exposed to such a calamity, in
compliance with petitions, which,
however numerous, proceeded most-
ly from inexperienced individuals,
many of whom were raw youths,
and persons compelled by indigence
to set their names to them, in hope
of reward.

The principal objections of those
who opposed the last speakers, were,
that the African trade was so ini-
quitous in its nature, so repugnant
to every principle of humanity, that
it was unworthy of regulations; and
the only-proper treatment it deserv-
ed was absolute abolition. On the
coast of Africa, in the passage to the
West Indies, where they were
doomed to sale and servitude, the
negroes were degraded from the
rank and privilegesof men. It had
been proposed to entitle them to
bear evidence in courts of judica-
ture: but what weight could a testi-
mony carry that was to be appreci-
ated by the tribunals before which
they were cited, and which might

either approve or invalidate at their
pleasure?) The negroes were not
so destitute of perception as not to
see the slight put upon them by such
usage ; and would not fail to resent
it accordingly.

[149

It was observed by Mr. Whit-
bread on this occasion, that the ex-
istence of slavery was particularly
inimical to moral feelings. The
despotic power lodged in the pro-
prietors of slaves, naturally corrupt-
ed their hearts, by hardening it
against the sensations of humanity.
The dispositions of those who fa-
voured the slave trade, testified how
little value was set on those unfor-
tunate beings whose fate it-was to
be brought to the market. In the
sale of plantations, slaves were oc-
casionally mentioned as damaged
goods: an expression so degrading
to human nature, proved at the
same time hew ill they had been
treated, how exhausted and worn
down by hard toil, and its natural
effects, sickness and infirmities.

Mr. Dundas, whose opinion was
solicitously waited for during the
debate, declared himself no friend
to the slave trade ; but doubtful in ©
what manner to proceed, in order to
abolish it. He was satisfied as to its
impolicy, and its being unnecessary
for the well being of our planta-
tions. The negroes there, if pro-
perly treated, were not more sub-
ject to mortality nor diseases than
in their own country ;and could af-
ford a sufficient population for all
purposes. But an immediate abo-
lition of the slave trade, would
certainly prove prejudicial to the
planters ; who were not prepared
for such a measure, and would think
themselves highly aggrieved, were
it adopted at the present moment.
A method ought therefore to be
adopted, that might reconcile them
to it. Habits and prejudices that had
subsisted for near two centuries, were
not at once to be eradicated; and
the West Indian pianters had been
so used to the practices in question,

[L] 3 that

150]

that it was only by progressive re-
gulations, enacted rrom time to
time, that hopes could be enter-
tained of their being at last abo-
lished.

The methods to be adopted for
this purpose, were, gradually to in-
crease the number of native ne-
groes in the plantations; to sup-
press hereditary slavery; ard to bet-
ter the condition of the slaves them-
selves. He appealed to the cool
and moderate for the propriety of
such a system; and he requested
them to join in the formation of a
plan that might reconcile the plant-
ers with the abolition proposed.

The speaker, Mr. Addington,
coincided with this idea, from a
persuasion that there did not now
exist a sufficient stock of negroes to
form the basis of such a population
as the islands required for their due
cultivation, The trade ought, for
that reason, to be permitted for
the space of about ten years ; and
receive, at the same time, such ad-
ditional regulations as might prove
satisfactory to those who demanded
an abolition, One regulation, he
said, appeared to him indispensable:
this was to require greater duties
on the proportion of males than of
females. Anotherregulation seemed
no Jess beneficial than humane: to
make donations of money, or of
lands, to those who should bring up
a@ certain number of children; and
to grant liberal rewards to those
who invented or improved imple-
ments of husbandry. He could not
in policy vote for the direct aboli-
tion of the trade in question ; but
hoped in the mean time that such
prudent means would be proposed,
as both himself and others who
sought a due medium, would rea-

dily approve.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

This declaration was not accept-
able to Mr. Fox, who delivered ‘his
sentiments in the strongest terms,
on the necessity of no longer delay-
ing the suppression of the slave-
trade. He could not, he said, con-
sider, without vexation, the legal
continuance of a traffic deserving
of abhorrence, for any term of
years ; especially as that term might
be prolonged, and possibly have no
end. No delusive promises were
admissible in the present case ; and
moderation itself was unworthy of
men who felt as they ought for hu-
man nature. The question was,
Whether the House would pass a
law for the toleration of enormities
in those distant Cependencies, that
at home would be punished with
the utmost rigour, and even in some
cases with death itself? Were any
regulations applicable to the com-
mission of crimes, a larger impor-
tation of females, for instance,
would only contribute to a more
frequent seizure of daughters from
their parents, and of mothers from
their children, by those hardened
ruffans who made it a business to
steal the natives in Africa, to sell
them tothe shipping. What were
the considerations that could bring
forward a clause for this horrid pur-
pose, with any degree of plausi-
bility?

It had been objected, he said,
that were the British trade in Afti-
ca for slaves to be abolished, still it
woulil be continued by other na-
tions ; from which our islands would
then be necessitated to receive their
usual supply of slaves: but even
this, he asserted, would be preferable
to the direct authorizing of such @
commerce in our own people. An-
other objection was, that multitudes
of the signatures to. the petitions

against

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

against the trade, were of indigent
persons. But surely truth and po-
verty were not inconsistencies, Re-
spectable names had also been ad-
duced in favour of the slave trade;
but they could only speak to the
treatment of the negroes in the
West Indies, and not of the trade
carried on in Africa for the pro-
curing of them; whereas the evi-
dence of numbers of those who re-
probated it, was particular and posi-
tive respecting the facts which they
stated. The methods used for the
obtaining of slaves in Africa, had
ever been represented in such wise,
as to convince any reasonable man
of their fairness and equity. Those
who endeavoured to palliate this
shameful business, alleged that the
slaves purchased by our traders,were
sold for the crimes and misdemean-
ors they had committed in their own
country ; but when we adverted,
said Mr. Fox, to the numbers thus
sold off the coast, could such an
allegation deserve the least credit?
No Jess than 80,000 were annually
exported from Africa :—could it
be believed that all these were con-
victs? In the preceding session, the
humanity of the British nation was
flattered with a prospect of some
mitigation of these enormities:
but it proved a deception; the
business remained unaltered, and
villanies of the blackest die still
continued to be practised as usual
in the course of this scandalous
commerce.

In corroboration of what he as-
serted, Mr. Fox produced instances
to shew, that in the purchase of in-

dividuals in Africa, the masters of
ships bought, indiscriminately, all
that were brought on board for
sale,—the bringers themselves, in
their turn, not excepted, when sub-

[151

jected by accidents to be sold. It
was not in the power of our pur=
chasers to distinguish between the
guilty andthe innocent. Whatso-
ever was offered was accepted ; and
no questions asked, but about the
price. Thus, humanity and justice
were entirely discarded from these
transactions; and no attention was
paid to any other object than the
strength, health, and age, of the
individuals offered for sale.

Mr. Pitt, on this occasion, de-
clared himself explicitly for an im-
mediate stop to the trade, if it were
at all to be abolished. It had been
productive of great evils, for which
we could not atone too speedily.
Having acted a principal part in
this shameful commerce, we ought —
the more readily to give it up; and
as to the danger of its falling into
the hands of others, the trials ought
to be made, whether they would
venture to attempt what the Bri-
tish nation thought it the universal
duty of European nations to aban-
don. He acknowledged the state
of barbarism in which the natives
of Africa were kept, by this cri-
minal commerce; and reminded
the House of the calculations that
had been produced ‘before it, to
prove the practicability of support-
ing a due population in the West
Indies, without further recourse to
importations from Africa.

When the House divided on the
question, it was carried by a ma-
jority of sixty-eight, that a gradual
abolition only should take place at
present.

The immediate abolition of the
slave trade being rejected, tiie next
object of discussion was the period
at which its total cessation was to
take place. On the 23d of April,
the House resolved itself into a

[ZL] 4: committee,

152] ANNUAL REGISTER, !792.

committee, for the discussion of
this business.

Mr. Dundas strongly contended,
that in this matter the sentiments
of the British planters ought to be
consulted, and have great weight.
He would also propose some regu-
lations necessary to prepare the way
for a measure of this importance ;
which might facilitate its accom-
plishment, and remove the many
obstacles which would otherwise
stand in its way.

That branch of thetrade which was
not applicable to the direct supply
ofthe Britishislands,should instantly
cease. In order to prevent the im-
portation of aged negroes into the
colonies, no males past the age of
twenty-five, nor formals exceeding
twenty, should henceforwards be
exported from Africa in British
bottoms: the whole tonnage em-
ployed in that commerce should be
limited, and strictly ascertained: the
duty on negroes, when imported,
should be proportioned to their
size; a collateral security for their
being rated according to their
worth: laws should be enacted for
the punishment of the white people
who maltreated the blacks; and for
the term of cessation, he would fix
on the commencement of the ap-
proaching century; a space of eight
years from the present date.

It was here noticed by Mr. Pitt,
that the world in general having
utterly reprobated the idea that it
was just and proper to carry on the
slave trade for the cultivation of
the West India islands, no valid
motive could be alleged for its
continuation:—Jamaica excepted,
no island required any addition of
negroes to aid its population.

In reply to Mr. Dundas, Mr. Fox
denied the consistency of his pro-

posals, and the practicability of
carrying them into effect: he dis-
approved of any interference in the
regulations which the planters had
framed for their own domestic ob-
servance, and asserted, that when
the importation of negroes was
stopped, their interest would imme-
diately lead them to adopt proper
measures to supply this deficiency,
by amore judicious ana considerate
treatment of their slaves.
‘In speaking of the barbavity ex-
ercised over the negroes, Mr. Fox
quoted those sanguinary laws of
Barbadoes, by which a master kill-
ing his slave in the act of chastising
him, was absolved of all criminali-
ty. He concluded by representing
the projects of 2 gradual abolition
as replete with difficulties, inef-
fectual in its operations, and ini-
mical to the real interest of the
planters; whom it would delude
into expectations of being able to
prolong, and possibly to put off for
ever, the term of a final cessation of
theslave trade. Aninstant abolition
was, on the contrary, @ plain and
positive measure; attended with no
conditional limitations and intrica-
cies; and of which the execution
was simple, and could not be mis-
construed. It was founded on
equity and sound policy ; whereas
the other was manifestly a conti-
nuation of injustice, equally impo-
litic and indefensible. — ~
The cause of the slave trade was
warmly cspoused by Lord Shef-
field. He charged the friends of
the abolition with credulity, and of
acting with malice and_precipita-
tion towards the colonists, and
those who contended for the neces-
sity of their enjoying the benefits
of that trade.
Colonel Tarlton, who spoke -
the

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

the same side, insisted on the sup-
port which was derived from that
traffic to our shipping and manu-
factures of every denomination. No
fewer than 120 vessels of consider-
able dimensions, and each of them
manned upon an average with thir-
ty-five seamen, sailed annually from
Liverpool to the coast of Africa,
laden with all manner of goods for
the prosecution of that commerce.
Shetiield, Birmingham, Manchester,
and other manufacturing towns, de-
pended in a great measure on that
trade, for the vending of the vari-
ous articles of their fabrication.

This debate ended by the ad-
journment of the question to the
25th of April; when Mr. Dundas
moved that the importation of ne-
groesto the British colonies, should
cease on the Ist day of the year
1800.

Lord Sheffield took this occasion
to avow his satisfaction at the hope
of getting rid of the discussion on
the slave trade. He formerly ques-
tioned the right of parliament to
suppress this trade. He shewed
the fallacy of comparing the ne-
groes to cattle driven to market,
which it were absurd to doubt the
right of man to slaughter: he re-
probated the petitions, as obtained
through the mediums of associa-
tions; to which he had always pro-
fessed himself an enemy.

Lord Mornington, in contradic-
tion to Lord Sheffield, rejoiced in
the blow given to the slave trade.
This trade, however modified, was,
in his opinion, entitled to no longer
existence. Modifications of right
-or of wrong, were, in the nature of
things, inadmissible; and the true
question was, Whether we could, in
strict justice, permit the duration
for any space of time, however

[153

short, of a commerce acknowledged
to be repugnant to every principle
of equity ?

The slave trade, as actually exer-
cised, was in direct violation of the
jaw by which the merchants traded
on the coast of Africa. That law
strictly prohibited them, under the
penalty of a hundred pounds for
each offence, ‘from taking or pro-
curing any African slave through
force, violence, fraud, or any indi-
rect means whatever.”’? Such were
the words of the statute, pleaded in
favour of the slave trade. But who
that knew in what manner that
trade was carried on would dare to
assert that statute was not continu-
ally violated? Could such a traffic,
therefore, claim the sanction of le-
gislature, in defiance of which it
broke through the most essential re-
strictions laid upon it? He con-
cluded therefore by moving, that in-
stead of 1800, the total cessation
should take place on the Ist day of
January of the ensuing year.

This motion was warmly sup-
ported by the friends to such a mea-
sure. Mr. Ryder declared himself
convinced by the arguments he had
heard, that he was bound to oppose
the trade; adding emphatically,
that he ‘ could not hold a balance,
with gold in one scale and blood in
the other.”

To those who pleaded the detri-
ment that would ensue to the com-
mercial and manufacturing interest
of this country from an imme-
diate abolition, it was answered,
that the capitals vested in that trade
by the merchants of London, Bris-
tol, and Liverpool, might with faci-
lity be converted to other commer-
cial pursuits, as beneficial at least,
and much more salubrious for the
seamen employed in them; whom

it

154]

it was impossible to send abroad
upon more dangerous voyages than
that to the coast of Africa.

The allegation that the negroes
were in their own country bred
for sale, was treated as equally false
and absurd; it having been proved,
from the most competent evidence,
that war and rapine were the prin-
cipal means of procuring negroes
for the shipping employed in the
slave trade. Good morals and sound
politics were mutually subservient
to each other, and it was therefore
the interest, as well asthe duty of
the British legislature, to put a fi-
nal stop to a traffic evidently accom-
panied with the most flagrant injus-
tice and barbarity.

The two main arguments for a
gradual abolition, were, it was said,
that supplies of negroes were still
necessary, for extending and im-
proving the cultivation of the West
India islands, and to preserve at the
same time the present stock of
slaves. But these pretensions were
so untrue, that it appeared from
authentic documents laid before
the House, that only 200 negroes
had been brought to Barbadoes,
in the course of six years, before
the present business had been agi-
tated in parliament. In some of
the other islands there had been no
importation at all; and into Ja-
maica negroes had been imported,
not to preserve the population,
but solely for the purpose of ex-
tending agriculture: at all events, it
was deserving of a fair trial, whe-
ther the importation, so much in-
sisted on, was really necessary for
the support of the colonies. A
suspension of the trade for the
short term of five years, would de-
termine whether it ought to be
followed by a total abolition, or

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the trade entitled to an immediate
resumption.

The opponents to these reason-
ings were Colonel Phipps, Mr. Est~
wick, and Mr. Dundas: the former
two contended that the petitioners
for the abolition consisted chiefly
of ignorant people, enthusiastically
inclined ; and that in case a méa+
sure of this kind was to be adopted,
the colonists would have a just claim
to a compensation, which must fall
heavily upon the public, already
Joaded with a multiplicity of bur-
dens.

Mr. Dundas frankly allowed there
was no contradicting the argu-
ments drawn from the inhuma-
nity of the slave trade; but he
also maintained, that by a gradual
abolition all ends would be answer-
ed; the rights of humanity would
be consulted, and the interest of
the planters would be guarded, by
putting it in their power to make
atimely provision for the period
held out to them for a final abo-
lition of the trade in question.
The use of the plough, and of
other utensils, would progressively
be introduced, and render the
cultivation of land by manual la+
bour unnecessary. Improvements
of this nature being adopted, would
by degrees lessen their present
aversion tothe alterations proposed
which would finally be established
without murmurs, and with a
peaceable conviction of their supes
rior utility to the modes now in
practice.

Should, on the contrary, a pre-
cipitete abolition be resolved upon,
the abruptness of such a measure
would certainly exasperate the co-
lonists, and drive them into expe-
dients highly inimical to the in-
terest of thiscountry. Supplies of

negroes

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

negroes they would procure, in
despite of all our prohibitions ;
their neighbours would not be
tardy in serving them ; and all our
vigilance would not suffice to pre-
vent a clandestine trade between
our islands and the others in their
neighbourhood.

Another argument against the
abolition, was the situation in which
the planters might be placed in re-
gard to their creditors, through any
sudden and unexpected deprivation
of their usual methods of settling
their mutual accounts:—a difficulty
that would be obviated by the gra-
dual progress of the habits and
usages that would be introduced
by the measures and regulations
proposed.

The issue of this. debate was a
majority of forty-nine votes in fa-
vour of Mr, Dundas’s motion. But
this tedious affair was not finally
settled in the House of Commons
till the twenty-seventh of April;
when, on the motion of Sir Edward
Knatchbull, a compromise was pro-
posed, and accepted by both par-
ties; in consequence of which the
teri of the abolition was fixed for
the Ist of January, 1796.

The resolutions proposed by
Mr. Dundas were, on the Ist of
May, laid before the House, with
some slight alterations by Mr. Pitt;
and being approved of, were carried
up to the House of Lords.

But here the friends of the im-
mediate abolition of the slave trade
were fewer, in proportion, than
among the commons. ‘Lhe oppo-
sition to the schemes of those who
determined to promote its continu-
ance, was weak, and soon over-
powered by the weight of a nume-
Fous majority. It was observed,
vy mi a prince of the blood spoke on

[155

this occasion with marked disap-
probation of the attempt to set aside
the slave trade.

The advocates in its favour, un-
willing totally to oppose its adver-
saries, consented to the appoint-
ment of a committee for the hear-
ing of evidence at the bar of the
House. This was vigorously op-
posed by Lord Grenville, the Bi-
shop of London, Lord Portchester,
Earls Stanhope, and Lord Raw-
don, who befriended the abolition,
and exerted themselves strenuously
for an upstairs committee, know-
ing it would answer much more
effectually than the examination of
witnesses at the bar. But those
who proposed this measure were so
powerfully seconded, that it was
adopted against the repeated argu-
ments and remonstrances of their
opponents. Those who took the
principal part in frustrating the in-
tentions and endeavours of the
afore-mentioned noblemen, were >
the Duke of Clarence, the Lord
Chancellor, the Bishop of St. Da-
vid’s, Lord Stormont, and Lord
Hawkesbury.

In this manner the most powerful
effort ever made, not only in this
country, but in all Europe, to abo-
lish a branch of commerce which,
however justified by those who con-
sult barely what they deem of uti+
lity to the state, has constantly met
with the general disapprobation of
mankind, was defeated.— Whether
the reiterated endeavours of Mr.
Wilberfurce, and his associates in
this business, mect ultimately with
success or disapprobation, no doubts
can be entertained of the purity of
his motives; and the indefatigable
pains he has taken in this tedivus
affair, will always entitle him to
praise and respect.

CHAP.

156]

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

CHAP, X.

Police Bill for Westminster. New Forest Bill. Trial of Mr. Rose for inter-
JSering inthe Westminster Election. Petition from the Scotch Burghs. So-
ciety of Friends to the People. Debates on a Motion introduced by Mr.

Gray, for a Parliamentary Reform. The King’s Proclamation.
bates on the Riots at Birmingham.

Scotland relieved.

De-
The Adherents to Episcopacy ix

Mr. Fox's Motion in favour of the Unitarians re-

jected. Debates onthe Libel Bill, in both Houses. Lord Rawdon’s Bill,

concerning Debtors and Creditors.

nances and Situation of India.

EXHE disorders and misdemean-
ors committed by those nume-
rous individuals in the lower classes,
whom want of sufficient employ-
ment, or an idle disposition, lead
into habits of dissipation, had long
been complained of as incorrigible
by the ordinary means in use for
the repression of such evils. A
variety of schemes had been pro-
posed, and some adopted, for the
more effectual removal of those
‘complaints; but none had been
found adequately efficient for the
purposes of prevention; and pu-
nishment alone, though it might
deter the ill inclined, could not re-
dress the mischief already perpe-
trated. In order, therefore, to ob-
viate the cause of evil, many con-
sultations were held by magistrates,
and other persons of experience, in
the execution of those laws that
regulate. the common transactions
of society, and are framed with the
view of maintaining ‘peace and good
order among the inferior parts of
the community.

The strictest regulations were be-
come requisite in a metropolis of
such immense magnitude as Lon-
don, consisting in fact of three ci-
ties, once at a distance, but now
conjoined by an increase of buildings
into one city, and still daily increas-
ing. Its prodigious population,

Mr. Dundas’s Account of the Fi-

Close of the Session.

exceeding that of any European

capital, if not that of any seat of
empire, ancient or modern, re-

quires, no doubt, a degree of in-—
spection and vigilance over the mo-

rals and conduct of its inhabitants,

far more extensive and rigid than

over any other city now extant.

According to authentic accounts,

more disorderly people are to be

found within its precincts than

would furnish a population equal

to that of any other city in the

kingdom.

Facts of this kind, the reality of —
which was unquestionable, natu-
rally excited great alarm in those
persons whom either duty or in-
terest rendered anxious for the
welfare and safety of the inhabit-
ants. ‘They well knew that a mul-
tiplicity of rules and ordinances
had been enacted at divers periods
and different occasions, but had
experimentally proved unequal to
the ends proposed, for want of suf-
ficient powers being lodged in the
magistracy and its agents, to dis-
cover and suppress in a summary
and expeditious manner, whatever
had a visible tendency to disturb
the public tranquillity.

The ancient and respectable of-
fice of justice of ,the peace, in
former times, answered most of the
purposes for which it had been in-

stituted ;

4

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

stituted: the simplicity of life and
manners prevailing among our
ancestors, did not afford that com-
plication of misbehaviour and of
transgressions, for which such a
multiplicity of laws have been pro-
vided ; add to this, that the execu-
tion of the moderate number of
Jaws in our more early periods, was
committed to persons of rank, who
discharged, with more ease to
themselves, the functions of their
office, than could be done at pre-
sent, amidst the great variety of
cases perpetually arising from the
numberless manners of infringing
the law. Hence the once vener-
able office of justice of the peace
became at last too tedious and
burdensome for people of opulence
and distinction. Their unwilling-
ness to accept of so heavy a charge,
obliged the ruling powers to apply
to individuals of inferior character;
who, in accepting it, had an eye to
the profits and emoluments arising
from the exercise of the judicial
powers entrusted to them.

From the period when that ho-
nourable and weighty office was
thus degraded, it -lost by degrees
the reverence in whieh it had been
hale : venal and mercenary indivi-

s were appointed, whose base
practices became so notorious, that
they drew general odium and con-
tempt both upon themselves and
their functions. Hence the vilify-
ing appellation of a trading justice
was at last applied with too much
reason to many of those who exer-
cised that office.

_ Such was the general opinion
attached to a considerable propor-

tion of those who were in the com-’

mission of the peace in the city of
London and its vicinity. It was
to rectify the abuses imputed to

[157

them, and to place the office itself
on a footing of respectability, that
in the beginning of March, a bill
was introduced, with the counte-
nance and approbation of govern-
ment, into the lower House. The
plan of this bill was, to open five
different offices in the metropolis,
at a convenient distance from each
other, for the prompt administra-
tion of those parts of justice within
the cognizance of justices of the
peace. Three justices were to sit
in each of these offices, with a sa-
lary of 300/. a year to each of
them. They were to be prohibited
from the taking of fees individual-
ly; and the money from the fees,
paid into all the offices, was to be
collected and applied to the pay-
ment of their salaries and official
expences. In order, at the same
time, wholly to suppress the name
and business of a trading justice,
no fees’ were henceforward to be
taken by any one in the commis-
sion of the peace within the Lon-
don district.

Notwithstanding the apparent
fairness of such an establishment,
the jealousy of freedom was alarm-
ed at some clauses in the act of its
institution. Many were the disap-
provers of the influence arising to
government from its appointing
officers, of which the authority ex-
tended over the whole metropolis.
No less disapprobation was ex-
pressed at the power vested in con-
stables, to apprehend people who
did not give a satisfactory account
of themselves, and empowering the
justices to commit them as vaga-
bonds. This appeared a dangerous
novelty in administering the law,
which had always of old refrained
from such an infringement on per-
sonal liberty; it conferred a sway,

which,

158]

which, in the hands of injudicious
and violent men, might be con-
verted to the most arbitrary pur-
poses: it was pointed chiefly to
the poorer sorts, who had not,
however oppressed, the means of
procuring redress. Its aim was to
hunt after people, merely suspected
to live by knavery and depreda-
tion; it was founded on the un-
justifiable principle of punishing
men, not for their actual offences,
but for those which they might
propose to commit: it was, in fact,
a law made by the rich against the
poor: it added a double severity to
a statute, already too severe; that
against vagrants, which was well
known to be occasionally an instru-
ment of extreme oppression. As
to the appeal which persons ag-
grieved might make to the quarter
sessions, it was an insult offered by
the powerful to the wretched.
Could the ill treatment, could the
sufferings these had endured, be
annulled by a quarter sessions? - It
was alleged, that the apprehender
of a suspected knave was compelled
to make oath, that the party anpre-
hended was justly suspected. But
was this a justification for harsh
usage ?—-— Another aggravation,
equally barbarous and unconsti-
tutional, was, that a magistrate,
without the intervention of a jury,
might condemn to punishment a
man whom a jury would have ac-
quitted.

Resting on these premises, was
it equitable to invest individuals,
appointed.and paid by the ministry,
and under its immediate influence,
with such an extensive authority >
Was it not taking such a step to
arbitrary power over the commu-
nity,, as was evidently incompatible

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

with the system of government
established in this country ?

Those, on the other hand, who
argued for the necessity of this bill,
grounded it on the visible and
long-complained-of defects of the
police in so large and populous a
capital; which, from that circum-
stance, required the most rigid
watchfulness over that immense
number of its inhabitants whose
means of living were fluctuating and
uncertain, and who, from their
wants, and no less from their ill con-
duct, rose in the morning from their
places of rest without any fixed
prospect of provision for the day.
The severest police was required to
ceunteract the manifold evils that
were hourly threatened to the come
munity, by conniving at the danger
in which it stood, from. the enor-:
mous numbers and iniquitous dis-
positions of mankind under such
trying circumstances.

The appointment of justices
was the constitutional right of the
crown. The principal intent of
the bill was to place such per-
sons in the commission of the
peace as might enable government
to answer for their conduct, by
making them responsible to its i
mediate authority: this was ie

readiest method of supplying the:

public with upright magistrates :—
they could have no pretext for ex-
acting money, while they were paid
regularly for their trouble; and no
inducement to act oppressively,
while they stood in fear of instant
deprivation for any proved mis-
conduct. The labour attending the
office of justice in the metropolis,
was in the mean time so heavy,

that persons of opulence could not:
be prevailed upon to undertake it.
Was.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

Was it unreasonable, therefore, to
bestow a competent reward on
those who were employed in so la-
borious a business ?

Neither was the power lodged
in a constable, to apprehend people
notoriously of ill characters, any
way improper. This was a prac-
tice of long standing, and fully au-
thorised by the law: it was un-
doubtedly for the benefit of society
not only to keep a strict eye on all
its members, but to compel them,
when justly suspected, to clear
their characters, or to give secu-
rity for their honest demeanor.

Nor was a constable authorised
to act solely at his own private dis-
cretion: unless proper witnesses
deposed against an individual cha-
racter, no constable could lay hands
upon him; and if, upon due exa-
mination, the charges against him
appeared to be unfounded, he was
instantly to be set at liberty; and if
eitherthe constable or the justice had
treated him improperly, he was en-
titled torecover damages from them.

But the particular circumstance
which proved the laudable intent of
the bill, was the limited space of its
duration ; it was meant as an expe-
riment, necessary in the present

umstances of the metropolis: if
it was found beneficial, it ought,
doubtless, to remain; if otherwise,
parliament would either amend its
deficiencies, or annul it. The ma-
jority insisting on the propriety of
these reasonings, the bill was passed
gly.
rincipal speakers on this,
, in its fayour, were Mr.
a Mr. Wilberforce, and Mr.
Burton, in the lower House: and
in the upper, the Lord Chancellor,
and Lords Grenville, Kenyon, and
Sydney. Its chief opposers were

J

[159

Mr. Fox, Mr. Wyndham, and Mr,
Sheridan, and the Lords Loughbo-
rough and Rawdon.

But the dissatisfaction it gaveito
the nation at large was remarkable:
the influence of ministry was, in the
general opinion, the main object
sought for in the framing of this
bill. Abuses had been undoubtedly
committed by the many justices
who had made their duty a mere
trade; and it was the business of
parliament to put a stop to their
scandalous practices: but this, it
was said, should have been done
without strengthening the influence
of ministry, by enabling them to
add salaries to appuintments, placed
already too much in their depend-
ence. Whoever filled them would
have a double motive for being de-
voted to his patrons, the office be-
stowed upon him, and the certain
income attending it.

The next object that took up the
consideration of parliament was, a
bill for inclosing several parts of
that extensive track of land in
Hampshire, known by the name of
the New Forest, in order to pro-
mote the growth of timber. The
reasons alleged for this measure
were, that the commissioners of the
revenue arising from crown lands,

‘had recommended a serious atten-

tion to the necessity of promoting
a sufficient quantity of timber for
the use of the navy.

But this idea was not reputed
the real motive for the bill by those
who opposed it. They condemned
it with most pointed severity, as
merely calculated for the private
benefit of Mr, Rose, Secretary to
the Treasury. The profits he had
derived from the many sinecureg
he had already obtained, and the
lucrative places, of which the long

possession

160]

possession had produced him such
immense wealth, were mentioned
on this occasion, as sufficient to
satisfy the desires of any man that
sought after either wealth or in-
“fluence. The crown, it was al-
leged, would be materially in-
jured, were such a bill permitted
to pass; and it deserved no other
appellation than that of a job, to
bring such a proposal into parlia-
ment.

The public was still more in-
censed at this attempt to add to the
opulence of an individual, who had
acquired so much property at the
expence of the nation. Such was
the language of the generality.
In consequence of this marked dis-
approbation of the bill from so
many persons, both in and out of
parliament, it was withdrawn ; not,
however, without an_ intimation
that the general principle of the
bill was, from its national utility,
deserving of further consideration;
and that the personality of the mo-
tives, attributed to the measure
proposed, ought not to prevent an
attentive investigation of the mea-
sure itself.

It was again the fate of Mr.
Rose, a few days after, to be in-
volved in a complaint against mi-
nistry, of a very serious nature.
He had, in the course of the pre-
ceding summer, been prosecuted
in a court of Jaw, by a publican in
Westininster, of the name of Smith.
From some incidents in that trial,
an application was made to the
lower House, on the 13th of
March, for an inquiry into the coa-
duct of Mr. Rose.

It was stated by Mr. Thomosn,
who made the appeal, that from
the evidence produced on that
trial, Mr. Rose had unduly inter-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

fered in the late election of a mem-
ber for Westminster. Mr. Smith
had been fined in fifty pounds for
an offence against the excise laws;
but for services donein the business
of that election, part of that fine
was remitted to him, through the
intercession of Mr. Rose. In proof
of this, Mr. Thomson mentioned
the particulars of a conversation
between Mr. Rose and that publi-
can, who was employed by the
former in that election; in consi-+
deration of which, a jury had given
a verdict for him, to the full amount
of his bill.

Mr. Thomson enlarged, with
great force of argument, on the
heinousness of such a conduct ina
Secretary of the Treasury, and on
the injury the public must sustain
from this employment of their mo-
ney, in forwarding the very worst
of corruption, the purchasing of
men’s votes for the iniquitous pur-
pose of packing a parliament. He
moved, in consequence, that the
House should resolve itself into a
committee of the whole House, to
enquire into the abuses of which
persons in office had been guilty in
the election of a member for West-
minster, in the summer of 1788.

This motion was supported by
Mr, Lambton; who stated another
transaction of the same nature.—
One Hoskins being at that time in
prison for trespassing against the

being granted, he produced such
individuals for his bail, that altho’
they came recommended by the
solicitor, so wretched was their ap-
pearance, that they were rejected,

Means,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

‘Means, however, being found to
get their bail accepted, Hoskins
‘kept his promise, and procured
sixty voters for Lord Hood: since
which, no mention had been made
of Hoskins or his bail. If such
proceedings were connived at, said
Mr. Lambton ; if the laws could be
thus eluded or suspended at plea-
sure by private individuals, to what
end were they enacted?

The defence made by Mr. Rose
was, that Smith had been fined for
brewing small beer for the use of
his own family: the vestry of his
parish had consented to remit their
share of the penalty; but the Board,
to which Mr. Rose had referred his
petition, for a like indulgence,
refused it: a sufficient proof, added
Mr. Rose, how unavailing his own
interposition had proved.

It was acknowledged, at the same
time, by Mr. Rose, that during the
last general election, Smith had
proposed to open his house; and
informed him that be could disco-
ver a great number of illegal votes
at for Lord Townsend. On

r. Rose’s assent, Smith detected
the illegal voters, and applied for
a reward to Mr. Rose, who referred
him to Lord Hood’s committee:
this not satisfying Smith, he sued
Mr. Rose in a court of Jaw, and
won his cause.

This defence did not silence
Mr. Rose’s antagonists. They
produced a letter from that gentle-
man to Smith, inviting him to his
house, in order to meet Mr. Vivian,
the solicitor to the excise, on the
business in question:—a_ circum-
stance, they insisted, that shewed
that he had interested himself in
this affair more than he was willing
to acknowledge.

_ As to the affair of Hoskins, he
Vou. XXXXIV.

[16)

wasunder arrest for penalties, to the
amount of 700 pounds, ‘The soli-
citor to the lottery informed him,
on his application, that higher autho-
rity than his own must be resorted
to for his deliverance. It was just,
therefore, to enquire who was meant
by his higher authority, which could
thus controul the laws.

The issue of this contest was, that
Mr. Thomson’s appeal to the House
was dismissed, on the ground that
no direct accusation could in this
business be brought against any
public officer.

These two subjects of parliamen-
tary debate, though apparently of
little moment in themselves, yet
when the circumstances attending
them were considered, appeared of
much more importance to the pub-
lic than many others, ostensibly of
more consequence. ‘he manner
in which the representatives of the
nation obtained seats in the House,
was doubtless an object of the most
weighty consideration to the peo-
ple at large. It behoved them to
discover the means employed to
impose upon them, and the in-
trigues by which individuals were
brought into parliament, who but
for them would never have been
elected. Those incidents were for
that reason canvassed by the public
with the utmost freedom of dis-
course. Notwithstanding the com-
munity was duly convinced that a
multiplicity of base and underhand
methods were usedin parliamentary
elections, they were glad of an
opportunity of pointing — their
censure and indignation at those
who had long been reputed some
of the principal agents in those -
fraudulent and scandalous proceed-
ings.

An object evidently deserving the

[M] fullest

2]

fullest attention of Parliament, was
shortly after brought before the
House by Mr. Sheridan. On the
18th of April he moyed for an en-
quiry into the grievances complain-
ed of and petitioned against by the
xoyal burghs in Scotland. The
number of those burghs was sixty-
six, and fifty of them had petitioned
Parliament for redress, They cam-
plained of infringements on their
rights, and on their property,
through the unlawful authority.of
magistrates, who were self-elected,
and against whose usurpation of
power no formal law had provided
a remedy. The grievances; com,
plained of were allowed A in reality
a be extremely oppressive, even
y those who opposed the petition;
but they required proof before the
complainants demanded redress.

The main grievance stated by
Mr. Sheridan, was, the self-election
of the magistrates in these burghs.;
of which he required an abolition.

It had been objected to him, that
abuses of the same sort existed in
England; but this he answered was
no argument to justify abuses in
either country. Courts in Scot-
land might, it was also said, be re-
sorted to for a remedy; but on
consulting those who were masters
ofthe subject, there were none.

It had of late been usual, he said,
to speak disparagingly of whatever
bore the appearance of reform,
Such a disposition implied a;deter-
mination to support all abuses,
however tyrannical: but it ought
to be recollected, that the British
constitution had heen produced
through the gradual reform of
abuses during a course of centuries.
He well knee that numbers were
deterred, by what had happened in
France, fromcountenancing chang-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.
es in government; but the French
revolution, considered in: itself,

andabstracted from the disturbances
which its enemies had occasioned,
was an event beneficial both to
France and England, The French
were delivered from despotism; and
if they acted with prudence and
moderation, might be a flourishing
people :—the English were freed
from the fatal effects of the ambi-
tious government of that kingdom
while under an absolute monarehy.
These were advantages which none
but the prejudiced and. the undis+
cerning would deny or undervalue,
We were, through this revolution,
at leisure to take in hand the refor-
mation’ of the many abuses that had
through apathy and negligence
crept into our own constitution ;
and which, if not redressed through
this auspicious opportunity, would
probably become so enormous as to
defy all other methods, of redress
but those-of violence, and leave us
to repent the neglect of those mild
and pacific means that were at pa
sent in our power.

The Lord Advocate; fate Scotland
denied the charges:of dilapidation
andillegality objected to magistrates
of those burghs. He allowed, how-
ever, the deficiency of a tribunal ta
judge of the propriety of their ac+
count, offering to joinwith Mr. She
ridan in the establishment of one,
provided the| system: of the Scoteh
burghs. remained untouched, and
conformable to the constitutional
plans long settled in Scotland.

As to the power of self-election,
as it was termed, the, Lord Advo-
cate protested he woultl never
countenance its abolishment; and
he asserted the accusation of un-
lawful exactions of taxes, to be en-—
tirely erroneous.. Were any ma-

gistrate

HISTORY OF EUROPE,

gistrate guilty of such irregularities,
he was liable to be indicted before
the court of session, and punished
accordingly.

Mr. Fox represented these asser-
tions of the Lord Advocate as weak
and futile eyasions of the enquiry
demanded. When facts were stated
‘ontradictory to each other, Par-
Tiament was in duty bound to an
enquiry, in order to prove their
‘truth, or to detect their falsehood ;
as mere denial of them was inad-
missible on the part of those who
Wight disapprove the redress of
abuses of which they approved the
ontinuance. The danger appre-
fended to the peace of Scotland
from such an investigation, was so
ll founded, that it was, on the
contrary, from the discontent of
the generality of the Scotch at the
present system of proceedings in
these boroughs, that any breach in
the peace in that country was to be
apprehended.

As to the allegation that Engiand
itself affurded precedents of the
like proceedings in some of its bo-
Foughs, it was an absurd exhorta-
tion to people who thought them-
selves aggrieved, to imitate the pi-
tiful example of others.

The enemies to the petitioning
boroughs still continued to main-
tain the falsity of their representa-
tions, alleging that no real griev-
ance had ever passed unvedressed ;
and challenging them to produce
am instance to the contrary. A
gentleman of that party solemnly
declared that he would always op-
pose every motion for any reform,
of whatever nature it might be.

On the division for referring the
salle a committee, the ques-

was negatived by a majority of

sixty-nine.

-

[163

While the parliamentary oppo-
sition was thus continually defeated
in all its attacks upon ministry, an
oppositign of a more alarming na-
ture was forming out of doors. In
the spring of this year an association
took place among several persons
of consequence in and out of Par-
liament; the purpose of whose
uniting was to obtain a reform in
the representation of the people.
The appellation by which they
chose to design themselves was, the
Friends of the People. It soon
counted among its members some
of the most conspicuous characters,
among the merchants and literary
men, throughout the kingdom.
They published their sentiments
and resolutions with great spirit and
freedom ; and determined in the
ensuing session to make a formal
motion fora reform in the parlia-
mentary representation.

Conformably to the plan pro-
posed, Mr. Grey gave notice, on
the 30th of April, that he intended
in the following session to carry in-
to execution the design proposed
by the society. He founded its
propriety on the opinion of the
leading men in the House. Mr.
Fox and Mr. Pitt had both declared
themselves unequivocally on this
matter, and the majority of the
nation was of the same opinion.
The eritical state of the times had
induced those wliosaw the necessity
of obviating the probable con-
sequences of the general dis-
contents throughout the great body
of the people, to frame suclv a sys-
tem of representing them as might,
by its equitableness, put an end to
their incessant complaints of being
what they justly styled misrepre-
sented, and made the instruments
of ministerial projects, in which

[M] 2 their

164]

their interests were sacrificed to the
ambitious views of their superiors.
This declaration called up Mr.
Pitt, who inveighed with uncom-
mon warmth against the designs of
the society. This was not a time,
he said, for moving questions that
involved the peace and safety of the
nation, and endangered the consti-
tution of the kingdom. He was
no enemy to a reform obtained
peaceably by ageneral concurrence ;
but he thought the present time
highly improper, and decidedly ini-
micaltosuch an attempt. He had,
it was true, at the conclusion of the
American war, thought a reform
immediately necessary to quiet the
clamours and confusion that had
arisen from the dread of an ap-
proaching bankruptcy, and to
aunite both Parliament and people
in the most cordial endeavours to
prevent so dreadful an evil. But
Aowever he might have been once
inclined to promote schemes of re-
form, experience had taught him
the danger of altering the establish-
ed forms of government. The cir-
cumstances of this country were
not such as to require so violent a
_remedy:—those who demanded
reform were not all of the same
mind: many, doubtless, aimed no
further than a reformation of real
abuses ; but others there were who
harboured the darkest designs. It
was not reform; it was the entire
subversion of the constitution it-
self which they had in view; they
were inveterate foes to monarchy,
and intended to destroy it, and to
substitute in its place a republican
government. Such intentions he
would oppose through every danger
that might attend him, and would
abandon all hope of the reforms he
once had in view, sooner than sub-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

17y2.

mit to such a one as was now pro-
posed.

Mr. Fox professed, in answer to
Mr. Pitt, to have long been con-
vinced that the interest of the na+
tion required a reform of Parlia-
ment. The frequent opposition of
sentiments between the people and
their representatives, proved that
the nation was not fairly represent-
ed; otherwise there would seldom,
if ever, exist such extreme vari-
ances between them. The society
entitled the Friends of the People,
consisted of as respectable indivi-
duals as any that supported the mi-
nistry. ‘True, there were among
the former some violent republi-
cans;,but there were among the
ministerialists, what was still worse,
decided adherents to . arbitrary
power. These were the true au-
thors of innovations, as they termed
them; as if the constitution of this
country were not erected upon per-
petual changes of bad for good, and
of good for better. But improve-
ments were not to be confounded
with innovations; the meaning of
which word was always odious,
and conveyed an idea of alterations
for the worse.

The discourse pronounced by
Mr. Burke on this occasion, was
full of warmth and vehemence.
He reprobated in the severest Jan-
guage the project entertained by
the reformers, whom he compared
to quacks, who offered preventive
remedies when no disease was ap-
prehended. He warned the Friends
of the People to beware of reforms
of which, when began, none could
tell the issue. The kingdom, he
said, was full of factious people,
who, deluded by visionary specula-
tions, longed to realize them at any
cost; and would readily plunge the

nation

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

nation into blood and confusion, for
the sake of establishing the systems
of government with which they
were enamoured.

Mr. Wyndham seconded Mr,
Burke, observing that when reforms
were proposed, grievances ought
also to be justly weighed; and if
the remedy appeared worse than
the disease, it ought, in common
prudence, to be rejected.

Mr. Sheridan, among other argu-
ments for reform, noticed that
about seventy peerages had been
conferred upon individuals, who
had not a single meritorious deed
to shew for the service of their
country; and for no other abilities
but that of returning members to
Parliament for the boroughs in
their possession, The minister, he
said, ought not to forget how zea-
lous he had formerly appeared for
reform : no causes had since inter-
vened to justify bis change of con-
duct ; and the public had still a
right to expect he would gratify the
desires of the majority, by acting
consistently withthe promise he had
once made to promote a parliamen-
tary reformation.

In the mean time the violence
of the respective parties in Parlia-
ment, and the fervour which was
expressed by the friends of oppesi-
tion in all parts of the realm, in-
duced the ministry to exert them-
selves, in order, if possible, to reduce
these latter to silence. Various
publications had gone forth, not
only adverse to ministry, but pro-
fessing hostility to the government
itself. It was for that reason
thought necessary to publish a pro-
clamation against seditious writings
and associations, enjoining the ma-
gistrates to oppose and suppress
them by all legal means, and ex-

[165

horting the people to obedience
and submission to government.

The public was greatly divided
in its opinion on this measure.
Some warmly approved it, as a
timely exertion of authority in a
turbulent season, replete with dan-
ger to the peace of the nation and
the constitution of the state; and
indispensably requisite to contain
within limits that effervescent spirit
which was daily manifesting itself
in all classes, and threatening to
subvert the external order of
things.

Those who disapproved of the
proclamation, alleged that it was
calculated only to shew the impor-
tance of government; which, in-
stead of using such means of enforc-
ing its authority, ought to have pro-
secuted the authors of such publica-
tions as were evidently seditious,
and to have opposed by sound ar-
guments those that were worded in
such a manner as to obviate the
danger of a prosecution.

The celebrated composition of
Mr. Thomas Payne was visibly the
object at which the proclamation
chiefly pointed; but far from pre-
venting it from being read, the sale
became more extensive and rapid
than ever. It was circulated with
the utmost speed and _ success
through every part of the three
kingdoms, and made an incredible
numbers of prosclytesto the maxims
which it contained: and these were
at the same time uncommonly ac-
tive in propagating them.

On the 25th of May an address
being moved to the King, in con-
sequence of the proclamation, ex-
tracts from that publication were
presented to the House, tending to
shew its. enmity to kingly govern-
ment, and that it was written with

[M] 3 a pro-

166] ANNUAL REGISTER,

a professed intent to set subjects at
variance with their sovereigns, and
to incite them to abjure all senti-
ments of loyalty.

It was observed, on the other
side, that twelve months had elapsed
since this book had made its first
appearance. If it contained the
poison of which it was accused, mi-
nisters were highly culpable for
neglecting to bring the author to
condign punishment ; and their
present conduct left the world to
conjecture what could have been
their motives for having so long
delayed so indispensable a perform-
ance of their duty. This tardiness,
however, might not proceed from
any other cause than a persuasion
that works of this nature should
stand or fall on their own worth or
demerit; but the present zeal, so~
officiously displayed in order to dis-
courage the reading of them, and
to discover the abettors and pub-
lishers of seditious writings, was
probably the effect of a settled de-
sign to let loose among the com-
munity a set of spies over the con-
duct and actions of individuals who
should, by keeping them in con-
stant alarm, render them diffident
ef each other, and loosen all those
bonds of friendship and intimacy
that unite men together, and en-
courage them to act a resolute and
manly part on such occasions as
require it.

Much of what had been spoken
in former «debates was repeated in
the present ; which consisted en-
tirely of the opposite sentiments
on the transactions of the times,
entertained by the friends and foes
of administration; the first con-
tending for the rectitude, and the
other for the impropriety of its
conduct; and supporting their re-

1792.

spective opinions by the same argu-
ments, and almost in the same
words that had already been used
for those purposes.

That particular commotion which
was chiefly adverted to during this
contest, was the riot at Birmingham,
and of the outrages of which the
people of that place had been guilty
towards the dissenters. The magis-
trates of that town had, it was said,
basely connived at the barbarities
committed by the populace, and
even instigated them to their per-
petration, This infamous behae
viour was the natural consequence
of the illiberal ideas concerning the
dissidents from the religious estab-
lishment of the kingdom, indus-
triously disseminated among the
vulgar by the enemies to toleration;
who under the pretence of being
the ardent friends of government,
laboured to cast an odium upon all
those who differed from them in
spiritual matters, It was seriously to
be lamented that persons of all de-
scriptions were implicated in these
scandalous proceedings. Not only
the ignorant among the laity, but
individuals of consideration among
the clergy, gave way to this intole-
rant spirit; represented the dis~
senters in such colours, as necessa~
rily rendered thera odious to their
fellow-subjects: and exposed them
continually to ill-treatment.

No fewer than thirty-fix affida-
vits were produced by Mr. Whit-
bread, in corroboration of the neg-
ligent behaviour of the magistrates
of Birmingham during the riots.
According to those depositions
they even went further than bare

neglect: they encouraged the li-
centiousness and fury of the mob,
by speeches tending manifestly to
encourage them to mischief, and

by °

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

by joining with them in their vo-
eiferations of Church and King.
Other particulars of the like ten-
dency appeared in those affidavits,
which laid open altogether a scene
highly disgraceful to the character
of those who might and ought to
have prevented, or at least to have
put a stop to the enormities com-
mitted on that occasion bya lawless
and infuriated populace. But these,
itappeared, were in many respects
no other than the instruments of
their superiors; who, being con-
scious of the ignominy they must
have incurred by acting personally
in so shameful a business, were glad
of an opportunity to devolve both
the direct guilt and shame upon in-
ferior agents.

Lord Rawdon, though he sup-
ported the address, did not speak
in adverse terms of the general de-
sire of the nation to obtain a refor-
mation of abuses. In expressing

“his fears of the danger that might
attend a parliamentary reform, he
strongly recommended as the most
effectual preservatives of national
tranquillity, a real and unfeigned
attention in Parliament to the voice
of the people at large. By paying
a due regard to the general opinion
of the nation, its rulers could not
fail to sccure its attachment and
respect, at the same time that they
discharged a duty which they owed
tothe great body; of which the
sentiments and the interests ought
in justice to be equally consulted
by government, if it meant to pre-
serve public tranquillity, and ob-
viate all causes of discontent. Such
a conduct would be both equitable
and popular ; it would raise them
inthe ‘esteem and affection of the

, and prove more forcible in

suppressing murmurs, and silencing.

[167

the seditious writings and discourses
now so’prevalent in the multitude,
and so heinously complained of by
administration, than all the threats
and warnings contained in any pre-
clamations that might be issued at
a season of such discontent and tur-
bulence as the present.

After a variety of arguments and
altercations on the various subjects
that arose in the debates occasioned’
by the motions for an address, it
was carried in both Houses in fa-
vour of the ministerial sense of the
matter.

While the dissensions on civil
and religious objects occupied the
attention of the public in England,
that portion of the people in Scot-
land which adhered to the episco-
palian tenets, came toa resolution
of petitioning for a more ample and
unrestricted toleration of their prin-
ciples and practice in religious con-
cerns than had hitherto been al-
lowed them. The former motives
for laying them under legal dis-
couragements, subsisted no longer;
the house of Stuart, to which their
attachment was known, was cx-
tinct ; and their fidelity to the ac-
tual government was not liable, on
that account, to be suspected. The
bill for granting the relief they re-
quested was brought into the House
of Lords, where it was favourably
received. The Commons concur-
ring with them, it was passed ac-
cordingly, tothe great satisfaction of
the unprejudiced part of the Scot-
tish nation.

The dissenting interest in Eng-
land was encouraged by the lenity
shewn to the dissidents from the
established church of Scotland, to
apply to Parlianvent for a similar
toleration. Herein they were pa-
tronized by Mr, Fox, who endea-

[M] 4 voured

168] ANNUAL REGISTER,

voured to procure the repeal of
those statutes in particular, that
were levelled at the Unitarians.

_ This sect was remarkably odious
at the time when these statutes were
enacted; which was towards the
close of the last century. The peo-
ple of that persuasion were then not
mumerous; but since that period,
their number had been gradually
increasing. Favoured by the general
spirit of religious tolerance daily
gaining ground in the enlightened
world, they ventured to avow their
doctrines more openly, and to claim
that indulgence which was granted
to other persuasions iv this country.

But the opinion which they main-
tained of the incommunicable es-
sence of the Deity, and of his abso-
lute unity in every respect, raised
an alarm in the rigid professors and
defenders of the Trinitarian doc-
trine, that incited them and their ad-
herents to treat those persons who
were not of that belief, with all man-
ner of indignation and obloquy. A
prelate of the church of England re-
presented them as the worst of here-
tics; asserting with aviolenceand te-
merity unworthy ofa man of any li-
berality of sentiments, that however
they might serve God, live in cha-
rity with mankind, and relieve the
distressed, all this was sinful, on
account of their heresy.

These particulars were strongly
enforced by Mr. Fox, in a motion
he made in their favour, on the
11th of May, He shewed the im-
propriety of continuing to keep
useless statutes in existence, andin-
sisted on the propriety of commit-
ting to the flames obsolete acts of
parliament, framed in the days of

‘bigotry and persecution, and ob-
noxious to every person of under-
standing and humanity,

1792.

He was answered by Mr. Burke
and Mr. Pitt; who contended that
no bad consequences could result
from these statutes remaining unre-
pealed, in a country where the mild-
ness of the government would al-
ways restrain their severity. Much
caution was requisite in matters
wherein religion was concerned ;
and policy did not call for the abo-
lition ofa statute which was not put
in force while the general idea of
its tendency carried no longer any
terror. Some restraints were ne-
cessary as wellon religious as on po-
litical innovations. The Unitarians
especially were not free from the
imputation of being secret enemies
to the actual constitution of the
kingdom; and in that light it would
not be safe nor prudent to grant
them any particular marks of favour.

In consequence of these argu-
ments, the motion in their favour
was rejected by a large majority.

The disapprobation expressed by
the legislature on various occasions,
of the attempts made inorder to ex-
tend the benefit of universal toler-
ation to all sects of christians, was
not generally approved of by the
great and daily increasing numbers
of those who looked upon all re-
straints on religious opinions as in-
consistent with true liberty, and re-
pugnant to the interest of the com-
munity; which they maintained
ought not to be fettered in their
conscience, while they willingly
submited to all the injunctions in
civil affairs, laid upon them by ga-
vernment. Severity of this kind
tended infallibly to indispose them
against their rulers, and no less a-
gainst the religion these endeavour
ed to extend the professon of by
such coercive methods. Persecu-
tion, it was alleged, was of two.

kinds ;

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

kinds; the one positive, the other
negative: the latter did not deal in
blood and torments, as the former,
but acted perhaps more effectually,
as its operation was perpetual and
uninterrupted; whereas the other
was so revolting and manifestly bar-
barous, that the most violent and
sanguinary, often from shame and
compuhction, desisted at intervals,
and yielded to the casual impulse
of humanity. But England, of all
countries, ought to set the example
of the most unrestricted liberty of
conscience. It was the seat of the
best regulated freedom in all civil
affairs; why therefore should the
profession of any religious opinion,
unconnected with state matters, and
no way inimical to the loyalty and
obedience due to government, be
excepted from this system of free-
dom? Good subjects were found
in all religions; and it might be
shrewdly suspected, that the en-
couragers of interference when not
actuated by bigotry, were prompted
by worldly motives to persecute
dissenters. The principal movers
on these occasions were individuals
of the ecclesiastical order. Ifthey
acted under the impulse of supersti-
tious notions, it was the duty of the
civil power to restrain them: if lust
of dominion and of wealth engaged
them to maltreat those who avowed
other doctrines than theirs, it then
became all men of humanity and
discretion to set their faces against
such tyranny. But all these incon-
veniencies and mischiefs would be
fully obviated by throwing open the
widest doors of toleration, and call-
ing no man to account for his modes

belief and worship, who did not
arraign or disturb the settled reli-
gion ofthe country. Whoever was
ree from imputations of this sort,

[169

ought in justice to be entitled to
every right and privilege enjoyed
by all other members of the state,
without exception,

Such were the sentiments diffu-
sively current at this time among
the majority of the people. In proof
of their rectitude, the example of
Great Britain itself was quoted a-
gainst the unreasonableness of mak-
ing distinctions among men, on ac-
count of their spiritual tenets. In
England the established form of re-
ligion was episcopacy; in Scotland,
presbyterianism. Would any man
have the audacity to condemn either
of these forms? Were not the in-
habitants of both countries equally
attached to the constitution of the
kingdom ; and yet what a wide dif-
ference between the respective opi-
nions of the English and Scotch in
all the points relating to church-di-
scipline, and in many of those con-
cerning the doctrines inculcated as
necessary to believe!

This shewed the absurdity of a
partial indulgence to any form of
religion in preference to another,
It shewed also what no Jess interest-
ed mankind to be convinced of,
the inutility (if one might notindeed
style it the futility) of religious differ-
ences and disputations; and, what
was of more importance than all
other considerations, it taught man
the necessity of observing towards
each other that fundamental article
of true christianity, reciprocal for-
bearance and charity.

After settling the various con-
cerns of religion, it now remained
to come to the final conclusion of a
business wherein all subjects indis-
criminately were more deeply in-
terested than in any other.

This was the celebrated bill con-
cerning libels; which, though lost

170]

in the House of Lords during the
preceding session, was now brought
again before parliament, and sup-
ported by the whole strength of the
friends to constitutional liberty and
safety of every subject.

It isa profound observation, that
the perversion of the greatest good
becomes the greatest evil*. The
extreme licentiousness of the press
in this land of liberty, had excited,
onmany occasions, great disturban-
ces and tumults, and on some, al-
most shook the fabric of govern-
ment, ‘he crown-lawyers became
jealous of that powerful engine of
good andevil; and, running on their
part to the opposite extreme, at-
tempted to control and. intimidate
all writers of journals, pamphlets,
and books, from declaring their
opinions with freedom on the sub-
ject of public affairs and characters,
or on the conduct and character of
persons in private stations. A max-
im laid down by Lord Chief Justice
Mansfield, that “the greater the
truththe greater the libel,” was uni-
versally established in courts of jus-
tice ; and juries were notallowed to
decideincases of libelsonthe whole
question at issue, but confined to
the single point of such or such
words ov sentences being spoken,
printed, or published by such orsuch
persons. The meaning, the inten-
tion of the words, was determined
not by juries, but judges. And as
the doctrine of libels was vague and
indefinite, a great latitude of inter-
pretation was left to the breasts of
the judges; who, from their situa-
tions and views, have generally a
strong bias to the prerogatives of
the crown, The result of prosecu-
tions depended very much on the
temper and disposition of the judge,
whose sway over the juries was al-

* Corruptio optimi fit pessima,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

most omnipotent. Andthe doctrine
of libels was agreat engine of terror
in the hands of government.

A bill was therefore brought into
Parliament by Mr. Fox, for declar+
ing the power of juries to decide
upon the law, as well as the fact, in
trials for libels. Mr. Fox, on this
occasion, displayed not only his us-
ual eloquence and manly sense, but,
asthe subject required, great gram-
matical, logical, and legal acuteness.

The decision of this important
question turned not a little ona
critical observation of Mr. Fox’s,
on the word meaning, which is used
in all indictments for libels.. The
term to mean, he observed, might
be taken in two different senses:
one in which it may be understood
toimply a proposition, according to
strict grammatical and logical con-
struction; another, in which it may
be taken to express the intention of
the writer and speaker. It was in
the former sense exclusively, that it
had been for many years past taken
by the judges; but it was in the
latter that it ought to be taken by an
impartial and candid English jury ;
who were not to determine whether
the words might not, possibly, in
grammatical and logical construc-
tionbe made to bear the interpreta-
tion implied in the indictment, but
what wasbona fidethe intention and
quo animo with which they were
used, all circumstances considered.
And this, Mr. Fox justly contended,
did not exceed the province of ju-'
ries, since the intention of the ac-
cused party was in reality a part of
the fact to be proved or disproved.

On the 24th of April, the day
fixed for its discussion in the upper
House, Lord Kenyon proposed se~
veral questions touching the bill to
the judges; theirdecision on which

requiring
Bacon,

a

HISTORY OF EUROPE,

requiring time and deliberation, it
was not till the month of May that
their answer was delivered; nor till
the 18th that the question came ul-
timately before the House. Their
decision however did not prove sa-
tisfactory to the friends of the bill,
whothought they had not expressed
themselves with perspicuity ; and
treated their decision with severity.

The rights of juries alone to de-
cide on the question of libels, was
vigorously maintained by Lord
Camden. He laid open in the
clearest manner the necessity of
uniting the matter of Jaw with the
matter of fact, in the trial for pub-
lishing a libel. They were no less
united than action and intent were
the consideration of all other crimi-
nal proceedings. As without im-
plied malice a man could not be
found guilty of murder, so an evil
intention constituted the guilt of a
libel; and if the jury was denied
the right of judging of its intention
and tendency, the right of judging
of the fact of publication might as
well be denied; for both were so

connected that there wasnojudging

of the one without passing judgment
at the same time onthe other. He
recapitulated a series of cases from

time of the celebrated Judge
Bracton, who lived five hundred

| years ago ; in proof that, in all the

charges to juries, they were to
judge of the intention and tenden-
ey of the alleged libel. Judge
Jeffries himself. notwithstanding his
devotion to an arbitrary court, had
been of this opinion. To whom
should the judging of libels be con-
ided? or, to speak with more pro-
priety, who were to guard the liber-
ty of the press? The judges or the
people of England? The jury were
evidently that people. The judges,
a :

[iz

it might be said, were independent:
but were they beyond the reach of
influence? They certainly were
not. Juries, on the otherhand, were
much less liable to corruption.
Were the press once delivered up
to the discretion of the judges, soon
must its freedom be utterly de-
stroyed, and that strongest bulwark
of English liberty be overthrown.

These arguments were ably se-
conded by several other Lords. It
was remarked by Lord Lansdown,
that the act. by which thejudges had.
been declared independent of the
crown, was a mere illusion: they
were, it was true, independent of
the people; but they had much to
depend on from the crown and mi-
nistry. A chief justice, for instance,
might be the leader of a party as
wellasany other Lord in that house,
and no less actuated by hdpes, and.
expectations than any other cour-
tier. What impartiality could, in
the nature of things, be relied on
from a person heated with rage at
the party in opposition to him, and
presiding on a trial fora libel write
ten in contradiction to his senti-
ments, and levelled at himself in
common with his partizans ?

Twelve reasonable and conscien-.
tious men were, he firmly believed,,
as competent to pronounce judg
ment on a matter of law and fact
as the judges themselves. But the
profession of the law filled men with
presumption and arrogance: they
thought themselves,entitled to uni-
versal deference from all other clas-
ses; and ambitiously sought to do-
mineer over society. Could that
ennobled member of the law who
presided at the King’s bench, overs,
throw the bill.in question, he would,
added Lord Lansdown, become
Lord Paramount of England.

The

172] ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

The bill was opposed on the prin-
ciple of its being an innovation in
the laws of the kingdom, which
was at the present period too agi-
tated by the communication of those
dangerous maxims that were em-
broiling our neighbours, to suffer
the introduction of novelties into
our political or civil administration.

But this argument, on which prin-
cipally the opposition to the bill rest-
ed, appeared too feeble for prepon-
derance against the reasoning in its
favour; and it was carried by a con-
siderable majority.

Thus terminated a business es-
teemed by the public at large of
more importance than any that had
been discussed during the present
session, The bill had passed in the
House of Commons without oppo-
sition, to the great satisfaction of
the people, who sincerely rejoiced
to see their representatives concur
soreadily in ameasure evidently re-
quisite for the personal security of
every individual,

In order to form a just estimate
of the service which Mr. Fox (on
whose arguments, adopted and re-
echoed by all the other speakers
on the same side, thedecision ofthe
question was founded) performed
on this occasion to his country, it is
necessary to attend to two circum-
stances; theoneofa general nature,
the other peculiar to the times in
which the bill was brought before
Parliament.

It is the nature of every profes-
sion to bring as much as possible
within the precincts of its own pro-
vince. The profession of the law,
in particular, constantly attempts to
draw every thing into its own vor-
tex ; and in times of extreme arti-
ficiality and refinement, with too
much success. The overgrowing

multiplicity of taxes and laws, and
the various tenures and transferenm-
ces of property, continually spring~-
ing up inso great, commercial, and
rich an empire, give the lawyers an
influence and a degree of controul
in humanaffairs, which is often used
as an engine of oppression ; and is,
in truth, one of the greatest evils,
if not the greatest, in social life.
There was a time when this, like
other countries, was trod upon by
military chiefs. After this there
came aperiod when we were priest-
ridden; and now it may be said
that we are in danger of being law-
ridden. It is not in every charac-
ter that we find an union of all
thetalents and virtues necessary for
the purpose effected, chiefly, by the
exertions of Mr. Fox ;—courage
and perseverance in opposing a for-
midable phalanx, and subtlety and
precision to attack them with their
own weapons. We proceed to
state the other circumstance alluded
to, respecting the service done to
the public by the bill relating to
libels, at the particular time when
it was drawn up and passed into a
law.

Mr. Burke’s celebrated publica-
tion on the revolution m France,
had produced, as a kind of re-ac-
tion, Mr. Paine’s “ Rights of Man;’
being an answer to Mr. Burke’s.
« Attack on the French Revolu-
tion.” ‘The avidity with which this .
work, followed by a second part of
the Rights of Man, combining prin-
ciple and practice, was read by the
middle and lower classes of the peo-
ple, asalready observed, particular-
ly those in the great manufacturing
towns both in England and Scot-'
land, is incredible. The only re-
ply, however, made to these popu-.
lar publications, by Mr. Burke, was,’

** that

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

*¢ that they deserved no other than
the refutation of criminal justice’’*.
It is probable that it was, by the in-
stigation of Mr. Burke, who had
become by this time a great favou-
rite both at the court and with mi-
nistry, that the Attorney General
was directed to file an information
against him for his libellous publica-
tion: which was accordingly done
in Easter term; and in order to dis-
pose the minds of the nation to these
acts, necessary for the public tran-
quillity and safety, the proclamation
already noticed, was issued on the
Qist of May, against the publication
and sale of seditious writings, with
strong injunctions to all persons to
inform against all those who should
be guilty of such daring attempts.
At a time when an attempt was
made with very great success to
turn the tide of popular animosity
and passion, against both the French
nation and French principles, there
was a danger of the multitude run-
ning as usual from extreme to ex-
treme; and now, embarked in a
common cause with the court and
the law, might become the instru-
ments of harassing and preventing
literary efforts that might be neces-
tt for securing liberty. In such
reumstances, it was a great and
important service, finally to establish
by the libel-bill, the right of juries
to decide upon the whole question
at issue.

It is with great satisfaction that
we are to record in the history of
the present session of parliament,
an act of a disinterested and gener-
ous nature, on the part of a minister
of the crown, as well as on that ofa
popular character in opposition to
government. It is well known that
sailors are a class of people, equal-
ly thoughtless and ignorant of bu-
siness, and extremely liable to be

[173

imposed upon by designing persons,
under pretence of assisting them to
recover their property. For the
benefit of this meritorious class of
men, although they never dreamt
either of opposing government, or
of influencing elections, Mr. Dun-
das, treasurer of the navy, brought
in a bill, which was passed into a
law, for removing the difficulties
which seamen, marines, and their
respective heirs experienced in re-
covering the wages to which they
were entitled for their services. A
printed account of the spirit and
tendency of this act, in favour of
seamen, was very humanely and
considerately sent by Mr. Dundas
to all the parochial clergy in Bri-
tain, to be read from the pulpits:
which was quickly followed by the
happiest consequences.

Another attempt, of a humane
nature, was made shortly after the
passing of Mr. Fox’s bill, by Lord
Rawdon; who moved on the 11th
of June, as he had done on sundry
occasions before, for a revision of
the laws relating to debtors and cre-
ditors, in order to procure such re-
gulations as might mitigate the seve-
rity with which persons in debt were
liable to be treated; but owing to
the lateness of the season, and the
necessity of giving a large portion
of attention to a subject of so much
importance, it was, at the instance
of the law Lords, withdrawn for
the present. The same grateful
admiration that has just been
bestowed on Mr. Fox, is due to
Lord Rawdon for similar virtues
and talents, exerted in similar
services.

The annual statement of the in-
come and expenditure in the Bri-
tish settlements in India, was next
laid before the House, on the 5th
of June, by Mr. Dundas, as usual.

He

* See Burke's Appeal, &c. page 95.

174] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

He took notice, that by the accounts
produced in the preceding session,
the surplus, after deducting all
charges, was 1,409,000I. applicable
to the reduction of the Company’s
debt, and to the purchase of an in-
vestment. The actual revenues of
Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, he
stated at 7,350,000]. The sum re-
maining, together with that arising
from the sale of impost goods,
amounted to 591,0001. from which,
deducting the interest paid at Ben-
gal, Madras, and Bombay, making
588,0001., the surplus of the whole
was between three and 4,000I.

Mr. Dundas next entered into an
elaborate account of India debt; the
summary result of which was, that
ow the 30th of April, 1790, the
debt in Indiaamounted to 7,056,600
and odd pounds; on the 30th of
April, 1791, to 8,150,900 and odd
pounds; the increase of debt in In-
dia being altogether 1,094,2841.

By Mr. Dundas’s statement, it
appeared that the expences of the
war, and the interest of debt, had
almost exhausted the whole revenue
of India, and the profit arising from
sales; and that adebt had been con-
tracted of 1,782,3281. arising from
the purchase of investments.

Notwithstanding the increase of
the India debt, Mr. Dundas stated
the affairs of the Company to be
on no worse a footing at the com-
mencement of 1792, than at the
commencement ef 1791, by the
amount of this debt. They had
been improved at home, by the
payment of debts to the amount of
964,0001, and by: an increase of
money in their treasury, amount-
ing to 541,4001. Thus, after a war
of eighteen months, the Company’s
finances were only the worse by
276,0001.

The surplus revenue of Bengal,

after deducting the interest of debt
and supplies to Madras and Ben-
coolen, would leave more than a
million for the supply of Bombay:
a much larger sum than could have
been expected.

Bengal had not, in Mr. Dundas’s
opinion, suffered bythe war: bul-
lion, to the amount of a million,
had been remitted thither by the
directors within one year. This
prevented the interruption of com-
merce, from a drain of specie for
the use of thearmy. He concluded,
by repeating the expectation he
had antecedently expressed, that
India would more probably be as-
sisting to this country, than require
its assistance.

Mr. Francis, in an answer to Mr.
Dundas, declined any investigation
of the statements he had made out.
He differed wholly from him res-
pecting the prosperous situation of
Bengal. In proof of the contrary,
he appealed to the newspapers of
that country ; which were continu
ally full of advertisements for the
sale of lands, seized for not paying
the revenue. Two of them he held
in his hand. One advertised the
sale of seventeen, the other of for-
ty-two villages. He appealed to
the testimony of Lord Cornwallis
himself, whose very words in one of
his minutes were, that one-third of
the Company’s territory in Indostan
was inhabited by wild beasts. Great
Britain, added Mr.Francis, former-
ly received large quantities of mo-=
ney from Bengai,—but our own
specie is now sent thither. Mr.
Dundas himself has- confessed that
a million had seen sent in the course
of the very last year.

Thus ended the principal part of
the discussion on the affairs of In-
dia. The opposite opinions of those
who were esteemed the best ac+

quainted

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

quainted with the government,
finances, trade, and the other cir-
cumstances of those distant posses-
sions, have often proved an object
of surprize to those who think,
that unless the foreign settlements
of any nation are not unquestion-
able, and beyond all dispute or

{175

doubt. beneficial, they cannot be
worth possessing.

After issuing, on the 7th of June,
orders respecting the navigable ca-
nals, aqueducts, and navigation of
rivers, the King on the 15th came
to the House, and put an end to
the session.

Cd A Poi XL

Observations on his Majesty’s

i on the Prorogation of Parliament,

On the Main Subject on which it turned, the National Dedbt-Bill.. Im-
policy of the British Government, in not availing itself of its Novel and
Military Preparations to mediate in Time, in the Questions at Issue:be-
tween the Rulers of France and of Germany. The Minister wisely
marking the Spirit of the Age, and the Current of Affairs, seeks Popu-
larity, by Endeavours to protect Public Credit, and opens new Channels

of Commerce, Embassy to Uhina.

© wars prospect of a general’
peace, announced in his Ma-
jesty’s speech from the throne, on
the Ist of January, was supposed to
justify military reductions, andthose
other measures of relief to public’
credit, that were brought under the
attention of the British parliament.
As a strong opposition, both in and
out of parliament, had been made
to the expensive armaments to
which the disputes with the courts
of Petersburg and Madrid had
_— birth, in the preceding year,

ministry were disposed to dwell
om the pacific aspect of affairs with
apparent confidence. These ar-
maments had cost the nation a sum
not less than 2,000,000). and though
the Spaniards had been obliged to
relinquish their pretensions to an
exclusive right of making scttle-
ments in Nootkar Sound, Ogzakow,
which the British government had
threatened to secure by force to
the Porte, was left in possession of
the imperious Empress of Russia.
Mr. Pitt, therefore, in his state-
ment of the finances for the cur-

rent year, very ingeniously endea-
voured to divert the public mind
from such unpleasing retrospects,
by displaying the prosperous state
of the revenue, and the grounds on
which he hoped to lighten, and
finally to remove the heavy incum-
brance of the national debt. He
declared, in the House of Com-
mons, that the intricacy and mys-
tery of finance no longer existed ;:
and enforced, with the most splen-'
did eloquence, the circumstances
from which he concluded, that there
would be a permanent surplus over
the expenditure in the public re-
venue. Those reasons would have
been satisfactory, if the peaceable
and happy millenium had actually
commenced, as was in reality sup-
posed by a very ingenious divine
and philosopher, as we have already
noticed ; who is generally under-
stved to have-assisted the minister
in his arithmetical calculations.
But, while the blessings of peace
were thus announced, the political
atmosphere foreboded astorm:—the
ruins of the ancient government of

France

176]

France were still in agitation. The
French people, to the number of
3,000,000 were in arms,and without
controul. The expatriated princes
and nobles were rouzing foreign
nations to become parties in their
cause; and all Europe was in a
state either of anxious expectation,
or real apprehension. There were
other considerations of general in-
terest, that were deeply involved in
the origin and progress of the
French revolution ; and which pre-
cluded Great Britain from security
and peace; while the people of
Franee were involved in arms, in
confusion and distress. But, above
all, the sinews of the French revo-
lution were drawn from the over-
throw of that system, or those laws
of property and of nations which
had hitherto sustained the order of
the political world. This circum-
stance was of itself too striking
not to excite alarms in the breasts
of all who had studied the com-
mercial, as well as the political con-
stitution of Europe. The balance
of power was, at all events, likely
to be affected by the fallof one of
its counterpoises and pillars. It
was therefore evident that, although
the differences between the courts
of London and Madrid had been
settled; and though the projects of
ambition, which Catherine and
Joseph had concerted, were suffi-
ciently counteracted, there was
every reason to dread that the du-
ration of any lasting or general
peace was incompatible with the
circumstances of the times, For
these reasons, it was hardly possible
to suppose that the minister was
sincere, or at least very ardent in
his expectations of long continued
peace ; and it was observed, by not
a few men of sense and reflection,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

that he began to talk of military
and naval reductions at the very
moment when (and not sooner) it
would have been sound policy to
equip both fleets and armies, had
they been wanting, for giving due
weight to a necessary, decided,
prompt, and timely interference in
the affairs of the continent. And
it was particularly regretted, that
the British government did not
avail itself of its military prepa-
rations at the time, as well as of
its commanding influence, to me-
diate in the questions which were
at issue between the actual rulers
of France and the German states,
and to endeavour by all means,
in concert with other powers, to
restrain within the limits of France
the convulsions that had over-
thrown her monarchy, for the
purpose, not of aggrandizement,
but merely of self-defence,—ac-
cording to the wise system of the
Emperor Leopold. The views of
the British government, however,
appear to have been wholly pacific
so late as the middle of June; as
appears from his Majesty’s speech
from the throne, on the 15th of
that month, to both Houses of Par-
liament :—** I have observed, with
the utmost satisfaction, the mea-
sures which you have adopted for
the diminution of the public bur-
thens, while you have made addi-
tional provision for the reduction of
the present national debt; and
established a permanent system for
preventing the dangerous accumu-
lation of debt in future.’ ~His
Majesty declared, in a very empha-
tic manner, that it would be his
principal care to preserve to his
people the uninterrupted blessings
of peace; which he had reason to ,
expect, from the assurances of a
peaceable

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

peaceable disposition towards this
country, which he had received
from allthe neighbouring powers :—
and then prorogued the parliament
to the 30th day of the ensuing Au-

st.

The marked praise bestowed by
the speech from the throne on the
bill for reducing the national debt,
were supposed by some to have been
an expression of triumph, on the
part of the minister, over the Chan-
cellor Thurlow, who always treat-
ed that favourite measure, as well
as some other plans of administra-
tion, with severe animadversion.
Frequent bickerings hadtaken place
between Mr. Pitt and Lord Thur-
low for a long time; and on the
prorogation of the parliament, as
there was no immediate necessity
for his services in the House of
Peers, the great seal of England
was committed to the custody of
three commissioners, Sir James
Eyre, Sir William Ashurst, and Sir
John Wilson.

From the usual spirit, enterprize,
and large capitals of our manufac-
turers and merchants, and from the
peculiar circumstances of the times,
the commerce of this country had
for several years far exceeded the
utmost extent of its prosperity in
any former period. In one week
inthe month of May, the actual
inerease of the revenue exceeded
that of the corresponding week in
the preceding year, by the sum of
118,034]. 6s. It would be as ab-
surd to lay this extraordinary in-
flux of national wealth to the ac-
count of the minister for the time
being, as it would be unjust to
charge him with those political con-
_vulsions on the continent that have
involved us in public expences, in

[177

comparison of which all the savings
made by the national debt bill, if
indeed any be made, are as a drop in
the bucket. But the minister, dex-
terously, and we do not say impro-
perly, availed himself of the situa-
tion of affairs, and the commercial
spirit of the age, to acquire popula-
rity, by appearing to direct the cur-
rent on which he, in fact, with all
the world was irresistibly borne: he
sailed with the tide and wind. When
commerce and public credit were
in a state of great elevation, the in-
terference and management of the
minister appeared to vulgar appre-
hension to be their great support ;
and, from his exertions, very gene-
ral expectations were entertained
that they would both be raised still
higher. He not only applied the
surplus revenue for the diminution
of the public debt, by the establish-
ment of a sinking fund, to be held
sacred and inviolable for that sole
and exclusive purpose, but stood
forth as a friend and patron of va-
rious plans for the extension of
commerce.

Measures had been taken for esta-
blishing a trade in furs, and even-
tually in other articles on the north-
west coast of America. ‘The seeds
of future commerce had been sown
in the islands in the South Seas;
and new channels were about to be
opened for the exportation of Brit-
ish manufactures in India. If a free
commercial interceurse could be
settled with China and Japan, the
broad zone of British commerce
would encircle and invest the globe.

There is at this day, in the vast
empire of China, as there was of
old in Egypt, and other ancient
states and kingdoms, agreatjealousy
of foreigners *, who are not admit-

* In the ideal republic of Plato, it isa part of his system to exclude all foreign-
ers not proselyted by an early education in the laws of the state.

Vou. XXXIV.

(N]

ted

178 |

ted into the Chinese dominions, but
under such restrictions as preclude
all thorough exploration, and ren-
der it extremely difficult to obtain
a thorough acquaintance with the
country and state of society. The
courage and zeal, with other re-
spectable qualities and virtues of the
catholic missionaries, sent out from
Rome by the College for Propagat-
ing Christian Faith, opened to the
Portuguese an admission to a limit-
ed commerce with the coast of Chi-
na, above two hundred years ago.
The missionaries not only gained
proselytes to their religion, but gave
a favourable impression of the coun-
tries from whence they came; nor
were they backward, by personal
solicitations, to serve the cause cof
such of their countrymen, particu-
larly those of the catholic faith, as
were engaged in pursuits of com-
- merce in any of the Chinese ports.
And the Dutch, though professing
the doctrines of the protestants,
about the middle of the last century
acquired much favour at the court
of Pekin, by assisting the first Em-
peror of the Man-chow race of Tar-
tars, to subdue the pirate Coshinga,
whose fleets infested the eastern
coast of China: but the English had
no opportunity of rendering them-
selyesacceptableby public services;
nor had they any other means of
securing respect for their character,
or protection for their trade.

The English adventurers who
first attempted to trade with China,
under the auspices of Queen Eliza-
beth, in the year 1599, were led
into disputes, and hurried by the
passion and precipitation incident to
uncultivated but brave seamen, to
commit acts of hostility against the
natives. Those adventurers did not
possess the advantage of having been
preceded by any traveller from their

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

own country, who might announce
at least, the name of his country to
some advantage; which continued
to be so little known, even after the
English had begun to traffic at Can-
ton, that they were long distinguish-
ed only by a contemptuous appel-
lation, importing literally, ‘* The
carroty-pated race.” ‘They were
not awowed by any power; they
did not appear to belong to any na-
tion; and they were deceived and
misrepresented by the Portugueze
and Spaniards, on whose friendship
they had confided. When the vast
increase of the English shipping at
Canton, and their victories in In-
dia and conquest of the Philippine
Islands, in 1763, attracted, as they
must have done, the attention of the
court of Pekin, and excited a curi-
osity to know their history,—the an-
swers made to their enquiries by the
missionaries, the only Europeans to
whom they could be addressed, par-
took, it may be supposed, of nati-
onal and religious prejudices.

Though individuals in China
have been very considerable gainers.
by foreign commerce, yet the body
of the people is taught to believe
that commerce with foreigners is
admitted, not onthe ground of de-
riving advantage from it, but agree-
ably to the precepts inculeated by
Confucius and other moralists, from
the mere compassion to strangers,
who come from the distant and in-
hospitable regions, to seek for the
comforts of life in the favoured land
of China.

The government of China, enter-
taining such an opinion of foreign
trade, rather suffered than sought
for it. One port only was left
open for foreign ships; and when
the season came for their departure,
every European was compelled to
embark with them, or leave at least

the

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

the Chinese territories; abandoning
his factory and unfinished concerns,
until the return of the ships the fol-
lowing year. It was seldom, and
with the utmost difficulty, that fo-
reigners could, in any case, obtain
justice. The English at Canton,
especially, who were not in the
possession of any means of defend-
ing their own cause on the spot,
were subjected to much oppression,
and even many personal insults.
They did not, however, ascribe
such treatment to the Emperor, nor
even suppose that it was known to
him; and therefore several of the
East India Company’s agents, em-
ployed in the Chinese trade, sug-
gested the propriety of an embassy
to his Imperial Majesty, to repre-
sent their grievances, in the hope
that he mightissueorders for|redress.
The trade between the subjects of
the two countries amounted annu-
ally to several millions sterling; and
_ might be extended to almost an in-
definite extent. Every motive of
policy or commerce, it was suppos-
ed by the sanguine patrons of an
embassy to China, that led to the
maintenance of ministers from
Great Britain at European courts,
and even in Turkey, might be ap-
plied with equal force to a similar
establishment, if practicable at Pe-
kin. Asuccession of British subjects
residing in a dignified station at Pe-
kin, whose cautious conduct and
courteous manners would be calcu-
lated to gain the estee:n of the up-
per and the respect of the lower
classes of the Chinese, might by dis-
petticg their prejudices, and conci-
iating their good-will, produce the
confidence necessary to an alliance.
It was true, that a British subject in
the service of the East India Compa-
ny, who had acquired the language

!

[179

of the country, was punished by ex-
press orders from Pekin, for having
attempted to penetrate to that capi-
tal, for the purpose of presenting,
in obedience to his superiors, a me-
morial of grievances from the Brit-
ish factory. Butit was presumed that
better success might attend an en-
voy of rank, invested with a royal
commission, which commands re-
spect in every civilized society; and
accordingly the late Colonel Cath-
cart,a gentleman of noble birth and
dintinguished merit, in 1787, under-
took to make the experiment; but
the expedition was interrupted by
his premature decease in the course
of the voyage outward: an event,
however, which, thoughit retarded,
did not finally prevent the enter-
prize originally intended.

The conduct of the expedition,
or the embassy to China, was now
entrusted to Lord Macartney, who
had, at an early period of his life,
been employed as envoy to the
court of Petersburgh; and at dif-
ferent periods since, held a govern-
ment in one of the British West
India islands, and that of Madras in
the East Indies. Sir George Staun-
ton, who had been private secre-
tary to his Lordship, both in the
West and East Indies, was promot-
ed to the station of his Britannic
Majesty’s secretary of legation, and
eventuai successor to the Ambassa-
dor. A sixty-four gun ship, the
Lion, was fixed on to carry the
Ambassador out and home. A mi-
litary guard also was allowed, ac-
cording to the manner of the east,
to attend the Ambassador; not nu-
merous, but consisting of picked
men from the infantry, as well as
from the artillery, with light field-
pieces; the rapid exercise of which,
agreeably to the recent improve-

{[N] 2 ments

180] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

ments, together with the various
evolutions of the men, might, in
these respects, convey some idea of
the European art of war. The
embassy was also provided with a
physician, and two persons conver-
sant in astronomy and mechanics,
artificers of every kind, musicians,
and a proper retinue of servants.
Mr. Henry Baring, lately appointed
a writer in the service of the East
India Company, was allowed to at-
tend the embassy to Pekin, as being
qualified to improve his residence
there, for the purpose of becoming
afterwards serviceable to his em-
ployers at Canton. From the col-
lege at Naples, for educating young
Chinese, for the propagation of
christianity, two young men, of
amiable manners, and of virtuous
and candid dispositions, and well
acquainted with their native Jan-
guage, as well as the Latin or Ita-
lian, were procured by the zeal and
address of the secretary of legation,
who went to Italy for that purpose,
to act asinterpreters. ‘They began
early to be of use in suggesting,
from what they knew and recol-
lected of their own country, some
of the fittest preparations for an
expedition thither; such as extra-
ordinary pieces of ingenious me-
chanism, set in frames of precious
metal, studded with jewels; and,
by means of internal springs and
wheels, producing movements, ap-
parently spontaneous. But toys of
this kind, to an enormous amount
and value, had already made their
way into the palaces of the Empe-
ror and his ministers; having been
transmitted to them by the man-
darins (to whom, for the purpose
of obtaining their protection, they
had been given as presents) in the
hope of securing, in their turn, the

favour of theirsuperiors. It would
have been vain to think of surpass-
ing, in public presents of this kind,
either as to workmanship or cost,
what had been already conveyed to
China, through private channels ;
and it was to be hoped, that the
momentary gratification produced
by those gaudy trifles, had been
satiated by the accumulation of
them. But it was thought, that
whatever tended to illustrate sci-
ence, or promote the arts, would
give more solid and permanent sa-
tisfaction to a prince, whose time
of life would naturally lead him to
seek, in every object, the utility of
which it was susceptible :—as in-
struments of astronomy; and, above
all, specimens of the best British
manufactures, and all the late in-
ventions for adding to the conveni-
ences and comforts of life; which
might serve the double purpose of
gratifying those to whom they
were to be presented, and of excit-
ing a more general demand for the
purchase of similar articles. The
East India Company appointed a
large and commodious ship to carry
out those presents, together with
such persons belonging to the em-
bassy as could not conveniently be
accommodated on board the Lion.
A small vessel was also provided as

a tender.—As intelligence of these -

preparations could not fail of
reaching the ports of China, it be-
came proper to take an early op-
portunity of announcing the em-
bassy regularly to the Chinese go-
vernment, lest the undertaking,
through error or design, should be
made to assume a warlike or sus-
picious appearance; and the Am-
bassador’s reception be thereby
rendered dubious. The mission of
Lord Macartney was, therefore,

announced

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

announced in proper time, and with
due solemnity, by a letter from Sir
Francis Baring, at that time chair-
man of the court of directors, to
the Viceroy of Canton;—and a
communication of the intended
embassy was at the same time made
to the republic of the United Pro-
vinces, then in alliance with Great
Britain ; with offers of service tobe
performed by the Ambassador, in
case that any circumstance in the
commercial position of the Dutch
factory at Canton should call for
his particular interposition.

The general scope of thisembassy
isexplained by his Majesty’sinstruc-
tions to Lord Macartney : in which
itis observed, that ‘a greater num-
ber of his subjects than of any other
Europeans, had been trading, fer a
considerable time past, in China;

that the commercial intercourse be-
tween several other nations and
that great empire had heen pre-
ceded, accompanied, or followed,
by special communications with its
sovereign. Others had the support
of missionaries, who, from their

eminence in science, or ingenuity _

in the arts, had been frequently ad-
mitted to the familiarity of a cu-
rious and polished court; and which
missionaries, in. the midst of their
cares for the propagation of their
faith, were not supposed to have
been unmindful of the views and
interest of their country ; while the
English traders remained unaided,
and, as it were, unavowed, at a dis-
tance so remote as to admit of a
_MInisrepresentation of the national

acter and importance; and
where, too, their occupation was

[isi

dignity and character of his Majes-
ty to extend his paternal regard to
these. his distant subjects, even if
the commerce and prosperity of the
nation were not concerned in their
success; and to claim the Emperor
of China's protection for them,
with that weight which is due to
the requisition of one great sove-
reign from another :” that, ‘a free
communication with a people, per-
haps the most singular upon the
globe, among whom civilization had
existed, and the arts had been culti-
vated, through a long series of ages,
with fewer interruptions than else-
where, was well worthy also of being
sought by the British nation, which
saw with pleasure, and with grati-
tude applauded, theseveral voyages
undertaken already by his Majesty’s
command, and at the public ex-
pence, in the pursuit of knowledge,
and for the discovery and observa-
tion of distant countries and man-
ners;’’ but that, “in seeking to
improve a connexion with China,
no views were entertained except
those of the general interests of
humanity, the mutual benefit of
both nations. and the protection of
commerce. under the Chinese go-
vernment,”?

In the same spirit, itis said in his
Majesty’s letter to the Emperor of
China, that, “ the natural disposi-
tion of a great and benevolent so-
vereign, such as his Imperial Ma-
jesty, whom Providence had seated
upon the throne for the good of
mankind, was, to watch over the
peace and security of his domi-
nions; and to take pains for dis-
seminating happiness, virtue, and

_ hot held in that esteem which might
__ be necessary to procure them safe-
: ry <« and respect;”’ that, ‘ under
ese circumstances, it became the

knowledge among his subjects;
extending the same beneficence,
with all the peaceful arts, as far as
he was able, to the whole human

[N] 3 race.””

182]

race.” That his Britannic. Majes-
ty, “impressed with such sentiments
from the very beginning of his
reign, when he found his people en-
gaged in war, had granted to his
enemies, after obtaining victories
over them in the four quarters of
the world, the blessings of peace,
upon the most equitable condi-
tions ;”’ that, ‘‘ since that period,
not satisfied with promoting the
prosperity of his own subjects, in
every respect, and beyond the ex-
ample of all former times, he had
taken various opportunities of
fitting out ships, and sending in
them some of the most wise and
learned of his own people, for the
discovery of distant and unknown
regions: not for the purpose of
conquest, or of enlarging his domi-
nions, which were already sufh-
ciently extensive for all his wishes,
nor for the purpose of acquiring
wealth, nor even for favouring the
commerce of lis subjects,—but for
the sake of increasing the know-
ledge of the habitable globe, of
finding out the various productions
of the earth, and for communicat-
ing the arts and comforts of life to
these parts where they had hither-
to been little known; and” that
**he had since sent vessels, with
animals and vegetables most useful
to man, to islands and places where,
it appeared, they had been want-
ing;”? that “he had _ been still
more anxious to enquire into the
arts and manners of countries
where civilization had been im-
proved by the wise ordinances and
virtuous examples of their sove-
reigns, through a long series of
ages ; and felt, above all, an ardent
wish to become acquainted with
those celebrated institutions of his
(Chinese) Majesty’s populous and

-on the Ist of October.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

extensive empire, which had car-
ried its prosperity to sucha height,
as to be the admiration of all sur-
rounding nations.” That
Britannic Majesty being then at
peace with all the world, no time
could be so propitious for extend-
ing the bounds of friendship and
benevolence, and for proposing to
communicate and receive the bene-
fits which much result from an un-
reserved and amicable intercourse
between such great and civilized
nations as China and Great Bri-
tain.”

The Lion and Hindostan, having
on board the Ambassador and his
suite, with the Jackal! tender, set
sail from Portsmouth on the 26th
of September, 1792;—and took
their last departure out of England
In May
1793, the ships moored in ‘Turon-
Bay, in Cochin China, where the
company met with great hospitali-
ty, and received various proofs of
kindness and friendship from the
sovereign of Turon. The squa-
dron sailed from Turon on the 16th
of June, for Tien-sing, on the
Pei-ho river, that falls into the
Gulf of Pekin; but touched at one
of the Ladrone islands, opposite to
Macao, for the purpose of sending
letters to Europe, by any convey-
ance from that settlement at Can-
ton; but more particularly to re-
ceive any intelligence that might be
interesting to the embassy. Through
the English East India Company’s
commissioners, the Ambassador had
information that his Imperial Ma-
jesty’s disposition to afford a recep-
tion to the embassy suitable to its
dignity, had been testified by his re-

peated instructions on that subject |

to the different governments on the
coast. He had given orders to man-
darins

“ his

HISTORY

darins to await his Excellency’s
arrival, and pilots to be properly
‘stationed, to take charge of his Ma-
jesty’s ships, to conduct them in
safety to Tien-sing, as well as to
prepare for receiving the Ambassa-
dor, and conveying him and _ his
suite to Pekin; concluding his com-
mands with these remarkable
words, “ that as a great mandarin
had come so far to visit him, he
must be received in a distinguished
manner, and answerable to the oc-
casion.” His Majesty’s intentions
were most faithfully and fully car-
ried into execution. Ships, with
persons of distinction on board,
were stationed at different places on
the coast of China, to find out and
welcome the Ambassador. After
his Janding, he was waited on and
treated with the most elegant and
profuse hospitality at every town;
and wherever he stopped, by man-
darins and viceroys, and at the
imperial courts, both at Pekin,
where it resides during the winter,
and at Zhe-hol in Tartary, its sum-
mer residence. The whole suite of
the Ambassador, soldiers, servants,
_ and other attendants, were enter-
tained in the most sumptuous man-
ner, at the expence of the Empe-
ror, from the moment they ap-
proached the shores of the Gulf
of Pekin, to that of their depar-
ture.

The squadron entered the Yellow
Sea on Tuesday, the 9th of July.
On the 17th, the ships and brigs,
some of which had held different
tracks, all joined on that day: they
perceived two head-lands or capes,
which, together with an island to
the north-east, are likely to be the
first lands made by ships navigating
directly from the southward to-
wards the Gulf of Pekin. It was

OF EUROPE. .

[183

thought, therefore, desirable to as-
certain their situation with exact-
ness, and to give each a name.
‘They are all of them situated with-
in afew minutes of the 37th degree
of north latitude and the 122d de-
gree, and from ten to twenty mi-
nutes east longitude. It wasagreed
that they should be called Cape
Macartney, Cape Gower, and
Staunton’s Island. Through the
straits of Mi-a-tau, the squadron
proceeded to Ta-coo, within the
mouth of the Pei-ho, just men-
tioned; where the Ambassador was
furnished with yachts for his suite,
and provisions, and also boats for
carrying the baggage to Tien-sing.
To these vessels were added such
others as were to carry the manda-
rins of various ranks, and other
Chinese appointed to attend the
embassy, in number, at least equal
to that of the Europeans who com-
posed it. At Tien-sing, the citta
celeste of Marco Paolo, where they
arrived on the 10th of August, the
Ambassador was received, as soon
as he went on shore, by the viceroy,
and a deputy from the Emperor.
Behind the Ambassador, attended
with all his officers, artists, servants,
musicians, and guards, a body of
Chinese troops were drawn up, in
great military parade. The vice-
roy conducted the Ambassador,
with some of the principal people
about him, through a triumphal
arch, into a pavilion; at the upper
end of which was a darkened re-
cess, or sanctuary, where the Ma-
jesty of the Emperor was supposed
constantly to reside. And, to that
Majesty it was signified that a re-
spectful obeisance should be paid ;
which was accordingly performed
by a profound inclination of the
body. After tea, sweetmeats, and

[N] 4 other

18A |

other refreshments were served,
and mutual civilities had passed, it
was announced by a legate to the
Ambassador, that the Emperor was
at his country residence, at Zhe-
hol in Tartary, where, on the 17th
of September, the Emperor in-
tended to celebrate the anniversary
of his birth-day. ‘The embassy, it
was added, after reaching Tong-
shoo by water, within twelve miles
of Pekin, would proceed by land
directly for Zhe-hol, together with
all the presents. The English en-
gagedin thisexpedition, hadscarce-
ly seen a cloud m oving in the sky
since their arrival in China; nox
was there a hillock on any side be-
tween them and the horizon, until
the 4th day of their departure from
Tien-sing, when some high blue
mountains were seen rising from
the north-west. They indicated
the approach to Pekin, beyond
which they weresituated. Two days
afterwards, on the 16th of August,
the yachts came to anchor within
twelve miles of that great capital ;
beyond which, the Pei-ho was no
longer navigable, unless for boats ;
so that the company travelled about
twelve miles by land, and the
greater part on foot, or in waggons.
There is in the vicinity of Pekin
an autumnal palace, belonging to
the Emperor, called Yuen-min-yu-
en, or garden o: perpetual verdure,
where such of the presents as could
not with safety oe transported to
Zhe-hol, were to be deposited; and
close to which, at Hoong-ya-yuen,
an imperial villa, the Ambassador
and his suite were to be accommo-
dated; while preparations were
made for the journey into Tartary.
On a calculation of the necessary
means for conveying all the bag-
gage and presents from Tong-choo-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

foo to Hoong-ya-yuen, the man-
darins were obliged to order near
ninety small waggons, forty hand-

carts, or wheel-barrows,. upwards

of 200 horses, and within a very
few of 5000 labouring men, to serve
in different capacities. Such of
the presents as were liable to be in-
jured by the rough movement of
carriages without springs, were en-
trusted to men only. As the road
to Hoong-ya-yuen lay through Pe-
kin, the travellers had a glimpse
of the celebfated capital of China.
From so slight and cursory a view,
they could not, they confessed toone
another, form a judgment of it; but
what they saw, except the imperial
palace, did not come up to the idea
they had formed of Pekin: and they
imagined that a Chinese, could he
be impartial, would feel a greater
satisfaction inthe sight of the ships,
the bridges, the squares, several of
the public buildings, and the dis-
play of wealth in the capital of
Great Britain, Pekin is merely
the seat of the government of the
empire. Itis neither a port, nor a
place of inland trade nor manufac-
tures; yet its population, on a mo-
derate calculation, amounts to
3,000,000. On the flags, pendant
from the land carriages, as well as
the yachts that carried the embassy,
there was written, in large Chinese
characters, AMBASSADOR BEARING
TRIBUTE FROM THE COUNTRY OF
ENGLAND,

From Hoong-ya-yuen the Am-
bassador was permitted to re-
move to Pekin, where preparations
might be made with more conve-
nience for the journey to Zhe-hol.
The articles to be carried into
Tartary were brought from Hoong-
ya-yuen to Pekin, as well as the
baggage of the embassy. Amons

the

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

the. former were six small brass
field-pieces, fixed on light car-
riages, and each firing several times
in a minute. The deputy, or legate
from the Emperor, gave it as
his opinion, that the field-pieces
should be left behind, as the Em-
peror was to return soon to Pekin ;
yet the same man had before shewn
great anxiety that all the presents
should accompany the Emperor to
Zhe-hoi. The gunpowder too, of
which there were as many small
barrels as might be used occasionally
in salutes, and in exercising the
field-pieces and musquetry of the
guard, kad become an object of
suspicion. He desired that it might
be given up; which was immedi-
ately done. His whole conduct
seemed to indicate an apprehen-
sion lest the Chinese should enter-
' tain a higher idea of the prowess
of the English nation than of his
own.

The Ambassador, attended by
the usual number of Chinese, and
most of his European suite, set out
from Pekin on the 2d of Septem-
ber, 1793, and proceeded to Zhe-
hol; where he was received with
military honours, amidst a crowd
of spectators on horseback and foot,
The suite of edifices destined for
the embassy, was situated near the
southern extremity of the town of
Zhe-hol, which lay betwixt it and
the palace-gates. The ambassa-
dor was desirous that the ceremony
of reception should be explained
and settled before it might be ne-
cessary for him to make his appear-
ance at the palace; while the
_ Grand Vizier of China, or Colao,
wished to see him there without
delay, that he might learn from
him the purport of his Majesty’s
letter to the Emperor. His Excel-

[185

lency, inthesecircumstances, deter-
mined to send the secretary of the
embassy in his room, with a copy
of the King’s letter, and a memo-
rial relating to the business of re-
ception at court. The etiquette of
the Chinese court not permitting
the secretary to hold, in that capa-
city, any conversation with the
prime minister, nor even to sit
down in his presence, it became
necessary to make use of the com-
mission of Minister Plenipotentiary,
which his Majesty had granted to
him, to act in case of the Ambas-
sador’s absence or indisposition.—
It was announced to the Ambassa-
dor, thathis Imperial Majesty would
be satisfied with the same form of
respectful obeisance from the Eng-
lish, which they had been accus-
tomed to pay to their own sove-
reign; and the day before the birth-
day of the Emperor, the 17th of
September, was appointed for the
reception of the British embassy.
In the interval, such of the presents
as had been brought to Zhe-hol
were carried to the palace; and
very civil messages, implying the
satisfaction they gave to his Impe-
rial Majesty, were conveyed to the
Ambassador. His Excellency now
paid a private visit to the Colao,
who received him with frankness
and affability; but he found it ne-
cessary to use great tenderness, as
well as very qualified expressions in
conveying any idea that a connec-
tion between Great Britain and
China could be of any importance
to the latter. Such were the real
or affected notions entertained by
the Chinese government of the su-
periority and independence of the
empire, that no transaction with
foreigners was admissible by it, on
the ground of reciprocal advantage ;

but,

1861

but, on the part of the former, as
an act of condescension, grace, and
mercy to other nations, who came
in quest of some porticn of the
good things of China. The Am-
, bassador was not unwilling to nego-
tiate, even on these terms. On
the day of the Ambassador’s pre-
sentation to the Emperor, most of
his family attended. The tributary
princes, those of the Imperial fa-
mily, and the great mandarins of
the court, formed together no in-
considerable groupe, while they
were waiting in front of the great
tent erected for the Emperor in the
garden of Zhe-ho!. Each was de-
corated with distinctive marks of
the rank bestowed on him by the
Emperor. Before the Emperor's
arrival, the Ambassador’s small tent
was filled with a succession of visi-
tors. Soon after day-light the
sound of several instruments, and
the confused voices of men at a dis-
tance, announced the approach of
the Emperor. He soon appeared
from behind a high and perpendi-
cular mountain, skirted with trees,
as if from a sacred grove, preceded
by a number of persons busied in
proclaiming aloud his virtues and
his power. He was seated in a sort
of open chair, or triumphal car,
borne by sixteen men, and was ac-
companied and followed by guards,
officers of the household, high flag
and umbrella bearers, and music.
He was clad in plain dark silk, with
a velvet bonnet, not much different
in form from that of the Scotch.
On the front of it was placed a
large pearl; the only jewel, or or-
nament, he appeared to have about
him.
For the purpose of correspond-
ing with Chinese ideas and man-
ners, the British Ambassador was

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17932.

clad in a richly embroidered suit
of velvet, adorned with a diamond
badge and star, of the order of the
Bath ; over the suit he wore a man-
tle of the same order, sufficiently
ample to cover the limbs of the
wearer. The Secretary of Lega-
tion, and Minister Plenipotentiary,
being an honorary Doctor of Laws
of the university of Oxford, wore
the scarlet gown of that degree,
which happened also to be suitable
in a government where degrees in
learning lead to every kind of poli-
tical situation. ‘The Ambassador,
instructed by the President of the
Tribunal of Rites, held a large and
magnificent square box of gold, a-
dorned with jewels, in which was
inclosed his Majesty's letter to the
Emperor, between both hands
lifted above his head, and in that
manner ascending the few steps
that Jed to the throne, and bending
on one knee, presented the box
with a short address to his Imperial
Majesty; who, receiving it with
his own hands, placed it by his
side. ‘Throughout the whole day
the Emperor was very attentive to
his European guests, and expressed
the satisfaction he felt at the testi-
mony which his Britannic Majesty
gave to him of his esteem and good-
will in sending him an embassy,
with a letter and rare presents ;
that he, on his part, entertained
sentiments of the same kind to-
wards the sovereign of Great Bri-
tain, and hoped that harmony
would always be maintained among
their respective subjects.

His Imperial Majesty, after a
little more conversation with the
Ambassador, gave, as the first pre-
sent from him to his Majesty, a
gem or precious stone, as it was
called by the Chinese, and ac-

counted

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

counted by them of high value.
It was upwards of a foot in length,
and curiously carved into a form
intended to resemble a sceptre,
such as is always placed upon the
Imperial throne, and is considered
as emblematic of prosperity and
peace. During the repast, he sent
them several dishes from his own
table; and when it was over he
sent for them, and with his own
hands presented to them a goblet of
warm Chinese wine, not unlike
Madeira of an inferior quality.
He asked the Ambassador the age
of his own sovereign; of which
being informed, he immediately
replied, that he heartily wished
him to equal himself in years,
which had already amounted to
eighty-three, and with as perfect
health. He was indeed yet so
hale and vigorous, that he scarcely
appeared to have existed as many
years (fifty-seven) as, in fact, he had
governed the empire. When the
festival was entirely over, and he
descended from his throne, he
marched firm and erect, and with-
out the least symptom of infirmity,
to the open chair that was waiting
for him.

Soon after the Ambassador’s re-
turn home, he received from the
Emperor presents of silks, porce-
Jain, and tea for himself and all
the gent'emen of his suite. Pre-
sents were repeatedly sent to the
Ambassadorand all his suite. Some
small tokens of his Imperial Ma-
jesty were given to the meanest
servant of the embassy, and even
to the common men, as well as
officers, of the ships which had
brought it to China.

The Ambassador and his suite
were invited on the day after his
presentation, to the celebration of
the anniversary of his Imperial Ma-

[187

jesty’s birth-day: a festivity which
was continued for several success-
ive days; during which, various
entertainments were exhibited to
advantage on the lawn, in the open
air, before his Imperial Majesty’s
great tent.

After the festivities were over;
the Tartar princes began to pre-
pare for their return home; and
soon after, the Ambassador, pre-
ceded by the Emperor, returned to
Pekin.

On the whole, the embassy was
conducted with the greatest pru-
dence and propriety, decorum and
dignity, by Lord Macartney ; nor
did he neglect any means, by con-
ferences with the prime minister,
and otherwise, to effect his object:
and it was received with all the
politeness, pomp, and munificent
hospitality that were to be expect-
ed from a sovereign prince, whose
character deservedly holds a high
place in the long list of the Em-
perors of China. But the end
corresponded not with the means
by which it was sought, nor yet
with the flattering appeara:ices that
seemed to promise its accomplish-
ment. The inveterate jealousy of
foreigners was heightened by re-
cent reports. Ina war in 1791,
in which the Emperor of China
took part with the Lama, in oppo-

‘sition to the Rajah of Napaul, it

was represented at the court of
Pekin, by the General who had
commanded the forces in Thibet,
and his officers, that the Chinese
army had met with more resistance,
and suffered greater losses than
could have been foreseen from
such an enemy as was expected to
be encountered. ‘They had per-
ceived hats, they said, as well as
turbans, among their enemies; Eu-
ropean troops and European disci-

pline ;

188 |

pline; and those Europeans they
supposed to be English. The new
French principles, too, were no-
where more detested and dreaded
than in China. These-coming, as
well as the embassy from the west,
rendered the government averse to
any extension of intercourse with
that quarter of the world. In these
circumstances, the allusions to the
power of Great Britain, in the let-
ter of his Britannic Majesty, and in
the memorials and conferences be-
tween the British Ambassador and
the Chinese minister, as well as
the samples exhibited of our mili-
tary discipline and art, may be sup-
posed to have contributed to the
counteraction of the design they
were intended to promote.

Soon after the return of the
court to Pekin, the Ambassador
received an invitation from the
Grand Colao to Yuen-min-yuen ;
where he had a conversation with
him on the subject of the embassy.
The Colao being informed of the
intended departure of the Lion, said
“‘ He hoped that ship was not yet
gone, but would wait to carry back
the embassy :--that the Emperor
upon first hearing of the Ambassa-
dor’s illness, and the loss of some
persons of his suite, by death, since
his arrival in China, had remarked
how much foreigners were liable to
suffer from the severe winters of
Pekin; and being apprehensive that
the present visitors would run great
risks of injuring their healths mate-
rially by continuing there, thought
it might be desirable for them to set
out before the rivers and canals
were frozen, which sometimes took
place very early, and on a sudden;
as the route by land was necessarily
fatiguing and inconvenieyt.” The
Colao added, on his part, ‘ that as
to the feast of the new year, for

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

which he supposed his Excellency
might wish to wait, it was nothing
more than a repetition of what he
had seen already at Zhe-hol.”

If the real meaning of this af-
fected solicitude for the health of
the Ambassador could have been
misunderstood, it would have been
sufficiently illustrated by the inti-
mation that the Emperor’s letter to
the King of England would be pre-
sented to the Ambassador next day;
with a hint, at the same time, that
this was a signal for departure. On
the evening of the same day the
Emperor's answer was brought in
state te the Ambassador’s hotel.
On the morning of the 7th of Octo-
ber the prime minister, with other
Colaos, came to a pavilion within
the gates of Pekin, to go through
the ceremonies of parting with the
Ambassador. They communicated
to him the most gracious expres-
sions, and, together with a list of
presents to the King of England,
inclosed in a number of chests, an
answer to the demands which had
been lately made by the Ambassa-
dor. The nature of this answer,
though not announced by the Co-
lao, was evident from his total.
silence on the subject. Among the
presents sent to the King of Eng-
land, was a copy of verses com-
posed by his Imperial Majesty,
fraught with moral and political
truths, and cenceived with much
taste and fancy ; and some curious
and precious gems, which he par-
ticularly valued from their having
been for eight centuries in his fa-
mily; and which he now gave as an
earnest of perpetual friendship.

The Ambassador, after parting
with the Emperor’s ministers, at-
tended by his former retinue of
English and Chinese, passed through
one of the eastern gates of Pekin,

: where
x

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

where he was saluted with the usual
honours, and proceeded directly
towards Tong-choo-foo, in order
to re-embark on the Pei-ho, on his
return to Britain.

It is superfluous to inform our
readers, that in this account we
have chiefly followed that compos-
ed by Sir George Staunton, Secre-
tary to the Embassy, published at
an expence, and with a magnifi-
cence corresponding with the
splendor of the embassy ; and re-
presenting all things in the most
favourable point of view in which
they can be considered; compared
and somewhat modified by the nar-
rative of Mr. Anderson, steward to
the embassy; which sometimes no-
tices certain humiliating circum-
stances not recorded in the other;

but both concurring in their ac-

count of all that is of importance.
From the testimony of these
respectable writers, sufficient of
itself, if it were not supported by
the collateral evidence of others
engaged in the same expedition,
the history of Lord Macartney’s
embassy to China appears to be
briefly this:—That the Ambassador
and his suite were received with
the utmost politeness; treated with
the utilise hospitality ;_ watched,
not to say confined, with the ut-
most vigilance; and dismissed with
the utmost civility.

Though it be not probable that
any embassy will be sent in future
from London to Pekin for commer-
cial purpeses, it is not impossible
that embassies of another kind may
one day arise out of the constant
approximation of the Chinese
and British territories and depend.
encies in India, on the side of Thi-
bet.

In the contest above mentioned,
between the Emperor of China,

[189

on the part of the Grand Lama and
the Rajah of Napaul, the Chinese
General had at first threatened to
exterminate the Rajah’s race, and
to add his dominions to those of
China; which would have brought
the Chinese frontiers into immedi-
ate contact with those of Hindostan.
But dreading, very probably, oppo-
sition from the English, he affected
to procure a pardon from the Em-
peror to the Rajah, on the score of
his country’s being of small extent,
and its inhabitants of .a foreign
tribe, on his consenting to pay a
fixed tribute, and other conditions.
But over the Soobah, or country of
Lessa, which he came to protect for
the spiritual chief, he placed a tem-
poral governor, to whom he com-
mitted the care of all affairs, civil
and political; alleging, “ that the
territory of Lassa had, for a great
length of time, been in the PoOsses-
sion of the imperial throne, and so
should always remain;” so that it
would seem that religious, faith,
and a respect to the inheritance of
popes, has greatly declined in China
as well as in Europe.

Between the advanced frontier
of the Chinese empire and that of
the British possessionsin Hindostan,
there now intervenes only a narrow
territory, about one degree of lati-
tude, part of which constitutes Ne-
paul. Should an interference take
place in future, it is observed by Sir
George Staunton, on the part of his
Imperial Majesty, in the dissensions
which frequently arise between the
princes possessing the countries ly-
ing along the eastern limits of Hin-
dostan, as has happened of late with
regard to its northern neighbours,
there may be occasion for not a lit-
tle discussion and explanation be-
tween the governments of Great
Britain and China,

OH AP.

1909] ANNUAL REGISTER, !792.

Ci a Poo Xi:

Political State of India at the Peace of Mangalore. Power and Ambition
of Tippoo. Hatred borne him by all his Neighbours. Proceedings of the
different States of Hindostan, from 1784 to 1788. Tippoo descends the
Ghauts to the Kingdom of Travancore. Returns upon a Remonstrance

JSrom the English. The Rajah purchases from the Dutch the Forts of
Cranganore and Jacotlah. Indignation of Tippoo. He attacks the Lines
of Travancore. Is repulsed. The Government of Madras interferes. The
Rajah still obstinate. Is driven from the Lines, and loses almost all his
Kingdom. The English prepare for War. Arguments for and against the
Justice ofit. Operations of General Meadows. Hetakes Caroor, Darapo-
ram, Coimbatore, and Dindigul. Expedition of Colonel Floyd to Satti-
mungulum. He is surprized by Tippoo. His masterly Retreat. Move-
ments of the Sultan. Junction of the Grand and Carnatic Armies. Tip-
poo, to prevent the Invasion of Mysore, marches for the Carnatic. Eludes
the Pursuit of the British Army. Lays Siege to Tiagar. Takes several
Forts and lays waste the Country with Fire and Sword. Transactions on
the Malabar Coast. General Meadows takes Cannanore, Baleapatam, 8c.
Brilliant Success of Colonel Hartley. Arrtval of Lord Cornwallis at
Madras. Planofthe ensuing Campaign. Siegeand Capture of Bangalore.
The Army marches to the North. Is joined by a large Body of Cavalry

Srom the Nizam. Returns to Bangalore. Lord Cornwallis determines to
march to Seringapatam. Defeats Tippooin a pitched Battle before the
City. Distress of the Army. A sudden Swelling of the Cavery prevents
the Junction of General Abercrombie. Lord Cornwallis returns towards
Bangalore, and finds it necessary to abandon the Siege of Seringapatam
till the following Season. Junction of the Mahrattas at Milgottah. The
allied Armies arrive at Bangalore. They separate. Capture of Aussoor
and Kayacoitah. A large Convoy arrives from the Carnatic. Capture of
Nundydroog, and the Forts north-east of Bangalore. Conduct of Tippoo.
His Troops repulsed from Coimbatore. He sends against tt Cummer Ud
Deen Cawn, who takesitafter a vigorous Siege. Lord Cornwallis detaches
Colonel Maxwell to scour the Baramau!, and to protect the Convoys then
expected. Hetakes Penagra, and isrepulsed from Kistnagheri. Siege and
Capture of Saverndroog. Capture of Outre Droog. Transactions of the
ifthies: Inactivity of the Nizam’s General. Successes of Purseram Bhow.
His Imprudence. The British Army again arrives before Seringapatam.
Description of Tippoo’s fortified Camp. Lord Cornwallis resolves to at-
tack it. Plan of the Attack. Its Success. Tippoo shuts himself up within
the Fort. Preparations for the Siege. Tippoo attempts the Life of Lord
Cornwallis. Junction of General Abercroinbie. The Trenches are opened,
General Abercrombie invests the remaining Side of the Fort. Certain
Prospect of Success. Termination of Hostilities. Preliminary Articles
of Peace. Arrival in the English Camp of the Sultan's two Sons. His
Reluctance to accede to the Demands of the Allies. Recommencement of
the Siege. The definitive Treaty is concluded.

if tae pacification of 1784 was of Mysore: but was not calculated
expedient and necessary, to secure permanent tranquillity.

both to the English and the Sultan ‘The principles and passions which
had

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

had involved the preceding war,
remained; and the exhaustion that
had reduced the aggressor to terms
of peace, had been repaired by
prudence and by the natural pro-
gress of things in the course of
time. The power that preponder-
ated in the peninsula of Hindostan,
hadbeen checked, but not subdued,
nor even humbled.

The dominions of Mysore ex-
tended over a track of country
500 miles in length, and 350 in
breadth ;—by nature the strongest,
the most fertile, and populous in the
peninsula, enjoying a most tempe-
rate climate; everywhere intersected
with rivers andstreams, and abound-
ing in fortifications, seemingly im-
pregnable. This kingdom was
not like thestates which surrounded
it, ruled by an ignorant, weak, and
effeminate Rajah; but by one of
the greatest princes who had ap-
peared in the east for several ages;
brave, enterprizing, prudent, and
politic. He was, atthe same time,
ferocious and cruel; a fanatic in
the Mahometan religion ;—a zea-
lous adversary to all Europeans, or
christians, and a bitter and sworn
foe to the English; so that, on the
whole, from several points of re-
semblance, he has been called the
Modern Hannibal. The hatred he
bore to the British race, whom he
considered as the determined ene-
mies to his throne, he extended to
the Mahratta states, and the Ni-
zam of the Deccan, on account of
their desertion during the war*, in
which they had engaged as allies
of Hyder. He recruited his
strength, by a wise improvement of
some years of peace, and considered
his present possessions merely as

[193
a foundation for future con-
guests.

With this view, he appointed
faithful and vigilant governors over
his provinces; introduced admira-
ble order into his finances, and ap-
plied himself with great industry
and success to the encouragement
of both agriculture and manufac-
tures. But his principal attention
was directed to the increase and
discipline of his troops, and the
strengthening of his fortifications ;
large bodies of soldiers were raised,
and kept on foot throughout the
whole of his compacted empire;
the forming of which, the Sultan
superintended himself, with un-
remitting ardour. By largesses and.
promises, he allured into his ser-
vice many European officers; and
the natives he preferred according
to their merit; so that his army
was uniformly well appointed, and.
not ill acquainted with modern tac-
tics. Amidst all these military
concerns, his favourite pursuit was,
the fortification of his dominions.
But as an engineer himself, we are
well assured, he is very defective,
Nor will he always be advised by
able engineers from Europe; but
in some instances follows his own
miserable plans, in contradiction to
the very first principles of fortifica-
tion. As the grand means of pre-
moting all his ends, he was inde-
fatigable in collecting money, pro-
visions, and military stores. His
annual revenue amounted to about
5,000,000 sterling; the value of
which is not to be calculated by
the quantity of labour that a like
sum can command in Europe, but
in amuch higher proportion. His
expenditure, great as it was, did

* The address of Mr. Hastings, in drawing off these powers from the confede-
racy (against the English) at that time, saved our power in the east from ruin,

not

192} ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

not exhaust thisincome: the over-
plus he reserved as the instrument
of future greatness. Nor did he
affect to keep his antipathy to the
English a secret :—being high-spi-
rited and impetuous, he was at little
pains to disguise his views of future
agerandizement. In 1787, he sent
a splendid embassy to the court of
France (his hatred to the christian
religion bending on this occasion
under his livelier animosity towards
the British nation) to solicit an al-
liance with her, for the purpose of
expelling the tyrants of Calcutta.
A confederation, which would pro-
bably have taken place notwith-
standing the repugnance of Louis
XVI.* and been strengthened too,
by the accession of the republic of
the Seven United Provinces, had it
not been prevented by the trou-
bles that began to ferment about
this time in France, and the revo-
lution that was effected in 1787, by
the Prussian army, under the Duke
of Brunswick, in favour of the
Stadtholder.

Of the character and conduct of
this renowned prince, whose ca-
reer of ambition is not yet probably
closéd, and which unite, as is often
the case, great ability with great
weakness, a more particular ac-
count may afford a gratification to
our readers, and may not be thought
unworthy of a place in this annual
record of European affairs in eve-
ry quarter of the world. The fol-
lowing particulars relating to Tip-
poo, are extracted from a late pub-
lication, by a very intelligent, as
well as brave and active Officer,
who served both in the last, and
the preceding war with Tippoo +.

“ Itis only the Mahomedan sub-
jects of the Sultan who seem to en-
joy his protection. Assuming the
character of his prophet, he some-
times wantonly, and in cold blood,
destroys such of the people, though
in the natural possession of the
country, as refuse to assume that of
Mahomed; and I declare that I
have myself witnessed a sight of
barbarity unknown in any civilized

* Weare informed by Bertrand de Moleville, minister of the marine depart-

ment, and at that time very much in the confidence of the royal family, that,
«¢ Early in 1791, a secret message was received by the King of France, from
Tippoo Saib, who demanded of the King 6000 French troops; offering to pay
their transportation, clothing, and maintenance. He was convinced, that with
this assistance, he could destroy the English army and settlements in India, and
ensure the possession to France, That nothing might transpire of this affair, Tip-
poo had not mentioned it in his council ; and had secretly negociated the business
with M. de Fresne, governor of Pondicherry, through the means of M. Leger,
administrateur civil of France, in India, who understood the Persian language,
and who wrote the dispatches, dictated by Tippoo, relative to this embassy. M.
Leger himself came from India to France with this message; and, in order to
conceal the real object of his voyage, some time before he set out, he had declared
that his private affairs would oblige him to return immediately to France.

As M. Leger was directed to the minister of marine, I informed the King of
Tippoo Saib’s proposals: but notwithstanding its advantages, and although the
insurrection of the negroes of St. Domingo rendered it necessary to send a con-
siderable force there, under the pretence of which it would have been easy to have
sent to the East Indies the 6000 men demanded by Tippoo, without raising the
suspicion of the English government, the natural probity of the King’s mind
would not permit him to adopt this measure. ‘* This resembles,” said he, ‘ the
affair of America, which I never think of without regret. My youth was taken
adyantage of at that time, and we suffer for it now :—the lesson is too severe to be
forgotten.”

+ Major Taylor. See Travels over Land to India.

nation,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

nation, where the unfortunate Hin-
doos have been hanged by dozens
on trees by the road-side, or sus-
pended on hedge-rows, as they were
caught in the vain attempt of elud-
ing their sanguinary pursuers: a
scene only to be equalled by the
ferocious Buccaneers, in the act of
hunting the timid Indians with
blood-hounds and mastiffs.

** These horrible cruelties serve
to keep in awe his subjects of a
lower class; but policy induces him
to attach the principal officers, mili-
tary and civil; and where his inte-
rest is concerned, no man is more
liberal of either reward or promo-
tion. Under the eye of Tippoo,
his army fight with courage and
alacrity; but his detachments have
uniformly given way with little op-
position, and still less conduct.

*“His troops are hired by the
month; but his month is arbitrary.
Thirty, forty, and even fifty days,
constitute their duration; and the
state of his treasury, or his own
whim, regulates the calendar.

“ His numerous bodies of cavalry
have been wonderfully exaggerated.
His circar, or stable-horse, are the
first in point of discipline and brave-
ry; the men are well paid, and uni-
formly clothed; and the horses, to
the number of 5 or 6000, are the
property of government.

_ “ The next in degree of estima-
tion are cavalry, collected from all
parts of India, where the horse is
the property of the rider, and per-
haps constitutes his fortune. For
horses killed in action, no compen-
sation is allowed ; and the horseman
is obliged to serve on foot till he
ean save or plunder money enough
to resume his former situation.
When this loss at once deprives the
soldier of the prospect of promo-

Vor, XXXIV.

[193

tion, and the means of his liveli-
hood, he can have little induce-
ment to risk the loss of a favourite
animal,

‘© The third class are the Looties,
or plunderers. These dastardly
marauders serve without pay, and
entirely subsist on the plunder of
the enemy’s country. They burn
and destroy whatever they cannot
carry off, and mark their steps with
blood and desolation. Their horses
are diminutive, and but little for the
purposes of war. The men are
clothed with little more than a tur-
ban, and a cloth tied about their
middle, perhaps without a saddle ;
and their arms consist of a scimitar,
or pike, It is to these wretches,
during the war with Hyder, that the
Carnatic owed its destruction. Un-
der their hands the finest countries
in India became little better than a
desert: whole villages were swept
away; and our manufacturers, with
their families, carried to Mysore;
while the labourers became the
Coolies, to transport what was for-
merly their own: and where de-
fence was attempted, they neither
spared age nor sex.

“‘ The toot-soldiers may be divided
into two classes, the regulars and the
irregulars; besides which he has
Golandaurs, or artillery, and a small
body of Europeans, renegadoes, and
deserters. A part of the regulars
are clothed in uniform, somewhat
in the manner of the English se-
poys; but by far the greatest num-
ber have only uniform turbans
and cumber-bands, with white jack-
ets and short breeches. ‘(heir
arms are French muskets, or the
English ones taken in the course of
the war of 1780. ‘To discipline
and command these battalions, he
has a certain number of foreigners,

{0} and

194]

and a considerable proportion of
the native officers belonging to our
troops, that became prisoners of
war, and were forced into the ser-
vice. They are slovenly, and un-
steady in their exercise and duty,
and little acquainted with any evo-
lutions. The irregulars are an un-
military rabble, variously armed,
with old muskets, match-locks,
pikes, and scimitars. Little de-
pendence can be placed in such a
multifarious collection, who prin-
cipally depend for their subsistence
on plunder.

“* From such an army what js to
be apprehended, when oppused to
a body of gallant troops, many of
whom are veterans in the service,
and commanded by British of-
ficers of experience and_ abili-
ties?

** Yet, to despise an enemy is the
greatest fault which an officer can
commit; as it puts him from his
guard, and renders him open to
their assault. Let it, therefore, not
be supposed that exertion is unne-
cessary against so respectable an op-
ponent. Some excellencies must
prevail in Tippoo’s army to render
it in general respectable, and, since
the commencement of the present
war, in the opinion of our ablest
officers. But the advantages which
he possesses are easily counteract-
ed; and when placed in competi-
tion with regular system and exact
discipline, must at all times be
overcome, if followed up with dis-
cretion and perseverance.

‘* In the mode of carrying his pro-
visions, and of transporting his can-
non and stores, an evident superi-
ority is discernible, The attention
he has paid to the artillery depart-
ment, evinces a knowledge of its
utility ; which would not disgrace

the midst of profound peace.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the tactics of the present day. In
carrying provisions for his army,
Tippoo’s advantages are material;
preserving a system of warfare in
His
bullocks are always trained for ei-
ther draught or carriage; and his
extraordinary demands are supplied
from his Banjara bullocks, em-
ployed in transporting merchandize
through his country, or carrying
salt from the sea-coast. In these
different services, not less than one
hundred thousand are employed.

“* The surprise of his army, or
the loss of a detachment, is attend-
ed with consequences of no mo-
ment to the general interest of the
war.

“« The bazar of either is generally
ten miles in the rear, and encamped
on an open road, where their re-
treat is attended without difficulty
or danger. As the army retires or
advances, the motions of the ba-
zar are accordingly regulated. His
superiority in cavalry, and the ne-
cessity there is for the English
troops to preserve a connected bo-

‘dy, and the smallness of our num-

bers, which prevents our detach-
ing, tends to preserve the supplies
of the enemy, and to render our
means of procuring them more dif-
ficult and precarious.

‘¢ Tn transporting his cannon, and
in cutting roads to facilitate their
conveyance, his means are abund-
ant. To a small gun he attaches
one elephant, to a larger two, and
to those of a greater caliber, three
and four. By the assistance of a
regular and well-appointed corps of
bildaurs, or pioneers, 100 pieces
of ordnance are moved at a rate not
easily to be conceived, and far su-
perior to our best conducted at-
tempts. His guns are drawn by
the

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

the strongest and most active bul-
jocks produced in the country, the
elephants being only intended for
occasional assistance; to which is
added the unremitted exertions of
excellent drivers,

*¢ The Nabob’s artillery are both
larger and longer than ours, which
enables him to commence a can-
monade either on our baggage or
line, before our guns can be used
with effect, and when it would
only be an unnecessary expence of
ammunition to return his fire. In
eases of disorder, or when advan-
tage on his side occurs, his cavalry
are very ready to seize the oppor-
tunity.

** The velocity with which his

large bodies of cavalry change their
situation, and the general rapidity
with which his wholemovementsare
executed from one place to an-
other, operate strongly in his fa-
vour. Unable to ascertain his posi-
tion, it is dangerous for us to de-
tach from the main body. His prin-
cipal object is to attack us in de-
tail, whether in conveying provi-
sions or stores, or foraging in the
neighbourhood of our encamp-
ment; and in this huzzar mode of
warfare he generally succeeds.
_ “In his artillery he places his
greatest confidence and depend-
ence: that corps is the best ap-
pointed in his service, and very far
superior to those of any other native
power in India. -

“ His intelligence is an object of
particular consideration : he spares
no expence to accomplish his end;
and the most cruel and exemplary
punishments are immediately in-
flicted, should false information at
any time be delivered. He does
not depend on’the word of a sin-
gle individual, but employs several

[195

on the same occasion; examines
them apart, and whether they
agree or differ in the tale, they are
all detained close prisoners till the
truth is disclosed ; and to the man
who is found in an error, no Jenity
is shewn. The families of the
spies are in the possession of the
Nabob; and he attaches them to
him by the most liberal rewards:
by this means he finds his way into

our camps, and perhaps, by dint of

money, and the collusion of the
native servants of officers of rank,
he obtains the knowledge of our
secret resolutions.

‘* Hisbildaurs are thestoutest and
oest working men in his countrys.
a certain proportion are attached
to every gun; and it is astonishing,
from the number that compose
that corps, with what celerity roads
are cut through the thickest jungle,
or the most rugged country.

“The elephants belonging to
Tippoo, to the amount of near 400,
perform wonders in dragging his
cannon along heavy roads, in cross-
ing rivers, and in carrying his
camp-equipage and stores.

«The rocket-boys are daring,
especially when intoxicated with
bang: they advance near to our
line of march, covered by the ca-
valry, and attempt to throw our
troops into confusion. The rocket
discharged horizontally is more
dangerous than those fired perpen-
dicularly; and in open and level
ground they are, although uncer-
tain in their direction, very de-
structive and galling to our men.’”

It was impossible that the English
East India Company could hear of
the preparations of Tippoo with in-
difference ; or that the British go-
vernment should neglect to take
measures for guarding against his

{O] 2 en-

196 |

encroachments. In 1786,LordCorn-
wallis was sent out to Bengal in the
double capacity of Governor Gene-
ral and Commander in Chief. The
accumulated difficulties of immense
military and civil arrears, naturally
arising froma long and expensive
war, had been surmounted through
the sage economy adopted by his
predecessor in the government of
Bengal, Sir John Macpherson. A
reform was effected in the public
expenditure, which, according to
the ministerial reports in. parlia-
ment, of the state of our affairs in
India, saved upwards of a million
sterling per annum. Questions of
great nicety, relative to the inter-
pretation of certain articles in the
treaty of 1784, had been adjusted
pacifically with the French go-
vernment in India, which counter-
acted the plans of new aggression
that France had in contempla-
tion there, and which have since
been developed by the memoirs of
the Marquis de Bouillé. The na-
tive states of Asia had been con-
ciliated to the establishment of Bri-
tish power, and left to their own
internal intrigues and contests:
and the plan of Mr, Pitt’s new admi-
nistration under the Board of Con-
troul, had been accommodated
without much opposition to the
prejudices and habits of the Com-
pany’s servants: so that Lord
Cornwallis, on his accession to the
chair of India, in September 1786,
found the different presidencies in
rising prosperity. He availed him-
self with moderation, firmness, and
temper, of the best arrangements of
his predecessors, and introduced se-
veral new regulations that contri-
buted farther to the public welfare.

About the same time that Lord
Cornwallis was appointed to the

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

highest military and civil offices. in
Bengal, Sir Archibald Campbell
was invested with similar powers
in the presidency of Madras.
The revenues of both provinces
were greatly augmented without
any new impositions on the sub-
jects of the government. That of
Madras rose from 900,0001. a year,

‘to 1,400,0901. a year. The fortifica-

tions were every where strengthen-
ed, and the troops brought into the
highest state of discipline.

But, from the machinations of
Tippoo, most was to be apprehend-
ed for the Carnatic.’ If a war
should break out, it was here that
the troops must assemble; and from
hence that they must receive the
necessary supplies. Here, accord-
ingly, the preparations for defence
were most extensive and most vigo-
rous, Granaries were established
on the frontiers and other stations,
containing supplies for more than
30,000 men for twelve months. A
complete train of battering and of
field-artillery was prepared, far sur-
passing any thing that had ever
been seen upon the coast. A store
of camp-equipage was provided for
an army of more than 20,000 men.
The principal forts were repaired,
and more amply supplied with guns
and stores. The cavalry were with
infinite difficulty completed to their
full establishment, and a general
uniformity in disciptine and move-
ment was established in the cavalry,
the infantry, and the artillery.

In 1787, four regiments of infan-
try had been raised in Britain, and
sent out to India; so that there
were now, at least, 9000 Europeans
in the country, in addition to the
Company’s establishment. Every
thing wore a pleasing aspect.

The states north of Mysore, too,

were

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

were obliged by the threatening
aspect of affairs to take measures
for their safety. Of these, the two
most considerable were the Mahrat-
tasandthe Nizam; andthough there
existed an hereditary enmity betwixt
the two; altho’ they differed inlaws,
in institutions, and in religion,—
urged by the common danger, they
forgot or suspended their quarrels,
and joined in the closest alliance.

The confederates, confident from
their union and their strength, hop-
_ ed to humble the power of Mysore,
and were probably by no means
averse to arupture. They were not,
however, under a necessity of seek-
ing an occasion and pretext for the
commencement of hostilities.

In the summer of 1788, Tippoo
marched his army down the Ghauts
towards the Malabar coast, evi-
dently with hostile designs against
the Rajah of Travancore. He first
attempted to detach him from the
alliance of the English, and to per-
suade him to throw himself under
his protection. ‘* Who,”’ said he,
“ever found good faith in Euro-
peans!”’ He then encouraged the
Rajah of Cochin, one of his tribu-
taries, to lay claim, upon some anti-
quated pretence, to part of the
ground upon which the lines are
built to defend Travancore on the
north, the only quarter on which
it is accessible to 2n invading army.
It appeared that he was fired with

the design of getting possession of |

the kingdom; which would have
made him absolute master of the
whole Malabar coast ; and enabled
him at any time, with ease, to in-
-vade the Carnatic.

_ Alarmed at his danger, the Rajah
dispatched a messenger to Madras,
to inform the English government
of the movements of Tippoo. Sir
Archibald Campbell sent some

[197

troops to his assistance, and de-
clared, that if Tippoo should attack
the lines of Travancore, it would be
consideredon the part of the English
as paramount to a declaration of
war. These steps were approved
by the supreme government of Ben-
gal; and Tippoo, awed by this stea-
dy opposition, withdrew his troops
and returned to Seringapatam.
The following summer, how-
ever, produced a plausible pretence
for executing his scheme, and
spread the flames of war all over
India. The Dutch, from the vici-
nity of Cochin to Mysore, trembled
for their most valuable possession.
They had in the last century con-
quered from the Portugueze two
ports, Cranganore and Jacottah,
which lay betwixt Cochin and My-
sore. These they offered in sale to
the Rajah of Travancore, foresee-
ing that, if he should be so foolish
as to accept the offer, they would
thus guard their possessions with the
British Aegis. The Rajah, thinking
that they would strengthen his bar-
rier to the sea, rashly concluded the
baryain. Tippoo was, or pretend-
ed to be, highly incensed at this
transaction, He asserted that he
was feudal sovereign of that part of
the Malabar coast, and that of
course no transfer could be made of
the property without his leave first
asked and obtained: and upon the
Rajah’s refusal to relinquish the pur-
chase, he marched with a powerful
army to the frontiers of Travancore.
The kingdom of Travancore, by
nature, on the north, is extremely
defenceless; but, about fifty years
ago, strong lines were constructed
for its defence. They consist of a
ditch 16 feet broad, and 20 deep,
with a thick bamboo hedge inserted
in the middle of it; a slight parapet,
a good rampart, and bastions nearly
{O] 3 flanking

198 |

flanking each other. ‘Tippoo, de-
termined to strike a sudden blow at
the root of the Rajah’s power, on
the 29th of December attacked the
eastern extremity of the lines, and
attempted to take them by storm:
He at first carried every thing be-
fore him; but the fortune of the
day soon changed: the Travancore
troops, who had fled at his approach,
rallied from their confusion, and the
Mysorean army was repulsed with
great slaughter. The Sultan himself
made a narrow escape. In the re-
treat he was thrown from his horse
into the ditch, where he was severe-
ly bruised. Galled at his disappoint-
ment and disgrace, he is said to
have made a vow never again to
wear his turban till he had taken
the lines of Travancore. Accord-
ingly he sent to Mysore for supplies
of troops and battering-guns, and
prepared to besiege them by regu-
Jar approach.

As soon as these transactions were
known to the government of Ma-
dras, the conduct of the Rajah in
making the purchase on so preca-
Mous and invidious a title, was cen-
sured in the severest terms; and
Mr. Holland, the president, warned
him to desist from his ambitious de-
Signs. At the same time the govern-
ment remonstrated with Tippoo
against the impropriety of his pro-
ceedings in thus attacking their
friend and ally, whom they were
bound todefend. They proposed that
the difference should be settled be-
twixt him and the Rajah in an ami-
cable manner; and offered to send
commissioners to meet an equal
number appointed by him, whose
decision should be final to both par-
ties. Tippoo returned a polite an-
Swer ; saying, that he should be very
happy to have a personal confer-
ence with an English commissioner;

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

and that he had no doubt of being
able completely to make good his
title, and to justify his conduct.
But though both parties seemed
thus amicably inclined, both were
bent upon war. The time had now
come, which they had so eagerly
longed for, when each might hope
to realize his views. 'Tippoo had a
fair pretext for beginning hisscheme
of conquest, and a fair prospect of
going on inavictorious career. Tra-
vancore he considered already as his
own. From that kingdom he might

- easily cross over to the Coromande}

coast, drive the English from the
Carnatic, pursue them from Bengal,
and extirpate them from India.
The juncture was still more favour-
able to the views of his enemies.
The English had formed a close al-
liance with the Mahratta states and
the Nizam of the Deccan. Their
own affairs were in a state of unex-
ampled prosperity. At any former
period they. would have met with
powerful opposition from France in
their designs upon Tippoo. Now
they had nothing to fear from that
quarter, as she was sufficiently em-
ployed in attempts to regulate her
internal concerns.

Little progress was therefore
made in negociating a reconcilia-
tion; but vigorous preparations for
war were carried on all over India.

During the spring of 1789, the
Rajah of Travancore, though of
himself completely unable to cope
with the power of Mysore, shewed
no disposition to yield,—being pro-
bably encouraged to persevere by
the government of Bengal, and as-
sured of protection and support.
He even went so far, in the begin-
ning of May, as to make an attack
upon Tippoo’s camp. He was beat
back with loss; and the Mysoreans
next day commenced offensive

operations

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

operations against the lines. After
a siege of a few weeks, a breach was
effected, and Tippoo instantly led
on his troops to the storm. Having
entered the fortification, he met
with little resistance:—the troops
of the Rajah fled in every direction,
and were slaughtered by thousands.
The whole extent of the lines was
evacuated; and Tippoo became
master of the key of the king-
dom of Travancore. He then
proceeded to the attack of Cran-
ganore; which he took after a
vigorous siege. Jacottah, Pa-
roor, and Curiapilly successively
surrendered to his arms; and not a
fort in the northern part of his do-
minions remained in the possession
of the unfortunate Rajah. He was
obliged to remain an inactive spec-
tator of the devastations of Tippoo,
who now laid waste the whole coun-
try with fire and sword. - But the
triumphs of Tippoo were but of
short duration. The war which he
thus successfully began, was to ter-
minate in his defeat and disgrace, in
the loss of his dominions, and near-
ly in the extinction of his power.
War against Mysore was now
publicly declared by the supreme
government of Bengal. Whether
we were justified in this step, and
who was the aggressor, it is not easy
to determine. On one side, it may
be said, that by the treaty of Man-
galore we guaranteed the possessions
of the Rajah of Travancore, and
that we were bound in justice and
honour to defend him when attack-
ed. It may be said that the ambi-
tious views of Tippoo were so
boundless and so avowed, that we
were justified on the strong plea of
political necessity, in taking mea-
sures for their frustration. It may
be said that Tippoo had no right to
the ports of Cranganore and Jacot-

bed

[199

tah; that if he had been allowed to
seize these, he would soon have
invaded the Carnatic; and that he
was evidently the aggressor, in
breaking through the existing trea-
tices. On the other hand, it was
contended that as the forts lay with-
in the Rajahship of Cochin, which
is tributary to Tippoo, by the im-
memorial custom of Hindostan he
was their feudal superior, and had
a right to object to their sale. That,
at any rate, the English had no
right to interfere, as they only en-
gaged to protect the dominions
which the Rajah held in 1784; and
that, as in their treaties with the
Mahrattas and the Nizam, there
was no mention of Travancore,—
their only object in entering into
the war, was, to enrich themselves
by the spoils of the vanquished.
The justice and necessity of the
war might be problematical; but
no doubt was entertained with re-
gard to its policy: and accordingly
the English prepared in all their
settlements to prosecute it with the
utmost vigour. Bengal, from its
great distance from the scene of
action, could dolittle more than fur-
nish supplies of money and military
stores. An army of 15,000 men
was formed in the Carnatic, and
near half that number in the presi-
dency of Bombay. The command
of the first was entrusted to Major
General Meadows; that of the last,
to Major General Abercrombie ;
both officers of distinguished merit.
A plan was laid down for the cam-
paign. It was resolved that the
Bombay army should act against
Tippoo’s possessions, west of the
Ghauts; that the safety of the Car-
natic should be entrusted to a small
body of troops under Colonel Kelly;
and that the grand army should
march towards Coimbatore, gain
[O] 4 possession

200 |

possession of that country, and from
thence penetrate into the kingdom
of Mysore. The Mahratta states,
and the Nizam of the Deccan, pro-
mised a cordial co-operation ; and
engaged with all their forces to
make a powerful diversion on the
north.

Tippoo, daunted by these vigorous
measures, and alarmed at the storm
which was gathering in every di-
rection, made offers of submission ;
but all his offers were treated with
disdain. ** The English, equally
incapable of offering an insult, as of
submitting to one,” said General
Meadows to him, in reply, “ have
always looked upon war as declared
from the moment that vou attacked
their ally, the King of Travancore.
God does not always give the battle
to the strong, nor the race to the
swift; but generally success to those
whose cause is just:—on that we
depend.”’ The Sultan, about the
end of May, had left Travancore
with precipitation, and returned

to Seringapatam, to take measures '

for defeating the designs of this
powerful confederacy. He collect-
ed an immense force under his
own immediate command; he sta-
tioned his Generals, with consider-
able armies, on the most exposed
situations; and dispatched large
bodies of Looties, or irregular ca-
valry, all over his frontiers,

The grand Carnatic army assem-
bled, and was embodied about the
beginning of June, in the plains of
Trichinopoly; and General Mea-
dows commenced his operations on
the 15th of the month. He di-
rected his march towards the Gu-
jelhatty pass, intending first to at-
tack all the forts, and to secure the
country to the south-east of the
Ghauts, that he might prevent Tip-
poo from drawing supplies from

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

this fertile quarter; that he might
establish a safe communication be-
twixt the pass and the Coromandel
coast ; and thus render the invasion
of Mysore easy and secure. Sahid
Saheb, one of the Sultan’s ablest
generals, was stationed in this coun-
try, in the neighbourhood of Da-
miocottah; but, his force being
inconsiderable, he was obliged to
retire at the approach of the Bri-
tish army. For several weeks Ge-
neral Meadows heard of no other
hostile army, and met with no op-
position in his progress, except
from bodies of Looties, who at times
harassed his march. During this
time he made himself master of
Caroor, Daraporam, Coimbatore,
and several forts of less note, with
little difficulty or loss, having either
found them evacuated, or having
met with a feeble resistance.

At Coimbatore he determined to
take up his quarters for some time,
there to form adepot, and to send
out detachments from his army to
reduce the neighbouring forts, Of
these, by far the strongest and most
important is Dindigul, which is
situated to the south-east of Coim-
batore, about half way betwixt the
Malabar and Coromandel coasts.
It was then strongly fortified, de-
fended by a numerous garrison,
and commanded by one of the
ablest and most faithful officers in
the Mysorean service, A large de-
tachment was sent against Dindigul,
headed by Colonel Stuart; but
as the English were unacquainted
with its situation and its strength,
Captain Aram, who was then re-
turning from Madura to the camp,
was ordered first to make an at-
tempt upon it, and to try what
could be done by surprise, strata-.
gem, or negociation. Upon re+
connoitring the fort, however, he

found

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

found that an attack would be
fruitless ; and, having in vain tam-
pered with the fidelity of the go-
vernor, who threatened to shoot a
second messenger, if he should be
sent, from the mouth of a cannon,
he was obliged to await the arrival
of Colonel Stuart.

_As soon as guns were procured,
and other things necessary for car-
Tying on a siege, batteries were
opened, and the place heavily can-
nonaded for twodays. On the even-
ing of the second,a breach, deemed
practicable, was made, and astorm
was instantly determinedon. Ne-
ver was there a greater display of
gallantry. The assailants led on the
attack with the most determined
bravery; they were received by
the garrison with equal spirit; they
were obliged to retreat, but again
returned tothe charge: attack suc-
ceeded attack, but still without
success; they were finally repulsed
with great slaughter, and obliged
toreturn to their tents. But the
victory proved fatal to the victors:
the garrison and the works had
suffered so severely during the
night, that next morning the gover-
nor was obliged to capitulate.

From Dindigul Colonel Stuart
moved westward to Palicaudchery,
aplace of considerable importance,
which he summoned to surrender.
The governor resolutely refused ;
but the fort was soon reduced, after
a feeble resistance. Colonel Stuart
having left garrisons in the places
he had taken, then rejoined the
grand army at Coimbatore.

_ About the same time Eroad and
several smaller forts had fallen to a
detachment under Colonel Ald-
ham: and now the possession of a
chain of posts, betwixt the Ghaats
and the coast of Coromandel, and
the collection of a large store of

[201

supplies, seemed to announce a
speedy invasion of Mysore. One
obstacle only remained; the fort of
Sattimungulum, situated close by
the Gujelhatty pass, through which
the British army was to enter, was
still in the possession of the Sultan,
Against this important fortress
Colonel Floyd was detached with
the King’s regiment, and sixteen
squadrons of native cavalry, the
thirty-sixth regiment, and four bat-
talions of native infantry, attended
by eleven pieces of cannon, served
by the Bengal artillery. Colonel
Floyd having come upon Sattimun-
gulum unexpectedly, the surprised
garrison, without striking a ‘blow,
surrendered at discretion. He
placed in it a battalion of sepoys
for its defence, and encamped with
the rest of his army on the south
side of the Bouanni. He there
expected to he joined by General
Meadows, and to penetrate north-
wards with him without interrup-
tion; and he had reason to expect
this, although he was cruelly dis-
appointed. He knew that Sahid
Saheb was posted at the bottom of
the pass; but his force was incon-
siderable in point of numbers, and
still more so in point of discipline.
These irregular troops had been
repeatedly routed by the English
already, and now would not stand
to the charge. Colonel Floyd bad
spies and scouts all round the
country, yet had heard of no other
enemy being near.

But the antagonists of Tippoo
had not to trust to the common
calculations of war. Tippoo, active,
dexterous, and subtle, flew from
one country to another with a ce-
lerity that anticipated all intelli-
gence of his designs. He had now
actually descended the Ghauts in
great force, and had advanced with-

in

202 |

in a few miles of the British en--

campment before his approach was
known.

On the night of September the
12th, Colonel Floyd had sent a re-
connoitring party up the south side
of the river, and in a short time
heard that it was completely sur-
rounded by a hostile force. He im-
mediately marched out with all his
cavairy to its assistance, routed the
enemy, killed 400 of them, and re-
turnedtothecamp. Still he thought
it was only Sahid Saheb who had
been reinforced; but early on the
13th the camp was attacked by an
immense body of cavalry and foot,
with a numerous train of artillery.
A heavy cannonading was kept up
through the whole day, and towards
evening the engagement became
general and close. The English
gallantly kept their ground against
such superior force, and obligedthe
Mysoreans to withdraw ; yet they
suffered severely in officers and
men; and the bullocks, which are

as necessary to an Indian army as_

guns and ammunition, were com-
pletely destroyed.

The greatest consternation now
prevailed in the British camp. It
was now apparent that the Sultan
was present in person with a mighty
army; and the probability was, that
they would be all cut to pieces, or
taken prisoners of war; and to be
a prisoner of war to Tippoo was
considered as worse than death. A
council of war was called during the
night, when it was resolved, as the
only hope of escape, to abandon
Sattimungulum, to hurry south-
wards, and to attempt a junction
with General Meadows. Accord-
ingly the garrison was withdrawn
from the fort, and the whole army
began to march before day on the
14th, having abandoned several

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

guns for want of conveyance. As
soon as their movement was observed
by Tippoo, he crossed the Bouanni,
and closely pursued them. The
English had gained upon him so
much, that he was not able to over-
take them before mid-day. His
cavalry then pressed upon them so
close, that they were obliged to
abandon a great part of their bag-
gage, and the rest of their artillery

but still they kept their ranks un-
broken, in spite of the utmost ef-
forts-of the enemy. About five
o’clock, the British army had reach-
ed Shoroor; when Colonel Floyd,
seeing the main body of Tippoo’s
army approach, and finding that to
proceed was impossible, ordered his
troops to halt, and drew them up in
order of battle. The Indians now
considered the English as ruined,
and, setting up a dreadful shout,
rushed forwards to victory. They
met with an unexpected reception.
The British: troops had retained
their fire till this instant, and each
officer had occupied a most advan-
tageous station, The cavalry flew
from place to place at the nod of
their General: the infantry remain-
ed unbroken, and yielded nota foot
of ground. After an obstinate en-
gagement, which lasted tilldusk, the
Mysoreans were obliged to retire
with immense loss. Among the
killed was Burha Ud Deen Cawn,
brother-in-law to the Sultan, in the
battle of Shoroor the British suf-
fered severely; but by it they se-
cured their retreat. They recom-
menced their journey soon after
midnight, and reached Velladi the
following evening, without farther.
molestation. No success, however
great, could be more brilliant, or
reflect greater glory on the victors,

General Meadows, on hearing ©

of Tippoo’s passage through the
Ghauts,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

Ghauts, had become extremely
apprehensive for the safety of the
detachment under Colonel Floyd,
and instantly marched northward
to his support; but from want of
information passed him on the road,
and went on nearly as far as Da-
miacottah. As soon as he learned
the glad tidings of his having taken
post at Velladi, without searching
after Tippoo, he instantly faced a-
bout, joined him there, and re-
turned to Coimbatore.

Tippoo, conscious of our supe-
riority in the field, judged it most
prudent to avoid a general engage-
ment; to watch the motions of the
enemy ; to cut off their supplies; to
elude their pursuit;‘yet to be ready
to take advantage of every favour-
able circumstance, and to exhaust
our strength and resources by de-
lay and procrastination. Accord-
ingly, on the approach of the grand
army under General Meadows, he
recrossed the Bouanni, and took up
a strong position on its northern
bank. He then disencumbered
himself of his heavy baggage, and
great part of his artillery, by send-
ing them up the Gujelhatty pass ;
and got a fresh supply of bullocks
and elephants: in which articles
he was before superior to our army.
Having made these arrangements,
and hearing that a large convoy of

rovisions was proceeding to Coim-

atore, under the command of Ma-
jor Young, he bent his march to-
wards Caroor, in hopes of inter-
cepting it. In this he was disap-
pointed; for General Meadows,
contrarily to custom, having gained
intelligence of his movements, left
Coimbatore, and by forced marches
joined Major Youug.

The British commander, as the
only probable way of finishing the
campaign with success, now deter-

bt

[203

mined to use all his efforts to bring
Tippvo to action. He was by this
time no great distance from his
camp, which he approached, but
found to be evacuated. He closely
pursued him for several days, till at
last he lost his track. Tippoo hav-
ing eluded his pursuit, left him on
the right, turned westwards, and
laid siege to Daraporam; which,
being unprovided with cannon,
immediately surrendered. Coim-
batore, the most important fort in
our possession, he in all probability
would have likewise taken, had not
Colonel Hartley, who had been
detached from the Bombay army,
at this critical period thrown into
it considerable reinforcements.

A more important object now
engaged the attention of the Sul-
tan. He heard a rumour that a
junction was intended betwixt the
central army left in the Carnatic,
under Colonel Kelly, and the grand
army commanded by General Mea-
dows. This it was his interest to
prevent: he therefore hastened
eastward, and encamped on a strong
position betwixt Sattimungulum and
the Cavery ; which if he could
maintain, the plan could never be
executed, He had been correct in
his information, as such a scheme
was really in agitation. The Bri-
tish General becoming alarmed at
the increasing power of Tippoo,
had come to the resolution of con-
centrating his force. The Carna-
tic army, having through thé sum-
mer reduced several forts in the
Baramaul Valley, was now on its
march to join him in the neigh-
bourhood of Poolamputty ; and he
himself was now marching to that
place to meet Colonel Maxwell,
who had succeeded to the command
on the death of Colonel Kelly.

Upon the approach of General

Meadows,

204 |

Meadows, Tippoo abandoned his
advantageous position ; but he did
not relinquish his design: for he
marched in the most probable di-
rection to fall in with the Carnatic
army. His intelligence had been
extensive, or good fortune uncom-
mon, for he actually discovered it
on his road. His hopes, however,
were instantly quashed on a nearer
approach, as he found Colonel
Maxwell so advantageously posted,
that he could not attack him with
any probability of success. He
offered him battle three successive
days, which, on account of his great
superiority, was declined; so that
he was obliged, without effecting
any thing, to trace back his steps.
Meanwhile General Meadows, his
object being the same, had followed
in the same track without knowing
that Tippoo had gone before him.
He had made such expedition to
join Colonel Maxwell, that the
march had been extremely fatigue-
ing to the army. ‘They at last
conceived that their labour was at
an end, as they came in sight of a
large encampment; but on firing
three guns, the appointed signal,
the colours were hauled down, the
tents were struck, and the whole
army marched off with precipita-
tion towards the Ghauts. We
need. not inform the reader that
this was Tippoo’s army on its re-
turn. ‘The two English armies
joined soon after, without opposi-
tion. ©

The time seemed now at last to
have certainly arrived for the inva-
tion of Mysore, Every preparation
was made; a decided superiority
was established in the field. Tip-
poo averted theimpending stormby
one of those\ daring measures which
are characteristic of his inventive
genius, as wellas of his bold and

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

intrepid mind. He turned to the
southward, and marched directly
towards the Carnatic; thus draw-
ing our attention from conquests in
his dominions, by alarming us for
the safety of our own. He was
closely pursued by the British Ge-
neral;_ and, notwithstanding the
celerity of his motions, the rear of
his army was overtaken at the pass
of Tapoor, and vigorously attacked.
By means of his cavalry, however,
he escaped with inconsiderable loss,
and soon after distanced his adver-
sary. Having been disappointed in
an attempt upon Trichinopoly by
the sudden swelling of the river,
and the approach of the British ar-
my, he marched eastward into the
Carnatic, laying it waste with fire
and sword. He at length invested
Tiagar: a fort belonging to the
Company. For seventeen days he
pushed his operations against it
with the utmost vigour; but the
garrison baffled all his attempts,
and he was forced to raise the siege
in disgrace. From thence he made
a circuit of devastation through the
Carnatic by Trincomale, Chitteput,
Wandewash, and Permacoil; and
having taken several forts, and
committed the most dreadful ra-
vages wherever he went, he took
up his quarters at the foot of the
Eastern Ghauts. General Mea-
dows long followed in Tippoo’s
track, without being able to over-
take him. When he reached Tia-
gar, where he expected to find
him, he discovered that Tippoo
had left it for nine days. At Trin-
comale he gave up the pursuit in
despair. From thence he proceed-
ed to Arnee, where he left Gene-
ral Musgrave with the left wing of
the army, the sick, and the heavy
guns; and he returned himself,
with the right, to the neighbour-

hood

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

hood of Madras in the end of De-
cember.

While these events passed on the
east side of the peninsula, the Bri-
‘tish army was by no means inac-
tive on the west. Early in the
season General Abercrombie de-
tached a considerable force under
Colonel Hartley, to the assistance
of the Rajah of Travancore. By
their united exertions the Myso-
reans weresoon completely expelled
from the country, and the Rajah
re-established in his kingdom. Co-
lonel Hartley having performed this
important service, marched across
to Coimbatore ; saved it, as we
have seen, by introducing timely
supplies, and then joined the grand
army at Velladi.

On the retreat of Colonel Floyd
from Sattimungulum, and the e-
vents which followed it, it was
thought that much good might be
done by a diversion upon the Ma-
labar coast. General Abercrombie
therefore embarked at Bombay with
all the forces he could cullect, and
arrived at Tellicherry on the 5th of
December. His first enterprize
was the siege of Cananore. Being
joined by several neighbouring Ra-
jahs with about 2000 Circars, who
immediately on his appearance
threw off the yoke of Tippoo, the
line marched on the 14th to the at-
tack of Cananore. The enemy
were strongly posted on the heights
in the neighbourhood of the town ;
but after an obstinate engagement
were obliged to fall back, and shut
themselves up in it. The fort it-
self was next morning vigorously
assailed, the defences were taken,
and the following day it surrendered
at discretion. Balliapatam and
Nurcarrow followed the example
of Cananore, and $4 stand of
colours, 68 pieces of cannon, and

[ 205

5000 stand of arms, fell into the
hands of the victors. When Ge-
neral Meadows followed Tippoo
into the Carnatic, he left Colonel
Hartley at Palicaudchery, with or-
ders to keep open the communica-
tion between the eastern and wes-
tern coasts. He at first found con-
siderable difficulty in executing this
commission, being opposed by an
army of 10,000 men; yet he at last
gained a signal victory over them,
at the village of Terrannungary,
and succeeded in completely rout-
ing and dispersing them. He then
commenced offensive operations,
and reduced successively the forts
of Trincalore, Turuckabad, Bar-
ragurry and Cootaphore; so that
in a few weeks the whole of the
Malabar coast was cleared of the
enemy, from the river Keway to
Cape Comorin,

Of the transactions of our allies
during this season, we have little
to relate. Always dilatory in their
motions, and slow in fulfilling their
engagements, they did not take the
field till late in the year, and then
performed nothing of consequence.
The Mahratta army, assisted by a
detachment of British troops from
Bombay, invested Derwar, a strong
fortification on the northern fron-
tier of Mysore; which did not sur-
render till the following summer,
after an obstinate siege of many
months, The Nizam’s troops took
some inconsiderable forts on that
part of Tippoo’s dominions which
is opposite to his own.

These were the principal occur-
rences of the first campaign against
Tippoo Sultan, which upon the
whole was successful, though it did
not answer the expectations of
some sanguine politicians, who
calculated on nothing less than a
total annihilation of the power of

Mysore.

206 |

Mysore. Our troops had been
successful in every engagement
with the Sultan’s, however inferior
their numbers; and there was rea-
son to hope that in another cam-
paign all his cunning, finesse, and
subtlety would not avail to save
him from destruction.

After the reverse of fortune
which the British arms experi-
enced, Lord Cornwallis determin-
ed, contrarily to his first intentions,
to leave Calcutta, and to take the
command of the army in person.
Accordingly he embarked in the
Vestal frigate, at Diamond-Har-
bour ; and, after a prosperous
voyage, reached Fort St. George
on the 13th of December.

His attention was for some time
directed to the inspection of the
army, the examination of the state
of the magazines, and to acquiring
information of theenemy’s country.
He then settled the plan of the
ensuing campaign, He gave up
all idea of penetrating into Mysore
in a southern direction; but deter-
mined to make directly across from
Madras, and to attempt some of the
passes about the middle of the
Carnatic. Having thus gained the
heart of the enemy’s country, he
resolved to proceed at once to
Bangalore, the second place of
consequence in the empire; and,
having taken it, to turn to the north,
and lay siege to Seringapatam, He
ordered General Abercrombie to
conduct his army to Trincomalé,
and there to form it into two divi-
sions; tosend one of them,as lightly
equipped as possible, to his imme-
diate assistance ; to penetrate him-
self with the other into the Mysore,
and to join him in the neighbour-
hood of the capital.

No sooner was this plan formed
than he began its execution. About

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

the end of January, 1790, having
completed his stores of provisions,
ammunition, and battering-guns,
he marched towards the Baramaul
Valley, with a seeming intention of
passing through it: but this proved
ouly to be a feint; for, having
reached Vellore, he turned sudden-
ly to the right, and directed his
march to the Mugglee Pass. This
manceuvre proved successful: no
enemy appeared to the English till
they had made good their passage;
but incredible were the obstacles
opposed to them by nature. Moun-
tain rose above mountain, steep
and rugged; deep ravines and val-
leys were sunk between, Having
halted a few days to refresh his ar-
my, he pushed on to Bangalore,
distant about 110 miles, which he
reached in five days, without hav-
ing encountered in his march any
opposition, save from flying squad-
rons of horse, who were employed
in carrying off, or burning the fo-
rage, and laying waste the country
before him. The forts of Molwa-
gle, Colar, and Ouscottah, sur-
rendered at his approach. The
Sultan, alarmed at this daring in-
vasion into the very heart of his
country, and apprehensive for the
fate of Bangalore, left his position
on the frontier, hurried thither
with all his forces, and arrived in
the neighbourhood the very same
day with Lord Cornwallis. The
following morning witnessed an
action of considerable importance
between the two armies, The ca-
valry of the English army had been
employed in reconnoitring the fort;
they fell in with the rear of the

‘enemy, considerably detached from

the main body, attacked it, put it
to flight, imprudently pursued it,
were met by a far superior force,
and put to flight in their turn.

How-

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

owever, they soon rallied, and,

wing received large reinforce

ments from the camp, they suc-
_ ceeded i in finally repulsing the ene-

y, and gained the hunour of the
day. Preparatorily to an attack on
the fort, Lord Cornwallis, on the

7th of February, assaulted and car-
ried the pettah, or town, in which
he found a very great quantity of
forage and provisions: a most for-
tunate circumstance, as the deso-
dated state of the surrounding
country presented the alarming
prospect of approaching famine.
The rejoicing on this occasion was
damped by the loss of Lieut. Col.
Moorhouse, who fell in the assault:
an officer of distinguished military
talents, and universally beloved.
From this important post Tippoo
twice attempted to dislodge the
English ; and, though assisted by a
Sally from the fort, returned both
imes to his camp unsuccessful: the
‘tide of fortune having now turned
strongly against him. From a piece
of barbarous policy which he is said
about this time to have committed,
it would appear that he himself had
become extremely apprehensive of
personal danger. Contrarily to the
eeenaicions of the peace of Manga-
me, he had retained several pri-
oners in his possession since the

t war. He had constantly de-

Talal the charge; and lest, being
found, they should discover his
perfidy, _he now ordered them all to

e put 0 death,

After the taking of the pettah,
‘the English were incessantly em-
loyed in erecting batteries against
fort, which, “from the shelter
enjoyed, they were able to
with great safety and conve-
ape On the 14th the batteries

opened and played incessantly till
‘the 21st, when a practicable breach

[207

was effected. Lord Cornwallis
resolved to storm the place that
very night; but, to prevent all
possibility of Tippoo learning his
intentions, he did not communi-
cate the plan to the troops till the
very moment when he ordered its
execution. The assault began
about eleven at night, and was
crowned with most ample success.
In two hours the British standard
floated from the ramparts. The
troops entered the breech in three
divisions, each of which took a
different direction; and, having
carried every thing before them,
met at the opposite gate, where
they commenced a dreadful (we
hope an unavoidable) carnage upon
the panick-struck, unresisting, fly-
ing garrison. The passage was
choaked by their numbers and im-
petuosity ; and they fell by hun-
dreds under the. bayonets of the
British. Had they not been thus
disposed of, perhaps they might
have rallied and retaken thg fort.
The loss on our part was fifty
killed and wounded: above 1000
Mysoreans were killed. Among
the latter was the brave killidar, or
governor. Lord Cornwallis made
an offer of his body to the Sultan.
His answer was magnanimous :
‘“* I consider,’ said he, ‘* the spot
of ground which a soldier covers
when he falls in the execution of
his duty, as the most honourable
that can be chosen for his grave.”
There were found in Bangalore
immense quantities of provisions,
124 pieces of ordnance, and more
gunpowder than could be used
during the war. :
Lord Cornwallis, having left the
74th regiment and three battalions
of sepoys under the command
of Colonel Duff, to garrison his
new conquest, now marched north-
wards,

208 |

wards, with the rest of his army,
to join a Jarge body of cavalry,
which were now coming from the
Nizam to his assistance, under the
command of Raja Feijee Wunt.
Qn the first day of his march he
fell in with the rear of Tippoo’s
army, which he put to flight, and
obliged the Sultan to abandon the
plan which he had formed to pre-
vent the intended junction. After
a pleasant journey for several days,
in which he was unmolested by the
enemy, and superabundaatly sup-
plied with provisions by the friend-
ly Polygars, his Lordship was at
last joined by the Nizam’s cavalry,
to the number of 15,000, little dis-
tinguished however by order, dis-
cipline, or skill. A large force had
been left to the southward when
General Meadows left Trichin-
opoly. This had been ordered to
proceed to Amboor, and to join the
grand army without delay. Lord
Cornwallis, becoming anxious for
its fate, now hastened upon its
route, and had the pleasure to find
it in safety at the edge of the
Ghauts. Having thus succeeded
in every thing to his mind, he re-
turned to Bangalore.—And here
prudence would have directed him
to remain.
advanced; the monsoon might be
expected to set in before he could
have any reasonable hopes of com-
pleting his plan; he had not made
any proper arrangements for being
regularly supplied with provisions ;
numberless strong forts remained
untaken on his. rear: however,
anxious lest things should take an
unfavourable turn; alarmed at the
fluctuating state of politics in Eu-
rope; eager, on account of the
Company’s finances, to bring the
war to a speedy termination ;
wishing to maintain, the favourable

The season was far.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

impression which had been made
upon the allies by the capture of
Bangalore; expecting to be speedily
joined by the Bombay and. the
Mahratta armies, and to be liberally
supplied by them,—Lord Corn-
wallis set forward about the begin-
ning of May for the enemy’s capital.

Unfortunately, at this period,
there happened a very heavy fall
of rain, a thing at this season ex-
tremely rare, which rendered the
roads, rugged by nature, deep,
heavy, and almost impassable. Af-
ter a difficult, laborious, and fatigu-
ing march of ten days, in whicha
great part of the bullocks, died,
and the ordnance and entrenching-
tools were obliged to be drawn
chiefly by the troops, the army
arrived at Arakerry, a village about
nine miles from Seringapatam.
Tippoo, guessing the purpose of
Lord Cornwallis, had returned to
his capital four days before, and
was now posted, with his army,
betwixt him and the town, at the
foot of the hills which rise on
the north bank of the Cavery.
The British General wished to
attack him; but a track ofswampy
ground, intersected with deep ra-
vines, extended between the two
armies; and the command of this
passage, naturally so difficult, Tip-
poo had secured by the erection

of several strong batteries. Still
he must be dislodged; and as the

only means, Lord Cornwallis hav-
ing left the baggage, artillery, &c.
in the camp, with a corps de reserve,
set out with the rest of the army
himself, soon after dark, intending
to make a circuit round the hills
on the right, and to fall unex-
pectedly on the enemy’s camp
at day-break. It rained violently
all night, and the cattle were ex-
hausted. with drawing the guns

along

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

along the front of our lines, so that
when day broke, Lord Cornwallis
had the mortification to find that
his troops had made but small pro-
gress in their journey. However,
he persevered in his intention
to attack, although darkness no
longer concealed his motions: and
he had the good fortune to arrive
within a small distance of the ene-
my before they had any notice of
his approach. A hill, which was
unoccupied, seemed to command
‘Tippoo’s left flank. The first bri-
gade, which headed our column,
pushed on to gain this important
station; but upon descending a
height, which had for some time
concealed it from their view, they
Saw it taken possession of by a de-
tachment which the Sultan had sent
for that purpose, the moment he
discovered the English army. Our
_ troops were some time dreadfully
annoyed by some guns which were
Opened upon them from the hill ;
and had it not been for theshelter af-
forded themby a ledge of recks, they
would have been completely enfilad-
ed. The whole army having at last
come up, and being properly arrang-
ed, Colonel Maxwell was dispatched
with the 52d and7 Ist regiments, and
Major Langley’s brigade, to storm
the height. The troops ascended
with rapidity and steadiness, under
a dreadful fire of cannon and mus-
quetry. Not a Mysorean offered
to turn his back till he was within
‘a few yards of the British bayonets.
‘The charge was made with such
oa that they were, at length,
obliged to fly, and to abandon
their guns, The whole army then
advanced to the attack, and the
battle became general. Greater
bravery, or more steady discipline,
‘could not have been displayed by
the troops of any European poten-
» Vou. XXXIV.

[209

tate than by the Indians, under
Tippoo, on the 15th of May. How-
ever, nothing could resist the ef-
forts of British valour; they were
obliged to yield on every side;
they were driven from rock to
rock, and from mountain to moun-
tain: at each they made a fresh
stand. while their cannon were
drawing off, but. were constantly
beat back, and were at length
obliged to seek shelter under the
guns of the capital. Glorious was
the view which the setting sun dis-
played to the victorious English;
the proud capital of Mysore rising
upon an island in all the grandeur
of eastern magnificence, adorned
with splendid buildings, defended
by immense fortifications, and
skirted with the most superb gar-
dens ;—the rapid Cavery winding
round its walls, every where lined
with forts, and filled with crowds
of the flying enemy. The noble
prize seemed now within their
reach: but in the hour of victory
they found it necessary to retreat,
and a course of disasters which
followed, threatened to snatch it
from them for ever.

Scarcity began to appear in the
camp; and a covering army was
necessary while carrying on the
operations of the siege. Lord
Cornwallis, when he set out on
this expedition, had trusted to the
co-operation of the Mahrattas.
He had for some time daily ex-
pected their arrival, in vain, and
now gave up all hopes of their
assistance. One resource still re-
mained. General Abercrombie,
agreeably to his instructions, had
proceeded early in the spring from
the neighbourhood of Cananore;
had occupied a strong position at
the entry of the Poodicheram pass
by the Ist of March, after a diffi-

[PJ cult

210)

eult and ‘fatiguing march ‘over ‘a

ody mountainous country ; had
now reached Periapatam, ‘and had,
with infinite labour, brought along
with him Jarge stores of provision,
and a numerous battering train.
His force was not ‘sufficiently con-
siderable to enable him to march
boldly ‘down the open ‘country to
Seringapatam; and Lord ‘Corn-
Wallis, as:'the only ‘way to save his
own ‘army, or to do any thing
against Tippoo, left his present
advantageousposition, and marched
up the Cavery, with ‘an intention
to join him. When ‘he had reached
‘Canniambaddy, most unfortunately,
the river suddenly swelled to an
aancommon ‘size, ‘and ‘rendered ‘a
junction ‘impossible. It was here
that the hardships and distresses of
‘the ‘army began. -An ‘epidemic
‘disorder prevailed among the cat-
‘tle, which carried ‘off the ‘most of
them, ‘and rendered ‘those ‘which
wemained ‘of little service. The
‘scarcity ‘of grain was such, ‘that
ice was worth nearly its weight in
gold; and the lower class of fol-
Yowers was obliged ‘to ‘subsist upon
the putrid flesh of the deceased
‘bullocks;—and, to crown this scene
“of ‘distress, the small-pox malig-
mantly raged in the camp.

“It was thus found absolutely
*mecessary to give up all ideaof mak-
‘ing an attempt upon Seringapatam
this season. -A messenger was
dispatched to Periapatam, desiring
‘General Abercrombie to return
‘to'the Malabar coast; who reluct-
-aitly began his retreat. Part of
shis battering train was destroyed ;
‘and his army, ‘who thought they
thad surmounted all their difficul-
ities, ‘had’ the mortification to find
‘their ‘exertions of no ‘utility, and
‘had “to ‘return, worn ‘down with
-sicknessand fatigue, and ex posed'to

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the incessant rains which iat that
season deluge the western coast of
the peninsula.

Lord Cornwallis ‘rersained some
days at Canniambaddy, to cover
the retreat of the Bombay army.
Having then burst the greatest
number of his battering guns, he
began his mortifying retreat to-
wards Bangalore. The army had
not completed the first day’s short,
but dreary and tedious ‘march »of
six miles, when the greatest alarm
was given by a party of horse sud-
denly riding in on the ‘baggage-
flank. But though their appear-
ance was hostile, they turned ‘out
to be friends; they constituted the
advanced guard 'of the long expect-
ed Mahratta army. Joy now'spar-
kled in every eye. Themain body
of the Mahrattas was at no great
distance. The unremitting dili-
gence of Tippoo, in intercepting
intelligence, was the cause that they
were thus themselves the first:mes-
sengers of their approach.

All. fear of want being now're-
moved, the army again encamped
before Seringapatam on the French
rocks; ‘the station which Tip
had occupied before the battle of
the 15th of May, Bat as the'mon-
soon might be expected to set ‘in
in ‘a few weeks, Lord ‘Cornwallis
thought that it would be more ad-
viseable to return northwards, and
to leave the siege of the enemy’s
capital as the object of another
campaign. The Sultan, who had
imade great rejoicings on ‘the first
retreat of the English, now'became ~
‘extremely uneasy, and made offers
of peace; but as this seemed only
a plan to sow jealousy betwixt us
and our allies, ‘his offers were ‘re-
jected.

At Milgottah Lord Cornwallis
-was joined bythe Mahratta army,

consisting

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

consisting of two divisions; one of
thousand horse and foot ;
ithe other of twelve. The first was
gommanded by Purseram Bhow, a
celebrated Mahratta warrior; the
ther by Hurry Punt, a Brahmin
of the highest rank, who was like-
‘wise meant to act as minister ple-
mipotentiary of the nation. They
expressed great satisfaction at this
‘meeting, and made many apologies
for their past conduct. From Mil-
gottah the confederate armies pro-
ceeded to Nangimungulum: they
then turned eastward, took the fort
of Hooleadroog, and reached Ban-
galore about the beginning of July.
The Mahrattas immediately sepa-
rated company with our army, and
marched to Sera, a fertile district,
where they might more easily be
supported. The English troops,
_smpon their return to Bangalore,
‘had been extremely sickly and dis-
‘Spirited; but they were now plen-
tifully supplied with every con-
veniency ; and they soon regained
their health and spirits. Captain
Read had collected from the ban-
jarries 10 or 12,000 bullocks Joad-
ved with grain; the confidence of
the natives becoming great in their
mew masters, they every where
‘again cultivated their fields; the
communication was open with the
Carnatic; and hundreds of sutlers’
veve arrived in camp from
yt iy Shard Coroaall laa
made the necessary arrangements
for being properly supplied with
provisions the ensuing campaign,
and for having his battering train
enewed,—and the troops being
®ested and refreshed, determined
‘to:remain no longer inactive.

_ The first object which engaged
his attention, was, the establishment
of a safe and easy communication
with the Carnatic, by which the

vil

[aia

supplies which he had ordered
might be conveyed to him. The
Mugglee pass, through which he
himself had come, was greatly too
far to the north. The only one,
by which a train of artillery could
be conveniently conducted to Ban-
galore, was that by Polycode; and,
unfortunately, this was commanded
by several strong forts, which were
in the possession of the enemy.
However, it was determined to lay
open this passage; and about the
middle of July the army marched
to the attack of Aussoor, which
stands at the head of it.

The country through which they
passed was beautiful, fertile, and
in the highest state of cultivation.
Indeed, notwithstanding the reli-
gious tyranny of Tippoo, his do-
minions were every where found
flourishing, his subjects opulent and
happy, and the condition of every
class of inhabitants far superior to
that in Bengal, or any of the Com-
pany’s possessions. Aussoor.is na-
turally strong; and Tippoo, sensible
of its importance, had sent his
chief engineer regularly to fortify
it. The war broke out before the
fortifications were finished, and
luckily the weakest part had been
left ‘to be fortified last. Still it
might have stood a considerable

siege; but the garrison, .intimi-

dated at the approach of the Bri-
tish army, judged it untenable; and,
having blown up one of the has-
tions, basely abandoned jit. The
guns were spiked; but a large
quantity of provisions,and military .
stores was found in the fort.

To the south-east of Aussoor,
farther down the Polycode pass,
stands Rayacottah, a hill-fort of
immense strength. From this, fly-
ing squadrons of horse might have
been sent to intercept our con-

[P] 2 Voy 8%

212]

voys; Lord Cornwallis, therefore,
“wished to get possession of it; but,
‘as if resolutely defended, it was
‘nearly impregnable, he detached
Major Gowdie, with a small force,
to make an attempt upon it; hav-
“ing ordered him, if it did not yield
-at the first attack, instantly to return
to the army. Upon his’ arrival,
Major Gowdie sent in a flag of
truce, with a summons; and the
killidar refusing to surrender, pre-
“pared to storm the pettah next
morning, The most brilliant suc-
“cess attended the assault: not only
was the pettah taken, but, the as-
sailants mingling with the fugitives,
a lodgement was made in some of
the outworks of the fort. Encou-
“raged by this success, and having
reason to believe that the garrison
was intimidated, Major Gowdie
‘wequested leave to continue the at-
tack. A reinforcement was sent
‘to join his brigade; and ‘his spi-
~xited measures were enforced by a
~“movenient of the army towards
Rayacottah. A breach was soon
“made in the upper wall,—the killi-
dlar beat a parley, and agreed to
surrender the fort, on condition of
“security to private property, and his
deing allowed to go with his family
to reside in the Carnatic.’ It was
found amply supplied with guns,
ammunition, and provisions; and,
as there were several tanks filled
‘with water within the walls, - it
might have bid defiance to every
thing but a tedious blockade. In-
timidated by the fallof Rayacottah,
the hill-forts of Anctitydurgum,
Neclagheri, Rutnagheri, Oodeadur-
gum, and Chenraydurgum, gave
up on being summoned, or were
dtaken after a slight resistance.
The Polycode pass was now-com-
pletely open; and the important
convoy which had been for some

ANNUAL REGISTER, |1792.

months collecting at Amboor, was
ordered instantly to proceed by this
route. It left Amboor on the 2d
of August,and by eight easy march-
es joined the army on the 10th,
then encamped near Aussoor. One
hundred elephants, marching two
a-breast into camp, all laden with
treasure, on the foremost of which
was displayed the British standard,
were a sight fit to have graced an
eastern triumph; and accompanied
by six thousand bullocks, all Jaden
with grain, and many hundreds of
coolies with baskets’ of private sup-
plies, formed such a convoy as never
before joined an army in India. |

About this time Tippoo, a’ se-
cond time, made some advances to
a general pacification. But the va-
keel whom he sent, being a Mahrat-
ta by birth, and highly odious to
that nation, Lord Cornwallis was
obliged to appoint a guard upon his
person to preserve him from out-
rage. Having made’some demands
which were inadmissible, he’ was
ordered to depart. ,

The next object which engaged
the attention of the British General,
was, to open 2 communication with
the country of the Nizam; from —
which important supplies might be:
obtained. He therefore marched’
with the army to the north-east of
Bangalore, and sent a strong body
of troops, with several guns and
mortars, to reduce the forts which
lay in that quarter. The command
was again deputed to Major Gow-
die. His first efforts were directed
against Raymanghur; which, after
a vigorous siege of a few days, sur-
rendered at discretion. At the same
time Ambagee-Durgum and Chit-
tum-Cotha submitted to a detach-
ment under Captain Read.

The following enterprize afford-
ed a more ample field for the dis-

play

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

play of military talents. Nundy-
droog, the capital of a large and va-
luable district, is built on the sum-
mit of a mountain, 1,700 feet in
height, three-fourths of its circum-
ference being absolutely inacces-
sible ; and the only side which can
be ascended, protected by two ex-
cellent walls and a strong outwork
which covered the gateway, and af-
forded a formidable flank fire. Be-
fore this fortress Major Gowdie ar-
rived on the Ist of October, with
the seemingly romantic design of
besieging it. With infinite labour he
formed a road up the side of a neigh-
bouring mountain, and erected a
battery upon the top of it; when
he had the mortification to find that
the distance was.so great, that ihe
battery was not effectual even in
taking off the defences of the fort.’
There was no alternative, but either
to abandon the enterprize, or work

to within breaching distance on’

the face of the droog itself: and:-ra-
ther than leave a place of such con-
sequence in possession of theenemy,

and thus shew that we could be:

foiled in an attack upon a fortified
place, this undertaking was adopted.
The fatigue and danger of the troops
fora fortnight were inconceivable;
but the batteries were at length
opened, and the two breaches made.
in the outer wall. These being re-
ported practicable, Lord Cornwallis
approached with the army, and de-
tached the 36th and 71st regiments
to lead the assault. General Mea-
dows gallantly went as a volunteer
at their head. The attack was made
alittle before midnight, on the 21st.
The approach of our troops was soon
perceived by the vigilant garrison,
and the fort immediately illuminated
with blue lights. A dreadful fire of
cannon and musquetry was opened,
and quantities of large stones were
Eepdis ics

[213

thrown down; which bounding from:
precipice to precipice, and acquir-
ing prodigious velocity in their
flight, committed the most horrible
devastation. But in spite of all their
efforts, the assailants steadily ascend-
ed; the breaches were stormed, the
inner wall was crossed by escalade,
the place was taken, and the British.
standard was displayed from the
ramparts. Thus was, Nundydroog:
takeu by regular approach in three.
weeks; which, when in a weaker
state of defence, the Mahrattas did.
not yield to Hyder Ally till after a
tedious blockade of three years!

Lord Cornwallis then hastened.
eastward tothe passes, tocover somes
convoys which were coming from
the Carnatic.. He had become ap=
prehensive for their safety, froms
some rumours which had reached
him, of a strong hostile army being:
then in the Baramaul. :

What ‘Tippoo’s views ‘had been:
during the autumn, it; is vot easy to
conjecture ; but he remained rather
inactive. He probably did not wish:
to\run the risk of a general engage—
ment, on which he would! have:
staked his crown, and.trusted to the:
strength of his capital for defeating:
the designs of his enemies... He cons
fined himself chiefly to strengthen~
ing the works of Seringapatam, and,
drawing supplies from the small por~
tion of his dominions which was yet
in his possession. He once marched.
a considerable way to the north,
with a seeming intention to attack.
Purseram Bhow; but he returned
as soon as he had covered a large:
convoy which was then coming to
him from Bednore,

The only offensive enterprize im
which he engaged, was against Co~
imbatore; in which Lieutenant
Chalmers had been left with a smalk
force, at the end of the first. cam~

[P] 3 paign.

24}; ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

paign. About the beginning: of
July, Tippoo sent a large body of
troops to recover the provinces ra-
vished from him on the south.
They first laid siege to Coimba-
tore. The place was resolutely de-
fended with very unequal means,
by Lieutenant Chalmers; and tho’
after a three weeks siege, a breach:
‘was stormed, the assailants were re-
pulsed with prodigious slaughter.
A detachment from Major Cup-
page, whowas stationed in the neigh-
bourhood at Palicaudchery, com-
pleted their route ; and the shatter-
ed remains of the army, without
accomplishing any thing, were
obliged to reascend the Ghauts.
Perseverance or obstinacy, as it
is spoken of by his friends or his
enemies, is a striking feature in the
character of Tippoo. Determined:
not:to be baffled in his intentions
on Coimbatore, he sent Cummer
Wd Deen Cawn, hissecond in:com-
mand, with a numerous army to re-
trieve the disgrace which his arms
had sustained. The Cawn arrived.
before this wretched but gallantly.
defended fort, about the end of Oc-
tober. Lieutenant Chalmers, with
his: handful: of men, remained un-
daunted at the view of this mighty
host. For three weeks they baffled
every effort of the Cawn to make an
impression on the place. At length,
being reduced to extremities, their
ammunition being exhausted, every
thing that was eatable being con-
sumed, and Major Cuppage having
failed in an attempt to relieve them,
they agreed to capitulate, upon con-
dition that they should be allowed:
to march out with military honours;
that their property should besecure,
and that they should be sent to the
€arnatic, upon their parole not to
serve against Tippoo during the war.
Ail these conditions were violated ;

and they were led prisoners to Se
ringapatam. : ee

The Sultan had other objects ini
view, in this expedition to’ the:
countries below the Ghauts. A
party of horse, having: separated
from Cumer Ud Deen, at Demia=
cottah, crossed the Cavery, came
through the Tapoor pass, and, with
great secresy and rapidity, con=
ducted a killidar, in whom he had
perfect confidence, with a re=
inforcement to Kistnagheri, the:
only place of consequence he now’
possessed betwixt’ Bangalore and)
the Carnatic.

Having performed. this: service,
one half of them returned:to Tip-
poo, with some tribute which had:
been collected in that quarter;
while the other began to ravage the:
Baramaul, and: to threaten inter
ruption to our convoys.

It was a rumour of the depreda+
tions of this detachment. which:
reached Lord Cornwallis while en--
camped before Nundydrvog, and:
which was greatly exaggerated,
that made him hasten towards: Aus»:
soor. The whole army could not:
have acted to advantage amidst:
high mountains and narrow defiles ;.
he, therefore, detached Lieutenant.
Colonel Maxwell, with the 74th
regiment and three battalions: of
sepoys, to scour the Baramaul of
these marauders. As Colonel Max~.
well advanced, he learnt that their’
number was inconsiderable, and!
that they harboured chiefly about’
Benagra, a strong mud fort, about:
the south end of tbe valley. He
therefore hastened thither by forced:
marches, and arrived before it on
the 31st of October. The gover-
nor fired upon the flag of truce,.
which was sent to summon him tov
surrender. The fort was imme~
diately assaulted, the walls: were:

“ie mounted

‘Pal
”

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

mounted. by. scaling ladders, and.

the. gates burst open. The garrison:

now,-hung out a white flag—it was
too late ; they had violated therules

of war ; and out of 300, the whole.

number, 150 were put to the sword,
Colonel Maxwell then returned to-
wards Caveripatam, and encamped
on. the 7th of November in. the,
neighbourhood of Kistnagheri, hay-
ing received orders to attack the
lower fort, and to, destroy the pet-
tah, in order to leave.as.littie cover
and encouragement as. possible for
predatory parties of the enemy to
remain in, that quarter. To give
the enemy no time for preparation,
he marched from his camp on this.
hazardousexpedition, at ten o’clock.
the same night. The pettah was
carried, after a feeble resistance,and
eyen some works which form a kiad
of intermediate fort. betwixt: the
other two; and all would have been
well, had not the. British, troops,
flushed with their success, followed
the flying garrison, and made an
attack upon the upper fort itself.
During the course of the. war,
greater gallantry was not displayed
than.in this unfortunate enterprize.
The only possible way of getting at
the wall, was by a narrow passage
commanded by several guns. For-
ward into.this, a party rushed with
scaling ladders; but a clear moon-
light discovering their motions,they.
were mowed, down by a discharge
of grape-shot. Another and ano-
ther marched up, who shared their
fate. After repeated attempts, the
sealing ladders being all demolished,
Colonel. Maxwell. was obliged. to
desist; and having burntthe pettah,
ie his camp. Upon mus-

gthe troops next morning, it
was found that our loss in this un-
auceessful tho’ brilliant enterprize,
had’ been, very, considerable. Colo»

[2am

nel. Maxwell having, according: to
his orders, reduced several. small,
forts in the neighbourhood of Aus-
soor, and delivered them to friend+
ly polygars, rejoined the grand,
army. on the. 30th of November,
then stationed at a small «listance
from Bangalore,

The. plan, was now nearly, accom-
plished which Lord Cornwallis had,
laid down, for the employment. of
his troops during the monsoon; the,
battering train had arrived from the
Carnatic, and the preparations. were,
nearly completed for the, ensuing,
campaign. One formidable obstacle:
was, yet to.be removed betore, the
army. could again. move against the .
enemy’s capital, About 18. miles
west of Bangalore, on the road to
Seringapatam, stands Savendroogs
or.the, Rock of Death. It is.a place
of immense: natural strength, being
a vast. mountain of rock, which rises
above half a mile in perpendicular
height from a base of eight or ten
miles in.circumference. It was em-
bracediby walls on every side, and
defended by cross walls and barriers
wherever it, was deemed aceessibles
It had likewise the advantage of
being divided above by a chasm in-
to twohills; which having each their
defences, formed citadels, which
might. be maintained independent
of the lower works, and indepen-
dent of each other. It is not Jess
famed for its noxious atmosphere
than, for its. stupendous size and
wonderful strength. From its fatal
climate it is said.to have derived its
formidable name. This fortress, in
the hands.of Tippoo, presented a
most serious obstacle-to the reduc-
tion.of,Seringapatam. From. its si-
tuation and from its extent, it pre-
vented all communication with Ban-
galore, exceptwitha powerfularmys
so) that, no, conveys of. provisions

{P] 4 - could

216]

could have passed it during thesiege,
which might have thus been obliged
to be raised a second time. Lord
Cornwallis therefore, undaunted by
the difficulty of the enterprize, re-
solved to attack it immediately.
This resolution is said to have
communicated great pleasure to the
Sultan, who congratulated his army
on the infatuation of the English,
saying, that one half of them would
die of sickness, and the other be
killed in the attack. Had the gar-
rison done their duty, his prediction
might have been verified; but as
‘they trusted more to the strength
of the place than to their own exer-
tions, it was taken without the Joss
of a'man. The siege was carried
on bya detachment under Colonel
Stuart. In about a fortnight a
road was cut through the woods
which surround the Droog, and
upon the north side, where it is least
giddily steep, batteries were open-
ed, and'a breach beat down: At
mid-day the troops advanced boldly
to the assault, the band of the 52d
regiment playing “ Britons strike
home;” and they stormed the
breaches with littie opposition. The
garrison were instantlypanic-struck,
threw down their arms, and fled to
the western summit of the moun-
tain. Here they found no asylum;
their number impeded their flight ;
their assailants followedcloseat their
heels; a serjeant of the regiment
shot dead the man who was letting
down the gate; and the English rush-
ed in andtook possession of the place.
Not one of our menwas hurt; about
100 of the enemy were killed, and
many of them dashed from the pre-
cipices in attempting to escape.
From Savendroog Colonel Stu-
art marched against Outredroog,—
not much inferior in strength and
importance. The killidar with

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792. |!

-

spirit refused to surrender; but be-
ing unsupported by his soldiers,who'
began to consider the English as
something more than mortal, the’
place was taken by storin in a few’
days. Two of our men were’
wounded in the assault. Ram-\
Gurry and Sheria-Gurry, which
commanded the middle road, were’
captured soon after, by a detach-
ment under Captain Welch;' and
scarce a fort remained in the pos~
session of the enemy to the north
of Seringapatam.
It was now the middle of Janu-
ary 1791, when Col. Lloyd, after
experiencing great difficulties on his
march, had arrived with the last of
the supplies, the recruits he had
raised in the Carnatic, and the’
draughts which had been sent out’
from Europe. The weather had
set in fine, and every thing was
ready for entering upon the last,and’

the grand enterprize of the war.
But, before we follow the British
army to Seringapatam, it will be
proper to give some account of the
transactions of our allies. These
were of no great magnitude or im-
portance. The Nizam’s army was
engaged almost during the whole
season in the siege of Gurramcon-
dah. Having stormed the pettah,
in the beginning of November, it
marched eastward to cover some
convoys then expected, a detach-
ment being left behind to block-
ade the upper fort. Soon after,
Hyder Sahib, Tippoo’s eidest son,
came to the relief of Gurramcon-
dah, and expelled the Nizam’s gar-
rison. The main army upon its re-
turn retook the pettah, and soon
after joined Lord Cortivallio gen

before Outredroog. mn
Purseram Bhow, the Mahratta
General, was more active and more
successful. He first took Kiri-
koopy,

‘HISTORY OF EUROPE.

y, a hill-fort, about eighteen
miles from Chittledroog. He then
marched westwards'to the banks of
the Tumbudra, where he reduced
Hooly, Onore, and» Bankapoor.
Upon ‘advancing’ to Simoga, he
found a numerous army posted be-
fore it) Though superior to his
own, the Bhow boldly attacked and
completely defeated it:—Simoga
was the reward of his victory. This
district was the only part of his do-
minions which “now remained: in
the possession of the unfortunate
Sultan. Fearing that this also would
be® ravished from him, he sent
Cammer ‘ud Deen Cawn, with an
immense ‘force, to expel the Ma-
hrattas.© Purseram Bhow had en-
gaged to join the Bombay army
early in January ; but, flushed with
his’ successes, he forgot his pro-

mise, and advanced to the siege of
Bednore, the capital of the pro-'

vince; ‘Hevhere’ had ‘reason to
lament’ his want of faith; he found

Cummer ud Deen lying before it,
and was obliged to retire. Now
he would have wished to forma
junction with’ General Abercrom-
bie, and marched up the Cavery
with ‘that intention; but he had
lost the proper opportunity in pur-
suing his idle visions of conquest.
Galled by reflections on his folly
and*imprudence, he changed his
route, and marched towards the
grand army; with which he was
not able to come up till after hos-
tilities had ceased.

' General’ Abercrombie, having
with ‘great loss from sickness re-
conducted his army to the Malabar
coast last autumn, went himself to
Bombay to make preparations, and
to’ manage the civil business of the
presidency. He left it again, having
procured the recruits, draughts,
Severin t

[217

and military stores which were ne-
cessary for his expedition, and ar-
rived at Tellichery about the be-
ginning of next December. He im-
mediately proceeded on the same
route as last year, by the Poode-
cherum pass, and was now on his
way to Periapatam.

Lord Cornwallis having, before
the Nizam’s General and Hurry
Punt, made'a general review of the
forces (who being in high health
and spirits, all newly clothed and
in an excellent state of discipline,
made a noble appearance, and
gave great satisfaction to the In-
dian chiefs) moved forwards a
second time to the enemy’s capital 5
and after five easy and unmolested:
marches, arrived before Seringa-
patam on the fifth of February
1792.

The Sultan was then shut up
with his army in a fortified camp
opposite to the ‘city, on the north’
bank of the Cavery.. The insular’
situation of Seringapatam, and the)
nature of the surrounding country,;
are well known to every English-
man. Upon the strength of this;
camp Tippoo rested his chief hope;
of safety. Hehad spent a great
part of the summer in adding to its
fortifications; and flattered him-
self that, before the English could
make any impression upon it, the
periodical rains would set in, and
they would be obliged to withdraw.
The camp was surrounded by a
bound hedge, a ditch, &c.; on the
front it was protected by a large
canal ; on the left by a strong forti-
fication at an ead-gah or pagodah ;
and on the right by a high hill and
the windings of the river Lockany
at its foot. Small redoubts and:
defences were scattered through
the whole of it.» ;

From

ais} ANNUAL RE GDIS:TER; «1792.

_ From: this strong. position Lord.
Cornwallis: determined to dislodge
Tippoothe very night after that of
his.arrival. On the evening of the
6th, after the troops were dismissed
from theparade, orders were issued
for.a general assault. The baggage,
all the guns, &c, were to be left:in
the camp, protected by a strong
corps, under Colonel Duff. The
remaining: troops were to be divid-.
ed into three columns; the centre
to: be: commanded by Lord Corn-
wallis: in. person, the right: by Ge-
neral Meadows, and. the left by
Colonel’ Maxwell. The centre di-
vision was to march straight for-.
ward, and to:enter the camp about
the’ middle. of the bound hedge ;
the: right division was to make a
circuit to the west, to attack the:
redoubt at the pagodah, and, hav-
ing carried it, to turn to the east,
and) join. Lord Cornwallis. The
left division was to march round the
hills:on the east of the enemy’s:en-
campment, to take the Carrighaut
pagodah, avery strong post on the
westmost hill, to crossthe Lockany.
near its conflux with the Cavery, to
penetrate the camp, and.to con-
centrate its: force with the com-
mander in chief. All the columns
having routed the enemy and ex-
pelled them from the north side of.
the Cavery, were to follow the fu-
gitives across the river, and to do
their utmost: to effect'a lodgement:
upon the island itself The orders
were» joyfuliy received by the
troops. The plan of attack was,

indeed, bold beyond their expec.

tation; but, like a discovery in:
science, which excites admiration,
it’ had: only to be known to meet
with general applause. At half:
after: eight the army. assembled);

and the officers commanding divi-.

sions finding that the guides and!
scaling) ladders had: arrived; and;
that-every. corps. was in its proper:
place, began. their march. The»
evening was calm and, serene; thei
troops: moved. on. it determined)
silence; and the full moon, which)
had just: risen, promised to light;
them to success., Dreadful was the,
suspense-which reigned during: the,
night through the camp. .U
this enterprize the fate of the: war
depended, The. soldiers. felt. the;
most torturing anxiety for the safety:
of their companions and their Ge-.
neral. They saw:the whole extent)
of Tippoo’s. lines, illuminated» by)
discharges. of. musquetry;. they:
heard a heavy firing from allthe
fortifications, but: they, knew: not;
the event, On the, approaching:
dawn they found that British va-.
lour had been crowned with, victo-,
ry.—Willingly would) we. enter
into a detail of the operations.of
each division, but» our bounds: ree.
quire that we should only state:the)
result, Each fully executed the:
part assigned. to it, The army off
the Sultan was driven, across:the;
Cavery; the redoubts:at each; endi
of the camp were taken; a-detach-
ment from the centre division made:
a lodgement in the island, and) the:
remainder: of: it was joined by the:
other two. before day, It, would:
appear that the Mysoreans did nots
expect so early a visit, and that they;
were unprepared to, receive it:
They made a spirited stand atise=
veral forts; but: being driven ftom
these, they fled:in confusion; and
meeting unexpectedly with parties,
of our men, who had entered by:a)
different route, many. of them were
cut: to pieces; At one time: Lord
Cornwallis was in aa
er: The greater: part;of, his-de~
. r tachment: ~

enemy who crossed it.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

tachment: had separated from him
inthe confusion of a nocturnal at-
tack. While remaining with a few

followers near the river, he was

attacked by a large body of the
He was
nearly surrounded, and his hand
was grazed by a musket-ball. At
this: critical juncture he was joined

a considerable reinforcement,
which enabled him to repulse the
enemy, and to retire to a more se-
cure situation.

As soon as day-light appeared,
bien Sultan was able to estimate
his losses, he made a spirited at-
tempt to retrieve them. Colonel
Stuart, who had assisted Lord
Cornwallis in the command of the
centre division, and who-had head-
ed the detachment. from it which
crossed the river, was now station-
ed:at the Laul Bang, a magnificent
garden belonging to the Sultan, at
the eastern extremity of the island.
From this Tippoo now tried to dis-

him; but, being repeatedly
repulsed, he was obliged to desist
from the attempt. He then made
agrand effort to retake the Sultan’s
redoubt, on the north side of the
river. Several small redoubts'were
still in his possession between it and
the Mosque redoubt, which stands
farther west: it was likewise within
cannon-shot of the fort itself. A
heavy fire was immediately opened
from every gun that would bear
upon it; and, as the gorge was
the party suffered severely.
“party of Mysoreans then advanc-
ed to assault it; but after an obsti-

‘Rate struggle, were beat back with

setae The garrison were now
@ most deplorable situation:

parched with thirst, on
account of the excessive heat and

sultriness of the day ; but nota drop:

Moisi v,

‘Bian.

[219

of water'could be found: many-of
them were lying gasping on: the:
ground, miserably wounded, and’
no assistance could be given thems,
To complete their misfortunes their:
ammunition. was expended, and
they saw a party of the enemy ad-.
vancing to renew the attack. At’
this moment two: bullocks, loaded:
with cartridges, which had strayed:
through the night, were discovered:
in the ditch: the soldiers: ran,,
filled their boxes, and were again:
in the ranks before the enemy:ars:
rived. Animated with something:
like frenzy, they attacked them:
with fury, and obliged them a se-
cond time to retire. Lord Corn-:
wallis, who had ascended the pas:
godah-hill early in the mornings,
where he remained. through the:
day, had witnessed the galiant de:
fence of the Sultan’s: redoubt, and
now reinforced the garrison, and’
sent them refreshments. Soon af+
ter resolving, if possible, to recover’
this important station, the Myse-
reans approached a third time, and!
were a third time driven back, leav=
ing the English complete masters:
of the post. It was now a horrid
scene of carnage; 2 officers and 19
privates lay dead; 3 officers and 22
privates were at the point of
death: and few had escaped without:
a wound.

This was the last: effort that‘ Tip-:
poo made beyond the Cavery. He
azain attempted to drive Colonel:
Stuart from the island; but having:
failed, he withdrew his forces from:
all the redoubts in the neighbour+
hood, and shut himself up in Serin+
gapatam. Lord Cornwallis en»
camped in the evening on the sta-
tion formerly occupied by the Sule
tan. Considerable ' anxiety pre+
vailed during the night, frour

intelli-

220]
intelligence given by a Mysorean
captive of rank. He said that
Tippoo had convened his principal
surdars, and had exhorted them to
make a bold effort to drive the
English from the island, and to re-
cover the tomb of Hyder: that
the chiefs had thrown their turbans
on the ground, and had sworn to
succeed, or perish in the attempt ;
and that the attack was to be made
that‘ night with the whole force of
the empire. In consequence of this
information the troops slept upon
their arms, and a plan was concert-
ed for crossing the river to support
Colonel Stuart; but the night pass-
ed on in silence, and the morning
broke without an alarm. It is pro-
bable that such an enterprize was in
contemplation, but that the soldiers
would not second the zeal of their
officers. They had becbme ex-
tremely dispirited, and deserted in
prodigious numbers. Upon mus-
tering his army a few days after,
Tippoo found that it was diminished
by 20,000; of whom net more than
4000 had been killed by the Eng-
lish. The fort was now closely in-
vested on two sides, and Lord Corn-
wallis was for some time incessantly
employed in making preparations
for the siege. A numerous party
were kept at work in the island, in
constructing pickets, gabions, and
fascines. The noble garden of the
Sultan. was devoted to destruction;
and the trees which had shaded their
proud master, and contributed to
his pleasures, were now to be
formed into the means of protect-
ing his enemies in subverting his
empire.

Tippoo was now ina very cri-
tical situation. Of his extensive
dominions there remained in his

possession only a single fort; and:

ANNUAL! REGISTER) 1702.

that he had reason to fear would not’
much longer be tenable. To the
British: General he attributed his’
misfortune; and he now made a-
daring attempt to extricate himself:
from all his difficulties, by aiming a?
secret blow at his life. | His cavalry:
left the station where they had
been encamped on the south of the
Cavery, on the 10th of February,
crossed the river at Arrakerry, and’
found means to get, uncbserved,»
betwixt the Nizam’s and the Eng-)
lish army. They then enquired, of
some Lascars whom they met, for

the tent of the Commander’ in®

Chief. Being mistaken for friends, '
they were directed to that of Colo-
nel Duff, who commanded the ar-)
tillery park. Immediately) they
drew their swords, advanced ‘to-
wards it at full speed, and cut down
several who attempted to oppose»
them. At last the alarm was given;
the troops turned out witlvalacrity,’
and discharged a volley at them,
upon which they faced about, and!
gallopped away in an instant. After:
this attempt» Lord Cornwallis al+t
lowed a Captain's guard to protect
his person. Had those assassins:
been conducted by a guide, or had:
their judgment been equal to their

spirit, it is possible they might have: —

effected their rurderous purpose.
The attention of the army was)
engaged for some days in the for-.

mation of a junction with the Bom- _

bay army. Lord Cornwallis de=
tached Colonel Floyd with all the;
cavalry, anda large body of footto

conduct it in safety to Seringapa=

This assistance was most sea-
General

tam.
sonable.

On the forenoon of that day on
which

Abercrombie
had for some days been very much —
harassed by parties of the enemy,”
and deprived of part of his baggage.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

which he was met by Colonel
Floyd, their numbers had increased
to an alarming degree, and he was
obliged to halt, and draw up his
troops in order of battle. Upon
the appearance of Colonel Flovd
they withdrew ; and on the 16th he
joined Lord Cornwallis without
further loss or interruption.

Two thousand gabions, 10,000
fascines, and 20,000 pickets had
mow been prepared, and every
thing was ready for commencing
the attack of the place.

Seringapatam, of a triangular
form, is invested on two sides by
the Cavery. Lord Cornwallis had
‘determined to attack it on the third
side, as being most accessible ; but
as that too was the most strongly
fortified, he altered his mind, and
‘resolved to attack the north face of
the fort, across the river. The
trenches were ordered to be opened
‘on the night of the 18th; but, as
‘this would have been nearly im-
‘possible, had the enemy had no-
tice of the design, a detachment
was sent to beat up their camp on
the south, and thus draw off their
attention. ‘This commission was
successfully executed by Captain
‘Robertson, who crossed the river
‘from the south side of the island,
made a long detour through rice-
“grounds and swamps, fell upon the
enemy at midnight, killed upwards
of an hundred troopers, created
-ap alarm through the whole fort,
and returnea without the loss of a
‘man. Meanwhile the trenches
had been opened, and batteries
erected within 800 yards of the
fort; aud so well protected were
‘the men, that they were but little
“annoyed by the dreadful fire open-
‘ed upon them in the morning.
~The Sultan fearing that a breach

o™

[223

would’ soon be effected, which
would be followed up by an assault,
thought of an expedient by which
he proposed to retard the former,
and to render the Jast impossible.
He sent a detachment, who cut off
a stream of water which run through
the English camp, and turned it
into the Cavery. But the stream
was soon reconveyed to its accus-
tomed channel, by a detachment
sent by Lord Cornwallis, to inves-
tigate the cause of the failure of
the waters; who drove the Myso-
reans from its banks, and took up
a station to guard it, during the
remainder of the siege.

It was now judged proper, that
the third side of the fort should
likewise be invested; and General
Abercombie marched a little way
up the river, crossed it without
opposition, and, having repulsed a
body of cavalry who then attacked
him, encamped on sonte heights to
the south-west of the town. -He
immediately prepared to attack the
fort on that quarter; and, on the
Qist, sent a party to occupy a re-
doubt, and a tope, or grove, which
were within gun-shot of it. They
took possession of them during the
night; but Tippoo, alarmed at this
near approach to the weakest side
of the fort, ordered out a large
detachment of his troops, who vi-
gorously attacked the English, and
made them retire in confusion :
however, they soon rallied, and
again got possession of the tope.
The Mysoreans, being reinforced,
a second time returned to the
charge; and the ammunition of our
men being expended, were again
successful. At this time a bat-
talion of sepoys came up with a
supply of cartridges. ‘The engage-
ment was renewed, and maintained

with

222]
with determined perseverance on
both sides. Fresh troops then
poured out of Seringapatam; but
they were met by a reinforcement
sent by General Abercrombie;
‘and after an obstinate and bloody
battle, the English remained mas-
ters of the disputed ground.

An the mean time the siege was
going forward, with great vigour,
on the north side of the river, and
promised soon to be brought toa
‘fortunate conclusion :—the batte-
ries had played for several days,
and considerably damaged the
works of the ‘fort. A plentiful
supply of materials was procured
from the.island; and, by the 23d of
February, the second parallel was
completed, and the ground marked
out for the breaching batteries.
On'the night of the 23d, a little
island in the river, at a small dis-
tance from the fort, was taken pos-
session of, and a redoubt was con-
Structed on it. Not a doubt was
now entertained of the speedy sur-
render, or capture by assault, of
Seringapatam ; and the soldiers al-
Feady considered as their own, the
immense treasures which it .con-
tained.

Diligent preparations were mak-
ing by General Abercrombie and
Col. Stuart, for attacking the fort
on the south and the east; Major
‘Cuppage, having reduced almost
all.the forts to the south of Serin-
gapatam, was soon expected with
large supplies. The arrival of the
Mahratta army, under Purseram
Bhow, was looked for every mo-
ment; and such arrangements had
been made, that, if a blockade
should become necessary, the army
would be plentifully supplied with
provisions for many months,

Such was the state of affairs

terms.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.-

when, ‘on the morning of the 24th
of February, orders were suddenly
issued to desist from hostilities.
Although, for the sake of not in-
terrupting our narrative, we have
forborne to mention it, a negocia-
tion for peace had been for some
time going forward. Soon after
the arrival of the English army be-
fore his capital, the Sultan, becom-
ing alarmed, liberated Lieutenant
Chalmers, and the other officers
taken at Coimbatore; and charged
them with letters to Lord Corn-
wallis, suing for peace. The pro-
gress of the siege becoming more
and more alarming, he again re-
newed his solicitations ; when, at
last appearing in earnest, his.Lord-
ship, with the representatives of the
Mahrattas, and the Nizam, agreed
to his proposal for the appointment
of commissioners, to settle the
In consequence several
meetings were held betwixt the
15th and the 20th; but at these
little was effected, as Tippoo still
hoped much from the arrival of
Cummer Ud Deen Cawn, whom
he daily expected with large sup-

plies from Bednore; and as. his

proud mind was not yet sutliciently
humbled by adversity, to agree to
the hard terms proposed to him.
At last, on the 24th, his affairs ap-
pearing desperate, being impor-
tuned by all his friends, and fear-
ing sedition within the fort from
farther obstinacy, he submitted;
and the preliminary articles of
peace were signed. These were,

first, That he should cede. one half

of his. dominions to the allied pow-
ers: secondly, That he should pay
three crores, and thirty lacks of ru-
pees: thirdly, That he should un-
equivocally restore all the prisoners
which had been taken by the My-

soreans,

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

soreans, fromthe time of Hyder
ly;and fourthly, That ‘two of
his*three eldest sons should be de-
livered up as hostages for the due
petformance of the treaty.
' In eonformity to these terms, the
treasure began to be carried out;
and)on the 26th, the young princes
were conducted ‘to the English
. This ceremony was per-
formed with great pomp. The
princes ‘were mounted each on an
elephant, ‘magnificently caparison-
ed, and ‘attended by.a numerous
suite. Vast crowds, actuated by
curiosity or-affection, assembled at
the gateway, as they left the fort.
Lord Cornwallis, attended by his
Staff'and some of the principal offi-
eers of the army, met the princes at
the ‘door ‘of his tent as they dis-
mounted from the elephants, con-
ducted them in, one:in each hand,
and ‘treated them»with the utmost
attention and tenderness. The
princes are said ‘by Major Dirom,
who was present, to have ‘been
dressed in long white muslin gowns
and>red turbans. They had several
rows of large pearls round their
necks, from which was suspended
anornament consisting of a ruby,
and «an ‘emerald of considerable
size, ‘surrounded with large bril-
liants; and in their turbans each
hadja'sprig of rich pearls. Bred up
from their infancy with infinite
care, and instructed in their man-
ners'to imitate the reserve and po-
liteness of the age, it astonished all
present to.see the correctness and
riety of their conduct.
‘Sir John Kennaway, Tippoo’s
vakeels, and the vakeels of the al-
lies, now held meetings daily for
Settling the definitive treaty ; but
for some time it proceeded but
slowly. Many difficulties arose
about ascertaining the value of the

[223

coins of Mysore, and:fixing upon
the provinces theSultan should cede.
It soon became.apparent that Tip-
poo strove by:every means to pro-
crastinate the negociation ; and at
the same time it was discovered
that he was with unremitting dili-
gence repairing the damages which
the fort had sustained, andstrength-
ening its'works. To yield upsome
territory upon the borders of the
Rajahship of Coorg, .as he was re-
quired, he absolutely refused. Lord
Cornwallis then issued orders for
the recommencement of the siege,
and for the two princes to be sent
off to the Carnatic. The army im-
mediately resumed its former sta-
tion; the guns’were again sent over
to the island, the ‘old fascines were
bound up and new ones collected ;
and ‘the princes began their march
towards Bangalore. Upon -this
shew of vigour aud resolution,
Tippoo became daunted, knowing
that if hostilities should begin a-
gain, they»would never terminate
but in ‘his utter destruction. He
therefore sent ‘word by his vakeels,
that he would submit to every de-
mand; and,‘on the 19th of March,
the definitive treaty, as dictated by
Lord Cornwallis, was delivered by
his sons, to the ambassadors of the
three allied powers, with the great-
est solemnity.

Thus ended a war which deliver-
ed the Company from the dangers
to which it: was exposed, by the
inveterate hostility of the most pow-
erful of her:neighbours ; and con-
stantly disposed, from interest and
connection, to unite with France.
The territories of which Tippoo
was divested, were divided between.
the three allied powers, :in three
equal portions. This act of good
faith to our allies, and the separate
arrangements made by Lord Corn-

wallis,

224]

wallis with the Nabobs of Oude
and the Carnatic, as well as the
principal native Rajahs, left a very
honourable and advantageous im-
pression of British justice on the
memory of the natives and princes
of Asia.

When the peace was concluded
with Tippoo Sultan, which left to
the East India Company a certain
portion of the territories of that
prince, an occasion presented itself
to Lord Cornwallis of availing him-
self of the great discoveries that had
been made in Bengal, relative to the
ancient mode of collecting the land-
ed revenue in India. The Compa-
ny’s servants in Bengal had made
great progress in learning the Per-
sian, and the native languages of
Hindostan. Among these, two gen-
tlemen were eminently distinguish-
ed, viz. Jonathan Duncan, Esquire,
who was receiver of all complaints
made by the natives, at the Exche-
quer of Calcutta; and Charles
Grant, Esq. who had discovered an
authentic copy of the original re-
venue accounts, as they had been
established by the great and humane
Emperor Aekbar; and as. they
were in actual operation when Lord
Clive acquired the Daunnee, and
put an eminent Persian, Mahomed
Reza Cawn, at the head of the re-
venue department.

At that period, the established
allowances, or salaries of the Com-
pany’s servants were trifling, and
were still connected with the mer-
cantile ceconomy of the Company,
when they had not acquired any
territorial possessions of value.

The natives, who understood the
niode of collecting the revenues,
had naturally set aside a certain

* In Persian, holder of the thread of the revenue accounts.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

portion of the real collections for
the system of patronage ; and the
Company’s superior servants ‘re~
ceived, as marks of gratitude from
these servants, or banians, who
were employed under them,money;
which was, without their know-:
ledge, withheld from the public col-
lections; the details of which were
in accounts that they did not un-
derstand. In due time the Com-
pany became more generous to
their servants; who, in return,
made themselves masters of the
native languages and revenue-ac-
counts. ‘The establishment of. the
government general, by act of
parliament in 1774, fixed great and
legal salaries for the members) of
that government; while it pre-
cluded the receipt of presents, or re-
venue-donations, from the natives.
The original native accounts,
which Mr. Grant had discovered,
were brought forward, and an-
nounced to the Company by the
government of Bengal, in.1785,
before Lord Corawallis had suc-
ceeded to the government general.
Many circumstances concurred. te
counteract the re-establishment of
the ancient system. It became a
great question, of obvious discontent
and difference of opinion, among the
Company’sservants;and Mr.Grant,
who had been invested with a seat
in the revenue-council, in. order
to investigate and realize his own
system, under the designation of
Sheristadar *, resigned his office,
and returned to Europe. After
wards, when Lord Cornwallis had
obtained possession of those’ dis-
tricts, in the north-west frontiers of
the Carnatic, which Tippoo had

been forced to cede, it was found
oy

">. that

HISTORY OF EUROPE,

that a system of revenue-assessment

and collection, nearly similar to that:

which had been discovered in Ben-

gal, was in actual operation in those.
countries*. Lord Cornwallis avail-,
ed himself of the discovery, and.
employed + two military gentle-.

men, who were perfectly conver-
sant in the languages and manners
of the country, to superintend. the
collections of the ceded revenue.
The result has been extremely fa-
vourable to the Company, and ho-
nourable to those gentlemen; the
revenues have been doubled, and
with additional reliefto the natives.
In a word, the agency of interme-
diate oppression has been super-
ceded ; and the cultivator, in pay-
ing his exact assessment, according
to the original record of the land,
is secured against unjust and ex-
traordinary assessments from the
dependents of government.

It has been alleged in the pub-
lications which have appeared on
the same subject, relative to the
system of Bengal Revenue-Col-
lection, that a million sterling a
year might be realized in the same
manner by the Company, in the
act of securing the natives from
the oppressions of zemindars and
banians.

On the Malabar side of India,
the cessions made by Tippoo re-
quired a more able management
for their realization, The revenues
obtained there were paid by chiefs
who had retained much of their
feudal authority; and who were
descended from the ancient Zamo-
Tins. Even the arms of Hyder

[225

and Tippoo: had:not reduced those
countries) to regular» obedience;
and the most perfect knowledge
of the customs of the ancient: Hin-
doos, as well as much political con-
ciliation, was requisite to, calm and
draw any real advantage from that
part of the Mysore cessions,

To regulate and secure this im-
portant object, Lord Cornwallis
selected Jonathan Duncan, . Es-
quire; whom we have already nam-
ed as the receiver, and indeed, re-
dressor of complaints, from the na-
tives at the exchequer of Calcutta.
That Gentleman had been recom-
mended to his Lordship by Sir
John Macpherson, his predecessor
in the Bengal government ;—who
said on introducing Mr. Duncan to
his Lordship, ‘* This is the gentle-
man who enabled me to carry
through my administration to the
satisfaction of the natives: free ac-
cess to their petitions, and a refer-
ence of them to his investigation,
they estimate from experience as
justice.’ Mr. Duncan, who had
been advanced by Lord Cornwallis
to the administration of the cele-
brated province of Benares, was
accordingly selected by his Lord-
ship for the final settlemeut of the
Malabar districts; and ultimately
recommended and appointed to the
government of Bombay :—a go-
vernment of peculiar difficulty,
from the number of its dependant
factories, and their discordant in-
terests.

We dwell with pleasure on these
circumstances which connect the
happiness of the Asiatics with

# Seea very ingenious and laborious work, entitled ** Revenue Establishments
of Tippoo Sultan,” written by the Right Honourable Mr. Greville, and published

by Jetfery 1793.

— # Lieutenant Colonel Reid, and Captain Macleod.

7
o4

i

Vou. XXXIV.

[Q] the

226] ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

the progress of our own admini-

stration, and the lights of ingenious
discovery.

It is pleasing to observe, not
only that arts and sciences were
originally derived from Asia, but
that lights are still discovered in
the east, which are, or may be,
eminently beneficial to the west.
When we attend to the nature and
effects of what is called “ Saukar
Right*, or the inviolability of pub-
lic credit,” we may perhaps indulge

the hope, that means for composing
the actual convulsions of Europe

‘may be drawn from an attentive

examination of the causes which
prevent revolutionary volcanoes in
India and China; for history and
the present state of these noble
countries, shew that opinions may
be formed, and institutions esta-
blished, capable of precluding many
of the calamitous effects of war, by
surviving the shipwreck of political
revolutions,

* Saukars are public bankers, \

CHRONICLE. 3

CHRONICLE.

' JANUARY.
2d. MELANCHOLY acci-
eiaic dent happened in_ tiie
park of N. Scottone, Esq. of Che-
sham, Bucks. As two boys, about
twelve years of age, were left to
fodder the deer in the absence of
the keeper, some words arose, when
one struck the other with a fork,
and made a push at him, and ran the
tine five inches into his ear.
boy languished about ten days, and
then died, in the greatest agonies,
tothe great griefof twokind friends,
who had adopted him as their son.
A jury was called, who sat about
seven hours on the body, and
brought in a verdict, wilful murder.
Upon which the boy was commit-
ted to Aylesbury gaol, to take his
trial next March assizes,

This day the Norwich mail was

robbed of two bye bags, near Thet-

ford; and afew hours after, a man
was apprehended near Attlebo-
tough, with the two bags unopen-
ed. He was taken before a magis-
trate, and committed to gaol for
further examination.
3d, Early this morning a fire
roke out at the Tiger’s Head, at
ootscray, in Kent, which quickly
lestroyed it, with two adjoining
ouses.
4th. The excessive crowd which
Pressed for entrance at the Hay-
Vou. XXXIV.

The ©

Market theatre this evening, to see
the fourth representation of Cymon,
which was honoured by the pre-
sence of his Majesty, was the cause
of a truly melancholy accident:—A
person of the name of Smith was
trodden to death, a woman was
dreadfully bruised, and many other
distressing accidents happened, from
the impetuosity of the greatest
crowd ever remembered.

A donation of 30001. from an un-
known hand was transmitted to the
Middlesex hospital, for the purpose
of establishing acancer-ward. There
isno ward for that particular disor-
der in any hospital in Europe.

5th. This morning Mr. Holman,
of Covent-Garden theatre, rang for
his servant; and oy his not answer-
ing to the bell, they found the man,
on going into his room, dead in his
bed. On further examination, it
appeared he had taken poison, as a
plial with some remaining in it
was found by his bed-side. It
seems the man had been insuring
for some time past in the Irish lot-
tery, and had gradually parted with
every thing he had, and having no-
thing further to hazard, thus in de-
spair, at last parted with life.

9th. A young man, named Hon-
nysett, a native of Stone, in the Isle
of Oxney, about twenty years of
age, was found almost frozen to
death in the shambles of Canter-

aA bury.

2

bury. He was taken to the work-
house, and every means for his
recovery were used without suc-
cess.

12th. At night, as Captain R.
Kingsmill was coming to town on
his entrance into Bond-street, his
driver was reminded by a man on
the pavement of the slippery state
of the street, and advised to move
cautiously. The post-boy attend-
ing to the suggestion, Capt. Kings-
mill was induced to quit his chaise
and walk ; observing aloud, that by
that means he could more effectual-
ly guard the trunk behind. He
perceived two or three men, appa-
rently well dressed, dogging the
carriage the whole way; but from
his determined precaution nothing
‘was attempted till he arrived at his
door in Woodstock-street, when
stopping to knock at the door, and
turning instantly round again, he
found his trunk gone, but which
way. no one could tell. There be-
ing an alley across the street, it for-
tunately occurred that it might have
been conveyed off that way to the
next stand of coaches. <A servant,
dispatched to the stand, seeing a
coach drawing up, enquired if it
hhad not taken*in atrunk? ‘The
Doy standing with the horses an-
swered, that the three gentlemen
then in the coach had just put in a
trunk, On the servant’s opening
the door to seize the trunk, one of
these gentlemen bolted out and
knocked him down. Recovering,
however, he seized his trunk a-
gain, when the two others in their
hurry got out on the other side,
through the coach window. The
cry of * stop thief?’ was given, but
these audacious plunderers had the
address to escape.

14th. About half past one o’clock
this morning, the inside of the Pan-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

theon in Oxford-street was disco-
vered to be on fire by the patroles
who were employed to watch the
interior parts of it. It broke out
in a new building adjoining the
Pantheon, which had been erected
for a scene-painter’s room. To
this part of the building the patroles
had no access, so that it is supposed
the fire had been kindling some
time before it was discovered. At
length the fire burst in a flame
through a door at the back of the
stage, which communicating with
the scenery, the whole was instant-
ly ina blaze. ‘The servants who
lived in the house had scarcely time
to escape ; leaving behind them all
their clothes and other effects.
From the combustible materials of
the scenery, the oil and paint, the
fire had got to such a height before
the engines could arrive, that all
attempts to save the building were
in vain. The whole edifice, from
Oxford-street to Marlborough-street
Gardens, and from Poland-street to
Blenheim Mews, is a heap of ruins.
Not an article of the rich wardrobe
and costly furniture—the stage ma-
chinery, nor a musical instrument,
is saved. The Joss sustained is
60,0001. of which only 15,0001. is
insured, 10,000]. in the Westmin-
ster, and five in the Phoenix fire-
offices. The engines did not get
into play until an hour and a halt
after the fire was discovered; and
from the situation of the building
they could not be worked with any
degree of efficacy. The fire conti-
nued with great fury for ten hours,
when the whole roof of the building
having fallen in, it slackened, and
Was pretty nearly subdued towards
one o’clock in the afternoon. Very
few of the adjoining buildings are

damaged.
1Gth. The Oid Bailey sessions
ended,

CHRONICLE. 3

ended, when thirteen received
sentence of death; twenty-two
were ordered to be transported be-
yond the seas for seven years ; thir-
teen to be imprisoned in Newgate ;
seven in Clerkenwell Bridewell ;
thirteen to be publicly and one pri-
vately whipped ; two had judgment
respited until a future period; and
fourteen areto be delivered by pro-
clamation.

18th. At the ball given this even-
ingin honour of her Majesty’s birth-
day, as the Prince of Wales was
talking to the King, he felt asevere
pull at his sword, and, on looking
round, perceived the diamond guard
of his sword was broken off and sus-
pended only by asmall piece of wire,
which, from its elasticity, did not
break. The person whom the Prince
supposes to have made this impu-
dent attempt, was exceedingly gen-
teelly dressed, and had much the
appearance of a man of fashion.
The diamonds on the part thus
attempted to be stolen, were worth
30001.

25th. A late letter from Dr. Mac-
genis, of the Irish college at Lisbon,
gives a most awful account of the
earthquake which happened in that
city on Sunday night, the 27th of
November. ‘The first shock was
felt about twenty minutes after
eleven, and consisted of five or six
strong vibrations, so closely follow-
ing eachother, that they couldscarce
be distinguished. After a pause of
near five minutes, one very violent
undulatory motion, that shook the
whole house, succeeded, attended
by a loud and tremendous crash,
which, after a rustling noise aud se-

veral hisses, like those we might ima-

gine to proceed from a great mass
of flaming iron suddenly quenched
in cold water, went off like the re-
port of a cannon. Meantime the

streets were crowded with the mul-
titudes flying from their houses,
whose chimnies were falling about
their ears. The bells of St. Roche
tumbled in all directions, and tolled
the most horrible sounds. After
the first fright had a little abated,
the churches were opened, and
soon filled with multitudes, to de-
precate the mischiefs of 1755, and
imploring divine mercy. Between
six and seven, her Majesty, with her
household, set out for Belem, fol-
lowed by almost every person of
quality, who retired to some dis-
tance. So lasting was the conster-
nation, that no business was done at
the Exchange, the custom-house, or
quays. The theatres were shut,
and all public diversions forbid till
further orders,

The House of Assembly of Ja-
maica has voted 500l. sterling for
the purpose of erecting a monu-
ment to the memory of their late
Governor the Earl of Effingham,

30th. Information having been
received that a forgery of French
assignats was carrying on in the
King’s Bench prison, a search was
made yesterday,and forged assignats
amounting to half a million pounds
sterling, were found in one of the
wards.

Diep, at Islington, Mrs. Judith
Scott, aged 102.

16th. At her house in Southamp-
ton-row, Mrs. Griggs. Her execu-
tors found in her house eighty-six
living and twenty-eight dead cats.
A black servant has been left 150h
per annum, for the maintenance of
himself and the surviving grimal-
kins. The lady died worth 30,000).

FEBRUARY.
6th. Mr. Layton, of the Borough,

entertained 200 friends in a new
A@2 tub.

4 ANNUAL REGISTER,

tub. It‘was made for Mr. Meux,
the brewer; and will contain 10,000
‘barrels, the cost of which will be
sabout $000]. Mr. Layton gives
security of 20001. to indemnify Mr.
»~Meux from any loss that may be
sustained within the first twelve
‘months. On a side-table in the
tab was a china bowl, on a mahoga-
‘my stand with wheels, which con-
tained twenty-seven gallons and a
half of punch.

16th. At nine o'clock in the
evening, a gang of twelve men,
armed with knives and bludgeons,
assembled on Saffron-hill, and, as
‘appears, from a spirit of wanton
harbarity, fell with their bludgeons
and knives upon every person they
met with, many of whom were se-
verely and dangerously wounded,
_by stabs, they received on the side
sand face. One poor labouring
man,, who was quietly passing by
them, fell a victim to the cruelties
practised by these desperadoes ; for
im they pursued; and one of the
party gave him a mortal. wound ia
his side, After he fell, this wretch
kicked the poor man, and stamped
upon him, and with the rest of his
companions knocked down the gen-
tleman who took the wounded inan
into his house, and demolished his
windows. The name of the unfor-
tunate man was Jordan Hosty: he
was taken to St. Bartholomew’s
hospital, where he lingered a short
time, and died. On Friday night
two of the gang were taken in Hol-
born, Armstrong and Jones, who
were on Saturday examined at
Bow-street, and were by several
persons sworn to have been very
active in the above shocking trans-
action: that Armstrong was there
with a drawn knife in his hand,
and, as well as Jones, had a blud-
geon, with which they knocked

1792.

down several persons, who appeat-
ed and identified them. nse

17th. Northampton. This morn-
ing abvut one o'clock, an alarming
fire broke out at the Shoulder of
Mutton public-house, on the Mar-
ket-hill, ia this town, which in a
short time entirely destroyed the
same, together with all the furni-
ture, &c. and what is most shocking
to relate, out of nine people who
were in bed, only one (Henry Mar-
riott, the landlord) escaped the fury
of the flames. The family consisted
of the said Henry Marriott, his
wife, and five children, and a man
and his wife (lodgers who only came
the preceding evening). The fire
began in the cellar, where they had
been brewing yesterday ; and had
communicated to the rooms’ on the
first story before it was discovered
by the watch, who immediately
gave the alarm, but too late to save
the unhappy sufferers. me

21st. Mr. Donadieu on Saturday
obtained “a verdict in the court of
King’s Bench, of 50]. damages,
against the Earl of Barrymore, for
an assault on‘ his person, last season
at Brighton. When the evidence
was closed, Lord Kenyon left the
case entirely to the jury. He
thought the conduct of some people
of rank in this country a little dis-
graceful, and suspected there was ~
some defect in their education when
they were brought into a court of
justice to finish it.

A verdict against his Lordship
for 449]. was likewise obtained in
the same court by a builder, for
erecting the Wargrave theatre be-
fore his Lordship came of age.
The plea of non-age was done away
by subsequent promises of payment.
—Lord Kenyon lamented that this
young nobleman had, in his mino-
rity, been surrounded by designing

men,

CHRONICLE. 5)

men, who, instead of storing his
mind with useful literature, had,
he was afraid, depraved his_taste,
and perverted his disposition, With
_ respect. to the tendency of private
theatrical entertainments, his Lord-
ship doubted. extremely whether
they ever inculcate one single vir-
tuous sentiment. He had known
instances where they hada contrary
effect; and they usually vitiatedand
debauched the morals of both sexes;
the performers seldom retired from
the entertainment but every Romeo
knew the estimate of his Juliet’s
virtue,

Sentence of death was passed at
the Old Bailey upon Charles Wilt-
shire, James Kenney, Esther Jane
Hardy, James Gilthorp, and Wil-
liam Baker, for sundry highway

‘robberies, &c.

La Chevaliere d’Eon’s collection
of Vauban’s manuscripts was sold
for 5001. ,

Twelve thousand pounds was
the purchase-money for Cox’s mu-
seum.

Mr. Duberley has gained 5000l.
damages of General Gunning for
crim. con. with Mrs. Duberley.
Lord Kenyon, on this occasion, ex-
posed the conduct of the guilty
party, to merited contempt.

292d. The sessions ended at the
Old, Bailey, when nineteen capital
convicts, who had been respited
during his Majesty’s pleasure, were
pardoned on condition of their be-
ing transported to the eastern coast
of Mew South Wales for the term
of their natural lives; which condi-
tion being rejected by Thomas
Jones, one of the said convicts, he
was ordered to be confined in.a so-

. celliuntil the same shall be
l.to his Majesty. Twenty-

twe convicts were sentenced to be

wl

transported beyond the seas for the
term of seven years; six to be im~
prisonedin Newgate; nine in Cler-
kenwell Bridewell; twelve to be
publicly whipped; and two. trans-
ports were pardoned) on condition
of their being severally imprisoned
for the space of six months.

25th. Information being laid be-
fore Sir Lawrence Cox, the sitting»
magistrate at the Rotation-office in.
Litchfield-street, that a combination®
had. taken place amongst the jour-
neymen shoe-makers for the raising
of their wages one shilling on the
making of a pair of boots, and»six-
pence on each pair of shoes, Sir
Lawrence issued out 170 warrants.
for apprehending the parties con-.
cerned, twenty-one of whom were:
brought before the Honourable»
Viscount Galway, Sir Lawrence
Cox, and Mr. Shepherd, vesterday
morning, at the above office; the:
report of which having spread: over
the town, a multitude of shoe-mak-
ers, &c. in number upwards of 1000,
assembled in Litchfield-street in a
riotous manner; on account of
which Viscount Galway went to
St. James’s, where he reported the
same tothe King. His Majesty or-
dered that a sufficient number of
horseand footsoldiersshould besent
toprevent interruption, and that the
battalion on guardshould hold them-
selves in readiness, in case of being
wanted; by which orders a troop
of horse-guards, and a company andi
twelve men on foot, went to the re-
lief of the magistrate :—on appear-
ance of whom the mob dispersed,
and the twenty-one prisoners, and)
one man who had behaved outra-
geously, were committed to New-.
gate for'six weeks under a. strong:

guard,
A scheme of a very singular na-.
A$ ture

6

ture was detected lately at the post-
office in Exeter. A gentleman drop-
ping a letter into the letter-hole,
was struck at not hearing it drop
to the bottom, and on examination
a case was discovered to have been
let down the hole by a string, and
fastened on the outside by a piece
of watch-spring. It was, when de-
tected, full of letters, and no doubt
contained bills to a very consider-
able amount. '

27th. Dublin. About half past
four o’clock, the sheet-iron funnel
from one of the stoves, either that
in the corridore, or that in the hall
forming the western wing of the
Court of Requests, which passed
through the roof close by the base
of the great dome of the Senate-
house, was observed from the street
to be on fire ; but no further notice
was taken until a few minutes past
five, when the Members in the
House of Commons were alarmed
by the tumultuous bustle of a num-
ber of people passing and repassing
in seeming confusion before the
windows, which, from the base of
the dome, threw light into the
House. Immediately an alarm of
fire was given, and the House filling
with smoke, corroborated the alarm.
It was thought, however, too trifling
to interrupt the business of the
House, when one of the Members
who had discerned the fire from the
street, and had made his way to the
roof, looking down into the house
from one of the ventilators, con-
firmed the apprehensions of those
within, by saying the dome was
surrounded by fire, and would tum-
ble into the House in five minutes.
The speaker instantly put the ques-
tion af adjournment; and all the
members ran into the street, where
they had the mortification to ob-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

serve the flames bursting forth on
all sides from the base of the dome.
In less than three quarters of an
hour the whole dome was surround-
ed by a volume of fire, which soon
made apertures on all sides, by
melting the copper from the wood-
work, and thus exhibiting the cavi-
ty of the dome filled with flames like
a huge furnace. About half past
six thedome, burnt on all sides from
its supporting principles, tumbled
into the house with one great crash.
The House of Lords, as well as the
Commons, was sitting and in de-
bate when the flames first broke out.
Engines were brought fromall sides;
but their approach was so tardy, and
when they did come, the supply of
water so very scanty, that the rapi-
dity of the flames baffled all their
efforts to prevent the total ruin of
the place. Parties of horse and
foot from the garrison were imme-.
diately brought to keep off the po-
pulace, and prevent as well plunder
to the chambers as interruption to
the firemen. The flames, having
spent their fury on the House of
Commons, spread their ravages to
the rest of the building, and blend-
ed every thing susceptible of com-
bustion in the commen ruin. Hap-
pily and providentially the calmness
of the evening prevented the exe
tensive mischief that would other-
wise have been inevitable. The
valuable library, and all the papers
of importance, were saved. For
the remainder of the session the
House of Commons are to do busi-
ness in the great room at the west
front of the building, which was in-

tended to be appropriated for the

parliamentary records.

23. Diep, Sir Joshua Reynolds,
aged 68. The following character of
him is the production of Mr. mt

is

CHRONICLE. 7

His illness was long, but borne with
a mild and cheerful fortitude, with-
out the least mixture of any thing
irritable or querulous, agreeably to
the placid and even tenour of his
whole life. He had from the be-
ginning of his malady a distinct
view of his dissolution, which he
contemplated with that entire com-
posure which nothing but the inno-
cence, integrity, and usefulness of
his life, and an unaffected submis-
sion to the will of Providence, could
bestow. In this situation he had
every consolation from family ten-
derness, which his affection to his
family had always merited. Sir Jo-
shua Reynolds was, on very many
accounts, one of the most memora-
ble men of his time: he was the first
Englishman who added the praise of
the elegant arts to the other glories
of his country. In taste, in grace,
in facility, in happy invention, and
in the richness and harmony of co-
louring, he was equal to the great
masters of the renowned ages. In
portrait he went beyond them ; for
he communicated to that descrip-
tion of the art in which English ar-
tists are the most engaged, a variety,
a fancy, and a dignity derived from
the higher branches, which even
those who professed them in a su-
perior manner did not always pre-
serve when they delineated indivi-
dual nature. His portraits remind
the spectator of the invention of
history, and the amenity of land-
scape. In painting portraits, he
appears not to be raised upon that
platform, but to descend to it from
a higher sphere. His paintings il-
lustrate his lessons, and his lessons

seem to be derived from his paint-
ings. He possessed the theory as
perfectly as the practice of his art.
To be such a painter, he was a pro-
found and penetrating philosopher.

In full possession of foreign and
domestic fame, admired by the ex-
pert in art, and by the learned in
scienee, courted by the great, ca-
ressed by sovereign powers, and ce-
lebrated by distinguished poets, his
native humility, modesty, and can-
dour never forsook him, even on
surprise or provocation; nor was
the least degree of arrogance or as-
sumption visible to the most scruti-
nizing eye, in any part of his con-
duct or discourse. His talents of
every kind powerful from nature,
and not meanly cultivated in letters;
his social virtues, in all the relations
and all the habitudes of life, ren-
dered him the centre of a very great
and unparalleled variety of agreea-
ble societies, which will be dissipat-
ed by his death. He had too much
merit not to excite some jealousy,
too much innocence to provoke any
enmity. The loss of no man of his
time can be felt with more sincere,
general, and unmixed sorrow.

Hail, and Farewell!

The funeral of this great artist
and very respectable man*, was in
the highest degree honourable to
his character. The following isa
brief account of the chief occur-
rences which attended this honour-~
able testimony of departed excel-
lence.

The corpse was brought to the
Royal Academy on Friday evening,
March 2d, and deposited in the
smaller exhibition-room on the

_* Sir Joshua was a Fellow of the Royal and Antiquarian Societies, a Doctor of
Laws of Oxford and Dublin, and a Member of the Painter Stainers Company in
London, of which the freedom was presented to him on the 18th of October, 1784.

A4

ground-

8. ANNUAL REGISTER,

ground-floor, ‘The room was hung
with black, and ornamented with
escutcheons, chandeliers, &c. ina
style of suitable solemnity and
magnificence.

About ten o'clock on Saturday
morning, the academicians, associ-
ates, and students, assembled in the
great academicianroom abovestairs.
Soon after, the nobility, gentry,’and

rivate friends, with the executors,

joined the mournful band in the
Great Council Chamber. At half
after twelve the procession began to
move forward. The Lord Mayor,
Sheriffs, City Marshalmen, and
other officers, met the cavalcade at
this period, and conductedthe whole
to the cathedral of St. Paul. The
procession moved in the following
order :

City Marshal,

Marshal’s Men,

Sheriffs,
THE BODY,

Oneach side the’following Pall-Bearers :

Lord Elliot, Lord Palmerston,
Earl of Upper Ossory, Karl of Inchiquin,
Earl of Carlisle Marquis of Abercorn,
Marquis Townshend, Duke of Portland,
Dyke of Leeds, Duke of Dorset.
Chief Mourner,
Mr. Gwatkin, nephew of Sir Joshua,
Mr. Marchi,
who came from Italy with Sir Joshua.
Executors,
Mr. Burke,
“Mr, Malone, Mr. Metcalfe.
The Council of the Royal Academy.
The Keeper, The Treasurer,
The Secretary, The Librarian.
Professors,
Mr. T. Sandby, Mr. Barry,
Mr. Langton, Mr. Boswell.
Academicians, Two and Two,
Associates, Twoand Two,
Artists,not Membersofthe RoyalAcademy,
Students.
The Archbishop cf York,
The Marquis of Buckinghain,
Noblemen, Two and Two,
Baronets, Two and Two,
Gentlemen, Two and. Two.

1792.

The above persons were convey-
ed in forty-four mourning-coaches.
The coaches belonging to the no-
blemen and gentlemen who went
as mourners, closed the procession,,
to the amount of five-and-forty car-
riages. In the above splendid at-
tendance it is to be remarked, that
there were three Knights of the
Garter, one of the Thistle, one of
the Bath, and two of St. Patrick.
At the western gate, the company
were met by the Dignitaries of the
Church, and the body was convey-
ed to the centre of the choir. The
service was chaunted in a grand and
affecting style. The chief mourn-
ers and gentlemen of the academy
surrounded the coffin. When the
service ended, the body was taken
from the choir, and deposited be-
neath the brass plate under the cen-
tre of thedome. Dr. Jeffreys, Ca-
non Residentiary, with the other
Canons and the rest of the choir,
officiated on this melancholy occa-
sion. The whole was conducted
with the utmost solemnity, dignity,
and respect. :

Thus ends all that is earthly and
perishable of this great man, who
was a promoter of science, not more
by his works and Jectures than by
his beneficence and goodness of
heart, which made him a valuable
member of society. His name will
long live an’ honour to his country.
—The members of the Academy
returned to Somerset-House when
the mournful ceremony concluded,
in order to partake of a cold ecolla-
tion that was prepared for them in
the large exhibition-room. Mr.
Burke came into the room to ex-.
press, in the name of the family
and executors, their grateful thanks
to the Academy for their reepecHinl

OMage:

|

CHRONICLE

homage to the deceased; but was
prevented by the violence of his
feelings from saying more than a

few words.

EXTRACTS FROM
SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS’S WILL.

*« AS it is probable that I shall
soon be deprived of sight, and may
not have an opportunity of making a
formal will, I desire that the follow-
ing memorandums may be consider-
ed as my last will and testament.”

Sir Joshua gives tohis niece, Miss
Palmer, all his property, real and
personal, not otherwise disposed of
by his will ; specifying, that this be-
quest includes his house at Rich-
mond; his house in Leicester-fields,
his money in the funds, and all his
pictures, furniture, books, and plate.
To Mrs. Gwatkin, 10,0001. 3 per
cent. consols: To his sister, Frances
Reynolds, the interest of 2500l. to
be placed in the funds; the princi-.
pal to devolve on her decease to Miss
Palmer: To the Right Honourable
Edmund Burke, 2000I. besides the
20001. before lent him; the bond
for which sum, and for the interest,
he desires may be null and void:
To his old servant, Ralph Kirkley,
the sum of 10001.; To the Earl of
Upper Ossory, the choice of any
picture of his (Sir Joshua's) paint-
ing; To Lord Palmerston, the se-
cond choice: To Sir Abraham
Hume, Baronet, the choice of his
Claude Lorraines: To Sir George
Beaumont, “the Return of the
Ark,” by Sebastian Bodourn,

He appoints the Right Honour-
able Edmand Burke, Edmund Ma-
lone, Esq. and Philip Metcalfe, Esq.

‘executors of this Ris last will and
testament. To Mr. Metcalfe, Mr.
Malone, Mr. Boswell, and Sir Wil-

eo pemteren each, to be expend-
if they think proper, in the pur-
od

9
chase of a picture for each, at the
sale of his paintings, to be kept for
his sake: To Mr. Mason, his mi-
niature of Milton, by Cooper: His
miniature of Oliver Cromwell, by
Cooper, to another gentleman: To
his nephew, William Johnson, of
Calcutta, his watch and seals: To
the Duke of Portland his picture,
the Angel Contemplation, the up-
per part of the nativity: To Mrs,
Bunbury, the portrait of her son =
To Mrs. Gwynn, her own portrait:
with a turban.

MARCH.

Ist. A duel was fought in a field
near Marybone, between Mr. Kem-
ble and Mr. Aikin, of Drury-Lane
Theatre, in consequence of a dispute
respecting certain dramatic arrange~
ments, which Mr. Aikin conceived
to be injurious to, him. Mr. Aikin
discharged his pistol without effect,
and the parties were happily recon~
ciled without proceeding farther.
They had no seconds ; but Mr, Ban-
nister, sen. attended as their com-
mon friend.

Dr. Willis, who is recently em-
barked from Falmouth for Lisbon,
where he has been sent for to give
his medical assistance in a disorder
which has lately attacked the Queen
of Portugal, is to receive 20,000),
sterling, whether the Queen lives
or not. The condition is, that he
shall remain in Lisbon cne year, un-
less the Queen should die in, the
mean time. Besides. this sum, he,
is to be reimbursed all his expences,
He has taken his. son with him, and;
a female nurse to attend her Mar:
jesty.

The admirable series of pictures,
painted by Hogarth, under the ti-
tleof Marriage-a-la-mode,werelately.
bought in at a sale at Christie’s =

910

10

910 guineas. The former. posses-
ser bought them for 1301. Mr.
Alderman Boydell bid 9001. for
them,

The sale of such part of the
Prince of Wales’s stud as could be
parted with consistently with his
present engagements, produced
3836 guineas.

3d. Oxford. Yesterday a per-
son dismounted in the entrance of
the lane on the other side of St.
Clement’s Field, about a mile from
this city, on the Henley road, and
having fastened his mare to a gate-
post in the side of the lane, applied
a pistol to his right temple, and
shot himself dead upon the spot.
A gentleman of All Souls college
almost instantly came up, who
made the utmost speed to procure
a surgeon, when it was found that
the ball had passed quite through
his head. In his pockets were
found a memorandum-book, a gold
watch, a few guineas, with some
silver; and in his left-hand coat-
pocket another loaded pistol. Di-
vers persons soon after coming
along the road, the body was
known to be that of Mr. Thomas
Turner, of this place, gold and sil-
versmith, against whom a commis-
sion of bankrupt was lately award-
ed, and who was to have appeared
this day at the Cross-Inn in this
ity, to undergo his first examina-
tion before the commissioners.

13th. The most horrid and diabo-
lical piece ef premeditated barbarity
was perpetrated at the house of Mr.
Vasey (called Rushcomb House) in
the parish of Exford, near Exeter,
that could enter into the mind of the
most malignant villain. The wretch
(who is a near relation to Mrs. Va-
sey ) went into the stable, and, after
mixing a quantity of arsenic amongst
the oats, gave it to a team of fine

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

horses, who all of them died the
next day in excruciating agonies.
Not content with this cruelty, the
villain, on Saturday the 17th at
midnight, set fire to the house and
stables at four different places;
and, had not the cries of an infant
providentially awaked Mrs. Vasey,
it is more than probable the whole
family must have perished in the
flames, which were so extremely
rapid, that Mr. and Mrs. Vasey,
with their children and servants,
had but just time to make their
escape. The next morning Sir
Thomas Ackland, with that huma-
nity that ever marks his conduct,
sent for Mr. Vasey and, his family,
to whom he administered every
comfort their melancholy situation
would admit of. The house, barns,
and stables, are reduced to a heap
of ruins.—A reward of 1001. is of-
fered for apprehending the offender,
who is said to have been possessed
formerly of 8000I. a year.

The people of Shields have con-
structed a boat, which will go out
with safety to the assistance of dis-
tresscd mariners, when no other
constructed vessel could possibly
live. It has already been the means
of saving many lives.

At Shrewsbury assizes came on
to be tried a cause of very consi-
derable importance to the tanners
in every part of the kingdom. By
the statute of the Ist of James I.
all persons are prohibited, under
very heavy penalties, from carrying
on the trade of tanning, except
such as have served regular appren-
ticeships to the same, or are other-
wise qualified, as the act requires.
Notwithstanding this, many ad-
venturers have of late years taken
upon themselves the trade of tan-
ning; so that it became seriously

requisite to bring the question to”

be

CHRONICLE.

be solemnly decided in a court of
judicature. For this purpose Ze-
chariah Brown, a tanner at Wy-
mondham, entered an action against
Mr. Arnal Cooper Fayerman, of
London, for having carried on and
exercised the trade of tanning !ea-
ther, without being qualified as the
act directs; when, after hearing
the evidence of many respectable
witnesses, the jury gave a verdict
for the plaintiff, with 5]. damages.
A mill has been invented in
Yorkshire, by which the cordage is
manufactured from so small a size
as whip-cord up to the heaviest ca-
ble of a first-rate ship of war (which
to make in the common way will
require eighty hands) and which,
by this new machinery, may be
completely managed by one man.
22d. An action was tried in the
court of Common Pleas, to re-
cover from the warden of the Fleet
a debt due from the Count de
Verteillac, whose ingenious escape
lately attracted public notice. Se-
veral actions depended on the
event of this trial—The jury gave
a verdict against the defendant,
though he did not appear to have
been criminally negligent; but
Lord Loughborough stated it aslaw,
that nothing but irresistible force
{such as the riots in 1780) could be
pleaded in excuse for a goaler, who
is bound to keep his prisoners safe.
The hop-binds, which have hi-
therto been totally useless, have
been in one instance, at Newbury
in Berks, converted into a manu-
facture. Being dressed in the
manner of flax, coarse bagging has
been made of them, well adapted
to inclose their produce.
A few days ago, on the Stanley

11

estate of Lord Lonsdale, near
Whitehaven, the earth began to
sink into an old coal pit; the width
of the aperture was at first onl
six or seven yards, but the land
continuing gradually to fall in,
‘whilst immense spouts of water
issued out, in a few hours one acre,
one rood, and twenty-four perches
of ground disappeared. A small ri-
vulet has since been turned into
the pit to prevent a further sinking
of the ground.

This day the following bills re-
ceived the royal assent by commis-
sion, viz. the Exchequer Joan bills,
the American intercourse bill, the
Boroughbridge and Northallerton
road bill; eight other public bills,
and eight private ones,

19th. At the Worcester assizes,
the claimants on the Halfshire and
Penshore Hundreds in Worcester-
shire, respecting the Birmingham
riots, obtained verdicts as follows:

Damages
Claimed. — given.
£ sa #£

J. Taylor.... 3889 4 4 2700
T. Russell .. 285 11 7 160
W. Pidcock.. 55615 7 300
J. Harwood... 143 12 6 60
T. Hawkes... 304 3 84 90
Buitoxmaug 336 13 74 254
J. Wakeman 967 14 11 200
Dollax Chapel 198 9 0 139
W. Russell .. 2579 & O 1600

8511 14 3 5503

30th. Diep, by the hands of an
assassin, Gustavus III. King of
Sweden.* The circumstances of his
murder were as follows: His Ma-
jesty was at supper in a room ad-
joining the opera, on the 16th inst.

®* Fora sketch of this monarch's character, and an account of the revolution he
effected in the constitution of his country, sce Annual Register for 1778, p.28, et seq.

when

12

when a page delivered him a let-
ter, written with a pencil, in good
French ; of which the following is
a_literal translation :

COST:

‘« May it please your Majesty ta
listen to the warning of a man who
is not in your service; asks no fa-
vour of you; does not flatter your
errors, but wishes to avert the
danger which threatens your life!
There is, doubt not, a project to
take away your life. People have
been extremely sorry that it could
not be put in execution last week,
when the inasked ball was counter-
manded—this day is resolved on to
try the attempt. Stay at home, and
avoid all future balls, at least for
the present year. Keep also away
from Haga. In a word, be upon
your guard, at least for a month,
Give yourself no trouble to find out
the author of this letter; chance
made him discover the horrid plot
which menaces your days. Believe
me, he feels no interest to ward off
the blow prepared for you. Had
your hired troops at Gefle commit-
ted acts of violence upon the peo-
ple, the author of this letter would
have fought against you sword in
hand; but he abhors assassination.’

The King, having frequently re-
ceived similar warnings, slighted
this; and, notwithstanding the most
pressing solicitations of Baron Essen,
his master of the horse, he entered
the ball-room ; he was instantly sur-
rounded by a crowd of masks in
black dresses, and being pressed
hard, felt himself wounded by the
contents of a pistol which were
lodged above his Jeft hip, near the
back-bone. His Majesty took the
mask immediately off his face, and
said to Baron Essen, ‘¢ lam wounded;
conduct me back to my apartment.”

ANNUAL REGISTER,

‘Life Guards.

1792.

Being arrived there, he sat down
on a sopha; and, attended by dif-
ferent foreign ambassadors and
courtiers, he conversed with much
apparent ease on the effects which
this event would cause in Europe
in the present crisis. He re-
quested the former not to let their
messengers set off before it should
be known whether there were
hopes or apprehensions of his re-
covery. The surgeons arrived,
probed the wound, and dressed it
for the first time. His Majesty
was then carried to the Castle,
and was let blood at four o’clock
in the morning. When the pis-
tol had been fired off at the opera-
house, an officer of the guards
ordered all the doors and gates
to be shut, and every body was
obliged to pull off his mask, and
give his name, Two pistols were
found in the hail, the one fired
off, and the other loaded with se-
veral points and heads of nails,
two slugs, and a, dozen small
shots, besides a large carving knife,
sharpened on both edges, and full
of hacks to render the wound more
dangerous. The mayor of the city
having summoned all the sword-
cutlers and cutlers before him, the
pistols and knife were recognized
by two workmen, who declared
to have mended them for Mr. John
Joseph Ankerstroem, at ten o’clock
in the morning. The person who
wrote the anonymous letter to his.
Majesty acknowledged the act of

his own accord; it was Lieutenant-.

Colonel Lilienhorn, of his Majesty's
He is now in safe:
custody.—John Joseph Anker-
stroem, who wounded his Majesty,
was formerly a.captain in, the: Swe-
dish service, but dismissed, with
some. others, in 1789, for havin

prevented the peasants of Gothlan 2

joining

lying ingloriously

CHRONICLE.

joining the Swedishstandard against
Russia. It appears from the con-
fession of Ankerstroem, the assassin,
who, when threatened with the

“torture, disclosed many of the cir-

cumstances of the conspiracy, that

‘Several persons were accessary to

it. Many have been taken up,
and their examinations have com-
menced before the privy counsellor
Liliensparr. At the head of the

‘conspiracy appears to have been

the Baron Bielke, a nobleman
formerly in the confidence of the
King, President of the Council of
War, besides holding many other
high offices. Finding his treachery
discovered, and that there was no
chance of escape, he prepared a

‘strong dose of laudanum and arse-

nic ; and when he sawthe officers of

justice surrounding his habitation,

drank it off as a libation to his

_ guilty and tormented conscience.

On his Majesty’s death the Prince
Royal was immediately proclaimed
King, by the name of Gustavus
Adolphus; and the Duke of Su-
dermania, in compliance with his
late Majesty’s will, was declared
sole regent and guardian of the
young sovereign, until he attains
his majority, which is fixed at the
age of eighteen. Theking of Swe-
den diedin the forty-fifth year of
his age, and the twentieth year
of his reign. The reflection of
through the
means of a vile assassin, is said to
haveembittered the last moments of
the king’s life much more than even
the agonizing pains of his wounds.
The late king retained all his men-
tal faculties to the last, which en-
abled him so well to arrange the fu-
‘ture government of his country.The
wounds at first indicated the most
promising appearances of recovery,

(3

and the slugs were all extracted ;
but some rusty pieces of iron had
penetrated so far into the body
as to render any surgical operation
immediate death. A mortification,
therefore, took place, and his Ma-
jesly was apprized of his speedy
dissolution. He lamented the youth
of his son, and, in his last moments,
prayed that Heaven would be satis-
fied with the earthly retribution of
his murderer.

Robert Adam, Esq. architect,
F.R.S. and F.S. A. by the burst-
ing of a blood-vessel. Mr. Adam
was born in the year 1728, at
Kirkaldy, in the county of Fife,
the same place that gave birth to
Dr. Adam Smith. He was second
son of William Adam of Mary-
burgh, Esq. an architect of distin-
guished merit. He received his
education at the University of
Edinburgh, which is now rebuild-
ing after his designs. The friend-
ships he formed were with men
who. have since eminently distia-
guished themselves by their literary
productions; among whom were:
David Hume, Dr. Robertson,
Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson, and
John Home. At a more advanced
time of life he had the good for-
tune to enjoy the friendship and
society of Archibald Duke of Ar-

‘gyle, the late Mr. Charles Towns-

hend, the Earl of Mansfield, and
several other of the most illustrious
men of the age. He was buried
the 10th of March, in the south
aisle of Westminster Abbey.

APRIL.

2d.¥rancis Hubbard, alias Noble,
convicted of the murder of Jordan
Hosty, was conveyed in a cart from
Newgate

14

Newgate to Charles-street, Hatton-
garden, where a gallows was erect-
ed, attended by the Sheriffs, &c.
He was turned off amidst a very
numerous crowd of spectators, Af-
ter hanging the usual time, his body
was cut down, and taken to Sur-
geons Hall for dissection. The
route taken by the Sheriffs with the
prisoner, was through Smithfield,
Chick-lane, and up Saffron-hill,
and from Hatton-wall down Hat-
ton-garden to the end of Charles-
street.

5th. His Majesty in the usual
state gave his royal assent to the
Duke and Duchess of York’s an-
nuity bill, to the 400,0001. surplus
bill, and to several road and inclo-
sure bills.

12th. Birmingham. The inhabi-
tants of Bromsgrove, in Worcester-
shire, were alarmed aad distressed,
beyond description, by one of the
most sudden and violent inunda-
tions ever known. Between three
and four o’clock, during astorm, ac-
‘companied with loud and continued
claps of thunder, and the most vivid
lightning, a water-spout fell upon
that part of the Lickey which is
nearest the town. The pouring
down of the cataract was heard at
a great distance, and the body of wa-
ter, taking a direction towards
Bromsgrove, soon swept away eve-
ry thing before it, Jaid down the
hedges, washed quantities of grain
from barnsand malt-houses, destroy-
ed tan-yards, and, so strong was
the current, that it floated through
the towna waggon loaded withskins.
The inhabitants of the place had
no time to take the necessary pre-
cautions: almost in an instant the
cellars and. under-kitchens were
filled to the top, and every thing in
them overturned. Ina few minutes

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the water entered at the parlour-
windows, covered the counters of
shops, and in the principal street
it rose and continued upwards of
five feet perpendicular from the
pavement. The horses in some of
the inn-stables stood up to their
tails in water. This tremendous
fall of water happened near the ele-
venth mile-stone, on the edge of the
Lickey. It has beat the ground
there (which is chiefly gravel) into
small pits. At Bromsgrove, and
the upper part of the Lickey, no-
thing more than acommon fall of
rain was experienced,

The same day a_ very violent
storm of thunder, lightning, hail,
and rain, fell between Gravesend
and Chatham. It lasted nearly an
hour and a half. The torrent of
rain overflowed the roads, and ren-
dered them for some hours nearly
impassible ; and the thunder and
flashes of lightning were the most
awful and tremendous ever known.
The storm extended only about
two miles. During the thunder-
storm, a ball of fire fell upon the
chimney of a house at Acomb,
near the city of York, occupied by
Henry Clarke, Esq. set fire to the
same, and passed down into the
kitchen, carrying with it an amaz-
ing quantity of soot; threw a ser-
vant-man from his seat, and several
plates from the rack; struck a wo-
man-servant with ,great force, and
nearly deprived her of the use of
her right side. It then made its
way into a parlour where Mrs.
Clarke and three of her children
were, burnt the door and wainscot-
ting in avery extraordinary man-
ner; andthe room seemed at the
moment to be filled with sparks
of vivid fire. . It then forced itself,
by the bell-wire, through a passage,

which

CHRONICLE.

which it singed extremely, into the
dining-room, tearing the wall and
wainscotting very much; threw
several splinters across the room,
through the canvas of a large pic-
ture, and turned the gilding of the
frames of several others entirely
black ; then burst in the room with
an uncommon explosion, and left
the whole house full of a sulphur-
ous smoke. What is remarkable,
four gentlemen were at cards in the
room when it burst, without receiv-
ing the least injury.

In the night of Thursday, April
12, the house of Mr. Samuel Col-
lier of Harescombe, about four
miles from Gloucester, was burnt
down. Collier and his son, a little
boy about six years old, were all
that were in the house. The
crackling of the fire roused the
father from his sleep, about twelve
o’clock at night; and when he
got out of bed, he found the stairs
in a blaze, upon which he leaped
‘out of the window,: and bid the
child get out after him,and he would
catch him in his arms: however,
the little boy in his confusion ran to
the stairs, where he fell into the
flames and was burnt to death.
The house, with all it contained,
was entirely destroyed. Collier’s
wife and another of his children
were fortunately at Stroud. As
there had been very little fire in the
house that day, the accident is sup-

The following is an Account, at one

15

posed to have been occasioned by
lightning, which they say was very
strong that night, and perhaps set
fire to the thatch, which was very
dry.

Cambridge. The following ex~
traordinary competition occurred
lately at Cambridge: ‘* The can-
didates for an university scholarship,
the qualifications for which consist
chiefly in classical learning, were
Sir Thomas Rivers, Mr. Maltby,
the nephew of the Bishop of Lin-
coln, anda Mr. Smith. Tliese gen-
tlemen, after having been examined
six days successively by the ablest
men in the university, were held to
be so equally qualified, that no de-
cision as to their merit could be giv-
en between them; and they were
ordered to be mentioned with equal
honour in the university - books.
But, though the honour might be
thus divided, the scholarship was to
be given only to one gentleman;
and the want of money was, there-
fore, properly resorted to as a re-
commendation, where no other
difference could be found. Mr.
Smith was supposed to be the least
wealthy of the candidates; and the
scholarship was offered to him, but
unfortunately with a notice, which
offended his delicacy, that it was
offered for that reason. He could
not be persuaded to accept it upon
such terms; and the scholarship
was next adjudged to Mr. Maltby.

View, of the whole Claims for Dam-

ages done by the Rioters at Birmingham, and money recovered by Ver-
wts at the late Assizes at Warwick :

Claimed.

&. 8. ad.

Mr. Ryland, 3240 8 44
Mr. Taylor - 9831 3 10
Old Meeting 2117 7 5

Mr. Humphrys 2191 5 O%
Dr. Priestley 411216 8

Mr. W. Hutton 7488 15 104
Mr. T. Hutton 625 010

Verdict. Taken off,
wl. 8.1 ds Bessel Ge.
2197 11 6 742 16 103
7202 3 O 2629 010
1390. 7.5 787 O 0.
1835 11 0O 3385 14 O
2502 IS O 1609 18 §8§
5390 17 O 2097 18 103
619 210 518 0

26th,

16

96th. Stockholm. The punishment
of John Joseph Ankerstroem ter-
minated yesterday. It began the
19th, in virtue of the sentence pro-
nounced the night before, which
‘declared him deprived of his rights
of nobility and of a citizen, with
infamy. He was conducted, on
Thursday noon, under the escort
of a large detachment of the garri-
son, to the market of L’Ordre
Equestre (Rittenhaus-market) and
fastened by an iron collar upon a
scaffold during two hours, and af-
terwards whipped with a rod of
five lashes, at a stake, where, under
his name, with the title of Regicide
added, was tied the pistol and the
knife, the instruments of his crime.
The same punishment was _repeat-
ed onthe 20th, at the Hay-mar-
ket, and the 2lst, at the mar-
ket of Adolphus Frederic. Yes-
terday terminated his existence on
a scaffold, erected in the great
Square. His right hand was first
chopped off by the executioner,
who immediately afterwards be-
headed him, and then divided his
body into four quarters, which are
stuck up in different parts of the
city. At the commencement of his
punishment he shewed much con-
stancy and firmness; but at length
his strength became exhausted
from his sufferings; and he was
obliged to be dragged, being in-
capable of walking to the places
of punishment, and executed amidst
the hisses and hootings of the sur-
rounding multitudes, which seemed
considerably to affect him.

30th. Came on in the Court of
King’s Bench, the trial of the ac-
tion brought by Mr. Fox against
Mr. Horne Tooke, for the sum of
2001. the costs on presenting to
Parliament a petition against the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

late Westminster election(in which
Mr. Tooke was a candidate) which
was voted frivolous and vexatious
by the House of Commons; the
truth of the facts stated, in which
however, none of the members ven-
tured to deny, though by virtue
of the frivolous and vexatious act of
Parliament they threw the costs on
the petitioner. Mr. Tooke de-
fended his own cause in person,
in a speech of two hours long,
characterised by his usual flow of
argumentative and persuasive elo-
quence, in which he animadverted
with just and impartial severity
on the equally blameable corrupt
practices of the two factions in their
electioneering proceedings, on the
improper interruption he met with
in the course of his defence from
the judge who presided at his trial,
and the still more improper inter-
ference of Mr, Garrow.—The jury
retired for four hours and twenty
minutes, and then gave a verdict
against Mr. Tooke.

Diep, At Glasgow, aged 101,
Mrs. Janet Towns, sister of Sir
Archibald Primrose.

Lately at Savanna-la-mar, Ja-
maica, Flora Gale, a free black
woman, aged about 120 years.
This woman retained her faculties
till within a few months, and could
walk within three days of her
death. ‘There was not a house in
the town when she came to that
parish ; and she had a perfect re-
collection of the earthquake in
1692, which proved fatal to Port
Royal. She had a numerous pro-
geny of children, grand-children,
and great-grand-children. It is
remarkable that she would never
be baptized ; and the reason always
assigned was, that there might be
a play at her burial.

MAY.

CHRONICLE.

14 M AY.
10th. Constantinople. On the 3d
inst. the Grand Vizir Jussuff Pa-
shaw was deposed from that office,
and is succeeded by Meleck Me-
hemmet Pashaw of Canea, in Can-
dia. ‘The plague has manifested
itself in every part of this residence
and the neighbouring villages. Ac-
cidents of the contagion happen
daily in Galata and Pera: it has
also made great progress in the
Archipelago, and many parts of
Asia, particularly at Smyrna.
12th. Nottingham. A riot com-
menced here, on account of the
high price of buchers’ meat. A
large body of the lower class of
people assembled in the market-
place, and, after manifesting symp-
toms of riot, by loud huzzas and
much disturbance, entered the
shambles, which, in a short time,
they cleared of the meat, as well
as all utensils belonging to the
butchers; and as some of them
were so improvident as to leave
their books behind them, those
generally went to wreck in the
confusion. The doors, shutters,
fire-places, &c. were also broken
down, and the broken wood col-
lected to make fire in the market-
place; but the mayor calling in
the military (some troops of the
6th regiment of dragoons lying at
this time in the town) and pru-
dently addressing the mob, he pre-
vailed upon them to depart, hav-
= assured them, that if they
I persisted, he would make use
of the power which the law had
entrusted to him. Some pieces
: fired by the soldiers; but
do not hear of any person be-
ing wounded. On Sunday morn-
a great number of people as-
or. XXXIV,

-

17

sembled again, and seemed to
threaten a further riot: the mayor
himself went among them, endea-
vouring to dissuade them from any
more disorders: and one or two
butchers setting up a stall in the
market-place, and offering their
meat at reduced prices, the peace
af the town was restored, On
Monday afternoon the people as-
sembled again, and their threats
seemed chiefly directed against the
master shoe-makers; it being con-
fidently asserted here, that men’s
shoes are sold at 2s. a pair less at
some other places than Notting-
ham, and women’s in proportion.
However, through the vigilance
of the magistrates, assisted by the
military, the mob were dispersed,
without any material damage.
14th. Mendoza and Ward met
upon a turf-stage on Smithin Bot-
tom, four miles from Croydon, in
Surry. These famous pugilists
set-to exactly a quarter before
three o’clock. The contest lasted
twenty-eight minutes, during which
time twenty-four rounds of severe
fighting took place. The first
thirteen rounds Ward was knock-
ed down by Mendoza; the four-
teenth round Ward placed a blow
upon the right jaw of Mendoza,
which brought him with great force
to the ground. Mendoza, however,
recovered, and from that time
knocked his antagonist down till
the twentieth round ; when closing,
after a severe contest, in which
several heavy blows were given
and received, both the combatants
came to the ground; Mendoza,
however, fell upon Ward. At the
conclusion of the twenty-fourth
round, Ward yielded the palm of .
victory to Mendoza. Upon Ward’s
declining any further contest, Men-
B doza

-18

doza publicly announced his tri-
amph, by leaping upon the stage
and huzzaing to the audience with
as much spirit and activity as if he
had not been at all concerned in
the contest.

16th. At eight o’clock, about
zwo hours after the adjournment
of the House of Commons, the
clerks in several of the offices were
(alarmed by the rooms filling with
smoke. After searching some time,
a water-closet, at the bottom of a
small stair-case, on the right hand
side of the lobby, was found to be
so full of smoke, that a candle would
scarcely burn in-it. It was dis-
covered to proceed from a pair of
old corderoy breeches, rolled up
tight, and thrust between the
ceiling of the closet and the
flooring of the rooms above, close
by the pipe of a cistern, the upper
part of which touches the ceiling
of the closet. The stuff was partly
consumed; but had not communi-
cated the fire either to the Jath of
the ceiling on which it lay, or to
the flooring above. It does not
appear to have been done by de-
sign.

20th. Warsaw. The Municipa-
lity of this city gave a grand din-
ner to 500 persons, on the 13th
instant. The King of Poland, who
was among the company, wlien his
health was drank as King, rose and
aid, “ The period is arrived, in
which artificial distinctions cease,
except as far as they are conferred
by the people, and are acknow-
ledged by those who are honoured
with them to be so conferred.
Vive la Municipalite!— Afterwards
the King drank, Vive la Nation!
and the hall regounded with the
shouts of Vive le Roi, Vive le Premier
Litoyen, vive T Ami des Hommes,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

20th. Birmingham. Some weeks
ago, a private of the Blues went to
a house of ill-fame in this town,
when some misunderstanding tak-
ing place, one Busby struck the
unfortunate soldier so violent a
blow on the head witha glass bot-
tle, that, being moved to Coventry,
he languished for a few days, and
then died. A coroner’s inquest
was taken, who gave a verdict that
he died of a blow received from
Busby. The coroner’s warrant
came to Birmingham ; and Busby,
together with some others present
at the unfortunate conflict, were
brought before the magistrates on
Thursday, when Busby was com-~
mitted. This circumstance being
fully communicated to the lower
orders of the people by those use-
ful men called Walking Stationers,
a certain number, it seems, were

determined to take ample ven-—

geance on every house of that
description in the town, They
did some little damage to_two
houses on Friday night; and on
Saturday night broke the win-
dows, and did some other da-
mage to another house of the
same description in Fleet-street,
but were dispersed by the mili-
tary. On Sunday morning, at ten
o’clock, one of the eonstables
went to-Flect-street, where the
mob were assembled, and entirely
gutted one house; and were. dm
the act of demolishing the win-
dows of another. Dreading further
consequences, the magistrates were
sent for, who arrived in town at
seven o'clock in the evening: at
eight, accompanied by Lord Va-
lentia, several gentlemen in. the
neighbourhood, and the peace offi-
cers, they went to Fleet-street,
where two houses were gutted; ”

_ some

o

|

CHRONICLE.

some of the furniture had been
thrown into the canal, but the
greatest part was destroyed. Hav-
ing persuaded the mob to disperse,
the same gentlemen, accompanied
by a party of Blues, went into
Stafford-street, where they found
a vast concourse of people, and one
house entirely pillaged. Here the
riot act was read, and the people
persuaded to disperse. The ma-
istrates returned to the hotel,
where they had scarcely arrived
when their assistance was required
.
in Park-street; but, before they
got there, the mob had completely
gutted a house and destroyed the
furniture. It was with difficulty
they dispersed the mob, who threat-
ened aloud to destroy every house
of ill-fame in the town, On Mon-
day the rioters demolished another
house in Park-street, and gutted
two others in Bear-yard. The
other magistrates came to town in
the afternoon, and an express had
been previously sent for three ad-
ditional troops of the Blues. About
six in the evening, the magistrates
read the riot act in most of the
principal streets, and warned the
inhabitants to keep within their
respective habitations, as, in one
hour after they retired, the mili-
tary would be dispatched to clear
all the streets in the town. About
nine at night, the Blues, being
reinforced with two troops from
Kidderminster, and one _ from
Bromsgrove, after having been
insulted with stones and brick-bats
at the door of the hotel, were dis-
patched in every direction, with
express orders,to clear all the
streets. They pursued the fugi-
tives in full speed through all the
Marrow avenues, and took many
prisoners, whom they lodged in the

19

dungeon, which had been previ-
ously guarded by a party of sol-
diers. This had the desired effect;
for, before ten o’clock, the streets
were perfectly cleared, and peace
and tranquillity prevailed. Many
were wounded; but it does not
appear that any one was killed.
Mrs. Briely, who kept the house
at Birmingham in which the Ox-
ford Blue received the wound
which was the cause of his death,
together with Busby and two others,
are committed for trial.
Portsmouth. This town was visit-
ed by a most tremendous storm of
thunder, lightning, and rain; the
thunder was uncommonly loud and
awful, and lightning vivid to a de-
gree seldom witnessed. It fell
upon the lamp-iron of the Star
and Garter tavern, whence, passing
into the. bar and coffee-room, it
forced its way upwards through
the roof, which was considerably
damaged by it. One of the beams
of the second floor was split for se-
veral feet, and two persons were

.struck in the bar, who appeared

for ashort time bereft of animation,
but were very soon recovered.
During the above storm the light-
ning set fire to the barns and sta-
bles of Mr. Whettam, junior, at
Broom-house farm, near Gosport ;
which were very soon consumed,
with upwards of ten loads of wheat,
a quantity of hay, six fine horses,

and ten pigs.
25th. Leicester. On Saturday
night last, a number of disorderly
persons (under a pretext of being
aggrieved by the high price of pro-
visions) assembled together in this
place, and, before the civil power
could be collected to restrain them,
committed some acts of violenee,
by breaking the windows of those
B2 indi-

20

mdividuals whom they had marked
as objects of their resentment. By

’e active exertions of the mayor
and other magistrates, joined to
these of the principal inhabitants,
# stop was at length put to these
yiotous proceedings, and the mob
dispersed. On Sunday, a great
aumber of persons were made spe-
ejal constables, for more effectually
preserving the peace of the town,
mm case of a renewal of these dis-
terbances. The militia established
was also called out, and, by the ju-
dicious arrangement and spirited
conduct of Capt. Farmer, were ex-
tremely serviceableon the occasion.
These prudent precautions pre-
vented any further mischief; and.
the arrival of a troop of the Ox-
ford Blues on Tuesday, effectually
restored tranquillity in the town.
Several persons who had been ap-
prehended as active in the riot,
underwent an examination at the
xchange, on Wednesday, when
four were committed.

Diep, at Jura, one of the He-
brides, aged ninety-eght, Donald
M‘Crain; and two days after,
his wife, Catherine Lindsay, aged
108. These two remarkable peo-
ple were stout and active till a short
time preceding their deaths. The
woman, to the astonishment of all

the country, gained her harvest--

fee in the years 1788 and 1789.

JUNE.

6th. During the display of fire-
works on the Thames last night,
Swo west-country: barges ran foul
ef some boats; by which accident
mime persons lost their lives. It
appears the barges were lashed to-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

gether, and either from inattention

or want of skill in the coxswain,

ran against one of the lighters from

which the fireworks were let off;

and the anchor of this vessel drag-

ging, she drifted with the barges

against one of the piers of West-

minster-bridge. Unto the lighter.
three small boats were fastened; and

before the unfortunate crews of
them could extricate themselves,

the strength of the tide swung the.
barges round; by which circum-

stance two of the boats were sunk,-
and the third dashed to pieces a-

gainst the pier. In the boats there

were about a dozen persons, eight

of whom perished. A waterman

on board the lighter was the ninth

unhappy sufferer,

In the parish of St. George, Can-
non-street, Ratcliffe-highway, there
is an institution founded by Mr.
Raine, whereby young women who
have been four years in school,
four in the hospital, and five in
service, are entitled to draw lots
for a wedding-portion of 1001.
The days of drawing are May-day,
and the day after Christmas-day ;
when six of these young women,
who have previously laid in their
claims, draw tickets, which consist
of'five blanks and one prize; but
those who are unfortunate at one
time are not precluded an _half-
yearly chance as long as they live.
But if the fortunate maid cannot
find a man who will marry her that
day six weeks, from which she
draws the fortunate lot, she for-
feits her right to the 100I. which
is otherwise then paid. Whenever
this ceremony takes’ place, the con-
course of people is immense; and
the interest which such an institu-
tion has on the feelings of the young”
female spectators is wonderful.

At

CHRONICLE.

At a trial in the court of Com-
mon Pleas, Haydon versus Maden,
anextraordinary circumstance hap-
pened. This was an application
to the justice of the jury, for a
compensation in damages for a vio-
dent assault committed by the de-
fendant and his wife on the plain-
tif. Mr. Maden, husband to the
celebrated operatrix on the teeth,
lives at Enfield, and possesses some
fields in that neighbourhood. There
was a common foot-path through
one of those fields, which Mr. Ma-
den thought proper to stop up.
The plaintiff pulled down the
bushes, &c. with which it was
stopped. The defendant and his
wife saw this, and came up to the
plaintiff with great indignation.
Mr. Maden gave him five or six
terrible blows with a large stick,
which he had in his hand, and
which brought the plaintiff to the
ground. When he was down,
Mrs. Maden, not satisfied with
what her husband had done, pulled
this poor man by the hair, and tore
his face. The evidence was very
strong against the husband, but no-
thing appeared against the wife.
Mr. Serjeant Bond, as counsel for
the defendant, said, every drunken
fellow in the parish, who became
independent as he. became drunk,
went about pulling down people’s
gates, filling up their ditches, &c.
all under pretence of reforming
the evils and mischiefs. that had
crept into the parish. After thus
levelling people’s fences, these re-
formers proceeded next to rob their
wuchards and gardens, Just as the
foreman of the jury was proceeding
to deliver in the verdict for da-
mages against the defendant, which
athe judge was clearly of opinion
should be 301. with costs, one .of
whe gentlemen of the jury fell into

24

a fit, which reduced the bar rather
to adilemma. Mr. Serjeant Mar-
shall, Jeading counsel for the
plaintiff, said, his client was not
to lose his right, because one of
the gentlemen of the jury had
fainted away. It would, be.ex-
tremely inconvenient for the plain-
tif, who was then attending, with
all his witnesses, to be obliged te
bring them again from Enfield;
and therefore requested either that
the court would stop a little te
see if the gentleman recovered, or
to swear in another juror whe
had heard the cause tried, or dis-
charge the jury ‘and call another.
Mr. Serjeant Bond said, there was
too much humanity in his breast
to permit the unfortunate geatle-
man to serve again that day. He
thought as.a juror had been with-
drawn, that this was the best ver-
dict they could kave in this case.
Lord Loughborough said, if the
counsel for the parties could met
agree about this case, he: did not
know that he could do any thing
but discharge the jury. There
could not possibly be a verdict, as
there had been no trial. The plain-
tiff must move the court fer @
Venire de Novo. . His lordshipsaid,
an accident once ‘happened before
him on the circuit, and on that ee-
casion he took it on him to act,
in order that a man might not re-
main in prison. On a trial :for
felony, one of the jurymen, wher
the trial was proceeding, fell imte
a fit. He was carried out intovam
adjacent room, and after some: time
he came back again. It turned

ovt that he was dead drunk with

spirits, which he had taken in the
morning; on which his Lordship
fined him, and discharged the juny;
and upon consideration, ,and. én
hearing arguments upon it some

22

time afterwards, it was decided,
that his Lordship was warranted
in what he had done. His Lord-
ship said, that was a case at the
assizes ; but it would be extremely
improper, he conceived, that he
should decide this in term-time,
when the court was sitting. He
said, they might apply to the court
to-morrow morning. This case
was new, his Lordship said; he
did not recollect that it had ever
happened before.
7th. The session for the juris-
diction of the High Court of Ad-
miralty of England commenced at
the Old Baily, when John Kimber
was tried upon a charge of having
murdered a negro-girl. Thomas
Dowling, the surgeon, among many
other things, swore that Captain
‘Kimber suspended the negro girl
five different times, first by one
arm, then by another; next by
one leg, and then by another; and
lastly, that he suspended her by
the two hands; and that at some
of these times, when she was so
suspended, the Captain flogged her
himself with a long whip, with
“uncommon severity. The whole
-time that she was suspended might
be about half an hour. Speaking
‘as a professional man, he was of
opinion, that the suspending and
flogging were causes of the con-
-vulsions, and her death’ was occa~-
sioned by the convulsions. He ad-
mitted, that he did not disclose this
circumstance in the West Indics
after their arrival, nor at Bristol
after their return, except to a few
of his private acquaintances. But
that he was sent to London to give
evidence before the Committee for
the Abolition of the Slave Trade;
to give an account of the firing
from on board slave ships on the

rvnt Bi

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

town of Calabar; and that he men-
tioned this murder to Mr. Wilber-
force the day before he made his
speech for the abolition of the
slave trade in the House of Com-
mons. On his cross-examination,
he denied he had ever said that he
would be the ruin of Captain Kim-
ber. On the contrary, however,
evidence was brought, that swore
positively that he had frequently
uttered these words. ‘The evi-
dence of Devereux was in all par-
ticulars similar to that of Dowling.
He swore, that he did not know
that. he had ever been accused of
mutiny on board a former ship in
which he had served. Three wit-
nesses also contradicted Devereux
on the point of his not knowing
that he was charged with mutiny
on board the Wasp ; they positively
swearing that he was charged with
mutiny on board that ship; that
he knew it, was told of it, and him-
self confessed that he was guilty of
it; and that on his change from
the Wasp, Capt. Kimber took him
on board the Discovery at Calabar,
out of humanity. On the part of
the prisoner they called Mr. Wal-
ter Jacks, Mr. Laffer, and Mr.
Riddle, who all positively swore
that ‘“* Dowling the surgeon had
told them that Captain Kimber
had used him exceedingly ill; that
he believed him to be a rascal;
that he would be revenged on him,
and would ruin him if it were in
his power.” Mr. Jacks said, these
words occurred to him immediately
after he heard that Captain Kim-
ber was taken into custody. These
three gentlemen also spoke to the
general character of Capt. Kimber
for good-nature and humanity.
When the trial had arrived at this
stage, the jury said they were per-

feetly

CHRONICLE.

fectly satisfied of the prisoner's in-
nocence, and gave a verdict of Not
Guilty. On the motion of Mr.
Pigott, Dowling and Devereux
were committed to Newgate to take
their trial for wilful and corrupt
perjury, and Mr. Jacks bound to
prosecute. The Solicitor-General
observed, that although these two
witnesses had been materially con-
tradicted in certain points, yet there
was not one witness called on the
part of the defendant to deny the
tying, suspending, and the flogging,
which was the material charge
against Capt. Kimber. Mr. Sylves-
ter suggested that it was probable
such evidence would be brought
forward at the trials of these per-
sons for perjury.

8th. Came on the trial of Capt.
Donald Trail, late commander of
the Neptune Botany Bay ship, and
William Ellerington, the chief mate,
indicted for the wilful murder of
one of the convicts on their passage
over; when, after a trial of three
hours, they were both honourably
acquitted, and a copy of their in-
dictment was granted them. The
attorney, who was the occasion of
these trials, was ordered to be struck
off the roll.

Same day the Admiralty Session
ended, when the following prisoners
were capitally convicted, and re-
ceived sentence of death, viz.
George Hindmarsh, for the wilful
murder of Sam. Burn Cowie, late
chief mate of the merchant ship
called the Fly, by beating and
wounding him, and afterwards
throwing him overboard into the
sea at about one league’s distance
from Anamaboe, on the coast of
Africa, —to be executed on Monday
and his body to be anatomized ; also
Charles Perry and John Slack, for

23.

piratically seizing a merchantvessel,
called the Fairy Schooner, at Tan-
tum-querry Roads, on the coast of
Africa, and firing a blunderbuss at
the rest or the crew, who were com-
ing on board in an open canoe.

8th. Tuesday and Wednesday
very violent and dangerous riots
prevailed in Mount-street, Grosve-
nor-square, in which the watch-
house there, a well constructed and
handsome building, has been nearly
demolished. The whole originat-
ed from the assembling of about
forty servants of some neighbour-
ing people of fashion at a public-
house to join ina dance on Monday
evening, in honour of his Majesty’s
birth-day. This, to certain over-
zealous officers of justice, appeared
an infringement of the peace, which
they very wisely took upon them
to put a stop to by proceeding to
the house, and taking all the jovial
band into custody, and confining
them all night in the watch-house.
Next day, however, they were all
discharged; but a few of the un-
fortunate people, who behaved
riotously at their liberation, sup-
plied their place. Several of these
were taken Into custody, and by the
exertion of the military all is now
quiet, not without some personal
injury to a few who suffered from
repeated firings from the constables
and patroles, which were deemed
necessary to quell the tumult. No
life was lost.

9th. Mr. Baker, M. P. and
Mr. Bond examined in the watch-
house those who had been taken
up. Among them was the second
coachman of the Duke of Glou-
cester, who was bailed for 200). A
young lad, servant to Lady Frances
Harpur, was discharged; and four
or five detained. :

B4 It

24

It appears that the warrants on
which the livery-servants were ap-
prehended, and confined in the
Mount-street -watch-house, were
forged ; the Justiccs whose names
appeared to them, having declared
they signed no warrants whatever
that day,

An affair of honour tock place
early this morning, between the
Earl of Lonsdale and Captain Cuth-
bert, of the Guards, which, after
the discharge of a brace of pistols
on each side, terminated without
injury to either party. Lord Lons-
dale’s last shot would probably have
been fatal, if the ball had not Juck-
ily struck against a button of Cap-
tain Cuthbert, which repelled it.
The seconds then interfered, and
matters were amicably adjusted.
The circumstances which led to this
hazardous decision were as follow :
Captain Cuthbert, in order to ob-
viate all increasing disturbances in
Mount-street, had directed that no
-earriage should be suffered to pass
that way ;—Lord Lonsdale, who
came in his carriage to Mount-
Strect, was consequently obstructed;
and finding the impediment insu-
perable, his temper was somewhat
ruffed. Addressing himself, there-
fore, to Captain Cuthbert, he ex-
claimed, * You r—s—l, do you
know that I ama Peer of the
realm ?” The Captain immediately
replied, “1 don’t know whether
you are a Peer, but I know you are
a s—d—l, for applying such a term
to an officer on duty; and I will
“make you answer for it.’”’ A meet-
ing of course took place, and con-
cluded as we have stated.

Vienna, 9th. Their Hungarian
Majesties, accompanied by the
Great Duke of Tuscany, set out
gor Buda the 30th ultimo; and the

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

ceremony of the King’s coronation
took place there on, Wednesday
last, with every demonstration, of
the loyalty and attachment of the
Hungarian nation towards their
new sovereign, ,

10th. ‘The new church of St,
James, Clerkenwell, was this day
consecrated by the Lord Bishop
of London; after which an excel-
lent sermon was preached therein
by the Rev. Mr. Davis, minister
of the parish.

11th. Last Wednesday night and
Thursday morning) a_ riot took
place at Edinburgh: the mob made
an attempt on Mr. Dundas’s house,
in George’s Square. and broke the
windows; after which they endea-
voured to get into it, but were
repulsed by the military power,
who fired on them; by which one
man was killed, and several
wounded.

12th. Monday last came on be-
fore the cout of King’s Bench in
Dublin, the trial of Mr. James
Napper Tandy, upon an indictment
for sending a challenge to his Ma-
jesty’s Solicitor-General ; | when
the jury, after two hours delibera-
tion, returned their verdict, Not
Guilty. It was admitted that Mr,
Tandy’s letter was meant to call
forth a challenge, but that time
and place being le(t to Mr. Toler,
it was not an absolute one.

On the return of his Majesty
from the House of Peers to St.
James’s, a privy council was held,
which was attended by Mr. Pitt,
the two Secretarics of State, the
Duke of Leeds, Lord Sidney, &c.
when Lord Thurlow (Lord High
Chancellor) laid the seals of his
office at his Majesty’s feet, address-
ing the King in a most feeli
speech, representing the oaniied

state

CHRONICLE.

state wherein he had resigned his
commission, which he_ had held
since June 3, 1778. His Majesty
seemed much affected on the occa-
sion; on which Lord Thurlow
immediately withdrew, and the
seals were put into the commission
of Lord Chief Baron Eyre (who
was sworn in one of his. Majesty’s
Privy Council) Sir W. 1. Ash-
hurst, Knt. one of the judges of
the court of King’s Bench, and
Sir John Wilson, Knt. one of the
judges of the court .of Common
Pleas, who kissed the King’s hand
on their appointment, and, having
taken the usual oaths, retired with
the seals of office.

Mr. W. Priestley, son of Dr.
Priestley, presented himself to the
French National Assembly on
the 13th inst. and demanded _let-
ters of naturalization. ‘* Go,”
said his father to him—‘‘ Go
and live among this brave and hos-
pitable people; learn from them
to detest tyranny, and to love
liberty."—The motion for his na-
turalization was carried unani-
mously.

16th. In the court of Common
Pleas last Monday a cause was
tried, which involved a new ques-
tion upon the bankrupt laws. The
action was brought to recover the
sum of 30]. 10s. upon a bill of
exchange accepted by the defend-
ant previous to his bankruptcy.
It appeared that the defendant,
after he became a bankrupt, and
had obtained his certificate, ac-
knowledged the debt he owed the
plaintiff, and said, * he ghall lose
nothing by we; J will pay himas
s00n as it is in my power.’”’? The

ion in this cause was, ‘* Whe-
as the debt accrued previous
a

sixy

25

to the bankruptcy, his certificate
was not a bar to the present action,
notwithstanding the subsequent
promise of payment!” Lord Lough-
borough was of opinion, that the
subsequent promise of payment
was a waver of the certificate, and
that therefore the plaintiff hada
right to recover. Verdict for the
plaintiff 30]. 10s.

Lord Kenyon pronounced the
opinion of the court of King’s
Bench, in the case of the King
against Major, for having sold corn
with a bushel different from the
Winchester measure; when his
Lordship, at the conclusion of his
argument, said, ** We cannot get
rid of the effect of these positive
laws,’’? meaning the statutes of 22d
and 23d of Charles the Second;
“and the conviction must be
affirmed.”

By the above important decision,
applying to farmers, and all per-
sons concerned in the corn-trade,
‘no corn or grain can be sold in
any market in this country by
any measure but the Winchester
measure.”

A person of the name of Reb-
bins, in Long-alley, Moorfields,
having some words with his wife,
in a fit of passion, snatched up a
razor, and cut her throat, and im-
mediately with the same instru-
meni cut his ownalso, They both
died before any assistance could be
procured, leaving one child to be-
wail the catastrophe, The life of
Robbins was attended with some
curious particulars. About eighteen
years since, he was concerned with
one Sherwood, who was executed
several years back, for a forgery
oa the sister of Sherwood, at the
instigation of Robbins, who turned

evidence

26

evidence for the crown. Previous
to this transaction their scheme was
to have built a place for the recep-
tion of the penitent prostitutes, on
a plan similar to that of the Mag-
dalen; and, in order to enable
them to carry on the business, the
above forgery was proposed, to
the destruction of Sherwood. Soon
after this transaction, Robbins mar-
ried a woman with a fortune of
20,0001. and who, at this present
moment, sells shrimps at Billings-
gate. Having soon run through her
fortune, he left her, and cohabited
with the unfortunate woman who
fell a victim to his inordinate pas-
sions, to whom he had been mar-
ried several years. At this time he
has two surviving widows !

18th. This day Christopher At-
kinson, Esq. by his Majesty's let-
ters patent, was honourably re-
stored to all his former franchises.

21st. Tuesday dispatches were
received at the Secretary of State’s
Office from Governor Philip, go-
vernor of Botany Bay. They
were brought over in his Ma-
jesty’s ship Gorgon, arrived at
Portsmouth, They contain an ac-
count of the people in general
being very healthy; that they had
greatly improved in their agricul-
ture ; that the crops came up very
fine, and that they were in the
greatest expectation they should,
in a very short time, be able to
boast of that place turning out
much more comfortable than what
has been frequently represented.

Barrington, of famous memory,
is appointed by Governor Philip,
High Constable of Paramatta, a
new settlement about fourteen miles
from Sydney Cove; in which
he conducts himself with great
propriety, and distributes justice

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17 2.

in a most impartial manner, dis-
covering singular abilities and hu-
manity.

Wentworth, the Highwayman,
acts as assistant to the Surgeon
Genera], at Norfolk Island, and
behaves himself remarkably well.
He is also tutor to the children of
the colony.

Captain Edwards, late com-
mander of his Majesty’s ship Pan-
dora, which was lost in Endeavour
Straits in the course of last year,
is come over in the Gorgon, bring-
ing with him the ten mutineers in
irons, who were taken by him at
Otaheite.

On the 24th ultimo, sentence
was passed on the remainder of
the conspirators concerned in the
murder of the late King of Sweden:
Counts Horn and Ribbing to lose
their right hands and heads, to be
deprived of their honours, de-
graded from the ranks of Nobles,
and their property confiscated ;
Colonel Liljehorn and Lieutenant
Ehrensward to be degraded, deca-
pitated, and their property confis-
cated; Major Hertmansdorff to be
broke, and imprisoned for one
year; the counsellor of the chan-
cery, Engestrom, to be deprived
of his nobility and post, and to
suffer perpetual imprisonment ;
his brother to Jose his place of
Secretary; the Secretary Lili-
jestrable to be fed one week on
bread and water; Major Gene-
ral Pechlin to be confined in the
fortress of Marstraand, and _ his
behaviour to be reported to the
King every six months by the
commandant of the fortress. The
senator Ahlgreen, Enhorning the
Notary, and the Bailiff Nordel,
have been pardoned. All those
condemned have claimed the res-

pite

CHRONICLE.

pite of thirty days allowed them by
law, to put in an arrest of judg-
ment, or petition their sovereign
for pardon.

Dublin. A lady of fortune, in
Denmark-street, having conceived
a strong affection for a gentleman
at the Irish bar, and not meeting
with a reciprocal return, has been
unhappily deranged in her intel-
lJects, from the excess of her love
and disappointment. Some cu-
rious circumstances relative to this
affair have recently transpired.—
The lady, unable to make any im-
pression by the ordinary efforts of
female practice, sent a confiden-
tial maid-servant with bank-note
after bank-note to the gentleman,
till 11001. had been expended in
this species of nowvelle love-letters.
It may be easily conceived that the
gentleman, whose name, on a de-
licate affair of this nature, it
would be injustice to make public,
possessed too nice a sense of ho-
nour to be concerned in so base a
communication. The fact is, that
the fille de chambre deceived her
mistress, and had gone so far as
to deliver forged letters, thanking
her for her favours, and express-
ing an ardent wish to make a re-
turn, &c. The servant is de-
camped, and was traced to have
taken shipping at Dover for Hol-
land ; there, it is supposed, to en-
joy her ill-acquired property.. The
unfortunate young lady since that
period has been confined in Swift’s

ospital. She is, however, now
nearly recovered. A jury lately
sat to determine on her sanity or
insanity ; and the verdict that they
have returned is, “ that she is not
incapable of managing her own
affairs ;”’ so that there is a prospect
‘of her being restored to her friends
“and the world.

27

Lanerk. Mr. David Dale, of
this place, in the course of six
years has reared a village on the
banks of the Clyde, containing
2000 persons; and erected five
cotton-mills, each of which con-
tains 6000 spindles. The various
provisions which this extraordinary
man has made for the health of the
children employed by him, is
highly praiseworthy. They have
every day some hours allotted to
them for exercise in the fields;
and their looks bespeak health and
vigour. These hours of relaxation
the boys enjoy in succession, Their
apartments are likewise clean and
well-aired, and ten school-masters
are daily employed in their tuition.

Within these forty years past,
the population of Scotland has con-
siderably increased. It appears
from Sir John Sinclair’s Statistical
Account of that country, that in
fifty parishes, taken | indiscrimi-
nately from one end of the king-
dom to the other, there is an in-.
crease since 1755 (at which the
late Rev. Dr, Webster calculated
the whole inhabitants at 1,265,380)
of 10,517 souls; which is at the
rate of 210 to a parish, or 189,000
in the 900 country parishes of
North Britain; and as the great
towns (Edinburgh, Glasgow, &c.)
have probably increased to the
amount of 210,000, the total in-
crease in Scotland, in less than
forty years, will be about 400,000,
and the total population about
1,700,000 souls.

The following clause in the act,
passed Inst session, respecting ser-
vants’ characters, may be of much
benefit, the more generally it is
made known, viz. ** That if, after
the Ist of June, 1792, any person
shall falsely personate any master
or mistress, to give any false,

- forged,

28

forged, or counterfeit character
of a servant, shall forfeit the sum
of forty pounds, or be kept to hard
Jabour, without bail or mainprize,
for three months.”

94th. A conflagration lately
took place in Paris, which will
furnish the friends to chivalry with
new arguments against the French
revolution. The archives of the
Order of St. Esprit, and the ti-
tles of nobility enrolled in the
convent of the Grand Augustines,
with all the registered proofs of
nobility, were publicly burnt in

the place Vendome. They amount-.

ed to near 600 immense folios.
At the conflagration was seen the
once illustrious Marchioness de
Laferier, herself bearing her for-
mer titles, and throwing into the
flames the honours of her ances-
tors.

A new invention of making a
cable by means of a piece of ma-
chinery just erected in Portsmouth
yard, the construction of which
is very curious, has been submitted
to the Board of Admiralty. By
means of this engine, which is
put in motion by sixteen horses,
twenty men, wholly unskilled in
rope-works, will be enabled to
make a cable of dimensions for
the largest ships in less time than
two hundred men can make one
according to the usual method.

29th. Mrs, Hobart’s long-looked.
for and long prevented fashionable
dejeuné was given yesterday in spite
of the weather, All the first nobi-
lity and fashion about town graced
this téte. The Prince of Wales
came first, and -precisely at one
o’clock. Between 400 and 500
persons were present. The break-
fast lasted from two till past seven
o’clock, - .

The leading personage in this

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

entertainment (which was obliged
to be confined to the house on ac-
count of the weather) was Mrs.
Bristow, anear relation of Mrs.
Hobart. This lady has long resid-
ed at the Indian court at Lucknow.
Dressed in all the magnificence
of eastern grandeur, Mrs. Bristow
represented the Queen Nouradjad,
or the Light of the World, in the
Garden of Roses. She was seated
in the large drawing-room, which
was very beautifully fitted up, on
cushions in the Indian style, smok-
ing a hookah, amidst all sorts of
the choicest perfumes. Mrs, Bris-
tow was very profuse with her
otto of roses, drops of which
were thrown about the ladies’
dresses. The whole house was
scented with the most delicious
fragrance. The company on en-
tering were all introduced to
Mrs. Bristow by Mrs. Hobart.
Young Keppell, the son of the
Margravine of Anspach, was dress-
ed in girl’s clothes. He was in
the character of a Celabrese, and
sung some charming French songs
with M. le Texier, who was in
woman’s clothes as a ballad-singer,
and played on the fiddle. A lady
was dressed as a Savoyarde, but
could not be distinctly heard, on
account of an intolerable large
mask over her face. Mrs. Bristow
likewise sung. Each lady had a
lottery-ticket given her by Mrs.
Hobart on entering, and -each
drew a prize. The Duchess of
Rutland drew the second highest ;
but the gross let, or first prize,
never went out of the wheel. It
was, after the drawing was over,
presented by Mrs. Hobart, on her
knees, to the Indian Queen Nou-
radjad. The breakfast of course
consisted of every thing that «was
choice and good, and .every jper-

son

CHRONICLE.

son seemed to partake very plenti- »

fully of it. The fruits and wines
were delicious.

Diep. Lately at Honselife, in
Luxemburg, Mr. Horlach, a na-
tive of Russia, author of a History
of the Reigns of the Russian
Princes from 862; and a Genealo-
gical Account of the Imperial Fa-
milies of Russia.

JULY.

Mr. Foster Powell, the celebrat-
ed pedestrian, left Shoreditch, Lon-
don, on Monday morning, the 2d
of July instant, a little after twelve
o’clock ; got to Stamford the same
night at eleven; to Doncaster on
Tuesday night a little after twelve;
and arrived at York Minster on
Wednesday, at five minutes past
three o’clock in the afternoon. He
set off from York, on his return to
London, at thirty-eight minutes
past five the same evening. After
sleeping at Ferrybridge, he arrived
at Doncaster on Thursday morning
about a quarter before nine ; and
after taking a refreshment, pro-
ceeded on his return, amidst num-
bers of people who accompanied
him out of town, and got to Gran-
tham the same evening between ten
and eleven o’clock, where he slept.
Early in the morning he pursued
his journey, and arrived at Shore-
ditch-church, amidst the acclama-
tions of thousands, on Saturday at
thirty-five minutes past one o’clock,
being one hour and twenty minutes
within the limited time.

2d. Lord Lauderdale, attended
by the Right Honourable C.J. Fox
as his second, and General Arnold,
with Lord Hawke as his friend, had
a meeting near Kilburn-Wells,

29

to terminate a misunderstanding
which it was found impossible to
conciliate. Lord Lauderdale re-
ceived the General’s fire unhurt,
when, his Lordship declining to
return the shot, the seconds retired
for about ten minutes, and the re-
sult was the finishing of the affair.
The noble Earl, upon being desir-
ed to fire, observed that he did not
come there to fire at the General,
nor could he retract the offensive
expressions; if General Arnold
was not satisfied, he might fire un-
til he was. A like rencontre took
place a few days before, between
the noble Earl and the Duke of
Richmond.

In the court of King’s Bench,
before Lord Kenyon and a special
jury, an action was brought by the
Countess Dowager of Cavan against
Mr. Tattersall, as proprietor of the’
Morning Post, for several false and
malicious libels against her daugh-
ter Lady Elizabeth Lambert. Af-
ter a hearing of two hours, the jury
brought in a verdict of 40001. da-
mages.— George Rose, Esq. brought
an action against the printer of the
Morning Post, for a libel inserted
in that paper the 13th of March.
last. The jury, which was special,
gave the plaintiff a verdict, with
100]. damages. Another action
against the proprietor of the Morn-
ing Post for the same paragraph,
received the same verdict.

15th. This day the Recorder
made his report to the King in
council of the prisoners under sen-
tence of death in Newgate, convict-
ed in May sessions; when the fol-
lowing were ordered for execution
on Wednesday next, viz. T. Gort-
ley, for feloniously personating Da-
vid Ramsay, a proprietor ot 23001.
three per cent. annuitiesin the Bank

of

30

of England, and thereby endeavour-
ing to receive the interest thereon,
with intent to defraud him thereof ;
W. Randall and J. Leman Baker,
for feloniously stealing in the dwell-
ing-house of J. Mole; W. Crop-
per, alias Cooper, for breaking open
the house of J. Bateman, and steal-
ing 30. and upwards, his property;
and G. Smith, alias Swallow, for
feloniously forging and counterfeit-
ing a power of attorney, to receive
the wages due to Edward Clarke,
late a mariner on board the Kent
merchantman, with intent to de-
fraud Paul Pease; Mary Smith,
for privately stealing from the per-
son of John Cogle seven guineas,
one half guinea, and some silver, his
property; and John Fitzgerald, for
robbing John Stanyard on the high-
way of his hat, were ordered to be
imprisoned six months: and the
following were ordered to be trans-
ported for life, viz. A. Davis, for
robbing the Right Hon. George
Marquis of Huntley, on the high-
way near Cranford-bridge, of six
guineas and a chaise-seat contain-
ing a quantity of wearing appa-
rel; J. Carrol, for robbing G.
Oliver on the highway of a calico
handkerchief; and L. King, for
privately stealing from the person
of G. Edmonston a cambric hand-
kerchief.

24th. An Extraordinary Gazette
was published, containing Lord
Cornwallis’s account of the ex-
change of the definitive treaty of
peace with Tippoo Sultan, and
other particulars.

Diep, at Sawford, in Worcester-.

shire, aged 103, Mary Annett, a
cottager. She retained her faculties
to the last hour of her life.

Lately at Paris, in the utmost po-
verty, the celebrated Paul Jones,

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

This noted desperado appeared first
in the cause of America in April,
1778, off the coast of Cumberland,
as commander of the Ranger priva-
teer, which fired a vessel in the
harbour of Whitehaven, with intent
to burn and plunder that town; but
the inhabitants extinguished the
flames before they reached the rig-
ging. The privateer had previously
taken two prizes, and sent them
to France. She afterwards landed
some men on the west coast of Scot-
land, and pillaged the house of Lord
Selkirk, near Kircudbright, of plate,
jewels, and all tie moveables that
were of value, during the absence
of the family in London. The plate
was returned to his Lordship in
March, 1785, by Paul Jones, free
of carriage, His next appearance
was off the coast of Ireland, August
24, 1779, with one ship of 40 guns,
one of 36, a cutter of 18, and a brig
of 14. His memorable action with
the brave Captain Pearson of the
Serapis, who became his prize, hap-
pened soon after; and the next
vear, having escaped the vigilance
of our cruisers, he put into Corun-
na. In December, 1780, he arriv-
ed in London from Paris, with dis-
patches from congress to his Excel-
lency John Adams, Esq. He was
only twenty-two days on his passage
from Philadelphia to France; and,
after delivering his dispatches, set
out at three in the morning, De-
cember 5th, for Paris, to proceed
from thence to America. In 1788
he was at Copenhagen, and offered
his services to the Empress of Rus-
sia, who accepted them; but or
the spirited refusal of the English
officers, in her service, to serve
under him, she dismissed him with
a handsome present; and not
finding employment in the derang-

CHRONICLE. 31

ed and useless navy of France, he
sunk into such abject want, that
Colonel Blackden was obliged to
raise a small sum, by way of sub-
scription, in order to bury him. As
the laws relative to the interment
of Calvinists are not yet abrogated,
he was obliged to apply to the Na-
tional Assembly, who voted that a
deputation of the members should
attend his funeral. One or two ob-
jected, on account of his being a
Protestant; but this idea was scout-
ed by all the rest. We doubt not
this pirate (for he deserves no bet-
ter name) will find some fuller bio-
graphers.

AUGUST.

Ist. Mr. Dudley Adams present-
ed the King with a view of a pair
of the mest magnificent globes ever
executed in this country. On the
celestial globe are inserted 5864

stars of seven different magnitudes,
on a beautiful enamelled ground;
each magnitude is distinguished
by gold, silver, and different co-
loured foils. The terrestrial globe
is very accurately laid down, and
beautifully illuminated ; they were
mounted in gold and silver, and
are intended as a present from the
King to the Emperor of China.
2d. A most numerous and re-
spectable meeting was yesterday
held at the London Tavern, to
consider of the propriety of af-
fording a pecuniary succour to the
King and people of Poland. W.
Smith, Esq. Member of Parlia-
ment, was called to the chair,
who, in an impressive and most
forcible manuer, stated the pre-
sent situation of the virtuous Poles,
struggling for liberty; and with-

out speaking in terms which his
heart weuld suggest of her who
oppressed and destroyed them, he
said heshould only venture to assert,
there was a concurrent sentiment
of all in this land of freedom to as-
sist and supportin their noble cause,
and the maintenance of their most
just rights, a king and people so
cruelly oppressed. Mr. Sheriff
Combe then rose, and moved a set
of resolutions, which were seconded
by Mr. Sheriff Anderson, and which
passed unanimously. A very large
subscription was immediately en-
tered into, and a committee of
trustees and managers of the money
appointed. ‘The chairman, in the
course of his speech, read several
letters he had received from the
first characters, approving the meet-
ing. There was one is particular
from the Lord Mayor, lamenting
that his public avocations prevented
his attendance; and another from
Mr. Wedgwood, desiring his own
name to be put down in the sub-
scription for one hundred pounds,
and each of his three sons for 501.
6th. Serjeant Grant, whose case
has been lately so frequently men-
tioned, received fifty lashes on the
parade in St. James’s Park, His
Majesty was graciously pleased to
remit the remaining 950. The ser-
jeant is to continue a prisoner in the
Savoy till he can be sent out to his

regiment in the East Indies.
8th. At four o’clock in the morn-
ing, their Majesties, with all the
Princesses, lett Windsor for Bag-
shot; as soon as they reached their
tent they were joined by the Prince
of Wales, Dukes of York and
Gloucester, Prince William, and the
Princess Sophia of Gloucester, At
nine the manceuvres began; they
were various, and the contest of the
twe

32

two parties was as great as in real
action. ‘The numbers who attended
were incredible. As an exhibition
of curiosity or interest for the mul-
titude, the review fell very far short
of general expectation. The ar-
tangements were so extended, and
the evolutions so rapid and dex-
terous, that it was impossible for any
but good horsemen to keep pace
with them, and those were in such
numbers, as to render it hazardous
to mix with the crowd, and there-
fore four-fifths of the visitors might
as well have been in London as
on Bagshot-Heath. They could
only be warranted in asserting to
their friends that they saw a great
deal of smoke, much dust,and many
soldiers, but at a great distance.
The Duke of Richmond, as com-
mander in chief, was attended by
two running footmen, dressed in
white, who conveyed his messages
to the parties near his person, while
his aids du camp flew with them
to the distant stations. The mili-
tary operations of this small army
have been by veterans most highly
spoken of. The King and the com-
mander have in a very particular
manner expressed their satisfaction
to the troops. It was in the after-
noon that the great mine was
sprung, which is described as fol-
lows: One of Colonel Moncrieft’s
square redoubts was erected upon a
round hill, that the effects to be
produced by blowing up the mine
might be more discernible. The
miners broke ground against the
side of the hill, 152 feet from the
redoubt, and about twenty feet be-
low the summit of the hill. The
first gallery was driven 112 feet in
length, about three feet wide, and
three and a half high; from which
commenced a turning only twenty-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

two inches wide and three feet high,
reaching under the redoubt: a se-
cond turning of six feet was made
for the chamber, into which was
put a wooden box of gunpowder,
and lined with pitched canvas. This
box contained 720 lbs. of powder,
and was exploded by means of a
wooden trough, containing a canvas
pipe of gunpowder, which was
lighted by means of a small box of
the same article, which gave the
first explosion, so as to cut off and
light the canvass pipe which was to
make the communication with the
chamber. At the explosion the
whole redoubt rose about forty
feet, and vanished in dust and
smoke, leaving a large excavation
where it stood, of near forty feet
wide, and twenty feet deep. The
small mine was exploded a few days
before, for the purpose of determin-
ing the resistance of the ground,—
Thesuttlers at Bagshot-Heath reap-
ed a plentiful harvest on Tuesday
last: for a single mutton-chop, a
cucumber, and a pint of bad wine,
they modestly charged eighteen
shillings! and five shillings for tea
or coffee, with two thin slices of
bread and butter.
10th. Powell started at Brighton
to walk a mile, which he perform-
ed in nine minutes, and ran it back
again in five minutes and fifty-two
seconds, which was eight seconds
within the time allowed. This ex-
ertion was for the sum of fifteen _
guineas, exclusive of which a hand-
some collection was made immedi-
ately after the wager was decided.
Dr. Willis returns from Portugal
loaded with bars of gold, and adorn-
ed with diamonds. What rewards
would have been bestowed on him
had he proved successful! But the
Queen’s malady is incurable. Her
Majesty

CHRONICLE.

Majesty.is firmly persuaded she is in
hell ; and says that a skilful physi-
cian may sometimes cure madness,
but never can reverse the decrees
of fate. The Queen’s disorder was
first occasioned by a plan contrived
by some monks and waiting-ladies
for reversing the bloody decree re-
specting the families of D’Averia
and Tavora. This plan state rea-
sons rendered abortive; and her
Majesty believes that she herself, as
well as her royal father, are irrevo-
cably doomed to eternal punishment
for the cruel vengeance inflicted
on those unhappy families.

The gratuity given by Lord Corn-
wallis to the officers and soldiers of
his army, and equal to six months’
batta, is as follows:

. Pagodas, Sterling. |

A colonel 1080 - 432

A Lieut.-Colonel, 900 - 360 .
A Major, 720 - 288

A Captain, 288 - 115 4
A Lieutenant, 192 - 76 16
An Ensign, 144 - 47 12

The above estimate is made at
the rate of eight shillings to a pago-
da, the sum at which it is always is-
sued, The non-commissioned offi-
‘cers and privates receive actual
batta, or ratios, consisting of arrack,
rice, salt or fresh beef. The gra-
tuity to them is about 51. sterling.

15th. The following shocking
circumstance lately occurred at Chi-
chester :—John Upton, a labour-
ing man, who for some time past had
shewn symptoms of insanity, and
whose mind had been previously
worked up with a religious frenzy,
conceived a resolution of destroying
himself and family, which he un-
happily perpetrated ; for in the
morning of Wednesday, a neigh-
bour, on going out early into the
yard, discovered the wife dead on

Vou. XXXIV.

33

the steps, her head and body
shockingly beaten... On further
search, their son, a youth, was
found under a table in the kitchen,
his head beaten quite to a mummy;
and in a garret was found, suspend-
ed by a rope, this miserable wretch,
who had attempted to put a period
to his existence with a knife, but
not having resolution to cut his
throat effectually, he finished his
existence by hanging himself. The
jury, on Thursday, sat on their bo-
dies, and found a verdict Lunacy.
They were in the evening all bu-
ried in one grave.

A packet arrived from Sierras
Leone, which. brings the most me-
lancholy accounts from this new
settlement. So dreadful a mortality
has prevailed, that upwards of 200
white persons have died since the
last accounts. were received. Num-
bers of the blacks have also fallen
sacrifices to the inclemency of the
climate. The natives, although not
at open war with the settlement,
are far from being friendly to it;—
they never omit. an opportunity to
plunder, and have in many instances
committed daring outrages.

We hear from Leeds, that about
midnight two fishermen belonging
to Hull being employed near the
Spurn, one of them (Samuel Sallies}
having both his hands employed in
drawing the net, caught the head
of a soal, which endeavoured to es-
cape through a mesh in the net, be-
tween his teeth (a practice very
common amongst fishermen). The
soal, making an effort, sprung inte
the man’s throat, who being there-
by rendered incapable of calling out
to his companion; went towards
him, and made him sensible, by
signs, of his melancholy situation.
His comrade instantly laid hold of

C the

8A
the fish’s’tail, but notbeing able'to

extract the body, the manwas suf. _
Birmingham and Fazeley, £.117
ri fant 4 35

foeated very soon after he reaclied
the boat: The soal (the dimen-
sions of which were eight inches
anda half in length, by three and
a quarter in breadth) was’ found
with the head near the upper ori-
fice of the stomach, the teeth being
fastened into the substance of the
esophagus, and its’ tail inverted.
“17th. Two very ‘important philo-
sophical discoveries have been lately
made; the one by a Frenchman,
and the other by an Italian at Bo-
logna. The first is, ‘the power of
light to render vitriolic acid alto-
gether harmless ‘to the human bo-+
ay ; insomuch that a man may wash
his hands in a substance that would
otherwise reduce them toa cinder,
with this sole precaution, of setting
the bason in the rays of the sun.
The Italian’s discovery consists in
proving experimentally that animals
motion depends on electric fire.
His experiments are of that cruel
nature, which can only be repeated
by the hardened anatomist. But
they are brought to what Lord Ba-
con. calls the experimentum crucis ;
for a muscle being cut, and the parts
_ separated, the motion of the one
= produces a correspondent mo-
ion in the other, when a substance
that is a conductor of the electric
fluid is interposed: between them ;
but no such motion is produced
- whena non- conductor is interposed.
' 18th. The Gazette of this even-
ing contains no less than nineteen
different notices of intended appli-
cations to Parliament, for leave to
.make or extend cuts or canals in
_ different parts of the kingdom.
- The following premiums have
. been given for single shares in those
navigation schemes ‘for which an

ANNUAL REGYPSTER, 1702.

act of parliament has been ob-
tained. wand

Stourbridge

ME ia tr! 4 Hee en 55
Grand Trunk. ............ 350
RE ee ee ee ee eee
Leicestér?, S29e 22, Ye 155
Worcester)! 82,786 a! age ss 90

20th. The magistrates of Car-
marthenshire have provided for each
hundred and commote in the coun-
try, a metal ‘standard bushel; and
have published their resolution to
prosecute, withthe utmost rigour
of the law, all persons who shall buy
and sell corn by any other measure
than the Winchester bushel.
Of the astonishing increase of
business in the Bank of England,
the best idea may be formed from
considering the increase of its ser-
vants, which now’ amount to more
than four hundred. a
~ 92d, A commercial house of the
first consequence in‘ Calcutta has
fitted up and sent two vessels, under
the command of Captain Barclay,
to open a trade with the natives of
the north and: west coasts of Ame-
rica. Capt. Barclay has directions
not to confine himself ‘to the pur-
chase of furs, or the produce of
Nootka Sound, but to make a care-
ful survey of the wholé coast, from
the twentieth degree of north lati-
tude to the Northern Archipelago
and Kamschatka, in order that fac-
tories may be established in the
most convenient situations, agreea-
bly to the Jate convention with
Spain.
24th. At two o’clock on Satur-
day morning, a dreadful fire broke~
out in Riding-house-lane, Mary-
bone, which destroyed four houses.
Two children, from the rapidity of
the flames, were burnt in a garret. .
° “The

CHRONICLE

The person who called himself
ke of Ormond, and who fired at

d wounded a constable at Bir-
ingham, has been acquitted of
that indictment, at Warwick assizes.
fie ground of acquittal was, that
the constable did not declare on
what authority and for what pur-
ose he'forcibly entered the room.
Other detainers for fraudulently ob-
taining money are lodged against

“95th. The sum of 20001. was
paid at the Exchequer to William
Russell, Esq. on behalf of the New
Meeting Society in Birmingham, as
a recompence for the destruction of
the New Meeting House in the
tiots of 1791, and also for the fur-
niture it contained, belonging to
the Rev. Dr. Priestley and the indi-
Vidual members ofthe’ congregation.
© 27th. Napper Tandy has obtain-
eda verdict in Dublin, upon the in-
dictment of an assault preferred by
him against one Brown, under a
proclamation offering 501. reward
for his apprehension. Upon the

solicitation of Mr. Tandy, the pu-_

nishment inflicted on Brown was mi-
gested to a fine of sixpence, and
ree days’ imprisonment. It was
Napper Tandy’s own hair-dresser
that arrested him. ‘The plan was
€ontrived between the patriot and
the frizeur ; and they were equally
to divide the reward between them.
Government saw through the du-
plicity, and left this curious pair to
ish the business by themselves.
30th. Lord Gower and the Coun-
tess of Sutherland arrived at the
Marquis of Stafford’s, Whitehall,
‘om Paris. Before the Countess
Sutherland left Paris, she sent
ny articles of her own dress to
the Queen, and of her young son’s,

35

for the use of the Dauphin, which
were most thankfully received.—
What a pitiable case for the daugh-
ter of an Emperor, and the consort
of the King of France!

A}l ministerial communication
with the French ambassadors in Lon-
don and at the Hague is at an end,
by order of the respective courts...

The Prussian General has given
an acquittance in the name of the
French people, and of Louis XVI,
King of the French, for monies paid
by the receiver-general of the de-

partment of the Moselle. He has

also ordered the president of the de-
partment to convene the primary
assemblies, according to the regula~
tions of the constitution as accepte
by the King, and then to procee
to the election of deputies to the
national convention.

Diep, 3d, at his seat at Crome
ford, in Derbyshire, Sir Richard
Arkwright, Knight; who, by ‘une
common genius and persevering in=
dustry, invented and perfected a
system of machinery for spinning,
that had been in vain attempted by
many of the first mechanics of the
last and present centuries ; which,
by giving perpetual employment to
many thousand families, bas increas
ed the population, and been pro-
ductive of great commercial advan-
tage to this country. He has died
immensely rich, and has left manu-
factories, the income of which is
greater than that of most German
principalities, though derived from
very Opposite circumstances, those
that promote the prosperity of a
country. His real and personal pro-
perty is estimated at little short of
half a million. From the humble
station of a barber at a village near
Manchester, he gradually roseinthe

C2 acquisition

\

36

acquisition of this vast wealth by the
accidental purchase of'a single piece
of mechanism, called the Spinning-
Jenny, the invention of an ingeni-
ous carpenter, who, as report says,
offered it for sale from mere neces-
sity. He has left one son and one
daughter (a Mis Hurt), both of
whom have families. Mrs. Hurt,
itis said, will have 200,000].; Mr.
Arkwright an equal sum, with all
the manufactories, worth as much
more.—Sir Richard was interred at
Matlock on the 9th; whence his
remains will be removed to Crom-
ford, as soon as the church, begun
by him there, is completed.—Sir
Richard, we are informed, with the
qualities necessary for the accumu-
lation of wealth, possessed, in an
eminent degree, the art of keeping
it. His c@conomy and frugality
bordered very near on parsimony.
He was, however, if not a great, a
very useful character.

SEPTEMBER.

Ist. ‘The number of addresses
presented to his Majesty, to return
thanks for the late proclamation
against seditious writings, amount to
341; including almost all the coun-
ties, corporations, boroughs, cities,
and towns in Great Britain.

In Paris two seminaries of learn-
ing for the children of Irish pa-
tents have been plundered and de-
stroyed by the populace.

The Marchioness de Bouillé and
Madame de Noalles both arrived
at Brighton last week from Dieppe
in France; the former in the habit
of a sailor, by the hazardous means
of an open boat ; and the latter dis-
guised in mean male attire, in one
ef the packets, the captain of which

a

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

tection. 0) So ofnel

Great numbers of priests and
other emigrants have got across to
the English coast within. this last.
fortnight; they have been seen on
the roads from Dover, Hastings,
Eastbourne, and Brighthelmstone,.
coming up to London in all possible
ways, on coaches, waggons, fish=
carts, &c. Some came walking, at-
tended by a cart, which they as-
cended by turns as they were over-
fatigued. ‘The streets of London
now swarm with them; and as ma-
ny of them are in absolute distress,
subscriptions have been opened by
our benevolent countrymen for
their relief.

4th. Dublin. The 64th regiment
was drawn up in the square at
New Geneva, when the privates.
found guilty of mutiny at Limerick,.
were brought cut to receive their
sentence. The commanding offi-
cer addressed them in a few words,
expatiating. on the criminal and
ruinous tendency of the offence of
which they stood convicted, and
then pronounced the judgment of
the court-martial as follows: one to.
be shot, another to receive 1000:
lashes, and a third 500 lashes: the
remainder were acquitted. He then
made a pause of about a minute,
and a most awful solemnity pervad-
ed the corps; when he addea that,

humanely took her under his pro-

, in consideration of the sincere con-

trition which the culprits manifest-
ed for the error into which they had
unthinkingly and foolishly plunged
themselves, as well asfor their youth
and inexperience, his Excellency
the Lord Lieutenant had humanely
granted them afree pardon. ‘They
were immediately ordered to their
respective companies.

The

CHRONICLE.

“The effects of the floods in the
river Barn were most dreadful.
About one o’clock it rose so high
as entirely to carry away the cut at
the Salmon-leap near that place ;
then proceeding with amazing
force, it entirely carried off the
centre arch of the bridge, by which
several people were swept away and
drowned; and the Susannah was
driven from the moorings, and car-
tied a considerable way inland,
where she is now lefi, without any
probability of getting her off. The
flood then spread over the low lands,
between Coleraine and Port Stuart,
committing some dreadful ravages
inits way. Among the rest, it car-
ried off and drowned twenty sheep,
the property of John Mackay, Esq.
of Prospect. ‘The huts of several
of the poor were also swept away
by the rising of the river ; by which
dreadful accident forty poor people
have lost their daily bread. The
grain is almost entirely destroyed ;
and we have also the prospect of
approaching famine, unless a fa-
vourable change takes place in the
weather.
~ The resolutions of the grand ju-
ries in Ireland, against the measures
' taken by the grand committee of
Roman Catholics, have provoked
and irritated the latter exceedingly.
Government are at a loss what mea-
sures to pursue. The latter is so
miserably supported, that in the
metropolis they had scarcely interest
sufficient to have the Catholics op-
posed by the corporation of Duolin.
5th. Portsmouth. The Scourge
i Me in a small capture to
ithead, and sent a boat on shore
with two midshipmen to a return,
as it is technically called. As the
boat was making back, the water
. was #0 rough as to overset it; by
‘ - :

inier
ink

37

which melancholy accident all were
lost except two, who floated, by the
help of oars, for six or seven hours,
when they were picked up by @
vessel which fortunately passed near
enough to observe their disastrous
situation. About half an hour be-
fore this providential delivery, the
two midshipmen, who had support-
ed themselves by some buoyant, part.
belonging to the boat, extirely ex-
hausted, relinquished their hold,
and were seen no more.

Sth, Edinburgh. A pinnace-boat
from Leith, with four young gen-
tlemen of that place, and three sea-
men, went to Inchkeith, on a plea-
sure party; when, owing to the fool-
hardiness of the seamen, who, al-
though repeatedly requested to reef
the sails, insisted on keeping the
whole of her canvas out, she was
suddenly upset in a gust of wind.
The three seamen were unfortu-
nately drowned; the young men,
who all clung to the oars, were pro-
videntially taken up by, another
Leith boat, who saw the accident.
One of the drowned men was
found, and carried to Inchkeith by,
the gentlemen in the boat who
picked them up, and every means
used to restore him, but without
effect. The wind blowing from the
harbour, they landed the body at.
Fisher-row, where a gentleman hu-
manely took upon himselfthe charge
of seeing it decently interred.

13th. Dublin, It is said that a
subscription, amounting to three
millions sterling, has been complet=
ed among the Roman Catholic gen-
tlemen and merchants of Ireland,
for the purpose of purchasing lands
in North America. . The object of
this purchase is said to be twofold:
first, that these Jands may Kab baa
an asylum ta which those peop

og “Ly Sauee Dt

48,

may retire, should they fail in ob-
taining what they now seem to con-
sider as essential to the being of
freemen, the elective franchise.
The second object is, that they may
be a source of profit, should their
Situation in their native country be
made such as to induce them to re-
main in it. This measure of the
Catholics, should it be carried into
execution, must very deeply interest
the national welfare. Nothing has
occurred in Irish polities, within the
present century, more worthy the
attention of the politician and the
statesman.

“15th. Thursday evening a car,
with some cotton wefts, woollen
and linen yarn, which Mr. Grey, of
Francis-street, was sending to his
factory at Balbriggan, was stopped
by an armed body of weavers on
the road between Drumcondra and
Santry. The driver, after being
struck with a broad-sword, was ob-
liged to suffer his horse, car, and the
goods in his charge, to be taken
away by this lawless mob, who tri-
umphantly conveyed it to Marrow-
bone-lane, where they burnt the
wool, the yarn, and the car.
“Yesterday one of the persons
guilty of the abuve offence, was
taken by a party of the police ; and,
on the information of the carman,
was committed by Alderman Flem-
ing for trial.

~ 17th. A court-martial commenc-
ed on board the Duke, in Ports-
mouth harbour, on Wednesday the
12th instant, on acharge of mutiny
on the28th of April, 1787, on board
his M ajesty’s armed vessel Bounty,
for running away with the ship, and
deserting his Majesty’s service,
against Joseph Coleman, Charles
Norman, Thomas Mackintosh, Pe-
ter Haywood, Isaac Morris, John
Milward, William Muspratt, Tho-

ANNUAL, REGISTER, 1792.

mas Birkett, Thomas Ellison,and
Michael Byrn, ‘The evidence for

the prosecution closed on Friday
night, the 14th instant, and t

court indulged the prisoners. ti
Monday to give in their defence,
and on Tuesday took the whole in-
to their consideration; when they |
were pleased to pass sentence of
death on Haywood, Morris, Mill-
ward, Muspratt, Birkett, and Elli-
son, the two first of whom the court
recommended tomercy. Coleman,
Norman, Mackintosh, and Byrn,
were acquitted and discharged. _
19th. The sessions ended at the
Old Bailey, when the folowing ca-
pital convicts received sentence of
death, viz. Thomas Crumps, John
Dean, William Wane, Thomas Kirk,
Robert Wallace, Thomas Sticks,
alias Wood, Thomas Cook, John
Cook, Richard Stanniforth, James
Aulkin, alias Allkin, Mary Burgess,
and John Smith, alias Ireson.
The judgment upon Isaac Moore,
a letter carrier, convicted this ses-
sion, is respited for the opinion of
the judges, Whether stealing half a
bank-note is felony ? '
21st. The Royal party lately rede
out from Weymouth to Dorchester,
and surveyed the new county-gaol ;
when a farmer, who had been, con-
fined for seven years for a debt in-
curred by a lawyer's bill, on his -
knees presented a petition, stating
the particulars to his Majesty. His
Majesty was most graciously pleased
to pay the money (2201.) and the
man was immediately liberated.—
His name is Pitfield, iv
Accounts from the north are of
the most lamentable kind, concern-
ing the immense loss of sheep by
the floods, and the miserable state
of their corn, laid flat by the rains,

.

and the little hopes of its ri

fit for the sickle. Sn i
Lan-

CHRONICLE. |,

Laneashire, andthe fine county of
Nottinghamshire, along the Der-
went, have suffered exceedingly,

_ A Mr. Herbert has obtained in
Ireland, a verdict of 15,000I. a-
gainst Major Daff, of the 48th re-
giment, for criminal conversation
with his wife. OY

_ 22d, Mr. Paine, author of “ The
Rights of Man,” is elected a Mem-
ber of ‘the National Convention of
France, by the district of Versailles,
and also by that of Calais. Mr.
Paine, in consequence, set off for
Paris on Monday last.

Asa young man, named Thomas
Foster, son|of an eminent gardener
of Mickleton, in Gloucestershire,
was walking in their own garden
he-saw an adder. He laid hold ofa
garden-rake, and struck it; upon
which, with a sudden spring, it fas-
tened round his left arm, bit him up-
on the pit-of the stomach, and then
dropped off. The place bitten be-
gan swelling immediately, with an
uncommon degree of pain, which
baffled every effort of an expe-
rienced surgeon for the space of
six hours, when the young man died
in the most excruciating pain.

. The American Honeysuckle.
which bearsso pretty a flower in
most gardens:in this kingdom, after
its blossom closes, instead of going
to seed, the pod ripens: into very
fine cotton, which it produces in
abundance.— This is acircumstance
which, if not worthy the attention
of the cotton manufacturer, at least
‘merits notice from the curious.

Diep, 8th, aged 120, Mrs. John-
son of Deritend, Birmingham.

aan ~
hr; ~ ae +4 OC TOBE R.
i! t fi The total number of F rench

landed at all the ports in

3Q
this kingdom, between the 30th of .

‘August and the Ist of October, igy,

3772. ;
The subscriptions received byt —
the committees for the relief of the,
suffering clergy of France, amount,
to upwards of 15,000!,. This re.
flects the highest honour on the
English nation. {
24. The Vice-Chancellor, Proce
tors, Public Orator, Registrar, and
other officers of the university of
Oxford, with a deligacy of the
convocation, set out for High Wy-
combe, Bucks, in ten carriages,
suitably attended, and having dined
and slept that night at the Red
Lion, next day proceeded to Bul-
strode, in their formalities, and im
stalled his Grace the Duke of Port-
land Chancellor of that University,
with the usual ceremonies; in the .
course of which his Grace addressed
the deputation in a very polite and
elegant speech, expressing, in the
highest terms, his gratitude tothe
university for the distinguished
honour he had received, and proé
mising his most active zeal in-de-
fending its privileges, and promot-
ing its prosperity. The company
were afterwards most elegantly en-
tertained by his Grace at dinner
upon services of massy gold and
silver table-sets of plate, in a state
of splendour and magnificence too
difficult to describe; at whieh
were present, Lord Viscount Stor-
mont, Lord Malmsbury, the Lord
Bishop of Oxford, the Dean of
Christ Chureh, Sir William Scott,
Mr. Burke, Mr. Welbore Fllis,
Mr. Wyndham, and several neigh-
bouring gentlemen, :
12th, This day the. Right Ho-
nourable the Lord Mayor, the, Al-
dermen, Sheriffs, and Common
Couneil of the city of Lendony
waited upon his Mujesty (being in-
C4 troduced

: £0

troduced by the Marquis of Salis-
bury, Lord Chamberlain of his
Majesty's household) with the fol-
lewing Address, which was read by
Sir John William Rose, the Re-
corder :

0 THE KING’S MOST EXCELLENT
MAJESTY.

The humble Address of the Lord
Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons
of the City of Londin, in Com-
mon Council assembled.

Most Gracious Sovereign,

We, your Majesty’s most dutiful
and loyal subjects, the Lord Mayor,
Aldermen, and Commons of the
city of London, in common coun-
cil assembled, beg leave to offer to
your Majesty our most sincere con-
gratulations on the glorious and im-
portant advantages gained by your
Majesty’s forces in the East [ndies.

As the representatives of the
first city in the kingdom, we feel
ourselves particularly interested in
the successful termination of a war
which had for its object the se-
curity of peace, the extension of
civilization and commerce to the
most distant parts of the world.
Your Majesty's faithful citizens
most ardently hope and trust that
your Majesty will very long enjoy
the honour and the happiness of
promoting, in every quarter of
the globe, that due respect to mild
and equitable government, which,
by experienée, your Majesty's sub-
jects know to be most essential to
the welfare of mankind. .

Signed by order of court,
WitiiaM Rix.

Ta which Address his Majesty was
pleased to return the following
most gracious Answer :

“TI receive with great pleasure
this dutiful and loyal address.

Deut

‘? Orient,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

The congratulations of the city of
London on the successful termina-
tion of the war in the East Indies ;
and the sentiments expressed by
them on this interesting occasion,
cannot but be in the highest de-
gree acceptable to me.” They were
all received very graciously, and
had the honour to kiss his Ma-
jesty’s hand. After which his Ma-
jesty was pleased to confer the
honour of Knighthood on the
Right Honourable John Hopkins,
Lord Mayor of the city of London,
and Benjamin Tibbs, Esq. one of
the Sheriffs.

Among the persons lately mas-
sacred in France, is M. Gerard, of
one of the first mer-
chants in that country, who was
supposed worth near a million
sterling. He had lately made a
present of all his horses for the
use of the army, and was univer-
sally in estimation with the inha-
bitants. His death arose from the
following circumstence:—He was
largely concerned in the East In-
dia trade, and had two cases con-
signed to him as hardware for ex-
portation, which passed at the cus-
tom-house as such, without exam-

ination: but as they were convey-

ing them on board a ship for the
East Indies, they were met by
some of the French soldiers, who
from their length suspected their
contents, and on opening them,
found they were fire-arms; which,
though manufactured particularly
for the East India trade, and of
little use for the army, occasioned
the generale to be beat, and the
municipality to give orders for
M. Gerard’s being arrested, of
which he got notice, and escaped
to his country-house, about six
miles distant, ‘where he was fol-
alas sal ‘Towed

' CHRONICLE.’

‘Jowed by the democratic soldiers,

and inhumanly murdered, and af-
terwards cut into different pieces,
which were thrown back into his
coach, from whence they had taken
him.

The following remarkable letter, with
36s. 6d. inclosed, was received by
the Collector of Excise at Halifax:
*« Sir, Having some time since,

by dealing in smuggled goods,

gained the sum of 1]. 16s. 6.; and
being since convinced of the sin-
fulness of this business, it being
contrary to the law of God as well
as man; and as the duties of re-
ligion require restoration, I inclose
you herein the said sum, which I de-
sire you will apply to his Majesty’s

service; and am, Sir, yours, &c.

CS , ANONYMOUS.”
. Near Bradford, Sept. 11, 1792.
~ Thesubscription for the succour
of the people of Poland, which was
only open a few days, amounted to
40161. which is paying back to the
subscribers, deducting Is. Gd. in
the pound for advertisements, &c.

The Board of Excise have lately
eetermined, that farming live-stock,
sold by auction, is not liable to
any duty.

From the accounts brought by
the latest ships arrived from India
' two or three weeks ago, it appears
that the inquiries made for ascer-
taining the fate of the Foulis have
proved fruitless. The ship has not
been heard of upon any coast, and
appears to have been lost in the
open sea, probably by the loss of
her rudder, which is one of the
most fatal accidents that can befal
aship atsea. The Aurora frigate,
which several years ago, was carry-
ing Mr. Vansittart and other su-

isors to India; the Swallow
et, lost about the year 1778;

gorse

Al

the Cato, a King’s fifty-gun ship ;
and the Foulis, make four ships,
to or from India, of which no news
have been received.

14th. Maidstone. Last night, be-
tween twelve and one o’clock, a
desperate effort was made by the
felons confined in our town gaol, in
order to effect their escape ; but by
the activity and resolution of Mr.
Watson, the keeper, and his assist-
ants, they were prevented from
putting their design in execution,
although several of them had got up-
on the wall, and rope ladders were
affixed on the other side of it. The
implements with which the prison-
ers got off their irons, were convey-
ed to them by a child of two years
of age; the mother of this child,
being the wife of one of the offen-
ders, had sewed them up in its
clothes, previous to her leaving it
with its father.

16th. Three young men brothers,
one of them in a banking-house at
the west-end of the town, were
charged before Sir Sampson Wright,
with an assault, and having been
guilty of very indecorous behaviour
in Newport-street, on Sunday night.
A blacksmith, who brought the
charge against them, said he livedin
the above neighbourhood ; and ob-
serving the young men push every
person they met from off the pave-
ment, without distinction of age or
sex, and otherwise ill-treat them,
he followed them: and on their
continuing this improper conduct,
attempted to expostulate with them,
when they all fell upon him with
sticks, and beat him very violently.
They were ordered to find bail;
and the magistrate expressed a wish
that the blacksmith would make an
example of these persons, in order
to deter others from insulting the
peaceable part of the community.

19th,

42,

19th, Exeter, Early this morning,
the post-boy carrying the mail from
Ashburton to Exeter, was robbed
near Chudleigh, by a single man,
who, presenting a pistol to his head
and threatening his life, took from
him the Plymouth, Dartmouth,
Totness, and Ashburton bags for
Exeter, and the: London bags for
the three latter places, The boy
afterwards met the Plymouth mail-
boy, and returning together, they
avethe alarm, Mr. Jackson, the
post-master at Exeter, instantly
published a hand-bill, offering a re-
ward of two hundred pounds for
apprehending the villain, over and
above the forty pounds offered by
act of parliament; and in conse-
uence thereof he was taken on
riday night, in bed, at Moreton,
Hampstead, by six woclcombers ;
and aconsiderabie quantity of notes
and other property was recovered,
which, together with a pistol, were
concealed under his pillow.
_ 20th. A riot took place in New-
gate yesterday, the particulars of
which are as follow: The persons
who where some time ago removed
from the King’s Bench (in. conse-
uence of having attempted to ef-
ect their escape) to Newgate, had
some disagreements among them-
selves, which proceeded so far as
to induce, some among them to
draw their knives; and several were
very much wounded. Pitt, the
door-keeper on the debtors, side,
accompanied by two of his men,
went in, in order to quell the tumult,
when Pitt was so desperately cut
over the head, as to render theim-
mediate assistance of a surgeon ne-
cessary: his safety is not yet cer-
tain. His two attendants were also
much wounded. __ |
_ 22. Sheffield. The retreat of the
Duke of Brunswick .was this day
HOt :

ANNUAL ;/ REGISTER, 1792.

celebrated here. Bonfires, were,
thade, cannon discharged, and flags,
with the mottos, “ Republic of
France, Liberty,’” &c. hoisted. En-.
tertainments were also given, and
several sheep were boiled and roast-
ed whole. Lh ah wee
23d. Derby. This ‘borough has
followed the laudable example of
many other boroughs, in taking off
the tolls on grain, &c, coming ittto
or passing through the said town,
25th. The Union packet of Dover
was this day lost off the harbour of
Calais, The time of high-tide had
been suffered to pass, through some’
unexpected delay, and the vessel
struck in coming out: of the port.
In endeavouring to turn to wind+
ward she missed stays, anda fresh
gale blowing at the moment, she
was driven back, and dashed with
great violence against the extremi-
ty of the southern pier. This ac-
cident was perceived from the ves-
sels in the harbour ; but the searam
too high to send any boats to her ase
sistance. The people on board were
more than, forty minutes) in a,fear<
ful situation, as they could not be
drawn ashore without running the
hazard of being crushed between
the vessel and the pier. Atlength,
from. the repeated shocks, her
broadside gave way, and she in-
stantly filled and sunk. The crew
and passengers, amongst whom were
four English gentlemen and severah
ladies, were all fortunately saved.
It is 105 years since-a similar. cir-
cumstance has occurred. The same
company embarked next morning
at Calais, on board the Pitt, Capt.
Sharp, and actually underwent a
second shipwreck, being driven on
shore at the north-head, in a vio-
lent gale ; but, fortunately, no per+
son waslost. Lag] vag
3st. This morning, ,at-half-past
seven,

“CHRONICLE. |

seven; the six following malefactors
Were executed pursuant to their
sentence, opposite to the Debtors
or, Newgate, viz. John, Smith,
alias Ireson; William Wade; Tho-
mas Sticks, alias Wood; John and
[Thomas Cook; and Richard Stani-
forth, for stealing a Banknote, value
101. out of a letter. They all be-
haved with adecency that became
their unhappy situation. »
Diep, Lately in Skeddy’s alms-
jouse, at Cork, aged 103, the great-
grand-daughter of the celebrated
English patriarch, Thomas Parr.
_ 28th. On his tour towards Paris,
Philip Thicknesse, Esq. formerly
Lieutenant Governor of Landguard
fort, and a man who made no little
noise in the world.
_ 29th. Sir David Dalrymple, of
Hailes, Bart. better known by the
name of Lerd Hailes, one of the
Senators of the College of Justice
in Scotland.

pe RE ee AE a a a RS

NOVEMBER.

_ 8th, .A duel took place between
M. de Chauvigny and M. Charles
’ Lameth. This affair, which origi-
nated in a difference of opinion,
d been undecided for. two years,

t appears that M. de Chauvigny,
having learnt the arrival of his an-
tagonist in this country, gave him
a meeting, and proposed to fight
him; which the latter assented to,
hey parties fought in a field near
the place of M.Lameth’s residence;
and he was dapgeronely wounded
vthe belly, The affair ended by
bo declaring themselves satisfied,
giving their word of honour

at the matter was finally adjusted,

vigny,the DukedePienne and
fewer de Chabane; and for M,
anol

AB

Lameth, the Duke d’ Aiguillon and
Mr. Maselet.

9th. Sir James Sanderson, Kt,
attended by the Sheriffs, Recorder,
Aldermen, Common Councilmen;
Marshals, &c. appeared before the
Barons at the Exchequer. Office,
Westminster Hall. . The Recorder
having gone through the usual ce
remony of recommendation, Sir
James was sworn into office, and
having solemnly saluted the courts,
they returned to their barges, and
were landed at Black Friars bridge,
from whence they proceeded. in
coaches to Guildhall to dinner,
where were present the Right Ho-
nourable William Pitt, several offi-
cers of state, the foreign ministers,
and many of the nobility. The two
city marshals had new uniforms,
which made a grand addition to
the procession; their coats, were
scarlet, richly trimmed with gold
lace;, their horses were ornamented
with new saddles, scarlet saddle-
cloths, richly embroidered with gold
lace, and. the .city arms on both
sides, decorated with yellow and
blue ribbons.

12th. Enfield. About five minutes
before twelve o’clock this day, a
most dreadful accident happened at
a cotton manufactory belonging to
Messrs. Clayton and Gaskill, of this
town., A great part of the roof
of that extensive building, fell, in
while all the! hands were :at. work,
owing to the timbers drawing from
the walls. A great number of per+
sons.are buried in the ruins.» Ses
veral persons have been taken out
dead, and many alive, but greatly
bruised, It is supposed that about
fifty,.or sixty men, women, |
children, were under the roof at
the instant when it fell in.
sixteen are found. The cries
those buried are exceedingly dise

tressing.

AA

tressing. All possible means are
using to liberate the living, and to
dig out the dead. One part of the
front-wall was apparently falling
every moment; which prevented
the populace from giving any as-
sistance for upwards of two hours.
The wind being extremely high,
threatened every moment to blow
down an adjacent part of the build-
ing. Several thousands of people
were assembled on the alarm. <A
brave Irishman, at the hazard of
his life, was determined to liberate
two men whom he perceived cry-
ing out for help; which was soon
afforded them. The populace,
animated by his example, lent
their assistance. Every surgeon
in town rendered cheerfully his
best services. One man and one
child were found with their heads
severed from their bodies, and
bruised in a shocking manner.

13th. A spirit of riot broke out
at Dundee. Near 1000 people hav-
ing assembled, and, after burning in
effigy two gentlemen who were
obnoxious to them, proceeded to
their houses, broke the windows,
pulled down the rails of their gar-
dens, and demolished some of the
furniture of their houses. They
then demanded the keys of the
belfry from the magistrates, and
set all the bells a ringing, having
in the mean time planted the Tree
of Liberty in the market-place, and
burnt, as a bonfire, upwards of
‘fifty oil and porter-casks. After
this they dispersed quietly, and
there has been no disturbance since.
However, an express from Edin-
burgh has been sent to Fort George,
said to carry orders for the troops
to march for Dundee, to preserve
peace and good order.’

» 19th. The Attorney General
moved the court of King’s Bench

-
¢

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

for a habeas to bring up the bodies
of William Duffin. and ‘Thomas
Lloyd, Esqrs. then prisoners in the
Fleet, for the purpose of sending
them to Newgate to take their
trial for the following offence :—
They were accused of posting upon
the door of the prison this incendi-
ary note:—
“ A HOUSE TO LETT!

** Peaceable possession will be
given by the present tenants on or
beforethe first day of January 1793,
being the commencement of the
first year of liberty in Great Bri-
tain—The Republic of France
having rooted out despotism, their
glorious example and eventful suc-
cess against ‘tyranny, render such
infamous bastiles no longer neces-
sary to’ Europe.” Granted, and
the prisoners ordered to be brought
up on Wednesday.

Zist. The Attorney General
moved, that William Duffin and
Thomas Lloyd be charged with
an information; and the informa-
tion being read (charging them
with having stuck an inflammatory
hand-bill on the door of the Fleet
Prison) the defendants pleaded
Not Guilty. William Duffin stood
forward, and addressed the court,
saying he had heard much of the
boasted constitution of this country,
and the glorious liberties enjoyed
by its subjects; that he had for
twenty-one days been kept in -con-
finement, and had had no opportu-
nity of procuring advice. Lord
Kenyon said, the court could not
enquire into any oppression he had
to complain of; at present tlie
court was without election as to
the decision it was to make, and
could only do what it now did, viz.
direct that they be both committed
to Newgate, charged with this in=
formation. Duflin replied, « My

Lords,

CHRONICLE.

Lords, I petitioned, the Secretary
of State the 10th of this month,
and have not yet received any an-
swer to my petition, except that
some person did come to the door
of the room where I was confined,
and said the Secretary of State was
not in town, but when he came,
my wrongs would be redressed ;
but I have had no redress. My
Lords, is the offence of which I
am accused bailable?’’ Lord Ken-
yon answered, ‘ It is.’ ‘* Then,
my Lords, I have bail ready.”
Lord Kenyon: ‘ The court can
do no less than commit, you , to
Newgate; if you mean to put in
bail, you must give notice of your
intention to the Solicitor for the
prosecution, that due enquiry may
be made into the sufficiency of the
bail.’ Lloydthen came forward, and
said he had some observations. to
make. Lord Kenyon said he could
not bear any observation... ‘* My
Lord (said Lloyd) mine are to the
point.” Lord Kenyon: ‘ The only
point at present is, whether the
court can commit you both. to
Newgate; you can have no obser-
vation to make that will prove the
court ought not todo so.” ‘ My
Lord, i’ll support ny observa-
tions by authorities.”’—Lord Ken-
yon: ‘ Take them to Newgate,
charged with this information.’
Lloyd then exclaimed, “ Are these
the boasted laws of this country?”
To which Lord Kenyon answered,
* The laws of this country afford
protection to every subject, but
are not to be trampled on by any
man. Take them away.’—The
Attorney General said, he did
not mean to take up the time
of the court a moment unnecessa-
rily; but, that as a public allega-
tion had been made of a petition
being presented to the Secretary of

A5.

State, he thought it his duty to say,
that on the day the petition was
presented he had himself made en-
quiry into it, and found that every
allegation contained in it was whol-
ly untrue. . They were then com-
mitted to Newgate. "
25th. Between five and six this
morning, a terrible fire broke out
in the house ef Charles Schreiber,
Esq. in the occupation of Mrs.
Warden, on Forty-hill, Enfield,
which in three hours time destroyed
the whole building, with the great-
est part of the furniture. The fa-
mily providentially escaped unhurt.
26th, This day was tried before
the judges of the court of King’s
Bench, and a special jury, an in-
dictment against the Rev. Richard
Burgh, Thomas Townly M‘Can,
James Davis, John Cummings, and
J. Buorne. The indictment charged
the prisoners with a conspiracy to
demolish the walls of the King’s
Bench Prison; and for that purpose
introducing a large quantity of gun-
powder near them. After Lord
Kenyon had summed up the evi-
dence, the jury withdrew, and re-
mained for a quarter of an hour,
and then returned, finding all the
defendants Guilty. The defend-
ants then immediately retired, and
were of course conducted to New-
gate, The judgmert to be pro-
nounced upon them will be) the

business of a future day.
Information was on Saturday re-
ceived at the Secretary of State’s
office, that one or two Levelling
Societies, formed inthe Borough,
intended to proceed to Kennington
Common, on Sunday, at noon, for
the purpose of plantmg a tree
there, and calling it the Tree of
Liberty. Some orders were im-
mediately sent to the war-office;
and from thence a messenger went
express

46

express to Maidenhead, where a
part of the 15th regiment of dra-
roonswas quartered. These troops
Sei obaered to town, and, having
marched during the night, they
arrived on Sunday morning at three
oclock, proceeding immediately to
Kennington Common, where they
remained during the whole of that
day. The number of guards upon
duty was also doubled. In conse-
quence, the Levellers, who, we
understand, consist of about three
hundred members, did not pursue
their intention.

The minister’s million sinking
fund, on the first day of Novem-
ber 1792, which concluded the
twenty-fifth quarter, had discharged
nearly ten millions of the public
debt, as nay be seen in the follow-
ing statement :— , ,

Atcount of the Total of Capital Stock
vedeemed by the Commisstoners,
&c. on the 1st of November 1792.

Consol. 3 per cent. £3,487,605
Reduced ditto, - - 2%,971,600
Old South Sea, “- - 1,667,400

New South Sea, - - 1,288,800
South Sea, 1751, - - 396,400

9,811,805

To extinguish Fire in Chimneys.

Put upon the fire in the grate,
which must be left burning, as much
salt as you can collect; a peck or
more will be quite sufficient, which
will bring down all the soot that is
on fire in the chimney, and extin-
guish it before any injury happens.

Accounts of Sierra Leone of the
most flattering nature, were lately
received at the company’s house
in Laurence Poultney-lane. They
were brought by the Duke of
Savoy, ‘a ship chartered to carry
out stores to the settlement. The

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

sickness, which had been fatal to
so many at the commencement of
the rains, Nad entirely ceased, and
trade and plantation were making
rapid progress. Those, on the
contrary, who are interested in the
result of the enterprize to Bulam,
will be concerned to hear that that
plan is entirely defeated. The
principal part of the colonists have
been massacred by the natives;
and those of them who remained
alive, took refuge among their
countrymen at Sierra Leone. Mr.
Dalrymple, their governor, is re-
turned to England by the vessel
which brought this intelligence.
The government of Sierra Leone _
received the unfortunate adven-
turers with much humanity; and a
vessel is fitting out there to bring
them back to this country.

Bulam is an island at the mouth
of the Gambia, upon which the na-
tives of ‘the opposite shore have,
from time immemorial, made their
annual plantations of rice :—consi-
dering, therefore, the arrival of the
hew settlers as an unjust intrusion
upon their natural rights, a dispute
arose, which has exhibited the
above melancholy issue.

27th. At a court of Lieutenancy
the Lord Mayor, Sir Watkin Lewes,
Alderman Newnham, and a num-
ber of other members, attended.
The official business being transact-
ed, the court resolved, that the offi-
cersand privates of the London mili-
tia should hold themselves in readi-
ness upon a short notice, to be un-
der arms, if necessary, for the sup-
pression of riots and tumults.

Diep, 28th. At Kirkcudbright,
Scotland, at the great age of 120,
W. Marshal, tinker. This miracle of
longevity retained his senses almost
to the last hour of hislife. He re-
membered distinctly to have seen

King

| (CHRONICLE, “

‘King Willidm’s fleet, when on their
way to Ireland, riding at anchor in
the Solway Firth, close by the Bay
of Kirkcudbright, and the transports
lying in the harbour. He was pre+
sent at the siege of Derry, where
faving lost his uncle, who com+
_tmandeda King’s frigate, he returned
home, enlisted in the Dutch service,
went to Holland, and soon after
deserted and came back to his na-
tive country. Naturally of a wan-
¢ and unsettled turn of mind,
he could never remain long in any
particular place. Hence he took
up the occupation of a tinker, head-
ed a large body of lawless banditti,
and frequently traversed the king-
dom from one end to the other.
But itis to be observed to his cre-
pi, that of all the thievish wander-
ig geniuses who, during the weak-
ness of the established government,
led forth their various gangs to
plunder, and to alarm the country,
he was by far the most honourable
of his profession. He was buried
next day in the churchyard of Kirk-
cudbright. A great concourse of
people of all ranks attended his fu-
neral, and paid due respect to his
astonishing age.
1 he DECEMBER,
| Ist. Witney. This town and neigh-
bourhood exhibit a high scene of
imdustry: their foreign orders were
never so extensive at this season
of the year as at present ; and it is
computed that no less a quantity
than 80,000lb of wool is consumed
weekly in this place.’ In fact, the
villages, for fourteen miles, cannot
spin enough for the demand.
- The Secretary at War gave
notice to Lord Edward Fitzgerald

quays

a7

and Lord Sempill, both inthe army,
that his Majesty had no further oc
casion for their services.
2d. Cuckney,near Mansfield. The
weaving factory of Gorton was
this day burnt tothe ground. The
fire was discovered ‘about five
o’clock in the morning ; and owing
to the oil, ‘vitriol, and other coms
bustible matter contained in the
works, after a conflagration of three
hours only, the whole was cons
sumed, ‘The loss’ is estimated at
18,0001, but it was happily insured
in the Sun and Royal Exchange
fire-offices for the whole amount,
The cause assigned for this dreadful
catastrophe is this: Two girls, whose
business it was to take care of the
fires, quarrelled ‘about whose turn
it was to carry away the ashes ; and
both declining the office, they were
left‘in a tub in the place, and some
of'them being burning, penetrated
through the tub, and thence to
the floor; which destroyed the
whole fabric and its contents.

‘The new-built church of St.
Peter-le-Poor, ‘near ‘the — excise-
office (consecrated the beginning
of last week by the Bishop of Lon-
don) had divine service performed
in it, and two charity sermons,
preached for the benefit of the
children of Broad-street Ward:
that in the morning, by the Rev-
Dr. Glasse; ‘and that’ in the even-
ing, by the Rev. Arthur Robinson
Chavel, Both discourses were spo-
ken of in high terms of approba-
tion. The'church, take the whole
work together, does great credit to
the different persons concerned in
its erection, and carries with it a
light and beautiful appearance.
Some small pieces of stucco-work,
from the over heat of the church,
fell down, two different times, at the

beginning

AS

beginning of the morning-service ;
which alarmed some of the con-
gregation, without doing the least
injury to any person.

The parish of St. Anne, Soho,
have adopted a plan, which, if it
were extended to. other parishes,
might Jessen the number of noc-
turnal depredations. Patrolesparade
the streets from four to nine o’clock,
and at nine, when, the watchmen,
who (instead of sentry boxes to
sleep in) have an extra great coat
and warm cap, go their rounds,
there are other patroles to see that
they do their duty, and, if neces-
sary, to assist them. To remove
the general complaint of a bad
light. from the lamps,, it'is ordered,
that three additional threads of cot-
ton should be added to each of the
burners.

9th. A singular accident. hap-
pened this morning at the Asylum
during divine service. The wind
being extremely high, by some
means, the windows over the com-
munion-table, fell down just at the
time the minister was reading the
service. Many of the congrega-
tion, being much alarmed at the
violent crush, hastily left the chapel,
and others were conducted to the
vestry-room till the church-service
was over. We do not hear that
any particular accident happened,
but the confusion was great.

10th. This being the anniver-
sary of the Royal Academy, a very
full meeting of the members was
held in the evening for the various

urposes of election to offices, and
of ballotting for the distribution of
prizes. At eight o'clock the pre-
sident, council, and academicians,

&c. assembled in the great lecture- |

room, where was previously cal-
lected a very numerous and re-

ANNUAL) REGISTER, 17092.

spectable company, ‘cgnsisting, of
the first characters) in, literature
and taste in this country. After
declaring the successful candidates
to. whom the prizes had _ fallen,
Mr. West, the president, addressed
the members of the Academy and
the students, in a discourse’ of con-
siderable length, which tended to
give a very favourable idea of his
talents in a new point of view. _
10th. Manchester. In consequence
of the loyal and_ constitutional
movements which have taken place
at Manchester, for the purpose of
forming associations on the plan of ~
those in London and other parts of
the kingdom, a tumult has arisen
among the populace; which, how-
ever, has happily been terminated
with little mischief. fy cath
A great crowd assembled round
the Herald-office, some of the win-
dows of which they broke, and dis-
persed. The next night they met
stronger, and paraded the streets,
singing and shouting ‘‘ God save
the King!’”? they then proceeded
to the object of their late resent-
ment, and again broke the windows,
They afterwards went to the house
of Mr. Walker, where they also de-
molished some of the windows.
Here, however, they were resisted
by Mr. Walker, who firing upon
them, they dispersed. Two men in
this affair are said to be wounded.
The next day some friends of Mr.
Walker waited upon the Com-
mittee established for protection of
property, &c. who sent a deputa-
tion to promise him support, if he
desisted from the use of fire-arms:
advising him at the same time, as
the most prudent step, to leave
town for a few days, as the mob
were seriously ciamorous for his
pevson. No other violence, how-
ever,

CHRONICLE.

ever, than the of breaking the win-
dows of the house of Messrs. Falk-
ner and Waller has yet been com-
mitted.—When this account came
away, a reassemblage of the mob
was apprehended, and the Magis-
‘trates and military were accordingly
in waiting. But, fortunately, their
exertions were not wanted.

‘5th. A very numerous meeting
of the Merchants, Bankers, and
Traders, was held at Merchant-
Taylors ‘Hall, in consequence of
public advertisement ; Samuel Bo-
sanquet, Esq. in the chair. There
could not be fewer than 3000 per-
sons present within the Hall;
without the doors, the yard and
street were crowded. The chair-

man having read the advertisement.

by which the meeting was called,
it was “ Resolved, That it is ex-
pedient, at this time, for the Mer-
chants, Bankers, Traders, and other
Inhabitants of London, to make a
public declaration of their firm at-
tachment to the constitution, and
of.their resolution to support the
same. The following declaration
in support of the constitution of
Great Britain, was then read:—
*© We, the Merchants, Bankers,
_ Traders, and other inhabitants of
London, whose names are hereunto
subscribed, perceiving, with the
ah concern, that attempts are
miade to circulate opinions contrary
to the dearest interests of Britons,
and subversive of those principles
which have produced and preserved
our most valuable privileges, feel
it a duty we owe to our country,
ourselves, and our posterity, to in-
vite all our fellow-subjects to join
with us in the expression of a sin-
cere and firm attachment to the
constitution of these kingdoms,
founded in remote, and improved
Vor. XXXIV.

49

insucceeding ages, and under which
the glorious Revolution in 1688. .
was effected: a constitution wisely
framed for the diffusion of hap-
piness and true liberty, and which
possesses the distinguished merit,
that it has on former occasions been,
and, we’ trust, will in future be
found, competent to. correct its
errors, and reform its abuses. Our
experience of the improvements in
agriculture and manufactures, of «
the flourishing state of navigation
and commerce, and of increased :
population, still farther compels us
to make this public declaration of
our determined resolution to sup-
port by every means in our power,
the ancient and most excellent:
constitution of Great Britain, and
a government by King, Lords, and
Commons; and to exert our: best
endeavours to impress on the minds
of those connected with us, a re-
verence for and a due submission to
the laws of their country, which
have hitherto preserved the liberty,
protected the property, and in-
creased the enjoyments of a free
and. prosperous'people.”’— And the
same having been read a second
time, it was * Unanimously Resolv-
ed, That this declaration be ap-
proved, and be subscribed by all
such Merchants, Bankers, Traders,
and other inhabitants of London
as may approve thereof; and that
it do lie at this Hall until Saturday
next inclusive, for signature.’ The
period of receiving signatures hay-
ing been afterwards extended, this
well-timed and judicious declara-
tion has been signed by more than
8000 persons of the first conse-
quence in this metropolis; and
the original is to be deposited
among the public records in the
Tower of London.

D- llth. A

30 .

Lith. A man was brought before
the nragistrate at the Police-office,
Shadwell, who had been appre-
tended near Wellclose-square as

. @R impostor, by some gentlemen,
guthe act of begging. It appeared
that the man went into a cook’s
shop to buy some pig, but quar-
reiled about the price, and left the
strop; when he was followed bya
Me. Gray, who soon after observed
him tie up one of his hands, and
go toto another shop, where he
begged, and received one penny ;
upon which Mr. Gray had him
‘taken into custody, to be conveyed
befoce a magistrate. He refused,
hawever, to comply, and a scuffle
ensued; during which five or six
shillings dropped from him, which
occasioned suspicion. They search-
ed him, and found wrapped up in
distinct rags, and concealed in his
breeches, a great number of far-
thiags, halfpence, sixpences, shil-
dings, and half-guineas ; and in one
rag fifty-two guineas, besides a Ply-
mouth Bank-bill of 5601. The
amount of all the money found up-
ou him was six hundred and thirty-
one pounds ten shillings and four-
pence farthing; for which the ma-
gistrate gave him a receipt, com-
wutted him as a rogue and va-
grant, and lodged the money with
2 banker, to be produced at the
Sessions.

17th. Ipswich. Thismorning seve-
rai foreign nobility, among whom
was a French princess, with many
soother ladies of the first distinction,
gn all more than 100, were landed
at Southwold.

Eith. This day came on to be
tcied before Lord Kenyon and a
special jury, the trial of the King
against Paine: it lasted upwards
f six hours; and it is impossible
far us to do justice to the ad-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

mirable speeches of the Attor-
ney General and Mr, Erskine,
unless we could give them at full
length. We. content ourselves
therefore in giving the outlines of
the trial. Mr. Percival . opened
the pleadings on this information,
charging Paine with writing and
publishing, or causing to be written
and published, a certain. seditious
book or pamphlet, under the
title of ‘ The Second. Part of
the Rights of Man;”? and also
for writing and publishing the first
part of the same work, and ano-
ther pamphlet, entitled ‘‘ Com-
mon Sense.” The Attorney Ge-
neral said, a report had been pro-
pagated that the present prosecu-
tion did not accord with his private
sentiments. He wished to refute
that report, and declared, if it had
been true, that he should no longer
have been worthy to hold his pre-
sent situation, but to be expelled
from the service of his Sovereign,
and of the public.. He certainly
thought it his indispensable duty
to bring this ingenious offender
before his country. He then
stated some passages to be libellous.
After he had made important ob-
servations on each, he read a letter
received from Mr, Paine, dated
Paris, Dec. 11, 1792; which, among
other things, contained the foulest
slander on his Majesty and his chil-
dren, The letter stated many
other particulars, which treated
the decrees of that court with the
utmost contempt; and concluded
with a request that it might be read
to the jury at the trial. Mr, Ers-
kine delivered a speech, of three
hours and twenty minutes, in fa-
vour of the defendant... Mr. At-
torney General was about to reply
on the part of the prosecution, —
when the gentiemen of the, jury

told

CHRONICLE.

told him there was no necessity
for giving himself the trouble; and
immediately found the defendant
Guilty. The court was crowded
at avery early hour of the morning;
‘and soon after nine o’clock the
Hall was filled even to the outside-
doors of the passage leading to it.
When the trial was over, and Mr.
Erskine had got into his carriage,
some persons took the horses off,
and dragged it very quietly to his
house in Serjeant’s Inn.

20th. Leicester. At the Agricul-
tural Society-meeting of this place,
premiums were given to five poor
men for bringing up large families
without parish assistance; and also
to five servants in husbandry for
long and faithful services.

22d. A motion was made in the
court of Admiralty, Doctor’s Com-
mons, on behalf of the India Com-
pany, to be heard by petition and
council against a decree of the
High Court of Appeals in the Chin-
surah prize-cause, whenthe learned
judge Sir James Marriott, repre-
hended the mover, and said, he
could not admit so indecent a pro-
ceeding. He insisted on an obe-
dience to the order of the court,
and said, when an attempt of that
nature was made to sport with jus-
tice, it was high time the courts
should stretch forth the strong arm
of the law, in justification of indi-
viduals. He also said, ‘the au-
thority of the court extended to
the shutting up the doors of the
India-House; could reach their
chairman, their treasure and their
cash; and ordered the syndic of
the company to. appear personally
in court next court-day, to hear
the order of the court; and would
insist on the estimates of that cap-

om ig

ture being delivered in before
Christmas, saying, he knew. that,
all the accounts of the company,
down to the lowest domestic, are
always regularly made up to that
time. Ba

In the course of the year 1792,
12114 ships passed the sound, viz.
4345 British, 1362 Danish, 65 Rus-
sians, 209 Dantzickers, 142 Papen-
burghers, 40 Imperialists, 737 Prus-
sians, 2181 Hollanders, 188. Bre-
mens, 2132 Swedes, 86 Lubeckers,
15 Oldenburghers, 83 Hamburgh-
ers, 388 Rostockers, 21 Courland-
ers, 11 Portuguese, 25 French, 74
Americans, and. 40. Spaniards ;
which is about 1000 ships more
than have been employed in any
preceding year in the Baltic trade.
Upwards of 600 of this additional
number are British.

Diep, at his seat the Chateau
de. Navarre, in Normandy, in his”
65th year, and after a lingering
illness, that had confined him ‘se-
veral years to the house, his Se-
rene Highness Godefroy dela
Tour D’ Auvergne, reigning Duke
of Bouillon, &c. Agreeably to the
dispositions of the late Duke of
Bouillon, formally recognized by
ths King of Great Britain and the
French nation, Captain d’Au-~
vergne, of the British navy, suc-
ceeds to all the honours and
possessions of his Serene High-
ness.

In his ninety-first year, at his
villa near Painreuf, in Brittany,,
M. Bathieux, a very ingenious ar-
tist, distinguished for some capital
paintings, particularly the defeat
of the Turks in Italy in 1665,
(highly esteemed by the virtuosi) as
well as some admirable portraits
in the style of Vandyke.

D2 ; BIRTHS.

52

“BIRTHS for the Year 1792.
Jan, 4.'Lady Strathaven, a son
and heir.

6. Lady of Sir Thomas Booth
Parkyns, a daughter.

7, At Paris, Countess of
Cholmondely, a son and
heir.

Countess of Hilsborough,
a son.
Lady Ann Place, a son.

Feb. 4. Countess of Winterton,
a son.

5. Marchioness of Worcester,
-ason.

9. Lady of Samuel Thorn-
ton, Esq. M. P. a son.

Lady Caroline Campbeli,
a son.

Lady Augusta Lowther,
a daughter.

Countess ‘of Aylesford, a

son.

March 14, Lady George Henry

Cavendish, a daughter.

v7.
25.

18. Lady Northcote, a son and
heir.
g8. At Madrid, her Catholic

Majesty, a prince.
Lady of Samuel Smith,
Esq. M. P. a daughther.
April 2. Lady of Sir Alexander
Monro, a daughter.
Queen of Naples, a prince.
6. Lady Douglas, a son.
12. Lady Anne Lambton, a son
and heir.
Lady Anne Wombwell, a
son.
» 25. Lady le Despenser, a son,
May 1. Lady Forbes, a daughter.
6. Lady Fagg, a daughter,
19. Lady Whichcote, a son.
22. Lady Sherrard, a daughter.
June 1. Lady North, a son.
10. Lady of the Irish Lord
Chancellor, a son.

BS:

ANNUAL REGISTER; 17092.

June 11. Lady of the Polish Am-
bassador, a daughter.
18. Countess of Darnley, a
daughter. .

July 6. Lady Elizabeth Loftus, a
daughter.

Lady Porchester, a son.

Lady Conyngham, a son.

Lady Elizabeth Douglas,
a son.

Lady Hugh Dalrymple, a
daughter.

- Duchess
daughter.

Lady Charlotte Lenox, a
daughter,

- Lady John Russel, a son.

. Countess of Mountcashel,
a son.

. Lady of Henry Drum-
mond, Jun. M. P. a
daughter.

. Lady of Sir Henry Pit
pur, a son and heir..

Lady Mary Anne Sturt,
a daughter,

2. Lady Boston, a daughter.

4. Lady Anne Fitzroy, a
daughter.

Lady C. Curzon, a son.

, Lady Grantley, a son and
heir,

. Lady of Samuel Bodding-

ton, a son.

. Marchioness of Blandford,.
a daughter.

Princess Royal of Den-
mark, a princess.
Hereditary Princess of
Orange and Nassau, a
prince.

Lady of the Master of the
Rolls, a son.

Duchess of Northumber-
land, a son.

-Lady Elizabeth Fane, a
daughter.

12.
13,
19.
2.

of Dorset, a

Dec.

CHRONICLE
/ Dec: 20. Lady! Elizabeth Spencer,

tif a son. -

97. Marchioness of Waimea th

t,t]
“ih

bee

ter, a son.

MARRIAGES, 1792.

Viscount Molyneux, to
‘the ~ Honourable Miss
@raven\)) ©
“3t 2. Vice Admiral Hotham, to
tiyic) oft MissvIve ‘Crass.

' %, The Honourable William
‘Hay, brother to the Earl
of Errol,'to Miss Jane Bell.

9. Viscount Kilmorey,

viisoos 0) Miss: Cotton. |

10. Sir Frederic Eden, Bart.
6) to: Miss Smith.

18. George Gipps, Esq. Mem-
ten ber for Canterbury, to
sal Miss'Lawrence.

30. Sir Andrew Maclean, to

“10. 0s Mrs. Willoughby.
‘Feb. 4. Sir'Henry Harpur, to Miss
~ Hawkins.
| 24. Samuel Boddington, Esq.
| to Miss) Ashburner.
March 4. Marquis of Abercorn,
to Lady Cecil Hamilton.
8. Honourable Augustus But-
ler, to Miss Danvers.
11.Lord Massey, to Miss

- Barton.

Jan. 1.

Viscount Cliffden, to Lady -

“eC. Spencer.
Viscount Percival, to Miss

pity it) i yemetst 6M
April 9. The Right Honourable
the Earl of Albemarle,
to the Honourable Miss
Sarah Southwell, second
. daughter to the Dowager

Lady de Clifford.

John King, Esq. Under-
Secretary of State for the
Home Department, to

. nd. «

CO

53

Miss Moss, only daughter

of the Bishop of Bath and

Wells.

April10, Edwatd Coke, Esq. of
Longford, Member for
Derby, to Miss Colhoun.

Sir James Suttle, to Miss
Hamilton.

11. Thomas Lewis, Esq. of
Bedford Row, to Miss
Goring, eldest daughter
of Sir Harry Goring, Bart.
of Higden, Sussex, mem-
ber for New Shoreham.

Samuel. Brown, Jun. to
Miss Thurlow.

The Honourable F. West,
brother to the Earl of
Delawar, to) Miss Mi-
chell, daughter and co-
heiress of the late Richard
Michell, Esq. of Culham-
court, Berks.

John Edward Madocks,
Esq. of Vale Mascal, in
Kent, to the Honourable
Miss Craven, eldest sister
of the Right Honourable
Lord Craven.

21. Tho. Swymmers Champ-
neys, Esq. only son of
Sir’ Thomas Champneys,
Baronet, to Miss C. Mos-
tyn, second daughter of
Sir Roger Mostyn, Ba-
ronet, Member for the
county of Flint.

May 1. William Waldron, Esq. to
Miss Cuffe.

Lord) Audley, to Mrs.
Moorhouse.

11. Honourable Thomas Ca-
pel, to Lady Caroline
Paget.

14. Lawrence Palk, Esq. to
Lady Elizabeth Vaughan.

June 3. James Nicholas Duntze,
Esq. second) son of Sir
D3 Joha

$4

John Duntze,
M. P. to Miss Jane Har-

riet Cockburn, daughter ~*

of Sir James Cockburn,
Baronet.

June

cond son of the
Honourable Mr. Justice
Willes, to Miss Hollings.

William Grattan, Esq. late

Captain in the 64th re-
giment, to Miss Jane
Giffard, daughter of Sir
Duke Giffard, of Castle-
jordan, county of Meath,
Baronet.

10. Charles Maurice Pole, Esq.
to Miss Henrietta God-
dard, niece of Henry
Hope, Esq. of Amsterdam.

Baronet, ."

Edward Willes, Esq. se-—
late |

Thomas Farr, Esq. to Miss -

Gooch, daughter of the
Jate Sir Thomas Gooch,
Baronet.

James King, Esq. of Stan-
ton, Herefordshire, to
Miss Pitchford, sister to
Admiral Cornish.

27. Captain Impey, eldest son

of Sir Elijah Impey, to
Miss Knight, of Albe-
marle-street:

The Honourable William
Assheton Harbord, eldest
son of the Right Honour-
able Lord Suffield, to the
Right Honourable Lady

of .pa Garalitie Hobart, ‘second
daughter of the Earl of

; Buckingham.

July 10. Sir Johu- Scott, Baronet,

of Ancrum, to Miss Mir il

- riet Gratian:
13.
‘to the
Pitt,

Lord Grenville
Honourable | Miss

only daughter of Lord

Camelford. |

Sept.

The Right Honourable

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

At Mr. Burke’s seat at
Beaconsfield, the Right
Honourable the Earl of
Inchiquin, to Miss Pal-
mer, niece of the late
Sir Joshua Reynolds.

Joseph Foster Barham, Esq.
to Lady Caroline Tufton,
youngest ‘sister . of » the
Right Honourable the
Earl of: Thanet.

Captain. William’ Hope,
of the navy, to the Right

‘Honourable Lady Ann
Hope Jobnstone, eldest
daughter of the Earl of

. Hopetoun.
22. Lord: Robert Fitzgerald,
' to Miss Fielding.

Aug. 13. Lord Carberry, to Miss

Susan Watson. |

14. The Honourable Augustus
Phipps, to Miss Maria
Thelusson.

At Chiswick,iLady Mar-
garet Affleck, widow) of
the late Sir Edmund Af-
fleck, Baronet, Rear Ad-
miral’ of ithe) Blue, to
Major John» M‘Kinnon,
of the 63d_ regiment.

“Bal of Shrewsbury to Miss
Hoey.

Thomas Raymond’ Arun-
dell, Esq. to Miss Smythe,
daughter of the late Sir
Edward Smythe, Baronet.

14, The Reverend B. Tinley,
of Hickling, Nottingham-
shire, to Miss C..F. Wat-
son, grand-daughter of
the late Sir Thomas Sam-
well, Baronet.

William Earl Welby, Esq.
jun. of) Carlton-house,

. Nottinghamshire, to Miss
Spry, only daughter of
the Jate William Spry,

Esq.

Sept.

CHRONICLE. 55>

Esq. Governor of the
island of Barbadoes.
Thomas Weston, Esq. of
Clay-hill, Middlesex, to
Miss Forbes, daughter of
the late Major Hugh
Forbes.

John Newport, Esquire,
banker, of Waterford,
Ireland, to Miss Mary
Campart, of Buckden,
Huntingdonshire.

19. At Bath, Thomas Ahmuty,

Esq. to Mrs. Quin, sister
of Sir Henry Cavendish.

Edward Grose Smith, Esq.
of Hatton-street, to Miss

* Heathfield.

Thomas Christie, Esq. of
Devonshire-square, mer-
chant, to Miss Thomson.

J. H. Yorke, Esq. Captain
in the Royal Regiment
of Artillery, to Miss
Phipps

Oct. 12. The Right Honourable

John Viscount Mount-
stuart, to Lady Elizabeth
Crichton, only daughter
of the Earl of Dumfries.

_ Kirkby Torre, Esq. Cap-

tain in the York regiment
of militia, to Miss Lucas,
of Pontefract.
The Rev. John Robinson,
to Miss Green, of Bed-
ford, Bp ss |

18, Cullen Simith; Esq. of Har-

ley-strect, to the Honour-
able Miss Charlotte Eard-
ley, second ‘daughter of
Lord Eardley. 1535
The Rev. J. Cuminz, to
Miss Haden,

Rear Admiral Crosby,com-»

» mander in Chief at Ply-
mouth, to Mrs, Hesse,
Captain Foxall, in the East

India Company’s service,
to Miss Saxton.

George Strickland, Esq
second son of Sir George
Strickland, Baronet, of
Boynton, ark, to Ndiss.
J. Craggs

Lord Glentworth, to Mrs.
Crump.

22. Lord Cranstoun, to Miss
_ Montolieu.
Nov. Sir Walter Blount, . te
~ + Miss Riddell.
29. Captain Parslow, to Miss
Wolff. +

Honourable John Rawdon,
to Miss F. Hall.

80. Sir Robert Mackworthy, to
Miss Miers.

Dec. Lately at Tournay, i»
Flanders, Lord Edward
Fitzgerald, to the evle-
brated Miss Pamela, said
to be the natura! daughter
of M. Egalite, ci-devant
Duc d’Orleans.

Honourable C. H. Hule-
kinson, to Miss Bond.

27. William Hay, Esq to
Miss Forster. '

PROMOTIONS for the year P792-

Jan. 7. Honourable Henry Wes—
ley, Secretary of ini to Swe-
den.

— 25th. John Wentworth; Beg.
Lieutenant Gover nor of Nowa
Scotia.

— 30." Honourable Henry Skef-
fington,; Governor of Cork.

Feb. 11.' Lieutenant General
Thomas Clarke, Colonel ef) the
30th regiment. of foot.

— Major General James Stusst..

. Colonel of the ‘Bist Wweiaens of

foot. ]
D 4 . 15. Miar—

56

15. Marquis Townshend, Lord
Lieutenant of Norfolk.

25. The Earl ef Morton, Cham-
berlain of her Majesty’s household.

— The Earl of Ailesbury, Trea-
surer of the same.

March 8. Rey. Charles Manners
Sutton, D, D. Dean of Peterbo-
rough, Bishop of Norwich.

—) Thomas Lawrence, Esq. prin-
cipal Painter in Ordinary to his
Majesty.

— The ‘Rev. ‘Dr. Guthar, to be
Rector of Lincoln-college, Oxford.

— Benjamin West, Esq. to be
President of the Royal Academy.

12. Lord Charles Fitzgerald,
Muster-Master General in irclna.

$1. Dr. .Archibald Davidson;
Dean of the Order of the Thistle,
and of the'Chapel Royal in Scot-
land,

April,10.. Rev. Peter Peckard,
D..D. to, be Dean of Peterborough.

— Major Geneval Ralph Aber-
crombie,. Colonel of the 6th regi-
ment of foot.

— Major General O? Iara, Lieu-
tenant Governor of |Gibraltar.

May 1..Rey, Thomas Jackson,
D. D. Canon Residentiary of St.
Paul’s.

2. Lord Macartney, a Privy Coun-
scllor.

5. Dr.’ Spencer Madan—Bishop
of Bristol.

12. Lord. R. S. Fitzger ald, Mi-
nister Plenipotentiary, tor the Swiss.
Cantons.

15. Lord Milton, Viscount Mil-
ton, and Earl of Dorchester.

20. Lord Macartney, Ambassador

Extraordinary aad Plenipotentiary }

to the Emperor of China,
— Sir George, L. Staunton, Se-
cretary of Embassy to China.
26, Sir Luke Pepys, Baronet,
Physician in ordinary to the King. »

\
wh

ANNUAL REGIS TER,

1792.

June 1, William. Lindsay, Esq.
Secretary of the. Embassy to the
Most Christian King. 2

9. Earl Howe, Vice Admiral of
Great Britain.

12. Edward Baron Gharlow; and
the heirs male of his body, lawfully
begotten, the. dignity, of a Baren
of the kingdom of Great Britain,
by the name, stile, and title of Ba-
ron Thurlow, in the county of
Suffolk, with remainder to Edward
Thurlow, and Thomas Thurlow,
Esquires, sons of the late Bishop of
Durham, and to the Rev. Edward
South Thurlow, one of the Pre-
bendaries of Norwich.

— Sir James Eyre;\Lord Chief
Baron of the Court of Exchequer ;
Sir William Henry Ashhurst, one of
the Justices of the court of King’s
Bench; and Sir John Wilson, one of
the Justices of the court of Common
Pleas, Lords Commissioners for
the custody of the Great Seal.

— The dignity of a Baroness of
the ‘kingdom of Great Britain,
to Henrietta Laura Pulteney,
daughter of Wm. Pulteney, Esq. by
the title of Baroness of Bath, in the
county of Somerset); and the dig-
nity of Baron of Bath to the heirs
male. of her body ails be-
gotten. 3

15. ‘Lord Chief Barina Eyre, a
Privy, Counsellor.

— Sir H. Martin, Baronet,
Comptroller, of the Navy} to be
an Elder Brother: ofthe Trinity-
House. i

20. Miss Mary raed daughter
and heiress.of Johm Verney, eldest
son of ltalph Baton: Verney, and
Viscount Fermanaughi (afterwards
Earl Verney) the dighity of Ba-
roness Fermanaugh, and to her
heirs) male’ the aignity of Baron
Fermanaugh. | qs

Dame

a

; t

CHRONICLE.

..-— Dame Sarah Cavendish, wife
of the Right Hon. Sir Henry
Cavendish, Baronet, the dignity of
Baroness Waterpark; and to her
heirs male by the said Sir John, the
dignity of Baron, Waterpark ; both
of the kingdom of Ireland.

July 7. The dignity of a Ba-
ronet of the kingdom of Great
Britain, to Sir Richard King,
Knight, Rear Admiral of the Red
squadron of his Majesty’s fleet.
= The dignity of a Baronet of
\Great Britain to the Right Honour-
able James Stirling, Lord Provost
of Edinburgh, and his heirs, male.

— The Honourable. Augustus
Phipps, to be a Commissioner of
'Excises))) 4

— John. King, Esq. to, be Law-
Clerk to the Secretary of State’s
Office.

926. William Earl of Mansfield,
in, the county of Nottingham, Earl
of Mansfield, in the county of Mid-
_dlesex, with the remainder to Da-
vid Viscount Stormont.

» Aug. 1. Captain Erasmus Gower,
knighted,

‘8. George Lord Macartney Vis-
-count Macartney, in Ireland.
_«\od1th, First regiment. of foot-
-guards, Major - General, Gerrard
Lake to be Lieutenant-Colonel.

» Fourth regiment of foot, Lieu-
tenant, General George Morrison,
from,the 17th foot, to be Colonel.
. | +7Seventeenth regiment of foot,
.Major Gen. George Garth, from Ist
_reg.of foot-guards, to be Colonel.
» > Lieutenant, Colonel James
Stuart, of 72d regiment of foot,
to. he Aid-de-Camp to the King.
_, 16. Earl Cornwallis — Marquis
Lorowallis. ,f Tio vi :
\..—. Lieutenant General Pitt,
Lieutenant-General Vaughan, Ma-
jor General Meadows, Major Gene-
omaliAbercromby, Knts. of the Bath.

57

August 18. Earl of Elgin, Envoy
Extraordinary at Brussels.

— Right Honourable William
Pitt, Constable of Dover Castle,
and Warden of the Cinque Ports.

24. Lieutenant General Fawcett,
Colonel of the 3d regiment of dra-
goon guards. Ag

25.. Major General James, Ham-
ilton, from the 21st foot, to, be
Colonel of the 15th.

— Lieut. Col. Archibald, Camp-
bell, from the 29th foot, to be Co-
lonel. of the 2Ist.

— Major John Callow to. be
Lieutenant Colonel of the 3d re-
giment of Dragoons; and Captain
William Waller to be Major.

— William Douglas Brodie, Esq.
to be his’ Majesty’s) Consul at
Malaga.

— George Nayler, Esq. to be
Genealogist and Blanc Coursier
Herald of the most Honourable
Order of the Bath. .

— His Grace the Duke of Leeds
to be Governor of the Turkey
Company. .

Sept. 11. Dr. Buller, Bishop of
Exeter, Duke of Portland, Chan-
cellor of the University of Ports-
mouth,

95. Lawrence Harman Harman,
Esq. and his heirs male, to the dig-
nity of an Jrish Baron, by the name,
style, and title of Baron of Oxman-
town, in the county of Dublin,
with remainder to Sir Laurence
Parsons, Bart. and his heirs male.

Oct. 2. Juhn Shore, Esq. of
Heathcote in Derbyshire, to the
dignity of a Baronet of Great
Britain.

—Hugh Earl Fortescue, to be
Col. of the North Devon Militia. )

—Colonel Montgomery Agnew,
of the Ist (or King’s) regiment of
dragoon guards, to be Governor of
Carlisle.

Oct. 2.

58

Oct. 2. The Rev. Dr. Buckner,
Rector of St. Giles in the Fields,
and Canon Residentiary of ~Chi-
chester, to the Archdeaconry of
that diocese.

—John Hopkins, Esq. and Ben-
jamin Tibbs, Esq.—Knights.

96. John Earl Poulett, Lord
‘Lieutenant of the ee of So-
merset.

30. Sir Charles Gould, Knight,
a Baronet.

Nov, 17.
Lieutenant Governor of Grenada.

— Sir Hercules. Langrishe, a
Privy Counsellor of Ireland.

Dec. = Earl of Harrington, Co-
lonel of the Ist regiment of life-
guards.

—Lord Cathcart, Colonel of the
29th regiment of 3

DEATHS for 1792.

Jan. 1. At Bristol, the mother of
the unfortunate Chatterton.»

2. The Right Honourable the
Dowager Viscountess Galway.

— Edward Duke of Somerset.

— Lately at Granby-house, Bris-
tol Hot wells, John Hale, Esq. of
Chudleigh, Rear-Admiral of the
British navy.

15. At Standford-hall, Leicester-
shire, in his 26th year, Sir Thomas
Cave, Baronet, one of the members
for the county.

17. Dr. George Horne, Bishop
of Norwich.

—In America, Peter Sotilivhise,
Senator of the Western District,
‘New York, and member of the
Council of Appointment. |

27. Joseph Ewart, Esq.

— Lady Jane Gordon.

-~ George Earl.of Northesk.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

Ninian Hume, Esq.

1792.

31. Sir Alexander Hay, Baronet.

Jan. 31. Sir Norton Robinson,
Baronet.

Feb. 5. Right Honourable Sir J..

Eardly, formerly Chief Justice of ©

the court of Common Pleas.

6. Major General Sir Henry
Calder, Baronet, Lieutenant Go-
vernor of Gibraltar, and Colonel of
the 30th regiment of foot.

17:28) ‘rantis Maria Countess Taafe..

26. Sir Richard Bickerton, Ba--
ronet, Rear Admiral of the White.

— At Vienna, aged 58, Count
Khevenhuller.

March 1. Leopald Il. Emperor

of Germany,

10. John Earl of Bute. .

— Mr. W. Mann, Attorney and.
Solicitor, Middle Temple. :

11. Sir William arrier 08%. Ba-.
ronet.

— At. Brompton, in bis 60tiz
year, Sir Thomas Cayley, Baronet.

18. Viscountess Torrington. -

April 2. At Vienna, Count Zin-
zendorf.

3. Sir Géoige Poddelk; Knight
of the Bath, at his house in’ Charles-
street, Berkeley-square, in the 87th
year of hisage. - He began his pro-
fession in the navy under his wncle
Sir George Byng, who was after-
wards the first. Lord ‘Torrington.
In the year 1718, he served on
board the fleet in the memorable
victory off Sicily. He then went

*rough the different ranks of his
fvofession with distinguished assi-
duity. On the Ist of August 1738,
he was appointed Captain; in
1755, Rear Admiral of the White ;
in 1758, Vice Admiral of the Red ;
in 1762, Admiral of the Blue;
and resigned in 1776. In 1758,

-he commanded as Admiral in Chief
‘the British fleet in India; where,
with an inferior wae he ‘gained
three

a

CHRONICLE.

‘three conspicuous victories over
the French fleet. In 1761 he was
Commander in Chief at the taking
.of the Havannah. A writer in one
of the daily papers says, ‘* He was
respected by his enemies abroad,
-esteemed and ‘beloved ‘by his offi-
-cers, and adored by all the sailors.”
-. 9. At Bath, William Gomm, Esq.
date Secretary to the Embassy at
the Hague, and formerly Secretary
.to Sir James Harris, now Lord
‘Malmsbury. at the courts of Russia
‘and Holland.
-» 10. Sasannah, Viscountess Dow-
ager Fane, relict of Charles Vis-
count Fane, who died in 1766, in
-her 87th year.
.. Sir Abraham Pitches, of Clap-
ham, at
+) 11. Lady Cooke, widow of Sir
'George Cooke, Baronet.
» 17. Dr. Christopher Wilson,
‘Bishop of Bristol, Canon Residenti-
-ary of St. Paul’s.
-. 21. John Bourke, Earl of Mayo,
and Baron Nass, in Ireland.
22. Lady. Elizabeth Keith, eldest
daughter of the Earl of Kintore.
. 29. George Johnstone, Marquis
and Earl of Annandale, Earl of
Hartfield; Viscount Annan, and
Lord Johnstone of Lockwood,
~Lochmaben and Moffat in’ An-
nandale, who had been. declared
a lunatic ever since the year
BPAGatiisiye A ods
© 80. John Montagu, Earl of Sand-
wich; Viscount Hinchinbroke, a
governor of the Charter House,
elder brother of the Trinity House,
a general of the army, and recorder
Huntindon and Godmanchester,
in the 71th year of his age.

_May 15. Mary Louisa Empress
of Germany. wh wie.
47. Sir Noah Thomas, Koight,
F. R. S. Physician in Ordinary to
his Majesty.
oi

59

21. Sir Alexander Mackenzie,
Baronet.

24. George Brydges Rodney,
Lord Rodney, Baron Rodney of

-Rodney Soke, Somersetshire, Ba-

ronet, and K. B. Admiral of the

‘White, and Vice Admiral of Eng-

land, in his 74th year.

25, Sir William Stanley, Baronet,

June 4. Caesar Constantine Fran-
cois Count of Hoebroek, Prince
Bishop of Liege, aged 69.

6. Lord Longford.

10. Countess Dowager of Clan-
brassil.

18. Countess of Winterton.

21. Lady Eden.

30. Countess Dowager of Berke-
ley.
— Lady Glentworth.

July 3. Prince Ferdinand of
Brunswic.

5. Sir Robert Strange, the cele-
brated engraver.

10. SirThomas Blackett, Baronet.

18. At Bristol Hot wells, Lady
Ann Henniker, wife of Sir John
Henniker, Baronet, of Newton-
hall, Essex ; eldest daughter of Sir
John Major, Baronet, and sister of
the Duchess Dowager of Chandos.

22, Lady Berney, relict of Sir

Hanson Berney, Baronet, of Kirk-

by Common, Norfolk.
$0. Lady Grant,
aged 75.
Sir Laurence Cox.
August 1. In Welbeck-street,
the reverend Thomas Hollingbury,
bD. D. FF. R.S. FP. A.S. Chaplain
in ordinary to his Majesty, Arch-
deacon of Chichester, Chaplain to
Dover Castle and the Cinque Ports,
and Rector of Rottingdean.
2. At Chippenham, Wilts, in his
70th year, Join Thorpe, of Bexley,
in Kent, Esq. A.M. and F.A.S.
author of many antiquarian works.
4. John Burgoyne, Esq. Colonel
of

of Dalvey,

60.

of the 4th regiment of foot, a Lieu-
tenant Colonel in the army, M.P.
for Preston, anda Privy Counsellor
of Ireland, He! was the author of
four dramatic pieces, besides a nuni-

ber of prologues and epilogues.

.—He is said to have been a natural
son of Lord Bingley, On’ the
13th he was interred in the clois-
ters in Westminster Abbey, in a
private manner, being attended
only by one coach.

5. The Right Honourable Fre-
deric North, Earl of Guildford,
Lord North, Lord Warden and
Admiral of the Cinque Ports, Go-
vernor of Dover Castle, Lord Lieu-
tenant and Custos Rotulorum of
Somersetshire, and Chancellor, of
Oxford.

10, Viscount Tracey.

14. Dr. Ross, Bishop of Exeter.

15. At Bill Hill, near Working-
ham, Berks, the Right Honourable
Tomizald Gower, half brother to
the Marquis of Stafford, Rear Ad-
miral of the White, aod Member
for Newcastle-under-Line.

18. Lieutenant General Richard
Burton Philipson, Colonel of the
third regiment of dragoon guards,
and member for Rye, Suffolk.

Sept. 1. Charles Stanley, Esq.
of Moor Hall, Lancashire, in his

77th year; baedludi to Sir John
Stanley, Baronet.

7. In Park-street, Dublin, the
Right Honourable Thomas Nugent,
Earl of Westmeath, Viscount anid
Baron Delvin, knt. of St. Patrick.

8. At Raby Castle, the Right
Honourable Henry Vane, Earl of
Darlington, Viscount Barnard, Go-
vernor .@ the Castle of Oat lishes
Lord Lieutenant and Vice Admiral
of the county of Durham, and Co-
lonel of the Durham militia.

14. Near Menin in Flanders, Ge-
neral, Vandermersch, who bore a

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

very conspicuous part in the war
of the Brababcon: ee in the
year 1790.

20. At Creedy in Devonshire,
Sir John Davie, Baronet.

24. Sir Fitawilliam Barrington.

October 8. At Gibraltar, the
Honourable George Byng, only
son of Lord Torrington, and mid-
shipman on» board his mse eo
ship the Aquillon.

10.Constantine J. Lord Mulgrave.
_ 28. John Smeaton, F. R.S. the
celebrated Engineer, particulars of
whose life shall be given in the en-
suing volume.

i Tae Margaret, Lady of Sir wae
Mostyn, Baronet. She was daugh-
ter of the Rev. Dr. Hugh Wynne.
Married May 19, 1766.

15. At Edinburgh, Lady Frances
Leslie, formerly. na wife of Lord
Tyrconnel, from whom she was
divorced, and afterwards married
Philip Leslie, Esq. once a wine-mer-
chant, and second son of Lord Ne-
wark, of Scotland, Lady Frances
was the daughter of the late Marquis
of Granby, “and was born in 1753.)

Sir R. Preston, Bart: of Dundee.

Nov. 14. Sir Sidney Meadows,
Knt. Marshal of England, aged 92.

15. The Right’ Hon. Countess
of Ilchester, in her 71st year.

16. Sir Edward: James, Baronet.

Dec. 2. At his house, Hill-street, —
Berkley-square, the Right Hon. Sir —
Joseph Yorke, Lord Dover, Baron ©
of Dover-court, in Kent, K. B.cre- —
ated a peer by the above title: Sept. —

19, 1788.
about the year 1723 or 1724,

4. Sir William 'Fordyce, Knight, hs

one of the Fellows of the Colleges
of Physicians.
11. Sir Archer Croft, Bavonet Jo
14. Lady Ann Mackworth, sister

of ry late Lord Abercorn, = |.

. Admiral Hugh Pigot, | |
SHERIFFS

‘

His Lordship was ope ;

}

CHRONICLE.

SHERIFFS appointed by his Ma-
jesty in Council, for the Year 1792.
Berkshire. John Blagrave, of Cal-
cot-place, Esq.
Bedfordshire. Sir John Buchannan
Riddell, of Sundon, Bart.
Bucks. William Pigott, of Dodder-
shall, Esq. _
Cumberland. . Edward Hasell, of
Dalemain, Esq.
Cheshire. Thomas Cholmondeley,
of Vale-Royal, Esq.
Camb. and Hunt. Richard Greaves
. Townley, of Fulburne, Esq.
Devonshire. Edward Cotsford, of
Clyst St. Mary, Esq.
Dorset. M. Davis, of Holnest, Esq.
Derbyshire. Hugh Bateman, of
Hartington-hall, Esq.
Essex. Z. Button, of Stifford, Esq.
Gloucestershire. John Embury, of
Twining, Esq.
Herefordshire. James Bourchior, of
Little Berkhampstead, Esq.
_ Herefordshire. Richard Chambers,
of Whitburne, Esq.
Kent. Henry Streatfield, of Chid-
dingstone, Esq.
Leistershire. Richard Spooner
Jaques, of Burbach, Esq.
Lincolnshire. Christopher Neville,
_of Wellingore, Esq.
Monmouthshire. David Tanner, of
Monmouth, Esq.
Northumberland. Ralph William
Gray, of Backworth, Esq.
Northamptonshire. Samuel Rudge,
of Tansor, Esq. .
Norfolk. Anthony Hammond, of
. West Acre, Esq.
Nottinghamshire, Edward Thornton
Gould, of Mansfield-house, Esq.
Oxfordshire. Thomas Willets, of
_. Caversham, Esq.
Rutlandshire. James Tiptaft, of
. Braunston, Esq.
Shropshire. Thomas Compton, of
_* Hopton-Wafers, Esq.
_Somersetshire. ‘Thomas Samuel Jo-
_ liffe, of Kilmersdon, Esq.

61

Staffordshire Simon Debank, of
Leeke, Esq.

Suffolk. Alexander Adair, of Flix-
ton, Esq.

County of Southampton. Thomas

. Robins, of Pilewell, Esq.

Surrey. Wm. Woodroffe, of Poyle-
park, Esq.

Sussex. Edmund Woods, of Shop-
wick, Esq.

Warwickshire. Joseph Oughton, of
Sutton-Coldfield, Esq.

Worcestershire. Fleetwood Park-
hurst, of Ripple, Esq.

Wiltshire. Mathew Humphreys, of
Chippenham, Esq.
Yorkshire. Sir Thomas Frankland,

of Thirkleby, Baronet.

SOUTH WALES,

Caermarthen. Georgé Morgan, of
Abercothy, Esq.

Pembroke. J. Matthias, of Llang-
warren, Esq.

Cardigan. W. Lewis, of Llanner-
cheiron, Esq.

Glamorgan. John Llewlleyn, of
Ynisygergwn, Esq.

Brecon. W. Morgan James,
Pool-hall, Esq.

Radnor. John Lewis, of Harpton,
Esq.

of

; NORTH WALES.

Anglesea. Hugh Price, of Wern,
Esq.

oi ean Edward Lloyd, of Ty-
mawr, Esq.

Merioneth. Edward. Corbet, of
Unysmaen Gwyn, Esq.

Montgomery. Robert Clifton, of
Aberbechan, Esq.

Denbigh, Thomas Jones,
tifillio, Esq.

Flint. Edward Morgan of Golden-
Grove, Esq.

SHERIFF appointed by his Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales in
Council, for the Year 1792.

County of Cornwall. David Yiddy,
of ‘T'redrees, Esq.

APPENDIX.

ef Llan-

[ 62 ]

APPENDIX TO THE CHRONICLE.

Unanimous Opinion of the Judges
upon the several Questions put to
them on the 27th of April, 1792,

‘ respecting the Law of Libels, as
deboenas by the Lord Chief Ba-
ron of the Exchequer.

MY LORDs,
lime judges have taken the

questions, seven in number,
which your Lordships have been
pleased to propose to them, into
their consideration ; they have con-
ferred together, and have agreed
upon answers, which I am now to
‘submit to your Lordships.

Your Lordships first question is,
“Qn the trial of an information or
indictment for a libel, is the crimi-
nality or innocence of the: paper
set forth in such information or in-
dictment as the libel, matter of
fact, or matter of law, where no
evidence is given for the defend-
ant ?”—Preliminary to all which
we have to offer to your Lordships,
we state, as a fundamental princi-
ple, that the general criminal law
of England is the law of libel; and
that the very few particularities
which occur in legal proceedings
upon libel, are not peculiar to the
proceedings upon libel, but do or
may occur in all cases, where the
corpus delicti is specially stated upon
the record; the case of an indict-
ment for publishing a forged pro-
missory note may be put as a preg-

nant instance. The matter of your
Lordships first question has no par-
ticular application to libel.—We
answer, That the criminality or
innocence of any act done (which
includes any paper written) is the
result of the judgment which the
law pronounces upon that act, and
must therefore be in all cases, and
under all circumstances, matter of
law, and not matter of fact; and
this, as well where evidence is
given, as where it is not given,
for the defendant; the effect of
evidence given for the defendant,
as to this question, being nothing
more than to introduce facts or
circumstances into the case which
the prosecutor had left out of it,
upon which it will still be for
the law to pronounce whether the

act done be criminal or innocent.
Your Lordships second question
is, “Is the truth or falsehood of
the written or printed paper ma-
terial, or to be left to the jury, on.
the trial of an indictment or infor-
mation for a libel? and does it.
make any difference in this respect,
whether the epithet false, be or be
not used in the indictment or in-
formation??? This question con--
sists of two branches.—Our answer
to the first branch of this question
is, That the truth or falsehood of
a written or printed paper is not
material, or to be left to a jury
upon

APPENDIX TO THE CHRONICLE.

upon the trial of an indictment or
information for a libel. We con-
sider this doctrine as so firmly set-
tled, and so essentially necessary
to the maintenance of the King’s
peace, and the good order of so-
ciety, that it cannot now be drawn
into debate.—If it be asked, why
the word false is to be found in
indictments or informations for
libel? we answer, That we find it
in the ancient forms of our legal
proceedings, and therefore that it
Js retained ; but that it hath in all
times been the duty of judges,
when they come to the proof, to
separate the substance of the crime
from the formality with which it is
attended, and too frequently load-
ed, and to confine the proof to the
substance. The epithet false is
not applied to the propositions
contained in the paper, but to the
aggregate criminal result—libel.
We say, falsus libellus, as we say
Jalsus proditur in high treason. In
point of substance, the alteration
in the description of the offence
would hardly be felt, if the epithet
were verus instead of falsus. In
the action for libel, the plaintiff is
not put to prove the matter of the
libel false, which is decisive to
shew that the falsehood is not part
of the substance of the complaint ;
and though the defendant may
insist in his defence, and may
prove that the matter of the libel
is true, itis not done in the way
of contradicting what is asserted
by the plaintiff, for then it might
be done under the general issue;
whereas, if the defendant means
to insist that the matter of the
libel is true, he must plead it by
way of justification. As between
him and the plaintiff, seeking to
recover damages for the private

63

injury, the truth of the matter of
the libel is a bar to the action for
damages; the crime, and conse-
quently the falsus libellus, remain-
ing still in full force against him.
The second branch of the ques-
tion is, ‘* Does it make any dif-
ference in this respect, 7. e. in
respect of the materiality of the
truth or falsehood, cr its being
to be left to the jury, whether the
epithet false, be or be not used
in the indictment or informa-
tion ?”?—Our answer will be very
short. It can make no difference
in this respect. Weare not called
upon to give any opinion; and we
desire to be understood not to give
any opinion as to the difference
in any other respect which the
omission of a formal epithet, in an.
indictment or information, may
make.
Your Lordships third question is,
*¢ Upon the trial of an indictment.
for a libel, the publication being
clearly proved, and the innocence
of the paper being as clearly mani-
fest, is it competent and legal for
the judge to direct or recommend
to the jury to give a verdict for the
defendant?” We answer, That upon
the trial of an indictment for a libel,
the publication being clearly prov-
ed, and the innocence of the paper
being as clearly manifest, it is com-
petent and legal for the judge to
direct or recommend to the jury
to give a verdict for the defendant.
But we add, that no case has oc-
curred, in which it would have been,
in sound discretion, fit for a judge,
sitting at Nist Prius, to have given
such a direction or recommenda-
tion to the jury. It is a term
in the question, that the innocence
shall be clearly manifest, This
must be in the opinion of the
* judge ;

64

judge; but the ablest judges have
been’ sometimes decidedly of an
opinion which has, upon farther
investigation, been discovered to
be erroneous; and it is to be con-
sidered, that the effect of such a
direction or recommendation would
be unnecessarily to exclude all far-
ther discussion of the matter of
law in the court from which the
record of Nist Prius was sent, in
courts of error, and before your
Lordships in the dernier resort.
Very clear indeed, therefore, ought
to bethe case in which such a di-
rection or recommendation shall be
given. In a criminal case which
may in any degree be doubtful, it
must be a very great relief to a
judge and jury, and a great ease
to them in the administration of
criminal justice, to have the means
of obtaining a better and fuller in-
vestigation of the doubt, upon the
solution of which a right verdict
or a right judgment is to depend,
A special verdict would, in many
cases, be the only means where
the offence is described by some
one or two technical terms compre-
hending the whole effence, the
law and-the fact combined: such
as the words ‘“ feloniously did
steal.” The combination must be
decomposed by a special verdict,
separating the facts from the legal
qualities ascribed to them, and pre-
senting them in detail to the eye
of the judge, to enable him to de-
clare whether the legal quality
ascribed to them, be well ascribed
to them or not. There may
be a special verdict in all cases
where doubts arise on the matter
of law; but it is not necessary
in all cases. In some criminal pro-
ceedings (the proceedings in libel,
and the publication of forged pa-

APPENDIX: TO

pers, for instance) some of the’
facts are detailed in the indictment;
and if the doubt in Jaw should
happen to arise out of the fact so
detailed, we say it is upon the re-
cord, The question might have
been discussed upon Demurrer,
withont going to a jury at all; and
after verdict it may be discussed on
a motion in arrest of judgment.
In such cases a special verdict is
not necessary: the verdict Guilty,
will have the effect of a special
verdict without the expence and
delay of it, establishing all the facts,
and leaving the question of law
open to discussion. There are
three situations in which a defend-
ant, charged with a libel, may
stand before a judge and jury in
a court of Nisz Prius. First, the
matter of Jaw may be doubtful ;
in that case there ought to be a
special verdict, or a verdict which
shall operate as a special verdict.
Secondly, the case may, in the
opinion of the judge, be clear a-
gainst the defendant. If the ver-
dict is special in form or in effect,
he has no reason to complain: his
case comes before the court from
which the record is sent, without
the prejudice of an authority a-
gainst him.—The third situation is,
that the opinion of the judge may
be clear in favour of the defendant.
In that case, whenever it. shail
happen, we have offered it as our
opinion, that it will be competent
and legal for the judge to direct an
acquittal.

Your Lordships’ fourth question
is, ‘‘ Is a witness produced before
a jury ina trial, as above, by the
plaintiff, for the purpose of proving
the criminal intentions of the wri-
ter; or by the defendant, to rebut
the imputation, admissible to be

heard

THE CHRONICLE.

heard as a competent witness in
such trial before the jury ?”

This question is put so generally,
that we find it impossible to give a
direct answer to it. The criminal
intention charged upon the defend-
ant in legal proceedings on libel, is
generally matter of form, requiring
no proof on the part of the prosecu-
tor, and admitting of no proof on
the part of the defendant to rebut
it. The crime consists in publish-
ing a libel ; a criminal intention in
the writer is no part of the defini-
tion of the crime of libel at the
common law. ‘* He who scattereth
firebrands, arrows, and death,’’
(which, if not an accurate defini-

‘tien, is a very intelligible descrip-
tion of a libel) is e@ ratione criminal;
it is not incumbent on the prosecu-
tor to prove his intent ; and on his
part, he shall not be heard to say
«© Am I not in sport??? But inas-
much as a ¢riminal intention may
conduce to the proof of the publi-
cation of all libels; and inasmuch
as the criminal intention is of the
substance of the crime of libel in
some cases by statute,—cases may
be put where a witness is compe-
tent and admissible to prove the
criminal intention on the part of
the prosecutor: and it may be
stated as a general rule, that in all
cases where a witness is competent
and admissible to prove the crimi-
nal intention, a witness will also be
competent and admissible to rebut
the imputation.

Your Lordship’s fifth question is,
—“ Whether, upon the trial of an
indictment for sending: a theaten-
ing letter, the meaning of the let-
ter set forth in the indictment be
matter of law or fact ?”

We find ourselves embarrassed
by the terms in which this question

Vor. XXXIV.

65

is proposed tous. We find no diffi-
culty in answering, that the expo-
sition of the words of the letter, set
forth in an indictment for sending
a threatening letter, would belong
to the court, either on a demurrer,
or in an arrest of judgment; and
we have no difficulty in going a step
farther, and saying, that if a jury,
upon the trial of such an indict-
ment, were to find the letter ac-
cording to its tenor, it would be for
the court to expound the letter:
and whether the letter (the sense
of it being thus ascertained) be a
threatening letter within the mean-
ing of the law, is answered by our
answer to the first question. This
we state distinctly to be matter of
law: it is the judgment of the law
pronouncing whether the paper be
criminal or innocent.—But your
Lordships ask us, ‘‘ Whether the
sense of the letter be matter of law
or fact.’ We find a difficulty in
separating the sense of the letter
from the letter; the paper without
the sense is not a letter.— Whether
there exists such a letter is, doubt-
less, matter of fact; as much as,
whether it was sent to the prosecu~
tor of the indictment. Itis also mat-
ter of fact whether an act of parlia-
ment, public or private, exists: anid
the same may be said of every other
writing, from records of the highest
nature down to any scrap of paper
wherein words are written which
can be qualified with crime or civil
obligation. This goes no way to-
wards ascertaining what belongs to
a jury in an indictment for sending
a threatening letter; to which we
apprehend your Lordship’s question
was intended to point.—The exist-
ence of a public act of parliament,
your Lordships know, is not sub-
mitted to a jury at all; private acts

E and

66

and, records. may be. sub. modo 5,
other. instruments and. papers are 5
but al], without exception, are ex-
pounded by the judges, and, the
legal effect of them declared by the
judges.,.. This does not rest. merely.
on the, authority of lawyers; in the
nature.of things it must be that the
judges must expound or, collect the
sense of the paper,.in order to their
declaring the,operation of it, in law.
The sense of a threatening letter, or
of..any other words reduced into
writing is nothing, more than the
meaning which..the words do, ac-
cording to the, common acceptation
of words, import, and which every
reader will put upon them,, Judges
are, in, this respect but readers,
They, must read and, understand,
before they, can, pronounce upon
criminality or innocence, which it
belongs to them to do; it is ane-
cessany and inseparable incident to
theirgurisdiction. If they could re-
sort to. a jury to,interpret for them
in the first instance, who shall inter-
pret the,interpretation; which, like
the, threatening, letter, will be .but
words upon a paper? We-shall not
be. understood, to be, speaking of
that.sense of\a paper which is to be
colHected from matter dehors the
paper, which, in legal, proceedings,
must,be stated by way of averment;
which averment would be to. be e-
stablished,in point. of, fact, before
the, judges. could. proceed to con-
strue.a paper, Onademurrer, or
on, motion. in. arrest of judgment,
these averments would. stand. con-
fessed upon the record, | If the ge-
neral issue is placed, they are to be
found, by the jury. Judges have.no
means of knowing matters of fact
dehors the paper, but by.the confes-
sion of the party, or the finding of
the jury: but they can collect the
Bey

‘APPENDIX TO

intrinsic, sense and. meaning, of a
paper, in the same manner as other
readers do; and they can resort: to
grammars and. glossaries, if they
want such assistance. These prin-
ciples lead to the same conclusion
for juries as for judges, in all points
belonging to threatening letters, or
to any other series of words reduced
into, writing, which fallyithin the
province of juries. For instance,—
Upon a general issue on an indict-
ment for sending a threatening let-
ter, a jury is to enquire whether
such,a paper as the paper. charged
inthe indictment exists. They must
read, or hear read, and understand
the paper. charged mri te paper
produced to them in.evidence, in
order to their finding that the paper
charged does exist., The jury can-
not know that they are the same
papers without comparing both the
words.and the sense: But, when the
jury. have.read, and sufficiently un,
derstood the paper charged, and the
paper produced, so,as to be enabled
to pronounce that they are the same
papers; when the averments, haye
been eXamined and found to.,be
true; when the context (if there be
a,context, not set forth) has been
seen and understood, and found not
to alter the sense of the paper*pro-
duced, and to put a different sense
upon it than that which the, paper
charged. imports; and when the
sending of the supposed threatening
letter is found as charged, then all
enquiry before the jury ends; the
rest is matter.of legal conclusion.
Your Lordships sixth question is,
‘¢ Whether, on the trial of an, in-
dictment for high treason, the cri-
minality or innocence of letters or
papers set forth as overt acts of
treason, or produced as evidence of
an. overt act of treason, be maton
0

THE CHRONICLE.

of law, or of fact?” We have said
in. our answer to the first question,
that in all cases, and under all cir-
cumstances, the criminality or in-
nocence of an act done is matter of
Jaw, and not of fact. We find no-
thing in the two cases now put,
which should lead us to narrow the
generality of that profession, or
to except either of those cases out
of it. But that we may.not be mis-
understood, we add, that this opi-
nion does not go to the length of
taking from the jury the applica-
tion of the evidence to the overt
act of which itis evidence. It only
tends to fix the legal character of
it in the only. way in which it can
be fixed. And we take this occa-
sion also to observe, that we have
offered no opinion to your Lord-
ships which will have the effect
of taking matter of law out of a
general issue, or out of a gene-
ral verdict. We know that it is
often so combined with both, as
to be inseparable from them ; and
we disclaim the folly of endeavour-
ing to prove, that a jury, who can
find a general verdict, cannot take
upon themselves to deal with mat-
ter of law arising in a general issue,
and to hazard a verdict made up of
the fact, and of the matter of law,
according to their conception of the
law, against all direction by the
judge.» Our aim has been to trace
the boundary line between mat-
ter of law and fact as distinctly
as we could. We believe that
this is all that is necessary to
be known. We have found ju-
rors in general desirous of keep-
ing within their province, which
is to examine into matter of fact,
and cordially disposed to take
their directions in matter of law,
from those whose education and
habits enable them to declare

67

the law, and to whom the law
and constitution of the country
have committed that important
trust.
Your Lordships last question: is,
‘< Whether, if a judge, on a trial,
on an indictment or information
for a libel, shall give his opinion on
the law to the jury, and leave that
opinion, together with the evidence
of the publication, and the appli+
cation of the inuendoes to persons
and things, to the jury, such di+
rection would be according to law???
If we do not misunderstand this
question, it is substantially answered
in our answer to the third question.
We mean to answer this question
in the affirmative; but that we
may be clearly understood, we de-
sire to be permitted in our answer
to substitute the words ‘ declare
the law,” instead of ‘¢ give his opi-
nion of law ;’ and the word ‘* de-
claration’’ instead of ‘ opinion,’”
where the word “ opinion”? occurs
again in the question:—Our answer
will then stand thus: If a judge on
a trial, on an indictment or infor-
mation for a libel shall declare the
law to the jury, and leave that de-
claration, together with the evi-
dence of the publication, and the
application of inuendos to per-
sons and things, to the jury, such
direction would be according to
law.” If by the words, “ leave
that opinion to the jury,” is meant
in any manner to refer to the jury
the consideration of what the law is,
in any view of the particular case
in evidence, we are of opinion
that such a direction would not be
according to law; conceiving the
law to be, that the judge is to de-
clare to the jury what the law is;
and conceiving that it is the duty
of the jury, if they will find a ge-
neral verdict upon the whole mat-
E2 ter

68

ter in issue, to compound that ver-
dict of the fact as it appears in evi-
dence before them, and of the
law as it is declared to them by
the judge.—We prefaced our an-
swers with stating, that the gene-
ral criminal law of England was
the law of libel. We conclude
what we have to offer to your Lord-
ships, with stating, that the line
marked out by the law for the con-
duct of a jury giving a general ver-
dict, has an universal application to
general verdicts on general issues,
in all cases civil and criminal ;for
we cannot distinguish between the
office and authority of a jury in
civil and criminal cases, whatever
difference there may be as to their
responsibility. We desire to put
your Lordships in mind, that it hath
been the modern policy to bring
almost all questions upon men’s
dearest and most valuable rights, to
be decided ona general issue; and
it will be for your Lordships consi-
deration, whether the line we have
pointed out, which we take to be
established in Jaw and in reason, is
not a great and essential security
to the life, liberty, and property
of all the Kirg’s subjects, from the
highest to the lowest.

Address of the Delegates of the
Dissenters, to the Protestant Dis-
senters of the Town and Neigh-
beurhood of Birmingham, who
suffered from the Riots which

happened in the Month of July

last.

‘Ss E, the assembled deputies

and delegates of the
Protestant Dissenters of England,
in the name of a numerous and
respectable body of constituents,

APPENDIX TO

feel it incumbent on us thus
publicly to testify our astonish-
ment and horror at the outrages
which you have experienced from
an ignorant and misguided mul-
titude, and our respect for that
manly fortitude with which you
have supported those umerited
sufferings. While, however, as
sustaining one common character,
we are anxious to pay this sincere
tribute of affectionate and frater-
nal sympathy to all our injured
brethren, we are persuaded that
we shall gratify alike your feelings
and our own, when, waving our
various speculative and especially
our theoloyical differences, we de-
sire to express our peculiar con-
cern on the account of that dis-
tinguished individual, whom the
rancour of this cruel persecution
selected as the first victim of its
rage.—Deeply convinced of the
importance of truth, we unite in
admiring the ardour which he has
ever discovered in the pursuit of
it: as freemen, we applaud his
unremitted exertions in the great
cause of civil and religious li-
berty; as friends to literature, we
are proud of our alliance with @
name so justly celebrated as that
of Dr. Priestley; and we pray the
Almighty Disposer of events long
to continue to us, and to the
world, a life which science and
virtue have contributed to render
illustrious. We rejoice in the
thought, that, though loaded with
calumny and overwhelmed by vio-
lence, you have not yet been dis-
graced by one serious imputation
of a crime; and it is therefore rea-
sonable to confide in the justice of
our country for an ample repara-
tion of the wrongs you have sus-
tained.—But, in proportion to your
innocence, the infamy of these pro-

ceedings

THE CHRONICLE.

ceedings falls with accumulated
weight on the authors and the per-
petrators of such mischief; nor can
we avoid observing in the circum-
_/Stances of this transaction evident
symptoms either of sgme gross de-
fect in our general system of police,
or of the most supine and culpable
negligence in those whose imme-
<liate duty it was to have protected
the places of public worship, as well
as the lives and property of their
fellow-citizens; and we trust-that
the executive government, which
exerted so much Jaudable activity
to repress the disorders en the first
notice, will proceed more fully to
vindicate its own dignity and the
national honour, by seriously en-
quiring how it came to pass that
they were permitted to rise un-
_checked to such a height of de-
structive fury. Whatever may be
the event, we desire to assure you
of our warmest affection, of our
steadiest support. Although in this
instance the storm has fallen on you
alone, we all feel ourselves to have
been equally within the aim of the
spirit which directed it; nor shall
we ever attempt to elude similar
violence by meanly abandoning the
common cause, or deserting our
brethren in the hour of distress.
Our adversaries betray little ac-
quaintance with the character and
principles of the men whom they
presume to insult and vilify, if they
Mwnagine that the spirit of the Dis-
senters is to be subdued and broken
by the means which have been em-
ied at Birmingham. Such mea-
sures can only tend to cement more
closely our bond of union, and to
invigorate our efforts to procure
the repeal of those invidious and
injurious laws, by which we are
held forth as the proper objects of

TT

69

suspicion and insult to the unthink-
ing vulgar. Persuaded that we have
not merited those absurd and mali-
cious imputations by which igno-
rance and bigotry have always at-
tempted to excuse illegal violence,
we boldly appeal for our justifica-
tion to our general conduct, when-
ever, on great national emergencies,
we have been drawn forth to action.
We cannot point out any other
criterion of our principles as a
body, than the uniform tenor of
our public conduct. We know that
on such occasions we shall be found
ever to have shewn the most affec-
tionate and invariable’ attachment
to the constitution of this kingdom,
as settled on the principles of the
glorious Revolution, on which alone
depends the title of the present
august family to the British throne;
and on this fair and open ground
we challenge any class of our ene-
mies to a comparison. But al-
though we have no wish to conceal
our sentiments; yet maintaining, as.
we shall never cease to do, the
equal right of every citizen to all
the common beneiits of society, we
apprehend that to call on us to pur-
chase protection, safety, or even
the good opinion of our fellow-sub-
jects, by any avowal which the law
does not require of all, or by any
silence which it does not univers-
ally enjoin, is an assumption of”
superiority, which liberal minds will
disclaim, and to which, conscious
of no inferiority but in numbers,
of no guilt but the Icve of liberty
and our country, we see not the
smallest reason to submit. We
trust that our countrymen will at
length discover that it is not our
fault if some degree of discontent
be ever the eftect of oppression.
We shall not relinquish the attempt
E3 to

70

to convince them that civil distinc-
tions, founded on religious differ-
ences, are the real sources of the dis-
turbances which have so frequently
arisen from contending sects in the
same community; and we flatter
ourselves that Britain, which form-
erly took the lead in religious to-
leration, wil] not be the Jast nation
in the world to acknowledge the
just claims of religious liberty; but
that the day will arrive much sooner
than those imagine, who reflect not
on the present aspect and tend-
encies of human affairs, when the
good sense of our country will ad-
mit us to that equal rank for which
we contend, and when all shall cor-
dially concur to efface the stain
which the late outrages have fixed
on our national character.

«¢ Signed by the unanimous order
of the meeting,

Epwarp JEFFRIES, Chairman.”
King’s Head, Poultry, London, Feb. 1.

Address from the London Corres-
ponding Society, and from other
Societies in England, to the Na-
‘tional Convention.

ADDRESS TO THE FRENCH
NATIONAL CONVENTION.

From the following Societies of Bri-
tons, united in onecommon Cause ;
namely, the obtaining a fair, equal,
and impartial Representation in
Parliament: :

Manchester Constitutional Society,
Tuo. WALKER, Pres.
Sam, Jackson, Sec.

Manchester Reformation Society,
JoHn Stacey, Sec.

‘Norwich Revolution Society,

Tuo. Gorr, Pres.
Joun Cozens, Sec.

APPENDIX TO

London Constitutional Whigs,
Independent and Friends of the
People,
Gero. Putter, Chairman.
JAMES Bry, Sec.

fh REO El by our united
brethren above named, we the
London Corresponding Society, for
them as well as for ourselves, thus
address you:

7

FRENCHMEN,
While foreign robbers are rayag-
ing your territories under the spe-
cious pretext of justice, cruelty and
devastation lead on their van, while
perfidy with treachery bring up their
rear; yet mercy and friendship are
impudently held forth to the world
as the sole motives of their incur-
sions; the oppressed part of man-
kind, forgetting for a while their
own sufferings, feel only for yours,
and with an anxious eye watch the
ultimate event, fervently supplicat-
ing.the Supreme Ruler of the uni-
verse to be favourable to your cause,
so intimately blended with their own.

Frowned upon by an oppressive sys- |

tem of controul, whose gradual but
continued encroachments have de-
prived this nation of nearly all its
boasted liberty, and brought us al-
most to that abject state of slavery
from which you have so gloriously
emerged, a few thousands of British
citizens, indignant, manfully ‘step
forth to rescue their country from
the opprobrium brought upon it
by the supine conduct of those in
power: they conceive it to be the
duty of Britons to countenance
and to assist to the utmost of their
power, the champions of human
happiness, and to swear to a nation
proceeding on the plan which you
have adopted, an inviolable friend-
ship.—Sacred from this day be

that

ee a

t
i

"
N
x
4

—

THE CHRONICLE. vA

that’ friendship between us! and
may ‘vengeance to the uttermost
overtake the man who shall here-
after attempt to cause a rupture!
Though we appear comparative-
ly so few at present, be p leuee

Frenchmen, that our number:
creases daily. It is true that the
stern uplifted arm of authority at
present keeps backs the timid—that
busily circulated impostures hourly
mislead the credulous—and that
court-intimacy with avowed French
traitors has some effect on the un-
wary, and onthe ambitious. But
with certainty we can inform you,
friends and freemen, that informa-
tion makes a rapid progress among
us: curiosity has taken possession
of the public mind; and the con-
joint reign of ignorance and despo-
tism passes away. Men now ask
each other, what is freedom? what
are our rights?—Frenchmen, you
are already free, and Britons are
preparing to become so!—Cast-
ing far from us the criminal pre-
judices artfully inculcated by evil-
minded men and wily courtiers, we,
instead of natural enemies, at
length discover in Frenchmen our
fellow-citizens of the world, and
our brethren by the same Heavenly
Father, who created us for the
purpose of loving, and mutually
assisting each other; but not to
hate, and to be ever ready to cut
each others throats at the command
of weak or ambitious kings, and
corrupt ministers. Seeking our
real enemies, we find them in our
bosoms. We feel ourselves in-
wardly torn by and ever the victims
of a restless all-consuming aris-
tocracy, hitherto the bane of every
nation under the sun :—wiscly have
uacted in expelling it from
e. Warm as are our wishes

--

for your success, edger as we are to
behold 'fréedorn’ ‘triumphant, and
man every where restored to the
enjoyment of his just rights, a sensé
of our duty’as orderly citizens for-
bids our flying in arms to your as-
sistance. Our government has pledg-
ed the national faith to remain neu-
tral! In a struggle of liberty a-
gainst despotism, Britons remain
neutral. O shame! But, we have
entrusted our king with discretion-
ary powers—we therefore must
obey. Our hands are bound, but
our hearts are free, ‘and tliey’ are
with you. Let German despots .
act as they please, we shall rejoice
at their fall ; compassionating, how-
ever, their enslaved subjects, we
hope this ‘tyranny of their masters
will prove the means of reinstating,
in the full possession ef their rights
and liberties, millions of our fellow-
creatures. With unconcern, tliere-
fore, we might view the Elector
of Hanover join his trocps to trai-
tors and robbers: but the king of
Great Britain will do well to re-
member that this country is not
Hanover:—should he’ forget. this
distinction, we will not. While
you enjoy the envied glory . of
being the unaided defenders of
freedom, we fondly anticipate in
idea the numerous blessings which
mankind will enjoy, if you succeed,
as we ardently wish. ‘The triple
alliance, not of crowns, but of the
people of America, , ‘France, and
Britain, will give freedom to. Eu-
rope, and peace to the world! Dear
friends, you combat for the advan;
tage of the human race! How well
purchased will be, though at the
expence of much blood, the glo-
rious, the unprecedented privilege
of saying ‘* Mankind is free! Ty-
rants and tyranny are no more!
KE 4 Peace

72

Peace reigns on the earth! and this
is the work of Frenchmen!’?—The
desire of having the concurrence
ef different country societies. to
this Address, has occasioned a
smonth’s delay in presenting it. Suc-
cess unparalleled has now attended
‘your arms. We congratulate you
thereon; that success has removed
our anxiety, but it has no other-
wise influenced our sentiments in
your behalf. Remember, French-
men, that although this testimony
of friendship only now reaches
your assembly, it bears date the
27th of September 1792.

(Signed by order)

Maurice Marcaror,
President.
Tuomas Harpy,
Secretary.

The President's Answer.

ENGLISHMEN, and fellow-ci-
tizens of the world, The national
convention has heard with lively
sensibility the glorious and generous

_wish of the English citizens, who
cordially unite with us in our la-
bours.’ The sentiments of 5,000
Britons, devoted openly to the
cause of mankind, exist, without
doubt, in the hearts of all the free-
men in England. Let them not
still consider their neutrality asa
reproach while they are spectators
of the grand struggle for liberty
against despotism ; their respect for
a constitution which they have
learnt to judge in silence, is no
Tonger that antiquated superstition
which promised to government im-
punity for its faults; it is rather
the effect of a prudent and poli-
tical gravity, which knowing how
to temper its force, seems to com-
mand the government to observe

APPENDIX TO

that very neutrality, and to warn
it to be as just, or at least as pru-
dent, as the nation. Believe, ge-
nerous Englishmen, that by follow-
ing that system, you do not the less
concur with us in the work of uni-
versal liberty. Let us advance
some steps further in that career
in which you were our precursors ;
and let us enjoy by anticipation,
and with a common hope, that
epoch (doubtless not far distant)
when the interests of Europe and
of mankind shall invite the two na-
tions to stretch out the hand of
fraternity !

Address from the Revelution Society
in London, to the National Con-
vention ; dated 5th of November.
Read in the Sitting of \st of De-
cember, 1792.

RENCH Citizens! The Soci-

4 ety instituted to perpetuate the
remembrance of the revolution of
Great Britain, offers you this ad-
dress with the sincerest respect.—
At the suggestion of one of our
members, the late Dr. Price, whose
loss we regret, we have already con-
gratulated you on your first succes-
ses in the commen cause of liber-
ty; and we cannot be silent at a
period so fruitful in events. Even
if the enemies who invaded France
still ravaged your towns, we would
not keep back this address; in the
hope that a nation which fights not
for itself alone, but for the whole
“human race, would, in the end,
prove victorious. The tyrants who
threatened you have retired with
disgrace ; and the friends of liberty,
in all countries, share the joy of
your triumph.—Above all, we re-
joice in the late revolution of the
10th of August, so necessary to se~
cure

se

THE CHRONICLE.

cure to you the advantages which
the former had taught you to ex-
pect; and we anticipate with plea-
sure the moment at which you shall
have finished your labours, and es-
tablished a wise and equitable go-
vernment, which must be the admi-
ration of the friends of man, and
‘the cause of terror and despair to
tyrants.—Representatives of a peo-
ple, we now honour the memory
of our brave ancestors, who resisted
the tyranny of Charles I.; and we
celebrate the revolution which drove
away his son. We cannot doubt
the right which belongs to all na-
tionsto resist oppression, and to give
themselves such a form of govern-
ment as their own wisdom may
suggest. This right, acknowledged
in theory, by all the defenders of
liberty, formed the ground work of
the revolution which we celebrate ;
and we feel a tender joy in behold-
ing this right of insurrection suc-
cessfully exercised in so large a
country as that of the French repub-
lic. We ardently desire, that thetwo
nations, united by nature, but di-
vided for ages by the intrigues of
courts and the pride of princes,
may soon be re-united by the love
of peace, and by the reciprocal ad-
vantages of a commerce freed from
every kind of restraint. We desire
that France and Great Britain, for-
merly rivals in the deceitful and
fatal career of ambition, may no
longer entertain any other spirit of
emulation than that of striving to
hasten the reign of liberty, of know-
ledge, and of the happiness of man ;
and to make the rights of men so
respected over the whole earth,
that the characters and distinctions
_ of tyrant and slave may be no lon-
*r known, except in history.
(Signed) J. Towers, Chairman.
“J BunsaMin Cooper, Sec.

73

Address of the Society for Constitu-
tional Information in London, to
the National Conventionin France.

SERVANTS of a Sovereign peo-
ple, and Benefactors of mankind!
We rejoice that your revolution
has arrived at that point of per-
fection which will permit us to ad-
dress you by this title: it is the
only one that can accord with the
character of true legislators. Every
successive epoch in your affairs, has
added something tothe triumphs of
liberty ; and the glorious victory of
the tenth of August has finally pre-
pared the way for a constitution,
which we trust you will establishon
the basis of reason -and nature.—
Considering the mass of delusion
accumulated on mankind to obscure
their understandings, you cannot be
astonished at the opposition you
have met with, both from tyrantsand
from siaves. ‘The instrument used
against you by each of these classes
is the same; for in the genealogy of
human miseries ignorance is at once
the parent of oppression, and the
child of ‘submission. The events

of every day are proving that your

cause is cherished by the people in
all your continental vicinity; that
a majority of each of those nations
are your real friends, whose govern-
ments have tutored them into ap-
parent foes ; and that they only wait
to be delivered by your arms from
the dreaded necessity of fighting
against them. The condition of
Englishmen is less to be deplored ;
here the hand of oppression has not
yet ventured completely to ravish
the pen from us, nor openly to
point the sword at you. From
bosoms burning with ardour in your
cause, we tender you our warmest
wishes for the full extent of its pro-
gress and success, It is indeed a
sacred cause; we cherish it as the

pledge

7A

plecge of your happiness, our na-
tural and nearest friends; and we
rely upon it as the bond of paternal
union to the liuman race, in which
union our own nation will'surely
be one of the first to coneur.—Our
government has still the power, and
perhaps the inclination, to employ
hirelings to contradict us; but it
is our real opinion that we now
speak the sentiments of a great ma-
jority of the English nation. The
people here are wearied with im-
posture, and worn out with war.
They have learnt to reflect, that
both the one and the other are the
offspring of unnatural combinations
in society, as relative to systems of
government, not the result of the
natural temper of nations, as rela-
tive to each other’s happiness.— Go
on, legislatots, in the work of bu-
man happiness. The benefits will
in'part be ours, but the glory shall
be all your own: it is the reward
of your perseverance; it is the
prize of virtue. The sparks of li-
berty preservedin England for ages,
like ‘the corruscations of the nor-
thern Aurora, served but to shew
the darkness visible in the rest of
Europe. ‘The lustre of the Ame-
rican republic, like an effuleent
morning, arose with increasing vi-
gour, but'still too distant to enlight-
en our hemisphere, till the splendor
of the French revolution burst forth
upon the ‘nations in the full fer-
vour of a meridian sun, and dis-
played in the midst of the European
the practical result of principles,
which philusophy had sought in the
shade of speculation, and which ex-
perience must every where confirm.
It dispels the clouds of prejudice
from ‘all people, reveals the secrets
of ail despotism, and creates a new
character in’ man.—In this career
of improvement your example

APPENDIX TO

will be soon followed; for na-
tions, rising from: their lethargy,
will reclaim the Rights of Man
with a voice which man cannot
resist,

Signed, by order of the Society.

SEemMPiIt, Chairman.
D. Apams, Secretary,

Nov. 9, 1792.

WE are also commissioned to
inform the Convention, that the
Sosiety which we represent has
sent to the soldiers of liberty
a patriotic donation of 1000 pairs
of shoes, which are by this time
arrived at Calais; and the Society
will continue sending 1000 pairs
a week, for at least six weeks to
come. We only wish to know
to whose care they ought to be
addressed,

Jort BARLow,
Joun Frosr.
Paris; Now. 2, 1792.

\

The President's Answer.
BRAVE children of a nation

which as given lustre to the two
worlds, and great examples to the
universe, you have addressed us with
something more than good wislies,
since the condition of our warriors
has excited your solicitude. The
defenders of our liberty will one
day be'the supporters of your own,
You command our esteem, you will
accept our gratitude. The sons of
liberty through the world will never
forget their obligations to the Eng
lish nation.—The shades of Pym,
of Hamden, and of Sydney, are ho-
vering over your heads; and the
moment cannot be distant when
the people of France will offer their
congratulations to a national con-
vention in England. Too long has
the torch of discord inflamed the
English and the French; while the

ambition

THE CHRONICLE.

ambition of kings, fomenting na-
tional aversions, compelied them to
forget that Nature has produced
none but brothers.—Your Islands,
it is said, were severed from the
eontinent by a great convulsion of
the globe; but liberty, established
onthe two shores of the narrow sea
which divides us, will repair the
breach, and restore the two nations
to the harmony and friendship for
_which Nature has designed them.
Reason has begun her majestic
march ; she can no longer be re-
sisted in her course.—Generous
republicans, your appearance in
this place will form an epoch in
the history of mankind. History will
consecrate the day, when froma
nation long regarded as a rival, and
in the name of a great number of
your fellow-citizens, you appeared
in the midst of the representatives
of the people of France; and she
will not forget to recount, that our
hearts expanded at the sight.. Tell
the Society which deputed you, and
assure your fellow-citizens in gene-
ral, thatin your friends, the French,
you have found men.

Address of the Clergy of the Diocese
of Worcester to his Majesty, on his
late Proclamation, June 1, 1792.
\ E, the Bishop, Deanand Chap-
. ter, Archdeacon,andClergy,of
thechurchand diocese of Worcester,
liumbly beg leave to return our
warmest thanks to your Majesty for
your Majesty’s late wise and provi-
dent proclamation. In our present
circumstances, Sir, nothing but
experience could make it con-
ceivable that any of your Majesty’s
subjects, in the full enjoyment of
every blessing which the best go-
vernment can bestow, should he
80 weak or wicked as to endeavour

i

to raise groundless jeéalousies and
discontents in the minds of your
people, and to disseminate such
principles and writings among them
as tend to destroy, under pretence
of reforming, our excellent con-
stitution, in church and state. One
reformation, indeed, can never be
unseasonable ; which is, that of our
hearts and lives, whenever they be-
come disorderly and licentious : and
this reformation, Sir, we your faith~
ful clergy shall labour to effect ; in
ourselves first, and then in those
committed to our charge. In per-
forming, or even attempting this
service, we shall do our duty to
God, to your Majesty, and to the
public. For the rest, we implore
the divine blessing on the wise and
salutary measures your Majesty has
taken to preserve the unequalled
form of government under which
we live, from all bold and hazardous.
innovations, and to prevent the
wantonness of prosperity (the too
common disease of happy states)
from disturbing the public order
and tranquillity.

Address of the Clergy of the Diocese
of Llandaff, on the same Occasion,

Most gracious Sovereign,

WE, the Bishop, Archdeacon and
Chapter, and the Clergy of the dio-
cese of Llandaff, humbly tender
to your Majesty our strongest assu-
rances of loyalty to your Majesty’s
person, of attachment to your fa-
mily, of zeal for the principles of the
revolution, and of our utter abhor-
rence of every attempt to subvert
the constitution in church and state,
then established, and since then
improved. The improvements
which the constitution has received
in the judges being rendered more

independent,

76

independent, in the mode of deter-
mining contested elections, in the
repeal of certain penal statutes re-
Specting protestant and catholic dis-
senters, in ascertaining the rights
of juries, and in other ways, have
been more numerous and important
during your Majesty’s reign than
that of the reigns of all your pre-
decessors since the revolution. We
are thankful for what has been
done; and without encouraging
improper modes of innovation in
other matters, still, perhaps, requir-
ing an amendment, we trust, that
what is wanting to render our con-
stitution perfect and permanent,
will be accomplished by the deli-
berate wisdom of the legislature,
rather than by the rash violence of
democratic faction. When we com-
pare our situations, as citizens of a
free state, with that of those who
are either struggling for that liber-
ty which we.enjoy, or groaning un-
der that slavery which we are in no
danger of, we cannct but set the
highest value on that form of civil
government from which our hap-
piness is derived ; and we beg leave
in the most sincere and solemn
manner, to declare to your Majesty,
that in proportion to this our esti-
mation of its worth, will be our
zeal for the preservation of the con-
stitution.

Case of the suffering Clergy of
France, Refugees in England.

iG is well known that the revo-
H# Jutions which have happened in
France, have impelled, by the most
urgent necessity, a great number of
this unfortunate body of respectable
men to take refuge in our country ;
they have fled from anarchy and
death to this happy isle, blessed with

APPENDIX TO

peace and benevolence.—Trained
up to the profession of administer-
ing relief to distress, they are dri-
ven by distress extreme to ask shel-
ter and bread from a generous peo-
ple, whose hearts have ever expand-
ed to embrace and relieve the wants
of others. They have hitherto re-
ceived charitable assistance from the
voluntary bounty of some worthy
individuals: but this resource be-
coming daily more inadequate to
the relief of those whose sufferings
claim immediate attention, a gene-
ral subscription in their favour is
become indispensably necessary, to
prevent them from perishing in our
streets. Those unfortunate help-
less men are here under the sacred
protection of hospitality; and they
will not perish from our neglect.—
It was but the other day that they
were employed in distributing alms
in their own country ; and they are
now under the painful necessity of
begging relief in a foreign land.—
Donations will be received at most
of the bankers; and a meeting of |
the subscribers will be held at the
London Tavern, to direct the ap-
plication of the donations.

Declaration and Address of the So-
ciety instituted for the purpose of
obtaining a Parliamentary lteform:

Freemasons Tavern,20th April, 1792.

At a General Meeting of the Soci-
ety established on the 11th in-
stant,underthe title of The Friends
of the People, associated for the
Purpose of obtaining a Parlia-
mentary Reform, William Henry
Lambton, Esq. in the Chair,
Received a Report from the

Committee appointed by the Reso-
lution

THE CHRONICLE.

lution of the 19th instant, consist-
ing of the following Persons :—

Wm. Baker, Esq. M. P. Chairman
Charles Grey, Esq. M. P.

Samuel Whitbread, jun. Esq. M.P.
John Wharton, Esq. M. P.

Rich. Brinsley Sheridan, Esq. M.P.
Philip Francis, Esq. M. P.
Hon. Thomas Maitland, M. P.
Wm. Henry Lambton, Esq. M. P.
George Rous, Esq.

John Godfrey, Esq.

William Cuninghame, Esq.

James Mackintosh, Esq.

Read a draught of an Address to
the People of Great Britain, con-
tained inthe Report of the Com-
mittee.

Resolved unanimously, That the

' said Address is approved of and

_ adopted by this Meeting.

_ Resolved unanimously; That the
Declaration already agreed on, toge-
ther with the said Address, be print-
ed and published, with the names
of the Subscribing Members, and
that the Committee be instructed

to print and publish the same.

; A Number of persons having
seriously reviewed and consi-

dered the actual situation of pub-

DECLARATION.

lie affairs, and state of the kingdom,

and having communicated to each
other their opinions on these sub-
jects, have agreed and determined
to institute a Society, for the pur-
pose of proposing to parliament
and to the country, and of promot-
ing, to the utmost of their power,
the following constitutional objects,
making the preservation of the con-
stitution, on its true principles, the
foundation of all their proceedings.
_ First.—To restore the freedom of

ion, and a more equal repre-

77

sentation of the people in parlia-
ment,

Secondly.—To secure to the peo-
ple a more frequent exercise of
their right of electing their repre-
sentatives,

The persons who have signed
their names to this agreement, think
that. these two fundamental mea-
sures will furnish the power and
the means of correcting the abuses
which appear to them to have ari-
sen front a neglect of the acknow-
ledged principles of the constitu-
tion, and of accomplishing those:
subordinate objects of reform which:
they deem to be essential to the li-
berties, of the people, and to the
good government of the kingdom.

Signed by
Charles Grey, Esq. M. P.
Hon. Thomas Maitland, M, P.
George Rous, Esq.
William Cuninghame, Esq..
John Tweddell, Esq.
Ear] of Lauderdale.
Nicolls Rainsford, Esq.
James Mackintosh, Esq.
Thomas Christie, Esq.
Malcolm Laing, Esq.
Right Hon. Lord Kinnaird.
James Archdekin, Esq.
William Harwood, Esq.
David Godfrey, Esq. :
Higgins Eden, Esq.
Philip Francis, Esq. M. P.
Charles Goring, Esq. |
Jolin Hurford Stone, Esq.
W. H. Lambton, Esq. M. P-
John Godfrey, Esq.
George Tierney, Esq.

rthur Piggot, Esq.

J. B. Church, Esq. M. P.

Gilbert Ironside, Esq.

T. B. Hollis, Esq.

William Baker, Esq. M. P.

Sam. Whitbread, jun. Esq. M. P..
Dudley

o

78

Dudley North, Esq. M. P.

Sir John Throckmorton, Bart...
John Courtenay, Esq. M. P.

M. A. Taylor, Esq. M.P.
William Breton, Esq.

Thomas Rogers, Esq.

Hon. Thomas Erskine, M. P.
R. Knight, Esq.

Thomas Thomson, Esq. M. P.
Colonel, Tarleton, M. P.

H. Howorth, Esq.

Mr. Serjeant Bond.

William Lushington, Esq.
Right Hon. Lord J. Russell, M.P.
Samuel Rogers, Esq.

T..C. Curwen, <sq. M. P.
Peregrine Dealtry, Esq.
Richard B, Sheridan, Esq, M. P.
William Fullarton, Esq.
Norman Macleod, Esq. M. P.
James Losh, Esq.

John Sawbridge, Ald. Esq. M. P.
Richard Weld, Esq.

John Claridge, Esq.

John Wharton, Esq.)M. P.
James Martin, Esq, M. P.
William Smith, Esq. M. P.
John Scott, Esq. My P.

Sir Bellingham Graham, Bart.
George Byng, Esq. M. P.

John Cartwright, Esq.

Jer. Batley, Esq.

Ralph Carr, jun. Esq.

Ralph Milbank, Esq. M, P.
Henry Howard, Esq.

Sir J. W..S. Gardiner, Bart.

B. E. Howard, Esq.

E. Bi Clive, Esq.

Henry Howard, Esq. M. P.
John Leach, Esq.

John Nichols, Esq.

Joseph Richardson, Esq.

John Towgood, Esq.

William Chisholm, Esq.

John Fazakerly, Esq.

Richard S. Milnes, Esq. M. P.
Samuel Shore, Esq. P
Samuel Shore, jun. Esq.

APPENDIX TO

Charles Warren, Esq.

Long Kingsman, Esq, T
Edward Jer, Curteisy Esq,

Samuel Long, Esq. M. P,

Henry Swann, Esq.

T. B. Rous, Esq.

D. O'Bryen, Esq-

J. Lodge Batley, Esq,

James West, Esq.

Richard Carpenter Smith, Esq.
W. Powlett Powlett, Esq, M. P. ,
George Livius, Esq. .
Right Hon. Lord Daer.

Hon. John Douglas.

Right Hon. Lord Edw, Fitzgerald.
Rev. Dr. Kippis. ;
James Jacque, Esq.

Francis Love Beckford, Esq.
Adam Walker, Esq. ZN
Richard Sharp, Esq.

Rev. Dr. Joseph Towers.

John Clerk, Esq.

Thomas Bell, Esq.

John Wilson, Esq.

Andrew Stirling, Esq.

ADDRESS TO.
THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN,

NO man, who is not ready to
express his concurrence in our prin-
ciples, by signing the Declaration,
can be admitted into our Society.
The objects of it, as we: conceive,
are of a nature at all times fit to be

pursued and recommended to the ©

country. At different periods they —
have heretofore been avowed and

supported by the highest authori-
ties in this kingdom :—by eminent
individuals, and considerable bodies
of men; by Mr. Locke and Judge

Blackstone; by the late Earl of —

Chatham and Sir George Saville;
by the Duke of Richmond, the
Marquis of Lansdowne, Mr. Pitt,

and Mr, Fox; by petitions from —
several counties, and by repeated

declarations

THE CHRONICLE.

declarations from the city of Lon-
don.—In appealing to the avowed
opinions of men of established re-
putation, or of distinguished tank
in.their country, we do not mean
to strengthen the reason, or enforce
the necessity of the. measure. we
propose, so muchas to obviate ail
personal imputations, which the
enemies of the cause will be ready
to throw upon, those who support
it. It is not.that, on our. own, ac-
count, we dread the effect, or regard
the impression, which such imputa-
tions, may produce; but we. think
it material to the credit and success
of our proceedings, to, shew. that
we.are not aiming at. reforms un-
thought of by wise and. virtuous
men: that our opinions, neither
possess the advantage,nor are liable
to. the, objection of novelty ; and
' that we cannot be accused or sus-
pected of factious purposes or dan-
gerous. designs, without extending
the same accusation or suspicion to
the motives of men whose situation
and.property, independent of their
character, principles, and abilities,
have given them a most important
stake in the peace and good go-
vernment of the kingdom.
Convinced by ourown reflections,
by experience, and by authority, that
the thing we propose, to do is fit to
ne, we have, with equal deli-
beration, weighed the reasons that
may recommend or, be objected to
the present time, as the most or
least proper for bringing it forward.
On. this point, we have no address
to make to the determined enemies
of areform of every kind, ‘Their
objection, whether valid.or not, is
to the substance of the measure, and
ot be abated by circumstances,
lo those who concur generally in
the principle, but who may be in-

2

79

clined, by particular reasons, to de-
fer the attempt, we seriously wish
to submit the, following considera-
tions :— That admitting this to bea
season of general tranquillity in the
country, it is, on that account, the
more, proper for temperate reflec-
tion and prudent exertions, to ac-
complish any necessary improve
ment; it is, the time when practi-
cal measures for that purpose are
most likely to be adopted with dis-
cretion, and pursued with modera-
tion. If we are persuaded to wait
for other times, of a different com-
plexion, for times of public comr
plaint, or general. discontent, we
shall then be told, that general re-
medies are not fit to be proposed in
the moment of particular disorder,
and that it is our duty to wait for
the return of quiet days, unless we
mean, to. create or increase. confu-
sion in the country. ‘The result of
this dilemma, if it be. suffered to
presail, is pure and absolute inacti-
vity, at present, and for ever. On
the other hand, if it be true, as we
are convinced it is, that, in this ge-
neral appearance of tranquillity,
there is some mixture of discontent,
as well as. of strong.and well-ground-
ed opinion, on the subject of abuses
in the government and corruptions
of the constitution, we wish it to be
considered bf men, whose judgment
has been formed or enlightened by
experience, and whose. actions are
most likely to be directed,by pru-
dence, whether, in taking proper
measures to remove the cause and
objects of such discontent of opi-
nion, the choice of the time be not
a material part of the measure; and
whether the earliest time that can
be taken, for preventing the in-
crease of an existing evil, be not the
safest and the best ? ;

The

80

The example and situation of an-
other kingdom, are held out to de-
ter us from innovations of any kind.
We say, that the reforms we have
in view, are not innovations. Our
intention is, not to change, but to
restore; not to displace, but to re-
instate the constitution upon its
true principles and its original
ground. In the conduct of persons
most likely to reproach us with a
spirit of innovation, we see a solid
ground for retorting the imputa-
tion. Their professions of admira-
tion of the beauty, and of zeal for
the security of the constitution, ap-
pear to us too lavish to be sincere,
especially when compared with
those practical violations with which
they suffer this beautiful system to
be invaded, and to which they ne-
ver refuse to givetheir concurrence.
They will not innovate,—but they
are no enemies to gradual decay ;
as if the changes insensibly produc-
ed by time, and nourished by neg-
lect, were not in effect the most
dangerous innovations. But what
security have we, that the disposi-
tions of such men are not something
avorse than passive? How are we
assured that, in praising the constitu-
tion, their intention is not to adorn
a victim which they wish to sacri-
fice, or to flatter the beauty they
are endeavouring to corrupt? Let
their intention be what it may, we
answer their accusation in the words
of one of the wisest of mankind *:
«« That time is the greatest innova-
tor; and if time, of course, alter
things for the worse, and if wisdom
and counsel shall not alter them for
the better, what shall be the end ?”’

By the reform proposed by Lord
Chathamt+,he declared inthe House

* Lord Bacon.

+ Jan, 22, 1770.

APPENDIX TO

of Lords, that he meant ¢o infuse a
portion of new health into the consti-
tution. The Duke of Richmond has
declared}, that ‘his reasons in
favour of a parliamentary reform
were formed_on the experience of
twenty-six years; which, whether in
or out of government, had equally
convinced him, that the restoration
of a genuine House of Commons,
by a renovation of the rights of the
people, was the only remedy against
that system of corruption which
had brought the nation to disgrace
and poverty, and threatened it with
the loss of liberty.”

Other authorities in favour of a
parliamentary reform, as direct and
explicit as these, might be quoted
in abundance. ‘The public is pos-
sessed of them. We rather wish to
encounter, because we are sure we
can efface, in every rational mind,
the impression, which may have
been made bya view of those events
which have attended a total change
in the constitution of France, We
deny the existence of any resem-
blance whatever between-the cases
of the two kingdoms; and we ut-
terly disclaim the necessity of re-
sorting tosimilar remedies.—We do
not believe that, at this day, an
absolute avowed despotism in the
hands of the executive power,
would be endured in this country,
But who can say to what conclu-
sion the silent unresisted operation
of abuses, incessantly acting, and
constantly increasing, may lead us
hereafter! what habits it may gra-
dually create! what power it may
finally establish !’ The abuses in the
government of France were suffered
to gather and accumulate, until no-
thing but an eruption could put an

+ Jan, 17, 1783.
end

THE CHRONICLE.

end to them. The discontent of
the people was converted into des-
pair. Preventive remedies were
either not thought of in time, or
were not proposed until it was too
late to apply them with effect. The
subversion of the ancient govern-
ment ensued. ‘The inference from
this comparison is at once so pow-
erful and so obvious, that we know
not by what argument to illustrate
or enforce it. "We mean to avert
for ever from our country the cala-
mities inseparable from such con-
vulsions. If there be, as it is said,
in any part of this kingdom, a dis-
Position to promote confusion, or
even to arrive at improvement by
unconstitutional and irregular cour-
ses, we hold ourselves as strictly
pledged to resist that disposition,
wherever it may appear, as to pur-
sue our objects by unexceptionable
methods. If, on the contrary, it
be true that the mass of the people
are satisfied with the present state
of things, or indifferent about it; if
they approve of the representation
asit stands, the form of election, and
the duration of the trust; or if, con-
demning these things, they are de-
termined, from indolence or de-
spair, not to attempt to correct
them,—then indeed the efforts of
individuals may be ineffectual, but
they cannot be injurious to the
peace of the community. If the
spirit of the constitution be dead in
the hearts of the people, no human
industry can revive it.—To affirm
that extensive mischief may be done
bya statement of facts or arguments
which make no general impression
on the public mind, is a proposition
that contradicts itself, and requires
no other refutation, We trust it

81

will be proved by experiment, that
these inconsistent assertions are
equally unfounded, and that the
people of this country are no more
disposed to submit to abuses with-
out complaint, than to look for re-
dress in any proceedings repugnant
to the laws, or unwarranted by the
constitution. Between anarchy and
despotism, speaking for ourselves,
we have no choice to make; we
have no preference to give. We
neither admit the necessity, nor can
we endure the idea of resorting to
either of these extremities as a re-
fuge from the other. The course
we are determined to pursue, is
equally distant from both.

Finally, we assert, that it must
be blindness not to see, and trea-
chery not to acknowledge, ~

That ‘ * the instruments of pow-
er are not perhaps so open and
avowed as they formerly were, and
therefore are the less liable to jea-
lous and invidious reflections; but
they are not the weaker upon that
account. In short, our national
debts and taxes have, in their natu-
ral consequences, thrown such a
weight of power into the executive
scale of government, as we cannot
think was intended by our patriot
ancestors, who gloriously struggled
for the abolition of the then formid-
able parts of the prerogative, and
by an unaccountable want of fore-
sight, established this system in
their stead.”” Our general object
is to recover and preserve the true
balance of the constitution.

These are the principles of our
Association, and, on our steady
adherence to them, we look with just
confidence to the approbation and
support of the people in the prose-

* Blackstone,

* Vor. XXXIV.

F

cution

82

cution of our object. A measure,
so likely to be opposed by the
united strength of various interests,
an never succeed but by the de-
clared and hearty concurrence of
the nation.

Resolved unanimously, That a
motion be made in the House of
Commons, at an early period in the
next session of parliament, for in-
troducing a parliamentary reform.

Resolved unanimously, That Cha.
Grey, Esq. be requested to make,
and the Hon. Thomas Erskine to
second, the above motion,

Signed by the unanimous order
of this Meeting. |

W. H. Lamson, Chairman.

At a Meeting of the Society of the
Friends of the People, associated
jor the Purpose of obtaining a
Parliamentary Reform, held at
the Freemasons’ Tavern, on Sa-
turday, May 5, 1792, Wilizam
Baker, Esq. M. P. in the Chair.
The Right Hon. Lord John Rus-
sell, M. P. Deputy Chairman.

Mr. Baker, from the Commit-
tee, brought up the following Re-
solutions, which were agreed to by
the Society :—_

Resolved, That it appears to this
Meeting, that a formal notice hay-
ang been given in the House of
Commons, on Monday the 30th of
April, by Charles Grey, Esq. of
his intention to bring forward, at
an early period in the next session
of parliament, a motion for a par-
diamentary reform, occasion has
since been taken to throw out and
propagate a variety of aspersions,
equally groundiess in substance,
and opprobrious in terms, against
the motives, objects, and proceed-
ings of this Association.

‘

APPENDIX

TO

Resolved, That although we are
of opinion that the true objects of
our institution have been clearly
defined, and distinctly expressed in
our Declaration and Address, it may
nevertheless be adviseable to en-
counter and repel the calumnies
with which we have been attacked,
by the following observations, which
we willingly submit to the cool and
impartial judgment of our country.
—That whereas it is objected gene-
rally by persons who have not yet
ventured to deny the necessity of a

réform in the actual representation

of the people, at some proper but
undetermined period, that the time
we have taken, and the mode we
have adopted, for bringing forward
the measure, are likely to produce
the most dangerous consequencesin
the,country; we say that the argu-
ments, which determined us in the
choice of the time, have been fully
statedin our Address, but have been
nowhere answered, nor at all fairly
considered. ‘This objection is urged
and relied on, as if it had net been
foreseen and anticipated. We must
content ourselves, therefore, with
re-asserting, thata season of quiét
and prosperity is the most proper for
mild and temperate discussion, as
well as for taking moderate and rea-
sonable securities -for the future:
and that the choice of such a time
is alone sufficieut to clear us of any
intention to promote popular dis-
content. But we understand it has
been particularly asserted, that the
present time is improper, because no
specific grievance exists; whereas
the period, when former proposals
for reform were’ offered to parlia-
raent, was perfectly proper, because
a grievance did then subsist in the
American war; the origin, the con-
tinuance, and the calamities of

which

THE

which were attributed to, or sup-
‘posed to be connected with, the
imperfect and corrupted state of
the representation of the people in
parliament.—We do not admit that
the immediate non-existence of
grievances, which the acknow-
ledged corruption of the institution
is at all times equally capable of
producing, is any objection against
taking securities to prevent the re-
turn of such grievances. But we
positively affirm, that in fact, a case
has lately occurred, which, on the
very principles of the objection,
establishes the necessity of a reform
in the construction of the House of
Commons. We mean the late ar-
mament intended to act against
Russia, which might have involved
the nation in a most impolitic and
ruinous war; and to which a large
majority of the House of Commons
gave their support, in direct con-
tradiction to the real interests, and
to the acknowledged sense of the
people.—With respect to the mode
of our proceeding, we conceive,
that the objections urged against
it ought to have been as precise,
as specific, as the reasons we have
assigned in support of it. Instead
of comparing the principles we
profess with those of the constitu-
tion; instead of canvassing the terms
of our declaration, and proving a
contradiction between our profes-
sions and our conduct, it is thought
fit to load us with a loose, unsuyy-
ported, general charge, expressed
in the language of reproach, not of
argument; of uniting with certain
_bodies of men, whose principles
and practice, as far as they appear
to be such as they are represented,
we have not only disclaimed in the
strongest terms, but have declared,
that we are determined to resist to

CHRONICLE.

83

the utmost of our ability. Nota
single proposition,not one senteuce,
not even a word in the Declaration
and Address, which we have sub-
mitted to the public, has been
pointed out as liable to an objec-
tion of any kind. We do believe
that the minds of men are every
day more and more enlightened on
the subject of the constitution and
government of their country, as
well as more attentive to it, than
in former times:—that disposition
has not been created by any efforts
of curs:—we are of opinion, that
it exists very generally through this
kingdom. Is it useful to discour-
age, is it possible to suppress it?
We earnestly recommend it to
those who wish well to the peace
of the kingdom, to consider seri-
ously, whether, under the acknow-
ledged existence of abuses, a de-
clared resistance to every proposal
for amendment may not, in the
event, prove favourable to the views
of men whose principles’ are de-
structive of all good government,
and wholly irreconcileable with the
object of our Association.—Hefore
the motion, to which one of our
members, in compliance with the
request of the Society, has pledged
himself, can be made, we hope the
sense of the country will be dis-
tinctly expressed. If, after having
done every thing in our power to
obtain the reform, which we think
wanting, the country shall appear
to be satisfied with the present state
of representation, we must and shall
submit: if, on the contrary, the
propriety of our measures shall ap-
pear to be generally felt and ac-
knowledged, we_shall hold ourselves
bound to use every Jegal and con-
stitutional means of effecting a time-
ly and temperate retorm ; the only

FQ one

84
one which we can propose, and the
only one to which we will give our
concurrence. Whenever that ob-
ject is obtained, our Association is
at an end:—we go no farther. The
people then will possess a more per-
fect organ to express their senti-
ments, and a power to correct those
abuses, which we call subordinate,
and which we believe to proceed
principally from the present depra-
ved state of the representation of
the people in parliament.

Resolved, Vhat the above reso-
lutions, proposed by the Commit-
tee, be agreed to, and adopted by
the Society, and that the Committee
be instructed to publish the same.

Signed by order of the Committee,
Wittram Baker, M.P.
Chairman.

Friends of the People.

At a General Meeting of the Soci-
ety of The Friends of the People,
associated for the Purpose of ob-
taining a Parliamentary Reform,
held at the Freemasons Tavern
on the 2d of June, 1792,

Sir John Throckmorton, Bart.
in the Chair:

ORDERED, That the following
Letter, and the Answer, of the
Committee of this Society, be
printed and published.

“Committee of the Society for
Constitutional Information at
Sheffield, to the Committee of
the Honourable Society, enti-
tled The Friends of the People,
in London.

“‘ Gentlemen,

‘¢ It is with infinite pleasure we
have read and considered your ad-

APPENDIX TO

dress and declaration from your ge~
neral meeting on the 26th of April
last. The principles therein set
forth by so large a body of the most
respectable and worthy characters,
are sufficient. testimony and confir-
mation to us, that so honourable a
Society, by signalizing themselves
in support of the laudable and ge-
neral cause of the community, will
render themselves most truly wor-
thy of that high and benevolent
appellation by which they are al-
ready known to us, The Friends ef
the People.

‘¢ Your sentiments, your motives,
and vour plan of obtaining a reform
of the abuses of governmentare per-
fectly in unison with our ideas: itis
our business (to which we have al-
ways confined our endeavours) to
instruct the people in a temperate
and peaceable manner in the neces-
sity of such areformas you pointout,
but have never yet attempted to a-
dopt or point outany particularmode
of obtaining it, further than you will
observe by the inclosed, believing
that in due time, men of more re-
spectable charactersand greater abi-
lities would step forward. To such
we have always had an eye, and up-
on such we have ever meant to rely
for our government, and the adop-
tion of the most eligible plan of a
morefreeandequal representation in
the House of Commons, and the re-
moval of the great abuses and impo-
sitions by measures altogether inad-
equate to the interest and welfare of
the nation in general, and to the
mechanical and laborious part of
the community in particular,

«It is therefore with the highest
degree of satisfaction that we behold
such a respectable body stepping
forward in so laudable, so just, and
sogoodacause. You have our warm-

est

THE CHRONICLE.

est wishes, sincerest thanks, and
assured endeavours of supporting it,
to the best of our abilities, in a ra-
tional and peaceable way. {tis our
duty, and it will ever claim our at-
tentionstrictly toadhere to, to main-
tain, and be governed by the prin-
ciples laid down in your declaration.
Notwithstanding the gross and fal-
lacious insinuations of the enemies
of justice and equity, we are as-
sured that no honest man being ac-
quainted with our principles, would
have attempted to declare in the
House, the design of these associa-
tions is completely to overturn the
constitution, &c.; and we are sorry
that Mr. Baker was under the disa-
greeable necessity of explaining, in
answer tosuch gross assertions, with-
out having it'in his power to speak
with precision to the principles and
design of this, and the similar socie-
ties, and to have them united with
yours in his explanation. For this,
and similar reasons, we are induced
to take the liberty of troubling you
with theabove, and followingsketch.
Our Members are now about 2400;
yet we have the satisfaction with
truth to affirm, that not the least
disorder or confusion hath made its
appeance amongst us: all is una-
nimity, peace, and concord. As
our members increase, the number
of meeting-places are increased in
proportion, so as not to exceed at
most thirty members at one place,
All the circular meetings are held
once a fortnight, on the samc even-
ing. Our general meeting is held
once a month at three different
houses, on the same day, generally
very crowded; yet good order and
regularity aré strictly attended to;
nd we doubt not but what has been
sted to be impossible, will be

y manifested to be not only prae-
ticable, but easy to accomplish, viz.

85

to introduceuseful knowledge, good
order and regularity, into the minds
and morals of the common or low-
er orders of people.

“ We are perfectly satisfied of
the integrity and abilities of those
respectable characters who consti-
tute the Society of the Friends of
the People: but if we may presume
to lay before them some thoughts
we have had respecting what me-
thod would be the best to adopt for
obtaining the general sense of the
nation, before the proposed’ motion
in the next session of parliament
takes place, we beg leave, with
great deference to that honourable
Society to sebmit the following to
their superior judgment. We be-
lieve the most likely and effectual
plan will be to establish a convention
in London by deputies from each
county or district, by which means
the sentiments of the nation may
be obtained without any confusion
or disorder.

* Looking up to the Friends of
the People as our leaders and direc-
tors in this great and necessary bu-
siness, we shall be happy and es-
teem it a great favour, to receive
any communication which they may
vouchsafe to favour us with.

« TJ have the honour to be,
“‘ with esteem,
“ Yours very respectfully,
“ Samuren Asuton; Sec.

“ By order of Committee.
“* Sheffield, May 14, 1792.”

The Committee of the Society of
the Friends of the People, asso-
siated for the Purpose of ob-
taining a Parliamentary Re-
Jorm, to the Committee of the
Society for Constitutional In
Sormation in Sheffield.

F3 No. 52,

86 APPENDIX TO

No. 52, Frith-street, London,
Sir, May 24, 1792.

WE beg leave to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the
14th instant, and toreturn you our
thanks for a confidence which we
trust our future conduct will merit
from our country,

We have received sincere plea-
sure, not only from the firm and
virtuous tone in which you have
spoken your principies, but from
the wise and teiaperate manner in
which you have limited their appli-
cation to practice. We rejoice that
“* our sentiments, our motives, and
‘our plans of reform, are perfectly
‘in unison with your ideas,” be-
cause we believe that a conduct in
the great body of the people corres-
ponding tosuch “sentiments,” will
equally confound the two opposite
classes of enemies to the public
weal, that it will defeat the hopes of
those who would dupe the people
into tumult, and that it will silence
the slanders of those advocates of
corruption who have laboured to
render the cause of Liberty odious
and terrible to all good citizens, by
confounding it with principles of
anarchy, and by loading it with the
obloquy of provoking civil commo-
tion, and of endangering the destruc-
tion of a constitution, justly re-
nowned for the freedom and hap-
piness which it has so long bestowed.
—You are pleased to say that ‘you
** look up to the Friends of the Peo-
‘* ple as your leaders and directors
‘in this great business.”? Autho-
rized as we feel ourselves by this
proffered guidance, and by that har-
mony of sentiment which, from the
tenor of your letter, we must sup-
pose to exist between you and our-
selves, permit us to lay before you
some ideas which are dictated by

zeal for our common cause, The
cause of liberty can never be endan-
gered by the assault of its enemies,
but may sometimes be exposed by
the indiscretion of its friends. Its
principles are founded onimpregna-
bie reason, and its enemiesare there-
fore too dexterous direetly to attack
them. Itis not against the reason-
ings of the champions of corruption
(for they have produced none) but
itis against their craft and their
misrepresentation, that we have
found it necessary to defend our-
selves by the wariness ofour language
andourconduct. A similar wariness,
as far as the authority of our opini-
on can extend, we must counsel all
societies associated on similar prin-
ciples for the accomplishment of the
same object, to observe. Accused
as they are, in common with our-
selves, of neditating one object and
holding forth anether; of seducing
the people by a measure so specious
and salutary as parliamentary re-
form, into other measures of despe-
rate tendency and undefinable ex-
tent, we canonly advise them tofol-
low our example in honestly and so-
lemnly declaring, that ‘“‘ they make
‘<the preservation of the constituti-
‘on, onits true principles, the foun-
‘‘ dation of all their proceedings,’?
and the measure of all their reform.
Language thus explicit, will effec-
tually combat misrepresentations, to
which, perhaps, ardent indiscretion
may have sometimes furnished pre-
texts. An early declaration of these
opinions, which we sincerely believe
you to entertain, will conciliate
many to the cause of reform, who
are now held in honest neutrality by
their fears. The Friends of Order,
after such a declaration, justified
by consistent conduct, will be no
longer driven to seek refuge from
anarchy in the bosom of corruption,

The

THE CHRONICLE.

The interested supporters of the
present abuses will thus be disarm-
ed; for it is only by confounding re-
form with commotion, and corrup-
tion with the British constitution,
that they are enabled to prolong and
to defend their usurpations. All our
Janguage, as you wili perceive from
the proceedings which we transmit
to you, has been cautious, because
all our views are moderate. Weare
persuaded that you have a similar
moderation of views, and we earn-’
estly exhort you to a similar cau-
tion in language. ;

It is only indeed with Societies
who express the same moderation
of principles, and adopt the same
wariness of language, that this So-
ciety can entertain any correspond-
ence, or promise any co-operation,
We have publickly disclaimed what
we condemn, as well as avowed our
real object, and on occasion un-
sought for by us, in conformity with
this principle, we have been com-
pelled to decline all intercourse with
the Society for Constitutional Infor-
mation in London; for though we
neither wish to attack, nor pretend
to dictate, we are certainly entitled
to decline all intercourse with men
whose views and principles appear
to us irreconcileable with our own.

On the particular measure which
you suggest for collecting the opi-
nion of the people on the subject of
reform, we do not feel ourselves
yet prepared to decide. In amore
advanced stage of the business, it
_ may become very fit matter for de-
liberation.

Permit us, Sir, to conclude with
congratulating you, and likewise our
country, on the admirable principles
which your letter contains, and on
the intrepid moderation which it
entitles us to expect from you.

87

You will deprive cur enemies of
every pretext for counterfeiting
alarms which they do not feel, and
of every opportunity to defeat our
measures, by culumniating our in-
tentions.

In the name, and by order of the
Committee, "

(Signed) C. Grey, Chairman.
To Samuel Ashton, Esq. Secretary

to the Society, &c. in Sheffield.

Freemasons Tavern, Saturday,
June 9, 1792.

At a General Meeting of the Society
of The Friends of the People, as«
sociated for the Purpose of obtain-
tag a Parliamentary Reform, held
this day,

The following Letter, addressed to
the Chairman of this Society,
was read:

John Wharton, Esq, M. P. in
the Chair,

“Sir, Monday Noon, June 4, 1792.

“ After the strong Declaration.
and Protest, which some of us.
thought it our duty to make, at the
meeting on the 19th of May, and in
which we all heartily concurred, we
might perhaps have been justified
in adopting that line of conduct
which we now find ourselves bound
to pursue, immediately on the ap-
pearance of the paper from.the So-
ciety for Constitutional Information,
on the 25th of that month, if we had
not been anxious, in that moment
of critical expectation, to check
every symptom of disunion among
ourselves, in the sanguine hepe that
at the meeting on Saturday last,
the most decisive measures might
have been taken to obviate the fatal
effects of that publication,

‘You, Sir, will recollect the
weighty objections which were made

: to,

88

to Mr. Cooper's admission as a
member of the Association, the
specific ground of those objections,
and the declared resolution of some
of us to renounce our cennection
with the Association on that very
account: And, as we cannot distin-
guish between the appointment of
that gentleman to correspond with
the Jacobins at Paris, and the ex-
press avowal of a similar corres-
pondence actually carried on under
the hand and signature of Mr, Cart-
wright, we are at a loss to conceive
upon what principle the one should
have ceased to belong to the Asso-
ciation, which did not equally de-
mand the exclusion of the other.
“No step of this sort appears to
have beentaken; retaining the same
opinion of the propriety of a parlia-
mentary reform, agreeably to those
principles which alone induced us
to engage in the Association, and
which we have repeatedly declared
to the public, we feel what is due to
our own consistency of conduct ;
and under this impression, we think
it incumbent on us to withdraw our
names from a society, which, by
continuing such connections, will,
in our opinion, frustrate the attain-
ment of those very objects for which
alone the Association was instituted,
and to which alone its attention
ought to directed.

*“* We have, Sir, the honour to be
** Your most obedient
‘© and humble servants,

(Signed) “ Joun Russet,

“« WittramM BAKER,
s¢ J. C. CURWEN,

“« Duptey Norn.

“© J, CouRTENAY.

« To the Chairman of the As-
sociation for oblaining a
Parliamentary Reform.”

APPENDIX TO

Resolved unanimously, That if it
had occurred to any Member of this
Association, that Major Cartwright
ought to have been excluded on
Saturday last, it would have been
an act of public duty in such Mem-
ber to have brought forward a mo-
tion for that purpose.

Resolved unanimously, That no
one of the gentlemen who have as-
signed the continuance of Major
Cartwright in the Society as their
sole reason for quitting it, did at-
tend at the general meeting on Sa-
turday last.

Resolved unanimously, That it
does not appear upon what reason-
able ground the five gentlemen, who
have now quitted the Association,
could have entertained a “sanguine
hope” that measures, which even
they did not think fit to recommend,
should have been proposed by others
in their absence.

Resolved unanimously, That at
the meeting of the 19th of May, the
name of Mr. Cooper was voluntarily

withdrawn by the gentleman who

had originally proposed him, be-
fore any objection had been pub-
lickly made, or anv thing whatever
had been said in the Society upon
the subject.

Resolved unanimously, That this
Society have entered into no con-
nexions whatsoever, inconsistent
with their declared principles; but,
on the contrary, have publicly de-
clined all intercourse with another
Society, whose views and objects
appeared to them irreconcileable
with the real interests of the people,
and the genuine principles of the
constitution,

Resolved unanimously, That if this
Society had in any instance contra-
dicted, or departed from the declar-
ed principles and objects of their

institution,

THE CHRONICLE.

institution, or deviated from the
mode which was originally adopted
for obtaining them, individuals
might then be justified in with-
drawing from it.

Resolved unanimously, That no
act, proceeding, or resolution of the
Association, has been, or can be,
pointed out, in which they have
contradicted or departed from the
declared principles and objects of
their institution, or deviated from
the mode which was originally
adopted for obtaining them.

Resolved unanimously, That the
Secretary bedirected toexpungethe
name of Lord John Russell from
the books of this Society.

“Resolved unanimously. That the
Secretary be directed to expunge
the name of William Baker, Esq.
from the books of this Society.

Resolved unanimously, That the
Secretary be directed to expunge
the name of John Christian Curwen,
Esq. from the books of this Society.

Resolved unanimously, That the
Secretary be directed to expunge
the name of Dudley North, Esq.
from the books of this Society.

Resolved unanimously, That the
Secretary be directed to expunge
the name of John Courtenay, Esq.
from the books of this Society,

The names of those five gentle-
men being expunged agreeably to
the resolutions of this Society,

Ordered, that the proceedings of
the Society, on this day, be printed
and published,

In name and by order of the

Society,
(Signed)
Joun WHARTON,
tht Chairman,

89

Proceedings of the Society of the
Friends of ihe People, at Free-
masons’ Tavern, Dec. 15.

FRIENDS OF THE PEOPLE.

Freemasons’ Laverr, Dec. 15, 1792.
THE Society of the Friends of

the People, associated for the pur-

pose of obtaining a parliamentary
reform, after a careful revision of
all their declarations, resolutions,
and proceedings since their insti-
tution, as well as the events which
have taken place since their last
meeting; and after an attentive
consideration of the present state
of public affairs,—the apparent dis-
position of the people at this time
—the acknowledged conviction of
all men, of all parties, of the ne-
cessity of a parliamentary reform,
and with.no other difference of
opinion, but concerning the extent
of the measure, or the time for
proposing it; and finally, the situ-
ation in which the Society is placed
by their own engagement, and by
the expectations formed of their’
future conduct, have this day
Unanimously Resolved, That they ,
hold themselves bound by every
tie of honour and of duty to
persevere in their endeavours to
accomplish, through the known
channels of the constitution, the
object of their association ; namely,
an effectual reform in the construc-
tion of the house of Commons, un-
til the object is obtained, or shall
be found to be evidently unattain-
able by their efforts, or by any of
those means in which they can par-
ticipate. That considering the pains
incessantly taken to traduce the
character and principles of this So-
ciety, first, by endeavouring to con-
found the idea of a reform in par-
liament with that of disaffection
the

go

the established constitution of this
kingdom, as if a real representation
of the commons were incompatible
with the security of a limited mo-
narchy, as if the crown were not
safe with an honest unbiassed House
of Commons, or as if the idea of
such reform had been at all times
reprobated, as it now is, by those
who occupy the highest station of
profit and confidence under the
crown; and then by uniting us in
the same description and obloquy

with persons whom they call re-

publicans and levellers, and with
whom, if such doctrines and per-
sons exist, we have no connexion,
we think it incumbent on us to
declare once more, that we disclaim
the views and principles so basely
and falsely attributed to us; and
that detesting, as we do, the cor-
ruption and baseness notoriously
prevailing and increasing in every
branch and department of govern-
ment, our sole wish and object is
to provide a constitutional instru-
ment and power, by which they
may be removed or corrected in a
regular parliamentary way. That,
calling, as we have done, for the
Support of the country in their
own cause, and for the purposes
which we have repeatedly declared,
and soliciting the assistance of every
man who approves of our design,
and may be desirous to promote
it, we at the same time most ear-
nestly exhort and conjure the true
friends of the cause of reform, to
discourage, and resist to the utmost
of their ability, every attempt to
support it by any other means than
those which the laws permit and
the constitution warrants. Mis-
taken zeal is always at the mercy,
and too often under the guidance,
of real treachery. They who af-

APPENDIX TO ‘

fect most to abhor sedition, are
sometimes found at the bottom of
it themselves; and instances are

not wanting to prove, that, under |

the specious pretence of strengthen-
ing the hands of government, a de-
sign may be formed of destroying
the liberty of the press, of calling
in the military power, and finally
annihilating the civil government
of the country. That whereas we
have received assurances from nu~
merousand respectable associations,
in different parts of this united
kingdom, of their entire concur-
rence in our declared views and
principles, of their confidence in
our integrity and prudetce, and of

their determination to support us, -

we earnestly hope that those asso-
ciations, as well as all others who
are friends to the same cause, will
confine themselves to the same dis-
tinct object that we do, and co-

operate with us on the principles _

stated in this and our former de-
clarations. In return, we promise
them, that we will exerty and de-
vote our faculties and our labours
faithfully, honourably, and steadily,
to the great cause of reform in
which we are engaged and united
with them.
In the name and by the order
of the society. (Signed)
SamueL WHITBREAD, Jun.
Chairman.

Proceedings of the Society of the

Friends to the Freedom of the Press.

LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.

Freemasons’ Tavern, Dec. 22. —

At a General Meeting of Friends
to the Freedom of the Press,
convened this Day by public
Advertisement,

Gerard | |

oe ee

THE CHRONICLE.

Gerard Noel Edwards, Esq.
‘ M. P. in the Chair,

Unanimously Resolved,

__ 1. That the liberty of the press
is a right inseparable from the prin-

ciples of a free government, and
essential to the security of the Bri-
tish constitution,

2. That this liberty consists in
the free discussion and examination
of the principles of civil govern-
ment, and of all matters of public
Opinion.

3. That no writing ought to be
considered as a public libel, and
made the subject of criminal pro-
secution, unless such writing shall
appear to be published with a de-
sign to excite the people to resist
the civil magistrate, or obstruct the
execution of the existing laws.

4, That such publications may
become proper objects of prosecu-
tion; and that the executive go-
vernment is entrusted with powers
amply sufficient for that purpose.

5. That we have therefore seen,
with uneasiness and alarm, the for-
mation of certain societies, which,
under the pretence of supporting
om executive magistrate, and de-
ending the government against se-
dition, have held out general terrors
against the circulation of writings,
which, without describing them,
they term seditious, and entered
into subscriptions for the mainte-
nance of prosecutions against them:
—a proceeding doubtful as to its
legality, unconstitutional in its prin-
ciple, oppressive in its operation,
and destructive to the liberty of the
press.

_ 6. Thatsuch associationshave ap-
ag to us the more exception-
able from an attentive observation
f their proceedings ;—whilst mu-

Sh

gl

tually binding and engaging them-
selves to enforce the execution of
the laws against seditious libels,
they have themselves produced and
circulated publications containing
doctrines long since exploded, and
which, if admitted, would prove the
Revolution to have been an act of
rebellion, and the title of the reign-
ing family to the throne of these
kingdoms, to be founded in usur-
pation and injustice.

7. That a system of jealousy and
arbitrary coercion of the people
has been at all times dangerous to
the stability of the English govern-
ment.

8. That, anxious to preserve the
public peace as connected with
public liberty, this meeting consi-
ders it as an indispensable duty to
warn their fellow-subjects againstall
proceedings which appear to be
inconsistent with either, on what-
ever pretext they may be grounded;
we are therefore determined to op-
pose, to the utmost of our power,
every attempt to prejudice any
part of the constitution, to maintain
that which appears to be its best
security, the freedom of the press ;
and to use our endeavours to coun-
teract the effect of measures which
seem calculated to suppress that li-
beral sentiment and manly freedom
of discussion, which form the life
and soul of the British constitution.

9. That the thanks of this meet-
ing are particularly due to the
Honourable Thomas Erskine, for
his constitutional defence of the
freedom of opinion and the liberty
of the press, in a late trial; a de-
fence in which he displayed ability,
independence, zeal, and eloquence
never surpassed on any former oc-
casion at the English bar, though
that defence was made under cir-

cumstances

g2

cumstances of such peculiar diffi-
culty and embarrassment as re-
quired his determined spirit and
unshaken fortitude to overcome,
and though he had to encounter
every prejudice which art or indus-
try could excite.
By order of the Meeting,
(Signed)
Gerarp Nort Epwarps,
Chairman.

Association for preserving Liberty
and Property against Republicans
and Levellers.

November 20.

At a Meeting of Gentlemen at the
Crown and Anchor Tavern,

John Reeves, Esq. in the Chair,

The following Considerations and
Resolutions were entered into
and agreed upon:

debeenrgesa sat the danger to
which the public peace and
order are exposed by the circu-
lating of mischievous opinions,
founded upon plausible but false
reasoning ; and that this circulation
is principally carried on by the in-
dustry of clubs and societies of va-
rious denominations in many parts
of the kingdom, it appears to us,
That it is now become the duty
of all persons who wish well to
their native country, to endeavour,
in their several neighbourhoods, to
prevent the sad effects of such mis-
chievous industry; and that it
would greatly tend to promote
these good endeavours, if Societies
were formed in different parts of

the kingdom, whose object should.

be to support the laws, to suppress
seditious publications, and to de-
fend our persons and property a-

APPENDIX TO

gainst the innovations and depre- —
dations that seem to be threatened
by those who maintain the mis- —
chievous opinions before alluded
to. These opinions are conveyed
in the terms of The Rights of Man— —
Liberty and Equality—No King—
No Parliament—and others of the
like import; all of them, in the
sense imposed on them, expressing
sentiments in direct opposition to ~
the laws of this land, and some of —
them such as are inconsistent with —
the well-being of society under any —
laws whatsoever. It appears to us,

the tendency of these opinions is, ~
that we are voluntarily to surrender
every thing we now possess; our ©
religion and our laws, our civil go- —
vernment and civil society; and
that we are to trust to the forma- —
tion of something new, upon the
principles of equality, and under
the auspices of speculative men, —
who have conceived ideas of per- —
fection that never yet where known
in the world: and it appears that
the missionaries of this sect are-
aiming at effecting the overthrow
of the present system of govern-
ment and society, by infusing into
the minds of ignorant men causes —
of discontent adapted to their va-
rious stations; some of which
causes are wholly imaginary, and —
the rest are such as inseparably be- —
long to civil life ; have existed, and
ever will exist, under all forms of —
government; cannot. be removed ~
by any change, and will be aggra- —
vated and multiplied a hundred fold
by the change proposed.—It ap-
pears from history and observation, —
that the inequality of rank and —
fortune in this happy country, is: r
more the result of every man’s own ~
exertions than of any controuling

institution of the state. Men be-—

come

THE CHRONICLE.

come great who have greatly dis-
tinguished themselves by the ap-
plication of talents natural or ac-
quired ; and men become rich, who
have persevered with industry in
the application to trade and com-
merce, to manufactures, and other
useful employments. How many
_persons now of great rank and for-
tune, who were born without
either! How many rich merchants
and traders who begun their career
in the lowest employments of the
shop and counting-house! In the
' progress to this advancement they
have all, in their stations, contri-
buted their share toward the show
of opulence, both public and pri-
vate; which is to be seen in every
part of this island. It is by the
effects of this industry that the
entleman is enabled to support

fis rank and station; and the mer-
chant and tradesman to employ
his clerks, journeymen, and ap-
prentices. Hence comes the price
of the farmer’s corn, and the wages
of servants of every description.
By this happy inequality, and de-
pendence of one man on another,
employment is found for all, in
their several vocations to which
_ they have been called by design or
accident. This inequality and de-
pendence is so infinitely diversified
im this country, that there is no
place upon earth where thcre are
89 many ways in which a man by
_ his talents and industry may raise
himself above his equals. This has
hitherto been thought a pre-emi-
ment happiness that was peculiar
to ourselves, and ought to be che-
fished: it has been ascribed to the
protecting influence which proper-
hhas always enjoyed under equal

laws ; and it has increased of late
years in a wonderful degree, by
“prosperity which was caused,

93

and can only be continued by the
same influence. Weare, upon the
fullest deliberation, of opinion,
that proposing to pull down this
goodly fabric, which has been gra-
dually reared by the successive vir-
tue and industry of all the great
and good men who have lived in
this island for centuries; and to sub-
mit to begin afresh upon a new
system of Equality, as it is called,
seems a proposition that can be
suggested only by the most undis-
guised wickedness, and entertained
by the grossest folly. Because, if
so wild a plan was to be carried
into execution, and all men were
made equal, they would from that
moment begin to struggle who
should first rise above his equals; and
it is beyond all question (if there
was any industry, or any virtue; if
there was peace and public pros-
perity ; if there was private happi-
ness and public virtue in such new-
formed society) there would gra-
dually arise an inequality of rank
and fortune. We foresee, from re-
cent experiment, in a neighbour-
ing country, that in the operation
of bringing to pass such a transi-
tion, the lives and properties of all
persons in this island would be ex-
posed tothe arbitrary disposal ofself-
opinionated philosophers and a wild
and needy mob, deluded and insti-
gated by them; that with the in-
troduction of equality in rank and
fortune, an expectation would be
raised in the lower orders, which
must first be gratified with plunder,
and afterwards would sink into a
state of disappointment and abject
poverty. When all were equalized,
there would no longer be a super-
fluity to pay the hire of servants,
or purchase the productions of art
or manufacture ; no commerce, no
credit; no resource for the active

but

Ot

but in robbery, and in all those
public disorders which make life
miserable. Thus would the pre-
sent generation be certainly ruin-
ed; that which is to follow could
not propose to itseiffa remedy, but
in pursuing the same arts of peace
which had been so capriciously
abandoned; and the more they
prospered in that pursuit, the more
they would contribute ta reproduce
the inequality which had been be-
fore condemned and exploded.—
Where then are the blessings of
this reform, and to what purpose
is misery to be brought-on the
present generation? It is with grief
we see, in a neighbouring country,
that the carrying into practice this
wild doctrine of Equality and the
Rights of Man, has already pro-
duced these evils, and others ten
thousand times greater. It is not
yet publicly known, nor can it
enter into the gentle heart of a
Briton to conceive, the number
of atrocious crimes against God
and man that have been com-
mitted in support of these opinions.
Murders and assassinations have
been deliberately planned, and jus-
tified by some of these pretended
philosophers, as the means to at-
tain their ends of reform. With
all their pretences and promises,
they have proceeded to violate
every right, civil and natural, that
should have been observed towards
their equals;—the people, who
have only changed their masters,
groan under new tyrannies of which
they never heard or dreamed ; and
are subjected to the chastisement
of one desperate leader after ano-
ther. The excesses of these ruf-
fian demagogues have no bounds;
they have already surpassed the
wildest phrenzies of fanaticism,

APPENDIX TO

superstition, and enthusiasm ; plun-
dering and murdering at home, and
propagating their opinions by the
sword in foreign countries ;—im-
posture, fallacy, falsehood, and
bloodshed!—their philosophy _ is
the idle talk of school-boys; and
their actions are the savage fero-
ciousness of wild beasts. Such are
the new lights and the false phi-
losophy of our pretended reform-
ers ; and such the effects they have
produced where alone they have
unfortunately been tried. But,
however these poor pretences may
have imiposed on the understand-
ings of men, in a neighbouring
country, bred in ignorance, oppres-
sion, and poverty, they can have
no influence on the good sense and
gravity of Britons, who have been
used to the enjoyment of true liber-
ty, and every day feel the blessings
of abundance derived from a pro-
ductive industry, protected by equal
laws, and a free government. It
is well known that those who are
virtuous and honest have many
more means of acquiring ease and
comfort, wealth and distinction,
and in a superior degree in this
country than in any other ;—it is
well known that we already pos-
sess, and have long possessed, really
and truly that which the pretended
reformers would persuade ignorant
people they alone can bestow. It
has been the pride of Britons to
boast of their liberty and property;
and although these visionary re-
formers have chosen to substitute
the notion of equality in the place
of the latter, it is trusted there are
enough who know too well the
value of their property, acquired
under the influence of true liberty,
to surrender it in exchange for an
empty name. It is well known,

and

é

THE CHRONICLE.

and we feel it daily, that we have
as much of these pretended new in-
ventions as is necessary and con-
venient for a well-ordered society.
Every one has all the Rights of
Man that leave him at liberty to
do good to himself and his neigh-
bour, and (what is worth consider-
ing) to protect his person and pro-
perty against open or secret plun-
derers. He has as much of equa-
lity as one man can possess, without
diminishing the equality of his
neighbour. We are told by our
religion (for we have a religion)
** that we are to do unto all men
as we would that men should do
unto us;”? and this is realized to
us by the firm administration of
the law; which suffers no injury
to go without a remedy, and affords
a remedy equally to the proudest
and the poorest.—Such are the
Rights of Man; such the liberty
and equality which we have long
enjoyed, Under these we havelived
and prospered, both in public and
private, beyond the example of any
country; and to maintain them
as they are, unimpaired by the fan-
cies of pedant-politicians, or the
rude hands of ruffian-levellers,
‘every true Briton ought to shed his
blood. Impressed with these senti-

_ .ments in favour of our happy esta-

blishment, and alarmed by the mis-
chievous endeavours that are now
using by wicked men to mislead the
uninformed, and to spirit up the
discontented by furnishing them
with plausible topics, tending to
the subversion of the state, and in-
compatible with all government
whatsoever,—we do, as private
men, unconnected with any par-
ty or description of persons at
home, taking no concern in the
Struggles at this moment making

Q5

abroad, but most seriously anxious
to preserve the true liberty, and
unexampled prosperity we happily
enjoy in this kingdom, think it ex-
pedient and necessary to form our-
selves into an Association for the
purpose of discouraging, in every
way that lies in our power, the pro-
gress of such nefarious designs as
are meditated by the wicked and
senseless reformers of the present
time; and we do hereby resolve
and declare as follows :

ist. That the persons present at
this meeting do become a Society
for discouraging and suppressing
seditious publications, tending to
disturb the peace of this kingdom,
and for supporting a due execution
of the laws made for the protection
of persons and property.

2d. That this Society do use its
best endeavours occasionally to ex-
plain these topics of public discus-
sion which have been so perverted
by evil-designing men, and to shew,
by irrefragable proof, that they are
not applicable to the state of this
country; that they can produce no
good, and certainly must produce
great evil.

3d. That this Society will receive
with great thanks all communica-
tions that shall be made to it for
the above purposes.

4th. That it be recommended to
ail those who are friends to the
established law, and to peaceable
society, to form themselves, in their
different neighbourhoods, into si-
milar societies for promoting the
same laudable purposes.

5th. That this society do meet
at this place, or elsewhere, eyery
Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday.

6th. That these considerations
and resolutions be printed in all
the public papers, and otherwise

' cir-

96

circulated into all parts of the
kingdom.
By order of the Society.
J. Moore, Secretary.

N.B. All letters and communi-
cations are requested to be address-
ed to the Secretary at this place.

Procedingsat a Meeting of the Ward
of Cripplegate Without, Dec.12.

Atameeting of the deputy common-
councilmen, ministers, church-
wardens, and other inhabitants
of the said ward, held in the
parish-church of St. Giles, with-
out Cripplegate, London, on
Wednesday, the 12th day of
December, 1702,

Mr. Deputy William Staines,
in the Chair :

N consequence of the present
state of public affairs, we con-
ceive it the duty of every good ci-
tizen to stand forth and endeavour
to prevent, as much as possible,
whatever machinations may be de-
signed or contrived by ill-disposed
or disaffected persons, to the pre-
judice of our mild and equitable
overnment.

Resolved therefore, That the Bri-
tish constitution, as established at
the glorious Revolution of 1688,
appears to us better calculated
than any other existing form of
government to secure the liberty,
the property, and happiness of the
community.

Resolved, That we conceive there
is sufficient energy in the constitu-
tion of this country to produce a
reform of all abuses in govern-
ment, in a legal and peaceful man-
ner, whenever it shall appear that
the majority of the representatives

APPENDIX TO

of the nation are clearly and de-
cidedly agreed as to the existence
of such abuses.

Resolved, That enjoying as we
do the blessings of peace, accom-
panied with an unexampled exten-
sion of commerce, and with the
cheerful prospect of the gradual
alleviation of the public barthens
(from the disposition shewn by go-
vernment in the last session of par-
liament) all attempts to disturb the
tranquillity of the nation are un-
constitutional and impolitic, and
ought to be resisted by every vir-
tuous citizen,

Resolved, That impressed with
these sentiments, and actuated by
a sincere and loyal affection to our
present most gracious Sovereign,
and the illustrious house of Hano-
ver, the inhabitants of this ward
will cheerfully co-operate with the
civil magistrates in the suppression
of all seditious or tumultuous pro-
ceedings, and in the support of
our happy constitution, and the
defence of his Majesty’s person and
government. '

Resolved, That these resolutions
be signed by the chairman, and
published in all the morning pa-
pers, and that they be also entered
by the ward-clerk in proper books,
and left in the quest-house this af-
ternoon till four o’clock, and again
to-morrow, and every morning
this week, from the hours of ten to
twelve, that every inhabitant may
have an opportunity of signifying
his approbation; and that the de-
puty, with the common council-
men of this ward, the ministers,
church-wardens, overseers of the
poor, and sixteen other inhabit-
ants, to be nominated by this meet-
ing, be appointed a committee for
carrying these resolutions into ef-

fect,

2

THE

feet, and that any three or more of
them be empowered to act.

» Resolved, That the following six-
teen gentlemen be the other mem-
bers of the committee, viz.

The Reverend Mr. Thomas Towle,
Mr. Jeremiah Morrell,
Mr. Andrew Wright,
Mr. John Jackson,
Mr. J: B. Cole,

Mr. J: Budgen,

Mr. Joseph Jackson,
Mr: Thomas Wright,
Mr. J. Poultney,

Mr. Thomas Cole,
Mr. Joseph Hale,

Mr. J. Banner,

Mr. William Freer,
Mr. J. Wanless,

Mr. John Dubois,

Mr. Edward Peppin.

Resolved, That the thanks of this
meeting be given to the deputy
and .common councilmen, for their
zeal and attention to the duties of
their office, in calling this meeting.

Signed by order of the meeting.
WiLviaM Sraines, Chairman,

[There were likewise meetings of
all the other wards in the city.]

_

Resolutions agreed to at a Meeting of
the Inhabitants.of the Parish of
St. George, Hanover-square, De-
cember 18.

Parish of Saint George,
Hanover Square.

Ata General Meeting of the In-
habitants of this Parish, holden,
od public Advertisement, at the.

estino-roomsin Hanover-square
on Tuesday the 18th day of De-
_cember, 1792,
- The Rev. Dr. H. F. Curteney,
" Rector, in the Chair,

Resolved, Gs ge AT although, from.

a accidental circum-
Vor. XXXIV,

CHRONICLE.

97

stances, we are now late in assem-
bling ourselves on this occasion,
yet we desire to be understood
as not yielding to: any of our fel-
low-citizens in a firm attachment
to our excellent constitution, and a
just sense of the blessings we enjoy
under it.

That as we hold ourselves bound
in duty and gratitude, at all times,
to assist in endeavouring to support
and maintain that constitution, so
we iow think ourselves more espe-
cially called upon by the peculiar
and critical situation of the times,
to declare that we will, alland each
of us ‘in our respective stations,
collectively and individually, con-
tribute every assistance: in our
power to the due execution of the
laws, the maintenance of civil or-
der and government, and the im-
mediate suppression of all riots and
tumults, under what pretence so-
ever they may be excited; to dis-
countenance all illegal meetings,
and all seditious.and inflammatory
writings, calculated to mislead and
seduce the people from their alle-
giance, and render them blind to
their true interest.

That these resolutions be entered
in a book to be provided for that
purpose, and to be left at the board-
room in Mount-street, to receive
the signatures of such inhabitants
as shall approve thereof.

That a distinct book be kept for
the subscription of such sums of
money as different persons may
choose to advance, toward the ex-
pences of carrying the purposes of
this meeting into execution; it not
being at all expected that those who
sign the resolutions should thereby.
pledge themselves to advance any’
money, but be left entirely to their
option in that respect. And it is:
requested that no person would)

G sub-

98

subscribe more than two guineas,
nor less than two shillings and six-
pence.

That, for the better carrying into
execution the above purposes, a
~ committee be formed, consisting of
the rector, churchwardens, sides-
men, and overseers for the time
being, together with any number of
other persons not excceding fifty,
who shall meet from time to time,
to take such measures as shall be
judged necessary. That any nine of
the said committee be a quorum
empowered to act,

Resolved, ‘That the unanimous
thanks of this meeting be given to
the Reverend Dr. Courteney, for
the zeal and candour which he has
exhibited on the present occasion,
by proposing resolutions which ap-
pear to be so perfectly well-calcu-
lated for procuring the peace and
security of the inhabitants uF the
parish of St. George, Hanover-
Square.

By order of the meeting.
H. Courteney, Chairman,

{All the parishes in the metro-
polis, as well as in the vicinity, and
almost all parts of the kingdom,
held similar meetings. ]

Resolves of the Convention of Bur-
gesses relative to the Scottish Royal
Burghs, in Convention, Edin-
burgh, July 26.

Mr. Grahame, of Gartmore, in

the Chair,

~. Resolved HAT the con-

unanimously, vention of bur-
gesses, met for the purpose of
obtaining from the wisdom and
justice of the British legislature a
reform in the internal government
of the royal burghs of Scotland,

APPENDIX TO

think it their duty at this time, to
declare that they entertain the
most loyal attachment to their
most gracious Sovereign and his
illustrious family, the deepest sense
of the superior excellence of the
‘British constitution, and the most
firm and inflexible determination
to maintain for ever the princi-
ples on which it is established, and
to defend it from every innovation
by which it may, in the slightest
degree, be hurt or injured.—
That in planning and promoting
a reform in the internal govern-
ment of the royal burghs of Scot-
land, the burgesses consider them-
selves as having acted in strict con-
formity to the principles they have
thus avowed. Every system of po-
litical government, supreme or sub-
ordinate, is liable to decay and a-
buse, and can only be ‘effectually
preserved by a wise and temperate
correction of those defects which
time, corruption, or improper de-
viations from original principles,
have introduced. The constitution
has wisely placed the power of re-
medying these evils in the hands of
the legislature, and the burgesses
consider those as the best friends
of the constitution, who, in a tem-
perate and respectful manner,
lay before parliament the abuses
which prevail in the department to
which they belong, and humbly
suggest the constitutional means
that occur to them, as the most
likely to remedy the existing griev~
ances, to restore such part of our
happy constitution to its original
purity and vigour, and to prevent
the destructive consequences that
must infallibly result from the cor-
ruption or failure even of the small-
est member of the great machine of
government. That although, from
the misrepresentations of the ene-

mies

THE CHRONICLE.

mies of reform, the applications
already made to parliament have
not met with the success that was
expected, yet the burgesses of
Scotland are fully persuaded, that
when the nature of the grievances
of which they complain shall be
completely and fully understood,
the wisdom and justice of the par-
liament of Great Britain will not
hesitate to afford them redress.
Therefore, resolved unanimously,
To pursue, with inflexible perse-
verance, the most legal and consti-
tutional measures for regulating
the internal government of the bo-
roughs, by destroying the present
pernicious systems, and never to
abandon these salutary measures
originating in constitutional right,
prompted by the deepest sense of
abuse, and directed to objects of
the highest public advantage to the

‘national spirit, industry, and pros-

perity of Scotland.—While, from
the great political events of the
present times, the public mind
appears to be agitated, and even
withheld, by a fear of conse-
quences, from expressing _ their
sense of known existing abuses,
the burgesses of Scotland feel the
greatest satisfaction in reflecting,
that the object at which they
aim, in correcting the abuses in
the internal administration of the
royal boroughs, by restoring their
ancient governments, has not the
remotest tendency to alter or in-
fringe in any respect the political
constitution of their country, which
they hold in the highest venera-
tion, and are determined to sup-
port, convinced that its errors
and defects admit of an easy re-
medy in the most perfect con-
sistency with its fundamental prin-
ciples, which, by the security it,

99

affords to private property, and
the protection it extends to per-
sonal liberty, and to every essential
right of the subject, appears to be
in the highest degree calculated to
preserve thepublic tranquillity, and
at the same time, to promote the
prosperity and happiness of the
people,—the ultimate end of all
government,

Rosert GRAHAME, President.
John Ewen, Secretary.

Scots Borough Reform, in Conven-.
tion, Edinburgh, July 29, 1792.

Mr. Grahame, of Gartmore, in the
Chair.

6 Be Convention having read,

and deliberately considered
the bill prepared and brought into
the House of Commons by the Right
Honourable the Lord Advocate,
‘* for better regulating the mode of
accounting for the commen good,
and revenues ofthe royal boroughs,”

Resolved unanimously, First, That.
without destroying the self-elec-
tions of the town-councils, it is ut-
terly impossible ever to establish
an effectual method for bringing
the magistrates to.an account in a
proper manner.

Secondly, That even although
this object were attainable without
the destruction of the self-election,
yet the bill proposed by the Lord
Advocate is not only totally inade-
quate to its professed purpose, of
better regulating the mode of ac-
counting for the common good of
boroughs, but is in effect, theugh
certainly not in the intention of its
honoyrable author, a deception on
the burgesses and the legislature,
holding out in appearance a com-

G2 plete

100

plete rémedy for the abuses in the
administration of the revenues of
the burghs, when in reality the
enactments of tle bill, if passed as
it now stands, omitting many ne-
cessary limitations on the power and
management of magistrates ; and
containing, among many excep-
tionable regulations, a provision
that the auditors of the accounts of
magistrates self-elected shall be no-
minated by the magistrates them-
selves, would tend to rivet, if not
even to extend the abuses which it
professes to correct.

Thirdly, That the Committee of
Convention and the Committee of
Reformat London, be specially in-
structed to authorise Mr. Sheridan
to communicate these resolutions
to the Honourable House of Com-
mons,, as containing the fixed and
decided sentiments of the burgesses
of Scotland, associated to obtain a
reform in the internal government
of the royal burghs in.-that part of
the united kingdom.

Mr. Meliss, of Perth,, moved a
resolution in addition to those re-
ported by the committee, which
was seconded by Mr. Bisset of Dun-
dee ; and after being considered:by
the convention, was adopted, with
some variations, and is as follows:

Resolved, That this convention
cannot, however, omit to express
their satisfaction, that this delusive
andefiicient plan of reform has been
submitted to the consideration of
parliament, as it must necessarily
‘destroy that unaccountable confi-
dence whicli parliament has been
inclined to repose in the assertions of
their enemies. For seven years the
opposers of reform uniformly persist-
ed in declaring, that 0 abuses what-
everexisted; and even in the course
of last session of parliament, they

‘APPENDIX TO

boldly averred that the only griev-
ance was the want of. a jurisdiction
of accounts; while the very gen-

tleman who first had the candour

to make this admission, did in the

course of a few weeks, bring in, or

lend his name to the bringing in of

the present bill, which not only pro-

vides for a jurisdiction of accounts,

but contains regulations for distin-

guishing the cess from the other

taxes for making the cess-rolls ac-

cessible to the burgesses, for regu-

lating the mode of alienating the

property of the burghs, and re-

straining the powers of the magis- °

tracy in that respect; thereby virtu-

aliy admitting that the taxes were

not distinguished, nor access given

to the rolls; so that the burgesses

are at present liable to the illegal

exaction of taxes, without the pos-

sibility of ascertaining the extent of

the illegal exaction, or any means of

procuring redress ; and that there

were instances of misconduct and

dilapidation on the part of magis-

trates, which required to be regu-
lated; all of which particulars had
been formerly denied; and there-
‘fore, after these recent instances,
that parliament has been grossly de-
ceived by the misrepresentations of

the enemies of reform, the burges-
ses. confidently trust, that when the
subject shall be again brought for-

ward, parliament will no longer re-
fuse to hear the complaints of ten
thousand respectable citizens, or
the evidence they offer of enormous”
abuses, although any one or all of
the officers of the crown, or any in-
dividual or individuals, however re-
spectable, should be again pleased
to deny the existence of any griev-
ance or abuse, or, as formerly, to
argue that the grievances alleged’

are so atrocious as to surpass all be-

lief,

THE CHRONICLE.

lief, and, on that ground, to justify
the representatives of the people
in refusing to admit evidence of
_ their truth and reality.
Resert Grauvame, President.
John Ewen, Secretary.

Subscription towards the succour of
the People of Poland.
Mansion-Housc, 10th of August,

1792.
Committee of Trustees for ma-
maging the proposed Subscrip-
, tion towards the Succour of the
People of Poland, viz.

The Right Hon. J. Hopkins, Lord
Mayor of London, Chairman.
J. W. Anderson, Esq. and Harvey
C. Coombe, Esq. Aldermen and
Sheriffs of Londonand Middlesex,

William Smith, M. P. Clapham,
Surry; &c. &c.

A ee committee enter on the du-
4 ties entrusted to them with the
cheerful confidence of success. En-
glishmen estimate truly the value of
the object for which the king and
people of Poland so arduously, so
gloriously contend. Every sympa-
thetic emotion was gratified by the
principles and the conduct of their
revolution. ‘* The means were as
striking to the imagination as sa-
tisfactory to the reason, and sooth-
ing to the moral sentiments. In
contemplating that change, huma-
nity has every thing to rejoice and
to glory in; nothing tobe ashamed
_ of, nothing to suffer. It was ef-
fected mh a policy, a discretion,
an unanimity, and a secrecy, never
before known on any occasion.’ —
Such is the description given by a
distinguished writer before this sys-
tem of order, and strength, and
peace, provoked the hostility of

101

foreign powers. The mind can-
not conceive an attack upon. any
sovereign people more outrageous
to the rights of nations, more re-
pugnant.to justice. Every nation
upon earth is interested in the fate
of the Polish people; but the hearts
of Englishmen swell with indigna-
tion, They recall the long con-
tinuance of their own struggle
for their own constitution, and wish
the people of Poland to accomplish
the happiness which they finally ob-
tained, without the calamities that
led to it. To participate in their
cause is an English sentiment; for
freedom is in its nature social and
beneficent. It has no motive to
be selfish; for its own strength is
increased by extending to others
the blessings it enjoys. With what
rapturous sensations then must not
Britons concur with the efforts
made by a virtuous King at the
head of a gallant people, to deliver
them from a foreign yoke, and to
plant liberty and the arts in the
room of slavery and barbarism! It
is for government to take measures
for the empire; but, without
trenching on its functions, individu-
als may bear testimony to distressed
merit, may assist it by their purses,
and may discountenance its perse-
cution by the weight of their names.
It is not every day that private men
can do good to nations, or have the
satisfaction, when doing it, of think-
ing that it must indirectly contri-
bute to the safety of their own
country. — Such an occasion now
presents itself to the becoming
pride, the patriotism, the benevo-
lence of Englishmen; and Jet no
man be deterred. by an idea that
succour will come too late to be
effectual. — Ten millions of men
united in the cause of their native

G3 home,

102

home, of their independence, of
their posterity,—with such heroism
as the Poles in all their former and
present adversity have uniformly
displayed— with such a king to ani-
mate, and sucha constitution to re-
ward their toils—with an oath of
fidelity upon their consciences, and
with the world for spectators, are
not to be vanquished in a short
campaign! —Their open country
may be over-run, but ‘ the uncon-
querable will’? must remain in all
its vigour, and which the faintest
glimpse of freedom will rally to its
standard. Already the report of the
spirit stirring in England may have
reaclfed their ears; already per-
haps, they are soothing the languor
of protracted hope, by anticipating
the energy of our efforts; and with
a gratitude that outruns the service,
are putting forth theirthanks to the
Deity, who has inspired the first.
people, that in his eternal good-
ness he made free, to dedicate a
part of its opulence (the fruits of
that freedom) to their succour !—
Already the re-invigorated mind of
Poland may have communicated
new force to its arm; and the hu-
mane, the considerate, the suffer-
ing Stanislaus, may have already ex-
claimed, with an emotion that only
such patriotism can feel,—‘* My
expectations are not deceived ;—
the nation that I venerate will save
the people whom I love!’

Polish Subscription,

At a general Meeting of the Sub-
scribers towards a Fund for the
Succour of the People of Poland,
held at the Mansion-House of
London, on Thursday the 27th
of September,

APPENDIX TO

The Right Hon. John Hopkins.
Lord Mayor, in the, chair,

It was resolved unanimously, To pub-
lish the following Declaration of
the Sentiments of this Meeting,
the Event of the fall of Poland
under a Foreign Yoke:

DECLARATION.

W E had the hopes of beinS

able to contribute, in som€
degree, tothe assistance of the peo-
ple of Poland. These hopes have
been defeated by the successful
operations ofasuperior force, which
the Polish nation, exerting their
utmost unassisted efforts in defence
of their country, had no power to
resist—Our only duty now is to
declare our opinion of these trans-
actions. —The only consolation
left us is to reflect, that we have
done every thing that depended on
individuals to rescue the character
of the British nation from the scan-
dal and dishonour of affecting a base
neutrality, or of looking on with
indifference, while the independ-
ence of a great kingdum, and the
freedom of a considerable portion
of mankind, were sacrificed to law-
less violence, and crushed under
the dominion of a foreign tyranny.
The fact is atrocious; but the pre-
cedent is alarming. In the ruin of
one helpless inoffensive nation, the
other states of Europe, and this
country in particular, ought to see
an example, and a warning of the
principles and practice of ambition,
which they may experience in their
turn. We cannot be persuaded
that the rapid progressand approach
ofmilitary power; that the apparent
resolution of a great confederacy
to divide the continent of Europe
among them, are objects and events
in which this nation has no con-
cern.

THE CHRONICLE.

cern. Is ita thing to be believed,
that the king of Poland would have
been deserted, as he has been, by

_the natural enemies and rivals of

Russia, it this conquest had not
made part of a more extensive sys-
tem, concerted among them, of
which Poland is only the first vie-
tim, and which is to furnish the
means of equal aggrandizement to
the other contracting parties? We
may rely on our internal strength,
or we may confide in our situation.
But what solid security have we
that this powerful confederacy may
not be able to create, or collect, a
maritime force, sufficient to con-
tend withthe navy of Great Britain?
If that should ever happen, a single
event might lay this island open to
the same armies of disciplined bar-
barians, to which the rest of Europe
may have been compelled to sub-
mit. When the force is sufficient,
the pretences never fail. In the
case of Poland there was. none.
All we have heard is, that it did
not suit the views of Russia that a
limited monarchy, an hereditary
crown, or a reasonable constitution
of any kind, should exist in that
country ;—that the mass of the
people should have a Jaw to appeal
to, or a government to protect
them.—We submit thesereflections
to the wisdom and generosity of the
nation, with a thorough conviction
that, on this subject, their wisdom
and their generosity will lead them
to the same conclusion.—We have
no doubt of the success of our for-
mer addresses to the public, and
that a sum would have been col-
lected, which it would have been
Honourable in us to offer, and to
the Polish nation to have accepted,
But the object is gone. We have
therefore determined that the seve-

103

ral sums subscribed shall be return-
ed ta the subscribers, deducting a
small per-centage to defray the ex-
pences incurred.

Standing Orders of the House of
Commons, of the 7th Day of June,
» 1792, with respect to Navigable
Canals, Agqueducts, ad the Na-

vigation of Rivers,

Resolved,

ft his AT the standing orders. of
the House, of the 28th of Ja-
nuary 1771, the 925th of April
1774, the 15th of November 1775,
andthe 20th of July 1789, respect-

ing Navigation Bills, be repealed,
Resolved, ‘{hat, when any appli-
cation is intended to be made to
the House, for leave to bring ina
bill for making any cut or canal,
for the purposes of navigation, or
any cut, canal, or aqueduct, for the
purpose of supplying any city, town,
or place, with water, or for varying
or altering any such cut, canal or
aqueduct already made, or for mak-
ing cr improving the navigation of
any river, or for altering any act of
parliament passed for any or either
of those purposes (in which bill for
altering any such act it is intended
to give power for raising any farther
or additional rates, tolls, or duties)
notice of such intended application
shall be inserted three times in the
London Gazette, in the months of
August and September, or either of
them, previous to the session of
parliament in which such applica-
tion is intended to be made; and
that such notice shall also be insert-
ed in some one newspaper of every
county through which any such cut,
canal, or aqueduct, is intended to
be carried, or in which such cut,
G 4 canai,

104

~ canal, or aqueduct, already made, is
intended ’to.be varied or altered, or
in which such river, or such ‘part
thereof as is intended to be made
navigable, or the navigation there-
of to be improved, is situated (or,
if there is not any newspaper print-
_ed in or for such counties respec-
tively, then in the mewspaper of
some county near or adjoining there-
to) three times at the least, in the
months of August and September,
or either of them, immediately pre-
ceding the session of parliament in
which such application is intended
to be made: and that such notice
shall also be given at the general
quarter session of the peace which
shall be holden for every and each
county, riding, or division, through
which any such cut, canal, or aque-
duct, is intended to be carried, or in
which such cut, canal, or aqueduct,
already made, is intended to be va-
ried or altered, or in which such
‘river, or such part thereof as is in-
tended to be made navigable, or
the navigation ‘thereof to be im-
proved, is situated, at the Michael-
mas preceding the session of parlia-
ment in which such application is
intended to be made, by affixing
such notice to the door of the ses-
sion houses respectively where such
general quarter sessions shall be
holden.

Resolved, that such several no-
tices shall contain the names of the
parishes and townships in, to, or
through which any such cut, canal,
or aqueduct, is intended to be car-
ried, varied, or altered, or in which
such river, or such part thereof as is
intended to be made navigable, or
the navigation thereof to be im-
proved, is situated.

Res ved, That a map or plan of
such intended cut, canal, aqueduct,

APPENDIX TO

or navigation, and also of any’ in-
tended alteration in any cut, ‘canal,
aqueduct, or navigation, already
made, shall be deposited, for public
inspection, at the office of the Clerk
of the Peace of every county, rid-
ing, or division, through which such
cut, canal, aqueduct, or navigation,
is intended tobe carried, or such
alteration is intended ‘to be made,
on or before the eleventh day of
November, previous to the session
of parliament in which such appli-
cation is intended to be made;
which map or plan shall describe
the line of such intended cut, canal,
aqueduct, or navigation, or of such
intended alteration, and the lands
through which the same is intended
to be carried, together with a book
of reference containing a list of the
names of the owners, or reputed

-owners, and occupiers of such lands

respectively.

Resolved, That, before any appli-
cation. is made to the House for any
or either of the purposes aforesaid,
a previous application shall be made
to the owners, or reputed owners,
and occupiers of the lands through
which any such cut, canal, aque-
duct, or navigation, is intended to
be carried, or any euch alteration is
intended to be made; and that se-
parate lists shall be made of the
names of such owners and occupi-
ers, distinguishing which of them,
upon such application, have assent-
ed to, or dissented from, such in-
tended cut, canal, aqueduct, or na-
vigation, or such alteration, or are
neuter in respect thereto.

Resolved, ‘That, whenever any pe-
tition is presented to the House for
any or either of the purposes afore-
said, there shall be presented, with
such petition, the lists mentioned in
the last preceding resolution, ps

also

Oy Se

Le

a ee.

Ca

ai

i se

THE CHRONICLE.

also a duplicate, of the map or plan’

so to be deposited at the office of
the Clerk of the Peace, as afore-
said.

Resolved, That, whenever any pe-
tition is presented to the House for
making, varying, or altering, any
such cut, canal, or aqueduct, as
aforesaid, or making or improving
the navigation of a river, there be
annexed to the said petition an esti-
mate of the proposed expence of
such undertaking (in cases where
provision is intended to be made
for raising money to defray such
expence) such estimate to be signed
by the person or persons making
the same: And, if such money is
proposed to be raised by subscrip-
tion, that there be also annexed to
the said petition, an account of the
money subscribed for that purpose,
and the names of the subscribers,
with the sums by them subscribed
respectively.

Resolved, That, whenever any pe-
tition has ‘been presented to ‘the
House for the purposes aforesaid, or
any or either of them, the commit-
tee to whom such petition shall be
referred, do examine, in the first
place, how far the orders contained
in the preceding resolutions have
been complied with, ‘and do report
the same at the time when they
report the matter of any such pe-
tition, as it shall appear to them, to
the House.

Resolved, -That the Clerks of the
Peace, or their respective deputies,
do make a memoria), in writing,

105

upon ‘the plan and\book of refer-
ence deposited with them in manner
aforesaid, denoting the time at
which the same was lodged in. their
respective offices; and do, at all
seasonable hours of the day, permit
any person to view and examine the
same, and to make copies or ex-
tracts therefrom, such persons pay
ing for the same the usual and ac-
customed fees paid to such Clerks
of the Peace, for the inspection
and copying of, or making extracts
from, records in their respective
offices. f

Resolved, That, in all bills pre-
sented tothe House forany or either
of the purposes aforesaid, provision
be made for.compelling the persons
who have subscribed towards carry-
ing any such work into execution,
to make payment of the sums seve-
rally subscribed by them ; and also
to oblige the commissioners or trus-
tees to.take sufficient security from
their treasurer,receiver,or collector,
for the faithful execution of his
office.

Ordered, That the last nine ofthe
said resolutions be made standing
orders. of this House.

Ordered, That the said several re-
solutions be printed ; and that co-
pies thereof be sent to the sheriffs
of the several counties of Great
Britain, and also to the Clerks of
the Peace within England and
Wales; and that the said Sheriffs
do take care that copies of the same
be published and distributed within
their respective counties.

J. HATSELL,
Cl. Dom. Com.

State

106

APPENDIX

TO

State of Ireland in:1748 and 1792 compared.

1748.

Land about Cork,Eng- €.s.d. #&. s.

lish Acre, from 012 Otol 2
About Dublin, Irish

Acre - 0 0—4 0°
Wool per Stone - 0 6 0 —O'8
Sheep from 2 O° 4 Or — OF 14
Oxen fat - 4 0.0—6 0
Milch-cows - 115 0—2 5

1792.

a \(8. a Bos a.
0 }2 00to 600
os 0012 0 0
0 ||016 0— 017 0
0’ |h'0"12 0 2” 00
0/18 0 0—16 0 0
6 ||5 0 0—10 00

Corn was occasionally very low and very high ; but so unequal was the

_ country to feed itself, that Dublin alone paid to foreign parts for wheat
and flour, above 100,0001. annually.—There is not only now an ample
supply, bat Ireland has upon an average exported latterly 300,000 bar-

rels of wheat, and 500,000 barrels of oats.

An Account of the Number of Vessels, their Tonage and Men,

belonging to England, 1792.

BERYSTWITH

Aldborough
Arundel -
Barnstaple -

Beaumaris -

Berwick -
Biddeford -
Blackney, &c.
Boston =

Bridgewater ~

Bridlington -
Bristol -
Cardiff -
Cardigan -
Carlisle -
Chepstow -
Chester =
Chichester -
Colchester -
Cowes Wits
Dartmouth -
Deal -
Dover -
Exeter is
Falmouth s

Carried forward

Vessels.

- 104

- 20

32
80
332
42
57
25
80
32
38
307
22
241
15
34
32
86
149
120
284,
3
135
a
48

han 40 os)

Tons. Men.
3,833 879
1,141 91
2,288 134
6,773 394
13,522 1,036
2,842 _ 23
3,756 943
9,481 130
4,184 277
1,800 125
4,973 274
43,851 3,670
874 26
6,591 704
615 45
2,836 210
2,373 150
4,801 $16
8,951 434
9,542 317
16,146 1,929
87 14
6,527 834
13,444 1,049
5,004 505
157,285 ~ 13,519
Brought

THE CHRONICLE.

Brought forward

Feversham
Fowey -
Gloucester
Gweek
Harwich
Hull
Ilfracombe
Ipswich
Lancaster
Llannelly
Looe

Lyme
Lynn Regis
Malden
Milford
Minehead
Newcastle
Newhaven
Padstow
Penryn
Penzance
Plymouth
Poole
Portsmouth

Poulton ind Preston

Rochester
Rye

St. Ive’s
Sandwich
Scarborough
Shoreham
Southampton
Southwold
Stockton
Sunderland
Swansea
‘Truro

Wells
Weymouth
Whitby
Whitehaven
Wisbeach
Woodbridge
Yarmouth
Scilly
Liverpool
London

Total

Vessels.

- 2,475
318

52

4A

10

136

467

59

1,861

Tons.

157,235
6,364
2,374
1,660

340
6,533
58,039
2,732
4,403
10,650
2,139
594
1,304
16,777
4,913
4,077
1,246

121,174
1,379
1,146

431
2,143
6,442

19,234
4,215
1,665
7,386
3,340
1,751
5,020
25,849
1,418
9,167
1,441
5,575
57,552
6,304
667
3,963
6,102
50,790
56,022
1,856
1,510
35,797
267
92,098
374,223

107

~~ 10,633 1,186,611 87,718

Account

108 APPENDIX TO

Account of the Goods, Wares,.and Merchandize, imported into Great
Britain fromall parts of the world, from the 5th of January 1792 to
the 5thof January 1793. _ a,

Goods. © Quantity. ; Value. , ‘Duties.
RRANGOES No. 1,077,080 &. 1,645.15 €.284
Artificial flowers 2. IBS sawed 627
Ashes, pearl - 61,806 cwt. 84,714 , 1,012
pot - 67,068 3 88,625 Sepa
other - 3,738 270
Barilla - 107,359 59,487 28,131 .
Bark of Oak - 191,830 37,531 687
Beads, coral - 3,656 Ib. - 822 807
mother of pearl - 1,126 1,126
Beer, spruce - 1,812 barrels 4,106 1,090
Books, bound - 1,359 cwt. 10,924 1,307
unbound - 1,274 10,359 565
Bottles, glass - 23,680 dozen 2,834 1,830
Boxes, pill ~ 7,638 gross 1,951 524
Brimstone - 51,048 cwt. 96,111 17,004
Bristles, undressed - 90,957 20,465 6,253
Bugle, great - 256,768 lb. 9,628 1,689
Cabinet ware - 2763 284
Canes, walking - 57,774 288 504
Capers - 88,573 |b 1,12 738
Carpets K 1,026 2,490 945
Cattle, cows, and oxen 23,644 70,483
horses - 4,179 45,562 1,469
swine - 6,881 3,440
China ware - 15,067 { 24.361 4
Clocks . 4,798 1,317
Cloth, woollen = 9,979 1,197 @
Colours, painters - ~ 42,065 Ib. 1,051 350
Copper ore - 10,914 cwt. 1,564.) 409
unwrought - 4,678 18,719 ° 2,456
Cordage - 2,565 QSTS ch si 1,087
Cork - $2,242 28,714 5,910
Corn, barley = 118,526 quarters 96,155 t+ SALT
beans - 38,451 26,910 3,973
Indian - 2,838 259
oatmeal - 92,109 bolls 33,318 3,855
oats = 934,907 quarters 560,943 13,103
pease - 4,801 5,041 121
rye - 13,026 18,237 570
wheat - 920,201 31,650 740
flour - 7,756 2,316 60
Cottons - 3,964 938
Cowries - 1,258 cwt. 2,881 4,225
Cyder - 228 1,489 1

Drugs,

THE CHRONICUE. 109

nm Goods, a Quantity. | Value. Duties.
Drugs, almonds, bitter - No. 210 #€. 551 #. 147
~ aloes, epatica 20,462 > 2982" 349
U succotrina 13,055 Ib: 163° 755
~ allum, roche — = 138 186 20
*~ antimon. crud. 1,212 i eo 610 ) 284:
arsenic - 998 1,863 _ 232
asafcetida “- 11,400 1,140 30
balsam, artificial 2;936 **°" 1,101 220
_ bals. capaivi 5,5704 | 696 208
natural - 4,822 .- 8,080 361
benjamin et, 38,823 970: 304
borax, refined 13,253 3,973: 441
unrefined 23,846 4,173 a6 PA
buds of Cassia 45;986 9,011 537
cambogium - 5,285! « 1) 1G, 92
camphire, unrefined my Ad
cantharides - 7,859 1,178 392
cardamons 20,995 |b. 1,049
cassia lignia 54,967 4,192 1,520
castoreum - 53365 1,877 536
cinabrium ~ - 11,006 2,474 282
coculus, India’ 5,519 689 114
coloquintida 4,885 977 122
cortex Peru 175,788. 21,973 6,592
cream of tartar- 5,520 ewt. 13,800 1,288
eleborus 15,124 Ib. 504: 94
essence of lemons 10,122 3,374 1,012
ginseng rai 15,095 1,509 503
gum Arabie 9,411 19,999 218
copal 47,216 1,967 1,573
guiaci 5,740 861 215
Senegal 8,260 1,7554 2,380
Tragacanth 5,129 256 64
hartshorn = | - 37,349 © 578 194
isinglass - 1,677 20,131 39
jalap t 1,595 202 ame 59
juniper berries 17,868 35,660 3,940
lead, black ‘2,005. 3,007 658
manna - 38,767 3,392 969
myrrh A Coy Tae 9,849 861 246
oil, castor - 2,675. 1,194 267
palm - 4,608. 4,608> 1,613
_ perfumed - 21,100 5,275 1,582
_ + turpentine 30,190 399 156
as opium - 21,783 2,995" 1;656
; pistachia nuts 41,735 2,086 180
quicksilver 136,116. 27,202 2;619

110 APPENDIX.TO

Goods. . Quantity. Value. Duties.
radix ipecacuana No. 3,666 s€. 1,282 £.305
serpentaria 11,284 1,410 sole . 42S
rhubarb - 6,935 4,534 520
saccarum saturn 224,690 11,234 2,808
sarsaparilla 66,757 — 3,349 FOAM |
senna - 11,404 856 284
succus liquoritia 4,734 22,020 . 6,628
tamarinds 98,444 641 817
tapioca - 17,180 859 143
verdigrise 179,610 11,295 2,250
other drugs 15,682 4,110 ©
Dye stuffs, &c. anotto 33,226 3,322
archelia 3,012 2,636
argol 8,931 cwt. 11,163
berries - 9,122 6,368 1,167
boxwood 181 tens 1,449, ~ 396
brazil £ 44, 2,462 33 ae
braziletto - ~ 49 331 |
camwood 189 1,517
cochineal 297,684 lb. 937,537 f
ebony - 117 tons 1,900 g
fustic 58,545 51,792
galls - 1,409 2,466
indigo 1,867,754 lb. 205,451 :
lignumvite 353 tons 1,651 k
logwood 5,504 64,926 j
madder 42,778 cwt. 88,555
roots 21,469 210,404 49
mahogany 7,486 tons 79,555 a
niccoragua 498 4,894
redwood 597 23,885 4
safflore 61,216 lb. 4,081 4
saffron : 1,816. 999, 227 =
shillac - 28,729 1,077 93
shumac 25,996 8,448
smalts - 684,123 14,235 11,402
sticklack 3,367 42 *
valonia 6,219 cwt. 1,554
weld 269 269 11 @
Earthen ware - 14,516 1,853.
Elephants teeth 2,628 _15,768 3,462 —
Essence of spruce 32,940 lb. 841 218
Fans, paper - 4,837 ° 923
Feathers for beds 9,014 cwt. 28,470 11,875
ostrich, undressed 2,177 |b. 1,306 390
Fish, anchovies 8,664 barrels 1,526 902
cod - 20,400 cwt. 11,460

THE CHRONICLE.

Goods.
Fish,
a white
oysters
salmon
stock -
other | -
Flax, undressed
Flower roots and trees
Fruit, lemons & oranges
nuts, small
chesnuts -
olives
Gauze =
Glass plates -
Glue -
Grocery, almonds, Jord.

Quantity.

herrings, red No. 5,703 barrels

4,873

110,594 bushels

297 barrels
1,730 cwt.

243,324 |

52,716,417

62,060 bushels
9,005

209 hogsheads

3,098 ewt.
1,600

not Jord, 2,384

aniseed - 9,195
barley, pearl 1,335
cinnamon - 3,897 Ib.
cloves - 12,045
cocoa - 3,933
coffee - 69,028
currants 50,607
figs : 13,559
ginger - 7,136
mace - 4,984
nutmegs - 23,981
pepper 4,859,860
pimento 1,911,582
prunes - 4,033 cwt.
raisins, Denia 50,576
Faro 2,108
Lexia 33,393
Lipari 10,311
Smyrna 7,049
solis 30,462
rice - 234,025
sago - 75,269
succads - 18,456 lb.
sugar, brown 1,989,230
tea 13,031,376
truffles = 1,257
turmeric 123,684
vermicelli 61,179
Hair, goat - 58,329
'_ horse - 61,823 |

hi

Value.

&. 8,825

7,242
38,707
455
2,682
2,164
478,579
1,603
37,615
7,241
2,230
1,466
3,192
36,446
5,368
3,610
5,385
3,623
1,335
779
3,011
9,833
481,713
53,132
8,597
8,920
3°15
4,796
80,997
48,160
3,193
27,816
1,159
25,356
6,444:
5,111
25,225
175,310
940
1,267
2,720,802
1,303,137
502
1,288
* 1,531
1,093
7,752

11gf

Duties,

x, 2,764

180
387

45

441
11,641
2,327
637
368
319
8,791
684
3,699
2,761
2,542
589
851
1,599
1,749
36,961
59,043
7,096
3,936
996
2,377
19,190
24,013
2,432
17,912
843
13,357
4,253
4,023
28,431
11,443
1,298
598
1,486,101
137,622
141
79)
507

1
2,316
Hair,

112 APPENDIX TO
Goods. Quantity.) Value.
Hair, human - No. 11,523 #€. 3,841
ox orcow- - 1,166 cwt. 1,750
Hardware os 4,593
Hats, chip ‘es 22,340 dozen 13,962 |
straw - 6,180 3,862
Hemp, rough ~ - 614,362 cwt. 522,207
Hides, horse - No. 17,525 6,056
Indian ~ 9,550 23865"
Josh - 15,901 Ib. 1,192
ox or cow - 253,512 109,476
tanned | - = 77 and 73,010 Ib. Q,A72
Inkle wrought ‘ - 2,353 dozen 4,170
unwrought - 10,645 754
Tron bar - 57,693 tons — 563,823
cast - 3,191 8,974
drawn - 42 718 -
pig : 3,318 3,478
Kelp - - 1,693 4,827
Lacebone - - 2,785 yards 278:
Lard, hog : - 158;691 Ib: 2,017
Linen, cambrics - 20,589 pieces 20,450
canvass, Hess. - 16,835 cwt. 58,916
spruce > 13,123 96,561
damask nap. - 20,660 774
tabling Sil. - 38,245 45302
nap. and tow. Holl. —- 18 1
diaper nap. 45,999 1,149
tabling, Sil. : 2,610 298°
nap. and tow, Fr. - 433 21
Russia broad, about 225 287 1,150
tow and nap. 446 1,115'
drilling - 1,943 4,336:
east country, narrow - 3 10
French - - 1,758 253
German, above 314 -' 5 324
36 - 5 $4
not-above $15 33,942 1444587
Holland and Flanders 5,610 841
hinderlands, brown - 212 319
Irish, plain - 38,142,248 yd. 1,369,263
above 36 in. 20,013 3
under 36. - 107 266
lawns, French 3,590 5,360
Sil. Holl. white - 2,160 702"
not Holl. white 1,787 580°
Portugal or Span. 18 1
Russia broad, above 225 17,208 72,626
314 877 5,255

Duty.
UR. 1,152
475

1 ABT
| 4,063
849
111,963
655°
557
662
4,573
1,480
3,495
155
167,114
2,171
498
46
1,390
205
2
10,306
22,728
11,899
4.29
2,388
1

949
139

i ess
353
343

» 21,149
1,619
Russia

THE CHRONICLE. 113
Goods, Quantity. Value. Duty.
Linen, Russia broad, above 36 No. 5,934 37,784 £.20,736
45 8 75 39
narrow 10,391 29,204 8,527
printed 15 79 63
Russia tow. and nap. 3,194 yards 7,987 © 2,462
sail-cloth - 349 Rory feet 742
sails, made - - 1,489 669
_ ticks - - 535 536 153
ticking 445 yards 89 48
other linen - 186 104
Marbles 4 = - 1,736 1,312 433
Mats, Russia - - 900,690 10,983 4,956
- cane - 483 603
Molasses - - 17,015 11,310 2,552
Moss, rock - - 231 tons 2,033 57
Musical instruments - 2,806 437
Natron a - 1,967 14,755 4,057
Ochre - - 3,605 bush. 1,802 360
Oil, ordinary - - 1,912 tons 53,728 13,432
sallad - - 79,958 11,019 4,331
train - - 10,739 184,539 769
Paper - 4,353 2AILS
Pictures - - 1,813 5,006 3,521
P. goods, India calico - 940,611 470,511 390,278
muslin QTT,047 & 1,544 320,855 167,527
nankeen 57,385 11,477
prohibited 328, 159 & 1,431 167,660 20,729
Pitch - = 896 8,036 553
Pomatum “ . 4,009 1,129
Prov. Bacon - - 60,555 85,908 2,348
beef - - 62,660 123,486
butter - - 297,806 316,930 3,175
cheese - - * 99,493 42,838 2,264
pork - - 45,162 86,889
Quills, goose - - 26,482 4,064 659
Rags es - 5,371 20,403
Rape cakes - - 1,164 3,452 615
Rosin - - 1,982 843 201
Salt - - - 8,621 13,003 2,351
petre - - 51,181 cwt. 31,733 7,021
Seeds, clover - - 42,592 27,298 5,806
garden - - 60,088 Ib. 2,541 372
linseed - -. 380,378 bu. 63,754
onion - - 621 cwt. 2,870 548
rape or cole - - 6,083 qrs. 6,083 2,925
Shells, mother of pearl - 36,468 683 109
Ships hulls and materials - 3,064 168
oL. XXXIV. H Shroff

114 APPENDIX TO

Goods. Quantity. Value.

Shruff . = No. 1,196 cwt. 3,290
Silk, Bengal, raw - 4.25,235 lb. 155,919
China, raw - 102,279 37,502

Italian and Turkey, raw 404,381 229,517
r thrown 436,831 524,086

wrought < 800 1,240
waste - 133,326 15,071
Skins, bear, black = 31,200 10,155
beaver - - 225,599 39,488
calabar - 6,910 2,804

calf, raw . 45,171 doz. 67,795
tanned - 387,184 lb. 9,683

coney - - 39,983 doz. 2,035

deer, in hair - 465,522 58,296

elk - - 4,595 “ 1,257

fox, ordinary - 56,044 3,503

goat, raw - 23,665 doz. 23,680
tanned - 1,088 380

hare - - 1,512 cwt. . 2,297

kid, in hair - 422,999 6,790
dressed - 110,201 1,983

lamb, undressed - 5,156 cwt. 2,578
martin PLN ja 131,540 32,883

mink - - 85,558 6,422
musguash - 931,532 5,787

otter - - 40,801 7,142
racoon - 208,407 5,210

seal - - 262,651 10,958

wolf the 16,685 4,172

other skins 5,492

Snuff - - 16,556 Ib. 4,139
Soap, hard - - 159 cwt. 336
Spirits, brandy - 1,179,544 gall. 139,375
cordial water - 3,704 1,846
geneva - 607,246 34,118

rum - v 3,027,032 270,041
Statues, busts, &c. 2,115
Steel, long - - 905 cwt. 1,267
Stockings, worsted - 10,020 doz. 13,527
Stones, blocks of marble - 22,176 feet 4,372
paving, Guern. - 5,967 tons 5,967
sweep-washers dirt - 160 1,609

Tallow - - 201,856 cwt. 220,461
Tapes, open - 4,086 doz. 1,220
Tar - - 10,036 lasts 89,578
Tarras - - 15,054 bush. 878

Thread

THE CHRONICLE.

Goods, Quantity. Value.
Thread, Bruges - 773 dozen 657
sisters - _11,397 lasts 5,948
Tobacco - - 44,057,916 416,915
Brazil - 68,960. 6,896
Tortoisesheil - 10,2034 2,306
Tow - - 6,026 cwt. 3,939
Toys 3,412
Turpentine - 116,542 55,667
Twist for bandstrings 5,278 5-6th dozen knots 1,847
Water, Piermont 4,878 dozen bottles 1,634
Wax, bees - 2,646 cwt.. 12,662
Whale-fins ‘ 5,788 46,081
Wine, Canary 158 tuns 0 hhds. 0 gals. 5,384
French 1,617 1 9 40,142
Madeira 1,252 O 492 96,728
Port 26,938 3 23 667,184
Rhenish 139 1 1 4,075
Spanish 5,395 0 204 118,691
other wines 2A 3 55 605
Wood, balks, 5 to 8 in. sq.’ 795 ewt. 1 qr. 271b. —_7,286
battens 10,135 0 18 12,264
oak , 498 2 23 3,975
paling 4,862 ] Qf} 1,661
scale - 1,586 1 11 793
- wainscot 32,4623 in. and 8 ton 0 qrs. 5lb. 2,501
cedar 127 0 3 @) 882

deals above 20f.long 569 cwt. O qrs. 13lb. 4,929
under 20f. 49,394 10) 15 101,773

deal ends 4,779 10) 18;; 2,771
lathwood 6,7352- fathoms 12,360
masts, 12 in. diam. | 3,617 43,505

8 to 12 6,727 25,910

6 to 8 7,601 10,802

oak planks 6,290 cwt. 284 qrs. 18,289
pine bds.& planks 19,608c. 12q.&1,872c.27|b. 27,223
staves - 68,822 cwt. 3 qrs. 6lb. 59,729
not above 36 in. 2,295 3) hl 778
above 36 &und.50 7,627 3 18 6,462
50. 60 1 793 2. 27 1,492

60 72 8,825 1 8 75447

72 42 §. 10 28

timber, fir 260,922 loads 40 feet 202,770
oak - 6,927 y/ 10,315
ufers, 5 & und. 8 in sq. 404 cwt.1 qr. 21 1b. 2,017
balks, under 5 in, 397 Oo 14 837
ufers, under 5 in. sq. 260 Rn 9 518
wainscot logs © 6588 loads 214 feet 8,580
other wood 12,123

H 2

115

Duty.

&. 383
1,567
270,235

637
828
1,134
13,064
593
4407
4,185
460
2,961
45,472
23,138
481,933
4,719
97,187
719
2,147
13,762
32
1,250
877
1,293

3,185
32,330
4,276
4,738
1,213
1,153
437
4,60

116 APPENDIX TO
: Goods. Quantity. Value.
Wood, cotton No. 34,907,497 lasts €.1,129,203
Wool, concy - 15,3944 1:72
sheeps - 163,157 + 4,078
Spanish - 4,350,819 ~ 962,861
Yarn, cotton = 94:,8502- 966
linen, raw - 9,524,060 465,261
mohair - 53,813 7,399
woollen bay 8,348 cwt. 14 1b. 19,104:
Zaftre - 38,134 lasts 3,448
Miscellaneous articles 83,732

Total

Duty.

€.111

S28")

23
1,569
11

961

38,476

£.19,659,358 5,021,594

British Merchandize exported, from Jan. 5, 1792, to Jan. 5, 1793.

Goods,
LUM -
Apothecary ware
Apparel, garments
Bark, tanners -

Quantity. Value.

23,778 aoe a 47,790
81,916 20,470
11,947 tons 13 ewt. Ogqr. 35,841

Beer - 20,809 tons 5hhds, 50 gals. 105,378
Books, printed 6,481 cwt. 3qrs. 31b. 26,615
Bricks - 7,832,404 3,869
Brass, wrought 62,770 cwt. Q2qrs. 22lb. 282,469
wire - 921 1 10 3,224
Cabinet ware - 14,737
Candles, tallow 153,207 doz. 2 lb. 34,471
wax - 17,601 lb. 9,198

Cards, new wool - 930 doz, 0° 107
old wool 9,542 6 762
playing - 830 cwt. 1 qr. 934
Cattle, horses - 2,070 20,392
mules - 362 3,620
Chariots and coaches: 542=566 26,305
Coal, tar, and varnish 753 bls. 228 gals. 1,062
Coals (Newcastle measure) 111,230 chald. 1 bush. 266,215
(Winton measure) 280,946 9 315,883
canal - ‘453 tons 10 cwt. Or. 453

great - 30,160 6 10) 7,540
Culm (Newcastle measure) 324 chald. 554 bush. 643
(Winton measure) 7,126 28 7,126
Colours for painters 91,305
Copperas - 54,949 cwt. 1qr. Q1b. 13,257
Cordage, new - 59,776 1 17 68,742
old - 26,044: 2 25 29,951

Duty.

No. 24,124 ewe. Or. 13 Ib. 3.25,325 £.1,407

THE CHRONICLE.

Goods, Quantity. Value.
Copper, wrought No. 82,606 2 7 Ib.£.437,043
unwrought 5,347 ] 14 96,738
Corn, barley - 26,744 qrs. 62 bush. 17,474
hulled - 98 0 58
beans - 10,810 1 7,032
bear - 1,566 @) 939
malt - 20,020 5 17,726
oats - 13,640 1 7,283
oatmeal - 529 4 475
pease - 4,432 64 5,303
rye - 14,608 3 13,514
wheat - 994,190 4 $03,057
flour — - 46,123 A 94,930
Cottons and linens, checked 264,9875 pieces 328,945
rinted 1,116,0244 sq. yds. 150,494

Ditto from 6d. to 18d. bef. printed 9,030,798 sq. yds. 889,154
under 3s. before dyed 3,952 946

Cottons dimity - 373,535 yds. 15,077
fustians - 165,9593 pieces 165,959

stuffs, plain - 1,304,298 169,419

white - 174,547 30,701
Manchester 60,700

Cyder - 1,235 tuns 2 hhds. 30 gals. 9,885
Drugs, Epsom salts 1,999 ewt. O qr. 25 lb. 3,079
sal ammoniac 1,598 (0) 24, 10,799

Fish, cod, dry - 18,984 1 19 10,582
herrings, red 14,6644 bls. 20,275
white 64,5504 69,736

oysters - 9,962 bush. 4,482
pilchards - 49,326 hhds. 86,320
salmon - 3,0025 bls. 8,224
other fish 691
Flax, drest - 2,025 cwt. 1 qr. 10 lb. 4,050
undrest 160 0) 0 304:
Fishing-tackle 8,788
Glue - 508 a 22 ‘ 966
Glass and earthenware 25,333,677 pieces 65,096
green - 102,226 cwt. 1 qr. 5 lb. 47,513
white flint 9,521 Da 3,102

for windows 10,377 + DN) 15,047
Gloves, plain leather 16,201 doz. 6 4,865
Gaize - 9,925% yds. 1,232
Grindlestones - 744 & 8,0003 chald. 15,065
Gunpowder - 2,450,061 los. 74,309
Haberdashery 60,125 cwt. 1 qr. 6 Ibs. 143,895
Hats, beaver - 56,213 doz. 235,694

H 3

137

Duty-

£. 23

Hats,

118 APPENDIX TO
Goods. Quantity. Value. — Duty.
Hats, Carolina No. 6,932 &. 8,255
felt - 97,939: 3 120,418 |
Hops - 16,776 cwt. Igqr. 24]b 67,104
Hoops for barrels 7,587,397 9,484.
several sorts 2,347
Tron, bar Otons 6,630c.0g. Olb. 3,315
cast | 0) 35,a12"..0 18 26,836
pig 1,519 t Pid 20 2,792
nails 0 42,920 2 13 74,976
wrought (0) 467,715-. 2 6... 1,271,608
Lead - 14,234 Liner 3 21 160,140 27,943
ore 674 Oe2 18 7,701 423
red 0) 9,668 2 7 14,307 "i
‘white - 2,807 c. 1 qr.” 25 lb. 5,806
Lime " 9,705 0 0 8,372
Leather, tanned 8,876 1 24 31,755 517
wrought 1,266,568 2 0 141,435 —
Linen, not for bounty 58,411 pieces 102,219
British, at 2s. 6d. per yd. 240,0604 30,007
for bounty, under 5d. 462 7
5d. to 6d. 48,362 1,108
6d. to 18d. 9,225,258 461,262
buckrams 61,8592 3,092
checked 7d.to 18d. 1,236,2703 65,034
diaper, Gd. to18d. 108,864 5,443
sheeting,6d.tol8d. 29,647 1,482
sail-cloth 1,851,164 ells 93,574
cambricks 269 94
gauzes 2,153 653
catgut 11,3463 567
kentings 119,599 23,919 -
check, under 7d. 54,441 1,361
2s. Sd. 606 : 68
lawns 64,3392 11,528
flowered 2,746 525
flowered muslin 7,702 1,380
muslin 827,898 107,957
muslinet 201,626 27,274
other linens 154,652
Litharge of lead - 9,228 ewt. 3 qrs. 151b.' '4,157} 115
Molasses - 5,731 9) 6,447
Moss, rock 233 3 1,231
Oil, linseed - 22,486 0 2,745
train - 477 tons. 2 qrs. 32 1b. 7,708
vitriol 14,259
Pantiles - 771,537 1,621

Pewter

THE CHRONICLE. .119
Goods. Quantity. Value. Duty.
Pewter - No. 28,731 ewt. 2 qrs. 6 lb. £.100,560
Plate wrought, gold 246 oz. 19 dr. 1,902
silver 96,160 10 35,876
Provisions, bacon 7,1733 flitches 5,738
hams $21 ewt. I qr. 1 Ib. 1,011
beef and pork 8,716} barrels 9,991
tripe 1, 752 kegs 3,031
biscuit - 51, 301 ewt. 10 1b. 38,180
butter 5,9334 firkins 5,770
cheese 25,138 ewt. 2 qrs. 21 lb. 30,160
potatoes 13,246 cwt. and 34,454 4,286
salt, rock 1,804,718 bushels 22,662
white 2,488,2654 62,623
Seeds, clover _ 197 cwt. 1 qr. 16 1b. 549
Silk in pieces 120,979 0 13812 212,012
sewing 42,013 0 Qt 73,184
Skins, coney, black 4,210 3 3,979 £. 331
other skins 3,518 37
Soap, hard - 9,970 8 6 28,015
. AC BOfe 754 firkins and 62,452 lb. 1,300
Spirits, British - 376,230 gallons 30,564
Starch ~ - 2,484 ewt. O qrs. 2 lb. 3,040
Stationary 27,267
Stained paper - 48,210 0 0 1
Steel - 60,158 1) 9 85,738
Stones, slate - 9,628,100 0 0) 7,191
Sugar, refined - 223,706 1 8 622,033
bastard - 2,510 2 19 5,322
Stockings, a - 50,062 8 0 102,437
Thread 45,8442 Ib. 20,630
gauze — - 2,027 yds. 506
Tin - 57,684 cwt. 2qrs. 17 lb. 210,553 5,71%
plates 49,851
" Tobacco-pipes . 106,496 gross 5,497
Tow ~ 5,768 cwt. 1 qr. 5,638
Vinegar - 492 tuns 1 hhd. 343 gal. 3,966
Watches, gold = 484 7,260
metal - 595 1,190
silver - 14,005 52,330
Whale-fins - 158 cwt. 2 qrs. 16lb. 1,293
Wool, sheep’s - 5,054 tods 5,054
Woollen goods, bays, Barnstaple 3,402 pieces 6,793
double 87,006 346,744
minikin = 986 7,719
single — - 69,379 145,078
blanketing 12,337
H 4 * Woollen

120 APPENDIX TO

Goods. Quantity. Value, Duty.
Woollen goods, caps, plain Monmouth 732 doz. £.915
worsted 11,009 2,770
carpeting - 9,837
cloths, long 98,3894 pieces 892,114
remnants 6,474 Ib. 636
short 93,5283 pieces 1,135,681
Spanish 2,8753 28,650

white 478 4,779 €.131
cottons, Kendal 815,981 45,103
Welch plains 204,277 11,378
flannel 1,251,063 yds. 78,168

frizes 149,203 15,541
gartering of worsted 35,261 gross 1,736
Kersies 1,017 pieces 1,909
North. doz. single 20 75
double 469 9,462
perpets andserges 4,149,888 578,979
rugs = 498 261
stockings, woollen 10,799 doz. 11,377
worsted 138,755 187,652
yarn 793 75
stuffs 5,171,652 lb. 000z. 784,630
of silk grogram 86 11 15
incle 37,163, 113 8,131
worsted 52,469 1 _ 10,949
waistcoat pieces 413 6 1,094
woollens 126,318 cwt. 2O0lb. 795,804
other woollens - - 25,637 ,
Miscellaneous articles spi= - 3,184,118 22

Total &€. 18,336,851 149200

Foreign Goods exported, from January 5, 1792, to January 5, 1793.

RRANGOES - No. 471.535 &. 2591
Ashes, pearl - 5,501 c. 1 qr. 5lb. 8920

pot - LOS) aie 1 21,523

Barilla - < 4,246 O 10) 2,996
Bark, oak - - Sra 2 OF 9,478
Beads, coral = 2,776lb. 2 902
mother of pearl - 1,0493 364
Books, bound - 2c, lq. ii. 9
unbound - OF Sule 3

Boxes, pill - 936 gross 5 273
Brimstone - - 11,715c. , 10,324
Bristles, undressed - 3,398doz. 2 934:
Bugle, great - 275,9645lb. 16,097
Canes

THE CHRONICLE.

Goods. Quantity.
Canes, walking - No. 257,863
Capers - - 854 1b.
Carpets - - No. 4
China ware «0 413,375 pieces
Colours for painters - 3,363 Ib
Cork - - 35c. 2q. 17\b.
Corn, barley - 774 qrs. 5 bush,
beans - - 846 z
oatmeal - 62 1
oats - - 10,300 (0)
pease - 1,196 3
rye - - 1,542 6
wheat - = 26.791 5
flour - 11,101 1 14
Cottons - - -
Couries - - 1,670c, 2q. 2lb.
Drugs, almonds, bitter 348 3 19
aloes, epatica - 8,182lb.
succetrina - 7,391
alum, roach - 335c. 3q. 19
antimonium, crud. SHO: 19
‘arsenic - 120". 2.19
asafcetida - 14,766lb.
- balsam, artificial - 2084
capaivi - 8572
natural - 3645
benjamin = 16,636
borax, refined - 5,354:
buds of Cassia - 41,100
cambogium - 2,793
camphire, refined - 1,557
unrefined 21,843
cantharides - 2,2244
cardamoms - 7,574
cassia lignea - 135,6514
castoreum - 4.3.44
cinabrium - 1,719
coculus, India - 35
coloquintida - 287
cortex Peru - 22,8454
cream of tartar - 146c. Iq. 13lb.
eleborus - 189
essence of lemons 145
ginseng - 60,136
gums, Arabic - 54c, Zq. 41b.
copal - 5,025lb.
gum guiaci - 227

Value.

&. 5,157
16

15
9,564:
98
319
506
1,269
46
7,214
2,332
1,928
52,110
5,552
960
10,021
954
305
OTT
503
25
281
1,845
88
193
263
1,039
1,882
3,718
232
233
1,592
667
1,325
17,984
9,132
623

6

71
3,572
419

5

72
6,013
152
251

Drugs,

121

122 - APPENDIX TO

Goods. Quantity. Value.
Drugs, Gum Senegal No. 1,010 &. 2,898
Tragacanth 2,473 -125
isinglass - 146c. 3q. 3lb. 2,054
jalap 2,960Ib. 431
juniper berries 374c. 2q. Olb. - 936
lead, black - BS: ONO 96 5 4: 38
manna - 5,256lb. 723
myrrh - 12,5614 1,360
oils, castor 602c. Oq. Olb. 861
palm -. 162 2 29 203
perfumed 623 0 10 187
turpentine 523lb. 6
opium 7,757 1,942
pistachia nuts 3,904 JiM6O
quicksilver - 3,182 954
radix ipecacuana 4,201 1,044
serpentaria 535 ~ 107
rhubarb, Russia 651 808
East India 3,463 4,330
saccarum saturn, 14,328 - 7,162
sarsaparilla - 20,967 - 2,486
senna - 3,8905 - 486
succus liquoritia 2c. Oq. 6lb. 13
tamarinds 17,812|b. lll
tapioca 4,752 207
verdigrise 1,986 190
other dr ugs - : - ' -§,429
Dye stuffs, &c. anotto 2,526 368
archelia Ot. 60c. 3q. 21lb 61
argol O 204 1 2 223
berries O 324 0 2% 891°
boxwood Lin 9 HSH 163
brazil ID oid we 9,548
braziletto 78 O38 Q7 663
cochineal 93,5941b. 100,294
ebony 13t. 15c, 2q. 26]b. 289
fustic 1429.12 3 7 19,265
galls 0389 1 4 955
indigo 899,659]b. 172,458
lignumvite 44t. 9c. 2q. — 266
logwood 2811 12 0 38,553
madder 301 0 O 771
mahogany 55316 0 0 5,537
niccoragua 384 5 3 12 4,664
redwood 45519 2 6 24,643
safflore 9,322 737
saffron 1,619 1,133

THE CHRONICLE.

Goods.

Dye stuffs, &c. sandersred 257c. 3q. 20]b.

shillac 10,431]b.
shumac 493c. 3q. 17Ib.
smalts 102, O15lb.
sticklack 80,526
valonia 60c. Oq. Olb.
Elephants teeth : Wis 2 1
Essence of spruce 2,88521b.
Fans, paper - 150,261
Feathers for beds 26c, Oq. 6lb.
ostrich, undressed 138]b.
Fish, anchovies - 1174bls,
cod 7,197c. 2q. 241b.
herrings, red 1,127bls.
white 392
salmon - 198
stock 612¢ 2q. 6lb.
other fish -
Flax, undressed 14,088 3 8
Fruit, lemons and oranges No. 1,412,750
nuts, chesnuts 108 bush.
small 838
olives - Thhds. 58 gals.
Glass plates - -

Glue -
Grocery, almonds, Jord.

Quantity.

51c. 3q. 10lb.

62-3 12

not Jord. 67 2 15

aniseed 9255.1 20
barley, pearl 10510 °3
cinnamon 628lb.
cloves 1,198
cocoa 2,745 cwt.
coffee, B. plant. 52,844 cwt.
E, India 5,776c. 1q. 21|b.
currants 7,624 (1 6
figs G65 1 3/07
ginger 5,200 2 2h
mace 6764lb.
nutmegs $,0773
pepper 1,348,903
pimento 1,310,7704
prunes 423.¢.3q. 171b.
raisins, Denia 10,275 3 1
Lexia 594 2 Da
Lipari 252 1 21
Smyrna 2,181 0 O
solis 2401 0 O

2,697
Grocery,

124 APPENDIX TO

Goods. Quantity. Value.
Grocery, rice No. 174,959c. Oq. Olb. . 174,864
sago ZouleT 10 0. 1,142
succads 1162 0! 0 ' 7)
sugar, brown 239,561 0 O 537,288 |
E. India 3,506 3 21 19,949
tea 2,312,8982lb. 341,607
truffles 227 113
turmeric 30,908 644
vermicelli 1,431 35
Hair, goat, ordinary 8,671 412
horse 13,126 9,080 .
human < - 24: - 12
OX or cow 96c. 1q. 18]b. 173
Hats, chip Doz. 7,701 6 4,813
straw - 587 7 367
Hemp, rough 23,703c. 1q. 12lb. 99,571
Hides, Indian 8,603 3,853
OX or cow 8,312 3,740
Incle, wrought Doz. 116 IIIb, 280
Tron, bar - 9,184t. 8c. 3q. lb. 192,847
drawn or hammered 015 3 26 ' We
Kelp 127 23 2% 400
Lace bone 1874 yds. 327°
Lard, hog’s 2,757 51
Linen, cambric 3,954 pes 5,044
canvas, Hess. 543c. 0q. 25lb. 1,884
spruce 2,692 1 21 6,317
damask, nap. 2,053 "0 0 161
tabling, Sil.1,90450 0 196
diaper, nap. Sil. 4,638 0 O 158
tabling Sil. 947 0 O 101
Russ, bd. above22} 57 3 19 319
towelling and nap. 0.93 16 3
drilling 574 1 19 1,682
Germ. under 313 10,458 1 23 57,320
Holl. & Fland. ells 1,7512 ells 284
hinderlands, plain 306,372 yds. 19,412 |
6 to 18d 5,598,446 279,922 |
und, 36 I. 134c.7 ells 1072
diaper 8,468 yds. 423
sheeting, 6 to 18d 61,403 3,069
lawns, French 6732 825
Silk Holl. white 2,6804 1,072
not whited 1,932 772
Port, or Span. bd. above 224 3,335c. 1q. 41b. 18,493
$14 364. 315 2,880
36 353627,.%3 15 7,453

Port,

THE CHRONICLE.

Goods, Quantity.

Port. or Span. narrow No.68 O 14

Towel and napkining jek eee Be ay!

Sail cloth BIS Mud

Ticks 440

Other linen - -

Marbles lc. Oq. Olb.

Mats, Russia 8,882

Cane 1,469

Molasses Ot. 2,924c. 1q. 7lb.

Moss, rock 2 | 1 nea (C2)

Ochre 1,534 bush,

Oil, ordinary 116t. Oc. lq. Olb.
sallad 16,000 gals.
train 53t. Sc. $7q. Olb.

Callicoes 470,617 pes.

Moslin 269,658

Nankin 22,767

Prohibited 516,839

Pitch 135¢. 3q. Olb.

Prov. bacon TIBue2 22

beef 18,9492 bls.
butter 20,664c. 2q. 15lb.
cheese Boon. 2 0
pork 16,422 bls.

Rags 20t. le. Oq. 23 1b.

Rosin Ot. 1,146.1 14

Salt - 1,791 bush. 10 pks.
petre r 2,339. Oq. 261b.

Seeds, clover 296 Tae 7.

garden 1,308 Ib.
linseed = 6,604
onion - Oc. 3q. Olb.

Shells, mother of pearl - 2,812\b.

Silk, Bengal, raw 13,406

China, raw 5,310
Italian and Turkey, raw 15,798 6
thrown 10,579 10
wrought 379 13

Skins, bear, black 21,344

beaver 144,329

Calabar 6,646 20

coney 3,049 doz. 8

deer, in hair 168,116

elk 5,258

fox, ordinary 13,476

goat, raw 306 doz.
tanned 25c. Og. Olb.

hare 25 0 10

(25

Value.

S.177
623
146
4.44.
87
1
163
175
Q18l
36
536
5,049
1,200
792
835,551
621,713
8,385
475,848
1,767
2,874
35,301
99,375
462
31,837
102
568 ©
8,650
7,602
Li?
59
2,223
2

138
8,713
3,451

12,426
15,869 ©

645

9,038

34,278
2,769
177
25,215
2,093
1,066
260

22

28
Skins,

126. APPENDIX TO

Goods. Quantity.

Skins, martin - No. 106,746 lb.
mink - 79,309
musguash - 261,092

\ otter - 54,546
racoon 183,535
seal - 95,305
wolf 14,525
other skins “

Snuff 583 |b.

Spirits, brandy 10,348 gals.
‘ cordial water 40

geneva 12,610
rum 577.3255

Steel, long Ot. 36c, 2q. 13 |b.

Paving of Guernsey 20 O O 0

Tallow 0 495 0 3

Tapes, open 656 doz. 2

Tar 427 lasts 113

Thread, sisters 1685

Tobacco 29,352,363 lb.

Brazil 26,635
manufactured 1,830,103
Tortoiseshell 4,175
Toys - -
Turpentine 455c. 3q. 10 1b.
Twist for bandstrings 464 7 (0)
Water, Piermont O13 (0)
Wax, bees Mibes 2 16
Whale-fins 345 2 14
Wine, Canary bd, AO
French $37 2 59
Madeira Sr “l' 16
Port Gli «L168
Rhenish (Ss. 2 aT
Spanish 170 1 48
other wines 1 38 43
Wood battens 20-2. 18
Boards, oak 3.0 0)
scale 4 2 0)
wainscot 15 inch.
deals above 20f. long 90c. Oq. 10]b.
under 20 f. 90 O 6
Deal ends - 13, KOU y LOT
Lathwood " 1203 fathoms -
Masts, 12 inches diameter 3

6 and under 8
Pine boards and planks

79
Loads, 1,928 and 2,024

THE CHRONICLE.
Goods. Quantity. Value
Staves No. 10,092¢. 1q. 41b. &.8,626
under 36 inches 15 0 0 9
above 36 & under 50 46 2 20 29
60 & under'72 2,191 2 20 2,164
Timber, fir - Loads 91 18 91
oak - 20 30 83
Ufers, 5 and under 8 inches Oc. 2q. Olb. 3
under 5 inches Dineen eh 4.
Wainscot logs 20,,47 0 105
Other wood - - 97
Wool, cotton - 48,303 lb. 1,517
‘Turkey - 616,683 21,839
Brit. plant. - 820,479 23,293
coney - 200 12
Spanish - 87,323 8,732
Yarn, cotton 4,504 253
linen, raw - 283 40
mohair - 9,376 1,875
Miscellaneous articles - - 94:
Total - 658,344
_ Golden coin and ingots 85,283 341,132
Silver in bullion and coin 7,031,410 1,757,852

Total #£. 2,098,984

128 APPENDIX TO

An Abstract of the Number of Vessels, with the amount of their Tonnage,
that have cleared out from the Ports of London, Bristol, and Liverpool,
to the Coast of Africa, for the Purpose of purchasing Slaves, in the
Three Years preceding the 5th of January, 1792.

1789. 1790. 1791. TOTAL.

PORTS. |—————— | | ———_ | ———__
Ships.| Tons. |Ships| Tons. |Ships.| Tons. |Ships. Tons.

— | |

London -| 9 | 1738 | 15 | 3097 | 25 | 3943 | 49 | 8778

Bristol 15 | 2691 | 27°} 4968°| 22 | 4069 |} 64 |11728

Liverpool | 61 {11081 94 |18260 | 97 |18614 |252 \47955
|

Totals - | 85 15510 136 |26325 |144 |26626 |365 68461

Average of the Three Years, viz.

London - - 16 | 2926
Bristol - - | 22 | 3909
Liverpool - - | 84 115985

Total Average --:122 22820

14th May, 1792. J. DALtey,
Assistant to the Register General of Shipping.

An Abstract of the Number of Vessels, with the Amount of their Tonnage,
that have cleared out from the Ports of London, Bristol, and Liverpool,
to the Coast of Africa, for the Purpose of purchasing Slaves, from 5th
January 1792, to 4th May, 1792.

| ships. Tons.

London -
Bristol =
Liverpool - 39 | 7446

Total - | 58 {11195

14th May, 1792. J.. DALEEY,
Assistant to the Register General of Shipping.

Ad
‘

129

THE CHRONICLE.

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Abstract

Vou. XXXIV.

APPENDIX TO

130

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THE CHRONICLE.

131

An Account of the Income and Charges upon the Consolidated Fund, in
~ the Quarter ended the 5th day of January, 1793; together with the

Surplus remaining for the Disposition of Parliament.

INCOME.

ONSOLIDATED duties of Excise a
Do. of Customs — —
Do. of Stamps — —_—
Do. of Salt —— ——
Do. of Letter Money —- _
Tax on Hackney Coaches and Chairs —
Do. on Hawkers and Pedlars —-~-
Do. on Houses and Windows, 1765 =
Do. on Inhabited Houses, 1779 —
Do. on Horses —_ —
Do. on Male Servants a
Arrears of Female Servants waa
Tax on Four-wheel Carriages —
Do. on Two-wheel do. —
Arrears of the Tax on Waggons _
Do. on Carts --
Tax of Is. per lib. on Salaries, &c. anno. 1758
Do. of Gd. per lib. on do. anno. 1721 —
Seizures of uncustomed and prohibited goods
Sheriffs Profers — —
Rent of Alum Mines _——
Compositions by the Bank of England, in lieu of a
Stamp-Duty on Bills and Notes issued by them
Stamp Duties on Bills of Exchange, Receipts, &c.
pursuant to an act 31 Geo. III. _
Reserved on the 10th Oct. 1792, for the Use of the
Public, in respect of the Annuities for the N»minces
" appointed by the Lords Commissioners of his Ma-
jesty’s Treasury, pursuant to an act 30 Geo. III.
Arrears of the 53d 4s Aid, anno.1789 2.8550 O O
Do, 54th 4s Aid, anno. 1790 3004 15 11

_ Imprest Money repaid by James and John

Meyrick, Esqrs. arising from the Sale

of Commissions in several regiments

vacated by the promotion of Officers 2£.799 7 6
Do. by Kender Mason, Esq. on his ac-

count, as Contractor in East Florida 1000 O O
Do. by Archibald Robertson, Deputy

Quarter Master at New York - 186 13 4

12

we.
1894778
961981
289020
100458
89000
9700
4.00
137155
61910
51382
45532
8322
7433
16488
1714
2052
12834
13290
7393
25
480

6000
32150

12277

11554

1986

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13 08
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132 APPENDIX TO

Po ee
, Brought forward 3835322 2 5%
Money paid by Charles Long, Esq. for interest upon
187,000]. for annuities granted by act of Parlia-
ment, 29 Geo. III. = =
Total Income of the Consolidated Fund —_—_—_———_-
in the quarter ended Sth Jan. 1793. s€.3839348 19 43

—_——_—

4026 16 11

CHARGE.

EXCHEQUER.

Annuities, 2-7ths Excise for two and three lives, for
three months, due 5th January, 1793 2048 18 O

£:3700 per week Excise, with the salaries

to the Officers of the Receipt of His

Majesty's Exchequer, for three months,

due ditto — 7957 11 8
1706 with do. — 6181 2 10%
1707 with do. 2038 0 64
per Ist act 1708, with do. — 1229 13 13
2d act 1708, with do = 2649 6 32
Annuities on Lives, anno 1745, for 6 months, due do. 6159 2 6
1746, for do. due do 11233 5 O
1757, for do. due do. 12283 12 6
1778, for do. due do. 1384 16 6
1779, for do. due do, 2587 9 32

SOUTH-SEA COMPANY.

Annuity and Management on 24,065,084. 13s. 1 12d.
their present capital, for one quarter, due Sth
January, 1793 . _ —_

Annuity and Management on 1,919,600]. for half a
year, due the same time, after abating the sum of
106]. 17s. Gd. for the half 213]. 15s. after the
rate of 5621. 10s. per million, on the principal sum
of 380,0001. purchased by the Commissioners ap-
pointed for the Reduction of the National Debt,
before 5th July, 1792 _ _— 29227 0 $

183993 13 5%

BANK OF ENGLAND.

Annuity and Management on 107,399,696l. 5s. 12d.

$ per cent. consolidated annuities, for half a year,

due 5th January, 1793. after abating the sum of

7061. 10s. for the half of 1413]. after the rate of

450). per million, on the principal sum of 3140000).

purchased by the Commissioners appointed for the
Reduction

THE CHRONICLE.

Reduction of the National Debt, before 5th of July,
1792
Annuity and Management on 178699931. 9s. 10d. after
the rate of 5]. per cent. per annum, for half a year,
due 5th January, 1793

- Annuity and Management on 1000000I. after the rate
of 31. per cent. per annum, for half a year, due 5th
January, 1793

Annuities granted by the acts of the 4th and 5th of King
William and Queen Mary, and charged upon the 9d.
per barrel Excise, commonly called 141. per cents.
which ceased upon the 5th February, 1792, and is to
be placed to the account of the Commissioners ap-
pointed for the reduction of the National debt, for
three months, due do.

Annuities granted by the acts of the 5th and 6th of the
same reign, for ninety-six years (commonly called
Tonnage) which ceased on the 5th day of February,
1792, and is to be placed to the account of the com-
missioners aforesaid, for three months, due do.

Bank of England, on their capital of 3200000). after the
rate of 31. per cent. per annum, for one quarter, due
12th of November, 1792

Do. on 40000001. purchased ofthe South-Sea Company,
for there months, due 5th of January, 1793

Do. on 5000001. at 31. per cent. per anum, for do,

Do. on 12500001. at do. for do.

Do. on 17500001. at do. for do. -——

Do. on 986800]. at do. for do. _

To the Chief Cashier of the Bank of England to reim-
burse so much paid for fees of various natures paid at
the Treasury, Exchequer, and other offices, in relation
to the accounts of the several Bank annuities, to 5th
of July, 1791

EAST INDIA COMPANY.

On their capital of 32000001. at 3]. per cent. per ann.
for three months, due 5th of January, 1793

Do. 10000001. at do. lent anno 1744 —

To the Judges of England and Wales, on their several
additional allowances, for three months, due 5th of
January, 1793 é - --

To Charles Bembridge, Esq, Jate Secretary and Ac-
<ountant in the office for managing the former duties
on Wine Licences, for do.

13

450770

15225

12128

1591

25000

30474
3750
9375

13125
7401

896

Ss.

1634453 17

ll

15

1

oooco co

10

133

~y
tale

—

a

134 APPENDIX TO

To Charles Bembridge, Esq. more, as late anand to
the above office, for do.

To Ann Cass, late Office Keeper to the ‘abot office,
for do. —_

To the officers in the Exchequer Pill Office, on their
salaries, for do. = —

For the support of his Majesty’s Household, for do.

To his Royal Highness Frederick Duke of York and
Albany, on his annuity of 140001. for do.

To her Royal Highness Frederica Ulrique Catherine,
Duchess of York and pigg?f on her any of 40001.
for do.

To his Royal Highness William Henry Duke of Cla-
rence, on his annuity of 120001. for do.

To his Royal Highness William Henry Duke of Glou-
cester, on do. 8000I. for do. =

To do. on do, 9000). for do. _

To the Representatives of Arthur Onslow, at on do.
3000I. for do.

To the Earl of Chatham, on wido: 40001. for'd do.

To Lord Rodney, on do, 20001. for do. --

‘To Lord Heathfield, on do, 15001. for do. =

To Lord Sondes, late one of the Auditors of the Im-
prest, on do. 70001. for do.

To Lord Bute, another, on do, 70001. sind do.

To Phillip Deare, Esq. on do. 3001. for do.

To John Wigglesworth, Esq. on do. 3001. for do.

To Charles Harris, Esq. on do. 2001. for.do.

To Sir. William Musgrave, Bart. one of the Commission-
ers for auditing the Public Accounts, on do. 1000).
for do. —

To John Thomas Batt, Esq. another, on do. 10001. for do.

To John Martin Leake, Esq. another, on do. 10001.
for do _

To Sir John Dick, Bart. another, on do. 500). for do.

To William Molleson, Esq. another, on do. 5001. for do.

To John Penn, Esq. of Stoke Pogis, in the county of
Berks, one of the heirs of the late William Penn, Esq.
on do. 30001. for do. »

To John Penn, Esq. of Dover Street, Anotters on do.
10001. for do. tz

To Lady Dorchester, Guy Carleton, and Tt bomas Carle-

- ton, Esqrs. on their annuity of 10001. for do.

For Clerks Contingencies in the Office for auditing the
Public Accotistis for do.

To Robert Hepburne, jun, Esq. Master of i his Majesty’s
Mint in Scotland.

162 10

224.500
3500

1000
3000

2000 °

2250

750
1000
500
379

1750
1750
75

0

0

Soeocieacseqcedgs, oor &. 6 2

oo-o' 626

oOo. 2 26 — >

Soasoo oocog -og@ S&S © i=)

SC. - Go

Wo Oo fo fo

THE CHRONICLE.

To George Earl of Leicester, Master of his Majesty’s
Mint in England, for three months, due 5th of Janu-
ary, 1793 =~ _

To John Reeves, Esq. on account of the deficiency of
the fees, granted by an act 32 Geo. III. forthe more
effectual administration of the Office of a justice of
the Peace in such parts of the counties of Middlesex
and Surry as lie in or near the metropolis, &c. to
defray the charges and expences attending the exe-
cution of the said act a

To the Usher of the Exchequer for ne-
cessaries for the quarter ended 5th of
July, 1792 _ £514 8 48

Do. 10th of October, 1792 499 12 54

To the Right Hon. Henry Addington, Speaker of the
House of Commons, the sum of 10991. 9s. to com-
plete the sum of 1500l. for the quarter, ended 25th
of December, 1792, on 60001. per ann. the sum of
4001. 11s. having been received net at the Exche-
quer, on the allowance of 51. a day, out of the Civil
List ; and also the further sum of 80]. to reimburse
the like sum paid for two years taxes on offices, and
pensions, for the perquisites of his office, to Michael-
mas, 1792; making together the sum of

Total charge upon the consolidated Fund, in

135
Zouhs. d,
3450 O O
3291 11 44

pret O49 104

WD.Ww"9 O

—-—

the quarter ended 5th January 1793 2764593,8 Sf

To the Commissioners appointed by Par-

liament for reducing the National

Debt == €.250000 0 G
To complete the sum of 3000001.

granted by Parliament out of the Con-

solidated Fund, for the service of the

year 1789 = 389059 11. 53
Surplus remaining upon 5th of January,

1793, for the disposition of Parliament435696 1 74

Total surplus of the quarter ended

5th of January, 1798 — 1074755 13 0g

ee oe

&. 3839348 16 6}

14

oo

An

136 APPENDIX TO

An Account of the Total Net Produce, paid into the Exchequer,
of the Duties of Customs in England and Scotland ; dis-
tinguishing (as far as possible) the Produce on every separate
Article, the Duties on which shall have amounted to One Thou-
sand Pounds, or more, in the Four Quarters next preceding

the 10th of October, 1792.

Net Produce, subject to the
Payment of Bounties, and
Charges of Management.

SPECIES OF GOODS.

+ min pearl ce
pot —

Barilla —_ —

Beads, coral _

Books, bound —_

Bottles, glass —_

Brimstone _

Bristles, undrest _

Bugle, great —

Callicoes ——

Capers _—

Carpets, Turkey —

China ware ——

Copper, unwrought —-

Cork nd

Corn, oats ast
wheat —_

Drugs, aloes cicotrina ——
balsam capaiva —_—
borax refined _—
cassia lignea —_—

cortex Peru ——

cream of tartar

gum copal

guiaci

Senegal
jalap —
juniper berries
lead, black _-—
manna —
oil, perfumed aie
turpentine os
opium a
quicksilver -_——
radix, ipecacuana —
saccarum saturni
sarsapatilla —

#.

1070 19

1055
29723
164
1148
1758
4666
5529
1232
95773
380
835
18519
1794
5483
12904
376
592
176
528
97
4585
1170
1388
241
3346
783

4958 |

428
490
1456
94:
1677
2968
201
2622
2049

Se

17
76!
11 114
21
13 11g
10 8
16 32
9 8L
5°83
7 6
17 104
15 4

d.

2

6 3h
7

63

ig

Drugs, senna

succus liquoritia

THE CHRONICLE. 1s

tamarinds
verdigrise

Dye stuffs, sma

Its

Elephants teeth

Feathers for be
Fish, anchovies
oysters

Fruit, lemons and oranges

ds

nuts, small

Glass plates
Glue

Grocery, almonds, Jordan
not Jordan

anniseeds
cinnamon
cloves
cocoa

coffee

currants

figs

ginger

mace

nutmegs

errr
pimento

prune
rains,

rice
sago

$

denia
faro
lexia
lipari
Smyrna
solis

succads
sugar, brown

tea

turmeric

Hair, horse
human
Hats, chip
straw
Hemp, rough
Hides, Indian

#&. d.
76.8 7
6174 0 6
702 12 11
2126 16 11
9962 19 104
2495 11 32
10875 0 94
977 12 73
2908 9
10888 1
2368 11
8247 11
599 10
$198 3
1912 17 103
1968 3 10
628 13 0
1194 15 O£
1780 17 4£
20603 16 114
61996 7 5s
6739 13 11%

D6omrssc
Pleerals

S
$e

300 11 74

1039 11 4

1944. 7 6
16856 2 OL

11917 7 38
3915 16 10}
20386 13 3

478 2 9t
12469 4 1
28638 7 72
2687 19 13
20212 1 104
8435 1 5k
1415 18 94
648.14 3
1354752) 2 113
118622 15 0
17411 9
1290 0 6
841 2 6
3034.15 5
T7bil2 3
1038330 74
13919 2b

138 APPENDIX TO

US eT el

wees. de
Hides, losh —_— » 665..1 8
ox or cow — 4518 5 10
Incle, wrought — $489 11 62
Iron, bar _ 149556 2 O§
cask — 1789): 3) 44
Kelp — 1892 13 64
Linen, cambrics — 10441 14 104
canvas hess, — 21186 16. 9
spruce — 7231 0 Of
damask tabling, sil. — 1893 16 92
diaper napkining, sil. _— Cue ee
Germany, narrow, not above 314 2962115 47
lawns, French — 2293 0 0
/ Russia, broad, above 224 —_ 20089 6 8}
314 woes 1316 6 53
36 Ae ‘8601 18 23
drilling — (4042 6 2}
narrow — 6534 4 9
towelling and napkining 2100 13 34.
Mats, Russia — 4250 18 44
Melasses os 2365 6 33
Muslin — 118786 4 83
Oil, ordinary _ 14314 8 22
sallad — 4300 16 5
Paper, foolscap, Genoa, second — 993 8 9
Pictures —_— $397: 0: 0
Pitch -— 521 9 1
Salt — ; 2568 7 9%
Salt petre = 6749 11 33
Seeds, clover — vad 5147 2 11h
Silk, Italian and Turkey, raw — 57206 17 O
Bengal, raw — 57410 17 5
China, raw — 30128 10 2
Italian, thrown — 152331 7.2
wrought —_ 838 6 10
Skins, bear, black —— 1213 10 6
Beaver — 1023 10 8
Calf, undrest -- 2889 1 7
tanned — 6540 18 11
Deer, in hair — $381 10 8
Fox, ordinary — 914 411
Goat, tanned — 2091 16 8
Kid, drest — 1136 19 O
kid, undrest _ 4217 O 84
Martin —_ 2937 :3 8
Mink — 549 15 43

4

Skins,

THE CHRONICLE.

Skins, Musquash

Snuff

Otter
Raccoon
Seal
Wolf

Soap, hard

Spirits, brandy—customs only
Geneva do.

rum do.

Stones, blocks of marble
_ Tapes, open

Tar,

Thread, sisters
Tobacco—customs only

Tow

‘Turpentine

Wax, bees

Wine, Canary—customs only

: French do.
Madeira do.
Port do.

Rhenish do.
Spanish do,

Wood, balks

BRattens
Deals
Deal ends
Lathwood
Masts
Oak plank
Paling boards
Scaleboards
Staves
Timber, fir
oak
Ufers
Wainscot boards

logs

Yarn, cotton

Alum

Coals exported to foreign parts

Lead
Tin

Mohair

——
—
—
——
—

—-

ae
—

Subsidy on sundry smal! articles ——
Coals, coast-ways

&.
337
863
391
1377
1652
856
477°
49647
23890
46955
1670
306
6012
1855
220310
1053
14662
4.275
1536
32826
25342
467309
8770
841200
1263
12963
129986
4044
4761
2726
3327
1200
747
7682
83795
662
1257
1257
2646

+, 389
1300
3268
121064
27848
5685
3445
580036

139
Be iby
3 23
6 34
9 8s
Bi id
a a4.
2 6
19 8}
4 104
TS: 464
18 4
05
10 83
18 3
|
he?
17 53
une
12 2}
Bal
19): G2
8 102
SiO5
7 11g
4 6
14 5}
3 &
Sa &
3 14
14 of
12.5
5 42
4 33
19 $b
10 98
1 104
14 43°
16 13
10. $2
15 104
19)
10.9
12 » 23
41
2.2
13 6
19 $3}
19 8}

Duties

140 APPENDIX TO

Gh 8s. A
Duties on windows, by the 24th Geo. IIT. 2299214 10 9

Sundry small articles—also small balances re-

maining in the hand of different collectors
in the different ports of Great Britain — 196923 15 10
5248361 1 1

PE ee
DISCHARGE.

By Bounties _ 648103 1 113
Management —_ 384712 15 62

Exchequer payment—(See a note below) 4136990 15 4%
Moneys issued out of the revenue in Scotland,

applicable to his Majesty’s civil govern-

ment — 78545 8 2

5248361 1 1

Note—In the above payments into the Exchequer, amount-
ing to 41369991. 15s. 43d. is included a sum of 150712I.
3s. 44d. which is applicable to the special purpose direct-
ed by the act of the 31st of his Majesty.

Tuomas Irvine,

Inspector General of the Imports and Exports
of Great Britain and the British Colonies.

Bx ens EB:

An Account of the Total Net Produce, paid into the Exchequer, of the
Duties of Excise in England and Scotland ; distinguishing (as far as
posstble) the Produce on every separate Article, the Duties on which
shall have amounted to One Thousand Pounds or more, in the Four
Quarters next préceding the 10th of October 1792.

py Siig Cm att 2

UCTIONS - - 79241 0 O
Beer - 2012373° 0 O
RPricks and tiles = ~ 118714 0 0
Candles - - 268768 0 O
Coaches built for sale - . 2197, 0 0

Cocoa

THE CHRONICLE... 141
&. s. ad.

Cocoa nuts and Coffee - - 38408 0 0
ee perry, and verjuice - - 23596 0 0

Glass - - 143040 0 O
Hides, skins, slain, and parchment - 233960 0 O
Hops - - - 82776 0 O
Malt, perpetual duty - - - 612235 0 0
Metheglin, ormead,and vinegar = - : 22950 0 O
Paper - - - ~ 68805 0 O
Printed Goods - - - 201982 0 O
Soap : : : - 350264 0 O

“= British = - - 644104 0 O
aii farien - - - 704392 0 O
Starch - - - - 104402 0 O
Sweets - - - - 13488 0 O
Tea 462248 15 8%
Tobacco and Snuff, soiidodzed Lith October; 1789. 313244. 0 0
Verjuice is with Cyder and Perry.
Vinegar is with Metheglin.
Wine - - - - 373962 0 O
Wire - - 2280 0 O

Licences to auctioneers is Sith ro oy
coachmakers is with Coaches.
dealers in coffee, chocolate, and tea - 13412 0 O
makers and sellers of wax and spermaceti-
candles, is with Candles.
makers of, and dealers in exciseable com-

modities - - - 44695 0 0O
retailers of spirituous liquors - 160794 0 0
retailers of wine - - 30264 0 O
sellers of gold and silver plate - 8625 0 O
manufacturers and dealers in tobacco and
snuff, is with Tobacco and Snuff.
Duties com- Re British = - 111307 0 O
menced sth Sp ere - - 142737 O O
Jan. 1791. Malt - - - 118033 0 0

Total of duties, except malt annual (7507203 15 8}
Annual malt, mum, cyder, and perry 607200 0 0

Total of England 2€.8114403 15 8}

An

142 APPENDIX TO

An Account of the Duties of Excise paid into the Exchequer, by the Com=
missioners of Excise in England, in One Year, between the 10th of Oc-
tober, 1791, and 10th of October, 1792, on the Part of Scotland.

ses 5.
UCTIONS < - 3 4000 0 0
Beer and ale . “ - 25000 0 0
Bricks and Tiles - . - 3000 0 0
Candles - - * ’ 8000 0 O
Cocoa nuts and coffee ;
General licences = 2 - 3000 0 O
Glass - . - - 12000 0 O
Hides and skins . - He 2000 0 O
Malt, perpetual duty - ~ - 29500 0 O
Paper - - - - - 6000 0 0
Printed Goods - “ - 68000 0 0
Soap - - - - 20000 O 0
Spirit British - = - 42000 0 O
dis’ { Rercien = 2 - 18000 0 0
Starch - - - - 8000 0 0
Tobacco and snuff - - - ~ $3000 0 0
Wine ak be . - - 30000 0 O
Tea - - - 500 0 0
Licences} Pt - - - - ro100 a OO)
Spirituous liquors ~ - - 6000 0 O
Malt, perpetual duty, commenced Sth of January, 1791 6000 O 0
Foreign spirits, additional = - 4000 0 OU
British spirits, do. - - . 3000 0 0
Total of duties, except malt annual 831500 O O
Annual, malt, mum, cyder, and perry 14500 O O
Total of Scotland 846000 0 O
frag - - 7507203 15. 82
Dhtiss.. Tkeotand . * |. , . 331500 0 0
Total of perpetual Duties * 7838703 15 84
Malt England - - - 607200 0 0
Annual
Duties (Scotland a - - 14500 0 O
Total of malt annual, &c. 621700 O O
Total 8460403 15 8}
Excise Office, London, James Wess, Accomptant General.
12 Dec. 1792. James Browne, P. Comptroller.

An

THE CHRONICLE.

143

An Account of the Total Net Produce of the Duties arising fromthe Stamp

Revenue, that have amounted to 10002. or more,
next preceding the 10th of October; 1792.

in the four quarters

wee Sh Ge
ONSOLIDATED duties . 748470 15 6
Insurance = - 120653 10 8
Burials, &c. - - - 4776 10 4&
Hats zs 5 , 12184 11 3
Plate - - - - 98967 17. 5
Post horse duty - - 195016 16 8
Medicine - - - 12738 18 7
Game - - - - 46163 7 9
Attornies - - - 94882 8 5
Pawnbrokers - - . 4520 4 6
Glove - - - LS "62st nt 1h
Perfumery - - - 5858 10 6
Judges duty - - - 1373 13 10
Bills of exchange : “ 156587 7 8
Receipts : - - 48666 4 9
Additional game, 1791 - - 19833 16 7
Apprentice duty = - - « 8521 5 9
1445447 7 4
Memorandum.

The Tax on Bills of Exchange, as above 156587 7 8
Do.....+ .... Receipts 48666 4 9
205253 12 5

Of the produce of these taxes, the average

produce of 3 years is directed by an act

31st Geo. III. to be carried to the Consoli-
dated Fund - - 128600 0 O

And the remainder is applicable towards

paying principal and interest or Exchequer
Bills, issued anno 1791 - 76653 12. 5

—

J. Luoxp, pro Compt.

Stamp office, Dec. 24th, 1792.

An

144 APPENDIX TO

An Account of the Total Net produce, paid into the Exchequer, of the
Duties, under the Head of Incidents; distinguishing (as far as pos-
sible) in each branch the produce on every separate Article, the Duties
on which shall have amounted to 1000/. or more, in the four Quarters

neat preceding the 10th of October, 1792.

ONSOLIDATED Salt, 1787 - £.377232 4 3

Letter money, per week - 159000 0 O
Letter money, 1760 - - 297484 3. OF
Seizures, 1760 - - 28522 9 11
Alienation duty - - - 2272 15 4
Hawkers, 1710 - - - 3828 1] 4
Hackney coaches,1711 —- =. $400 0 0
Ditto, 1784 - - - 10000 0 0
6d. per lib. on pensions - - 47780 0.0
1s. deduct. on salaries ~ - 43517 9 3%
First fruits - - - 4339 10 12
Tenths - - - - 9902 14 34
Male servants, 1785 . - 100065 11 ot
Female ditto - - - 33298 11 13
4-Wheel carriages - - 165246 8 I}
2-Wheel ditto - - - 35733 11 52
Waggons . - - 19909 19 103
Carts i 2 10262 18 13
Horses - - - 123267 8 2%
Shops - - - - 1002 10 $3
101. per cent = - - 85956 2 3%
Houses and W indows,1766. “ 387923 15 10
Houses, 1778 - - 146827 10 11

2031574 5 72

The produce of dutiesunder 10001. amounts to

1616 15 3

2033191 0 104

es

—ee

bY eens paid by Charles Long, Esq. for interest

on 187,000]. for annuities granted by an act
of Parliament, 29th George the Third -

Do. by Messrs. Meyrick, arising from the sale of com-
missions in severa! EBB Ieextiss vacated by the promo-
tions of officers - -

Do. by Messrs, Bishop and Brufiell, do. -

Do. by Alexander Adair, do. -

Do. by James Russel, do. - - é

s£.4026 16 11

2549 7 6
(Isle 0
1501 18 Q
54 | Sut ie

Money

THE CHRONICLE.

Money aid by Messrs. Ross and Ogilgie; do. | ~
Do. by Y Nathaniel Collyer, do. =ieiqe.>
Do. by Messrs, Lamb and Cock, do. See

Do. by Messrs, Coxé and Greenwood, do}! isnisf ails
‘Imprest Money repaid by Messrs. Pomroy and Kender

Mason, executors of Kender Mason, on account of .

an ‘agreement for victualling $000 militia in East
Florida -

Do. by Lieutenant Colonel Cues Clerk late ‘Barrack

Master in North America
Do. by Daniel Macnamara, Esq. pont to the ura yoh
of Richard Rigby, Esq. late paymaster of the forces -

Imprest’ Money repaid by Peregrine Francis. oe pay

Es - be

Mone) paid by Edward Roberts Esq. for the Goribol!

und -

Do. by —— Armstrong, arising ant ‘ihe pact
of commissions in several sepientay “vacated by the
promotion of officers - > =

Do. by Humphrey Donaldson, for do. - -

Do. by Richard Molesworth, for do.

Do. by Kender Mason, Esq. Extor. of Kender Mason,

on his account, as Contractor in East Florida -
Do. by William Brammell, Esq. Agent for the Out-Pen-
sioners of Chelsea Hospital - -

Do. by the Executors of John Cowan, late Agent in

_. East Florida -
Do. by Sarah Dickenson and genaile Sear. Execu,
tors of Elizabeth Oglethorpe, Extrix. of James Ogle-
thorpe, late Agent in South Carolina and Georgia

Money paid by Messrs. Coxe and Greenwood, on ac-
count of Colonel Allan Maclean, for the purchase of
aship for transporting the late 84th regiment. -

Do. by John Johnstone, Esq. Executor of George
Johnstone, Esq. late Governor of West Florida, in
the years 1765, 1766, and 1767 -

Do. by George Watts, Esq. Recorder General of the
isle of Man -

Do. paid by William Cowder, ’Aipent to the 16th regi-
ment of Dragoons

Do. paid by William Mitford, Esq. camitted a
Barbadoes - - -

Do. by Timothy Nucella, a. on aacount of life-an-
huities granted in the year 1746 —-

Do. by Senhouse Wilson; ag Recorder Gétieral nf
the Isle of Man a .

Voi. XXXIV. kK

tn

irs

oO

or
ARRHOR

2000 0. 0
140 2.43
16884 15 6
81 18.4
HTL) 601 4
3198 10 0
1799 8 0
149 9 0
1000 0 °0
3000 0 0
351 11 11
84117 8
1028 2 6
179.19 03
5000 0 0
1714.7
338 3 4
20 0 0
113 93

146 APPENDIX TO

Imprest Money, repaid by Captain John Barnes, by
the Hands of Captain-William Twiss -
Do. by Lord Barrington, late Treasurer of the Navy

Money paid by the Right Hon. William Sie for the _

Use of Government -
Do. by William Mitford, menial frees Canada, on
Account of a Debt to the Public -
Imptest Money repaid by the Rt. Hon. Lord Howe,
late Treasurer of the Navy -
Money paid by William Barr, Esq. appointed to pro-
vide the Necessaries for the Hospital in Canada
Do. by Kender Mason, Executor of Kender Mason,
Esq. on his Account, as Contractor in East Florida
Do. by Alexander Anderson, on Account of William
Nesbitt, Clerk of the Council in Bt John’s Island,
. for the year 1792 - - -

ei Sis Bs

251 5 O
291413 5%

20 0. 0
796 18 8
150 15 5

17 .2..8

1000 0 O

100 0 0

69028 19 O

Total of Incidents 2033191 0 104

2102219 19 10+

Exchequer, the 19th Day of Dec. 1792.

Ex. per NEwCASTLEE.

An Account of the Total Produce of the Duties of Customs, Excise,
Stamps, and Incidents, respectively, for One Year, ended the 10th Day
of October, 1792; distinguishing (as far as possible) in each Branch,
the Produce on every separate Article, the Duties on which have amaunted
to One Thousand Pounds, or more, in the Four Quarters of the said

Year.

HE total produce of the duties of Customs for
one year, ended the 10th aay of October, ©

1792 - -
Do. of the Excise for one 2 year, exelad do. (exclusive

z£. Sa)

4,136,999 15 43

of 621,7001. the produce of the annual malt duties} 9,838,703 15 8+
Do. of the Stamp Duties for one year, ended do. 1,445,447 7 4

Do. of Incidents at the receipt of the aati atti

for one year, ended do. = - 2,102,219 19 104

€.15,523,370 18. 34

Supplies

THE CHRONICLE,
Supplies granted by Parliament for the Year 1792.

| NA vy.
| er 16,000 men, including 4425 marines. — 832,000
12 _ Fes. 13, bole
To discharge the nay debt — — 131,000
—-~ Fes. 14.

Ordinary, including half-pay — — 672,482
Extraordinaries _. — sais yi 350,000

£€.1,985,482

0 0 .000,008.¢ “A R M Y. ;
) ti Oe & - Fre. 46» Wow, £ to 3 ot ildsies fv

For 17,018 men as guards and garrisons, fiom Decem-" uid

‘ber 25, 1791, to June 24,1792 - 285;064 °

For 15,701 do. from June 25to Decembée24, 1792, “ons, 140:
Borces i in the Plantations, &c. from December, 1791,"

tot 25 — — — " 170,193":
Jo.

om June 25 to December 24, PRge Sout 149,294.
Difference between British “and Trish establishment, .

from December 25, 1791, to June 2 | _ 4,250
Bo. from Jutie 25 to Decémber 24, 1792 = 2,903
Forces in the East Indies — _ 8,345
Recruiting, contingencies, &c, ~ — —. 98,037
Full p pay to supernumerary officers — ‘15,064

eneral and staff-officers — — ' th
Allowances to the paymaster-general, &c. _ 2,338
Reduced officers of land- forces and marines — 159,797
Do. horse-guards — — 202
Officers late in the service of the States- General 3,161
Reduced officers of British American forces — 55,099
Allowances to ditto — — 4,907
Chelsea pensioners — _ 173,104
Widows’ pensions ~ ie — —_ 9,381
Scotch roads and bridges _ — 4,660
Garrison and staft-officers in 1791 — 1,785

oy Fes. 28.
Extraordinaries in 1791 — — 340,305
#£.1,819,460

147

o;°oo
o;}oo

_
©
“0900

—
io}
DOOrFQVOOCCOnwNnagqQcqconywe ab

ie)
o

O 4

K 2 ORDNANCE,

148 APPENDIX TO

ORDNANCE.

Fes. 16.
Ordnance, previous to December a 1783, not pro-
vided for — £877 11°°2
Do. not provided for in 1790 _ 43,225 18 5
Ordnance for 1792 eT: — $77,898 1 8
~ £422,001 11 3
MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES.

Fes. 9.
To discharge exchequer bills — 5,500,000 0 O

Fes, 14.
Civil establishment of Nova Scotia — 5,376 17 6
Do. New Brunswick — _ 4,520 0 0
Do. St. John’s Island _ a _, 9,020 0.0
Do. Cape Breton _ — 1,800 0.0
Do. Newfoundland ~ — -1,306 7 6
Do. Bahama Islands — — 4,180 0 0
Chief justice of the Bermuda Islands _ , 580 0 O
Do. of Dominica _ sain eae
Civil List establishment of U Upper Canada _ 6,565 7.0
Do. New South Wales _ 4,726 0 0

‘Fes. 20.

To the fund for paying off exchequer bills 100,000 0 0
To the bank for the reduction of national debt 400,000 O O
Fes. 28.

Convicts in Langstone and Portsmouth harbours 6,401 4 8
Do. on the Thames 17,023 17.2
Sending provisions, &c. to Rie. South Wales 22,179 12. 6

Secretary of commissioners for regulating the ship-

ping of slaves — _— 100 0 0
Prosecution of Mr. Hastings 6,347 1]. 6
To Thomas Cotton, Esq. to pay bills of ee 1,926 9 10%
Compensation to the owners of slave ships — 4,141 11 74
African forts — es 13,000 0 O
Extraordinary expenses of the mint —- 9,819 18 7
Prosecution of offenders against the corn laws MOTI. O
Presents to the inhabitants of the north-west coast of

America _— — —- 10,329 15. 4

Compensation

t

THE CHRONICLE. 149

) Marcu 19.
Compensation for losses sustained on evacuating the
Musquito Shore _ _ 12,262 19 9
Address money — _ 26,043 3 $
American and East: Florida sufferers — . 284,992 15 52
Allowances to American civil officers, sufferers 28,000 0 O
=£.6,474,950 15. 5
, DEFICIENCY.
Fes. 14.
Deficiency of grants for 1791 — 436,990 18 0+
. Navy — £.1,985,482 0 O
Army _ 1,819,460 O 4
Ordnance — 422,001 1l 3
Miscellaneous services 6,474,950 15° 54

Deficiency _ 436,990 18 0+

£.11,138,885 5 1

Ways and Means for raising the Supplies for 1792. —

Fes. 13.
Land-tax and malt-duty _ 2,750,000 O O
Fes. 20.
Surplus of consolidated fund to January 5, 1792 155,495 19 O04
Do, to April 5, 1792 — _ 486,000 0 O
Do. to April 5, 1793 — _ 2,300,000 O O
Fes. 28.
Exchequer bills -- _ 5,500,000 0 0
MAreu 29. ‘
Profit on 50,000 lottery tickets, at 6/. 5s, each — 312,500 0 O

11,503,995 19 04+
11,138,813 5 1

Excess of ways and means €. 365182 13 114

ee ee ee

4 K 3 Public

150

Public Acts passed in the Seéond »
Session of the Seventeenth Parlia-
“mént of Great Britain.

Feb. 15.

N act to éxtend the provisions

of certain-acts respecting the
trials of controverted elections of
members of parliament.

March 9.

-Land-tax act.

Malt-duty act.

Marine mutiny act.

Act for repealing the duties on
female servants. ‘ be

Act for ditto, on window-lights
in houses containing less than seven
windows. na ce

Act for repealing the duties on
waggons, &c. granted by an act 23
Geo. III.

March 10.

Mutiny act.

Act for repealing the duties on
malt, granted 31 Geo, III.

Act for repealing a part of the
duty on tallow candles.

March 30.

Two acts for raising money by
exchequer bills.

Act for regulating the commer-
cial intercourse with America.

April 5.

Act to make provision for the
eStablishment of the Duke and
Duchess of York, and to settle an
annuity on the Duchess, in case of
the death of his Royal Highness,

Act granting 400,0001. to be paid
to the bank, for tlie reduction of the
national debt.

Act for the better execution of
warrants against offenders against
the excise laws.

ro)

“a

‘APPENDIX TO |

» Aét repealing certain regulations
with respect to certificates on tlie
exportation of tea itito Ireland or
Ameriea. mies egorbhy tf
» Act for the more effectual pre-
venting of frauds dn the excise by
common brewers,

Act to compel auctioneers to
declare whether sales have been
held under the notices required by
law.

April 30.) 96)
Act to raise a sum of money by

‘lottery.

Act for defraying the’charge of
the pay and clothing of the mi-
litia.

Act to indemnify persons who
have omitted to qualify themselves
for offices, &c.

Act to prevent frauds on the
excise in the soap manufactory.

Act to enable the bank of Scot-
land to increase their capital stock,

May 8.

Act for granting a certain sum of
money out of the consolidated
fund. wae.

Act to explain and amend an act
31 Geo. II. for the encouragement
of seamen in the royal navy.

Act to explain and samend an
act 26 Geo. ILI. for the preventing
of frauds in the payment of sea-
men’s wages.

June 11.

Act for the amendment of the
law in proceedings upon informa-
tion in the nature of quo warranto.

June 15.

Act for the more effectual admi-
nistration of the office of a justice
of the peace in and near the metro-
polis,

Act

THE CHRONICLE.

Act granting relief to pastors,
ministers, and lay-persons of the
episcopal communion in Scot-
land.

Act for establishing courts of ju-
dicature in Newfoundland.

151

Act to remove doubts respecting
the functions of justices in cases of
libel.

Act for preventing the counter-
feiting of certificates in the charac-
ters of servants.

oF THE

BAROMETER AND THERMOMETER,

For the Year 1792.

| Thermometer. |

Barometer.

Hygrometer. | Rain.

SEES

1792. 284 2iA2

e |
Deg.|Deg.|Deg.|Inches. Inches. Inches. Inches
January 53 119 |37,2| 30,47} 28,94| 29,66| — | — | — 1,810
February | 56 | 16,5140 | 30,40 29,53| 29,98| — | — | — | 0,712
March ‘ 85 | 48 | 64,3) 1,791
April 75 | 44 | 59,6 1,550
May 72 | 43 | 56,7| 1,624
June 79,5) 49 | 58,1) 30,27 67 | 40 | 57,7| 1,624
July 76 | 53 |61,7| 30,19] 29,52| 29,88} 80 46 | 60,9) 2,299
August 84 | 54 |65,7) 30,30| 29,40) 29,93] 80 | 45 | 59,1) 2,065
September {69 | 42 | 55,1 30,34 | 29,09| 29,79| 81 | 48 | 60,5 1,910
October 63 |39 | 51 | 30,42| 29,26| 29,79] 84 | 58 69,3} 1,884
November |58 | 35 | 45,5] 30,44| 29,32) 30,02] 84 | 59 | 68,9) 0,454
December | 53 |31,5| 41,9) 30,35) 29 29,85| 81 | 58 |69,9| 1,766
Whole year | 50,5 29,87 19,489
K 4 PRICES

JAPPENDIX TO

152

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- ‘$641 UVEX FHL w0d

MOOLS AO SHOIUd

THE CHRONICLE. 153

| A

GENERAL BILL

| | sophie |

CHRISTENINGS, AND BURIALS,
From December 13,1791, to Decemser 11, 1792.

ay! Males 9934] ,-.., {Males 10276
epptened SF emales 9414 Bons 4 Females 9937 | Increased in the Burials
this Year, 1453.

19348 20213

Died under Two Years 65-41)Between Forty andFifty 2102)Between Ninety and a Hun-

Between Two and Five 2162 Fifty and Sixty 1830) dred ....6....... .. 49
—— Five andTen.... 753|/—— Sixty andSeventy 1434)A Hundred ............ 1
——Tenand Twenty 664 Seventy and Eighty |A Hundred and Two.... 4
—— Twenty and Thirty 1384 1104|A Hundred and Four..,. 1
Girece Thirty and Forty 1807;\—— EightyandNinety 380 &c, &e.
DISEASES. Pl 250s, -» 8|Measles ....... 450] CASUALTIES.
Axzortive and Still-| Fever, malignant Fe-|Miscarriage ... 1) Broken Limbs 3
born ....... 772] ver, Scarlet Fever,| Mortification .. 234) Bruised Boyes ae
Abscess ...... 29} Spotted Fever, and|Palsy ........ 76|BitbyaMad Dog 1
Aged ........1165| Purples .... 2236|Pleurisy ...... 21' Burnt, soos. 5, 15
PIRRIE ew tsi «ota 2 6|Fistula........ 3/Quinsy ..... ef. 12\Choakedt >.) 2° 2
Apoplexy .... 86 |Flux.......... 4|Rheumatism... 8 Drowned ioe 116
Asthma and Phthi-|French Pox ... 32|Rickets.......- 3 ExcessiveDrinking 15
RIE Weeiaeg asl 400 |Gout f.)...52 5 « “190|Scurvy) pu. 2. 5/Executed...... *41
Bed-ridden.... 13)Gravel,Strangury,and|Small Pox .... 1568|Found Dead .. 9
Bleeding...... 16] Stone ...... 52|Sore Throat.., 13)Fractured,.... 3
Bloody Flux... 1/|Grief......... 9\Sores and Ulcers 11/Frighted...... 1
Bursten and WRup-/Head-Ach. .. 4|St. Anthony’s Fire 2 Killed by Falls and
ture........ 15|Headmouldshot, Stoppage in the Sto-) several other Ac-
Cancer....... 69} Horse-shoehead, Machi, ...n-." * Lop eidentsncalt) Ura
Childbed ..... 201] and Water in the|Suddenly .... 142 Killed themselves 31
Cold ,.....<..... 4} Head).;....\... 54/Surfeit: .... d+-| 2j/Murgered ....)/ (6
Colic, Gripes, twist- |Jaundice...... 63|Swelling...... 4 Poisoned...... 4
“ing ofthe Guts 5 |Imposthume,.. | 1/Teeth ........ 419 Scalded...... sieeults
Consumption .. 5255 |Inflammation.. 303)Thrush,....... 36 Stabbed ...... 1
Convulsions ... 4646 |Leprosy ...... 1| Vomiting and Loose- Starved..... Pato) ae
Cough and Hooping- |Lethargy ..... 3) mess ee 3 Suffocated ...- 4
Congh..... 311 |Livergrown ... 1|Worms....... 7| —

Dropsy ....... 901\Lunatic ...... 57 Total .. 309

* There have been executed in Middlesex and Surry, 25; of which number 11 only
have been reported as buried within the Bills of Mortality,
The

154 APPENDIX TO

The following authentic Extracts from the Corn Register, are taken from
Accounts collected from the Custom-house Books, and delivered to
Mr, John James Catherwood, Receiver of Corn Returns, by Autho-
rity of Parliament.

An Account of the Quantities of all Corn and Grain exported from and
imported into England and Scotland, with the Bounties and Drawbacks
paid, and the Duties received thereon, for the Year ended the 5th of
January, 1793.

EXPORTED.
1792. BRITISH, FoREIGN. Bounties and
Drawbacks paid.
ENGLAND. Quarters. Quarters.
Wheat - 220,689] 24,525 NOTE ancy
cwts. qrs, Ibs.
Do. Flour - 46,606} 11,101 i 14
qr.
Rye - 14,608 1,542
Barley = 25,830 709
Malt - 18,359
Oats 12,160 11,255 COVA Mh Ap
Oatmea - 398 62 :
Bae p 10,747 846 Drawbacks Nil.
Peas - 4:,355 1,196
cwt.
Biscuit - 48,560
ScoTLAND.
qrs. qrs.
Wheat - 3,506 - 2,967
ewt. qr. Ibs.
Do. Nour - {1,274 1 4
Do. Meal - [1,334 3 3
qrs.
Barley - 904 64
Do. hulled - 4.
Malt - 1,661 ;
Oats - 1,479 Irish. 1,039 1 3Bo.
cwt. qrs. Ib. cwt, 3 F
Oatmeat°=«°'| 595.23 12 0 0 Diewbants Be.
qrs.
Beans - 63
Peas - _ 82
Bear - 1,576
: ewt, qr. Ib.
Biscuit - 2232 3 0
qrs.
Groats - 3 J

IMPORTED.

THE CHRONICLE. 155

IMPORTED,
ENGLAND. Quarters. Duties received.
Wheat : 17,515 | £. 5. d,
wt. war. a Ty,
Do. Flour - TslOG tS.
qrs.
Rye : 13,026 18,284 12 10
Barley - 87,915
Oats © 2 810,575
Oatmeal is 8,095
Beats & 38,451
Peas ¥. = 4,800
Indian Corn = 5,677
ScorLanp. Quarters. Duties received.
Wheat - 2,676 7
Barle - 30,610
fe 124,330 . 6,827 16 &
Oatmeal - 65,399 |
Peas - 6 J

The following isan Account of the Average Prices of Cornin England and
Wales, by the Standard Winchester Bushel, for the Year 1792.

Wheat. Rye. | Barley. | Oats. | Beans.

Sats a, eas Sadan ysaniyde

5,84),). 3 10k] 13 4° | 2.3% | 3 11

N. B. The price of the finest and coarsest sorts of grain generally ex-
ceed and reduce the average price as follows, viz.

. Wheat. Rye. Barley. Oats, Beans.
Per bushel, 6d. ORs Ste 3d. 6d.

STATE

156

oP AU ht oP A Pr Rae

His Majesty’s Speech to both Houses
of Parliament, Jan. 31, 1792.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

ne es many proofs which you

have given of your aflection-
ate attachment to my person and
family, leave me no doubt of your
participating in the satisfaction
which I derive from the happy
event of the marriage which has
been celebrated between my son
the Duke of York, and the eldest
daughter of my good brother and
ally the King of Prussia; and I am
persuaded that I may expect your
cheerful concurrence in enabling
me to make a suitable provision for
their establishment.

Since I last met you in parlia-
ment, a definitive treaty has been
concluded under my mediation, and
that of my allies, the King of Prus-
sia and the States General of the
United Provinces, between the Em-
peror and the Ottoman Porte, on
principles which appear the best
calculated to preveat future dis-
putes between those powers.

Our intervention has also been
employed with a view to promote
a pacification between the Empress
of Russia and the Porte; and con-
ditions have been agreed upon be-
tween us and the former of those
powers, which we undertook to re-
commend to the Porte, as the re«

establishment of peace, on such
terms, appeared to be, under all
the existing circumstances, a desir-
able event for the several interests
of Europe. Iam in expectation of
speedily receiving the account of
the conclusion of the definitive trea-
ty of peace, preliminaries having
been some time since agreed upon
between those powers.

I have directed copies of the de-
finitive treaty between the Emperor
and the Porte to be laid before you,
as well as such papers as are neces-
sary to shew the terms of peace
which have been under discussion
during the negotiation with the
court of Petersburgh. ;

I regret that I am not yet ena-
bled to inform you of the termina-
tion of the war in India; but the
success which has already attended
the distinguished bravery and exer-
tion of the officers and troops un-
der the able conduct of Lord Corn-
wallis, affords reasonable ground to
hope that the war may speedily be
brought to an honourable conclu-
sion.

The friendly assurances which I
receive from foreign powers, and
the general state of affairs in Eu-
rope, appear to promise to my sub-
jects the continuance of their pre-
sent tranquillity. Under these cir-
cumstances, I am induced to think
that some immediate reduction may

safely

STATE PAPERS.

safely be made in our naval and
military establishments; and my re-
gard for the interests of mysubjects
renders me at all times desirous of
availing myself of every favourable
Opportunity to diminish the public
expences.

Gentlemen of the House of
: Commons,

, Lam persuaded it will give you
great satisfaction to)learn that the
extraordinary expences incurred in
the course of last year, have, ina
great measure, been already defray-
ed by the grants of the session. The
state of our resources will, I trust,
be found more than sufficient to
provide for the remaining part of
these expences, as ,well as for the
current service of the year, the es-
-timates of which I have directed to
be laid before you.

I entertain the pleasing hope,
that the reduction which may be
found practicable in the establish-
ments, and the continued increase
of the revenue, will enable you, af-
ter making due provision for the
several branches of the public ser-
vice, to enter upon a system of gra-
dually relieving my subjects from
some part of the existing taxes, at
the same time giving additional effi-
cacy to the plan for the reduction
of the national debt, on the success
of which our future ease and secu-
rity essentially depend. With a
view to this important object, let
me also recommend it to you to
turn your attention to the consider-
ation of such measures as the state
of the funds, and of public credit,
may render practicable and expedi-
ent, towards a reduction in the rate
of interest of such of the annuities
which are now redeemable.

157

»'My Lords and Gentlemen,

The continued and progressive
improvement in the internal situa-
tion of the country, will, I am confi-
dent, animate you in’ the pursuit
of every measure’ which may be
conducive to the public interest.
It must at the same time operate as
the strongest encouragement to a
spirit of useful industry among all
classes of my subjects; and above
all; must confirm and increase their
steady and zealous attachment. to
that constitution which we have
found, by long experience, to unite
the inestimable blessings of liberty
and order, and‘to which, under the
favour of providence, ‘all our other
advantages are principally to be'as-
eribed. Posi

‘

Speech! of Mr. Speaker to his Ma-
Jesty; April 5,\ 1792. .
Most gracious Sovereign,

+ is my duty to tender to your
Majesty two bills, \in,the name
and on the behalfof the Commons
of Great Britain, in parliament as-
sembled.

In pursuance of your Majesty’s
recommendation, your Commons
cheerfully proceeded to makea pro-
vision for the establishment of their
Royal Highnesses the, Duke and
Duchess of York; and they trust
that the bill which they have passed
for this purpose, will fully manifest
their just sense of what is due to the
rank, and dignity of their Royal
Highnesses, as well as the satisfac-
tion they derive from an event
which, whilst it promotes the com-
fort and happiness of your Majesty
and your illustrious family, is also
materially conducive to the inte-
rests and honour of your people.

Other

158

Other objects, no less interesting
to your Majesty’s mind, constantly
directed as it is to the welfare of
your subjects, have also engaged
the attention of your Commans.
The prosperous. and improving
condition of the public reyenue,
and the reductions which have been
found practicable in the naval and
military establishments, afforded the
means of which your Commons
thought it their duty to avail them-
selves of making a large addition to
the fund, to be applied in the course
of the present year, to the reduc-~
tion of the public debt... Their con-
duct upon this, as upon other occa-
sions, was governed by the convic-
tion that the efficiency and success
of the plan which has been esta-
blished by parliament for this im-
portant purpose, must essentially
tend to the future ease and perma-
nent security of these kingdoms.
In the adoption of these measures,
your Commons have felt peculiar
satisfaction, by finding themselves
enabled, ‘at the same time, to give
some immediate relief to your Ma-
jesty’s subjects, whose firmness in
sustaining the burdens rendered ne-
cessary by a due regard to the main-
tenance of public credit, and whose
spirit of enterprise and useful in-
dustry have so effectually contribut-
ed to advance to the pre-eminence
they have attained, the general in-
terests and prosperity of the empire.

Your Commons, Sire, contem-
plate with just satisfaction the con-
tinued and progressive improve-
ment in the internal situation of
the country; to preserve, augment,
and diffuse the blessings of which
we are in possession, they consider
as the most important of their du-
ties; and actuated by this principle,
which comprehends a zealous and

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

firm attachment to the form of go+
vernment under which we live, and
a faithful attention to the interests
and happiness of all classes of their
fellow-subjects, they are persuaded
that those measures which are the
result of it, cannot fail to receive
your Majesty’s most gracious ap-
probation. bee

The bills which J have in my
hand are severally intituled, “ An
act to enable his Majesty to make
provision for the ‘establishment of
their Royal Highnesses the Duke
and Duchess of York and Albany;
and also to settle an annuity on her
Royal Highness during the term of
her natural life, to commence from
the decease of his said Royal High-
ness, in case her said Royal High-
ness shall survive him”?
- * An act for granting to his Ma-
jesty the sum of four hundred thou-
sand pounds, to be issued and paid
to the governor and company of
the Bank of England, to be bythem
placed to the account of the com-
missioners for the reduction of the
national debt.”? rat and}

To which your Commons, with
all humility, entreat your Majesty’s
royal assent.

His Majesty’s Proclamation for pre-
venting Seditious Meetings and
Writings, May 21,1792,

By the King,—A PROCLAMATION,
Grorer Rex.

HEREAS divers wicked

- and seditious writings have

been printed, published, and indus-
triously dispersed, tending to excite
tumult and disorder, by endeavour-
ing to raise groundlessjealousies and
discontents in the minds of our
faithful and loving subjects, respect-
ing

STATE PAPERS.

ing the laws and happy constitu-
tion of government, civil and reli-
gious, established in this kingdom,
and endeavouring to vilify and
bring into contempt the wise and
wholesome provisions made at the
time of the glorious Revolution,
and since strengthened and confirm-
ed by subsequent laws, for the pre-
servation and security of the rights
and liberties of our faithful and lov-
ing subjects: and whereas divers
writings have also been printed,
published, and industriously dispers-
ed, recommending the said wicked
and seditious publications to the at-
tention of all our faithful and lov-
ing subjects: and whereas we have
also reason to believe, that corres-
pondences have been entered into
with sundry persons in foreign parts,
with a view to forward the crimi-
nal and wicked purposes above men-
tioned: and whereas the wealth,
happiness, and prosperity of this
kingdom do, under Divine Provi-
dence, chiefly depend upon a due
submission to the laws, a just con-
fidence in the integrity and wisdom
of parliament, and a continuance of
that zealous attachment to the go-
yernment and constitution of the
kingdom, which has ever prevailed
in the minds of the people thereof:
and whereas there is nothing which
we so earnestly desire as to secure
the public peace and prosperity,
and to preserve to all our loving
subjects the full enjoyment of their
rights and liberties, both religious
and civil; we therefore being re-
solved, as far as in us lies, to repress
the wicked and seditious practices
aforesaid, and to deter all persons
from following so pernicious an ex-
ample, have thought fit, by the ad-
vice of our privy council, to issue
this our royal proclamation, solemn-

159

ly warning all our loving subjects,
as they tender their own happiness
and that of their posterity, to guard
against all such attempts which aim
at the subversion of all regular go-
vernment within this kingdom, and
which are inconsistent with the
peace and order of society; and
earnestly exhorting them, at all
times, and to the utmost of their
power, to avoid and discourage all
proceedings tending to produce
riots and tumults. And we do strict-
ly charge and command all our ma-
gistratesin and throughout our king-
dom of Great Britain, that they do
make diligent inquiry, in order to
discover the authors.and printers of
such wicked and seditious writings
as aforesaid, and all others who shall
disperse the same; and we do fur-
ther charge and command all our
sheriffs, justices of the peace, chief
magistrates of our cities, boroughs,
and corporations, and all other our
officers and magistrates throughout
our kingdom of Great Britain, that
they do, in their several and respec-
tive stations, take the most imme-
diate and effectual care to suppress
and prevent all riots, tumults, and
other disorders, which may be at-
tempted to be raised or made by
any person or persons ; which, on
whatever pretext they may be
grounded, are not only contrary to
law, but dangerous to the most im-
portant interests of this kingdom:
and we do further require and com-
mand all and every our magistrates
aforesaid, that they do, from time to
time, transmit to one of our prin-
cipal secretaries of state due and full
information of such persons as shall
be found offending as aforesaid, or
in any degree aiding or abetting
therein; it being our determina-
tion, for the preservation of the

peace

160

peace and happiness of our faithful
and loving subjects, to carry the
laws vigorously into execution
against such offenders as aforésaid.
Given at our court at the Queen’s
House, the 21st day of May,
1792, in the 32d year of our

reign.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

Joint Address of both Houses of
Parliament to his Majesty, June
2d, 1792.

Most gracious Sovereign,
E, your Majesty’s most loyal
and dutiful subjects, the

Lords spiritual and temporal, and

Commons of Great Britain, in par-

liament assembled, have taken into

our most serious consideration your

Majesty’s royal proclamation, which

has, by your Majesty’s command,

been laid before us: and we beg
leave to testify to your Majesty our
warm and grateful sense of this
fresh proof of your Majesty’s con-
stant sulicitude for the welfare and
happiness of your people. We can-
not see without indignation the at-
tempts which have been made to
weaken in the minds of your Ma-
jesty’s subjects the sentiments of
obedience to the laws, and of at-
tachment to the form of govern-
ment, civil and religious, so happily
established within this realm. The
advantages which, under the go-
vernment of your Majesty and your
illustrious ancestors, have been de-
rived from legal and well-regulated
freedom, and the unexampled bless-
ings which we actually enjoy, af-
ford to your Majesty’s subjects
peculiar motives to reflect with
gratitude on their present situation,
and to beware of those delusive

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

theories which are inconsistent with
the relations and duties of all
civil society. And we deem it,
under the present circumstances,
the peculiar duty of every good
citizen to discourage and counter-
act every attempt, direct and in-
direct, against public order and
tranquillity. We are confident,
that the’ sentiments which we now
express to your Majesty are the
general sentiments of the nation ;
they must feel with us, that real
liberty can only exist under the
protection of law, and the autho-
rity of efficient and regular go-
verhment; and they have seen,
by happy experience, that the
mixed form of our legislature
comprehends and provides for the
various interests of the community
through all its several descriptions;
and maintains and preserves those
gradations of property and con-
dition which furnish the great in-
centives to useful industry, and are
equally essential to the vigour and
exertion of every part, and to the
stability and welfare of the whole.
They therefore know, that the col-
lective strength and prosperity of
the empire, its wealth, its credit,
and its commerce, as well as the
only security for the persons, the
property, and the liberties of each
individual, are essentially connect-
ed with the preservation of the

established constitution.
Impressed with these opinions,
we think it our duty to assure your
Majesty of our firm determination
to support your Majesty in the re-
solution which your Majesty has
adopted ; and we are fully persuad-
ed, that every exertion which may
be necessary, will be seconded by
the zeal and gratitude of a free
and loyal people.
His

li te

STATE PAPERS.

His Majesty’ s most gracious Answer.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I THANK you very warmly for
this loyal, dutiful, and seasonable
address,

My utmost endeavours shall ne-
ver be wanting to maintain among
my people a just sense of the ad-
vantages of our present constitu-
tion, the source of legal and well-
regulated freedom: and, at. the
same time, to secure to them, by a
due exertion of the laws, a conti-
nuance of all the unexampled bless-
ings which they now enjoy. It is
the greatest satisfaction to me to re-
flect that, in these endeavours, I
shall receive the firm and united as-
sistance of my parliament ; and I
feel the same conviction and confi-
dence which is expressed by you,
that our exertions for this purpose
will, be seconded by the zeal and
public spirit of my people, whose
happiness forms the first object of
all my wishes.

Speech of Mr. Speaker to his Ma-
jesty, June 15th, 1792.

Most gracious Sovereign,

obey Majesty’s faithful Com-
mons, not content with hav-
ing carried into effect a bill, the
Ve milo and tendency of which is

ighly interesting to public credit,
and to the prosperity of the king-
dom, have also made provision for

reventing the future permanent
increase of the national debt, by
having resolved, that on all future
loans means should be found for
their discharge ; which operation, it
is the hope of the Commons, no
necessity will ever prevent; as, by
such provision, your Majesty’s loyal

Vor, XXXIV.

161

subjects will be guarded from those
difficulties in which they have’ been
involved, and which could only be
supported by that public spirit and
patriotic zeal which pervaded all
ranks of your Majesty's people.
Other objects have also occupied
the attention of the Commons, who
have the satisfaction of releasing
your Majesty’s subjects from severak
of the burdens under which they
have laboured. The Commons
have also taken measures to pro-
mote the commerce, the manufac-
tures, and the revenue of the em-
pire. Your Majesty may be assur-
ed of the determination of your
faithful Commons to maintain the
happy constitution of the country,
from which the people look for an
increase of their blessings, and for
the security and continuance of
those of which they are actually
possessed. Your Majesty’s faithful
Commons trust, that the giving to
juries the right of deciding on all
cases of libels, will be highly advan-

_ tageous, as it gives uniformity to

the law, and security to the proper-
ty, the lives, and liberties of your
Majesty’s subjects. Your Majesty's
faithful Commons are sensible of
the enjoyments arising from the
present form of government, the
preservation of which they are fully
convinced is determined to be per-
severed in by a great and loyal peo-

ple.

Protest against the Address of the
House of Lords to his Majesty,
on the Proclamation.

Die Jovis, 31 Mai.
ECAUSE I think the honour
and dignity of parliament tri-
fled with, by a soleian call, with-
out

162) ANNUAL‘ REGISTER; 1702.

out) any adequate cause, and upon
slight pretences, tomake unnecessa-
ry professions ofiattachment to the
constitution; and of zeal for his:Ma-
jesty’s government,.and to:concur
in applauding his Majesty’s minis-
ters for advising this extraordinary
measure of a royal proclamation,

and a recurrenceto the authority of

parliament; a measure not called
for, and which appears tome much
more calculated to awake causeless
apprehensions, and excite unneces-
sary alarm: among a people attec-
tionate to the King and obedient

tothe laws, than to answer/any of

those salutary purposes for which
alone ministers should presume to
use the royal name and autherity.

Because those writings which: his

Majesty’s ministers now considerias
likely to disturb the public peace,
andexcite dangerous tumults, and
of which the prosecution is; ona
sudden, deemed by them indispen-
sable to the preservation of order

and: they security of government;.

have been permitted, for a consider-

able. time: past, to:be openly, and, :

as:is asserted, industriously dissemi-
nated through every part of the
kingdom; and thereforeif the prin-
ciples thus propagated be so subver-

sive of allordery and destructive of
all government, and are atithe same’

time so unfortunately calculated to
make ‘a rapid, alarming; and fatal
progress in the minds of a peace-
able and enlightened people, as mi-
“nisters have in debate maintained,
it would’ well become the-care and
wisdom of parliament, instead of
committing its'authority inthe mea-
sures of executive government, and

taking part in’the ordinary execu-
tion of the laws; to enquire why $0
importantia discovery was notmade

at an earlier period ;

and why: the

ministers have so long. permitted
the salutary terrors of the law to
sleep over offences, the prosecution
of which so highly Peet the
public safety.

Because, if it be expedient to
punish the authors and publishers
of seditious writings, I think it the
province of the executive. govern-
ment to determine upon that expe.
diency, and to put the law in-: mo=_
tion ; and I cannot but consider ' as”
pernicious’ in its example, and un-
constitutional in its. principle, the
present attempt made by the mi-
nisters to shelter themselves} justify
their conduct, and cover what, ac-—
cording to their argument, has been
theif Urininal negligence, by amea-
sure of ‘parliament. ‘I believe the
laws to be sufficiently efficacious for
the ‘punishment of such offenders.
as are described in the royal Vien
mation';' and I see no reason w hy
parliarient ‘should ' take” from. his
Majesty’s ministers any part of the” :
responsibility’ which appertains | to”
their stations, of advising the crown, ©
and- directing its law-officers as to
the fit seasons and proper occasions’
on whichany of the laws for pre-
serving the public peace should, be
enforced ; nor can I obsérve, with-
out expressing my marked disap
probation, thattheconfidence which
the public still place in the wisdom
and | integrity: of parliament, not-
withstanding all the attempts made
bythe present ministers to destroy:
it, is insidiously laid hold:of by them:
to create public prejudice, and ex=
cite public indignation against those
who are. represented as s obnoxious
to the laws, and objects of prosecu-
tion. A:sense of justice might have
taught the ministers, that to fairand
impartial trials, uninfluenced by any’
previous declaration, unprejudiced

by

ee ae

STATE PAPERS.

by any previous interference of par-
liament, even the authors and pub-
lishers of those writings that have at
last awakened the attention of mi-
nisters, are entitled ; and a sense of
decorum should have restrained
them from lessening the dignity, and
committing the honour of parlia-
ment, by making it, indirectly in-
deed, but to the common sense of
mankind obviously, a party in pub-
lic prosecutions, which parliament
is thus made to sanction and direct,
and on which this house, in the
highest and last resort, may have to
sit in the impartial and uninterested
but awful character of judges.
Because, inthis measure, by which
ministers in effect confess and re-
cord their past inattention to the .
dangers which they now deprecate,

and. their. present inability to dis- _

charge the ordinary duties of their
station, without the. extraordinary
aid of parliament, the public cannot,
fail.to. perceive that weakness and,
inefficiency in his Majesty’s coun-
cilsy which are more hurtful to .the
true interests, and more derogatory
from the just authority of govern-
ment than any imaginary progress
which, with great injustice to a loy-
al|people, ministers attribute to the
principles asserted in the writings of,
which they complain,

Because, when I consider how |

long the ministers have viewed
with unconcern the circulation of
those opinions, at the consequence
of which they now affect to be:
alarmed; and when I recollect that
of all those societiesfor the purpose
of obtaining a reform in the repre-
sentation of the people, and men-
tioned in the debate, one only is of
recent origin, I have but too much
reason to believe that, under what-
ever form they have disguised their

163°"

design, the real object of ministers
has been to subject to suspicion and
distrust the principles, misrepresent
the views, and caluminate the in-
tentions of that association of re-
spectable persons lately formed, for
purposes the most virtuous and con-
stitutional, upon principles the most
pure and disinterested, to be pur-
sued by means the most legal and
peaceful; wielding no weapons but
those of truth and reason; using
no efforts but those of argument,
unsupported by party; appealing
only to the sense and judgment of
a public deeply, interested in the
objects. of their pursuit, and not
presuming to demand any personal
credit but what may be derived
form their steadiness, consistency,
and integrity. This society appears
to be the only one which has excit-
‘ed the jealousy of those ministers
from whom justice has extorted an _
admission in debate, that nothing ~
offensive, or even improper, has,
proceeded from it; of those minis-
ters, some of whom have themselves
engaged, but to a much greater ex-
tent, and upon much broader prin-
ciples, in the prosecution of the
same ‘general objects, the attain-—
ment of which they declared not,’
only indispensable, but alone capa-,
ble of preserving the liberties of the ©
people, and perpetuating the bless-
ings of the constitution; but which
objects, with the peaceful possession
of power and emolument, they have
long, neglected and lost sight of, and
now at last, in the face of the pub-
lic, in defiance of the most solemn
engagements, unblushingly aban-
don. — Such are the ministers who
hayepresumed to use the royalname
and authority to a proclamation by
which, insinuating the existence of
dangers, of which even some of their
L2 most

104

most confidential. friends have de-
elared their «disbelief, they vainly
hope todivert the attention of a
discerning public from their apos-
tacy from principles, and their di-
reliction of opinions, which paved
their way to power, and for which
they stood deliberately and repeat-
edly pledged to a generous, confid-
ing, and at last deluded people.
Because, if the objects of that as-
sociation, thus particularly aimed at.
by his Majesty’s ministers, were not
expressly justified by their former
principles and professions as the act
itself of associating to pursue those
objects, is sanctioned by their for-
mer conduct and example, [ should
still see nothing in ‘it to discom-
mend, but much to applaud, A
moderate and temperate reform of
the abuses of the constitution is due
to the people, who being on their
part just to the monarchical and
aristrocratical branches of the con-
stitution, who commit no invasion
of the rights, and seek no abridge-
ment of the powers of either, are en-
titled to have their own share in the
legislation of their country freed
from the unjust usurpations of
others, and to possess uninvaded,
and to exercise uncontrouled by the
other branches of the government,
those rights which this happy con-
stitution, in the matchless excel-
Jence of its principles, has solely
and exclusively allotted to the
people. <A reform of such a
character and description may
lessen the means, and diminish the
opportunities of corrupting legisla-
tion, both in its source and in its
progress; it may reduce the in-
fluence by which unconstitutional
ministers preserve their power, but
it will save the nation from their
profusion, and perpetuate that con-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

stitution which all equally profess
to venerate. Such a reform, I be-
lieve, cannot, with perfect safety,
be long delayed ;—the more readi-
ly and cheerfully those rights which
belong only to the people are re-
stored by those who at present, in
too many instances, possess and ex-
ercise them, the more firm andesta-
blished will be the present happy
form of our government; the more
safe from risque and danger will be
the just prerogatives of the crown,
and the peculiar acknowledged he-
reditary privileges of this House.
LAUDERDALE.

Protest against the Bill to remove
Doubts respecting the Functions of
Juries in Cases of Libels,

DIssENTIENT.

tet A 5 Net habe the rule laid
; down by the bill, contrary
to the determination of the judges,
and the unvaried practice of ages,
subverts a fundamental and import-
ant principle of English jurispru-
dence, which, leaving to thejury the
trial of the fact, reservesto the court
the decision of the law, It was tru-
ly said by Lord Hardwicke, in the
court of King’s Bench, that if these
came to be confounded, it would
prove the confusion and destruction
of the law of England.
2dly. Because juries can in no
case decide, whether a matter of re-
cord be sufficient upon which to
found judgment. The bill admits
the criminality of the writing set
forth in the indictment or informa-
tion to be matter of law, whereup-
on judgment may be arrested, not-
withstanding the jury have found
the defendant guilty. This shews
that the question is upon the re-
cord, and distinctly separated from
the

ST Ato Far bn.

the province of the jury, which is
only to try facts.

Sdly. Because, by confining the
rule to an indictment or informa-
tion fora libel, it is admitted that
it does not apply to the trial of a
general issue, in an action for the
same libel, or any’sort of action,
or any sort ofsindictment or infor-
mation; but as the same principle
and the same rule must apply to all
general issues, or to nane, the rule,
as declared by the bill, is absolutely
erroneous.

Tuurtow, C. Baruurst,
Kenyoyx, ABINGDON,
WALSINGHAM,

Joun BAncor.

His Majesty's Speech to both Houses
of Parliament, June 15, 1792.

My Lords and Gentlemen,
CANNOT close the present
session of parliament without

returning vou my particular thanks
for the attention and diligence with
which you have applied yourselves
to the dispatch of the public busi-
ness, and especially to the import-
ant objects which { recommended
to your consideration.

Gentlemen of the House of
Commons,

The readiness with which you
have granted the necessary supplies,
and the fresh proof which you have
given of your constant affection for
my person and family, in enabling
me to provide for the establishment
of my son, the Duke of York, call
for my warmest acknowledgments.
T have also observed, with the ut-
inost satisfaction, the measures
which you have adopted forthe dimi-
nution of the public burdens; while
you have, at the same time, made

165

additional provision for the reduc-
tion of the present national debt,.
and established a permanent system
for preventing the dangerous ac-
cumulation of debt in future.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I have seen with great concer"
the commencement of hostilities 1
different parts of Europe. In the
present situation of affairs, it will be
my principal care to maintain that
harmony and good understanding
which subsist between me and the
several belligerent powers, and to
preserve to my people the uninter-
rupted blessings of peace. And the
assurances which I receive from all
quarters, of a friendly disposition
towards this country, afford me the
pleasing hope of succecding in these
endeavours.

The recent expressions of your
uniform and zealous attachment to
the established governmentand con-
stitution, leave me noroom to doubt,
that you will, in your severai coun-
ties, be active and vigilant to main-
tainthose sentiments in the minds of
my faithful people: and I have the
happiness of receiving continued
and additional proofs of their just
sense of their numerous and increas-
ing advantages which they now en-
joy under the protection and dis-
tinguished favour of Providence.

Proclamation for calling out the
Militia.
By the King.—A PROCLAMATION.

Gerorce Rex.
‘ N/ HEREAS by an act passed
in the twenty-sixth year of
our reign, entitled, “* An act for
amending and reducing into one
act of parliament the laws relating
to the militia in that part of Great
L3 Britain

166

Britain called England,” it is enact-
ed, That it shall be lawful for us,
in the cases and in manner therein
mentioned, the occasion being first
~ declared in council, and notified by
proclamation, if no parliament shall
be then sitting, to order and direct
the drawing out and embodying of
our militia forces, or any part there-
of. And whereas we have received
information that in breach of the
laws, and notwithstanding our royal
proclamation of the 2lst day of
May last, the utmost industry is still
employed by evil-disposed persons
within this kingdom, acting in con-
cert with persons in foreign parts,
with a view to subvert the laws and
established constitution of this
realm, and to destroy all order and
government therein; and that a
spirit of tumult and disorder, there-
by excited, has lately shewn itself
in acts of riot and insurrection: And
whereas, under the present circum-
stances, it is more particularly
necessary that, for the immediate
suppression of such attempts, some
additions should be made, as the
exigency of the case may require,
to the force which may be in readi-
ness to act forthe support of the civil
magistrate, —we therefore being
determined to exert the powers
vested in us by law for the protec-
tion of the persons, liberties, and
properties of our faithful subjects,
and fully relying on their zeal and
attachment to our person and go-
vernment, and to the happy consti-
tution ¢stablishedin these kingdome,
have thought fit to declare in our
council, our royal intention, for the
causes aforesaid, to draw out and
embody such part of our militia-
forces as may more immediately en-
able us to provide for the said im-
portant objects. _And we do here-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

by, in pursuance of the said recited
act, notify to all our loving subjects
our said intention, and the causes
and occasions thereof.

Given at our court at Windsor,
the 1st day of December, 1792,
and in the 33d year of our
reign. :

GOD SAVE THE KING.

Proclamation for the Meeting of
Parliament.

By the King,—A PROCLAMATION.

Grorce Rex.

WV Bee by an act passed
in the twenty-sixth year

of our reign, entitled, ‘‘ An act
for amending and reducing into
one act of parliament the laws re-
lating to the militia in that part of
Great Britain called England,”’ it
is enacted, That whenever we shall
cause the militia to be drawn out
and embodied, on the occasions
and in the manner therein men-
tioned, if the parliament shall be
separated by such adjournment or
prorogation as will not expire with-
in fourteen days, we may,and shall
issue our proclamation for the meet-
ing of the parliament within four-
teen days, and the parliament shall
accordingly meet and sit upon such
days as shall be appointed by such
proclamation, and continue to sit
and act in like manner, to all intents
and purposes, as if it had stood ad-
journed or prorogued to the same
day; and whereas we have thought
fit, in pursuance of the said act,
this day to declare in our council,
certain causes and occasions moving
us to order and direct, that such
part of our militia-forces as may
more immediately enable us to pro-
vide

——

STATE

vide for the important objects there-
in mentioned, should be drawn out
and embodied: and whereas, in
pursuance of the said recited act,
we have thought fit on this day to
- issue our royal proclamation, notify-
ing the causes and occasions so de-
elared in council as aforesaid: and
whereas our parliament now stands
ptorogued to Thursday the third
day of January next, we therefore,
by the advice of our privy council,
do hereby publish and declare our
royal will and pleasure, that our
said parliament shall, on Thursday
the thirteenth day of this instant
December, be held for the dispatch
of divers weighty and important
affairs. And the Lords spiritual
and temporal, and the knights, citi-
zens, and burgesses, and the com-
‘missioners for shires and burghs of
the House ef Commons, are here-
by required to give attendance at
‘Westminster on the said thirteenth
day of December.

Given at our court at Windsor,
the Ist day of December,
1792, and in the 33d year of
our reign.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

_ His Majesty's Speech to both Houses
of Parliament, December 13th,
1792.

_ My Lords and Gentlemen,

, 1 5 ipa judged it necessary

_- to embody a part of the mili-

_ tia of this kingdom, I have, in pur-

~suance of the provisions of the law,

called you together within the time
limited for that purpose ; and it is
on every account a great satisfac-

‘ tion to me to meet you in parlia-

* ment at this conjuncture.

‘I should have been happy if I

‘

PA PERS.

could have announced to you the
secure and undisturbed continuance
of all the blessings which my sub-
jects have derived from a state of
tranquillity ; but events have re-
cently occurred, which require our
united vigilance and exertion, in
order to preserve the advantages
which we have hitherto enjoyed.

The seditious practices which
had been ina great measure checked
by your firm and explicit declara-
tion in the last session, and by the
general concurrence of my people
in the same sentiments, have of late
been more openly renewed, and
with increased activity.

A spirit of tumult and disorder
(the natural consequence of such
practices) has shewn itself in acts
of riot and insurrection, which re-
quired the interposition of a military
force in support of the civil magi-
strate. The industry employed to
excite discentent on various pre-
texts, and in different parts of the
kingdom, has appeared to proceed
from a design to attempt the de-
struction of our happy constitution,
and the subversion of all order and
government; and this design has
evidently been pursued in connec-
tion apd concert with persons in
foreign countries.

I have carefully observed a strict
neutrality in the present war on the
continent, and have uniformly ab-
stained from any interference with
respect to the internal affairs in
France ; but it is impossible for me
to see, without the most serious
uneasiness, the strong and increas-
ing indications which have appeared
there of an intention to excite dis-~
turbances in other countries, to
disregard the rights of neutral na-
tions, and to pursue views.of con-
quest and aggrandizement, as well

as

167

168 ANNUAL REGISTER,

as to adopt towards my allies, the
States General, who have observed
the same neutrality with myself,
measures which are neither confor-
mable to the law of nations nor to
the positive stipulations of existing
treaties. Under all these circum-
stances, I have felt it my indispens-
able duty to have recourse to those
means of prevention and internal
defence with which I am entrusted
by law: and I have also thought it
right to take steps for making some
augmentation to my naval and mi-
litary force; being persuaded that
these exertions are necessary in the
present state of affairs, and are best
calculated both to maintain internal
tranquillity, and to rendera firm
and temperate conduct effectual for
preserving the blessings of peace.

Nothing will be neglected on my
part that can contribute to that im-
portant object, consistently with
the security of my kingdoms, and
with the faithful performance of
engagements which we are bound
equally by interest and honour to
fulfil.

Gentlemen of the House of
Commons,

Ihave ordered the estimates for
the ensuing year to be laid before
you, and | have no doubt that you
will be ready to make a due provi-
sion for the several branches of the
public service.

You will certainly join with me
in lamenting any necessity for ex-
traordinary expences, which may
for a time prevent the application
of additional sums beyond those
which are already annually appro-
priated to the reduction of the pub-
lic debt, or retard the relief which
my subjects might have derived from
a farther diminution of taxes. But

1792.

Lam confident you will feel, that
those great ends will ultimately be
best promoted by such exertions as
are necessary for our present and
future safety and tranquillity. And
it is a great consolation to me to
reflect, that you wili find ample re-
sources for effectually defraying the
expence of vigorous preparations,
from the excess of the actual reve-
nue beyond the ordinary expendi-
ture.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I have great pleasure in acquaint-
ing you, that the brilliant successes
of the British arms in India, under
the able conduct of the Marquis
Cornwallis, have led to the termina-
tion of the war, by an advantageous
and honourable peace, the terms of
which are peculiarly satisfactory to
me, from their tendency to secure.
the future tranquillity of the British
dominions in that part of the world.

Your attention will now natural-
ly be directed to the taking such
measures for the future government
of those valuable possessionsas shall
appear, from experience and full
consideration, most likely to pro-
vide for their internal prosperity,
and to secure the important advan-
tages which may be derived from
thence to the commerce and reve-
nue of this country. teh

I am persuaded that it will be the
object of your immediate consider-
ation, to adopt such measures as
may be necessary, under the pre-
sent circumstances, for enforcing
obedience to the laws, and for re-
pressing every attempt to disturb
the peace and tranquillity of these
kingdoms.

You will be sensible how much
depends on the result of your delibe-
rations; and your uniform conduct

is

a

STATE PAPERS.

_is the best pledge that nothing will
be wanting on your part which can
contribute to the present security
and permanent advantage of the
country.

I retain a deep and unalterable
sense of the repeated proofs which
I have received of your cordial and
affectionate attachment to me; and
I place an entire reliance on the
continuance of those sentiments, as
well as on your firm determination
to defend and maintain that consti-
tution which has so long protected
the liberties, and promoted the
happiness of every class of my sub-
jects.

In endeavouring to preserve, and
to transmit to posterity, the inesti-
mable blessings which, under the
favour of Providence, you have
yourselves experienced, you may
be assured of my zealous and cordial
co-operation ; and our joint efforts
will, 1 doubt not, be rendered com-
pletely effectual, by the decided sup-
port of a free and loyal people.

Speech of the Earl of Westmoreland,
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to
both Houses of Parliament, Ja-
nuary 19, 1792.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

‘TY HAVE it in command from his
Majesty to acquaint you, that
since the close of the Jast session,
preliminaries of peace have been
signed between Russiaand the Poste,
and those powers are now engaged
in negotiation for a definitive trea-
ty, which his Majesty trusts will
complete the restoration of tran-
~quillity among the different powers
of Europe.—His Majesty, convinc-
ed of the interest you take in what-

af

169

ever concerns his domestic happi-
ness, commands me to acquaint you
of the marriage of his Royal High-
ness the Duke of York and the
Princess Royal of Prussia.

Gentlemen of the House of
Commons,

I have ordered the proper officers
to lay before you the national ac-
counts; and | trust you will make
such provisions as are necessary for
the exigencies of the state, and the
honourable support of his Majesty’s
government.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

The constant attention you have
shewn ‘to the interests of Ireland,
makes it unnecessary to recommend
to you a continuance of that wise
system of policy from which your
country has received such inestima-
ble advantages in the increase of
her trade, her credit, and manufac-
tures. It is equally unnecessary for
me particularly to point out the
encouragement of your agriculture,
and attention to your linen manu-
facture. The Protestant charter-
schools, and other charitable insti-
tutions will receive your accustom-

_ed consideration.

You may be assured of my zea-
lous co-operation to forward every
measure that may contribute to the
public welfare. I shall pay unre-
mitting attention to the due execu-
tion of the Jaw, and the mainte-
nance of good order and govern-
ment, so essential to the continu-
ance of that freedom, prosperity,
and happiness, which Ireland en-
joys under his Majesty’s auspicious
reign, and under our excellent con-
stitution.

Speech

:

170

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Speech of the Speaker of the House of welfare, has been proved to us by

Commons of Ireland, on presenting
the Bills of Supply, April 18,
1792.

May it please your Excellency,

HE Commons of Ireland at-
tend with the supplies.

While they may look back with
a conscious pride to their spirited
and successful measures for pre-
venting an increase of national
debt, as one great cause of the ex-
tension of trade, agriculture, and
manufactures, which has with a
rapid and uninterrupted progress
raised this kingdom to a state of
~ prosperity and wealth never before

experienced in it, they know that
the continuance of that prosperity
would soon cease, if it were not
cherished and maintained by our
most excellent constitution ; acon-
stitution in which liberty and order
are so happily blended, that every
subject equally enjoys their influ-
ence, and feels his person, his in-
dustry, and property, equally and
effectually protected by it.
Its preservation therefore must
ever be the great object of their
_ care ; and there is no principle on
which it is founded so essential to
its preservation, nor more justly
dear to their patriotic and. loyal
feelings, than that which has settled
_the throne of these realms on his
- Majesty’s illustrious house ; on it,
_ and on the provisions for securing
a Protestant parliament, depends
a Protestant ascendancy ; and with
it the continuance of the many
blessings we now enjoy.

The bills which I hold contain
the usualgrants; and Ihave themost
sincere happiness in presenting them
to your Excellency, whose know-
ledge of the true interests of Ireland,
and whose anxiety to promote its

the firmest vigilance and prudenc
of your administration.

These supplies are contained in
the bills which I have the honour
of presenting to your Excellency
for the royal assent.

Speech of the Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland to both Houses of Parlia-
ment, April 18th, 1792.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

fi sec dispatch you have given

to the national business ena-
bles me to close the session, and to
relieve you from further attendance
in parliament.

>
Gentlemen of the House of
Commons,

His Majesty commands me to
thank you for the supplies you have
voted for the public service: you
may depend upon their faithful ap-
plication to the purposes for which
they were granted.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I have his Majesty’s commands
to express his approbation of the
wisdom that has guided your pro-
ceedings during the present session,
especially in the liberalindulgences
you have afforded to your Roman
Catholic brethren, by establishing
the legality of inter-marriage, by
admitting them to the profession of
the law, and the benefits of educa-
tion ; and by removing all restric-
tions upon their industry in trade
and manufactures.

Your knowledge of the true inte-
rests of your country is plainly
marked in the measure you have
adopted fer carrying into effect a
reciprocal preference in the corn-

trade

STATE PAPERS.

_ trade with Great Britain: a system
neficial to both countries, and
peculiarly advantageous to the agri-
culture of Ireland, that source of
pyour wealth and prosperity. The
‘further steps you have taken to
check the immoderate use of spi-
'Tituous liquors, and your wise re-
‘gulations tor the charitable institu-
(tions, prove your attention to the
—" of the lower orders of the
‘people.

I shall firmly rely on your cordial
co-operation for the support of pub-
lic order, and the enforcing obedi-
ence to the laws; by which alone
the fruits of national industry can
be secured: and when you reflect
_— the flourishing resources, the

‘ ificreasing wealth, and unexampled

‘prosperity of the country, you will

_ mot fail to impress upon the minds

_ of the people, that the maintenance

*of our free and happy constitution
will ensure the continuance of these
invaluable blessings.

TREATY WITH TIPPOO SULTAUN.

“Definitive Treaty of perpetual
Friendship fo r the Dajrtoent of

© Affairs between the Honourable
| «English East India Company, the
; | Nawaubh Asoph Jah Behauder,and
-* Row Pundit Paudhaun Behauder,
and Ti Sultaun ; setiled the
1¥/h Day of March, 1792,0f the
Christian /Era, answering to the
«28d Day of the Month of Rejeb,
51206 of the Hejeree, by Sir John

171

Ram Pundit Tantia Behauder, on
one Part; and by Golam Ally
Khan Behauder, and Ally Reza
Khan, on the Behalf of Tippoo
Sultaun, according to the under-
mentioned Articles, which by the
Blessing of God, shall be binding
on their Heirs and Successors as
long as the Sun and Moonendure ;
and the Conditions of them be in-
variably observed by the Coniract-
ing Parties.

Art. ll seu friendship subsist-

ing between the Hon.
Company and the Circar of Tippoo
Sultaun, agreeable to former trea-
ties, the first with the late Nawaub
Hyder Ally Khan, bearing date the
Sth of August 1770, and the other
with Tippoo Sultaun of the llth
of March 1784, is hereby confirm-
ed and increased, and the articles
of the two former treaties are to
remain in full force, excepting such
of them as by the present engage-
ment are otherwise adjusted; and
the Sth article of the second above
mentioned treaty, confirming all
the privileges and immunities of
trade which -the Nawaub Hyder
Ally. Khan granted to the said Com-
pany, by the treaty, entered into in
the year 1770, is also, by virtue of
the present treaty, renewed and
confirmed.

Art. II. In the 4th article of the
preliminary treaty entered into be-
tween the allied powers and the
said Tippoo Sultaun, dated the
22d of February, 1792, itis written,

_~» Kennaway, Bart. on the Part of
weethe Right Honourable Charles
_» *Earl Cornwallis,» Knight of the
+» Most Noble Order of the Garter,
_'&e. and Meer Aalum Behauder,
on the Part of the Nawaub Aztem

_ +) ‘ul Omrah Behauder and Bachajee
Pundit, on the Part of Hurry

‘ until the due performance of the
three foregoing articles ’’ (the first
article stipulating the cession of half
the country; the second the imme-
diate payment of half of the stm
of money agreed to be paid, and the
remainder in specie only, at three
instalments, not exceeding four

months

172

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

months each instalment; and the Districts ceded to the Honourable

third engaging for the release of pri-
soners) ‘‘two of the sons of the said
Tippoo Sultaun shall be detained as
hostages ;”? which articles are con-
firmed by the present instrument.
Accordingly the said Tippoo Sul-
taun shall divide the sum, agreed to
be paid at three instalments above-
mentioned, into three equal parts,
and shall pay to the said re pow-
ers their respective shares, at the
exchange affixed for the amount,
to be paid immediately at such
places, on the boundaries of the al-
lies, as shall be determined on by
them; and, after the performance
of the remaining two articles above
mentioned, that is to say, the ces-
sion of one half the country, and
the release of the prisoners, in case
the amount of three instalments to
be paid by Tippoo Sultaun to the
three powers prior to the expiration
of the period stipulated for it, the
said sons of Tippoo Sultaun shall be
immediately dismissed, and all pecu-
niary demands between the con-
tracting parties shall cease and be
at an end.

Art. If. By the first article of
the preliminary treaty it is agreed,
that one half of the dominions
which were in the possession of the
said Tippoo Sultaun at the com-
mencement of the war, shall be
ceded to the allies, adjacent to their
respective boundaries, and subject
to their selection. Accordingly,
the general abstract of the coun-
tries, composing half the dominions
of Tippoo Sultaun, to be ceded to
the allies agreeably to their respec-
tive shares, is hereunto subjoined,

and the detail of them is inserted in
a separate schedule, bearing the
seal and signature of Tippoo Sul-
taun.

English Company.

: Pagodas.
Calicut, 63 talooks . . 8,48,765
Palgautchery . . . . 88,000

Dindigul and Pulnaveerpa-

chry, 2 talooks 90,000
Salem 9/2 -)¢/nh.) 2i) SO, BONER ODO
Koosh Cn Get OR U8OOD
Namkool . . . . . . 16,000
Sunkagherry . . . . 40,000

Barah-Nohul, 9 talooks, viz.
Bara-Mohul,® Coveripul-
tun, Verbudderdroog, Pay-
cotta, Kangoondie, Daram-
poury, Tengrycottah, Pen-

nagur, Coverypoor 1,34,000
Ahtoor Arruntgurry . . 81,000
Permuttee OARS? yee OOO
Shadmungul .. . . . 20,000
Mamloor’ dunyieoveearen ie EE BIOO0

Total 13,16,765

[Districts of the same annual re-
venue are ceded to the Nawaub
Asoph Jah Behauder, and to Row
Pundit Purdam Behauder. ]

Art. 1V. Whatever part of Nam-
kul Sunkaghurry, Salem, Ournpoor,
Attoor, and Permuity, which is
above stated, are comprised within
the division ceded to the aforesaid
Company, shall be situated to the
northward and eastward of the ri-
ver Caveri; or if there should be
any other talook, or villages of ta-
looks, situated as above described,
they shall belong to the said Com-
pany, and others of equal value shall
be relinquished by the said Compa-
ny to Tippoo Sultaun in exchange
for them; and if, of the above dis-
tricts, there shall be any talooks, or
villages of talooks, situated to the
westward and southward of the said
river, they shall be relinquished to

Tippoo ~

STATE PAPERS.

Tippoo Sultaun, in exchange for
others of equal value to the said
mpany.

-Art. V. On the ratification and
mutual exchange of this definitive
treaty, such districts and forts as
are to be ceded by Tippoo Sultaun,
shall be delivered up without any
cavil or demand for outstanding ba-

~ lances; and such talooks and forts
as are to be relinquished by the
three powers to Tippoo Sultaun,
shall in the same manner be @eli-
vered up; and orders to this effect,
addressed to the aumils and com-
manders of forts, shall be immedi-
ately prepared and delivered to
each respectively of the contracting
parties :. on the receipt of which
orders, the discharge of money sti-
pulated to be paid immediately,
and the release of prisoners on all
sides, of which the contracting par-
ties, considering God as present,
and a witness, shall release, without
cavil, all that are in existence, and
shall not detain a single person.
The armies of the allied powers
shall march from Seringapatam ;
such forts and places, nevertheless,
as shall be in the possession of the
said Campany, and on the road by
which the said armies are to march,
shall not be given up until the said
armies shall have moved the stores,
grain, &c. and sick which are in
them, and shall have passed them
on their return. As far as pos-
. sible no delay shall be allowed to
occur in the said stores, &c. being
removed.
Art. VI. Whatever guns and shot
shall be left by Tippoo Sultaun in
the forts which he hasagreed to cede
to the allied powers, an equal num-
ber of guns and shot shall be left in
the forts, which the allied powers

173

have agreed to restore to Tippoo
Sultaun.

Art, VII. The contracting par-
ties agree that zemindars and au-
mildars being in balance to either
party, and repairing to the coun-
try of either party, protection shall
not be given them, and they shall
be restored. If hereafter it should
happen that any disputes arise
on the boundaries of the allies
and the said Tippoo Sultaun, such
disputes shall be adjusted with the
knowledge and approbation of all
parties.

Art. VIII. The polygars and ze-
mindars of this country, who in the
course of the present war have at-
tached themselvesand been service-
able to the allies, shall not on that
account, in any shape or manner,
be injured or molested by Tippoo
Sultaun.

Signed and sealed in camp, near
Seringapatam, this 18th day ot
March, 1792. -

CorNnWALLIS,

Confidential Letter from the King of
the French to the King of England.

Paris, May 1.

Sir—My Brother,

I SEND this letter by M. Chau-
velin, whom I have appointed

my Minister Plenipotentiary at your ~
Majesty’s court, I embrace this op-
portunity to express to your Majes-
ty how sensible I am of all the pub-
lic marks of affection you have giv-
enme. 1 thank you for not hav-
ing become a party to the concert
formed by certain powers against
France. From this I see you have
formed a better judgment of my
true

174

true interests, and a more correct
opinion of the state of France. Be-
tween our two countries new con-
nections ought to take place. I
think I'see the remains of that ri-
valship which has''done so much
mischief to both, wearing daily

away. It becomes two kings, who’

have distinguished their reigns by a
constant desire to promote the hap-
piness of their people, to connect
themselves by such ties as will ap-
pear to be durable, in proportion
as the two nations shall‘have clearer.
views of their own interests. I
have every reason to be satisfied

with your Majesty’s ambassador at’!
If I do not give the’

my court.
same rank to the minister whom I
have sent to yours, you will never-
theless perceive that by associating
in the mission with him, M. de Tal-
lerand, who by the letter: of the
constitution, can sustain no public
character, I consider the success
of the alliance in which I wish you
to concur with as much zeal as I
do, as of the highest importance. I
consider it as necessary to the sta-
bility, to the respective constitu-
tions, and the internal tranquillity:
of our two kingdoms; and I will
add, that our union ought to com-
mand peace to Europe.
I am your good brother,
(Signed ) Louts.

Note delivered by M. Chauwvelin to
Lord Grenville, May 12,.1792.

ese undersigned Minister Ple-
nipotentiary of his. Majesty
the King of the French, is ordered
by'his court to transmit to his Ex-
cellency Lord Grenville, Secretary
of State to his Britannic Majesty
for the department: of foreign af-
fairs, the following note :—

ANNUAL REGISTER,

/may maintain

1792.

The King of the French, insend-.
ing a Minister Plenipotentiary to
London, has especially charged him.
to commence his mission by mani-
festing to the British government
the powerful reasons: which have:
determined France to awar with:
the King of Hungary and Bohemia...
He has thought that he owes this»
manifestation tothe purity of the:
intentions which animate him, as©
well as to the laws of good neigh- |
bourhood, and to the value which
he attaches to: every thing which |
confidence’ and
friendship between two empires,”
who have at this’ moment) more*
than ever, reasons for drawing near:
each other, and uniting themselves:
together, a 0

Having become King of a fale
nation, after having sworn to sup-
port the constitution it has given
herself; he cannot but deeply feel’
all the attacks designed against that:
constitution ; and his probity alone’
would have induced him to uta
and-combat them.

The King has seen ssprvait cons
spiracy formed against France, the’
agents of this league concealing,
under an insulted pity for him, the’
preparations of their designs; and
his’ Majesty has had the: grief to.
count among them: Frenchmen,
whose fidelity appeared to be gua-

» ranteed by so many powerful mo-=

tives and private ties.

The King has not been sparing
of the means of persuasion to bring
them back to their duty, and tor
break this threatening league, which
supported and strengthened their
guilty hopes.. But the Emperor
Leopold, the promoter and declar-
ed leader of this great conspiracy,
and-after his decease Francis, King

of Hungary and Bohemia, have
never

ST. A‘TPE

never sincerely answered any of the
candid and’ reiterated demands) of
the King. ai

After being wearied by delays
and vague answers, the impatience
of the:French increasing daily by
new provocations, those princes
have successively avowed the coali-
tion of the powers against France.

They never justified themselves for

the part they had taken in it, or for
that they were still taking. Far
from \shewing themselves disposed
to dissolve’ it by their influence,
they have sought to connect it with’

facts which, in the first place; were

foreign’ to it, and upon’ which
France has never refused doing jus-
tice to the interested parties. And,
as ifthe King of Hungary were de-
sirous of consecrating the perpetu-
ity of ‘the attack he makes on the
sovereignty of the French empire,
he has declared that this coalition,

equally injurious to the King and

to the nation, could not cease until
France ‘should ‘remove the serious
causés’ which’ had given rise to it;
that'lis to say,solong as France,
jealous of her independence, would

not give’ up the smallest point of

her new constitution.

‘Such an/answer, preceded and
supported by preparations most
evidently hostile, and by an: ill-con-

cealed protection of therebels, must:

have appeared to the National As-.
sembly, to the King, and to all
Franee,asa manifest aggression; for
it is commencing war to announce
that troops are assembled and called
in-all quarters, in order to constrain
the inhabitants of a country to al-
ter the form of government which
they have freely chosen, and sworn
to defend.

Such is the sense and, asit were,
the substance of all the evasive an-

PAPERS. 175
swers of the Emperor and King of
Hungary’s ministers to the simple
and candid explanations which ‘the
King required of them.

Thus the King saw himself forc-
ed into a’ war, which was already
declared against him; but, religi-
ously faithful to the principles of
the constitdtion, whatever may fi-
nally be the fate of arms in this
war, France rejects all ideas of ag-:
grandisement. She will preserve:
her limits, herliberty, her constitu-
tion, her “inalienable right of re-
forming herself; whenever'she may:
think proper she will never con-
sent that, under any relation, fo-
reign powers should attempt to dic-
tate, or even dare to nourish a hope
of dictating laws to her. But this
very pride, so natural and'so just, is’
a sure pledge to all the powers from
whom she shall have received no
provocation, not'only of her’ con-
stant pacific dispositions, but also of
the respect which the French will
know how to shew at all times for:
the laws, the customs, and all the:
forms of government of different
nations.

The King, indeed, wishes it to
be known, that he would publicly
and severely disavow all those of
his agents at foreign courts in peace
with France, who should dare to
depart an instant from that respect,
either by fomenting or favouring
insurrections against the established
order, or by interfering in any man-
ner whatever in the interior- policy
of such states, under pretence ofa
proselytism, which, exercised in’
the dominions’ of friendly powers,
would be‘a real violation of thelaw
of nations. '

The King hopes that the British’
government will see in this \exposi-
tion the incontrovertible justice,

and

176

and the necessity of the war, which
the French nation maintains against
the King of Hungary and Bohemia;
and that he will moreover find in
it that common principle of liberty
and independence of which they
ought not to be less jealous than
France. For England is free like-
wise, because she determined to be
so; and assuredly she did not suffer
other powers to attempt to compel
her to alter the constitution she had
adopted, to lend the smallest assist-
ance to rebellious subjects, or to
pretend to interfere, under any
pretence, in her interior disputes.

Persuaded that his Britannic Ma-
jesty is not less ardently desirous
than himself of seeing the good un-
derstanding and union between the
two countries consolidated and
strengthened, the King demands
that, conformably to the 4th article
of the treaty of navigation andcom-
merce of the 26th September 1786,
his Britannic Majesty shall remind
all his subjects of Great Britain and
Ireland, and publish it in the accus-
tomed manner in those two king-
doms, and in the islands and coun-
tries dependent upon them, an ex-
press prohibition to exercise against
France, or against ships of France,
any hostility, by cruizing on the
seas, or to take out any patent, com-
mission, or letters of reprisals, from
the different princes or states who
are or shall be at war with France;
or to make use, in any manner, of
such patents or commissions.

The King requires besides, that
all articles of the aforesaid treaty,
which relate to the case of one of
the contracting powers being at
war, and especially the 3d, 16th,
24th, 39th, 40th, and 4Jst articles,
shall be punctually observed and
executed, in the same manner as

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

his Majesty is determined to act on
his part, respecting all the stipula-
tions of this treaty.
The Minister Plenipotentiary
of France,
CHAUVELIN.

London, 12 May, 1792.
Ath Year of French Liberty.

Note from Lord Grenville ‘to M.
Chauvelin, dated May 24th, 1792.

THE undersigned Secretary of
State to the King has had the ho-
nour of laying before his Majesty
the offical note, which Monsieur
Chauvelin transmitted to him the
15th instant. He has orders to tes-
tify to that minister how truly sen-
sible his Majesty ever is to the
proofs of friendship and confidence
which he receives on the part of
his Most Christian Majesty, and
with how much sincerity he returns
them by sentiments perfectly reci-
procal. }

His Majesty could not learn with-
out the deepest regret, that, a war
has broken out between his Most
Christian Majesty and his Majesty
the King of Hungary and Bohemia.
This sentiment is equally, inspired
by his love for humanity, by the
interest he takes in the maintaining
the tranquillity of Europe, and, by
his sincere wishes for the. personal
happiness of their Most Christian
and Apostolic Majesties; and for
the prosperity of their dominions.
In the present circumstances, he
thinks it right to abstain from en-
tering into a discussion of the mo-
tives and the steps on each side
which have. brought on a rupture
so afflicting to a sovereign, the
neighbour and friend of the two
belligerent parties.

Confining himself, therefore, to

expressions

STATE PAPERS.

expressions of the wishes he will
never cease to form for the speedy
and permanent re-establishment of
peace, he does not hesitate, how-
ever, to give to his Most Christian
Majesty the direct and positive assu-
rance of his readiness to fulfil in the
most exact manner the stipulations
of the treaty of navigation and com-
merce of which his Most Christian
Majesty requires the execution.

Faithful to all his engagements,
his Majesty will pay the strictest at-
tention to the preservation of the
good understanding which so hap-
pily subsists between him and his
Most Christian Majesty ; expecting
with confidence that, animated with
the same sentiments, his Most
Christian Majesty will not fail to
contribute to the same end, by caus-
ing, on his part, the rights of his
Majesty and his allies to be respect-
ed, and by rigorously forbidding
any step which might affect the
friendship which his Majesty has
ever desired to consolidate and per-
petuate for the happiness of the two
empires.

(Signed) GRENVILLE.

Whitehall, 24th May, 1792.

In consequence of the preceding Me-
moirs, the following Proclamation
was published.

By the King.—A PROCLAMATION.

Georce Rex.

WHEREAS hostilities have
broken out between the Most
Christian King and the King of
Hungary,—his Majesty, for the
preservation and continuance of
friendship and amity between him
and their said Majesties, doth b
this his royal proclamation (with
the advice of his privy council)

Vor, XXXIV.

177

strictly prohibit and forbid all his
subjects whatsoever to take any
commission at sea from any foreign
prince or state, against any other
foreign prince or state now in ami-
ty with his Majesty, or their sub-
jects, or by virtue or under colour
of any such commission already tak-
en, or hereafter to be taken, to set
or employ any vessel or ship of war,
or to serve as mariners in any ship
which shall beemployedagainst any
prince or state now in amity with
his Majesty, or their subjects, during
the present war. And all his Ma-
jesty’s subjects are required to take
notice of this his royal command,
and to conform themselves to the
same, upon pain of incurring his
Majesty’s high displeasure, and of
being punished with the utmost se-
verity of law and justice. And —
whereas the Most Christian King
hath caused application to be made
to his Majesty, that his Majesty
would, conformably to the article
of the treaty of navigation and com-
merce, concluded at Versailles the
26th of September, 1786, renew
and publish, in all his dominions
and countries, the strict and express
prohibitions contained in the said
article; his Majesty doth hereby
strictly forbid all his subjects to re-
ceive any commission for arming
and acting at sea as privateers, or
letters of reprisals, from any enemy
of the Most Christian King ; or, by
virtue or under colour of such com-
missions or reprisals, to disturb, in-
fest, or anywise damage his sub~
jects; orto arm ships as privateers,
or to go out to sea therewith, under
the severest punishments that ean
be inflicted on the transgressors, be-
sides being liable to make full resti-
tution and satisfuction to those to
whom they have done any damage.

Given

—_

178

Given at our court. at St. James’s,
the 25th day of May, 1792, in
the 32d year of our reign.

GoD SAVE THE KING.

Note from M. Chawvelin to Lord
~ Grenville, May 24th, 1792.

THE undersigned Minister Ple-
nipotentiary from the King of the
French to his Britannic Majesty,
has the honour to state to his Ex-
cellency Lord Grenville, Minister
of State for foreign affairs,

That the royal proclamation pub-
lished on the 21st of this month,
and ‘communicated to the two
Houses . of ' Parliament, contains
some expressions which might, con-
trary to the intentions of the Bri-
tish ministry, give weight to the
false opinions which the enemies of
France endeavour to circulate with
respect to her intentions towards
Great Britain.

If certain individuals of this coun-
try have established a correspond-
ence abroad, tending to excite
troubles therein ; and if, as the pro-
clamation seems to insinuate, cer-
tain Frenchmen have come into
their views, that is a proceeding
wholly foreign to the French na~
tion, to the Legislative Body, to
the King, and to his ministers ; it
is a proceeding of which they are
entirely ignorant, which militates
against every principle of justice,
and. which, whenever it became
known, would be universally con-
demned in France. Independently
of those principles of justice, from
which a free people ought never to
deviate, is it not evident, from a
due consideration of the true inte-
rests of the French nation, that she
ought to desire the interior tran-
quillity, the continuance and the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

force of the constitution of a coun-
try which she already looks upon
as her natural ally ?

Is not this the only, reasonable
wish which a people can form,
who sees so many efforts united
against its liberty? The Minister
Plenipotentiary, deeply sensible of
these truths, and of the maxims
of universal morality upon which
they are founded, had already re-
presented them in an official note,
which he transmitted to the British
ministry the 15th of this month, by
the express orders of his court ; and
he thinks it his duty to repeat, on
the present occasion, the important
declarations it contains :

«« Religiously faithful to the prin-
ciples of its constitution, whatever
may be definitively the fortune of
her arms in this war, France repels
every idea of aggrandizement; she
wishes to preserve her own limits,
her liberty, her constitution, and
her inalienable riglit of reforming
herself whenever she shall judge
proper : she will never consent that
foreign powers should in any shape
dictate, or should dare to nourish a
hope of dictating laws to her; but
this very pride, so natural and so just,
is a pledge to all the powers from
whomshe shall have received no pro-
vocation, not only of her constantly
pacific dispositions, but also of the
respeet which the French will at all
times know how to pay to the laws,
the usages, and all the forms of go-
vernment of different people. The
King also desires that it may be
known, that he would disavow, de-
cidedly and severely, all those of
his agents in foreign courts at peace
with France, who might dare to de-
viate a moment from this respect,
either by fomenting or by favour-
ing revolts against the established

order,

=a

STATE PAPERS.

order, or by interfering in any man-
ner whatever in the internal politics
of those states, under pretext of mak-
ing proselytes ; which, exercised to-
wards friendly powers, would be a
real violation of the law of nations,
‘** The King hopes that the Bri-
tish government will see in this ex-
position the incontrovertible justice,
and the necessity of the war, which
the French nation carries on against
the King of Hungary and Bohemia,
and that it will further find therein
that common principle of liberty
‘and independence of which it ought
not to be less jealous than France;
for England also is free, because she
would be so ; and certainly she has
not suffered that other powers
_ should constrain her to change the
‘constitution which she has adopted,

_ ‘that they should lend the least as-

sistance to her rebellious subjects,
‘nor that they should pretend to in-
terfere, under any pretext, in her
internal discussions.”
The honour of France, her desire
of preserving and augmenting a
good understanding between the
two countries, and the necessity of
clearing up every doubt as to her
dispositions, requiring that they
should be as publicly known as
tae the undersigned Minister
nipotentiary\requests that Lord
Grenville would communicate this
Official note to the two Houses of
‘Parliament, previous to their deli-
berating on the proclamation of his
“Britannic Majesty of the 2Ist of
-May. He seizes this opportunity
of renewing to his Excellency the
“assurances of his high esteem and
“respect.
The Minister Plenipotentiary
a! of France,
Bi). (Signed) F, Cuauveciy.
_ ~ London, me 24th, 1792,
“Fourth Year of French’ Liberty.

179

Letter from Lord Grenville to Mon-
sieur Chawvelin, May 25th, 1792.

Whitehall, May 25th, 1792.

I HAVE already had the honour,
Sir, to acknowledge the receipt of
the note which you addressedtome,
dated yesterday.

Desiring, with ardour and since-
rity, to maintain, in all the affairs
that I may have the honour to treat
with you, that harmony and cordi-
ality which correspond with the
intentions of the King, it is with
regret that I find myself under the
necessity of making to you the fol-
lowing observations on the subject
of that paper:—I am persuaded that
it was not at all your intention to
deviate from the rules and forms
established in this kingdom for the
correspondence of ministers of fo-
reign courts with the King’s Secre-
tary of state for this department.
But it was impossible for me not to
remark that in your last note, the
only question relates to a commu-
nication which you desire me to
make to the two Houses of Parlia-
ment, before they deliberate upon
an object which you appear to’ be-
lieve they were about to discuss.
It is necessary for me to observe to
you, Sir, that in‘my quality of Se-
cretary of State to his Majesty, I
cannot receive any communication
from a foreign Minister, but in or-
der to lay it before the King, and
to receive his Majesty’s commands
thereupon; and ‘that the delibera-
tions of the two Houses of Parlia-
ment, as well as the communica-
tions, which his Majesty shall be
pleased’'to make to them, relative to
the affairs of the kingdom, are ob-

jects absolutely foreign to all diplo-

matic correspondence, and upon
which ‘it is impossible for’ me to
enter into any discussion ‘what-

M 2 ever

180

ever with the ministers of other
courts.

This, Sir, is the only answer
which it will be possible for me to
return to the note in question;
-which, as well in its form as in its
object, cannot be considered as a
regular and official communication.
I shall always feel the greatest plea-
-sure in reporting to his Majesty the
assurances which you may be au-
thorised to give me for that pur-
pose, of the friendly dispositions of
your court; and I desire you to ac-
cept the expression of the esteem
and high regard with which I have
the honour to be, &c.

GRENVILLE.

Letter from Monsieur Chauvelin to
Lord Grenville, May 25th, 1792.
Portman-square, May 25, 1792.

I HAVE this moment, my Lord,
received the letter which you have
done me the honour to write to me
on the subject of the note which I
sent you yesterday, the 24th instant.
I have the honour to thank you for
the obliging manner in which it is
expressed. You have done justice
to my intentions, in believing that
I did not intend to depart from the
established rules and forms of this
kingdom.

I by no means thought, when I
presented that note to you, that
the demand contained in it ought
not, as well as all others, to be laid
before the King of Great Britain;
it was expressly in the intention of
giving to his Majesty fresh assur-
ances of deference and respect for
the British government, that I did
myself the honour of making that
last notification; and it being my
desire to make this manifestation of
the dispositions of the French go-
vernment as public as possible, I

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

thought it best to beg you to com-
municate it to both Houses of Par-
liament.
In making this request, my Lord,
I intended to obviate the false in-
terpretations which might be occa-
sioned in the two Houses by the ar-
ticle of the proclamation, which is
the subject of it; I flattered myself
by this means to contribute towards
the maintenance of that harmony,
and of that cordiality between the
two states, of which I with joy re-
marked the expression in the assur-
ance which you gave me, that it is
no less desired by his Britannic Ma-
jesty than by the King of the French.
As to the rest, my Lord, any
other form which it may suit you to
adopt, and which may render very
public the sentiments of France,
her true dispositions with regard to
England, and the orders which I
have received from the King of the
French, and which I have commu-
nicated to you, will equally answer
the wish of the French government.
Please to accept the homage of
the esteem, and of the high consi-
deration with which I have the ho-
nour to be, &c.
(Signed) F. CHAuvELIN.
Note from M. Chauvelin to Lord
Grenville, dated June 18th, 1792.

THE undersigned Minister Ple-
nipotentiary to his Majesty the
King of the French has transmitted
tohis Majesty the official note which
Lord Grenville addressed to him on
the 24th of May last, on the part of
his Britannic Majesty, in answer to
that which he had the honour to
deliver to him on the 15th of the
same month, together with the
royal proclamation published in
consequence of it. He is directed
to assure his Britannic Majesty =

the

STATE PAPERS.

the due sense which the King enter-
tains of the friendly dispositions,
and of the sentiments of humanity,
of justice, and of peace, which are
so clearly manifested in that answer.
' The King of the French observ-
ed with care all its expressions, and
is happy in consequence to renew
to the King of Great Britain the
formal assurance that every thing
which can interest the rights of his
Britannic Majesty will continue to
be the object of his most particular
and most scrupulous attention.

He hastens, at the same time, to
declare to him, conformably to the
desire expressed in that answer, that
the rights of all the allies of Great
Britain who shall not have provok-
ed France by hostile measures, shall
by him be no less religiously re-
spected.

In making, or rather renewing
this declaration, the King of the
French enjoys the double satisfac-
tion of expressing the wish of a
people in whose eyes every war
which is not rendered necessary by
a due attention to its defence, is

essentially unjust, and joining par-—

ticularly in the wishes of his Britan-
nic Majesty for the tranquillity of
Europe, which would never be dis-
turbed if France and England would
unite in order to preserve it.

But this declaration of the King’s,
and the dispositions of his Britan-
nic Majesty, authorize him to hope
that he will be induced eagerly to
employ his good offices with those
allies, to dissuade them from grant-
ing, directly or indirectly, any as-
sistance to the enemies of France,
and to inspire them with a regard to
its rights; that is to say, its indepen-
dence, witli those attentions which
France is ready to manifest on eve-

ry occasion for the rights of all pow-

181

ers who shall observe towards her
the terms of a strict neutrality.

The steps taken by the cabinet
of Vienna amongst the different
powers, and principally amongst the
allies of his Britannic Majesty, in
order to engage them in a quarrel
which is foreign to them, are known
to all Europe. If public report
even were to be credited, its suc-
cesses at the court of Berlin prepare
the way for others in the United
Provinces. The threats held out
to the different members of the
Germanic body to make them de-
viate from that wise neutrality
which their political situation, and
their dearest interests, prescribe to
them; the arrangements taken with
different sovereigns of Italy to de-
termine them toact hostilely against
France ; and lastly, the intrigues by
which Russia has just been induced
to arm against the constitution of
Poland; every thing points out
fresh marks of a vast conspiracy
against a free state, which seems to
threaten to precipitate Europe in
universal war.

The consequences of such a con-
spiracy, formed by the concurrence
of powers who have been so long ri-
vals, will be easily felt by his Britan-
nic Majesty: the balance of Europe,
the independence of the different
powers, the general peace, every
consideration which at all times has
fixed the attention of the English
government, Is at once exposed and
threatened.

The King of the French presents
these serious andimportant conside-
rations to the solicitude and to the
friendship of his Britannic Majesty.
Strongly penetrated with the marks
of interest and of affection which he
has received from him, he invites
him to seek, in his wisdom, in his si-

M 3 tuation,

182

tuation, and in his influence, means
compatible with the independence
of the French nation, to stop, whilst
it is yet time, the progress of that
confederacy, which equally threa-
tens the peace, the liberty, the hap-
piness of Europe, and above ail to
dissuade from all accession to this
project those of his allies whom it
may be wished to draw into it, or
who may have been already drawn
into it from fear, seduction, and
different pretexts of the falsest, as
well as of the most odious policy.

The Minister Plenipotentiary

of France,

(Signed) F. CHauvetin.

Poriman-square, June 18, 1792,

Fourth Year of French Liberty.

Note from Lord Grenville to Mon-
sieur Chawoelin, July 8th, 1792.
THE undersigned Secretary of

State to his Majesty, has had the

-honour to Jay before his Majesty

the note which Monsieur Chauve-

lin sent him on the 18th of June.
The King always receives with
the same sensibility from his Most

Christian Majesty the assurances of

his friendship, and of his disposition

to maintain that happy harmony
which subsists between the two em-
pires.. His Majesty will never re-
fuse to concur in the preservation
or re-establishment of peace be-
tween the other powers of Europe
by such means as are proper to pro-
duce that effect, and are compatible
with his dignity, and with the prin-
ciples which govern his conduct.
But thesame sentiments which have
determined him not take a part
in the internal affairs of France,
ought equally to induce him to re-
spect the rights and.the independ-
ence of other sovereigns, and espe-
cially those of the allies; and his

ANNUAL REGISTER,

137Q2.
Majesty has thought that, in ,the,

existing circumstances of the war.

now begun, the intervention of his
counsels, or of his good offices, can-
not be of use, unless they should be
desired by all the parties interested.

Nothing then remains for the un-
dersigned, but torepeatto Monsieur.
Chauvelin the assurances of those
wishes which his Majesty forms for
the return of tranquillity, of the in-_
terest which he will always take in
the happiness of his Most Christian
Majesty; and of the value which
he attaches to his friendship, and
to the confidence which he has.

shewn him.

(Signed) GRENVILLE,
Whitehall, Juiy 8th, 1792. >

Note presented by Citizen Chauvelin'’
to Lord Grenville, dated July 25th,
1792.

Fourth Year of Liberty.
IN conformity to the express
orders of his court, the undersigned

Minister Plenipotentiary .of. the

King of the French has the honour:

to transmit to Lord Grenville a
copy of a, ministerial dispatch of
the 14th June, relative to measures
to be taken by the maritime powers
for the abolition of privateering, of
which he has had the honour to
speak to him in one of their confer-
ences. To make navigation, ma-
ritime commerce, and the goods of
individuals enjoy the same protec-
tion and the same liberty: which.
the law of nations and the univer-
sal agreement of European powers

secure to private property on land;

in one word, to suppress hat de-
structive practice which, on occa-
sion of the quarrels of states and.
princes, interrupts on every sea the
most necessary communications,
renders abortive speculations on

which depends often the existence
of

STATE PAPERS.

of nations foreign to these quarrels ;
which suspends the progress of hu-
man discoveries; which arms indi-
vidual against individual, delivers
the goods of the peaceable mer-
chants to pillage, and devotes those
who defend them ; such is the ho-
nourable object of the proposition
which the King makes to his Britan-
nic Majesty. The King does not
consider it in relation to the parti-
cular interest of the French nation.
His Majesty knows that the advan-
tages whichit presentsmust be much
greater for a people essentially ma-
ritime, and whose relations of com-
merce and colonial possessions ex-
tend, so to speak, from one pole to
the other, than to a nation chiefly
agricultural, like France. This is
not therefore a combination dictat-
ed by that rivalship of power, nor
by that mercantile rapacity, which
have so long deluged Europe with
blood; it is a great measure of be-
neficence, of justice, and humanity,
which has been suggested by the
general interest of nations, by mo-
rality, and by policy itself, well un-
derstood. This wish, worthy of
his Majesty, and of the free nation
which has formed it, is not less wor-
thy of the prince to whom it is ad-
dressed, and who, as much by his
personal character as by his position
and political influence, seems des-
tined to realize it. Already in the
treaty of navigation and commerce
of the 26th Sept. 1786, France and
Great Britain have renounced this
odious trafficin every quarrel which
should be foreign to them; and at
present, in the war which France is

183.

forced to maintain against Austria)
for the defence of her independ-
ence and her liberty, the two belli-
gerent powers have spontaneously
resolved to Jeave a free course to
maritime commerce. Let this re-
solution, adopted by the two inte-
rested powers, become the basis of
a new law among nations, which’
will strengthen the bonds which
unite them, and diminish their mo-
tives of division and rupture; and
leta law, undertaken against liber-
ty, give new strength to those ties
of concord and peace which-ought
to hold together the human trace,
and insure its felicity. :
The King of the French commu-
nicates with a just confidence to his
Britannic Majesty these reflections,
which appear equally consistent
with the sentiments of justice and
humanity, with his pacific disposi-
tions, and with the well understood
interests of commerce and naviga-
tion. His Majesty will not dissem—
ble, that the present state of Europe
may present some obstacles to the
speedy accomplishment of this sa-
lutary measure ; but he also knows
that the concurrence of Great Bri-
tain must add great weight to his
recommendations, and how much
it may accelerate their effects; he
therefore requests his Britannic
Majesty to. communicate to him
his views, or the means the best
adapted for procuring so great a
benefit to Europe.*
The Minister Plenipotentiary
of France,
(Signed) F, Cuavuveti.
Portman-square, July 25th, 1792.

* This note isnot to be fuund in the correspondence laid before parliament, It
was published by order of the National Convention, among other papers, under
the title of “ Exposition of the Conduct of the French nation towards the English

People.”

M 4

Copy

184

Copy of a Leiter written to Earl
Gower, English Ambassadcr at
Paris, by Mr. Dundas, and de-
livered to the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, dated Whitehall, the 17th
of August, 1792.

My Lord,

IN Lord Grenville’s absence I
have received and laid before the
King your last dispatchés.

His Majesty has been very deeply
afflicted in receiving the informa-
tion of the extent and the deplor-
able consequences of the troubles
which have happened in Paris, as
well on account of his personal at-
tachment to their Most Christian
Majesties and the interest that be
has always taken in their welfare,
as for the earnest desire he has for
the tranquillity and prosperity of a
kingdom with which he is on terms
of friendship.

As it appears in the present state
of affairs, the exercise of the exe-
cutive power has been withdrawn
from his Most Christian Majesty,
the credentials which have hitherto
been made use of by your Excel-
lency can no longer be valid. His
Majesty is therefore of opinion, that
you ought not to remain any long-
er in Paris, as well on this account
as because this step appears to him
the most conformable to the prin-
ciples of neutrality which he has
hitherto observed. His Majesty’s
pleasure therefore is,that youshould
quit thet city, and return to Eng-
Jand as soon as you shall have been
able to procure the necessary pass-
ports for that purpose.

In all the conversations that you
may have occasion to hold before
your departure, you will take care
to express yourself in a manner con-
formable to the sentiments herein
communicated to you; and you will

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

take special care not to neglect any
opportunity of declaring, that at
the same time his Majesty means to
observe the principles of neutrality
in every thing which regards the
arrangement of the internal govern-
ment of France, he does not con-
ceive that he departs from these
principles in manifesting, by every
possibie means in his power, his so-
licitude for the personal situation of
their Most Christian Majesties and
the Royal Family. He most ear-
nestly hopes that his wishes in that
respect will not be deceived; that
the Royal Family will be preserved
from every act.of violence; the
commission of which would not fail
to excite sentiments of universal
indignation throughout all Europe.

I have the honour to be, &e. &c.

Henry Dunpas.

Note in Answer to the Communica-
tion made by Earl Gower, the
English Ambassador.

THE undersigned Minister for
Foreign Affairs has lost no time in
communicating to the Provisional
Executive Council, the letter com-
municated to himby his Excellency
Earl Gower, Ambassador Extraor-
dinary from his Britannic Majesty.

The council has seenwith regret,
that the British Cabinet hasresolved
to recal an Ambassador whose pre-
sence attested the favourable dis-
position ofa free and generous na-
tion, and who has. never been the
organ but of friendly expressions,
and of benevolent sentiments. If
any thing can abate this regret, it is.
the renewed assurance of neutrality
made on the part of England to the
French nation. — This assurance
seems to be the result of an inten-
tion wisely considered and formally

expressed

STATE PAPERS.

expressed by his Britannic Majesty,
not to meddle with the interior ar-
rangements of the affairs of France.
We are not surprised at such a de-
claration made by an enlightened
and high-spirited nation, who have
been the first to acknowledge and
establish the principle of the na-
tional sovereignty ; who, by substi-
tuting the empire of the laws, the
expressed will of all, to the arbitrary
caprices of a few individuals, have
been the first to furnish the example
of subjecting kings themselves to
this salutary yoke ; and who, final-
ly, have not thought too dearly pur-
chased, by long convulsions and vi-
olent storms, that liberty which has
been productive of so much glory
and prosperity.

This principle of the unalienable
sovereignty of the people, is going
to be displayed in a striking manner
in the National Convention, the
convocation of which has been de-
creed by the legislative body, and
which will no doubt fix all parties
and all interests. ‘The French na-
tion has good grounds to hope, that
the British cabinet will not, at this
decisive moment, depart from that
justice, moderation, and impartiali-
ty which it has hitherto manifested.

Full of this confidence, which
rests on facts, the undersigned re-
news to his Excellency Earl Gower,
in the name of the Provisional Exe-
cutive Council,the assurances which
he has had the honour to give him,
viva voce, that whatever relates to
commerce between the two nations,
and all affairs in general, shall be
carried on, on the part of the French
government, with the same justice
and fidelity. ‘The Council flatter
themselves that there will be a full
reciprocity on the part of the Bri-
tish government, and that nothing

185

will interrupt the good understand-
ing which subsists between the two

nations.
The Minister for foreign affairs,
Le Brun.

Note delivered to the Right Honour-
able Lord Grenville, oxe of his
Majesty's Principal Secretaries of
State, by the Ministers of the Em-
peror and the King of Naples, on
the 20th September, 1792.

MPHE undersigned Envoys Ex-
traordinary and Ministers Ple-
nipotentiary of his Imperial Royal
Apostolic Majesty, and of his Ma-
jesty the King of the Two Sicilies,
in consequence of the ties of blood
and of friendship by which their
sovereigns are attached to the King
and Queen of France, have the ho-
nour to address themselves to Lord
Grenville, to represent to him the
imminent danger which threatens
the lives of their Most Christian
Majesties and their royal family;
and the fear, but too well ground-
ed, that the atrocities which the
factious in France commit against
those august persons, will have no
other bounds than the greatest of
all crimes. They are afthorised to
express to his Excellency the wish
of their respective courts, that his
Britannic Majesty, in case so horri-
le an act should take place, would
be pleased not to'permit any resi-
dence, or grant any protection or
asylum to any person who should
be concerned therein, in any man-
ner whatever.
London, September 90th, 1792.
(Signed) Sranpron.
CASTELCICALA.

Note from Lord Grenville, one of
his Majesty’s Principal Secreta-
ries

186.

ries of State, to the Ministers of
the Emperor and the King of
Naples, dated the 21st of Sep-
tember, 1792.

THE undersigned Secretary of
State to the King, in answer to the
official note dated yesterday, which
he received from the Count de Sta-
dion and the Prince de Castelcica-
la, Ministers Plenipotentiary and
Envoys Extraordinary from his Im-
perial Royal Apostolic Majesty,and
from his Sicilian Majesty, has the
honour to renew to those ministers
the assurance of the sincere interest
which the King has always taken
in every thing which relates person-
ally to their Most Christian Majes-
ties, and which could not fail to be
increased by the unfortunate cir-
cumstances ofthe situation in which
their Majesties are actually placed.

It is his Majesty’s most ardent
wish, that the fears expressed in the
note of the Count de Stadion and
the Prince de Castelcicala, may not
be realized ; but should the contra-
ry case unfortunately happen, his
Majesty would not fail to take the
most effectual measures, in order to

prevent the persons who should

have rendered themselves guilty of
so atrocious a.crime, from finding
an asylum in the dominions of his
Majesty. The King takes a plea-
sure in formally giving to sove-
reigns so closely united to their
Most. Christian Majesties, and to
their royal family, by the ties of
blood, this assurance, which his
Majesty considers in no other light
than as;an immediate and necessary
consequenceof those principles and
sentiments which have ever guided
his conduct.
(Signed) GRENVILLE,

Whitehall, Sept. 21st, 1792.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Letter from his Excellency Lord
Auckland, his Majesty’s Ambas-
sador Extraordinary and Pleni-
potentiary at the Hague, to the
Greffier of their High Mighti-
nesses the States General, dated
the 24th of September, 1792.

Hague, Sept. 24th, 1792.
I HAVE the honour, Sir, to ac-
quaint you that, in consequence of

a conference which Lord Grenville

has had with the Ministers of their

Majestiesthe Emperor andthe King

of the Two Sicilies, those Ministers

transmitted the note, and received
the answer, of which copies are sub-
joined. I am ordered to request
of you to lay these two papers be-
fore their High Mightinesses with-
out delay : They will see, no doubt,
with fresh satisfaction, the sincere
desire which his Majesty has to em-
ploy every method compatible with
his dignity, and with the principles
by which his conduct is invariably
directed, for the purpose of contri-
buting to the safety and welfare of
their Most Christian Majesties.

I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) AUCKLAND.

Extract of the Resolutions of their
High Mightinesses the States Ge-
neral, of the 25th Sept. 1792.

Tuesday, Sept. 25, 1792.

~ HAVING heard the report of
Messrs. J. C. N. de Lynden, and
other deputies of their High Migh-
tinesses for foreign affairs, who, in
conformity to the commissorial re-
solution of yesterday, have exa-
mined,

1st. The proposition of the Gref=-

fier Fagel, stating thathe had just re-
ceived a letter from Lord Auckland,
Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary from his ae

e

— EE

tl i i

—

STATE PAPERS.

the King of Great Britain, written
at the Hague the same day, in
which were inclosed copies of a
note delivered to Lord Grenville
by the ministers of their Majesties
the Emperor and the King of the
Two Sicilies, and of the answer to
that note ; both those papers hav-
ing for their object the granting no
asylum whatever, in the dominions
of his said Majesty, to those who
shallrender themselves guilty of the
greatest of crimes towards their
Most Christian Majesties and their
royal family ; the said Lord Auck-
land having received orders to de-
sire the Greffier to make a commu-
nication of those papers to their
High Mightinesses.

Ydly. “Also, in conformity to the
said commissorial resolution of yes-
terday, a letter from Monsieur de
Nagell, Envoy Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary from their High
Mightinesses at the court of his
- Majesty the King of Great Britain,
written at London the 21st of the
present month, and addressed to
the Greffier Fagel, in which were

likewise inclosed copies of the

above-mentioned papers, which had
been communicated to him by Lord
Grenville.
3dly. Finally, and in conformity
to the commissorial resolution of
their High Mightinesses of this day,
the verbal note from the Count de
Stahremberg, Envoy Extraordi-
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary
from his Majesty the Emperor, in
which he desires their High Migh-
tinesses would be pleased to declare
that, in case so horrible an act
should be committed, they would
not permit any residence, or grant
any protection or asylum to any.
person who should be concerned
therein, in any manner whatever.

187

Whereupon having deliberated,
it has been thought proper and de-
creed, that the Greflier Fagel shall
express toLord Auckland thethanks
of their High Mightinesses for the
aforesaid communication, made in
the name of the ministry of his said
Majesty.—Moreover, it has been
resolved, conformably to the said
request made by the Count de
Stahremberg, and to the answer of
Lord Grenville to the Ministers of
their Majesties the Emperor and
the King of the Two Sicilies, to de-
clare, by these presents, that no
asylum shall be granted, neither in
the country of the generality, nor
in the colonies of the state, whether
in the East or West Indies, to those
who might have rendered them-
selves guilty ofthe greatest of crimes
towards the persons of their Most
Christian Majesties, or of their roy-
al family: in consequence, the ne-
cessary orders shall be expedited to
the bailiffs of the different cities
and places within the district of
the generality, strictly to conform
themselves to the above mentioned
intentions of their High Mighti-
nesses; with injunction, that if, con-

trary to all hope, attempts should
be made on the lives of their most
Christian Majesties, or of their royal
family, they may take every possi-
ble precaution for preventing the
authors of so atrocious a crime, and
those also who might have been in
any way concerned in it, in the case
of their seeking an asylum in any
place within the jurisdiction of the
generality, from being received
therein, but, on the contrary, for
their being immediately driven
from the said cities and places.

Letters, moreover, shall be ad-
dressec, on the part of their High
Mightinessesto the States of the ree

spective

188

spective provinces, to desire them
to adopt similar measures in their
respective provinces, for effectually
preventing anyasylum being grant-
ed, in any part of the republic, to
those who might have committed,
or have been concerned, in so de-
testable a crime.

Extract ofthe present resolutions
of their High Mightinesses shall be
communicated by the Greffier Fa-
gel to Lord Auckland, and a simi-
lar extract delivered by the agent
Van Hees to the Count de Stah-
remberg, in answer to the above
mentioned verbal note.

Declaration on the Part of his
Britannic Majesty to the States
General.

THE undersigned Ambassador
Extraordinary and Minister Pleni-
potentiary of his Britannic Majesty,
has received the King’s orders to
inform their High Mightinesses the
States General of the United Pro-
vinces, that his Majesty, seeing the
theatre of war brought so near to
the frontiers of the Republic by the

' recent events which have happen-
ed, and being sensible of the un-
easiness which may naturally result
from such a situation, thinks it due
to the connection which subsists
between him and the Republic,
that he should renew to their High
Mightinesses, on this occasion, the
assurances of his inviolable friend-
ship, and of his determination to
execute, at all times, with the ut-
most good faith, all the different
stipulations of the treaty of alliance
so happily concluded, in 1788, be-
tween his Majesty and their High
Mightinesses.

In making to their High Mighti-
nesses this declaration, the King is
very far from supposing the proba-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

bility of any intention on the part
of any of the belligerent parties to
violate the territory of the republic,
or to interfere in the internal con-
cerns of its government. The King
is persuaded thatthe conduct which,
in concert with his Majesty, their
High Mightinesses have hitherto
observed, and the respect to which
the situation of his Majesty and the
Republic justly entitles them, are
sufficient to remove any ground of
such apprehension. His Majesty
therefore confidently expects, that
no events of the war will lead to
any circumstance from without,
which may be injurious to the right
of their High Mightinesses; and he
strongly recommends to them to
employ, in concert with his Majes-
ty, an unremitted attention and
firmness to repress any attempts
which may be made to disturb the
internal tranquillity of the pro-
vinces.

His Majesty has directed this
communication to be made to their
High Mightinesses, in the full per-
suasion that nothing can more ef-
fectually conduce to the interests
and happiness of both: countries,

‘than the continuance of that inti-
mate union which has been esta-
blished between them for the main-
tenance of their own rights and se-
curity, and with a view to contri-
bute to the general welfare and
tranquillity of Europe.

(Signed) AUCKLAND.

Hague, Nov. 16, 1792.

Answer.

THEIR High Mightinesses are
most strongly impressed by the re-
newal of the assurances which his
Britannic Majesty has now been
pleased to make, of his inviolable
friendship for this republic, gape

is

STATE PAPERS.

nis determination to execute at all
times, with the most scrupulous
good faith, all the different stipula-
tions of the treaty of alliance so
happily concluded in 1788, between
his Majesty and their High Mighti-
nesses. The States General have
never doubted these generous sen-
timents on the part of his Britan-
nic Majestic; but the declaration
which his Majesty is pleased to
make of them at the present mo-
ment, cannot but be extremely
agreeable to their High Mighti-
nesses, and inspire them with the
liveliest gratitude and the most de-
voted attachment to his Britannic
Majesty.

The States General, moreover,
perfectly agree with his Majesty in
the persuasion that there is not the
least reason to attribute to either of
the beiligerent powers any hostile
intention against the republic: And
indeed their Mightinesses are per-
suaded, equally with the King, that
the conduct and thestrict neutrality
which, in concert with his Majesty,
they have hitherto so carefully ob-
served, and the respect to which
the situation of his Majesty and
the Republic justly entitle them,
are sufficient to remove any ground
of such apprehension.

With respect to the internal tran-

quillity of the Republic, their High
Mightinesses are perfectly sensible
of the necessity of continuing to
secure to its inhabitants so invalua-
ble an enjoyment ; and they are not
neglectful of any means for the at-
tainment of that salutary end.

The States General, in concert
with the provinces of the union,
have already taken, and continue
to take, the necessary measures for
preventing any interruption of this
tranquillity in the present circum-

18g

stances. They have the satisfac-
tion of being able to assure his Ma-
jesty, that their efforts have so far
been crowned with the desired suc-
cess ; and they have reason to flat-
ter themselves that, with the bless-
ing of Providence, those efforts will
be equally fortunate in future.

Finally, their High Mightinesses
do not hesitate to declare, that they
agree with his Britannic Majesty in
the persuasion that nothing can
more effectually conduce to the
happiness and mutual interests of
the two nations than the continu-
ance of that intimate union which
has been established between them,
and which their High Mightinesses
on their part will neglect no oppor-
tunity of cementing andstrengthen-
ing, for the maintenance of the mu-
tual rights and interests of the two
countries, and for the security of
the general welfare and tranquillity
of Europe.

(Signed) W.H. Wassnarr.

(Countersigned) H. Facet.

Hague, Nov. 16th, 1792.

“
—e————————E

Note from Monsieur Chauvelin to
Lord Grenville, Nov. 19th, 1792.

ONSIEUR Chauvelin has the
honour to present his re-
spects to Lord Grenville; and re-
quests that he would, as soon as
possible, grant him a moment’s con-
versation, and that he would ap-
point for that purpose the hour and
place, either in town or country,
at which it would be least inconve-
nient to him to meet him.

Portman-square, Nov. 19, 1792.

Note from Lord Grenville ta Mon-
steur Chauvelin, Nov, 21st, 1792.
LORD

190

‘LORD Grenville presents his
compliments to Monsieur Chauve-
lin. He received yesterday evening
the note which Monsieur Chauve-
lin addressed to him, dated the
19th of this month. Before he can
answer it, he must, under the pre-
sent circumstances, request Mon-
sieur Chauvelin will be pleased to
explain to him the object of the
conference which he has desired.

Whitehall, Nov. 2\st, 1792.

Note from Monsieur Chauvelin to
Lord Grenville, Nov. 22d, 1792.

MONSIEUR Chauvelin has the
honour to present his compliments
to Lord Grenville. He thought
that the private conversation which
hehad thehonourto propose to him
_a few days since, could not, in the
present circumstances, without any
inconveniency, but have produced

advantageouseffects: if LordGren- _

ville thinks otherwise, and considers
such en interview as useless at this
moment, Monsieur Chauvelin will
not insist upon it, and will only re-
gret that he has not been able to
seize this opportunity of offering
his respects to Lord Grenville, and
of renewing to him the assurances
-of his esteem.

Portman-square, Nov, 22, 1792.
Lord Grenville.

Letter from Lord Grenville to Mon-
sieur Chawvelin, Nov. 28th, 1792.

Whitehall, Nov. 28th, 1792.
Sir,

I COULD have wished that you
had thought yourself enabled to sa-
tisfy the desire which I expressed

‘to you, of knowing the object of
the conference you demanded of

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

me some days ago: but as, on re-
flecting on the situation of affairs, I
have thought with you, that the
private conversation you proposed
to me may be useful under the ex-
isting circumstances, I will not re-
fuse it.—I will beg of you to be so
good as to come to the office for
foreign affairs to-morrow at noon,
if that hour should be convenient
to you.—In the mean time I renew
to you the assurance of the distin-
guished regard with which I have
the honour to be, &c. :
GRENVILLE.
Monsieur Chauvelin.

Extract of a Letter from Citizen
Maret tothe Minister for Foreign
Affairs in France. Published
officially by the French.

London, Dec. 2, 1792.
First Year of the Republic.

_ I AM about to give you a short
account, citizen, of a conference I
have had: with M. T. W. a Mem-
ber of Parliament, and a true friend
of the two nations. A part of the

subjects which we debated will be

found in the detail which I must af-

terwards give you of amore impor-
tant interview.—What are the in-
_tentions of the French government

in relation to Holland? Can any
compromise be admitted respecting
the opening of the Scheldt? Such
are the questions with which M. T.

W. desired to have information ; |
|

which I have reason to‘believe he

intended to communicate toone of —

the chiefs of the government. Is

England disposed to war? Has she ©

negotiated with Spain to alienate
that power from us? On the sup-
position of peace, would the cabi-
net of St. James be disposed to re-
cognize the Republic, and receive

a French

STATE PAPERS. 191

a French ambassador? Such are tion which they may improve or

_ the points on which I desired to change, but which they will pre-

(penetrate into the intentions of the serve without ceasing to be (or to
English government. I began by believe themselves) free. This de-
declaring, that it was solely as a cree rendered on the subject of
French patriot that I would treat Germany must, notwithstanding the
with an Englishman, the friend of generality of its expressions, have
liberty, and of the interest of the Germany alone for its object. It
two nations: after having heard bears very directly upon all those
this conversation M. T. W. spoke. nations of whom the governments
My answers were founded on the are at war with us; it will bear up-
following bases : on England if the Cabinet of St.

Before the quitting of France [ James’s declares war against us.
was assured that the minister of fo- The internal agitations of this coun-
reign affairs, and the Executive try were spoken of; M. T. W. af-
Council, had no hostile projects fected to say,that the minister con-
against Holland. Since my arrival ceived no inquietude from them. It
in England I have had access toall wasagreed thatthe monarchicaland
the dispatches addressed to Noailles constitutional associations which
and Chauvelin; and I saw nothing the government supports, and the
in them to make me suppose that ‘God save the King,” which it pays
there was any change inthe system at the theatre of the Haymarket,
of the French government on that were its sole motives of security.
subject. The determination taken He afterwards complained of the
‘in council is founded on the first means which the French govern-
‘principles of our liberty; it has ment employed to agitate the Eng-
been approved by the National lish people, and provoke them to.
Convention, sanctioned by public revolt. I affirmed that our govern-
opinion, and executed by our ge- ment did not employ such base
nerals—it is irrevocable. Itis,be- means, worthy only of feebleness ;
sides, free Belgium herself which that I was sure that it maintained

has burst this last of her chains, and

‘broken fetters imposed on her by
her despot and our enemy. We
have not violated treaties, which
are become null by the fact of the
‘existence of a new power, which
could not have been consulted in a
convention in which it was the
most interested : a compromise on
this point would be, on our part,
that of injustice, feebleness, and
sabsurdity.

The decree of the 19th of No-
-vember could not be applicable to
“England, of which the people be-
‘lieve themselves to enjoy liberty
sunder a king, and with a constitu-

here apostles neither of rebellion
nor of liberty; that it did not waste
the treasures of the state to create
events which, if they were to arrive,
must be the work of reason; and
that, besides, if we were closely
pressed on that head, we should
also have some questions to put to
Mr. Pitt.
In the midst of these discussions,
I obtained confessions which con-
duct meto the following conclusion:
Mr. Pitt, whose present system and
situation are such as Ihave stated in
my last letter, dreads war much
more than the aristocracy of oppo-
sition, That party in the ministry,
at

192

at the head of which is my Lord
Hawkesbury, and which professes
the most absolute royalism, desires
war; they have the majority in the
council: Mr. Pitt is thus personal-
ly interested in our having pacific
intentions. The cabinet of St.
James’s has certainly negotiated
with Spain; and you are not mis-
taken respecting the subject of
these negotiations ; it appears that
Mr. Pitt has had very little share in
them. The moment to exact the
recognition of the Republic is not
yet arrived. Difficulties, it is be-
lieved, might be now experienced
by us which we should not have
felt a fortnight ago; a preliminary
negotiation might be possible and
necessary. I quitted M. T. W. suf-
ficiently satisfied, very well disposed
towards us, and preparing himself,
T could not doubt, to give an ac-
count of this conversation, which
thas probably facilitated the inter-

-view with which I am about to oc-

cupy you. You know with what
active intelligence a common friend
had disposed every thing. The
very reserved conduct which I
have held here, and of which the
Minister was well informed, for he
did not fail to have me rigorously
watched, has removed prejudices
against me which I should have
supposedinevitable. Mr. Pitt there-
fore desired to see me: the first ap-
pointment failed; the second, fix-
ed for this day, took place this af-
ternoon.

Mr. Pitt. One of your friends
said to Mr. Long that you were
very desirous of seeing me before
you returned to France.

H. B. Maret. It was natural that
a Frenchman should have a strong
desire to present his homage to a

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Minister justly celebrated, and who
has done so much for the prosperi-
ty of a power which republican
France no longer wishes to regard
as a rival, and which she desires to
treat as a friend. Mr. Long said to
my friend that you would willingly
converse with me on the interest of
the two nations; and I have con-
sented to come to offer to you all
the information which may depend
upon me. I am ready to answer
your questions with the freedom
which ought to exist between two
men who equally desire the wel-
fare of their country. You know,
Sir, you must have been informed
that I have here no mission, no
authorized character,

Mr. Pitt. I know it. Iam my-
self not authorised to see you; but
I hope our conversation will not
be the less friendly for not being
official— Then Mr. Pitt spoke to
me of his inquietude on the sub-
ject of Holland; of the alarms of
the government and mercantile in-
terest of England; of the absolute
resolution of the ministry to sup-
port the allies of Britain, and to
execute rigorously the treaties
which unite her to other powers.
He gave me assurances of his sin-
cere desire to avoid a war, destruc-
tive to the interior repose and pros-
perity of the two nations; he
pressed me to tell him if the French
government partook of that desire:
I made the same answers, but at
more considerable length, which I
had done to M. T. W.

Mr. Pitt. It is then very unfor- —

tunate, Sir, that there has existed a
long time between us a distance so
injurious in its effects. Silence in-
flames on both sides suspicion and
distrust, and confirms, even if it

does

—

8 OL Se

eS ——— ,

a

a

STATE PAPERS.

‘does not increase them. -Could it
not be possible that we should find
some means of communication, of
understanding each other, of com-
ing nearer together? Ifthe French
government would authorise any
one to treat with us, it would find
us disposed to listen to him, and to
behave with cordiality and confi-
dence.

'H.B. Maret. You speak, Sir, ofa
secret agent—I foresee the difficul-
ty. You know that in France we
profess a great respect for the pub-
lic opinion, which constitutes the
force of free governments, and
which is a wholesome restraint up-
on those who govern. This public
opinion, however, is ready to de-
mand of the Provisional Executive
Council, why it has had the weak-
ness not to require the recognition
of the French Republic by Eng-
land? Will it then be possible to
‘treat with you by the means of ase-
cret agent? we have here a Minis-
ter Plenipotentiary, who has all the
confidence of our government.

Mr. Pitt. The question of a pub-
lic character is precisely what we
must avoid. Do not reject the sole
means of bringing us together, and
of making us understand eachother;
-we shall then examine all the ques-

“tions you propose to us, and all the
propositions you may make us.

H. B. Maret. lam about, Sir, to
‘return to Paris, unless you think it
better that I should send a trusty
person, and that I should remain

‘here to offer you every informa-
tion that you may desire. I shall
urge M. le Brun, if he thinks pro-
per, to senda secret agent, to make
-

* This Letter was published by order

“position of the Conduct.of the French Nation towards the English People.”

193

the person whom he shall choose to
set out as soon as possible.

Mr. Pitt. Why should it not be
yourself? Do not lose an instant
in sending to Paris: I assure you
that every moment is precious—
that nothing is more urgent: de-
mand an immediate answer ; and as
soon as you have received it, write
to me to fix the time when you will
come to communicate it to me,—L
agreed. Mr. Pitt spoke to me again
of Holland: I wished to speak to
him of Monsieur Chauvelin: I ap-
pealed to what had passed between
our minister and Lord Grenville
for a proof of our intentions, J made
an eulogium on the conduct of our
ambassador, and I saidit would cer-
tainly be approved by you.u—The
conversation was finishing; I was
going to withdraw; Mr. Pitt de-
tained me to speak on the Scheldt =
I avoided all discussion on that sub-
ject. He did not insist—and the
decree of the 19th of November
became the object of the last part
of our conference. I used again the
same language which I had done to
M. T. W. If an interpretation of
that kind were possible, its effects —
would be excellent, said Mr. Pitt.
I said no more, and left him *.

Copy of a Letter written by Citizen
By Olin to the Right Toridslb-
able W. Pitt, dated Dec. 26th,
1792.

Sir, First year of the Republic.
I RECEIVED, four days ago, a

letter dated on the 15th of Decem-

ber, from the Minister of foreign
affairs in France, in which he makes
no doubt that in the present circum-

of the National Convention, in the ‘* Ex-
M.

Maret had another interview with Mr, Pitt on the 14th of December.

VoL. XXXIV.

N stances

194

stances you will think it proper to
see me, since M. Maret has had the
honour to state to you that I was
charged by the government of
France with instructions tending to
prevent the misfortunes of war. He
has added to his instructions, and
has recommended to me to obtain
with you, Sir, a second interview.
I have hesitated till this moment to
acquaint youof it, because I wished
to receive orders which would have
more specially authorised me; but
the time is passing, and is lost for
the two countries, leaving them, in
regard to cach other, in a position
dubious, painful, afd unworthy of
both ; and I am certain that I can-
not more exactly follow the spirit
of the instructions 1 have received,
than in taking every step to prove
that of which the French nation
wishes to convinceall Europe—that
she detests the idea of a war with
England ;—that she will enter on it
with the utmost reluctance, andon-
ly after having exhausted every re-
maining honourable means to a-
void it. I shall expect your answer,
Sir, and shall wait on you at any
time you shall be pleased to appoint.
Be pleased, in the mean time, to
receive assurances of the dis-
tinguished consideration and high
esteem with which I have the
honour to be, &c. s
(Signed) F. CHAUVELIN. *

Letter from the British Minister to
the Republic of Geneva.

Berne, Oct. 11th, 1792.
Magnificent and most honoured
Lords, Syndics, and Council

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

of the Town and Republic of
Geneva,

N my arrival here Plearnt with
infinite pain the situation in
which your city and all Switzerland
have been since the theatre of war
approached your frontiers.

I am commissioned by the King,
my master, to give to the Helvetic
and Evangelic Bodies, proofs of the
sincere .interest which his Majesty
will never cease to take in all the
states that compose them; and
though in this respect the general
credentials which [ have might, as
formerly, be sufficient for your
state, as an ally of the Helvetic bo-
dy, his Majesty, nevertheless, ad-
dresses to you in particular those
which I take the earliest opportu-
nity of transmitting to you.

This new mark of attention and
friendship in his Majesty, must an-
nounce to you, beyond a doubt,
that his Britannic majesty, after
the example of his glorious prede-
cessors, will always shew himself a
zealous friendof your Republic, and
he has at heart the maintaining that
of its peace, liberty, and sovereignty,
so intimately connected with the
tranquillity of all Switzerland, and
particularly of the Canton of Berne,
on the security of which the
British crown has constantly placed
the greatest value.

I am going to communicate to
his Britannic Majesty the present
state of things in Switzerland, as
well as those which concern you ;

and I make no doubt that his Ma-~

jesty will approve the measures
you have taken, according to your
ancient customs and your treaties,

*ft is contained in the pamphlct alrcady mentioned, published by order of the

National Assembly,

in

oe

STATE PAPERS.

in concert with your allies of Zu-
rich and Berne, since they tend to
support the Helvetic neutrality—a
neutrality which I have no need to
request you will observe in the
strictest manner.

If my influence with these states,
or the Helvetic bodies, could be of
any utility in the present juncture,
I should employ it with the more
zeal, as I shoud in that conform to
the wishes of his Majesty, whose
desire is to see those bonds which
unite you to the Helvetic body,
and which do not appear to be in-
compatible with the connexion you
have with other powers, still far-
ther strengthened. Without tak-
ing up more of your valuable time,
which must be continually employ-
ed on the most important affairs,
permit me, my Lords, to inform
you that I flatter myself with soon
having the honour of paying you a
visit, and of renewing, verbally,
those assurances of good-will and
friendship, on the part of the King,
which cannot be too oftenrepeated.

I have the honour of being, with
the most profound respect,

Magnificent and most honour-
ed Lords, :
Your most humble and most
obedient servant,
(Signed) Rosert Fitzcera.p,

Treaty between his Majesty and the
King of Prussia, on the Marriage
of his Royal Highness the Duke
of York with her Royal Highness
the Princess Frederica Charlotte
Ulrique Catharine of Prussia.
Signed at Berlin, Jan. 26th, 1792.

In the name of Almighty God,

B* it known to all persons now
living and to come, that the

195

Most Highand Most PuissantPrince
and Lord, George the Third, by the
grace of God King of Great Bri-
tain, France, and Ireland, Defender
of the Faith, Duke of Brunswick
and Lunenburgh, Arch-Treasurer
and Prince Elector of the Holy Ro-
man Empire, &c. and the Most
High and Most Puissant Prince and
Lord, Frederic William, by the
grace of God King of Prussia, Mar-
grave of Brandenburg, Arch-Cham-
berlain and Prince Elector of the
Holy Roman Empire, Sovereign
Duke of Silesia, Sovereign Prince
of Orange, Neufchatel, and Valen-
gin, as also of the county of Glatz,
Duke of Gueldres, Magdeburg,
Cleves, Julieres, Bergues, Stettin,
Pomerania, of the Cassubians and
Vandals, of Mecklenburg, as also of
Crosnia, Burgrave of Nurenburg,
Prince of Halberstadt, Minden, Ca-
min, Vandalia, Schwerin, Ratze-
berg, East Friezeland, and Meurs;
Count of Hohenzollern, Ruppin,
Marck, Ravensburgh, Hohenstein,
Ticklenburg, Schwerin, Lingen
Bure, and Leerdam; Lord of Ra-
venstein, Rostock, Stargard, Lanen-
berg, Butau, Arla, and Breau, &c.
being closely united by the dearest
ties of blood and friendship, con-
sented, with the mostlively satisfac-
tion, to the marriage of their most:
dear children their Royal Highnes-
ses the Duke of York and Albany,
Prince Bishop of Osnaburgh, and
the Princess Frederica Charlotte
Ulrique Catharine of Prussia ; and
that this marriage has been duly
and legally solemnized at Berlin
and at London, according to the
Jaws of the two countries and the
rites of tbe reformed churches,
there respectivelyestablished. Their
Majesties being desirous to reduce .
into the requisite forms the engage-
N2 ments

196

ments contained in a provisional act
concluded at Berlin, on the 15th of
September, 1791, by their respec-
tive ministers, to serve as the essen-
tial basis of the future contract of
marriage of their Royal Hignesses;
and desiring also to provide for the
entire and complete execution of
the said engagements, have named
and authorised for that salutary pur-
pose their respective commissaries,
viz. his Majesty the King of Great
Britain, Sir Morton Eden, Knight
of the Order of the Bath, and his
Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipo-
tentiary tohis Prussian Majesty, and
his’Majesty the King of Prussia, his
Ministers of State, of War, and of
the Cabinet, Charles William Count
de Finckenstein, Frederick William
Count de Schulenburg, Knights of
the Order of the Black Eagle, and
Philip Charles Barond’Alvensleben,
Knight of the Order of St. John ;
who, by virtue of their respective
full powers reciprocally communi-
cated and exchanged, after having
discussed all the necessary points,
have agreed on the following ar-
ticles :

Article I. His Majesty the King
of Prussia gives to the Princess his
daughter a portion of one hundred
thousand crowns in Frederics d'or,
viz. Forty thousand crowns, as be-
ing the usual portion of the: Prin-
cesses of the House of Prussia, and
sixty thousand crowns as parapher-
nalia. In case the Princess should
happen to die before her husband,
without leaving issue, boththe sums,
as well for the portion as for the pa-
raphernalia, shall revertto the King
and his successors, in as far as her

2eyal Highness shall not have dis-
posed of the latter; but the pro-
duce thereof shall belong to his
Royal Highness her husband surviv-

ANNUAL REGISTER, !7902.

ing. His Majesty has besides pro-
vided her Royal Highness with a
trousseau suitable to her birth and
rank,

Article II, Her Royal Highness
the Princess renounces, and by the
act signed the 29th of September,
1791, has renounced, conformably
to the usage and family compact of
the House of Prussia and Branden-
burg, in favour of the male succes-
sion, all right of inheritance arising
from the said house, in the same
manner, in the same terms, with
the same reservations, and the same
validity of engagements as the Prin-
cesses of Prussia and Brandenburg
have on their marriage done to this
time. And his Majesty the King
of Great Britain, in his own name,
and in that of his son the Duke of
York, confirms this renunciation
in the most express and solemn
manner.

Article III. His Royal Highness
the Duke of York having promised
to give to the Princess his wife, as
the gift on the day after the mar-
riage, called by the name of Mor-
gengabe, the sum of six thousand
poundssterling,the interest of which
was to be paid fromthe 15th of Sep-
tember 1791, and to make part ot
the sum fixed for pin-money, and
for the annual expences of her
Royal Highness, without her Royal
Highness having however any pow-
er of disposing of the capital during
the life of her husband. His Majes-
ty the King of Great Britain con-
firms this engagement.

Article 1V. His Royal Highness
the Duke of York having promised
to pay annually, and during the
whole time of her marriage, to her
Royal Highness, for her pin-mo-
ney and daily expences, known by
the name of Kleider, Hand, and

Sprelgelder,

STATE PAPERS.

Sprelgelder, the sum of four thou-
sand pounds sterling, of which her
Royal Highness shail have the free
disposal, for her own use, without
defraying out of thatsum the charge
of the maintenance of the persons
attached to her suite, and intended
for her service. His Majesty the
King of Great Britain has been
pleased to take upon himself the
full and entire execution of the said
engagement; and his Majesty, in
consequence, promises and engages
to secure to her Royal Highnessthe
Duchess of York, the annual pay-
ment of four thousand pounds ster-
ling, including the interest of the
sum of six thousand pounds sterling,
mentioned in the third article.

Article V. His Majesty the King
of Great Britain grants, as a coun-
ter portion to the portion given by
his Majesty the King of Prussia, the
like sum of one hundred thousand
crowns in gold.—His_ Britannic
Majesty also engages to secure to
the Princess, in case of the unhappy
event of mournful separation by the
death of his Royal Highness the
Duke of York, the annual sum of
eight thousand pounds sterling for
her jointure, together with a resi-
dence, and a suitable establishment.

Article VI. This treaty shall be
ratified by his Majesty the King of
Great Britain, and by his Majesty
the King of Prussia; and the letters
of ratification shall be exchanged in
the space of six weeks, or sooner, if
possible, to be computed from the
day of the signature. In witness
whereof, we the Plenipotentiaries
of his Majesty the King of Great
Britain, and of his Majesty the King
of Prussia, by virtue of our respec-
tive full powers, have signed the
present treaty, and put thereto the
seals of our arms.

197

Done at Berlin, the 26th of
January, 1792.

(L. 8.) Morvon Epen.

(L. 8.) CH. Witt. Count pe
FINCKENSTIEN.

(L. 8.) TF. W. Count pe Scuvu-
LENBERG,

(L..S.) P. C. p’ALVENSLEBEN

Decree of the National Assembly of
France, presented by a Deputa-
tion to the King, Jan. 26,1792.

HE National Assembly, con-

sidering that the Emperor, by
his circular letter of the 25th of
December 1791; by a new treaty
concluded between him and the
King of Prussia on the 25th of July
1791, and notified to the Diet of
Ratisbon on the 6th of December ;
by his answer to the King of the
French, on the notification made
to him of the acceptance of the con-
stititional act; and by the official
notice of his Chancellor of the
Ceurt and State, dated December
21, 1791, has infringed the treaty
of the Ist of May 1756, endeavour-
ed to excite among divers powers a
concert injurious to the sovereignty
of the French nation; considering
that the French nation, after hav-
ing manifested its resolution not to
interfere in the government of any
foreign power, has a right to expect
for itself a just reciprocity, of which
it will never sufler any derogation,
applauding the firmness with which
the King ofthe French has replied
to the official notice of the Empe-
ror; after having heard the report
of the diplomatic committee, de-
crees as follows:

Art. I, The King shall be invit-
ed by a message to declare to the
Emperor, that he cannot in future
treat with any power, butin the

name

198

name of the French nation, and
in virtue of the powers delegated
to him by the constitution.

II. The King shall be invited to
demand of the Emperor, whether,
as head of the House of Austria, he
intends to live in peace and good
understanding with the French na-
tion, or whether he renounces all
treaties and conventions directed
against the sovereignty, independ-
ence, and safety of the nation?

III. The King shall be invited to
declare to the emperor, that in case
he shall, before the Ist of May
next, fail to give full and entire sa-
tisfaction upon all the points above-
stated, his silence, as well as every
evasive or dilatory answer, will be
considered as a declaration of war.

EV. The King shall be invited to
adopt the most efficacious measures
to put the troops in astate to take
the field upon the first orders they
may receive.

On the 28th of January the King
sent the following Answer to the
Assembly.

I HAVE examined, gentlemen,
the invitation, in the form of a de-
cree, which you. caused to be pre-
sented to me on the 15th of the
present month. It is to me alone
that appertains the right of preserv-
ing foreign connexions, or conduct-
ing negotiations ; nor can the le-
gislative body deliberate upon war,
but on a formal and necessary pro-

_ position from me.

Without doubt, you may demand
of me to take into consideration
whatever interests the national safe-

ty and dignity; but the form which
you have adopted is susceptible of
important observations. T will not
now develope them, The weight

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1702.

of present circumstances requires
that I should rather be solicitous to
preserve an agreement in our sen-
timents than constitutionally to
discuss my rights. I ought, there-
fore, to make known to you that I
have demanded of the Emperor,
more than a fortnight since, a posi-
tive explanation on the principal
articles whichare the object of your
invitation. I have preserved to-
wards him that decorum which is
reciprocally due between powers.

Should we have a war, let us not
have to reproach ourselves with any
wrong which might have provoked
it. «A certainty of this can alone
assist us to support the inevitable
evils it brings with it.

I know it is glorious for me to
speak in the name of a nation which
displays so much courage, and I
know how to put avalue on this im-
mense means of strength. But what
more sincere proof can I give of my
attachment to the constitution, than

that cf acting with as much mild-

ness in negotiation as celerity in
our preparations, which will permit
us, should necessity require it, to
enter into a campaign within six
weeks. The most uneasy distrust
can find in this conduct only the
union of all my duties.

I remind the Assembly, that hu-
manity forbids the mixture of any
movement of enthusiasm in the de-
cision for war. Such a determina-
tion should be the act of mature re-
flection ; for it is to pronounce, in
the name of the country, that her
interests require her to sacrifice a
great number of her children.

I am nevertheless awake to the
honour and safety of the. nation,
and [ will hasten, with all my pow-
er, that moment, when I can in-

form

—_— a a ——

STATE PAPERS.

form the National Assembly whe-

ther they may rely on peace, orif I
ought to propose to them a war.
(Signed) Louis.

(Counter-signed) Durorr.

Letter fromthe King to the National
Assembly, respecting certain “Re-
ports of his Intention to leave Pa-
ris, Feb. 17.

Gentlemen, .

I HAVE already mentioned to
some of you the reports which are
spread about my pretended leaving
Paris; I thought that what I men-
tioned of it would have been suf-
ficient for discrediting these re-
ports; but as evil-minded people
continue to propagate them, in or-
der to alarm the inhabitants of Pa-
ris, and to calumniate my inten-
tions, I will explain myself clearly
on my way of thinking.

I know the duties which the con-
stitution imposes upon me: I will
always fulfil them; but I also know
the rights it gives me, and I will
never refuse myself the power of
making use of them. Nothing
keeps me at Paris but my will
of being there, as I think my pre-
sence necessary; and I declare, that
I will and shall remain there: and
whenever I may have reasons to
leave it, I shall not disguise them.

I have to add, that if a person is
not quite deprived of the use of his
senses, or incurably perverse, he
cannot entertain the least doubt of
my inviolable attachment to the
welfare of the nation and the in-
habitants of Paris.

(Signed) Louis.

Letter from the King to the Nation-
al Assembly, respecting their

199

Complaints against the Minister
of the Marine, Feb. 29, 1792.

Gentlemen,

I HAVE examined the observa-
tions which the zeal and solicitude
of the National Assembly have in-
duced it to address to me upon the
conduct of the minister of the ma-
rine, J] shall always receive with
pleasure those communications
which it thinks useful to make
The observations which have been
sent me from the Assembly, appear
to me absolutely to come within the
number of those subjects upon
which it had declared itself incom=
petent to deliberate. I at that time
gave an account of those answers
which M. Bertrand had presented
against these various complaints ;
and my judgment coincided with
the Assembly. Since that time, no
well-founded complaint has been
made relative to the different de-
partments of his administration ;
and all communications from the
colonies, from commercial bodies,
and from the naval departments,
present testimonies of his zeal and
useful services. In a word, as he
has been reproached with no breach
of the law, I should think myself
unjast were I to withdraw my con-
fidence from him. ‘To conclude,
ministers know well, that the only
way to obtain and preserve my
confidence, is to cause the laws to
be executed with energy and fide-
lity.

(Signed) Lous.
(Counter-signed) M. L. Duport.
Letter from the King of the French
to the King of Hungary.
Sir, my Brother and Nephew>

THE tranquillity of Europe de-

pends on the answer which, your
N 4 Majesty

200

Majesty shall make to the conduct
which is due from me to the great
interests of the French nation—to
its glory, and to the safety of the
unfortunate victims of that war
with which a powerful combination
threatens France. Your Majesty
cannot doubt that I freely and vo-
luntarily accepted the constitution.
—I have sworn to maintain it—my
repose and my honour are insepara-
bly connected with it—my fate is
linked with that of the nation,
whose hereditary representative I
am, and which, in spite of the ca-
lumnies thrown out against it, me-
rits, and shall always possess, the
esteem of all nations.

The French have sworn to live
free, or to die.—I am pledged by
the same oath.

The Sieur de Maulde, whom I
send as Ambassador Extraordinary
to your Majesty, will explain to
you the means to avert those cala-
mities of war which threaten Eu-
rope. With these sentiments I re-
main, &c. &c.

(Signed) Louis.
Proclamation by the King of the
French for the Maintenance of

Good Order on the Frontiers.

THE King communicated tothe
National Assembly the note deliver-
ed on the 21st of December last to
the Ambassador from France to his
Imperial Majesty. ‘his note ex-
presses the fear that, before the ma-
nifestation of the national will, and
even contrary to the wish of the na-
tion, the territory of the German
empire would be insulted by the
French. For these reasons the Em-
peror ordered his generals in the
low countries to march to the assist-
ance of the Elector of Treves. The

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

King feels how much such an alarm
might prove offensive to the French
people. Europe is in peace; and
certainly the French who remain
faithful to their country and their
King, will not deserve the reproach
of having disturbed its repose. Be-
sides, who could believe that the
French would violate the rights of
nations and the faith of treaties, by
considering as enemies those men
against whom war had not been so-
lemnly declared ?—French loyalty
repels with indignation a suspicion
repugnant to propriety. He is ne-
vertheless, aware, that perfidious
suggestions, that manceuvres adroit-
ly concerted, may occasion some
differences between the inhabitants
or the troops of the respective fron-
tiers, and that inconsiderate provo-
cations may be productive of acts
truly hostile.— But to frustrate these
manceuvres it is sufficient to point
them out. The King therefore re-
commends to the administrative bo-
dies, and to the generals, to employ
all their efforts to prevent the ef:
fects of the means which may be em-
ployed to irritate the impatience of
the people, and the ardour of the
army. Frenchmen, in the present
momentous crisis, it depends upon
you to give a memorable example
to Europe ; strong in the goodness
of your cause, proud of your liberty,
let your moderation, and your sub-
mission to the law, make you re-
spected by your enemies. Know,
that to wait the signal of the law is
in you a duty; that to anticipate it
will be acrime. The King, in the
name of the French nation, aims at
a satisfaction which has equally for
its object justice, the right of nati-
ons, and the interest of all Europe.
If the King has made warlike pre-
parations, it was because he Te

the

STATE PAPERS. 201

the possibility of a refusal; and it
was his duty to put himself in a
state to overcome an unjust resist-
ance. But his Majesty does not
yet despair of the success of his re-
presentations: —he has renewed
them, he follows them up with
energy, and he has reason to believe
that more precise explanations will
occasion more just dispositions.
Those, therefore, who shall dare to
disturb the cause of negotiations
by precipitate steps, by private at-
tacks, shall be considered as public
enemies, odious to all the people,
and obnoxious to all the Jaws in
consequence. The King orders
and enjoins the administrative bo-
dies, the general officers, and
commanders of the national and re-
gular troops, to watch with the
greatest attention, that all foreign
territory may be inviolably respect-
ed; to give equal attention that all
strangers who may be found in
France, of what nation soever,
may enjoy there all the rights of
hospitality, and the protection of
the laws while conforming to them.
Lastly, to take the most efficacious
measures to prevent any altercation
taking place between the inhabitants
or the troops on the respective fron-
tiers—and to quiet them speedily,
if they should take place. His Ma-
jesty enjoins all administrative bo-
dies to repress with all their power,
and to cause to be prosecuted, all
those who may aet contrary to the
laws, or disturb public tranquillity.
His Majesty besides orders, that this
roclamation shall be printed, pub-
ished, and stuck up throughout the
kingdom.
Done in the Council of State held
at Paris the 4th of January, 1792.
(Signed ) Louts.
(Countersigned) B, C. Caner.

Speech of the King of the French to
the National Assembly, 20th April.
Gentlemen,

I HAVE come among you for
an object of the highest import-
ance in the present circumstances,
My minister of foreign affairs will
read to you the report which he
made to me in council on our situ-
ation with regard to Germany.

[The Minister for Foreign Affairs
then went up, and standing by
the King’s side, read the Minute
of the Cabinet Council of France,
addressed to the King.}

Sire,

When you took an oath of fide-
lity to the constitution, you be-
came the object of the hatred of
the enemies of liberty. No na-
tural tie could stop—no motive of
alliance, of neighbourhood, of pro-
priety, could prevent their enmity.
Your ancient allies erased your
name out of the list of despots, and
from that moment they forgot your
Majesty’s fidelity. The emigrants,
rebels to the laws of their country,
are gone beyond the frontiers to
prepare a guilty aggression against
France. ‘They wish to carry into
its bosom fire and sword. Their
rage would have been impotent,
if the foreign princes had not se-
conded and encouraged their cri-
minal manceuvres. ‘The house of
Austria has done every thing to
encourage their audacity: — the
house of Austria, who since the
treaty of 1756, bas found us good
and faithful allies! ‘This treaty,
ir, subjected us to the ambitious
views of this house. She engaged
us in all her-wars, to which she
called us as her allies. We have
been prodigal of our blood in the

cruel

202 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

cruel tragedies of despotism. The
instant that the house of Austriasaw
she could no longer govern us for
her purposes, it was then that she
became our enemy.

It was Austria that had stirred
up against France the restless nor-
thern potentate, whose tyrannical
phrenzy had at last made him fall
under the sword of anassassin. It
was Austria, who in office, of which
Europe shall judge, advised one
party of Frenchmen to take up
arms against the other. The note
of the court of Vienna, of the 18th
of February, was in truth a decla-
ration of war: M. Kaunitz there
avows the league of the powers
against France. The death of
Leopold ought to have made some
change inthis restlessand ambitious
system ; but we have seen the con-
trarv.

The note of the 18th of March
is the ultimatum of the court of
Vienna. This note is more pro-
voking still than the former. ‘The
King of Hungary wishes that we
should submit our constitution to
his revision; and he does not in
any degree dissemble the project of
arming Frenchmen against French-
men.

Sire, continues the minister, in
charging me with the administra-
tion of foreign affairs, you have
imposed on me the telling of you
the truth: I proceed to tell you
the truth. It results from this
measure, that the treaty of 1756 is
broken in fact on the side of Aus-
tria; that the maintenance of a
league of the powers is an act of
hostility against France ; and that
you ought this instant to order
M. Noailles, your ambassador, to
quit the court of Vienna, without
taking leave.—Sire, the Austrian

troops are on their march — the
camps are marked out—fortresses
are building. The nation, by its
oath, on the 14th of July, has de-
clared, that any man who shall ac-
cede to an unconstitutional nego-
tiation, is a traitor. The delay
granted to Austria is expired—your
honour is attacked—the nation is
insulted ; therefore, there remains
for you no other part to take, but
to make to the National Assembly
the formal proposition of war
against the King of Bohemia and
Hungary.

[The minister having read this mi-
nute, the King then resumed his
speech. ]

You have heard, Messieurs, th
deliberation and the decision of my
council. JI adopt their determina-
tion. It is conformable to the wish,
many times expressed, of the Na-
tional Assembly, and to that which
has been addressed'to me by many
districts of France. It appears to
me to be the wish ofall the French
people. Frenchmen prefer war
to a ruinous anxiety, and to an hu-
miliating state, which compromises
our constitution and our dignity.
Ihave done every thing to avert
war—but I judge it indispensable ;
I come, therefore, in the terms of
our constitution, ‘ to propose to
you formally to declare war against
the King of Bohemia and Hun-

gary.”
The President answered,

Sire,

THE Assembly will proceed to
deliberate on the great proposition
which your Majesty has made to
them. They will address to you,
by a message, the result of their de-
liberation,

Decree

hoa &

STATE PAPERS.

Decree of War against the King of
Hungary and Bohemia, April 20.

HE National Assembly, delibe-
rating on the formal proposition
of the King, considering that the
court of Vienna, in contempt of
treaties, has continued to grant an
open protection to the French re-
bels; that it has excited and formed
a concert with several powers of
Europe against the independence
and security of the French nation :
* That Francis I. King of Hun-
gary and Bohemia, has by his notes
of the 18th of March and 7th of
April last, refused to renounce this
concert:

« That, notwithstanding the pro-
position made to him by the note of
11th of March, to reduce, on both
sides, to a peace-establishment the
troops on the frontiers, he has con-
tinued and increased the hostile
preparation :

«© That he has formally infringed
the sovereignty of the French na-
tion, by declaring that he would
support the pretensions of the Ger-
man Princes, possessionaries in
France, to whom the French na-
tion have continued to hold out in-
demnifications :

«« That he has attempted to di-
vide the French citizens, and to
arm them against one another, by
holding out support to the malcon-
tents in the concert of the powers:
considering in fine, that the refusal
of an answer to the last dispatches
of the King of the French, leaves
no longer any hope to obtain, by
the means of amicable negotiation,
the redress of those different griev-
ances, and amounts to a declaration
of war, decrees that there exists a
case of urgency.

“The National Assembly de-
elares, that the French nation, faith-
ful to the principles consecrated by

j

203

the constitution not to undertake
any war with the view of making
conquests, and never to employ its
force against the liberty of any peo-
ple, only take up arms in defence
of their liberty and their indepernd-
ence; that the war into which
they are compelled to enter, is not
a war of nation against nation, but
the just defence of a free people,
against the unjust oppression of a
monarch. That the French will
never confound their brothers with
their enemies; that they will neg-
lect nothing to soften the rigours
of war, to preserve their property,
and prevent it from sustaining any
injury, and to bring down upon the
heads of those alone who league
themselves against liberty, all the
evils inseparable from war.

“¢ That it adopts all those fo-
reigners, who, abjuring the cause
of its enemies, shall join its stand-
ard, and consecrate their efforts to
the defence of freedom ; that it will
even favour, by all the means in
its power, their establishment in
l'rance.

** Deliberating on the formal
propositions of the King, and after
having decreed the case of urgency,
decrees war against the King of
Hungary and Bohemia.”

Address from the Representatives of
the I'rench People, to the Citizens
armed for the Defence of the Coun-
try.

THE fate of our liberty; that,
perhaps, of the liberty of the world,
isin your hands. We do not tell
you of our confidence ; that, like
your courage, is unbounded. We
have not provoked the war; and,
when the king proposed to us to
revenge, at length, the outrages
upon the national dignity, we
resisted, for a long time, the wish
expressed by thegeneral pai sa

o

204

of the French. <A good and free
eople take up arms with regret;
but they take them not in vain;
they triumph, or they break them
in their hands. The tortures and
shame of an eternal servitude
would not sufficiently punish a na-
tion who should suffer their liber-
ty to escape them, after having
conquered it.

And what object can be more
worthy of your courage? The
period is passed, in which French
warriors, the docile instruments of
one man’s will, armed themselves
only to defend the interests, the
caprice, or the passions of kings.
At present, yourselves, your chil-
dren, your own rights, are to be
defended. We must conquer, or
return to the dominion of feudal
privileges, of arbitrary imprison-
ment, and of every sort of taxation,
oppression, and servitude. Your in-
dividual happiness, the happiness of
allthose whoare dear to you, are thus
nearly connected with the safety of
the country. But those are un-
worthy to defend it, who do not
add virtues to courage. The men
whom we fight to-day are our
brothers ; to-morrow, perhaps, they
will be our friends. Intrepid in
battle, firm in misfortunes, mo-
dest after victory; generous to
prisoners,—such are a {ree people.
Crimes, notwithstanding, have been
committed! The laws will punish,
in their just severity, all outrages
against the rights of nations and
the sacred rights of nature. Re-
wards, on the contrary, will at-
tend faithful warriors; their names
will obtain for ever the gratitude
and the homage of all the friends
of liberty; and, if they die in
battle, their children shal] be the
children of the country,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

As for us, immoveable in the
midst of political storms, we shall
watch over all stratagems, overall
the enemies of the empire. The
world shall see whether we are the
representatives of a great people,
or the timid subjects of certain
kings in Europe. We have sworn
not to capitulate either with pride
or tyranny: we shall keep our
oath, —‘* Death— Death——or Victory
and Equality!”

But, to assure victory, it is ne-
cessary that discipline should regu-
late all the movements of courage ;
and that distrust should never sus-
pend or destroy them. There can
be no triumph without the absolute .
obedience of soldiers to their offi-
cers, to their generals, without con-
stant and fraternal union. The
enemies of the country know that
you will repulse with horror him
who would lessen your civic zeal,
your unalterable fidelity ; but it is
even in your virtues that they
seek the means of seducing you.
Affecting to share your patriotism,
they mingle with the expression of
it, both in their conversation and
writings, the insinuation of a sen-
timent, which produces, at first,
but a slight uneasiness, and ends
in the most blameable distrust.
They talk to you only of treason
and perfidy. Observe attentively
those who hold out this language,
and presently you will perceive
under what name they may shel-
ter themselves ; that they are ge-
nerally only the emissaries, or the
hired writers, of the enemies of
French liberty.

Warriors, observe the second
battalion of Paris; the 6th regi-
ment of chasseurs, ci-devant Lan-
guedoc: the 3d regiment of hus-
sars, ci-devant Esterhazy ; and the

C

49th

STATE

49th regiment of infantry, ci-de-
vant Vintimile. It is amongst
yourselves that we are happy to
find examples for you. They have
trusted, obeyed, and merited well
of the country.

Address of H. La Fayette to his Ar-
my upontheir March, May 1,1792.

Soldiers of the country,

HE legislative body, and the
king in the name of the French
people, have declared war. Since
the country, by the constitutional
organs of its will, calls us to its de-
fence, what citizen can refuse his
arm? .
At the moment, in which we
first obey the oath, pronounced
upon the altar of the federation by
the nation in arms, I wish to in-
form you of my intentions, and
remind you of my principles,

lam convinced bythe experience
ofa life devoted to liberty, that it
can exist only among citizens sub-
missive to the laws, as it can be de-
fended only by troops consenting
to subordination.

I have served the people without
flattering them, and in my constant
opposition to licentiousness and an-
archy, haveincurred the hatred of all
the ambitious and all the factious.
Now, thatthearmy expects ofme not
pernicious compliances, but an in-
flexible discipline, it is by rigor-
ously fulfilling this duty that I shall
justify the affection which it grants,
and the esteem which it owes me.
But when [ subject freemen to the
imperious will of a chief, we should
all know, general, officers, soldiers,
that, in this war, become a deadly
combat between our principles and
the pretensionsof despots, the rights

|

PAPERS.

205

of every citizen, and the safety
of all are involved. The consti-
tution, to which we are sworn, the
sacred cause of liberty and equality,
are involved in it. The contest is
for the national sovereignty, under
which there can be no compro-
mise with any combination of
strength or with any dangers,
without betraying not only the

French people, but all humanity.
Soldiers of liberty, to deserve
these blessings it is not sufficient to
be brave. Your general ought to
foresee and order you to obey. Be
generous; respect the enemy when
disarmed. ‘Troops which always
give quarter and receive it not,
will be for ever invincible. Be
disinterested ; let not the degrading
hope of pillage ever sully the no-
bleness of your motives. Be hu-
mane, that our sentiments may be
admired and our laws _ blessed,
wherever we go. Be, in short,
like your general, resolved to see

the triumph of liberty, or to die.
Soldiers of the constitution, fear
not that it may cease to watch
for you while you fight for it;
do not believe that, while you
are gone forth to combat for
your country, intestine commo-
tions will disturb your homes,
The legislative body, and the
king, will doubtless unite them-
selves intimately in this decisive
moment, to secure the empire of
the law. Persons and property
will be respected ; civil and religi-
ous liberty will never be profaned ;
the peaceable citizen will be re-
spected, whatever may be his opi-
nion: the guilty will be punished,
whatever may be their pretexts:
all parties will be dissolved ; and
the constitution will prevail alone,
both over the rebels who ‘attack
it

206

it by open force, and over the trai-
tors who, in disgracing it by their
vile passions, seem to have sworn to
make it feared at home and sus-
pected abroad. Yes; we shall
have this reward for our labours
and our blood. Let us adhere then
with confidence to the chosen re-
presentatives of the people, who
have sworn not to avoid the duties
of the constitution, as we will not
its dangers; to the hereditary re-
presentative, —that citizen king,
whose throne the constitution has
placed upon an irrefragable foun-
dation ; and to all the other deposi-
taries of the powers delegated by
the constitution.

They all know that the use of
that authority isa duty for them
to whom the constitution has de-
puted it, as obedience is for those
whom she has submitted to it; and
that they may transgress the laws,
by not doing what these prescribe,
as well as by doing what they pro-
hibit. Let us adhere to the na-
tional guards, whom a rising con-
stitution found united for its esta-
blishment, whom the constitution
in danger will find always ready to
defend it, and whose patriotism
will render glorious the calumnies
which may be shared with them.

As for us, bearing the arms
which liberty has consecrated and
the Declaration of Rights, let us
march to the enemy.

(Signed) La Fayerre.

Letter from M. La Fayette to the
National Assembly.

Entrenched Camp of Maubeuge, June
16,1792, 4th year of Liberty.

Gentlemen,
AT the moment, too long delay-
ed perhaps, in which I am going to

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

call your attention to great public
interests, and point out among our
dangers the conduct of a ministry
which my correspondence has long
ago accused, I am informed that,
unmasked by its divisions, it has
sunk under its own intrigues; for,
undoubtedly, it is not by sacrificing
three colleagues, from their own
insignificance the mere creatures of
his power, that the least excusable,
the most notorious of these minis-
ters will have cemented in the
king’s council his equivocal and
scandalous existence.

It is not enough, however, that
this branch of the government
should be delivered from a baneful
influence. The public weal is in
danger; the fate of France depends
chiefly on her representatives ;
from them the nation expects her
salvation. But when she gave her-
self'a constitution, she prescribed
to them the only course by which
they can save her.

Persuaded, gentlemen, that as
the rights of man are the law of
every constituting assembly, a con-
stitution once formed becomes the
law to the legislators appointed un-
der it; itis to yourselves that I am
bound to denouce the too powerful
efforts now making to carry you
beyond the rule which you have
promised to follow.

Nothing shall prevent me from
exercising this right of a freeman,
from fulfilling thisduty ofacitizen ;
neither the momentary errors of
opinion (for whatare opinions when
they deviate from principles !) nor
my respect for the representatives
of the people (for Irespectstill more
the people themselves, of whom the
constitution is the will supreme)
nor the favour you have constantly
shewn to me; for that I wish to

preserve,

STATE PAPERS.

preserve, as I obtained it, by an

inflexible love of liberty.

Your circumstances are difficult ;
France is menaced from without,
and agitated within. While foreign
courts announce the intolerable
project of attacking our national
sovereignty, and thus declare them-
selves the enemies of France, in-
ternal foes, intoxicated with fanati-
cism and pride, entertain chimerical
hopes, and distress us still more
with their insolent malignity.

You ought, gentlemen, to sup-
press them; and you cannot have
the power to do so, without being
yourselves constitutional and just.

You desire to be so without
doubt ; but cast your eyes on what
passes in your own body, and all
around you.

Are you ignorant that the Jacobin
faction has occasioned al! the dis-
orders? It is that faction to which
I loudly impute them. Organized
like a separate empire in its metro-
polis, and its affiliations blindly di-
rected by certain ambitious chiefs,
this sect forms a distinct corporation
in the midst of the French people,
whose power it usurps by subju-
gating their representatives and
their mandatories.

It is there that, in public sittings,
love of the laws is denominated
aristocracy, and their infraction pa-
triotism. There the assassins of De-
filles receive triumphs, the crimes
of Jourdan find panegyrists: there
also the recitals of the assassination
that stained the city of Metz, ex-
cite infernal acclamations of joy.

Can it be believed that they will
escape reproaches by sheltering
themselves under an Austrian ma-
nifesto, in which these sectaries are
named! Are they become sacred,
because Leopold has pronounced

207

their name ? and because we have
to fight with foreigners, who pre-
sume to interfere in our quarrels,
are we absolved from the duty of

~ delivering our country from domes-
tic tyranny?

Of what moment to this duty are
either the projects of foreigners,
their connivance at the counter-
revolutionists, er their influence on
the lukewarm friends of liberty?
It is I who denounce this sect; I
who, without speaking of my past
life, can answer to those who feign
suspicions of me—‘ Approach in
this critical moment, in which every
man’s character will soon be known,
and let us see which of us, most in-
flexible in his principles, the firm-
est in his resistance, will best brave
the dangers which traitors wish to
hide from their country, and which
true citizens know how to calculate
and encounter for her sake.’

And how should I longer delay
to fulfil this duty, when every day
weakens the constituted authorities,
and substitutes the spirit of a party
for the will of the people; when
the audacity of agitators imposes
silence on peaceable citizens, and
supplants useful men; when at-
tachment to a sect is made the sub-
stitute of all public and private
virtues, which in a free country
ought to be the severe and only
means of arriving at the first func-
tions of government ?

It is after having opposed to all
obstacles and all snares the coura-
geous and persevering patriotism of
an army, sacrificed perhaps to com-
binations against its leader, that I
can now oppose to this faction the
correspondenee of a ministry the
worthy production of its club; a
correspondence, of which all the
calculations are false, the promises

vain,

208

vain, the information fraudulent or
frivolous, the councils perfidious
or contradictory; where, after hav-
ing pressed me to advance without
precaution, and to attack without
means, they began to tell me that
resistance would soon be impossible,
when my indignation repelled the
dastardly assertion.

What remarkable conformity of
language, gentlemen, between those
factious men who avow their aris-
tocratic spirit, and those who usurp
the name of patriots! Both wish
to subvert our laws, nejoiee in dis-
orders, rise up against the autho-
rities conferred by the people, de-
test the national guard, preach in-
discipline to the army, and sow
sometimes distrust, sometimes dis-
couragement.

As for me, gentlemen, who es-
poused the American cause at the
very moment when its ambassadors
declared to me it was lost; who
thenceforward devoted myself to a
persevering defence of liberty and
the sovereignty of the people ; who,
on the 11th of July, 1789, on pre-
senting to my country a declaration
of rights, durst tell her,—For a
nation to be free, it is sufficient that
she wills it; I come now, full of
confidence in the justice of our
cause, of contempt for the cowards
who desert it, and of indignation
against the traitors who would sully
it; I come to declare that the
French nation, if she is not the
vilest in the universe, may and
ought to resist the conspiracy of
kings formed against her.

It is not undoubtedly in the
midst of my brave army that timid
sentiments are permitted : patriot-
ism, energy, discipline, patience,
mutual confidence, all the civil and
military virtues I have found in it.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

The principles of liberty and equa-
lity are cherished, the laws respect-
ed, property sacred in it; neither
calumnies nor factions are known
in it.

But in order that we, soldiers of
liberty, may fight with efficacy, or
die with advantage to our cause, it
is necessary that the number of the
defenders of our country be speedily
proportioned to that of their adver-
saries; that stores of all sorts be
multiplied ; that the comfort of the
troops, their equipage, their pay,
the accommodations for their health,
be no longer exposed to fatal de-
lays, or pretended savings, which
always turn out the direct reverse
of their object.

Above all, it is necessary that the
citizens, rallied around the consti-
tution, be assured that the rights
which it guarantees will be respect-
ed with a religious fidelity, that
shall drive its enemies, concealed
or public, to despair.

Reject not this wish: it is that
of the sincere friends for your le-
gitimate authority. Assured that no
unjust consequence can flow from a
pure principle, that no tyrannical
measures can serve a cause which
owes its strength and glory to the
sacred basis of liberty and equality,
make criminal justice resume its
constitutional course, make civil
equality and religious liberty enjoy
the entire application of their true
principles.

Let the royal power be un-
touched, for it is guaranteed by the
constitution ; let it be independent,
for its independence is one of the
springs of our liberty; let the kin
be revered, for he is invested wit
the national majesty ; let him have ~
the power of choosing a ministry
that wear not the chainsof a is

an

STATE PAPERS. 209

and.if there be conspirators, let
them perish by the sword of the

~ In fine, let the reign of clubs, an-
nihilated by you, give place to the
reign of the law; their usurpations,
to the firm and independent exer-
~cise of the constituted authorities ;
their disorganizing maxims, to the
true principles of liberty ; their de-
lirious fury to the calm and steady
courage of anation that understands
its rights, and defends them: in
fine, their factious combinations to
the true interests of our country,
which, in this moment of danger,
ought to unite all those to whom
her subjugation and her ruin are
not objects of atrocious joy, or in-
famous speculation.
Such, gentlemen, are the repre-

_ sentations and the petitions submit-

ted tothe nationalassembly, as they
are to the king, by a citizen, whose
love of liberty will never be ho-
nestly questioned ; whom the dif-
ferent factions would hate less if
he had not raised himself above
them by hisdisinterestedness ; whom
silence would have better become,
if, like so many others, he had been
indifferent to the glory of the na-
tional assembly, and the confidence
with which it is of importance that
it should be surrounded: and who
cannot better testify his own con-

_ fidence than by laying before it the

truth without disguise.
Gentlemen, I have obeyed the
dictates of my conscience, and the
obligation of my oaths. I owed it
to my country, to you, to the king,
and, above all, to myself, whom the
hances of war do not allow to
tpone observations that I think
eful, and who wish to believe
that the assembly will find in this
a new homage of my devotion to

~ Vox. XXXIV.

tf

its constitutional authority, of my
personal gratitude, and my respect.
(Signed) La Fayverre.

Letter from the King tothe National
Assembly, June 21.

bt bee nationalassemblyisalready
apprised of the events of yester-
day : no doubt Parisis full of conster-
nation, I leave to the prudence
of the assembly the management of
the constitution, and also the indi-
vidual liberty of the hereditary re-
presentative of the people. France
will learn what has happened with
grief. As for me, nothing shall
hinder me from steadily pursuing,
without the least distrust, the views
which are directed by the consti-
tution, which I have sworn to main-
tain, and to obtain those ends which
it prescribes.

(Signed) Louis.
Proclamation by the King, on the

Events of the 20th of June.

FRENCHMEN cannot hear
without concern, that a multitude,
excited by some factious persons,
came, with arms in their hands,
into their King’s palace, draw-
ing a piece of cannon even into
the guard-room ; that they broke
open the doors of his apart-
ment with axes, and there audaci-
ously abusing, by assuming thename
of the nation, attempted to obtain
by force the sanction which his Ma-
jesty had constitutionally refused to
two decrees.—The King opposed
to the menaces and insults of these
factious persons only his conscience
and his love for the public weal,
The King knows not at what point
they would stop ; but he thinks it
right to inform the French nation,
that violence, to whatever excess it

may

210

amay be carried, shall never tear from
him his consent to whatever he shali
think contrary to the publicinterest.
‘He exposes, withoutregret, hisown
peace and his personal safety ; he
gives up, even without pain, the
enjoyment of the rights which be-
Jong to all men, and which the law
ought to respect in him as well as in
all citizens ; but, as the hereditary
representative of the French na-
‘tion, he has severe duties to fulfil ;
and though he will make the sacri-
fice of his own repose, he will not
sacrifice his duties. If those who
wish to overthrow the monarchy
have need of one crime more, they
may commit it.—In the crisis in
which he finds himself, the King
will to the last moment give to the
constituted powers the example of
that courage and firmness which
can alone save the empire. In con-
sequence, he orders all the admi-
nistrative and municipal bodies to
watch over the lives and properties
of the people.

Given at Paris, the 22d day of
June 1792, the 4th Year of
Liberty.

(Signed) Louis.
(And under) TERRIER,

Praclamation by the Municipality.

CITIZENS, preserve tranquillity
and see your dignity—Be upon
your guard against the snares which
are laid for you, It is wished to
create divisions among the citizens,
armed and unarmed.—Coyer with
your arms the King of the constitu-
tiou; environ his person with re-
spect, that hisasylum may be sacred.
—Respect and cause to be respect-
ed the national assembly, and the
Majesty of the representatives of a
free people.—Do not assemble in

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

arms; the law forbids it, and this
law has just been renewed. In
crowds, the most innocent may
mingle with the worst intentioned.
The law reproves all violence; and
you have intrusted to your magis-
trates the execution of this law.
Shew yourselves worthy of liberty,
and remember, that the people who
are the most free, are also most the
slaves of their laws. #:
(Signed) Person, Mayer.
Desoty, Registrar.

Instructions to the Citizens of Paris,
by the Department, June 23, 1792.

CITIZENS, secret enemies of
the public weal mingled among you,
wish to make you serve their pur-
poses. Our enemies have need of
having the King out of the king-
dom, They dare not carry him off;
they wish, therefore, that youshould —
force him to fly. They know that ©
almost all the powers of Europe;
assured of the King’s personal liber-
ty, refuse to unite with the king of
Hungary to make war on us; and
they are solicitous, at least, to make
these kings believe that his Majesty —
is not free, in order that they may —
draw them into the league against —
us. They know that the popular ~
magistrates are charged to guaran- 4
tee, in the midst of us, respect for
the laws, and they hope to destroy —
and vilify these magistrates, by pla- —
cing them between the necessity of —
extreme rigour, or the opprobrium
of inactivity, while crimes are per- —
petrating. They know that all en- —
lightened citizens, who understand
the constitution, are devoted to its —
defence, and they desire to separate
them and the constitution from the
uninformed multitude; nay, they
wish even to bring them to a trial
of strength the one with the ae

an

ia *

STATE PAPERS.

and to kindle a civil war. In fine,
they know that the cause of liberty,
which is the cause of equality, can-
not be better defended in the eyes
of other nations than by the wis-
dom and dignity of the French
people ; and they wish to disho-
nour a part of that people by excit-
ing mobs, in which they may dex-
terously mingle themselves to ac-
complish their ends. They wish to
make you demand from the King
the revocation of the veto which
he has pronounced on two decrees;
and you do not see that, if the King
had yielded to the demand of armed
thousands assembled, and threaten-
ing him in his palace, he would
thereby have declared to all Europe
that he was not free. They force
you to penetrate into his dwelling,
which is surely not less sacred than
each of your own, They tell you
the doors are not shut against us,
and they break them open before
your eyes; they tell you the King
shall be respected, and you believe
them, because you feel for his Ma-
jesty in your hearts, but yet, in your
presence, they offend and out-
rage him. They strive to make you
believe, that the sovereignty which
belongs to the entire French peo-
ple is the particular property of the
suburb which they excite, and of
the groups which assemble round
them. ‘They assure you, that the
constituted powers ought to hum-
ble, and that they shall humble be-
fore you. Citizens, this language
is a snare ; our enemies know well
that the magistrates, constituted by
the people at large, and appointed
by the citizens, cannot yield to ille-
- crowds ; and the traitors hope

at, in the midst even of an irritat-
ed people, they may, with impuni-
ty, aim mortal blows at the magis-

21}

trates of the people. They dare to
tell you also, that you are all the na-
tional force, such as it exerted in
1789, and that nothing can resist
you. Citizens, this is another
snare. In 1789, there burst forth
an insurrection; a powerful insur-
rection, because it was general, and
because it spread over all the em-
pire; a holy insurrection, because it
was directed against oppression, be-
cause there existed no powers con-
stituted by the people, or conferred
either by themselves or their re-
presentatives. At present, every
thing is changed. ‘There can now
arise nothing but seditions, tumults,
and revolts, punishable by the laws,
and easy to be repressed. And
why? because we have a constitu-
tion, because every Frenchman has
sworn to it, because it is just that he
should keep his engagements, be-
cause the great majority will always
be faithful to theiroath, and because
they are determined to punish the
factious. These factious men tell
you that the constitution is bad,
and that it must be instantly chang-
ed, without having given it a trial,
and without the forms prescribed
by the constitution itself: the army
at Coblentz says nothing else! Ci-
tizens, every thing which tends to
destroy the constitution, tends to a
counter-revolution. Liberty is de-
stroyed if the nation shall concert
with intestine factions, the same as
if it concerted with our external
enemies. Citizens, these external
enemies menace our frontiers; their
force is formidable, the union and
the exercise of ours is necessary.
Peace must reign among ourselves
if we wish to have energy against
them. It is upon them that we must
fix our eyes and turn our arms: it
isto the frontiers, it is under thestan-

O2 dard

ANNUAL RE

dard that flies in the midst of our

armies, that we ought all to hasten,

and rally like brothers, to defend
the cause of freedom against ty-
ranny.

Given in the council of the de-
partment of Paris, the 23d June,
1792, and in the 4th year of
liberty.

(Signed)
La Rocueroucautt, Pres.
Buonpext, Secretary.

212

Letter from the King to the National
Assembly, July 4.

4th Year of Liberty.
“ Gentlemen,

‘* WE approach the famous epoch
at which the French are going to
commemorate, in all parts of the
kingdom,acompact of alliance con-
tracted on the altar of the coun-
try on the lith of July, 1790.
The law forbids all particular fede-
rations; it allows only an annual
renewal of the federative compact
in the chief town of each district.
But we have in our power a mea-
sure which, without the least viola-
tion of the letter of the law, seems
to me adapted to the grand events
that everywhere present themselves.
When a great nation wages war
abroad in defence of liberty, then
it is that she feels most strongly the
necessity of peace at home ; when
all the intestine dissensions seem to
coincide with the foreign war, when
wicked men are striving to excite
troubles, the peaceable citizens
stand in need of encouragement.
We must prove to the armies on
our frontiers, that they are fighting
in reality for the peace and the li-
berty of their country. I am of
opinion, gentlemen, that we can-
not give them a surer pledge of

GISTER, 1792.

this, than the union of the two
constituted powers, renewing on
the 14th of July, round the altar
of our country, the same resolution,
to live free, or die. ;

A great number of Frenchmen
are collecting from all the depart-
ments. They think that they shall
double their force and their cou-
rage, if, on the eve of their de-
parture for the frontiers, they shall
be admitted to celebrate the anni-
versary of the federation with the
citizens of Paris. I express to you
my desire of going into the midst
of you to receive their oaths, and
to prove to the evil-disposed, who
seek to ruin the country by divid-
ing us, that we are animated by
but one and the same spirit—that
of the constitution; and that if we
are compelled to war, it is princi-
pally by internal peace that we wish
to prepare and assure our victories.

f (Signed) Lovts.
(Countersigned) Dersoty.

Notification to the Powers of Europe
Jrom the King of the French.

THE King of the French be-
ing informed that persons still con-
tinue to make use of his name to
propose negotiations with foreign
courts, to make loans, and even le-
vies of foreign troops, and being
again desirous of consecrating, ina
solemn manner, his attachment to
the constitution, which he freely
accepted, and which he has sworn
to defend, disavows all declarations,
protestations, negotiations with fo-
reign courts, loans, levies of foreign
troops, purchases of arms, warlike
stores, and others; and generally
all acts, public and private, made
in his name by Louis-Stanislaus-
Xavier, Charles-Philip, ~Louis-Jo-
seph, and Louis-Anthony-Henry,

French

a

a ee nD

'

STATE PAPERS.

French princes, and by other emi-
grants, rebels to the laws, and to
their country. He declares that his
Own interests and those of the peo-
ple, of whom he is the hereditary
representative, are for ever insepar-
able; that the government, the exe-
cution of which is confided to him,
shall be maintained by him in all its
purity. Firm in this resolution, the
King of the French charges his mi-
nister of foreign affairs to notify to
all the powers, that, entirely devot-
ed tothe cause of the French people,
he will make use of all the force
put into his hands against the ene-
mies of France, whatever pretexts
may be empleyed to countenance
the armed assemblies of the emi-
grapts, or to support them in their
hostile preparations.

x (Signed) Lours.
_ (Countersigned) CHAMBONNAS.

Address to the French, on the Dan-
gers of their Country.

Citizens,

YOUR constitution restores the
principles of external justice :—A
league of kings is formed to de-
stroy it. ‘Their battalions are ad-

* vancing :—they are numerous, un-
der rigorous discipline, and long
practised in the art of war. Do you
not feel a noble ardour inflame your
courage? Will you suffer hordes of
foreigners, like adestructivetorrent,
to overflow your fields? Will you
suffer them to ravage your harvests;
to waste your country by burning
and cruelties; in a word, tv load
Behrens with chains dyed in the

ood of all you hold most dear ?

- Our armies are not yet complete :

an indiscreet security too often re-

= the ardour of patriotism.

“The levies of recruits urdained, have
fi

213

not been so completely successful
as your representatives had hoped.
Internal troubles, added to the dif-
ficulty of owr situation, cause our
enemies to give themselves up to
vain hopes, which to you are an
insult.—Hasten, Citizens; save li-
berty, and vindicate your glory.—
The National Assembly declares,
that our country is in danger.—Be-
ware, however, of thinking that
this declaration is the effect of a ter-
ror unworthy of the Assembly or of
you. You have taken the oath,
To live free, or die. The Assembly
knows that you will keep it, and
swears to set you the example ; we
must conquer, and you can conquer
if you abjure your hatreds ; if you
forget your political dissensions; if
you unite in the common cause ; if
you watch with indefatigable activi-
ty yourinternal enemies; if youpre-
vent all the disorders, and all the
acts of violence to individuals which
they excite ; if securing within the
kingdom the empire of the laws, and
answering by well-ordered move-
ments the call of your country, you
fly to the frontiers and to our camps
with the generous enthusiasm of li-
berty, and the profound sentiment
of the duties of soldier-citizens.
Frenchmen, four years engaged in
a struggle against despotism, we ad-
vertise you of your dangers, in order
to invite you to the efforts necessary
to surmount them. We shew you
the precipice :—what glory awaits
you when you shall have overpassed
it! The eyes of nations are fixed
upon you; astonish themby the ma-
jestic display of your force, and of
a grand character, union, respectfor
the laws, for the chiefs, for the cunsti-
tuted authorities, courage unshaken,
—and soon will Victory crown with
her palms the altar of Liberty: soon
will the nations who are now arm-

O% ing

214

ing against your constitution, covet
to unite themselves with you by the
ties of a sweet fraternity; soon,
consolidating by a glorious peace
the basis of your government, you
will reap all the fruits of the revo-
lution ; and in preparing your own
happiness, you will have prepared
that of posterity.”

An Address to the Army.

Brave Warriors,

THE National Assembly has just
proclaimed the danger of our coun-
try ; this is to proclaim the force of
the empire; this is to announce
that French youth will soon flock
round thestandard of Liberty. You
will teach them to conquer! you
will point them the road to glory.
On the signal of danger to your
country, you will feel your ardour
redoubled. Warriors, let discipline
guide your motions; that alone is
the guarantee of victory. Have
that calm and cool courage with
which the sense of your force ought
to inspire you. A true army is an
immense body. put in motion by
a single head, It can do nothing
without a passive subordination of
rank to rank, from the soldier up
to the generals. Warriors, imitate
the devotion of Dassas, and the
courage of the brave Pie. Merit
the honours which your country re-
.serves for those who fight for her ;
they will be worthy of her and of
you. Forget not that it is your

constitution thatis attacked. The-

object is, to make you descend from
the glorious rank of freemen! Well,
brave warriors, the constitution
must triumph, or the French na-
tion must be covered with indelible
disgrace. From all parts your fel-
low-citizens are preparing to second
you. Doubt not of it; there is not

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

a Frenchman who hesitates; there
is not one who, in these days of pe-
ril and of glory, risks dishonouring
his life by a base and shameful in-
action. How unhappy will be the
man who cannot on some future
day say to his children and his fel-
low-citizens, ‘‘ I, too, fought when
our liberty was attacked; I shared
the glory of the day on which the
French arms triumphed over our
enemies ; I defended the ramparts
of the city, which they attacked in
vain ; and on such a day I bled for
my country, for liberty, and equa-
lity.”

The King’s Proclamation on the
same Subject, July 20th.
Citizens,

OUR country is in danger. The
national assembly has declared it :
the law has assigned every one
his proper post. The King presses
you to repair to it; the country,
our common mother, calls upon
all her children ; and they will not
surely be deaf to her voice. Your
property and your persons are at
stake; the safety of what is dearest
to you, your mothers, your wives,
your children, are in danger.
Frenchmen, your constitution and
your liberty are at stake. — It
is no longer the time of delibe-
rations and speeches ; it is that of
glorious actions. Europe is in
league against you; unite yourselves
to be able to repel their etforts. Le-
gions of foes threaten the barriers
of the empire: it is thither you
must march; force must be opposed.
to force; it is subordination, it is
confidence in your leaders that
you must oppose to the discipline
and blind obedience which consti-
tute the strength of your enemies.
It is the unalterable union of all

good

————— ee

STATE

good citizens that we have to oppose
to the union of the powers in league
against us. Your enemies are ex-
perienced in war, and inured to
combats : you have, in advantage
over them, the great interests of
your own cause to defend ;—you
have the passion for liberty, which
exalts a man above himself, and
transforms him into an hero. But
the time is precious ; hasten to re-
pair to your standards.—Fly into
the country and to the frontiers,
and remember that when the state
is in danger, every citizen is a
soldier ; and that the devoted ser-
vice of the most generous becomes
no longer a virtue, but aduty. All
the cities in the empire will doubt-
less be ambitious of seeing their
names inscribed in the list of the
well-deserving of their country.
The whole kingdom will be over-
spread with citizens subject to the
laws, united together in the indis-
soluble bands of concord, and by
their attachment to a constitution
to which they have all taken a so-
lemn oath of fidelity. Administra-
tors, magistrates, warriors, citizens,
this is the moment to extinguish,
in a brotherly sentiment of recon-
ciliation and peace, the dissensions
and hatreds that have hitherto di-
vided and weakened you. ‘This is
the moment to establish freedom
upon an eternal foundation, in
establishing the empire of the laws ;
without which all is confusion, dis-
order, and misery; all anarchical
tyranny, and a thousand times
more intolerable than even that of
despotism.

The law places you all in a state
of perpetual inspection. Avail
yourselves of the privilege, in order
to give weight to authority and
Springs to government: avail your-

PAPERS. Q15

selves of it for the re-establishment
of good order, for the succour of
France; which cannot make head
unless all powers, all inclinations,
all courage unite for its salvation.
It is the King who calls to you,—
a King proud of commanding a free
people, who, in the name of the
liberty that he loves, and of the
equality which, like you, he is de-
termined to maintain, conjures you
to rally round the standard of the
country, to assist him in giving
force to the laws against the foes
within and without; to swear witlr
him to conquer or to die for the
rights of the nation; and to bury
them rather under the ruins of the
empire than suffer its dignity to be
insulted, that foreigners or rebels
should give laws to France ; or, by
yielding to a disgraceful capitula-
tion, tarnish the honour of the
French name. Under these consi-
derations, the King, participating in
the solicitude of the national as—
sembly, who, by the act of the
11th of the present month, have
declared the country to be in dan-
ger; thoroughly convinced that the
moment in which the public liberty
is menaced, is that in which it is
most necessary to recall the citizens
and magistrates to the exact obser-
vance of the laws which guarantee
it; and especially the decree of the
8th inst. which ascertains the mea-
sure to be taken when the country
is in danger ; is anxious to recapitu-
late the duties which these different
laws universally impose upon the
French nation.

Art. I. His Majesty invites all
citizens who are able to bear arms,
and such especially who have had
the honour to serve their country,
of what rank soever they might
have been, to enlist themselves im-

O 4 mediately,

216

mediately, in order to make good.
the complement of the army of
troops of the line.

Arr. IL. Invites all citizens who
possess the requisite qualifications,
and who are not yet enrolled in the
national guard, to enrol themselves
forthwith.

Art. IL. Enjoins all administra-
tive bodies, and all the municipa-
lities, to put the law of the 8th of
this month, relating to the forma-
tion of the battalions of national
guards destined for the defence of
the state, instantly in force.

Art. 1V. Recommends to them
to instruct the citizens in the parti-
cular duties which the present cir-
cumstances of things require at
their hands, to animate their zeal,
and to excite them to rush forward,
wherever the dangers of their coun-
try may call them.

Art. V. Recommends to them
likewise to neglect nothing- that
may accelerate the armament and
march of the troops; and to do
every thing in their power to further
such purpose. .

Art. VI. Exhorts the citizens,
who shall obtain the honour of
marching the first to the succour of
their country; to subordination to
their chiefs; to regularity of con-
duct in the service; to zeal worthy
of the noble cause which they are
called upon to defend; and to ho-
nour the French name as much by
their humanity towards their con-
quered enemies, as by their courage
in combating against them.

Art. VII. Exhorts likewise the
citizens that remain for the defence
of the internal parts of the king-
dom, to give proofs of their pa-
triotism, in performing personal
service, in maintaining the safety
of citizens and property, the exe-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

cution of justice, and the respect
due to constituted authorities.

Arr. VIL. Recalls to the mind
of public officers the obligation
of residence which the law imposes
upon them, and which the perils of
the state render more indispensable.
Enjoins his commissaries of tribu-
nals, the syndic solicitor-generals
of departments, and the syndic so-
licitors of districts, to keep up, each
in his particular station, the strict
observance of this law, and to in-
form against all infractions made
therein.

Arr.IX. Recommends, lastly, to
all administrators, and other public
officers, both civil and military, to
redouble their ardourandassiduityin
the exercise of their functions; and
to all citizens to remember, that itis
only by making every sacrifice, and
shewing an inviolable respect for the
laws, that they can approve them-
selves worthy of liberty. Ordains,
that the present proclamation be
sent to the administrative and judi-
ciary bodies, printed, read, pub-
lished, and advertised all over the
kingdom,

Done, in council of state, the
20th of July, 1792, the fourth
year of liberty.

(Signed)
(Countersigned)

Louis.
DEJoLyY.

The Provisional Executive Council
of the French Republic to the
Prince Bishop of Rome, Nov. 25-

THE free French children of

the arts, whose residence at Rome
supports and developes the taste
and the talents with which she is
honoured, undergo, by your order,
an unjust persecution. Removed
from their labours in an arbitrary

manner,

———— ow

———— ee ee ee

|

STATE PAPERS.

manner, enclosed in a rigorous pri-
son, pointed out to the public, and
treated as guilty, before any tribu-
nal has announced their crime, or
rather, when they can bereproached
with no other than that of having
made known their respect for the
rights of humanity, and their love
for that part of it which acknow-
ledges them, they are designed to
be shortly sacrificed as victims to
despotism and superstition united.
Doubtless, if it was lawful ever to
buy, at the expence of innocence,
the triumph of a good cause, this
excess should besufferedtobe com-
mitted. The reign of the inqui-
sition would conclude on the day
when it shouldso dare to execute its
fury ; and the successor of St. Peter
would be no longer a prince on the
day when he should suffer it. Rea-
son has caused her powerful voice to
be every where heard; she has re-
stored in the oppressed heart of man
the consciousness of his duties with
the sentiment of his force; she has
broken the sceptre of tyranny; li-
berty has become the universal ral-
lying point; and tyrants, trembling
upon their thrones, can only, by fa-
vouring her, avoid a violent fall.
But it is not sufficient forthe French
republic to forsee the limit and
extinction of tyranny in Europe ;
she ought to shelter from the action
of it ail those who belong to her.
Already her minister for foreign af-
fairs has demanded the release of
the French, arbrtrarily detained
at Rome; this day her executive
council reclaims them, in the name
of justice, which they have not
offended ; in the name of the arts,
which it is your interest to receive
and protect; in the name of rea-
‘$0n, which is indignant at this fo-
. ene

de

217

reign prosecution : in the name of a
free nation, bold and generous, who
disdains conquest, it is true, but who
would make its rights to be re-
spected ; who is ready to revenge
herself upon whomsoever dare con-
temn them; and who has not learned
to conquer them from her priestsand
her kings, to permit that they shall
be outraged by any person upon
earth.--Pontiffofthe Roman church,
still a prince in a state ready to es-
cape from you, you can no longer
retain either but by a disinterested
profession of those evangelical prin-
ciples which breathe the purest de-
mocracy, the tenderest humanity,
and the most perfect equality. The
ages of ignorance are past; men can
no longer be subdued but by con-
viction, or conducted but by truth,
or attached but by their own hap-
piness; the art of politics and the
secret of government are reduced
to an acknowledgement of their
rights, and to the care of facilitat-
ing their exercise for the greatest
good to all, and the least possible
damage to each. Such are now the
maxims of the French republic; too
just to be silent upon any occa-
sion, in affairs of diplomacy ; too
powerful to have recourse to me-
nace; but, at the same time,
too noble to conceal an outrage,
she is ready to punish it, if peace-
able demands shall remain without
effect.

Given at the executive council,
Nov. 25, 1792.

(Signed)
Rotannd, CRAVIERE,
Lesrun, Monee,
PacHuE, GARAT.

Pro-

218 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1799.

Proclamation of the Government at Brussels, in Answer to the Declaration
of War on the Part of France. ant

Marte Curistine, Princess ALBERT CasstmIR, Prince Roy-

Royal of Hungary and Bohemia, alof Polandand Lithuania, Duke of

Archduchess of Austria, Duchess of Saxe-Teschen, Grand Cross of the
Burgundy, Lorraine, and Saxe- Royal Order of St. Stephen, Field-
Teschen, &c.

Jesty the King of Hungary and Bo-

Marshal of the Armies of his Ma- |

hemia, and of those of the Holy Ro-
man Empire, &c. mr

Lieutenant-Governors and Captains-General of the Low-Countries, 8c. Sc.

FACTION, by which the

kingdom of France has for
four years, been torn asunder, has
just prevailed on his Most Christian
Maiesty to sanction a declaration
of war againsthis Apostolic Majes-
ty, our most honoured lord and ne-
phew. ‘The first acts of hostility
seem to be directed against these
provinces; and the enemies of all
order and power, who are meditat-
ing an aggression so unjust, found
their hopes of success on the spirit
of party which was unfortunately
disseminated during the late trou-
bles.—We will carefully attend to
the defence of those provinces with
the government of which we are
entrusted, relying with confidence
on the protection of the Lord of
Hosts, who is pleased to manifest
the effects of his omnipotence in
favour of those who are inspired
with a sacred respect for the laws,
and for all powers by him ordained
on the earth for the government of
human societies.

We flatter ourselves that every
class of citizens will be animated
with one spirit, and that they will
vigilantly attend to the mainte-
nance of internal tranquillity and
the preservation of property, while
we order to the frontiers part of his
Majesty’s troops, full of glory, and
crowned by victory under the two

last reigns, until the league, formed

between several great powers shall

oppose a mound to the torrent of
sinister projects which menace the
overthrow of Europe.—We owe it
to the faithful subjects of his Majes-
ty, to inform them of the measures
which we have adopted, during a
whole year, in hopes of remaining
at peace with France; and to warn
them of the innumerable calamities
which our enemies are eager to
spread and perpetuate, under the
specious veil of achimerical liberty,
offered to a credulous multitude
by an impious sect of innovators,
soidisant philosophers, as the infalli-
ble result of their mad projects.
Theirs is not towar withthe princes
of the earth, but against the re-
ligion of our ancesto1s, against so-
cial order, against prosperity, and
against all the comforts which na-
turally flow from it. They have
already, by the adoption of their
absurd systems, plunged their coun-
try into all the horrors of anarchy.
Jealous of the prosperity of those
nations who still enjoy the fruits of
social order, they have formed, for
their own protection, the barbarous
project of inspiring them with a si-
milar delirium of propagating their
errors, and with them all the cala-
mities with which the kingdom of
France is at this time afflicted.

They —

STATE PAPERS.

They have been during a whole
year meditating and inventing pre-
texts for the aggression on which
they had resolved. Having driven
away from the bosom of France, by
dint of persecutions, all those citi-
zens who were attached to the esta-
blished religion, and to the prero-
gative, hitherto held sacred by the
fundamental laws of the kingdom,
they have attempted to prevent
them from enjeying in any part of
the world, the sweets of hospitality
which men reciprocally owe to each
other. We have been extremely
careful not to afford the slightest
grounds of complaint, resolved not
to meddle, in the least degree, with
the political government of any
neighbouring states. We have

‘taken care to prevent that any

thing should be attempted, or even
written, in those provinces against
the constitution just established
in France: and, as a reward for
our strict attention to the laws of
good neighbourhood, a horde of
factious vagabonds has been assem-
bled on our frontiers, resolved on
the execution of the most infer-
nal plots. The most infamous
writings against religion, and
against the constitutional authority
of the sovereign, have been dis-
persed in these provinces. ‘These
writing were substantially the same
as the speeches delivered in the
midst of authorised societies, in
which the most atrocious crimes
have been recommended as _vir-
tues, with a view to flatter the
criminal propensities of a set of
men, in hopes of reconciling them
to a system which in history will
be the disgrace of the present gene-
ration.

_ All our remonstrances on this
subject have been made in vain;
and whilst we paid the greatest at-

219

tention to complaints relative to
armaments which had no existence,
and to pretended insults offered to
Frenchmen, all kinds of excesses
have been multiplied against the
subjects of his Majesty, and com-
mitted on his territories, and we
have never obtained on so many
objects of complaint any thing more
than promises of satisfaction, which
have in no instance been perform-
ed; and when we have, on our
part, exercised that vigilance which
was become necessary on the con-
duct of emissaries, who it was boast-
ed openly were sent into these pro-
vinces on purpose to excite insur-
rections and to create anarchy, we
have been insulted for having taken
those precautions which were con-
strued into attemptsagainst the safe-
ty and the liberty of the French
travellers. On the other hand, we
were applauded for having given
orders to prevent the assembling of
the unfortunate French gentlemen
who had emigrated from the king-
dom, and to oblige them to conform
most strictly tothe laws of simple
hospitality, in order to preclude the
possibility of their arming and form-
ing themselves into a military corps.
—These measures, which France
seems now to have forgotten, were
quoted to the princes of the empire
as an example proper for them to
imitate in their respective states,
and with which the despotic agents
of the French government would
be satisfied.

We shall avoid taking notice
all the calamities with which France
is afficted—we should leave to time
the disclosure of the machinations
perpetually recommended by a set
of insidious writers in their danger-
ous publications, were it not evi-
dent that, at the moment of the in-
tended aggression against these pro-

vinces,

220

vinces, aresolutionis taken tospread
the poison of a seductive illusion on
the pretended advantages of the
French constitution, with a view to
make those partakers of it who may
be deluded by this means; butit is
necessary that the people who: are
confided to our government be re-
minded and informed that the king-
dom of France groans at this time,
in the name of liberty, under the
most hateful slavery, every species
of vice, of the most unbridled pas-
sions, and of a species of anarchy
which is without example; that
rights and property are abolished ;
that the holy religion which we
profess is there trodden under foot;
that altars are profaned and pollut-
ed; that their true ministers are de-
prived of their justrights,ill-treated ;
persecuted even in their retreats a-
mong foreign nations, and replaced
by intruders who have no mission
from the hierarchy of the church;
that the pastors of the people have
been deprived of their distinctive
vestments by which they were
known totheir flocks; that ina mon-
strous code, rights have been ex-
tolled which man cannot enjoy in
society, and to which he tacitly re-
nounces, by being born in civilized
associations; that, pursuant to those
chimerical rights, attempts have
been made to abolish, overturn, and
confound those real rights which
have been transmitted under the
protection of the fundamental laws
of the kingdom, from generation to
generation,tothose venerable classes
to which the French nation had, in
every respect, the highest obliga-
tions; that real property has given
way to the name, by seizing the
estates of those who had been so-
lemnly invested with them by time,
by the Jaws, and by an uninterrupt-
ed possession, a hundred times re-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

newed and confirmed. by the true

representatives of the nation; and

all this under the deceitful colour —
of an equality of chimerical rights,

not existing in fact, and annihilated

if it could for a moment exist, by

that variety of character, impressed

on all mankind at their birth, by

which they share, in very unequal

proportions, moral faculties, the

very disproportion of which has

always determined, and will ever

determine, the ascendency of ge-

nius, strength, patience, industry,

and economy, over the opposite

qualities; together with all the

advantages which may lawfully arise

from them,and which may be trans-

ferred like every other species of
property.

Finally, it is necessary that the
faithful subjects of his Majesty be
informed that, whilst pains are tak-
en to extol the pretended glory and
prosperity of the kingdom of France,
lately the most flourishing in Eu-
rope, there is now no commerce,
no circulation of specie or goods, no
public force, no justice, no police ;
and that the philosophical persecu-
tors of all those who are not of
their sect, know no bounds to the
excesses which they excite their
people to commit, except a satiety
of crimes.

Who, after this, could be so blind
or stupid as to place the least con-
fidence in the promises, and in the
insidious assurances made by these
tyrants to those nations whom they
wish to subdue, that they wiil re-
spect their property, their religion,
their rights, their privileges, and
their constitution; tyrants who,
since they have usurped the public
power and force in France, have
trodden under foot, with an effron-
tery and audacity hitherto unheard
of, the most solemn public ge

a

STATE PAPERS.

all rights, human and divine, and
every thing which is held most sa-
ered over all the world; who, the
moment they should become mas-
ters of one province, would seize,
as they have in their own country,
the estates ofthe clergy and the nobi-
lity, and the property ofthe citizens.

Once more, having never had
any inclination to meddle with the
internal government of any neigh-
bouring state, we should not have
entered on these afiicting details,
relative to objects which are foreign
to the government with which we
are entrusted, were it not that
French writings and French emis-
saries, and even the recent acts of
the new legislature of France, have
a tendency to render universal a
system of innovation, whether good
or bad for the French nation, cer-
tainly and decidedly ruinous to the
people under our government; be-
cause it is subversive of all that po-
litieal organization delineated by a
constitution which they love, which
the sovereign has engaged to main-
tain, and on which the happiness
of Belgium has for ages been
founded.

‘It was our duty to warn the peo-
ple of the imminent dangers with
which they are threatened. We
have laid before them truths which
all well-meaning persons will ac-
knowledge to be striking; and they
will, of course, use their utmost en-
deavours to maintain peace and pub-
lic tranquillity within these pro-
vinces ; and we shall consider those
as cnemics to the state, and treat

_ them as such, who shall attempt to

disturb them.

ws (Signed) Marte, ALBERT.
(Countersigned) Baron ve Fetiz.
- Done at Brussels, April 29, 1792.

221

Counter-Declaration of the Court of
Vienna against France.

YY°HE result confirms what the
+t court of Vienna has foreseen
and foreboded, that those who ac-
tually reign in France, being will-
ing first to provoke the nation to
arm, and then to a rupture with the
late Fmperor, atter having availed
themselves of the assemblies in the
states of Treves, for pretences for
the first mentioned, sought preten-
ces for a war in the answers which
they compelled his Imperial Majes-
ty to give. It was in vain that the
court of Vienna attempted to divert
the effects of their inimical views,
by unmasking, through repeated
elucidations, the unlawfulness of all
these accounts which successively
followed one another in proportion
as their deceitfulness was detected.
These very pretences, these very
endeavours of the court of Vienna
for preventing a rupture, are alleg-
ed as motives for the war which is
declared against the King of Hun-
gary and Bohemia in the name of
his Most Christian Majesty and the
French nation.

The first of these motives is the
public protection granted to the
French emigrants. When this pro-
tection was alleged, in order to
give an appearance to the prepara-
tions of France in December last, it
was only insomuch as it extended
to some states of the empire, to the
armed assemblies of the emigrants;
and far from attributing these grie-
vances to the court of Vienna, its
conduct had acquired, in this re-
spect, public thanks on the part of
the French government. The pre-
sent change of a motive for thanks
into a motive for an attack, offers

so

222

so great a contrast, that it saves the
trouble of making any further ob-
servations.—The court of Vienna
even used its best endeavours for
causing the other German princes,
neighbours of France, to adopt a
similar behaviour. By this means
the apparent moiives of its menac-
ing preparations disappeared. In
order to continue them, a fresh
pretence of grievance and reproach
was required. It was found in the
existence of a concert between the
late Emperor and several powers,
for maintaining the public tranquil-
lity and honour of the crowns.

The real circumstances of that
concert were completely known to
all Europe. All the world knew
that it was caused through the vio-
Jences offered to his Most Christian
Majesty, followed by the imprison-
ment of that monarch; that, on the
first hopes of his having recovered
the essential degree of liberty, safe-
ty, and command, which is requisite
for putting the seal of legality on
the constitutional laws of a monar-
chical state, the said concert, from
an active one, such as it was, was,
through the representation of the
court of Vienna, changed into a
passive one, which was no longer
to be put into activity by measures,
unless France should fall again into
the same state of disorder and po-
pular violence, which, according
to the notions of all states from
time immemorial, represent a state
of anarchy. The moderation of
thepowers that formed this concert,
was thus conformable to the equity
of their principles. The most sim-
ple ideas of a monarchical govern-
ment entitled them to an union for
assisting the lawful King of France,
and securing from its utter ruin a

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

form of government, whose basis
being acknowledged and confirmed
as inviolable by the new constitu-
tion itself, could not be hurt with-
out the event of a manifest insur-
rection taking place.

On the other hand, these powers
were obliged, for their own safety,
to oppose the introduction of a sys-
tem of anarchy, to propagate the
pernicious principles of which, in
all the states of Europe, the most
dangerous means were then em-
ploying. In short, the maintenance
of public tranquillity required their
eventual union, in case one or other
of them should be attacked ; and it
was chiefly relative to these last
motives of the concert of powers,
that the court of Vienna, being at-
tentive with good reason to the
French warlike preparations and
threats of an invasion, thought pro-
per to remind France of the exist-
ence of such concert, in order to

exhort it not to provoke all the

sovereign foreign princes, by vio-
lences against one or other of them.

Nothing, therefore, is plainer
than the injustice of the reproach
of attacking the independency and
safety of the French nation; where-
by this concert of the most consi-
derable powers of Europe, was in-
jured, and which they do not fear

of producing anew, although the ]

very shade of misunderstanding and
error concerning the nature of this
concert has been dispersed by the
declarations of the court of Vienna.
It mentioned in it the very terms
of the remonstrances which were

determined by its actual opening in

the month of July, 1791, and the
eventual adjournmenttill the month
of November following.
From this it appeared in the most
convincing

STATE PAPERS.

convincing manner, that it merely
depended on those who at present
reign over France, to make this
concert cease immediately, by re-
specting the tranquillity and the
rght of other powers, and to gua-
rantee the essential basis of the
French monarchical form of go-
vernment against the infringements
of violence and anarchy. Every
cause of uneasiness would have
ceased, if such dispositions had pre-
vailed in France; and the whole
conduct of the court of Vienna, far
from justifying any blame of its
views, would have evinced its in-
genuousness and moderation.

Upor the invitation of the French
ministry, it had entirely withdrawn
from the said declaration the claims
of the German princes having do-
minions in Alsace. And if the de-
ceased sovereign of Austria was un-
able to avoid fulfilling his duties as
Emperor in this respect, nothing
in the world shewed that he should
prevent any conciliatory method
which was indeed sufficient and
compatible with the constitution
of the empire, on objects in which
Austria never was concerned itself
in a direct manner, and for which
reason it is the more unjust actually
to draw from this a particular mo-
tive for a war against her; whereas
her present sovereign has no great-
er concern in it thanthe other mem-
bers of the German body.

On the other hand, the court of
Vienna has given the clearest proofs
of the good faith of its dispositions,
by refraining from accompanying
its declarations by armaments ade-

uate to the greatness of those that
rance supported her questions
withal. Whilst the latter assembled
130,000 men on the frontiers of the
Low Countries and Germany, the

223

court of Vienna did not send a bat-
talion more to its Belgian troops,
whose reinforcements ever since
1790, have generally not exceeded
3 or 4000 men. All its measures
were confined to augment its ante-
rior Austrian troops with4000 men,
who, by this reinforcement, were
carried to 10,000 men; and it was
not till after the 14th of April that
dispositions were made for sending
more troops, when the offensive in-
terpretation which the well-mean-
ing declarations of the court of Vi-
enna met with, and the events which
soon after happened in France, left
no more doubt of the speedy explo-
sion of an attack.

The proposal reciprocally to dis-
arm, delivered on the {1th of March
by the French ambassador at Vien-
na, at a time when France alone had
armed for a war, accompanied with
a demand of quitting the concert
of powers in a moment when the
position of that kingdom daily gave
more and more uneasiness, could
not in any respect be considered
otherwise than as an ultimate pre-
tence for engaging the French na-
tion in this attack, to which all the
preceding steps had led, and theex- -
ecution of which happened almost
at the same period when the am-
bassador delivered the declaration
of war.

Thus none of the grievances ac-
cumulated in the French declara-
tion of war, without a single proof,
has the least appearance of founda-
tion and good faith, and of which
the nullity was not already proved,
except, indeed, the new grievance
which is added to it as an overplus
of injustice, by upbraiding the court
of Vienna with the hopes it had en-
tertained that the reason, the ho.
nour, and equity of the more es

anc

224

and greater part of the nation would
ultimately triumph, by the pains
the court of Vienna had taken to
dispel prejudices unjustly excited,
concerning the nature of the con-
cert. hy

The complaints alleged against
the court of Vienna, not only do
not furnish the smallest apparent
motive for an attack, but it Is evi-
dent that they are so many objects
of provocation and aggression
committed by those who reign in
France.

They presume to blame the court
of Vienna for the protection it has
refused at home, and caused to be
denied elsewhere to the enterprizes
and affairs of the French emigrants;

‘they who did protect and foment
the conspiracies for a rebellion in
the Austrian Netherlands! ‘Their
confessions and public measures
since the attack, prove, that in the
hope of succeeding in these treach-
erous actions and practices of the
same kind, tending to seduce the
faithful Austrian troops, their chief
confidence was placed. :

It is they who excited a dispute
between France and the German
empire, by depriving several Ger-
man princes of rights and enjoy-
ments assured by a possession of a
century and a half, grounded on so-
lemn treaties. Their excuse against
the obligatory force of these trea-
ties, derived from a pretended in-
consistency with later and sponta-
neous laws of one of the contract-
ing parties, is grounded on a prin-
ciple that overthrows all treaties.
And that decree of the 14th of Ja-
nuary, by which the National As-
sembly, setting up at the same time
for judge and party, has assumed
the power of passing an arbitrary

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

sentence on the manner and suffi-
ciency of a disposition which ought
to be free amongindependent states,
and is nothing else but one more
attempt on the public right of na-
tions. iia

They, who for six months past
were occupied in making prepara-
tions for war and attack on the
frontiers of the Austrian Nether-
lands and Germany, complain of
the very moderate precaution of the
court of Vienna for the safety of
provinces that are upwards of 200
leagues distant from the centre of
its dominions.

They pretend that the sovereign-
ty of the French nation is injured
by the establishment of a concert,
whose first view has been to save
the only lawful sovereign of France,
whilst they, in the mean while, dai-
ly attack and provoke all the sove-
reigns of Europe in the most incon-
siderate manner, and with the bit-
terest invectives. In short, the
dispute with the crowns the parti-
cipation and the right of interfering
in, or being concerned about the
consequences of their new consti-
tution; whilst they, with all their
might, endeavour to subvert all go-
vernments, by spreading all over
Europe the bane of seduction and
insurrection. ,

The King of Hungary and Bohe-

mia is thus entitled to call in the

support of all Europe, in a cause
that concerns the honour and safe-
ty of all governments, and he ar-
raigns the abettors of so unjust and
heinous an attack before the tribu-
nal of the universe and posterity, as
being answerable for all the evils
that are the unavoidable conse-
quences of war.
Vienna, July 5, 1792.

Substance —

ae

STATE PAPERS.

Substance of a Treaty between the
“Emperor and the King of Prussia,
- signedonthe 7th of February, 792.

I. FPUERE shall exist a perfect

raiil

ally those of Breslau, Dresden, Hu-
bertsburg, and Teschen, are renew-
ed and confirmed by the present.
Illy, The two.courts (guarantee
and protect, all\their states which
they, actually possess at present
against all attacks whatever.

_ IY. In virtue of. this: guarantee,
the two powers will act in concert
for the, maintenance of peace; and
in case that either of them should be
menaced; they. will employ mutual
good offices to prevent hostilities :,
and should these efforts not prove
successful, the party shall assist the
one threatened with fifteen thou-
sand. infantry and five thousand ca-

valry.

v. These troops shall be put in
motion within two months after the
requisition made, and remain at the
disposition of the party attacked.
during the course of the war. If

requiring party demand these
succours in money, he shall receive
600,000 ecus for one thousand in-
fantry, and 800,000 for one thou-
sand cavalry, which shall be paid in
the year, or proportionably each
month, and that on the footing of
the convention, or of twenty florins.

VI. In case these succours are
insufficient, the party required will
augment them by degrees, accord-
ing to the urgency of the case.

_ViI. The two contracting pow-
ers reserve to themselves the power
¢ inviting the imperial court of

ussia, the two maritime powers of

and Holland, and the elec-
lou. XXXIV.

225.

tor of Saxony, to! unite with them
in defensive engagements, confor-
imable to thé above-mentioned sti-+
pulations. ,
~ VIII. The two sovereigns obligé
themselves to maintain the Germa-
nic constitution, as it is established
by the present laws and formet
treaties. :

IX. They will not contract any
more alliancés. sdigal

X. The ‘present treaty shall be
ratified in the space of three weeks,
or sooner if possible. |

Concise Exposition of the Reasons
which have determined his Majes-
ty the King of Prussia to take up
Arms against France.

Berlin, July the 24th, 1792,

H IS) Prussian Majesty. flatters

t himself that the powers of Eu-

rope, and the public:in general; did

not wait for this exposition to fix

their opinion on the justice of the
cause they were going to defend.—

In effect, unless the obligations

waich the engagements of the King,

and his political connections, re«
quire of him be willingly denied, or
facts designedly established, and
unless people shut their eyes onthe
conduct ofthe present government

of France, there cannot remain a

doubt but every person may dis-

cover that the warlike measures
which the King with regret has re-
solved upon, are only the natural
consequences of the violent resolu-.-
tions which the fury of the party
who reigns in that kingdom has:
made him adopt, and of which it is
easy to perceive the fatal conse-

quences.
Not content with having openly
violated, by notorious suppression,
P the

226

the rights. and possessions of the
German princes in Alsace and Lor
raine, and the treaties, which unite
France to the German empire ;
with having given course to the
subversive principles of. all social
subordination, and thereby affected
the.repose and felicity of other na-
tions, and with having sought to
spread in other countries; by the
propagation of these principles, the
seeds. of the licentiousness and
anarchy which. have. overthrown
France ; with having tolerated, re-
ceived, and sold even the most out-
rageous ‘writings and speeches a-
gainst the sacred persons and legal
authority of sovereigns; those who
have scized the reins of the French
administration have at length filled
themeasureof their guilt by declar-
ing an unjust war against his Majes-
ty the King of Hungary and Bohe-
mia, andhaving ‘immediately follo
éd_ this) declaration with effective
hostilities; committed against’ the’
Belgic provinces of this monarch. }

~The German‘empire; of which
the Austrian Pays Bas is part, as
the circle of Burgundy, is necessa~-
rily found included in this aggres-
sion.—But other facts still do but
too much justify the fear of hostile
invasions, which the menacing pre-
parations of the French on thefron-
tiers have for alongtime given birth
to in Germany. ‘The territories of
the Bishop of Basle, an incontesti-
ble part of the empire, have been
occupied by a detachment of the
French army, and are still remain-
ing in its power, and at its discre-
tion.

Incursions of the troops of the
same nation, or of rebel corps as-
sembled under their auspices, have
laid waste the country of Liege. It
is te be foreseen with certainty,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

that as soon as the conveniences of
war. appear.to advise. them, the
other provinces of Germany will
experience the same effects ; and it
suffices to know their local position
to feel for the imminent'danger to
whieh they are constantly exposed.
It would be superfluous to enter
into a detail of the facts which are
now alleged:' They are notorious,
and the whole empire has'been, and’
is still; daily witnesses thereof. *-
“Tt will also equally be dispensed
with, to discuss here the evident
injustice of the aggression’ of the
French.—If it were possible: that
any doubts ‘could’ remain’ on this’
subject in the’mind of any pérson’
whatever, ‘they would be’ entirely’
removed by) weighing with’ impur-
tiality the unanswerable arguments!
contained ‘on this point. inthe div
plomatic’ pieces published! by ‘the’
cabinet‘of Vierttias © 0201
- His’ Prussian Majesty’ ‘has’ with’
pleasure entertained hopes, that at’
length, after so many agitations and
inconsequential proceedings, the
persons who direct the French ad=" —
ministration would 'return‘back to’ —
the prineiples of moderation ‘and’ —
wisdom, and thereby avoid'the'ex-' _
tremities to which things are unfor-* —
tunately come. It was with this

9mo

salutary view that, at the coms
mencementvof the military prepara-'

tions of France on the frontiers,’ —
founded on the asylum granted by’ —
some states to the Frenchemigrants, ’ —
he charged the Count de Goltz, his
minister at Paris, to declare to the _
ministry of his most Christian Ma- —
jesty (as the Chargé des Affaires of —
his Majesty the then reigning Em- _
peror had also orders to do) * that’ —
he looked upon an invasion ‘of! —
French troops on the territories of
the German empire, ag ‘a’ declara¥

* tian,

STATE PAPERS.

tion of war, and would oppose it
with all his forces.”

~ The same minister, after receiv-
ing orders, found the Chargé des
Affaires of his Majesty the Empe-
ror, in a number of representations,
making known, in the most express
manner, that the King was invaria-
bly pursuing the same line with his
Apostolic Majesty ‘respecting the
affairs of France. The event has
shewn how little the hope of ‘the
King, as to the effect he promised:
from these energetic declarations,
was well-founded; but at least the
party whose furious determinations:
have brought on hostilities, can ne-
ver have any pretext on account of
their ignorance of his Majesty’s in-
tentions. And it is particularly the
general: principles publicly ' mani-
fested by the two National Assem-

blies, principles which attack all go-.

vernments, and endeavour to shake
them in their bases, that France has
to blame for the effusion of human
blood, and the evils which the pre-
sent circumstances have“ already
- brought, and may in future bring,
upon her. / z

jesty by ties of a close anddefensive
etlieh his Prussian Majesty can-
not act contrary to his engage-
ments, and remain 4 quiet spectator
of the war declared against this so-
vereign. He has not then hesitated
to recal his minister from Paris, and
to act with vigour in defence of his
ally.—As a principal member of the
Germanic corps, he is further obli-
gated by his relations in this quali-
: ty, to march to the succour of his
| eo-estates against the attacks they
| have already experienced, and with
| which they are daily threatened.—
It is thus, under the double connec-
tion of ally of his Apostolic Majesty

~ United with his Apostolic Ma-:

227

and a powerful state of the em-
pire, that his Majesty takes up arms;
and it is the defence of the ‘states
of this monarch and of Germany,
which forms the first aim of these
armaments.—But the-King would
but imperfectly fulfil the principles
he hereby’ professes, if he did not
extend the -efforts of his arms “to!
another sort of defence whicly his:
patriotic sentiments equally impose’
on him as:a duty.

Every body knows how the Na-
tional Assembly of France, contrary
to the most sacred laws of the Droit
des Gens, and against the express
tenor of treaties, have deprived the:
German princes of their incontes-
tible rights and possessionsin Alsace
and Lorraine, and the reclamations:
which a number of these princes’
themselves have published. Thede-:
liberations and arrets of the Diet of:
Ratisbon on this important matter,
will also serve to furnish all those
who wish to be informed, with the
most convincing proofs of the in-
justice of the proceedings «of the’
French !government in this) res-
pect, which has not hitherto pro-
posed to grant a full indemnity to
the aggrieved parties; but, adopt-
ing a peremptory language and
threatening measures, only offered
indemnities entirely insufficient
and inadinissible. It is worthy of
the King and his august ally to have
justice rendered to these oppressed
princes, and thereby to maintain
the faith of treaties, the sole basis of
union and reciprocal confidence be-
tween people, and the essential
foundation of their tranquillity and
welfare.

It is, in short, a last design of the
armament of the King, more exten-
sive still than the former, and not’
less worthy of the sage and well-in-’.

2 tended

228

tended views of the allied courts, to
prevent the incurable evils which
will still result to France, to Eu-
rope, and to all mankind, from this
fatal spirit of general insubordinati-
on, of subverting all the powers, of
license (Liberté trop grande) and of
anarchy, of which it. might have
been expected that an. unhappy
experience should have already

cone the progress.
There is not any, power. interest-

ed to niaintain the balance of Eu-
repe, to whom it cam be indifferent
to seethekingdom of France, which
has hitherto formed.so considerable
a weight in this great balance, given
up any longer to the interiur agita-
tions and horrors of disorder and
anarchy, which it may be’ said have
destroyed all political existence ;
there. cannot be. any Frenchman
truly. loving his.country, who. does
not ardently desire to see these ter-
minated ; in short, no man, sincere-
ly afriend to humanity, who cannot
but aspire to see, limits put to the
progress of mistaken liberty; a daz-
zling phantom, which leads the peo-
ple far from the road of their true
welfare, in altering the happy ties
of attachment and confidence which
ought tounite them to their prinves,
their fathers, and their. defend-
ers ; and especially tothe unbridled
furies of the wicked, who duly seek
to destroy the respect due to go-
vernments, for the purpose of sa-
crificing, on the ruins of throne-,
to the idols of their most insatiable
and restless ambition, or toa vile
cupidity. e

To put an end to anarchy in
France, to establish for this. pur-
pose a legal power on the essential
basis of a monarchical form, and by
thus giving security to other govern-
ments against the incendiary. at-
temptsandeftoris of a frantic troop,

°
a

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

such is the grand object which the
King, conjointly with his ally, still
proposes; being assured in this
noble enterprise not only. of the
wishes of all the powers of Eu-
rope, who acknowledge its justice
and necessity, but, in general, of
the suffrages and the wishes of
every person who sincerely desires
the welfare of mankind.

His Majesty is far from throw--
ing the blame of these faults, which
have forced him to take up arms,
on the whole French nation, He
is persuaded that a part, and with-
out doubt the most numerous of
this esteemed nation, abhor the ex-
cesses of a faction but too power-
ful: and, seeing the dangers. to
which these intrigues lead, strongly,
desire the return of justice,:of, or-
der, and of peace. Unfortunately,
experience, has shewn, that the
powerful influence of this, party. is,
still but too real, although the event,

has already demonstrated the nulli~ _

ty of those culpable projects, found-;
ed on insurrections which. it, only.
seeks to,foment. The difference of

sentiments of persons well-intenti;,
oned, however certain they are, are —

thereby only for the moment, little:
felt in their effects. But) his Ma-
jesty hopes, that in opening. at last.
their eyes to the dreadful situation,

of their, country, they will display —

all the energy which such.a-just,
cause ought to inspire, and that,

they will look on the allied troops,

assembled on the frontiers. as their.

protectorsand true friends, of whom, _
Providence will favour. the arms; —

and they will know how to reduce

to their just value the factions who —

have put France in a state of fer-
mentation, and who alone will be
responsible for the blood which;
their criminal enterprises. may.
cause to be sheds

Declaration

STATE PAPERS.’

Declaration by the Duke of Bruns-
wick Lunenburg, commanding the
combined Armies of their Majes-
ties the Emperor and the King of
France, to the inhabitants of
France.

"THEIR Majesties the Emperor
and the King of Prussia, having en-
trusted me with the command of
the combined armies assembled on

‘the frontiers of France, I think it
my duty to inform the inhabitants
of that kingdom of the motives
which have influenced the conduct
of the two Sovereigns, and of the
principles by which they are guided.
—After arbitrarily suppressing the
rights and invading the possessions
of the German Princes in. Alsace
and Lorraine ; after having disturb-
ed and overthrown in the interior
art of the kingdom all order and
awful government; after having
been guilty of the most daring at-
tacks, and having had recourse to
the most violent measures, which
are still daily renewed against the
sacred Soren of the King and a-
gainst his august family,— those
who have seized on the reins of go-
vernment have, at length, filled the
measure of their guilt, by declaring
an unjust war against his Majesty
the Emperor, and by invading his
provinces of the Low Countries.
Some of the possessions belonging
to the German empire have been
equally exposed to the same op-
pression; and many ‘others have
only ayoided the danger, by yield-
ing t the imperious threats of the
ineering party and their emis-

_ saries.
_ His hee eed the King of Prussia,
united with his Imperial Majesty in
the bands of the strictest defensive
alliance, and as a preponderant
member himself of the Germanic

929

body, could not refuse marching to
the assistance of his ally and of his
co-estates. It is under this double
relation that he undertakes the de-
fence of that monarch and of Ger-
many. .

To these high interests is added.
another important object, and which
both the sovereiyns have most cor-
dially in view, which is to put an
end to that anarchy which prevails
in the interior parts of France, to
put a stop to the attacks made on
the throne and the altar, to restore
the King to ‘his legitimate. power,
to liberty and to ‘safety, of which
he is now deprived, and to place
him in such a situation, that he may
exercise that legitimate authority to
which he is entitled. toga

Convinced that the sober part of
the nation detest the excesses of'a
faction which has enslaved them,
and that the majority of the inha-
bitants wait with impatience the
moment when succours shall arrive,
to declare themselves openly: a-
gainst the odious enterprizes of
their oppressors, — his Majesty
the Emperor and his Majesty the
King of Prussia, earnestly invite
them to return without dela
into the paths of reason and of
justice, of order and peace.—
It is with this view that I,. the
underwritten, General Command-
ant in Chief of the two armies, do
declare,—

Ist, That, drawn into the present
war by irresistible circumstances,
the two allied courts have no
other object in view than the wel-
fare of France, without any pre-
tence to enrich themselves by
making conquests.

2dly, That they do not mean to
meddle with the mternal govern-
ment of France, but that they sim-
ply intend to deliver the King, the

Pe lueen

230

Queen, and the royal family, from
their captivity, and to ensure to his
Most Christian Majesty that safety
which is necessary for his making,
without danger and without obsta-
cles, such convocations as he shall
judge proper, and for endeavouring
to ensure the welfare of hissubjects,
according to his promises, and to
the utmost of his power.

3dly, That the combined armies
shall protect the towns, bourgs, and
yillages, as well as the persons and
property of all those who shall sub-
mit to the King; and that they will
concur in the iinmediate restoration
of order. and police throughout all
France.

4thly, That the national guards
are called upon to preserve, pro-
visionally, tranquillity in towns and
in the country, to provide for the
personal safety and property of all
Frenchmen, until the arrival of the
troops belonging to their Imperial
and Royal Majesties, or until orders
be given to the contrary, on pain
of being personally, responsible:
that, on the contrary, such national
guards as shall fight against the
troops of the two allied courts,
and who shall be taken with armsin
their hands, shall be treated as ene-
mies, and punished as: rebels , to
their King, and as disturbers of the
public peace.
_ 5thly, That the general officers,
the subalterns, and soldiers of the
French regular troops, are equally
called upon to return to their for-
mer allegiance, and to submit im-
mediately to the King, their legiti-
mate sovereign.

6thly, That the members of de-
partments, districts, and municipa-
lities, shall be equally responsible,
on pain of losing their heads: and
their estates, for all the crimes, all

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the conflagrations, all the murders
and the pillage which they, shall
suffer to take place, and which they
shall not have, in a public manner,
attempted to prevent within their
respectiveterritories; thattheyshall
also be obliged to continue their
functions until his Most. Christian
Majesty, when set at full liberty,
shall make further arrangements,
or till further orders be given in
his name. ; it

7thly, That the inhabitants of
towns, bourgs, and villages, who
shall dare to defend themselves,
against the troops of their Imperial
and Royal Majesties, and to fire
upon them, either in open country,
or through half open doors or win-
dows of their houses, shall,be pu-

-nished instantly, according to the

rigorous rules of war, or their houses
shall be demolished or burned, On
the contrary, all the inhabitants of
thesaid towns, bourgs, and villages,

who shall readily submit to their,

King, by opening their gates to the
troops belonging to their Majesties,
shall be immediately under their
safeguard and protection; their
estates, their property, and their.
persons, shall be secured by the
laws, and each and all of them shall
be in full safety. na
-Sthly, The city of Paris and all
its habitants, without, distinction,
shall be called upon to submit in-
stantly and without delay to the

King, to set that prince at full li-,

berty, and.to ensure to his, and to
all the royal persons, that inviolabi-
lity and respect which are due by.
the laws of nature and of nations to
sovereigns; their Imperial and Roy-
al Majesties making personally :re-
sponsible for ail events, on pain, of
losing their heads, pursuant to mi-,
itary trials, without hopes of pars.

‘i _ don,

dp

STATE PAPERS. 931°

don, all. the members of the \Na-

tional Assembly, of the department,»

of the district, of the municipality,
and of the national guards of Paris,
justices of peace, and others whom
it) may concern ;,and their Imperial
and Royal Majesties farther declare,
on their faith and word of Emperor
and King, that if the palace ofthe
Thuilleries be: forced or insulted;
if the least violence be offered, the
least outrage done to their Majes-
ties the King, the Queen, and the
royal family ; if they be not imme-
diately placed in: safety and set:at
liberty, they will inflict on those
who shall deserve it the most exem-
plary and ever memorable aveng-
ing punishments, by giving up the
city of Paris to military execution,
and exposing it to total destruction;
and the rebels,who shall be guilty
of illegal resistance shall suffer the
punishments which they shall have
deserved.—Their Imperial andRoy-
al, Majesties promise on the con-
trary, to all the inhabitants of the
city of Paris to employ their good
offices with his Most Christian Ma-
jesty to procure for them a pardon
for their insults and errors, and to
adopt the most vigorous measures
for the security of their persons and
property, provided ‘they speedily
and strictly conform to the above
injunctions.
. Finally, Their Majesties, not be-
ing at liberty to acknowledge any
other Jaws in France except those
which. shall be. derived from the
King when at full liberty, protest
beforehand against the authenticity
of all kinds. of declarations which
_may’be issued in the name of the

Ef King,'so long as his sacred person,
and

that of the Queen and, the
Princes of the whole royal, family,
shall not bé in full safety » and with

this view their Imperial and Royal
Majesties invite and entreat his
Majesty to name a town in his
kingdom, ‘nearest to the’ frontiers,
to which he would wish to remove,
together with the Queen and the
royal family, under a strong and
safe escort, which shail be sent for
that purpose; so that his Most
Christian Majesty may, in perfect
safety, send for such ministers and
counsellors as he shall be pleased
to name, order’such, convocations
as he shall think proper, and pro-
vide for the restoration of order and
the regular administration of his
kingdom. |.

In fine, [ declare and promise in
my own individual, name, and in
my above quality, to cause to be
truly observed everywhere, by the
troops under my command, good
and strict discipline, promising to
treat with mildness and moderation
those well-disposed subjects who
shall submit peaceably and quietly;
and to employ force against those
only who shall be guilty of resist-
ance, or of manifest evil intentions.

I therefore call upon and expect
all the inhabitants of the kingdom,
in the most earnest and forcible
manner, not to make any opposition
to the troops. under my command,
but rather to suffer them every-
where to enter the kingdom freely,
and to afford them all the assistance,
and shew them. all the benevelence
which circumstances may require.

Given at General Quarters ut
Coblentz, July 25, 1792.
(Signed)
Cuarvires GuitiraAume Fern
NAND Duc pe Brunswick
LUNENBURG,

P+ Additt

232

Additional Declaration by his most)
Serene Highness the Reigning
Duke of Brunswick, Lunenburg,
addressed, as was that of the 25th
of July, to the Inhabitants. of
France. |
THE declaration which I have

addressed to the inhabitants at

France, dated Quarters General of

Coblentz, July 25, must have suf-

ficiently made known the firm re- P

solves of their Majesties the Empe-
ror and the King of Prussia when
they entrusted me with the com-
mand of their combined armies.
The liberty and the safety of the
sacred persons of the King, of the
Queen, and of the royal family,
being one of the principal motives
which have determined their Impe-
rial and Royal Majesties to act in
concert, I have made known, by my
said declaration to the inhabitants
pf Paris, my resolve to inflict on
them the most terrible punishments
if the least insult should be offered
to his Most Christian Majesty, for
whom the city of Paris is particu-
larly responsible.

Without making the least altera-
tion to the 8th article of the said
declaration of the 25th instant,I de-
clare besides, that if, contrary to all
expectation, by the perfidy or base-
ness of some inhabitants of Paris,
the King, the Queen, or any other
person of the royal family, should
be carried off from that city, all the
places and towns whatsoever which
shall not have opposed their passage,
and shall not have stopped their
proceeding, shall incur the same
punishments as those inflicted on
the inhabitants of Paris; and the
route which shall be taken by those
who carry off the King and royal
family, shal] be marked with a series
of exemplary punishments, justly

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792,

dué to the authors and»abettors of
crimes’ for which there: is no re-
mission. » » Aobpaifp. oa 4
All the inhabitants of France in
general are to take warning’ of the
dangers with which they are threat-
ened, and which it will be impossi-
ble for them to avoid, unless they,
with all their might, and. by every
means in their power, ‘oppose the
assage of the King and royal, fa-
mily, to whatever place the factious
may attempt to carry them. Their
Imperial and Royal Majesties will
not allow any place of retreat to be
the free choice of his Most Christian
Majesty (in case he should comply
with the invitation which has been,
made him) unless that retreat be
effected under the escort which has
been offered. cin bain
All declarations whatsoever, in
the name of his Most Christian Ma-
jesty, which shall be contrary to the.
object which their Imperial and
Royal Majesties haye in yiew, shall)
consequently be considered as null,
and without effect. L lo ye

CHartes GUILLAUME. FERDI-

nanp Duc pe Brunswick,

LuNENBURG,

Given at General Quarters at
Coblentz, July OT, Vises O!

Letter from the King of the French
to the National Assembly, on’ the
Publication of the Declaration 'of
the Duke of Brunswick,
Aug, 8. Fourth Year of Liberty.

Mr. President, Legdenol

FOR several days a paper has’

been circulated, entitled ‘ The:
Declaration of the Reigning Duke
of Brunswick Lunenburg, Com-
mander of the Combined’ Armies
of their Majesties the Emperor _

the

%

STATE PAPERS.

the King of Prussia, addressed tothe
Inhabitants of France.” This pa-
per exhibits nothing: that can be
considered as a proof of its authen-
tivity. It hasnot been transmitted
by any of my ministers at the seve-
yal courts of Germany near our
frontiers... The publication of ‘it,
nevertheless,seems to meto require
a new declaration of my sentiments
and my principles. |
France is menaced by a great
combination of forces. Let us all
recollect the necessity of union.
Calumny will not easily believe the
sorrow I feel in considering the dis-
sentions that exist among us; and
the evils gathering round us ; but
those who know of what value in
my eyes are the blood and the for-
tune of the people, will give credit
to my uneasiness and my grief.
ad Secingit with me pacific senti-
ments to the throne, because peace,
the first blessing of nations, is the
first duty of kings. My former
ministers know what efforts I have
made to avoid war.’ I felt how ne-
cessary was peace; it alone could
enlighten the nation on the new
form of her government ; it alone,
by sparing the sufferings of the peo-
ple, could make me support the
character I undertook 'in this revo-
Jution, But 1 yielded to the una-
nimous opinion of my council, to
the wish manifested by a great part
of the mation, and several times ex-
pressed by the National Assembly.
| When war was declared, I ne-
__ glectednoneofthemeans ofassuring
> itssuccess. My ministers received
_ ofders to concert measures with the
committees of the National Assem-
q and with the generals.’ If the
_ €venthas not yet answered the hopes
_ Of the nation, ought we not'to lay
the blame on our intestine divisions,

*

233

the progress of the spirit of party,
and, above all, on the state of our
armies, which wanted to be more
practised in the use of arms before
being led to.combat ? But the na-
tion shall see my efforts increase
with those of the hostile powers;
I shall take, in concert with. the
National Assembly, ‘all means to
turn the evils inseparable from war
to the advantage of her liberty and
her glory.

I have accepted the constitution ;
the majority of the nation desired
it; Isaw that the nation considered
it as the foundation of her ‘happi-
ness ; and her happiness is the sole
object of my life. Ro eit ay

From that moment, I imposed it
as alaw upon myself, to be faithful
to the constitution; and I gave or-
ders to my ministers to make it the
rule of their conduct. I wished not
to substitute my knowledge for ex-
perience, nor my opinion for my
oath. It was my duty to labour for
the good of the people. I have
discharged that duty ; and to have
done so is enough to satisfy the con-
science of an honest man.’ Never
shall I be seen compounding the
glory or the interests of the nation ;
receiving the Jaw from foreigners
or from a party: it is to the nation
that I owe myself; I am one and
the same with her; no interest shall
separate me from her; she alone
shall be listened to 3 1 will maintain
the national independence with my
last breath. Personal dangers, cons
pared with public dangers, are no+
thing. | Ah! what are personal
dangers to a King from whom it is
attempted to alienate the love of
the people! There lies the real
wound of my heart. The people,
perhaps, will one day know how
dear to me is their happiness, how

much

234

much it has always been my sole
interest, my first wish. How many
griefs might be effaced by the slight-
est remarks of its return ! _
(Signed) © Louis.
(Undersigned) Bicor St. Crorx.

by the King of the

Proclamation
( rench.

Frenchmen, Aug. 7, 1792.

WHILE numerous armies ad-
vance upon our frontiers, and are
preceded by declarations which me-
nace the independence of the na-
tion, indignation against their lan-
guage; and the desire of defending
the country, should leave in our
hearts only one sentiment, one re-
solution. . Union is now the first of
necessities ; and those who endea-
vour to disturb it: those who would
break the bond, the first force of
‘empires; those who estrange their
minds by distrust and agitate them
by calumnies; those who endeayour
to separate the nation from the
King,—they are the true public
enemies, and afford to the powers
who attack us, the only, support
which. can give them triumph. |

Can it be possible that the am-
bition of certain individuals, who
have aspired to share among them-
selves the supreme executive pow-
er, is able to strike the French na-
tion in.an instant, with such dread-
ful blindness, that it shall lose the
view of its clearest interests to be-
come itself the victim and the price
of their plots! '

Is it not then easy to snatch the
mask of patriotism from a few con-
spirators, who, to remedy the small-
ness of their number, think to mul-
tiply themselves by agitation, over-
whelm the national opinion by their
cries, inspire terror by their enter-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

prizes, and, trampling upon the laws
and justice, dictate proudly their
wills to the French people ?
Tothese fanatical efforts the King
ought to oppose ‘moderation ; his
Majesty ought to shew the truth to
minds borne away from it—recall
the confidence which is endeavour-
ed to be estranged—approach the
people from whose cause his is vain-
ly endeavoured to be divided; for
the interests of the King are the in-
terests of the people; he can be
only happy in their happiness, pow-
erful in their force; while those
who do not cease to excite them
against his Majesty, torment them
at presentby distrust,aggravate their
evils by concealing from them their
cause and theirremedy, and prepare
for them great unhappiness and
long repentance, by impelling them
to violent and criminal resolutions.
The King does not fear to com-
mit the majesty of the throne, for
which he-is responsible to the na-
tion, when he repels the calumnies.
accumulated against his person.
Since the instant when he accepted.
the, constitution, he cannot be re-
proached, .we will not say with an
infraction, but with the slightest at-
tempt against the law which he has
sworn to maintain. He has con-
sidered it.as the expression of the
general will, and has had no other,
than to cause its observance in all
points. toi
Since his Majesty has known the;
designs of the powers coalesced
against France, he has used every:
endeavour torestrainthem by means.
of negotiations, and to divert them

from a plan as contrary to theirin-._
terests, when properly understood,

as to that of this empire. To di

solve this league, he has employed

not only all the official means which)"
belong

U

STATE PAPERS.

belong to the King ofthe French;
but also all the credit,,which his
Majesty could have by the ties of
blood jand the interest of his per-
sonal situation. . When the severity
of the laws required from the King a
rigorous conduct against the French
princes of his family and his blood,
unhappy as the moment was for his
heart, did he hesitate bet\veen the
yoice of nature and the duties of
royalty?

The King has, doubtless, used

' every endeayout to avoid the war,

and it was also in spight of himself,
and when he could no longer with-
hold from it, that he determined.
upon this cruel measure, of which
the people support all the weight;
and, the war being once/declared,
he has spared nothing to support
the glory of the French arms.

_ What orders has he not given for
the provisioning and increase of the
armies? The King opposed the
forming a camp in the interior of
the kingdom, and almost under the
walls of Paris, but to propose a for-
mation of volunteer battalions, more
numerous, and collected. in a man-
ner more useful.

Foreign armies menace you.
Frenchmen, it is for you to. daunt
them by your countenance, and es-
pecially by your union. They in-
sult your independence; renew.
with the King your oath to defend
it. They usurp his name to invade
we French territory.

Frenchmen, all your enemies are
notin the armies which attack your
_ frontiers; know them by their: pro-
ject to disunite you, and believe
_ that those are not far from. having

ore interest, who. accord-so

in the ideas which they wish to
spread.—Those who would. con-
quer France, announce that they
haye taken up arms forthe interests
Bi

235

of the King; and those who agitate
it within, dare equally to say that it
is for his interests they, struggle
againsthimself. His Majesty gives
to the assertions of both parties the
most formal disavowal. It is to all
good Frenchmen, to all those who
have the national honour at heart,

the interest of Jiberty, the safety of
the country, to reject such perfidi-
ous insinuations, opposing to the
arms of the first an invincible cou-
rage, to the plots of the latter an in-
flexible attachment, to the law.

‘On these considerations,

The King thinking it his duty to
recal the execution of the laws, the
respect due to the constituted autho-
rities, and to give to the; national
force all the energy of which it is,
susceptible, by impressing upon all
thoughts, upon all wills, upon all
efforts, a common direction towar ds
the safety of the state.

His Majesty invites all active.
citizens, to repair with punctuality
to the. legal assemblies, to; which
they are called, to express their will,
and to pay to their country the tri-
bute of their understandings. )

His Majesty invites them equally
to serve personally in the national
guards, to give force to the law, to
maintain the execution of judg-
ments, to defend the peace ,and
public tranquillity,andexhorts them
especially to an inviolable attach-
ment to the constitution, to which
they haye sworn to be faithful.

-Given at the Council of State,

Aug. 7, 1792, Hourtls Year of

Liberty. e
Lovts,, J,
Dre Jovy, |
DuBoucuAGE,
CHAMPION,
DABANCOURT,
Leroux LA VILze,:.
Bicor S17. Croix.

Manifesto

236

Manifesto issued by their Majesties
the Emperor of Germany and the

| King of Prussia, against the
French Revolution, August 4th,
1792.

pe EIR Majesties the Emperor
and King of Prussia, in com-
mencing a war occasioned by the
most unjust and most imperious cir-
cumstances, have successively and
separately published the particular
motives of their conduct. Animat-
ed, however, by a regard for the
sacred interests of humanity, their
Imperial and Royal Majesties think-
ing it not sufficient to have commu-
nicated to the different courts of
Europe the circumstances which
oblige them to have recourse to
arms, consider it as of importance
to their glory and the happiness of
their faithful subjects, to enlighten
all nations respecting the causes and
effects of the late deplorable revo-
lution in France, and in a mani-
festo, to lay open to the present
generation, as well as to posterity,
their motives, their intentions, and
the disinterestedness of their per-
sonal views.

Taking up arms for the purpose
of preserving social and political
order among all polished nations,
and to secure to each state ifs re-
ligion, happiness, independence,
territories. and real constitution, it
is to be presumed the use ‘vhich
their Imperial and Royal Majesties
are about to make for the general
safety of the forces committed by
Providence to their disposal, will
console mankind, if possible, for the
evils to which war Fes already ex-
posed them, and for that blood
which the disturbers of public
tranquillity may yet cause to be
shed. In this hope their Majesties
have not hesitated to give to all

ANNUAL REGISTER; i702.

nations, and to all individuals, the
great example of forgetting, on the
appearance of common danger,
their ancient divisions and their
private concerns, that they may at-
tend only to the public good, in a
crisis so important, of which 'no in-
stance is to be found in history.
They think, and with justice, that
on this occasion, all empires an
all states ought to be unanimous,
and that all sovereigns, becoming
the firm guardians of the happi-
ness of: mankind, cannot fail to
unite their efforts, in order to
rescue a numerous nation from its
own fury; to preserve Europe
from the return of barbarism, and
the universe from that subversion
and anarchy with which it is threat-
ened. é
However celebrated the French
revolution may unhappily have
been, a manifesto against it ought
to exhibit a true picture of it; and
it is by facts alone that the public
can be enabled to judge of this
grand cause of all nations against
faction and rebellion. seer
For four years past, Europe has
viewed with attention, and beheld
with increasing indignation, the re-
volutionwhich has oppressedFrance,
and which detains in captivity an
atigust monarch, worthy of the love
of his subjects, and entitled to the
esteem, friendship, and support of
all sovereigns. vit
Since his accession to the throne,’
it is well known that his most Chris-
tian Majesty has testified, in every
possible manner, his affection for
his subjects, his love of’ justice, his.
constant and sincere desire to esta-
blish order and ceconomy in bi
administration of his finances, an
his honesty towards the creditors vf
the nation. To make personal'sa>
crifices was his highest enjoyment,
ana

STATE PAPERS.

anda desire of complying with
public opinion has always. deter-
mined him in the choice of his
measures. Continually employed
in, devising means for relieving his
people, and for knowing and grati-
fying the public wishes, he nas erred
with them and for them; obeyed
the dictates of humanity rather than
those of justice; and overlooked
their faults, in hopes that they would
repair them without rendering it
necessary for him to have recourse
to punishment. Calumny itself has,
however, always respected. his in-
tentions ; and the most criminal and
audacious factions, while attacking
his sovereign authority and insult-,
ing his sacred person, struck by his
ptivate virtues, have. neither been
able, nor dared, to deny them.

_ After trying in vainevery method
that occurred. to him of promoting
the welfare of his subjects, of dis-
charging the public debt of the na-
tion—unfortunate in the choice of
his measures, deceived in his hopes,
and disappointed by various events

—yet, still firm in his benevolent)

intentions, and encouraged, though:
there was no occasion for his being
so, by the Queen and all the royal
family, to incessantly pursue. the
object) of |his wishes, the. darling
passion of his heart, the happiness
of his people, Louis XVI. not find-
ing the succour which he sought in
the assembly of the notables, con-
voked the states- general of the king-
dom. He was desirous of collect-
ing around him, in the three orders
of the monarchy, all his subjects,
and toask themselves by what means
he could at length render them

‘ 237
happy. Scrupulous even in the
form, and fearing to take any thing
upon himself, he endeavoured. to
learn, in every manner possible, the
public opinion respecting the calling
together of the states-general; he
found himself compelled, by cir-
cumstances which his goodness and
magnanimous, loyalty could not
avoid to change, in this convoca-
tion; the ancient. form followed by
his predecessors *; he signed, with-
out distrust, orders, insidiously and
artfully drawn up, which endanger-
ed his sovereign authority, tended
to excite discord, and insinuated
disobedience to his commands. _Un-
der these fatal auspices, the states-
general, met; and one of the best
kings that. France \can boast. of,
addressed to-this august, but soon
afterscriminal assembly, these va-
luable. words,, which sovereigns,
who might have found them in their
own sentiments, stilltake a pleasure
in repeating :— jlao

‘« Every thing that can he ex-
pected from the tenderest,interese
in the happiness of the public—
every thing that can be required of
a sovereign, the best friend of his,
people, you may and ought to hope
for from my sentiments tf.”

These memorable expressions,
which might have recovered. the
most estranged hearts and the most
alienated minds, and which ought,
in a peculiar manner, to have in-
spired with the most lively grati-
tude a people loaded with kindness
by their King, were scarcely pro-
nounced, when the signal of revolt
was given on all sides. One of the
three orders, converting a momen-

Rs Results of the Council of Dec, 27, 1188. Letters of Convocation addressed

to the grand bailiffs.

+ Speech of the King on opening the states-general, 5th of May 1789.

tary

288

tary concession intoright, andabus-
ing a double representation, the ob-
ject of which, on the part‘of ‘the
monarch, was to increase his infor-
mation ‘without increasing his pre~

onderance, wished, by taking the
lead, to swallow up the other-two,
and to bear them down byits weight ;
In vain did the laws of the monar-
chy, the authority of precedent, the
nature of things, and the sacred and
imprescriptible rights of each order
oppose this ambitious, unjust, and
illegal confusion... "The: resistance
of the two first’ orders: were soon
overcome, by turning against them
their love for the King; opposing
the danger of ‘the monarch to that
of the monarchy, and ‘exciting a
revolt, which threatened in an im-
minent degree the life of ‘his: Most
Christian Majesty: On the:report

ANNUAL‘ REGISTER, 17092.

style themselves the national consti=
tuent assembly, as if they had pos+
sessed’ a right to constitute them-
selves what they were not establish-
ed, and when: they were only:the
deputies of the assemblies of the
bailiwicks, the real representatives:
of the nation. Perjured invespect’
to the oath‘of fidelity, which they!
swore to the King, as well as in re-:
spect to that: which they swore to!
their constituents: and substituting:
the individual will of their crimimal
majority to the imperative letterjof
their instructions, the national wall,)
expressed in all the bailiwicks,they
rendered’ all their subsequent»ope-'
rations absolutely null, by «making
themselvessuperior totheir powers,’
by rendering themselves independ+
ent of them, and by assuming.au-
thorities to which they had no title ;

of a danger, which'the resistance of~ they treated: France asa country:

the two first orders might doubtless
have despised, had. it threatened

only them, consternation’ put an:

end to reasoning there was no

longer room for deliberation— it)

was necéséary to act.’ ' The nobility
and clergy rushed into theassembly,

with the third estate; to save France’

from the most horrid: of ycrimes;
and from that moment the ‘states-
general, in ceasing to be free,ceased
foExts 0057 OV Iyu

The monarchy was “overturned
by amad and tumultuous assembly ;
rebellious subjects, deputed towards
the sovereign to learn his decisions,
and to receive his laws, dared to
dictate to him others, which in
every respect were intolerable, and
violently pulled down that throne
which they were called. to support.
They commenced their sacrilegious
usurpation by violating the oath
they took when they received their
-powers. They had the audacity to

not subject to:a’ monarchical \form

of government, ‘without:monarch,>
without laws, ‘and leagued together!
to plunge it into all the: errors of!
nations almost yet savage, sand ‘toe
form a government after | the ,rade~
sketches, of infant states-making’
their first advances towards civiliza-!
tion, and which at present would:
mark the last stage of their declines
Like all usurpers, they flattered the.
people, in order that they mighty
subject themto obedience; assigned»
to them a sovereignty, with a view’
of converting it to their own pur-’
poses; spoke to them of the Rights.
of Man, while they were silent.re-)
specting their duty, and employing,

according to the dictates of their

turbulent and destructive ambition,

the poignard of assassins and the

flames of revolt; and taking ad-

vantage of the prejudices and pas-
sions of the multitude, they succes-~
sively called to their assistance fa-

mine

STATE PAPERS.

mine and abundance to incense the
populace, that they might afterwards
seduce and govern them; and, to
add to the horror of their proceed-
ings, they caused the virtuous mo-
narch, who had convoked them, to
be accused of those very crimes
which they themselves had com-
mitted.
© Alarmed at the dangers which
surrounded him, and foreseeing the
afflicting evils which were preparing
for his people, his Most Christian
Majesty in vain endeavoured to
avert them.—Concessions, rendered
pradent by necessity*, and the ur-
gency of circumstances, which were
fully approved by the instructions
of all the bailiwicks, and conse-
quently by all Frenchmen, encreased
that thirst for reigning with which
the usurping assembly was inflamed.
‘All France, deceived and misled
bythe most infamous impostures,
was the same day instantly in arms.
The people imagined’ that they
were taking them up to oppose
robbers ; and those robbers turned
them against the King. From that
moment the sovereign authority was
annihilated ; and the incontestible
rights of the two first orders { were
sacrificed to nourish the destructive
ardour of the conspirators.

The orders were proscribed §,
the King himself, and his brothers,
deprived of that private patrimony
which their ancestors had brought
to the crown on their accession to
the throne. The parliaments, the

239

sovereign courts, the states of the
provinces, and all the political bo-
dies, almost as ancient as the’ mo-
narchy, which in turns supported
and moderated its power, which
were securities to the people for the
justice of the monarch, and secuti-
ties to the monarch for the fidelity
of his subjects, were buried under
the ruins of the throne. ‘ Religion
also was involved in the same ge-
neral ‘wreck. Its ‘property’ was
seized ; its altars were overturned ;
its ‘temples profaned, sold, or de-
molished; and its ministers perse-
cuted, and continually placed in
such a situation, that they must ei-
ther violate the dictatés of their
consciences, or ‘submit to death,
commit perjury, or suffer punish-
ment; often resigned themselves as
victims, in order that they might
avoid the commission of'a crime.
Thus attacking Heaven’ ‘itself,
an impious sect vilified all religions,
under a pretence of toleration, and
permitted all modes of worship in
suffering them all to be oppressed;
and offering equal violationsto them
all. In their room, they'substituted
political irreligion, without comfort
for the unfortunate, without mora-
lity for the ‘vicious, ‘and without
any check for crimes. Nay,' crimes
themselves were everywhere’ tole-
rated, encouraged, rewarded. ‘In-
surrection was consecrated || asthe
most sacred of duties. Solemn and
public festivals were decreed in ho-
nour of the basest and greatest cri-

* Declaration of the King, June 23, 1789.
+ Declaration of the King, July 26, 1789.

Of the 4th of August and 22d of November, 1789.
, Declaration of the King, November 5, 1789.
principle proposed by M, La Fayette, and adopted by the National As-
J

l| The
sembly.

’

minals,

240

minals *, . Every species of villany
was |permitted, under the name of
patriotism. France was inundated
with blood—flames covered it with
ruins—and._ strangers beheld with
horrorand consternation that coun-
try, whose laws,manners, politeness;
prosperity, and above all, its fidelity
to its kings, were so much boasted
of ;.and which, by a frightful revo-
lution, was. suddenly converted into
aland.of discord, proscription, exile;
conflagration, and carnage; and
where every violence was permitted
with, impunity.. Inflamed) with an
insatiable ardour of exercising this
pretended sovereignty of the peo-
ple, each wished to govern, and to
divide the bloody remnants. of the
supreme authority, Hence arose
innumerable’ assemblies of electors,
municipalities, cantons, districts,
and departments; Hence those fa-
tal turns from which intrigue scan-
dalously. procured the most shame-
ful.elections';, that general lottery
of all places, all|,public functions
of the episcopacy itself, and other
church-dignities.in which violence;:
deception,.and Deism, obtained al-;
most the whole prizes. Hence so-,
cieties of conspirators and enthusi-
asts, stifling and suppressing; by per-
secution and popular punishment,,
the voice! and, opinion of honest
men. |'Hence the galleries domi-
neering over the usurping assembly;
and the delirium of the assembly it-
self, which thought it enjoyed au-
thority, when it only servilely obey-
ed the impulse of fanatics and mad-
men without doors, and was sub-
jected to the fickle passions of the

people.
In this general and systematic

ANNUAL; REGISTER, 1792.

anarchy, ereated by the most exe-
crable and profound art, thousands
of victims were. sacrificed in all
quarters; and) provinces and whole
towns weré given up without mer-
cy to the most shocking barbarities.
—Every one who; was suspected,
was consigned to destruction :++
every one who was moderate, was:
considered as criminal :+~all. those
who had. property to make, them
objects of plunder were denounced:
as enemies of the public good; and,
ina word, amidst accusations com
manded, solicited, and paid for; in:
the midst of committees of research,
clubs, assemblies of ,all kinds, and,
national prisons, into which tyrah-!
ny arbitrarily crowded faithful sub-,
jects, whom judges, even chosen
by the factious, could not condemn,
and dared not acquit; amidst: the
agitation of all passions excited at
the same time, virtue alone was.a
crime, established right was usurpa>
tion, and every one. was a soves'
reign, except the sovereign him-
self! azodt her; aeddo
| The organ of \the:factious, :the)
mayor of Paris, had the impudence:
insolently to tell Jhis King and:
master, that the people had :con-
queredhim. Thepeople, indeed, de-
tained their monarch a captive in:
their kingdom ; and his days, per-
haps, would: not have been pro-)
longed, but by the forced and sa~»
lutary escape of one of his brothers,
and princes of the blood.
Themonarchand monarchy,liow-
ever, still in appearance, subsist-
ed; odious and intolerable decrees
having taken place of the simple
observations of his most Christian
Majesty. The revolters were irii-

<

* To the soldiers set at liberty from the gallies, and the assassins of Avignony

Nismes, Arles, &c

tated

STATE PAPERS.

tated at this resource of justice and

reason. The most criminal attempts
‘were projected. A number of
seditious persons hurried to Ver-
sailles; the castle was forced. The
King, exposed, as well as the Queen
and royal family, to every outrage,
every crime, and unheard-of at-
tacks, thought only of sparing the
blood of his people ; and the tears
which he wou!d not have shed for
himself, moistened the bodics of the
generous and faithful guards who
had been inhumanly butchered on
the stepsof the throne. Providence,
which watches over the destiny of
kings and nations, saved at length
his Majesty, with the Queen and
august family, from this horrible
conspiracy ; and if the criminals
who were the authors of the exe-
crable atrocities committed on the
night between the 5th and 6th of
October, 1789, have hitherto en-
joyed an odious impunity, the Di-
vine Justice has doubtless deferred
their punishment, in order to re-
serve to all sovereigns, offended
against in the persons of their most
Christian Majesties, the inflicting
of the most striking and exemplary
vengeance on the guilty.

Escaped from the most immi-
nent dangers, his most Christian
Majesty at length thought of free-
ing himself from that captivity in
which he was detained, and of plac-
ing his sacred person in a place of

ty, by retiring to the frontiers
of France. He hoped that heshould
then be able to exert himself with
more effect in bringing back his
subjects to a sense of duty, and in
saving the monarchy; and by yield-
ing to the most imperious of all
ae, self-preservation, his most

istian Majesty meant solemnly
to have protested against all those

Vou. XXXIV.

241

acts to which he had consented dur-
ing his captivity.—But Providence,
which in its wisdom often deranges,
for the instruction of mankind, the
best concerted plans, did not per-
mit a resolution so just, so lawful,
and so necessary to thehappiness of
France, to besuccessfully executed.
An infamous town, the name of
which posterity will never pro-
nounce but with horror, the just and
terrible punishment of which will
serve as an example to all rebelli-
ous and sacrilegious towns that may
ever have the criminal madness to
wish to imitate it, and to attempt
the liberty of their sovereign—this
town hadtheaudacity toarrest their
King. By a signal he might have
overcome this obstacle; but in that
case it would have been necessary to
shed blood; and his Most Christian
Majesty has proved, upon all occa-
sions, that he would rather suffer
death himself than expose the lives
of his subjects. The return made to
this generosity, goodness, and sig-
nal magnanimity, was, that he was
conducted, amidst a thousand dan-
gers, and a thousand outrages conti-
nually renewed, back to his capital,
to be there imprisoned in his palace,
in virtue of a decree passed by the
usurping assembly ; to be there sus-
pended from his authority, as ifany
power upon earth had aright of
passing so infamous and odious a
sentence, and at length to be re-
duced to thealternative of forfeiting
the throne, orsubmitting to the most
pitiable concessions, that is to say,
the alternative of a civil war, which
would have converted France into
an immense grave, or the accept-
ance of a constitution, dictated by
the mean populace to perjured
wretches without legal power, and
deprived themselves of their liberty,

Q when

242

when surrounded by poniards,
conflagration, and all those convul-
sions which are natural conse-
quences of anarchy and revelt.
The King of France, had he
enjoyed perfect freedom, would
doubtless have consulted only the
honour of his crown, the interest
of his people, his protestation of
the 20th of June, 1791, and his re-
ligion, which they endeavoured to
make him renounce. Had he en-
joyed freedom, by making a gene-
rous sacrifice, he would certainly
have resigned life, had it been ne-
cessary, to rescue his people from
that pretended constitution with
which they were loaded; but all
Europe knows that his refusing to
accept it would have caused the
three faithful guards who were ar
rested with him at Varennes to be
massacred betore his eyes; that a
famine, created on purpose. already
presaged the most horrid attempts ;
that the murder of all the royal
family was resolved on by the con-
spirators; that such of the nobility
and clergy as in France remained
faithful to their God and to their
King, would have been instantly
butchered, and that foreign powers
would have had to punish thousands
of criminals and regicide monsters.
A ray of hope, which still seem-
ed to beam forth in the heart of his
most Christian Majesty, made him
doubtless entertain an idea that
the factious would soon repent ;
and he probably flattered himself,
that by this last act of condescension
he should be able to disarm their
fury, and dissipate that fatal cloud

* Letter of the King to the Assembly,
+ Month of July, 1791.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

of error by which they were blind-
ed. The nullity of his acceptance,
fully demonstrated by those rigor-
ous circumstances which imperious-
ly commanded it, sufficiently de-
stroyed the inconveniences of it.
Hewished, as he himself declared*,
that the constitution might be
judged by experience. Ina word,
he was obliged either to accept it,
or condemn France to commit exe-
crable crimes, to abandon it to all
thehorrors of civil war, and to bury
it entirely under its own ruins.
The King signed it. but his hand
was at that time in chains. The
act which he performed was invalid.
The protestation of the 20th of
June had previously annulled it.
A prisoner can enter into no en-
gagement, can sanction nothing,
nor accept of any thing; and a
monarch, who is reduced to the
necessity of writing that he is free,
is not so in reality. All powers,
filled with indignationat this horrid
spectacle, had already concerted
measures for avenging the honour,
of the diadem.—His late Imperial
Majesty, by his circular letter,
written from Paduat, invited all
the powers of Europe to form a
confederation for this purpose. The
convention of Pilnitz determined
those circumstances which made
their Imperial and Prussian Majes-
ties to have recourse to arms; but
the acceptation of his most Chris-
tian Majesty, though forced, and
consequently null, seemed to pro-
mise anew order of things: it ren-
dered the danger less threatening},
and the latter events seemed to af-

September 18, 1791.

$ Dispatch of Prince de Kaunitz to several ministers at fureign courts, Nov. 12,

4721.

ford.

STATE PAPERS.

ford hopes respecting the future.
It appeared that the greater part of
the French nation, struck with the
evils which they had prepared for
themselves, were returning to more
moderate prixciples, began to ac-
knowledge the necessity of main-
taining that form of government
which was alone proper for a great
state, and to testify a desire of re-
storing tothe throne that dignity and
influence which belung to monar-
chical governments. His imperial
Majesty was not completely satis-
fied with these appearances; but
still he wished, as well as the other
powers united with him, to try the
effects of a little longer delay, to
avoid, if possible, that disagreeable
extremity to which all powers feel
themselves now obliged to have
recourse. A prodigious number,
however, of faithful Frenchmen,
banished from their country by
crimes which they had seen, and of
which they were the objects, im-
ploring in vain at. home timid or
corrupt judges, and laws which, in
order to oppress them, were made
to speak or be silent, as might be
most favourable to the revolution,
ranged themselves under the ban-
ner of honour, duty, and fidelity,
with Monsieur the Count d’ Artois,
and other princes of the blood, who,
like them, had been forced to exile
themselves from their country.

A new usurping assembly, which
seemed to pride itself in surpassing
the excesses of the preceding, dared
to treat the royal Majesty with still

eater insults*, added weight to

is chains, encouraged more than

243

ever the effervescence of those po-
pular societies which domineered
over him, multiplied the dangers
around his throne, were incensed
at the hospitable reception granted
by foreign Princes to the French
emigrantst, and insulted, with in-
tolerable licentiousness, all the so-
vereigns of Europe. In violation
of their own laws, and contrary to
their pretended renunciation of
making conquests, they invaded the
Compte of Avignon, the Bishoprie
of Bale, pretended to set an arbi-
trary pecuniary valuation on the
sacred property which they had, in
Lorrain and Alsace, forcibly taken
from several princes and states of
the empire, and were offended be-
cause the police in all the neigh-
bourinz countries suppressed those
inflammatory writings which they
industriously circulated, and pu-
nished those missionaries of revolt
whom they every where dispersed
to corrupt the people, and to incite
them to attack private property, to
dethrone kings, and abolish all re-
ligions. Their audacity increasing,
by remaining hitherto unpunish-
ed, and rendered more violent by
the moderation of neighbouring
princes, this assembly, in their de-
lirium, conceived the project of ex-
tending their usurpation, and the
licentious principles of the French
to the Germanic empire, and, with-
out doubt, to the whole world. A
ministry, whom they obliged his
most Christian Majesty to accept,
became the organ of their secret
views, and of views well known to
all popular societies.

* Decree of Monday, February 6, 1792, which determines that, in writing to
the King, the president shall follow the formula adopted by the King in writing te

the assembly.

+ Dispatches of Prince de Kaunitz to M, de Flumendorff, February 17, 1792.

Qz Explana-

‘TAA

‘Explanations were required from
the court of Vienna, and given with
that clearness, precision, and mi-
nuteness, which became the can-
dour and dignity of his Apostolic
Majesty the King of Bohemia and
Hungary. Being in every respect
satisfactory, they could displease
only an assembly and societies who
wished to disturb the public peace,
and who, by intrigues and crininal
maneeuvres, obliged the King to
yield to the violent impulse of his
ministry and the assembly, and,
contrary to all justice, contrary to
all reason, and contrary to the evi-
dent interest of France, to declare
war against his neighbour, his re-
lation, and his good and faithful
ally the King of Hungary and Bo-
hemia. ‘The usurping assembly
flattered themselves that they could
subdue Europe, as they had sub-
ued France, by corrupting their
troeps, seducing their subjects, and
rendering odious the paternal au-
thority of sovereigns; by command-
ing crimes; by giving rewards to
those who committed them; by ir-
ritating and flattering the passions
of the people ; and, in a word, by
dissolving all the bonds of moral
and political society. They flatter-
ed themselves, above al], that they
should revive and propagate that
error which had misled the pro-
vinces of the Austrian Netherlands;
they trusted they should carry thi-
ther the flames of insurrection; find
there a number of partizans; de-
vour the rich patrimony of the
churches ; seize on the property of
the nobility; abolish the lawful au-
thorities of the states: and, as they
caused to be repeated with com-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

plaisance by the ministry of their
will*, they wished to carry away
the specie of the Low Countries,
and to replace it with that paper
money which circulates on the cre-
dit of violence; which is secured
only by usurped property; and
which, by its discredit at home, is
sufficiently proved to be illegal.
They thus trusted that they should
be able toreward the crimes of their
satellites and the activity of their
patriotic agents, with the spoils of
their neighbours, and the riches of
a peaceful and industrious people.
On this criminal basis, detestable in
the eyes of all nations, they found-
ed their wish for war, as well as
their plan for executing it; and
they congratulated themselves for
having extorted this proposal from
ajust monarch, whose whole life
has attested his love for justice, his
fidelity towards his allies, and his
ardent desire for preserving the
tranquillity of Europe.

The triumph of the assembly,
however, was not of long duration.
Providence, in blessing the arms of
a sovereign unjustly attacked, de-
servedly punished those rebellious
troops to their King, who, detaining
him prisoner in Paris, came, in his
name, to make war on his allies.

The army of the French revolt-
ers, beat at Tournay and Mons,
and defeated at Florenne and Gris-
nille, attempted an invasion of
Flanders, an open and defenceless
country; but being soon after o-
bliged to retire, the usurping assem-
blyt were taught that his Aposto-
lic Majesty had none but courage-
ous soldiers, as well as faithful sub-
jects, and that nothing of their pro-

* Report by M. Dumouriez, on the affair of Mons.

+ Letters of M, Luckner, June 25th, 29th, and 30th, 1792,

jects

=~

STATE PAPERS.

jects remained to that rebellious
army but the shame of having con-
ceived them; the ignominy of hay-
ing massacred, with a civic joy, un-
fortunate prisoners who had done
their duty; and the opprobrium of
having burnt at Courtray, without
advantage, without object, and
even without military pretence,
the habitations and property of
three hundred families, against
whom they had no cause of com-
plaint. But other enjoyments re-
compensed the usurping assembly
_ for these checks. Contrary to the
express letter of their own laws,
without process, and without. pre-
vious accusation; without hearing
him, or any person for him, the
assembly had unjustly dismissed,
and removed from the King’s per-
son, an irreproachable guard, and
invited banditti from all the pro-
vinces to their assistance. These
famous banditti, whose names must
be handed down with infamy to the
remotest ages, as if they wished to
try the strength and energy of the
villany of their agents, caused the
asylum of the King to be violated
on the 20th of June 1792; and the
most atrocious crimes would have
been then committed, had not the
majesty of the monarch, his vir-
tues and his firmness, over-awed
a band of regicides, whose arms
were evidently paid and directed.
All France, who in justice ought
to be separated from the factious,
turned aside with horror from that
execrable day, and demanded that
punishment might be inflicted on
the guilty. But he who refuses to

ish crimes is alone criminal ;
and Europe cannot be mistaken
Tespecting the authors of these
outrages.

245

Such then is the French revolu-
tion, unjust and illegal in its .prin-
ciple, horrid in the means Dy which -
it was effected,.and disastrous in its
consequences.

** Their Imperial and Royal Ma-
jesties, who can no longer delay to
fulfil their mutual engagements to
deliver mankind from so many ex+
cesses, have considered this revo-
lution under the following points
of view :

1. As it personally regards his
most Christian Majesty.

_ 2, As it respects the French na-
tion.

3. Asit respects the Princes of
Germany who have possessions in
France.

4. As it respects the tranquillity
of Europe, and the happiness of all
nations. ;

I, ON THE REVOLUTION, AS IT
PERSONALLY REGARDS HIS
MOsT CHRISTIAN MAJESTY.

The whole world knows that it
was essential to the French mo-
narchy, and the unanimous wish ex-
pressed in the instructions of the
bailiwicks, that the King of France
should be legislator ; that he should
have the full and entire disposal of
the army; that he should cause
justice-to be administered to his
subjects; that he should have the
right of making peace and war; and,
in a word, that plenitude of power
which belongs to sovereignty. But
it is also known, that an usurping
assembly, leaving him the title of
King, which they considered as a
gratification,deprived him absolute-
ly of royal authority; that, reduced
to be the executor of their will *,
their servile and passive organ, he
had not even the right of proposing

* VilIth article of the constitution, section Internal Administration,

Q3 the

246 ANNUAL

the most necessary laws *; that he
had no longer any authority over
the sea and land forcest ; that the
right of making peace and war was
taken from him {; that he was de-
prived of the power of electing ma-
gistrates §; and that, not enjoying
even the power of going wherever
he pleased, which the constitution
secures to all citizens, his most
Christian Majesty was forced to re-
side near the pretended legislative
body ||; and that the chain which
detained him could not be extend-
ed farther than the distance of
swenty miles.

The supreme authority in France
being never-ceasing and indivisible,
the King could neither be deprived
nor voluntarily divest himself of
any of the prerogatives of royalty,
because he is obliged to transmit
them entire with his own crown to
his successors.

He could be dethroned only by
an abdication: but the acts which
he committed cannot even be consi-
dered as a partial abdication, be-
cause he could not divest himself of
the crown but to invest the pre-
sumptive heir, and because the es-
sential condition of the validity of
such an act would bea full and en-
tire liberty which did not exist; and
this it is perfectly notorious that his
most Christian Majesty never en-
joyed. It is well known that the

* Decree of September 24, 1789.

REGISTER,

1792.

violence, outrages, and dangers with
which his people were threatened,
and on account of which he was
continually harassed, never suffer-
ed him to be in freedom a moment.
How then could the sovereigns of
Europe acknowledge a revolution
which, to the scandal of the whole
world, dethrones 2 puissant and
just monarch, continually destroys
his liberty, endangers his life as
well as the lives of the Queen and
royal family ; and which, by an uni-
versal system of anarchy, would
force all sovereigns, though the ho-
nour of theirdiadems did not render
it a duty, to consider as personal
outrages to each of them individu-
ally, all those which have been, or

may hereafter be, offered to their —

most Christian Majesties? Warned
by the examples of the past; by
the days, above all, of July 13th,
14th, and 17th; by those of Oct.
5th andGth, 1759,strangely reward-
ed by the community of Paris **;
by the oath of liberty taken by a
captive monarch on the 5th of Fe-
bruary, 1790; by the scandalous
atrocities committed even in the
apartment of the King, Feb. 28th,
1791,0n his mo-t faithful servants ;
by the ferocious insults of a hired
mob and licentious soldiery, offer-
ed for three hours successively on

his most Christian Majesty and fa-

mily, in his palace, on the 18th of

+ Decree, February 28, 1792, and April 28, 1791.

t Decree, March 22, 1790.
§ Decree, August 16, 1790.

|] Decree, Ma ch 24, 1792, Article ITT.
#* The community of Paris decreed patriotic medallions to five women, who
had heen at the head of he execrable expedition f Versailles: and the Abbe Malot,

a Victorin monk, president of the community, had the audacity to say, ** Receive”

this prize, which your country bestows on your virtues, your wisdom, and your
patriotism.” The names of these wretches were, Agues ie Fevre, Genevieve Do-
gan, Denise le Ferre, Petit, and Marie-Louisa Boujon.

April,

——

STATE PAPERS.

April, 1791 *; by the unpardonable
detention of Mesdames the King’s
aunts, in the town of Arnay-le-
Duc, though they had condescend-
ed to provide themselves with pass-
ports, which the new laws did not
even then require from private in-
dividuals ; by the disastrous events
of the month of June, 1791; by the
suspension of the royal guard, and
the attempts of the 2uth of June,
1792; by the odious decree of ac-
cusation against the King’s brothers,
the forced sanctioning of which was
an equal outrage to nature, justice,
and supreme authority :— warned, in
short, by the impunity of so many
crimes, their Imperial and Royal
Majesties have already protested,
and now protest against all acts, de-
clarations, and letters which his
most Uhristian Majesty may suffer to
be surprised or extorted from him,
until he shall be placed in full li-
berty with his whole family, under a
guard of their Imperial and Royal
Majesties troops, in such a frontier
city of his kingdom as he shall think
proper to choose, and be enabled in
safety to make known his supreme
and definitive intentions, and to
realize the vows which he has al-
ways expressed for their happiness,
jiberty, and prosperity.

Il. OF THE REVOLUTION AS IT RE-
SPECTS THE FRENCH NATION.

The revolution considered as it
respects the Freuch nation, instead
of being its work, is evidently its
scourge, the object of its grief and
regret. the source of all its evils,
and would be eternally its shame
and disgrace, were it not proved,

247

in a thousand different manners,
that this illustrious nation itself ab-
hors the factions by which it is torn;
that it loves its King; that it wishes
to preserve its religion by favour
and toleration: that it sighs after
the moment when it shall be deli-
vered from the vilifying yoke under
which it groans; and that if foreign
powers did not come to its assist-
ance, abandoned to its fatal destiny,
its consequence would vanish, its
commerce would be annihilated,
its arts forgotten, its industry ren-
dered useless, its credit subverted,
and that its whole surface would
become a prey to more atrocities,
more ravages. and more destruction
than its superb and unfortunate co-
lonies, than its unfortunate cities
of Nismes, Montpellier, Arles,
Avignon, and others. It is far
then from the thoughts of their Im-
perial and Royal Majesties to be at
war with the French nation, and
to separate it from its king, with
which it ought to make only one ;
the intention of their Imperial and
Royal Majesties is evidently, on the
contrary, to come to its assistance,
and to combat inthe middle of
those unnatural children who tear
its bosom, who outrage its King, and
persecute its religion. The positive
right of all countries entitles them
to disarm all those madmen who
attempt to destroy their own lives:
the rights of nature enjoin all men
to give each other mutual assistance.
The rights of nations require, in a
much stronger manner among all
civilized people, that neighbouring
states should unite to rescue a great
nation from its own fury, from the

* The King and Queen being desirous of spending the day at St. Cloud, the peo-
ple and national guard prevented them, and detained them in their carriage for
three hours in the court of the Thuilleries, loading them with the most horrid

mprecations,

Q 4 fatal

248

fatal and disastrous consequences of
that politicai phrenzy which under-
mines, dissolves, and destroys it.

However little one may have ob-
served the events of the catastrophes
which have desolated France; how-
ever little one may have reflected
on their cause and effects, or calcu-
lated the emigration of French pro-
perty, of which no age affords an
equal example, and may have fol-
lowed, in their firm and courageous
resistance, the faithful and en-
lightened minority of the states-ge-
neral, or will be convinced that a
small number of villains have ex-
cited all these troubles, and that by
theassistance of obscure individuals,
people banished from all countries,
criminals escaped from prison or
punishment, and of the error into
which they have hurried weak and
enthusiastic minds, —they have
brought about their fatal revolution,
which is equally an attack upon the
nation, as well as his royal Majesty.

Has not the rebellious majority
of the deputies to the states-gene-
ral, declared themselves to be supe-
rior to its power? Have they not
usurped the rights, by substituting
for the national will their own pas-
sions, and to the paternal govern-
ment of a wise monarch, their own
tyranny?

With regard to their instructions,
when all the baliwicks unanimously
requested the same thing, had this
criminal majority the right to de-
termine another? and once freed
by itself from the observance of its

ANNUAL. REGISTER,

1792.

oath, who could check the course
of its abuses, and moderate the ar-
bitrary despotism of its power?
To mislead the people, and fas-
cinate their eyes by false illusions,
this assembly speaks of equality,
when they make all France tremble;
they speak of justice, and they have
not yet punished a single crime, nor
a single atrocity: on the contrary,
they applauded the most detestable
crimes, and admitted into their
bosom criminals abhored by all
nations*! They speak of public
safety, yet the asylum of the King
is daily violated by committees of
research, which desolate France ;
assassinations are everywhere com-
mitted, and the magistrates of the
people are themselves massacred
with impunity+; they speak of to-
leration, yet all the temples of the
established religion are shuts all its
ministers, immured in_ prisons
throughout whole provinces}, are
condemned by the assembly to be
entirely banished from the king-
dom; the Roman Catholics cannot
profess their religion but at the
risque of their lives; aad wretches
have been excited to persecute and
punish their worship, even in nun-
neries §, consecrated by religion it-
self to the use of the poor; they
speak of liberty, yet the King is not
free; every avenue from the king-
dom is shut; more than 50,000
municipalities or administrative bo-
dies have a right to arrest and ac-
tually cause to be arrested in an ar-
bitrary manner, peaceful and inno-

* Conspirators of the 5th and 6th of October, 1789; murderers of Avignon,

Nismes, &c. soldiers of Chateaux-Vieux.

+ Mayors of Troye, St. Denis, Estampes.

+ Mans, Anjers, Dijon, la Bretagne, &c.

§ The nuns de la Charite des Hospitalieres were flogged and beaten by penple
sent for that purpose, in presence of the national guard, because they desired to

hear mass from a nonjurent priest.j

cent

rere?

cent citizens. There is not a mem-
ber of the usurping assembly who
cannot by an order from his hand,
by a mere word, cause to be put in
irons, as was the case at Besor *,
and other parts of France, strangers’
flying from the melancholy specta-
cle of a people in a state of anar-
chy; andtheassembly itself accuser,
witness, party, judge, and execu-
tioner, crowds daily into prison, as
its caprice directs, every person
who displeases or opposes it.
No—the French nation is not
stained with the crimes of which it
is itself the victim. It knows that
unbridled liberty is a general evil,
and that liberty without happiness
is a benefit tono one. It was always
free; it is worthy of being and still
will be free; but it will always. be
subject to the empire of Jaws which
promoted its happiness and glory
for so many ages; and by restoring
its lawful sovereign, a sovereign
worthy of its love and confidence,
their Imperial and Royal Majesties
will do an equal service to the so-
vereign and to his subjects. As this
is the sole object of theirwishes, the
_only motive which hasinduced them
to take up arms, they will cause
their armies to protect all the faith-
ful subjects of his Most Christian
Majesty, who shall give an exam-
zie of obedience; and all good
Frenchmen who, in the depart-
ments, districts, and municipalities,
shall concur immediately in re-esta-
blishing the authority of the King,
as well as public order, shall know
ho other enemies than the enemies
their King and country, and those
tious men, who, with arms in

_ * All Europe must have learned with

wet Miss Nash, an English lady, experienced at Orchies in Flanders, from
He troops of the line, though she had a passport from Marshal Luckner.

|

APERS. .

their hands, wish still to support the
cause of revolt.

God forbid that their Imperial
and Royal Majesties should have
any intention of employing their
forces to introduce despotism into
France, to serve the cause of pri-
vate hatred or vengeance, which
the honour of Frenchmen ought to
sacrifice to the public good, or to
facilitate an odious bankruptcy to
the prejudice of the lawful credi-
tors of the state. There is no rea-
son for apprehending any evils of
that nature—the candour and pro-
bity of bis Most Christian Majesty
will secure his subjects; but they
have notamoment to lose in choos-
ing between popular tyranny, and
laws which will gratify the general
wishes; between obedience and re-
volt; between the forgetfulness of
errors, and the punishment of un-
pardonable resistance. They have it
in their own power to regulate their
destiny—the destiny of France is in
their hands—they alone can decide
whether it shall be still a flourishing
monarchy, or an immense desert.

In short, their Imperial and
Royal Majesties cannot better re-
call the French to their duty, to the
laws of humanity, and to those of
honour, which were formerly so
dear to them,’ and to their ancient
love for their King, than by bring- ©
ing to their remembrance the last
words of the protestation of his
Most Christian Majesty, made on
the 20th of June, 1791 :—

« Frenchmen! and you Parisians,
above all, beware of giving credit
to the suggestions and calumnies of
your false friends; return to your

249

horror the disgusting and inhuman treat-

King ;

250

King; he will always be your fa-
ther, your best friend. What plea-
gure it will give him to forget all
the personal injuries he has suffer-
ed, and to see himself in the midst
of you—when religion shall be re-
spected, and government establish-
ed on a stable basis; —when the
property and persons of individuals
shall no lonzer be molested ;—when
the laws shall not be infringed with
impunity ;—and, in short, when li-
berty shall be placed on a solid and
Jasting foundation!”?

III. oF THE REVOLUTION AS IT

RESPECTS FOREIGN PRINCES
WHO HAVE POSSESSIONS IN
FRANCE,

Considered under the third

point of view, the French revolu-
tion, so fatal to France, becomes
still more so by the violence and in-
tolerable injustice offered to foreign
princes who have possessions with-
in the territories of the kingdom,
and by the rigorous means which
must necessarily be employed to do
them justice.

The Comtat of Avignon belong-
edto the holysee. The sovereignty
of the Pope over this domain was
founded on an_ incontrovertible
title of acquisition, on possession,
» which among all nations is equal to
a title. The usurping assembly
united it to their territories by the
Sanguinary right of utility and ne-
cessity ; and compounding after-
wards with themselves, and with
justice, they offered an indemnity
to the holy see. But if the sove-
reignty of the Pope was legal, they
had no right to deprive him of it;
and if they had a right to deprive
him of it, why did they offer him an
indemnification ?

The Prince Bishop of Basle, a

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

state of the empire, possesses in its
sovereignty defiles which tempted
the ambition of the National As-
sembly. It caused them to be for-
cibly seized, and removed a detach-
ment of troops which the Emperor
had sent thither, on the requisition
of the French Bishop, for the safety
of the country, agreeaoly to the
Germanic constitution. ‘The trea-
ties of Westphalia, the Pyrenees,
Breda, Aix-la-Chapelle, Nimeguen,
Ryswick, Utrecht, Baden, and Vi-
enna, gave to France the provinces
of the three bishoprics, and of Al-
sace and Franche Compte, by ex-
pressly reversing the rights and pro-
perty of the princes and states of
the empire in these provinces, and
by stipulating that no innovation
could be made in them. either with
regard to ecclesiastical or political
matters.—It is evident that these
treaties cannot be infringed at the —
will of the usurping assembly ; and —
that by calling tor the execution of
those clauses which serve their
views, they have no right to reject
those which displease them. It is
perfectly clear that they ought to
renounce provinces which have
been ceded to the crown of France,
or punctually execute the condition
of the cessions made to it.

But their decrees respecting the
dismemberment of dioceses, and of
the right of metropolitans; the
abolition of feudality, the suppres- —
sion of several privileges: or the an-
nihilation of territorial jurisdiction,
without indemnification, and the
sale of the possessions of the clergy,
are a direct infringement of the
treaty of Westphalia, as well as of
subsequent treaties. These decrees
have violated political and ecclesi-
astical rights secured in perpetuity
by the treaties of cession. These
cessions consequently, which are

synallagmatic |

STATE PAPERS.

synallagmatic acts, which must be
executed in all their parts, or re-
jected in toto, being infringed by
the usurping assembly, would be
at present annulled, were not the
proceedings of the assembly radi-
cally null themselves, and if it were
not necessary that their decrees
should disappear, before the grand
interest which France has in being
just, in not violating the sacred
rights of the empire, and in not
wounding the dignity of any of its
members.

But their Imperial and Royal Ma-
jesties are fully persuaded, that the
first use which his Most Christian
Majesty will make of this authority
when he has recovered it, will be
to restore to the injured princes all
their rights and privileges, to in-
demnify them for what they may
have suffered in respect to degra-
dation, or being deprived of their
privileges ; and to cement more and
more by this act of justice, the har-
mony which has for a long time
subsisted between the Germanic
body and his Most Christian Ma-
jesty. The injury offered to the
German princes who have posses-
sions in France, is not considered
as a reason for making war on his
Most Christian Majesty, but for
placing him upon the throne, in
order to obtain justice.

IV. ON THE REVOLUTION AS IT
CONCERNS ALI. NATIONS.

But the most general point of
view, under which their Imperial
and Royal Majesties ought co consi-
der the French revolution is, as it
“gab the interest of all nations,
and the tranquillity of Europe.

In vain would the assembly, which
usurps the name of the French Na-
tion, have renounced conquest, if

251

it wished to subject tu its pretend-
ed liberty the states of their neigh-
bours. Of all the methods of mak-
ing war on peaceful, virtuous, and
fortunate people, the most fatal,
doubtless, would be to preach up
rebellion, to mislead their minds, to
corrupt their morals, to form them
to crimes by example and seduc-
tion, and to draw down upon them
the wrath of Heaven and punish-
ment from their sovereigns, under
the pretence of rendering them
happy.

The ambition of a conqueror has
its bounds; and his views, when
known, cease to be dangerous; but
a planned system of anarchy, which
tends to dissolve all political socie-
ty abounds with inexpressible dan-
ger; and all sovereigns, for the in-
terest of their subjects, cannot use
too much expedition to check its
progress, and to stifle the evil in its
birth People would pay too dearly
for the fatal error of believing that
their interests can be separated
from those of their sovereigns. It is
therefore necessary to destroy this
error as soon as possible, and to
chastise, as soon as they appear,
tho-e factious men who couspire
against the happiness of all coun-
tries. Had any doubts existed in
this respect, they would have been
already removed by the attack and
invasion of the Pays Bas; by the
plan of the usurping assembly, di-
vulged by the popular minister, of
spreading every where the flames of
revolt; a barbarous maxim, which
attests views of cowardly ambition,
and which is an insult to all nations,
and a signal of alerm against all
kings. Besides, a numerous and
powerful nation cannot disappear
from the political hemisphere of
Europe without the greatest incon-

venience

s

252

venience. The balance of power
among sovereigns, the work of their
wisdom, purchased by their trea-
sures and the blood of their sub-
jects, which regulates the ambition
of one by the interest of all ; which
maintains harmony amidst contend-
ing passions and jarring interests ;
and which almostalways terminates
by well-conducted negotiation,
such disputes as may be exacted by
bloody wars, requires for the gene-
ral interest of Europe, that so con-
siderable ‘a state as France should
not be dissolved or withdrawn from
its political engagements; and yet
this would be the case, should the
present revolution be established.
The decrees* which have deprived
the King of the right of making
peace and war, have at once dissolv-
ed all those treaties which connect-
ed his Most Christian Majesty with
all the neighbouring princes. The
revolution gives to the usurping as-
sembly the right of renouncing such
treaties as are contrary to its views,
while it takes from his Majesty the
means of supporting those which
might be beneficial to him. Ac-
cording to these principles, it has
no more political ties than those
which it chooses to approve, and
it is consequently not bound to any
of its allies, though all are obliged
to be faithful to it. Thus the King
without power, and the nation with-
out an army, or what amounts to
the same thing, having no army
properly disciplined and subject to
authority, exhibit to their neigh-
bours, and, above all, to theirallies,
nothing but the shadow of power.
The tranquillity of Europe, how-
ever, depends absolutely on the
execution of the treaties now sub-
sisting between the different sove-
reigns: and those treaties them-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

selves depend on the stability of the
constitution of those states which
contracted them. The displacing,
and much more the annihilation of
the counterpoise of the political ba-
lance, would tend then to disturb
the peace of Europe, and to revive
ancient disputes and pretensions,
now settled, the discussion of which
again renewed would occasion the
loss of much blood, and excite the
tears and regrets of humanity. It
belongs to the wisdom of sovereigns
to avert such dreadful misfortunes;
and it is with this view that their
Imperial and Royal Majesties think
themselves obliged, for the general
tranquillity and safety, and for the
individual happiness of their respec-
tive subjects, as much as for the
real interest of Franceitself, to have
recourse to arms, in order to pre-
vent the annihilation of the French
monarchy, and to destroy there
every spark of insurrection, which
might continually threaten and en-
danger the welfare of all sovereigns,
and of all nations.

But yielding to what the honour
of all crowns and the real interest
of all people requires, their Majes-
ties declare to Lurope, that, in the
just war which they have under-
taken, they entertain no views of
personal aggrandizemeat, which
they expressly renounce ; and to
France, that they mean not to in-
terfere with its internal administra-
tion, but that they are firmly and
fully resolved,

To re-establish in it order and
public security :

To cause the persons and pro-
perty of all those who shall submit
to the King, their lawful sovereign,
to be protected :

To punish, in a striking manner,
all resistance to their arms:

* Decree of March 22, 1792.

To

3

a

|

STATE

_ To give up the city of Paris to
the most dreadful and terrible jus-
tice, from which nothing can save it,
as well as all the other cities which
may render themselves its accom-
plices, if the least insult, or the least
outrage is offered to the King, the
Queen, or the royal family ; and if
that city does not endeavour to ex-
piate its errors, and to merit the
interposition and good offices of
their Imperial and Royal Majesties,
to obtain pardon, by immediately
restoring liberty, and paying every
due honour and respect to their
Most Christian Majesties :

In short, to procure to the King
perfect security in some frontier
town of his kingdom, andthe means
of collecting there his family, and
the princes his brothers, until his
Most Christian Majesty can enter
his capital with honour, and enjoy
there the satisfaction of seeing his
subjects repent ; -of conferring new
favours upon them; of granting
them real liberty, and consequently
of finding them submissive to his
supreme authority.

— _

Declaration of the Princes his Most
Christian Majesty's Brothers, and
the Princes of the Blood united
with them. Addressed to France
and to all Europe.

cae it is evidently
44 manifest that the confederate
powers whiose troops are assembled
on the frontiers of France, neither
wage war against the King nor the
mation, but solely against the fac-
tious, who oppress both; and, not-
withstanding the declaration pub-
lished in the names of their Ma-
jesties the Emperor and the King
of Prussia, by the reigning Duke
of Brunswick, sufficiently demon-
strates the motives and views of

PAPERS.

this formidable coalition; the
princes, his Most Christian Ma-
jesty’s brothers, the princes of the
blood united with them, the valiant
nobility marching in their train,
and the flower of the nation ranged
under their standard, cannot make
a junction with foreign armies
(which a declaration of war, made
in the name of France, has brought
into their country) without explain-
ing to his Majesty, and to all Eu-
rope, their motives, their senti-
ments, and their intentions.

When we first took the resolu-
tion of leaving the kingdom, it was
not so much from a desire for our
own personal safety, as for that of
the King, by frustrating the mis-
chiefs which threatened us, and to
solicit for him that assistance which
his situation did not allow him to
ask for himself.

And now that we are on the
point of returning into our country,
it is with the satisfaction of having
accomplished these two great ob-
jects, and finding ourselves on the
eve of enjoying the advantages of
our success.

The emigration from our coun-
try was to make ourselves the safe-
guard of his Majesty:—our return
presents the prospect of his ap-
proaching emancipation, as well as
that of his people. -—The former,
the effect of violence, has prevent-
ed its being carried to the greatest
extremity: the latter, protected by
the most formidable armies, makes
the guilty faction (whom Provi-
dence has, ina manner, inspired to
proveke them) tremble at their ap-
proach.

To recapitulate the almost incre-
dible occurrences which have filled
up the interval of these two periods,
would be to recall the remembrance
of the most horrible crimes, and

the

253

254

the most afflicting sorrows; but at
this moment, when the attention
of the whole universe is fixed upon
us, and all Europe is in motion for
the recovery of its tranquillity; at
this moment, in which those who
support the throne are declared re-
bels by those who are oversetting
it,—it becomes an indispensable
duty to make known to the nations,
and to hand down to posterity, a
detail of that chain of principal
events which at once justify what
we have done, what we are doing,
and what is doing for us.

Three years have elapsed since a
conspiracy of atrocious minds con-
ceived the project of substituting,
instead of the ancient structure of
our monarchy, the shapeless form
of an indefinable government, the
incoherence of which could only,
and indeed has produced the most
barbarous anarchy.—It was from
the assembly of the states general
that this monstrous system sprung,
unnatural in its principle, encou-
raging revolt, overturning all au-
thority, and breaking the bands of
social order On convoking it, the
King had said to his people, ‘* What
must I do to make you happy?”
and, by the blackest ingratitude,
this signal mark of his good-will
became the source of all his mis-
fortunes !

In their first sittings the tiers
etat, abusing the preponderance
which a treacherous minister had
obtained for it, attacked the other
two orders: they were sacrificed,
and very shortly after, the assem-
bly, governed by a licentious demo-
cracy, refractory to its mandates,
perjured in its oaths, and trampling
under foot the conditions of its
existence, erected itself into a con-
stituent assembly, and seized_pos-
session of the whole legislative

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

power: an usurpation which, in its
principle, has destroyed and ren-
dered effectually null and void all
that they have since done.

Posterity will scarcely be able
to believe the abominable excesses
which have been the consequence
of that first departure from order ;
it will hardly be able to conceive,
that in three months time the hor-
rible artifices which were made
use of could have produced such
delusion as to extirpate a mild
people attached to its King, and
substitute in its place nothing but
hordes of robbers, cannibals, and
regicides !

Oh! that we could, at the price
of our lives, efface the memory of
those shocking days which will for
ever sully the annals of our history,
in which the asylum of Kings was
violated by a frantic populace, the
Queen’s life threatened, his Ma-
jesty’s guards butchered before his
eyes, and triumphant usurpation

a

leading captive, after having load- _

ed him with insults, a virtuous mo-

narch, who was ever the father of —

his people!

One would have thought that the _

general cries of indignation, ex-

cited by the crimes of the 5th and —

9th of October, 1789, preceded by
the scandalous scene of the 14th

of July, would have made the peo- _
ple of Paris blush for ever at the —
mad excesses into which they suf- —
fered themselves to be drawn, and —

preserved the French name from a
fresh stain of the same nature; but

the violences committed on the —
18th of April, 1791, in the palace”

of the Thuilleries, and the insults
then offered to royal Majesty, pro-

longed that train of horrors, the —

measure of which was filled up by
the arrest at Varennes on the 21st
of June following, and by the igno-

miniows

STATE PAPERS.

minious circumstances which at-
tend it.

The anti-monarchic faction, irri-
tated at seeing that their monarch
had attempted to escape from the
disgrace aud torment of his capti-
vity ; irritated still more that he had
seized the first moment of liberty
which he had enjoyed for near two
years to protest against all the acts,
consents, speeches, and sanctions
which constraint had forced from
him,—dared to interrogate him;
they again putfetters on him, as well
as on the Queen, and deliberated
whether they should not drag them
both as criminals before their tri-
bunal. They did it not; but by a
refinement of villany not less cruel,
though more advantageous to their
views, they made use of, at one and
the same time, the most savage me-
naces, and the most treacherous
illusion, to compel this unfortunate
monarch himself to subscribe to the
degradation of his throne and the
ruin of his people.

No persenal danger, if it had
threatened him only, could have
moved his soul: he has recently
proved it. But they exlubited to
him the poniard uplifted against
what he held most dear; they told
him that his refusal would lead to
the massacre of his most faithful
servants; and, at the same time,
they held up to him the hopes of
repentance on the part of his peo-
ple, and the return of tranquillity.
—He signed.

What has been the fruit of all

this?—Tranquillity has not been

restored ; and the momentary re-
Jease of the King from captivity
(which was done with no other view
than to impose on foreign nations)
was soon after succeeded by renew-
ed scenes of violence. Can there

i

255

be astronger characteristic mark of
it than enforcing him wantonly to
declare war against his ally, against
his nephew, and against a sovereign
whose protection he could not but
desire? Had he been free, this
King, who had made such repeated
sacrifices from a fear of doing an
injury to his people, would he have
drawn on them this terrible scourge,
greater than any other calamity
which they have brought headlong
on themselves ?

The greatest condescensions will
never stop the impetuosity of sedi-
titious villany, nor the combined
manceuvres of an usurping faction:
its audacity nourishes itself by the
terror which it inspires, and yields
only to the apprehension which it
creates.

Whatever the King has suffered,
whatever he has done, said, or writ-
ten, against his well-known will, has
not prevented these barbarous li-
bellers from continuing to load him
with the most disgraceful opprobri-
um, to expose his august consort to
the outrages of an hired populace,
who have answered her complaints
by the most ferocious invective, and
have even disputed with her the
privilege of claiming the pity of
her people. In these several tri-
umphs they have exhibited the so-
vereigns as chained to their designs.
In the different progresses of his
continued detention, they have
made use of him as an organ to per-
suade Europe of his pretended li-
berty. But though no one has
been imposed on by this cruel deri-
sion, they continue impudently to
persist in it, and force him to de-
clare himself at liberty at the very
moment they are disposing of his
council, and imprisoning and mas-
sacring his ministers; at the mo-

ment

256

ment'they aresuppressing his guard,
and arresting the faithful captain of
it; at the moment they are suffer-
ing his Majesty to be denounced,
menaced, and publicly insulted ;
and that the most villainous canaille,
breaking open the doors of his pa-
lace, come with pikes in their hands
(as it had done on the 20th of June
preceding) to signify to him, with
unblushing effrontery, its will, and
pollute his sacred head with the
most disgraceful symbols of revolt.
That such horrible iniquity should
pass unpunished, makes nature
shudder. But so far from punish-
ing these guilty persons, thereigning
faction multiplies them, and invites
to the capital the most determined
assassins from all parts of the coun-
try, as if it wished to announce, in
the face of all Europe, armed against
such crimes, that at the last hour of
the revolution, its atrocity surpasses
even the horrible excesses which
marked its first progress.

This affecting review of the at-
tempts committed against the per-
son of the King, grieves our soul
too poignantly that we should re-
flect on itany longer. It therefore
remains with us only rapidly to-ex-
pose the other attempts, which have
violated all the laws of the king-
dom, and destroyed public order
to its very foundation.

The force and the dignity of the
throne being annihilated, all the
powers of it have been accumulat-
ed in the grasp of a factious majo-
rity, governed by incendiary clubs;
and which (being supported within
by hired auditors, and without by
seditious gangs of people) has exer-
cised, without shame, the most ar-
bitrary despotism, against which it
has never ceased to declaim.

We have seen it proscribing in-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

distinctly abuses and privileges;
confounding destruction with re-
form; opposing an intemperate li-
centiousness to the wise liberty
which a beneficent monarch had of-
fered to his people, occupied only
in destroying it ; encompassing it-
self with ruins; undermining all
kinds of property; attacking all the
revenues, particularly that which
was appropriated to the dignity of
the throne ; suppressing the inse-
parable distinction of monarchical
government, held sacred from im-
memorial possession; stripping the
crown of prerogatives which the
whole nation, with the unanimous
consent of its different parts, had
commanded to be respected ; and
reducing the royal power even to
less than a shadow.

They destroyed the administra-
tion of justice by trusting fortunes,
privileges, and persons, to the in-
capacity of subaltern judges, re-
movable at pleasure; placed out of
the reach of the observation of the
supreme head of the state, and de-
pendent on the caprices of a mob,
masters of their choice and of their

fate. They invaded the property —

of the clergy at the moment in
which they were offering to the
finances of the state sacrifices ca-
pable of restoring them; they
changed and confounded the li-
mits of ecclesiastical jurisdiction;
exacted from the pastors an oath
inconsistent with their consciences;
offered them the alternative of
apostacy or deprivation. — The
clergy of France having remained
unshaken in their duties, except-
ing a very small number of rene-
gadoes, who did themselves justice
by separating from a body worthy
of public veneration, the assembly
not only dared to declare the epis-

copal

Se a

sh ge ae

STATE PAPERS.

copal sees vacant, interdict the apo-
stolic functions to those who held
them by divine mission, and replace
them by false titularies destitute of
all canonical appointment, but add
all the horrors of persecution, de-
‘liver over the ministers of religion
to the unbridled fury of a mad po-
pulace, put fetters on them, banish
them, and issue decrees against
them dictated by the most inhuman
fanaticism.

They even aim to overthrow re-
ligion itself, by ill-treating its mi-
nisters in the cruelest manner.
Enemies to all authority know that
religion is the surest pledge for the
obedience of the people; that there
is no religion without form of wor-
ship, and no form of worship with-
out ministers ; no ministers without
a regular institution; and no re-
gard for established ministers if
their income is uncertain and pre-
carious,

It is therefore in consequence of
their system of absolute independ-
ence that they wish to destroy re-
ligion, by destroying at once its
worship, its ministers, the laws of
their institution, and the respect
due to their condition.

Their cavillers, publicly profess-
ing atheism and immorality, labour
incessantly to take away from the

eople the consolation and the sa-

utary restraint of religious ideas;
encouragements and even rewards
_ are solemnly decreed in favour of
scandal and impiety; the churches
prophaned and shut against the Ca-
tholics; the priests pursued to the
foot of the altar, and aged pastors
sacrificed without pity ; insults
which put modesty to the blush
multiplied, tolerated, and authoris-
ed even in the most sacred sanctua-
ries ; complaints made for no other

Vor. XXXIV.

257

purpose but to provoke fresh vio-_
lences; and the administrators of
justice standing by, either as tame”
spectators or accomplices in all’
those enormities.

Such has been the consequence”
of the fatal combination of the
spirit of revolt and philosophical
fanaticism.—The most execrable
means have been employed for three
years past to form, support, and
propagate this fatal conspiracy
against all laws human and divine.
Its authors began their reign by
corruption, by artifice, and popular
hypocrisy: they have maintained
it by fire and the sword. Their
daggers and their incendiary torch-
es threatened whoever dared to
avow themselves attached to lawful
authority. These novel factious
innovators have employed in the
conquest and the progress of their
usurpations all the poison of ca-
lumny, the inquisition of odious
enquiry, the tyranny of oppressive
means, the seduction of influence
over credulity, and the terror of
power over weakness.

Such are the arms with which
they have dared to declare war a-
gainst all empires, openly to pro-
claim their seditious doctrines, and
to effect it by means of emissaries,
disturbers of the people, preachers
of regicide, and instigators to insur-
rections, which they have not blush-
ed to call the most sacred of duties,

One would think that the remedy
for such diabolicai phrenzy would
be found in the excesses which it
has promoted,—in the indignation
which it excites,—in the contempt
which it deserves.—But its pro-
gress has pointed out to sovereigns
that it is high time to unite their
forces, to check the contagion in
its birth ; to bring those to reason

R again

258

again by, force, who, no, longer.lis- .

ten.to,its, gentle voice; and strike
with salutary terror those whom.an
unaccountable delirium renders.in-
sensible to the calamities. they, are
suffering. . ba

Who is. there that would not be
aifected to see that once so flourish-
ing kingdom, to which nature has
been lavish.in the means of making
it such: that kingdom jso.rich in
population, so, fruitful in. its pro-
ductions, and which once abound-
ed in moneys, so opulent, from its
resources, and its. commerce; from
the industry, of its inhabitants, and
the advantages of its colonies: that
kingdom, provided. with so many
useful institutions, and whose happy
abodes have been universally court-
ed, presenting at this moment no-
thing but the appearance of a bar-
barous country, given up to rapine,
stained with bloody ruins, and de-
serted by its principal inhabitants ;
an unorganized empire, torn with
intestine distraction, stripped of all
its riches, threatened with. every
species of scarcity, enervated from
three years internal disorders, , and
on the brink of dissolution through
anarchy :, a nation without man-
ners, police, or government; as
little to be known again by its mo-
ral character, as by its political situ-
ation,—having neither circulation
of money, public revenue, credit,
commerce, urmy, or justice, or any
energy in the public strength! Mad
wickedness hasswept them allaway!

How is it possible that the sad
impression of so many ills should
not have altered opinions, even
those of the people themselves! Is
there a person who can still shut his
eyes against the disastrous effects of
the revolution; or one who does
not feel, and in some measure suf-
fer, more or less from it?

ANNUAL; REGISTER, 1702.

-The husbandman, whom they had
intoxicated with the deceitful hope
of.paying no more taxes, .beholds
himself averwhelmed with .contri-
butions, and. pays double, what he
did before:—The artificer groans
under the languor,, of labour.and
the dearness of | provisions.—The
tradesman is ruined; by the removal
of his. best .customers :+-the mer-
chant by the devastation,of our best
colonies ; and both by the.evil of
paper,currency, and a general /want

‘of credit :—-The proprietor, of _pro-

perty sacrificed to a multitude des-
titute. of property, jand, stripped
with impunity, by authorised rapine,
is continually exposed to the fury
of that mob of plunderers,,whom
the factious have made their tools,
their allies, and their. protectors:—
‘The stockholder, although: less, to
be pitied than others, shares in like
manner the public misfortunes :—
he trembles for his stock, and that
bankruptcy which the, authors of
our, troubles ‘have so. perfidiously
and slanderously imputed the inten-
tion of to the, King and, the govern+

‘ment; that bankruptcy which. ina

kingdom like France cao, never be
a matter of necessity, and which an
enlightened administration will al-
ways consider as a false resource.
He perceives. it operating since the
revolution. by the suspension of le-
gal exactions ; by the breach of a
multitude of public engagements;
by the delays and formalities to
which the acquittal of rents is. sub-
ject; by the great depreciation of
assignats;. finally, from the impossi-
bility of fulfilling engagements so —
iong as France shall be without a
government, and taxes demanded
of armed contributors in the name
of a despicable administration.
Thus has a general calamity ex~-
tended for three years past over all
ranks

‘

STATE OPAPE RS. 259

tanks of people;—thus the very
sources of power and prosperity
have disappeared ;—and_ thus have
both its military force and its’ poli-
tical consequence fallen.— Thus has
vanished the 80,000,000 which St.
Domingo produced; the resources
which the ports of France derived
from this commerce; the’sale that
this grand establishment yielded to
her commodities and to her manu-
factures; the nursery it was for her
seamen. Ina word, the fortunes
of 20,000 families, and the em-
ployment of several millions of men,
are lost,

To purchase liberty at the price
of so many losses, so many misfor-
tunes both public and_ private, is
doubtless paying very dear for it.
But what liberty is it? Can any
exist without a protecting authori-
ty? And was there ever a time that
this people, wliose liberty and-even
Sovereignty are so cried up, were
Tess free and less masters of their
actions than now?—Were indivi-
duals ever less certain of preserving
their property, their lives, and their
honour? Was there ever seen,
even in Nero’s days, such devasta-
tion, such inquisitorial examina-
tions, so many oppressive shackles,
so many violations of the most sa-
cred sanctuaries, so many massacres
of citizens? Are the 30,000 assas-
‘sins who have signalized the reign
of democratic tyranny, proofs of
the reign of liberty?—Oh! too cre-
dulous Frenchmen! Oh! too un-
happy country! while we are de-
sirous of abolishing the cause of the
evils which overwhelm you; when
we are marching against the base
faction which has given rise to them;
when we unite our armies with the
forces of powers whose assistance we
have implored against your tyran-

nical oppressors, can you look upon
us as your enemies ?—No, noj you
behold in us fellow-countrymen,
who wish to ‘become your deli-
verers.
The two sovereigns with whose
assistance we are advancing towards
you, have declared, through their
hero, the commander’ in chief of
their armies, ** That they have no
other object in view but the welfare
of France, without meaning to en-
rich themselves at her expence by
conquest: that they do not mean
to interfere in the internal govern-
ment of the kingdom; but that they
wish solely to liberate the King, the
Queen, and the royal family from
their captivity, and preserve to his
Most Christian) Majesty that secu-
rity necessary to enable him to do,
without danger and without obsta-
cle, what he may think fit for secur-
ing the happiness of his) subject
according to his promises.”
These gerierous, these magnani-
mous declarations, in which the
Kings of the house of Bourbon, our
august cousins; our much-honour-
ed father-in-law, the Nestor of So-
vereigns; the heroine of the north,
our sublime protectress; and the
young heir of the unfortunate Gus-
tavus, whose bloody tomb we all
bathe with our tears, equally parti-
cipate, insure to these illustrious
confederates the immortal palm due
to the defenders of a cause which
is at the same time the cause of
Kings, of good order, and humani-
ty; and at the same time shew you,
O Frenchmen, that the forces which
we join are for you rather than our-
selves ; that they are only formida-
ble to guilt; that they will attack
nothing but obstinate rebellion ;

and that by coming over to us, ra-
ther than resist their superiority,

RQ you

260

you will enly return to your reason
and to your duty, your dearest in-
terests inviting you to it.—It is in
full assurance of this that we think
ourselves justified in joining our
standard to those of foreign pow-
ers. By publishing their intea-
tions they have shewn the propriety
of the step we are taking, and our
wishes for their success are mixed
with those which we are constantly
entertaining for the welfare of our
country.

The factious, your real enemies
as well as ours, have told you that
we were animated with violent and
implacable resentments; that we
breathed nothing but vengeance,
carnage, and proscription; and that
there was no mercy to be expected

‘ from a nobility too justly offended
not to be deaf to the calls of it.—
Those who tell you this, French-
amen, are the men who for three
years past have been in the habit of
deceiving you, who have made it
their principal study, who have esta-
blished shops for lies and false news,
avhich the orators of the tribunes
promulgate, the clubs believe, and
the revolution-libellists spread far
and wide.—Interested in alienating
you from those with whose pure
and unalterable attachment to the
King, and the fundamental princi-
ples of monarchy, they are ac-
quainted, they strive to raise your
hatred against your emigrated coun-

trymen; the abuse not being able
to seduce us, and to destroy the
fondness you have for the heirs of
a name dear to you for many ages
back, they endeavour to terrify you
with the intentions with which
{they say) we are coming into the
kingdom.

But be no Jonger the dupes of
their guilty arts; we solemnly de-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

clare to you, and all Europe is wit-
ness to what we declare, as well in
our names as in those of all the
French who are marching with us,
and who are of our way of thinking,
‘‘ that, united to deliver the King
and the people from the despotism
of usurpers, we do not separate
ourselves from those who have the
same intention: that no spirit of
particular vengeance guides our
steps: that we are very far from con-
founding the nation with the per-
verse seducers who have led it
astray ; and that, leaving to justice
the case of punishing the guilty, we
come to hold out our hands to all
those who, renouncing their errors,
shall immediately return to their
duty.”

The emigrated French have not
taken up arms to recover by the:
sword the rights which violence has
wrested from them; it will belong
to the King, when liberated, to re-
store them ; they will willingly lay
at the foot of his unshackled throne
the care of their own interests; and
we, the first citizens of the state,
will give to all an example of sub-
mission to justice and his Majesty’s
will,—But being born hereditary
defenders of the throne of our an-
cestors, faithful to the religion of
our forefathers, attached to the fun—
damental maxims of monarchy,
*¢ we will rather shed the last drop
of our blood than abandon any of
these high interests.’”? Our senti-
ments, already expressed in our let-
ter of the 10th of last December,
and recapituiated in a few words in
our publication of the 30th of Octo-
ber, are unchangeable. The protes-
tations we made then, we now re-
peat again; inspired by honour,
engraven onour hearts from duty,no-
thing shall ever be able to move Use

' €

ee

=

STATE PAPERS.

We will not go a point beyond
that; and the support of the courts
whose formidable armies surround
France on every side, adds nothing
to our first wishes and intentions.
Adhering fully to the spirit of mo-
deration with which their Imperial
and Prussian Majesties havejust pub-
lished a solemn declaration of, which
does honour to and will immortalize
the use they make of their power,
—we declare moreover again, under
their auspices,—‘ That our only
object is to redemand from the
usurpers—the monarch and the
monarchy; the freedom of the au-
gust head of the state, and that of
his people; public order, and the
protective power of individual right;
our ancient Jaws; our manners;
our religion, national honour, jus-
tice, peace, and security.”

Is there a rational Frenchman
who does not agree with us in these
views? Is there one who does not
join with us in demanding an end
of the frightful chaos into which
the factious have plunged all the
branches of administration ; the es-
tablishment of the finances, devour-
ed by the vilest depredations ; the
re-constitution of the public re-
venue, destroyed through unskilful
administration of it; a permanent
and regular order of things, which
may close the pit that has swailow-
ed up three thousand millians of
stock; the security of state-credi-
tors, and the destruction of credit,
which may and ought to operate
by a strict reform in the expendi-
ture, and by the suppression (which
the King has always had in view)
of abuses which were long ago in-
troduced into the constitution :
abuses which it is not easy to wipe
away, but which those who have
overturned every thing, even so as

261 .

to change the ideas and sentiments
of men, have affected to confound
with the government itself.

In thus expressing our wishes,
which are no otherwise guided than
by that common interest which the
whole nation, by its representatives,
pronounced to be one, we have rea-
son to hope that all those who are
not seditiously inclined,—all that
are not inimical to royalty, inimi-
cal to legitimate authority and pub-
lic tranquillity, will not hesitate a
moment to join us; and that a very
great majority of the inhabitants of
the kingdom, hitherto restrained by
the terror of popular tyranny, or
uneasiness about what will become
of them at last, having now the
prospect of being protected against
both, will soon flock to the royal
standard which we are following.

Full of this confidence, and con--
vinced that in France there can be
but two parties, the King’s, of which
we are the head during his captivi-
ty; and that of the factious, which
comprehends all the different inno-
vators, some of whom have under-
taken to overset the throne, and
others to degrade it; we exhort all
those who have not partaken of the
crimes of the factious; all those
who, having been merely led astray,
do not wish to be the accomplices
of furious usurpers, in destroying
or perverting the French govern-
ment; all those who abhor that
atrocious doctrine which tends to
disturb the peace of all nations; we
beseech them to be of one and the
same mind with us, not to dispute
on the mode of regulating the state,
when the question is to fight toge-
ther against those who wish to de-
stroy it; and to acknowledge, that
if it is necessary to Correct the abus-
es which time introduces into the

R3 best

262

best institutions, all innovations in
the, primeval principles of, a. go-
vernment which antiquity renders
respectable, is always, -impolitic,
is always dangerous, and aimoast al-
ways fatal.» Wehave no doubt but
the bishops, especially those in the
frontier’ provinces, will redouble
their zeal at this very moment to
strengthen the courage of the: pas-
tors, whom the flight of the intrud-
ers will soon put into possession of
the exercises of their duties, and to
excite their diocesans to avert, by a
Speedy submission, the storm that
is ready to burst upon their heads.

We give to the King’s troops the
most pressing invitations, and even
orders (which the state of captivity
in which his Majesty. is, authorises
us toigive in his name) that, con-
formably to the summons contain-
ed in the 3d article of the declara-
tion of his Serene Highness the
reigning Duke of Brunswick, and
without Jooking upon themselves
as bound by an illusory oath, which
they could not willingly take to the
prejudice of their supreme chief,
they will lose no time in returning
to their ancient fidelity to their law-
ful sovereign; that, after the ex-
ample of the greatest part of their
officers, they will join the troops
which we, his Majesty’s brothers,
command for him; that they will
give us free passage to march to his
assistance; and that they will give
him, in conjunction with us, proofs
of an inviolable attachment to his
service.

We expressly require, in the
King’s name (as being at this mo-
ment thenecessary medium through

which his willis to be made known) .

all commanders of towns, citadels,
and fortresses throughout the king-
dom, to open their gates and deli-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

ver.up the keys on, the: first sum-
mons which shall be. given, by us,
or by the general officers, who may-
be the bearers of our orders to. that
effect: as also to give free admis-
sion, to the troops that shall present
themselves to assist/us in taking pos-
session in the name of the King our
brother. If, contrary to our expec-
tation, any of these commanders
shall refuse it, they shall be person-
ally answerable for the consequen-
ces, tried for disobedience) to the
King, and treated as rebels.—The,
inhabitants of places and forts, as;
well as the troops in garrisons, who:
shall oppose and disobey the chiefs
and commanders who would bring.
them back to their duty, shall be:
punished as traitors,,and have nei-,
ther favour nor mercy to expect.
The voice of Henry the Fourth’s:
descendants will not be disowned.
by the French army; we are alrea-
dy informed in part of its good-will;
and we know that, blushing to fol-
low the chiefs of a conspiracy whom
it despises, it only waits a favoura-
ble moment to make its just indig-
nation burst upon those icorrupters
who dishonour it-—That moment,
is at hand, and we have good ground
to believe, that as soon as the troops:
of the line advance towards them,
the corps of French cavaliers, led:
by the Bourbons, and preceded by
that ancient banner which was. al-,
ways the signal of honour to our ar
my, the voice of the public opinion ;
for fourteen centuries past will make.
itself be heard in their ranks, as
well as in onr own; that they will)
flock to their ancient colours, and
at the sight of the untarnished and.
immortal purity ofthe Fleur de Lys,
they will quit with horror the dis-
graceful coleurs adopted by fanati-.
cism.—Oh! may we thus termi-,
nate,

nate; without spilling the blood’ of
our féllow-citizens;' a) war which’
is Ovly directed against criminal and’
obstinate resistance ! ''May’the se-
ditiows ifhabitants of the capital’be
restrained by the fear of the’ most
justandthe mostterrible vengeance,
with which their Imperial and Prus-.
sian: Majesties’ have déclared they
willoverwhelm that guilty city, in
case’ ** the’least violetice or ‘insult
shall be offéred® to the King, the
Queen, and the royal family; or in
case thei security, their preserva-
tion, and their liberty, is not im-
mediately provided for.” :'
~ God forbid that infamous villany
should dare to’ brave these threats!
If such ‘atrocity—-our very’ blood
boils ‘and shudders at the thought !
—let us hope, rather hope that chi-
meras are near’a’conclusion; that
the bandage will dtop from'all' eyes,
and thatreason will'resume its reign.
It is our most earnest wish, and we’
pray'to the God of Justice''and
Peace, that the submission ofthe
factious may spare us the necessity
of fighting them: butif that neces-
sity should’ be’ inevitable, if we
must fight the enemies of the altar
and ‘the throne, we will invoke
with ‘confidence the assistance of
the God of Armies!
Soe. is.) Ms
iwen at our Head Quarters,
near Treves, the 8th Dayof
DL August, VTI9Q0!. th
“+ (Signed) ~ 1s
Louts-SranisLAusXa vier, Mon-
mm. U eFah
SIEUR, a Son of France, and
Brother to the King.
Cuarces Pui Count p?Ar-
fo1s, a Son of France, and Bro-
: ther to the King. "

Lonrs Antruony p’Arrors, Duke

'@Angouleme, a Grandson ° of

rance,

STAT PA PERS.

263

CHARLES FERDINAND 'D’ ARrTois;,
(‘Dake de Berry, a Grandson of
France. ° vs Oey
Lows JoserpHpe Bourgon, Prince
of Condé: sibel
Lours Henry Joserpu pe’ Bour-
Boy, Duke of Bourbon’ ms
Lours Josrru ve Bournox, Duke
of’ Enghien. ;

Exposttion of the Motives on which’
the” French National Assembly
have proclaimed the Convocationof

* @ National Convention, and ‘pro-
“‘nounced the’ Suspension of the
Executive Power in the’ Hands*
of the King. inf

PXNE National Assembly owe to-
the nation, to Europe, and ‘to
posterity, a rigorous account of the
motives which ‘have ‘determined
their late resolutions.

Placed'between' the duty of re-
maining faithful to their eaths, and
that of saving their ‘country, they
wished’ to fulfil both at the same
time, and to do all that the public
safety required, without: usurping
the powers with which’ the people
had not entrusted them.

At the opening of their'session,
an assemblage of emigrants, formed |
on the frontiers, kept up a corres-
pondence with all the enemies of
liberty that were still to be found in
the’ departments, or among the
trdops ‘of ‘the dine; ‘and fanatical’

priests, infusing trouble into super-
‘ stitious minds, sought to persuade

those deluded citizens that the con-
stitution wounded the rights of con-
science, and that the law had con-'

_fided the functions of religion to
' schismatical and

sacrilegious per-
sons. — hens
Finally, a league formed among
R 4 powerful

264

powerful kings menaced the liberty
of France; they fancied that they
had a right to fix to what degree
the interest of their despotism per-
mitted us to be free, and flattered
thernselves that they should see the
sovereignty of the people and the
independence of the French empire
fall down before the arms of their
slaves.

Thus every thing announced a
civil and religious war, of which a
foreign war would soon increase the
danger.

The National Assembly thought
it their duty to repress the emi-
grants, and to restrain the factious
priests by severe decrees; and the
King employed against these decrees
the suspensive refusal of sanction,
which the constitution granted him.
In the mean time, those emigrants
and those priests were busily acting
in the name of the King; it was to
re-establish him in what they called
his lawful authority that the former
had taken’up arms; and the latter
were preaching assassination and
treason. These emigrants were the
brothers of the King, his relations,
his former body-guards. And while
the correspondence of these facts
with the conduct of the King autho-
rized, nay, enjoined distrust, this

refusal of the sanction applied to

decrees that could not be suspend-
ed without being annihilated,shewed
clearly how the veto, suspensive
according to the law, rendered de-
finitive by the manner of employing
it, gave to the King the unlimited
and arbitrary power of rendering
null all the measures which the le-
gislative body might think neces-
sary for maintaining liberty.

From that moment, from one
end of the kingdom to the other,
the people shewed those gloomy

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

discontents that announced storms;
and the suspicions which. accused
the executive power displayed
themselves with energy.

The National Assembly were not
discouraged. Princes who professed
themselves the allies of France, had.
given to the emigrants not an asy-
lum, but the liberty of arming, of
forming themselves into military

bodies, of levying soldiers, of pro-

viding warlike stores, and the King
was invited, by a solemn message,
to break, on this violation of the
rights of nations, a silence that had
been kept but too long. He seemed
to yield to the national wish ; pre-
parations for war were ordered ;
but it was soon perceived, that the
negotiations conducted by a minis-
try weak or treacherous, were con-
fined to obtaining vain promises,
which,remaining unexecuted, could
not be regarded but asa snare or an
insult. ‘The league of kings assum-
ed, in the mean time, a new acti-
vity ; andat the head of this league
appeared the Emperor, brother-in-
law to the King of the French,
united to the nation by a treaty
useful to himself alone, which the
constituting assembly, deceived by
the ministry, had maintained, by
sacrificing, to preserve it, the hope,
at that time well founded, of an
alliance with the house of Bran-
denburgh.

The National Assembly thought
that it was necessary for the safety
of France, to oblige the Emperor
to declare whether he would be her
ally or her enemy, and to pronounce
between two contradictory treaties,
of which the one bound him to
give succours to France, and the
other engaged him to attack her ;
treaties which he could not recon-
cile, without avowing the inane

ty)

STATE PAPERS.

of separating the King from the
nation, and of representing a war
against the French people, as suc-
cours granted to his ally. The
Emperor’s answer augmented the
distrust which this combination of
circumstances rendered so natural.
In it he repeated the absurd char-
ges against the assembly of the re-
presentatives of the French people,
against the popular societies esta-
blished in our cities, with which
the partizans of the French minis-
try had long wearied the counter-
revolution presses. He made pro-
testations of his desire to continue
the ally of the King; and he had
just signed a new league against
France in favour of the authority of
the King of the French.

These leagues, these treaties, the
intrigues of the emigrants, who
had solicited them in the name of
the King, had been concealed by
the ministers from the representa-
tives of the people. No public
disavowal of these intrigues, no ef-
fort to prevent or dissolve this con-
spiracy of monarchs, had shewn
either to the citizens of France, or
the nations of Europe, that the
King had sincerely united his own
cause to that of the nation.

This apparent connivance be-
tween the cabinet of the Thuilleries
and that of Vienna struck every
mind; the National Assembly
thought it their duty to examine
with vigour the conduct of the
minister for foreign affairs; and a

_ decree of accusation was the result
_ of this examination. His colleagues

disappeared with him, and the
King’s council was formed of pa-
triot ministers,

The successor of Leopold follow-
ed the course of his father. He
thought proper to require for the

265

princes formerly possessing fiefs in
Alsace, indemnifications incompa-
tible with the French constitution,
and derogatory to the independ-
ence of the nation. He wanted
France to betray the confidence
and violate the rights of the people
of Avignon. At length he an-
nounced other causes of complaint,
which could not, he said, be dis-
cussed before having tried the force
of arms.

The King seemed to feel that
this provocation to war could not
be borne patiently without betray-
ing a shameful weakness; he seem-
ed to feel how perfidious was this
language of an enemy who pre-
tended to take an interest in his
fate, and to desire his alliance, for
no purpose but to sow seeds of dis-
cord between him and his people,
calculated to enervate our forces,
and to stop or disconcert their mo-
tions; he proposed war by the una-
nimous advice of his council, and
war was decreed.

By protecting the assemblages of
the emigrants, by permitting them
to menace our frontiers, by shewing
troops in readiness to second them
on the first success, by preparing a
retreat for them, by persisting in a
threatening league, the King of
Hungary obliged France to make
preparations of defence ruinous in
their expence, exhausted her finan-
ces, encouraged the audacity of the
conspirators dispersed through the
departments, excited uneasiness
among the citizens, and thus fo-
mented in them and perpetuated
trouble. Never did hostilities more
really justify war; and to declare
was only to repel it.

The National Assembly were
then able to judge to what degree,
notwithstanding promises so often

repeated,

266

repeated, all the preparations: of
defence had been neglected. Ne-
vertheless, their uneasiness, their
distrust, still rested) on the former
ministers, on the secret councils of
the king; but they soon saw the
patriotic ministers crossed in their
operations, attacked with rancour
by the partizans of the royal autho-
rity, by those who made.a parade of
personal attachment to the king.

Our armies were tormented with
political divisions: discord was
sown among the commanders of
the troops, as between the generals
and the ministry. Attempts were
made. to transform into the instru-
ments of a party, which concealed
not its desire of substituting its will
for that of the representatives of
the nation, those very armies that
were destined to the external de-
fence of the French territory, and
to maintaining the national inde-
pendence.

Lhe machinations of the priests,
become more active in the moment
of war, made.a restraining law in-
dispensable ; one was passed.

The formation of a camp be-
tween Paris and the frontiers was a
disposition: happily calculated for
external defence, while at the same
time it served to give security to
the. internal departments, and to
prevent the troubles which their
disquiets might have produced: the
formation of such a camp was) or-
dered; but these two decrees were
rejected by the king, and the patri-
otic ministers were dismissed.

The constitution:had granted to
the King a'guard of 1800 men, and
this guard audaciously manifested a
contempt of civic duties, which in-
spired the citizens with indignation
or with terror; hatred of the con-
stitution, and, aboye.all, of liberty

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

and equality, were the best: titles
for being admitted into it, 6.0 60"
- The Assembly: was forced to: dis
solve this guard, to prevent botly
the troubles which it could not; fail
soon to occasion, and the plots of
counter-revolution, of which but
too many indications were already
manifest. The decree was sane=
tioned; but a proclamation by the
King bestowed praises on those very:
men whose dismission from his ser=
vice. he had just pronounced, to
those whom he had admitted to be
men; justly accused of being the
enemies of liberty.
The new ministers excited ‘well!
founded distrust; and as thisdistrust:.
could not stop at them, it fell‘on
the King himself. tt
The application of the refusalo
sanction to decrees rendered neces-
sary by circumstances, of which the
execution ought to have been
prompt, and must’ stop with the
decrees, was regarded, in the gene-
ral opinion, as an interpretation of
the constitutional act contrary to
liberty, and even tothe spirit of the
constitution. The agitation of the
people of Paris\ became extreme’;
an immense crowd of citizens join-
ed to form a petition; in it they
solicited the recall of the patriotic
ministers, and the retraction of the:
refusal to sanction the decrees in’
favour of which the publie opinion’
had been loudly declared. They’
desired leave to pass in arms’before’
the National Assembly after’ their
deputies had read ‘their’ petition.

This Jeave, which: other armed bo-' —
dies had before obtained, was grant-)
ed them. They desired to present —

the same petition to the king, and’
to present it under the forms esta-

blished by the law ; but at the mo-> —

ment when municipal officers were’
coming

‘
4
7

coming to inform them that their

first, were going to be admitted,
the gate was opened, and the crowd
rushed into the palace. The zeal
of the mayor of Paris, the ascend-
ancy which his virtues and his
patriotism give him over the minds
of the citizens, the presence of the
representatives of the people, of
whom successive deputations con-
stantly surrounded the King, pre-
vented all seriousdisorders; and few
assemblages so, numerous ever gave
occasion to less disorder of any
kind, |
_ The King had mounted, the en-
signs of liberty; he had done jus-
tice to the citizens, by declaring
that he thought himself in safety in
the midst of them; the day of the
federation was approaching ; citi-
zens from all the departments were
to repair to Paris, there to swear to
maintain that liberty for which they
were going to fight on the frontiers ;
and all might still have been re-
paired. But the ministers saw no-
thing in the events of the 20th of
June but a favourable occasion for
sowing division between the inha-
bitants of Paris and those of the
departments, between the people
and the army, between the several
portions of the national guard, be-
tween the citizens who remained at
their homes and those who were
mee to the defence of the state.
The very next day the ising chang-
ed his language; a proclamation,
full of calumny, was profusely dis-
tributed among the arraies; one of
ir generals came, in the name of
which he commanded, to de-
vengeance, and to point out
ictims. . A considerable num-
te ‘of directories of department,
stitutional resolutions, dis-

eter!

STATE: PAPERS.

deputies, who had been refused at,

267

closed the, plan, they had long be-
fore formed, of raising themselves
into. a sort of intermediate power
between the people and their re-
presentatives, between the National
Assembly and the King. Justices
of the peace commenced, in the
very palace of the Thuilleries, a
dark procedure, in which it was
hoped to involve those of the pa-
triots. whose vigilance and. whose
talents were the most dreaded. Al-
ready one of these justices had at-
tempted to infringe the inviolabili-
ty of the representatives of the peo-
ple, and every thing announced a
plan dexterously concerted for find-
ing in the judicial order the means
of giving an arbitrary extension to,
the royal authority ; letters from
the minister for the home depart-
ment directed the employing of
force against the federates, who
might wish to take at Paris the oath
to fight for liberty; and it required
all the activity of the National As-
sembly, all the patriotism of the
army, all the zeal of the enlighten-
ed citizens, to prevent the fatal
effects of thisplanof disorganization,
which might have lighted up, the
flames of civil war... An emotion
of patriotism had extinguished, in
fraternal union, the divisions that
had appeared but too often in the
National, Assembly, and from this
also the means of safety might have
sprung: the prosecutions commenc-
ed by the King’s order, at the in-
stance of the intendant of the, civil
list, might have been stopped ; the
virtuous Petion, punished, by an
unjust suspension, for having spared
the blood. of the people, might have
been reinstated by the King; and
it was possible that this long series.
of faults and treasons might have:
fallen again entirely upon those,

perfidious

268 ANNUAL REGISTER,

perfidious counsellors to whom a
confiding people had long the ha-
bit of attributing all the crimes of
our kings.

The National Assembly then saw
that the safety of the country re-
quired extraordinary measures.

They opened a discussion on the
means of saving their country; they
instituted a commission charged to
consider of and prepare a plan of
these means. Mijas

The declaration that the country
is in danger called all the citizens
to the common defence, all per-
sons in public trust to their posts ;
and yet in the midst of complaints
unceasingly repeated of the inac-
tion of government, on the neglect
or ill management of the prepara-
tions for war, on the useless or dan-
gerous motions of the armies, the
avowed object of which was to fa-
vour the political plans of one of
the generals, ministers unknown
or suspected were seen to succeed
one another rapidly, and to pre-
sent, under new names, the same
inactivity and the same principles.

A declaration of the general of
the enemy, which doomed to death
all freemen, and promised to cow-
ards and traitors his disgraceful pro-
tection, could not but add to these
suspicions. In it the enemy of
France seemed to attend to nothing
but the defence of the King of the
French. Twenty-six millions of
men were nothing in his estima-
tion, in comparison of a privileged
family ; their blood must wet the
earth to avenge the slightest insult;
and the King, instead of expressing
his indignation against a manifesto
intended to take from him the con-
fidence of the people, seemed to
Oppose to it, and that reluctantly,
a cold and timid disavowal.

1792.

Who then can be astonished that
distrust in the supreme head of the
executive power should inspire ci-
tizens with the desire of no longer
seeing the forces intended for the
common defence at the disposition
ora king in whose name France
was attacked, and the care of main-
taining her internal tranquillity
confided to him whose interests
were the pretexts of all her trou-
bles? To these motives, common
to all France, were joined others
particular to the inhabitants of
Paris. They saw the families of the
conspirators at Coblentz forming.
the habitual society of the king and
his family. Writers, paid by the
civil list, endeavoured by base ca-
lumnies to render the Parisians
odious or suspected in the eyes of
the rest of France. Attempts were
made to sow division between the
poor citizens and the rich ; the na-
tional guard was agitated by per-
fidious nanceuvres, in order to form
in it a party of royalists. In fine,
the enemies of liberty seemed to
be divided between Paris and Cob-
Jentz; and their audacity increased
with their number.

The constitution enjoined the
King to ‘give notice of imminent
hostilities to the National Assem-
bly; and long solicitations were
necessary to obtain of the ministry
the tardy information of the march
of the Prussian troops. The con-
stitution pronounced abdication
against the King if he did not, by »
some formal act, declare his oppo-
sition to enterprizes undertaken in
his name against the nation; and
the emigrant princes had opened
public Joans in the King’s name,
and had hired foreign troops in his
name, had levied French regiments
in his name, had formed a military

house-

STATE PAPERS.

household for him out of France ;
and these facts were known for
more than six months before the
King, whose public declarations,
whose remonstrances with foreign
powers might have hindered the
success of these measures, had dis-
charged the duty imposed upon him
by the constitution.

It was on motives thus powerful
that petitions, sent from a great
number of the departments, the
wish of several sections of Paris, fol-
Jowed by the general expression of
the wish of the whole commons,
solicited the forfeiture of the King,
or the suspension of the royal pow-
er; andthe National Assembly could
no longer shrink from the examin-
ation of this grand question.

It was their duty not to decide
but after a mature and well-consi-
dered examination, after a solemn
discussion, after having heard and
weighed all opinions. But the pa-
tience of the people was exhausted ;
all at once they appeared united as
one man in the same. will; they
marched towards the place of the
King’s residence; and the King
came to seek an asylum in the as-
sembly of the representatives of the
people, whose seat he knew that the
fraternal union of the inhabitants
of Paris with the citizens of the
departments, would always render
an asylum inviolable and sacred.

National guards had been charg-
ed with defending the residence
which the King had abandoned ;
but with them Swiss soldiers were
stationed, The people had long
seen, with painful surprise, Swiss
battalions sharing the guard of the
King, although the constitution did
not allow him to have a foreign

ard. Jt had long been easy to

esee that this direct violation of

269

the law, which by its nature con-
stantly obtruded itselfon every eye,
would, sooner or late, occasion
great misfortunes. The National
Assembly had neglected nothing
to prevent them. Reports, dis-
cussions, motions made by individ-
ual members and referred to com-
mittees, had apprized the King se-
veral months before of the necessity
of dismissing from about his person
men, whom everywhere else the
French always regarded as friends
and brothers, but whom they could
not see retained about a constitu-
tional King, in direct contradiction
to the constitution, without sus-
pecting that they had become the
instruments of the enemies of their
liberty.

A decree had ordered their re-
moval: their commander, support-
ed by the ministry, demanded
changes in that decree: the Na-
tional Assembly consented to those
chauges. A part of the soldiers:
was to remain near Paris, but with-
out doing any duty that might re-
new disquiets ; and it was contrary
to the sense of the National Assem-
bly, contrary to the law, that on
the 10th of August they were em-
ployed on a service, from which
every motive of humanity and of

_ prudence ought to have kept them

away. They received orders to
fire on the armed citizens, at the
instant when the latter were invit-
ing them to peace—when unequi-
vocal signs of fraternity announced
that peace was going to be accepted
—at the instant when a deputation
of the National Assembly was seen
advancing in the midst of arms to
speak the words of peace and conci-
lation, and prevent carnage. Then
nothing could stop the vengeance
of the people, who had thus proofof

anew

270 ANNUAL REGISTER,

a new act of treachery. at the very
moment they were coming to com-
plain of those of which they had
long been the victims.

In the midst of these disasters,
the National Assembly, afflicted,
but calm, took the oath to main-
tain equality and liberty, or to die
at their post; they took the oath to
save France, and they sought forthe
means.

They saw but one, which was
that of recurring to thewillsupreme
of the people, and inviting them to
exercise immediately their inalien-
able right of sovereignty, which the
constitution has recognized, and
which it could not subject to any
restriction. The public interest re-
quired that the people should ‘ma-
nifest their ‘will by the sense of a
national “convention, formed of
representatives invested by them
with unlimited powers ; it required
no less that the members of this
convention should be elected in each
department in a uniform manner,
and according to a regular mode ;
but the National Assembly could
not restrain the powers of the sove-
reign people, from whom alone the
members of that assembly hold all
the powers they possess. They
were bound to confine themselves
to conjuring the people, in the name
of their country, to follow the sim-
ple regulations traced out for them.
In these, the forms instituted for
elections were respected, because
the establishment of new forms,
even supposing them to have been
better, would have been a source
ofdelay, perhaps of division. They
preserved in them none of the con-
ditions of eligibility, none of the
limitations of the right of electing
or being elected, established by the
former laws, because these laws,

1792.

which are so many restrictions on
the exercise of the right of sove-
reignty, are not applicable to na-
tional convention, in which this
right ought to be exercised with
complete independence. ‘The dis-
tinction of active citizens appears
not in these regulations, because it
is also a restriction of the law. The
only conditions required are those
which naturehasprescribed; suchas
the necessity of being connected, by
a fixed residence, with the territory
fer which ‘the right of citizenship
is exercised; of having attained the
age at which men are held by the
laws of the nation of which they
make a part, to be in a condition to
exercise their personal rights: final-
ly, of having preserved absolute in-
dependence of will.

But to assemble new representa-
tives of the people required time;
and although the National Assembly
have made as short as possible the
periods of the operations whieh the
convention’ made necessary; al-
though they accelerated the period
at which they must cease’ to bear
the burden of the public weal, in
such a manner as to avoid the least
suspicion of ambitious views ; the
term of forty days would still have
exposed the country to great mis-
fortunes, and the people to danger-
ous commotions, if to the King had
been left the exercise of the powers
conferred upon him by the consti-
tution ; and the suspension of these
powers appeared to the representa-
tives of the people the only means
of saving France and liberty.

In pronouncing this necessary
suspension, the Assembly have not
exceeded their powers. The con-
stitution authorises them to pro-
nounce it in the case of the absence
of the King,when the term at which

this

STATE PAPERS.

this absence incurs a «legal abdica-
tion is not vet arrived; that. is to
say, in the case in which ‘there is
not yet ground for a definitive re-
solution, ‘but in which a provisional
act of rigour is evidently necessary,
in which it would be absurd to leave
the power in hands which could no
longer make a free and beneficial
use of it. In the present instance,
then, these conditions are as evi-
dently united as in the case provid-
ed for by the constitution; and in
conducting ourselves by the princi-
ple which the constitution has point-
ed out we have obeyed it—far from
having infringed it, contrary to our
oaths.

The constitution foresaw that all
accumulation of powers was danger-
ous, and might change into tyrants

of the people those who ought to
be only their representatives; but
it judged also, that this danger sup-
posed a long exercise of this extra-
ordinary power; and the term of
two months is that which it has fix-
ed for all cases in which it permits
this union of powers, which in all
other cases it has so rigorously pro-
scribed.

The National Assembly, far from
extending this term, has reduced it
to forty days only; and far from
exceeding the period fixed by the
Jaw on the plea of necessity, they
have brought themselves within
the narrowest limits.

~ When the power of sanctioning
the laws is suspended, the constitu-
tion has pronounced that the de-
crees of the legislative body shall
have of themselves the character
and authority of laws; and since he
te whom the constitution gave the
choice of ministers, could no longer
exercise his functions, it was neces-
sary that a new law should put the

271

choice into other hands. The As-
sembly conferred the right on them-
selves, because this right could not
be given but to electors who’ be:
longed to the whole nation, and be-
cause they alone have that charac-
tersat present, But they were care-
ful to avoid giving ground for the
suspicion that, in conferring this
power on themselves, they sought
to. gratify ambitious or. personal
views ; they decreed that the elec-
tion should be made aloud, that
each of them should pronounce his
choice in presence of the national
representation, » inypresence of the
numerous citizens. who attended
their sittings. They took care that
each of their own body should have
his,colleagues for his judges, the
public for a witness, and should an-
swer for his choice to the whole
nation.

Frenchmen, let us /unite all our
forces against the foreign tyranny
which dares to threaten with its
vengeance twenty-six millions of
freemen. Within six weeks a
power, which every citizen acknow-
ledges, will pronounce on our divi-
sions. Woe to the man who, list-
ening, during this short interval, to
personal sentiments, shall not de-
vote himself wholly: to the common
defence! who shall not see, that at
the moment when the sovereign
will of the people is about to speak,
we have no enemies but the con-
spirators of Pilnitz and their ac-
complices !

It isin the midst of a foreign
war, at the moment when numerous
armies are preparing for a formida-
ble invasion, that we call upon the
citizens to discuss i in a peaceable
assembly the rights of liberty. That
which would have appeared rash
among any other people, seemed to

us

272

us not above the courage and the

atriotism of the French; and un-
Soubtedly we shall not have the
misfortune of finding ourselves de-
ceived in judging you worthy to
forget every other interest but that
of liberty, of sacrificing every other
sentiment to the love of your coun-
try.

Citizens, it is for you to judge
if your representatives have exer-
cised for your good the powers you
have confidedto them; if they have
acted according to your wishes in
making a use of their powers which
neither they nor you could foresee
to be necessary. For us, we have
discharged our duty in seizing with
courage on the only means of pre-
serving liberty that occurred to our
consideration. Ready to die for it,
at the post in which you have plac-
ed us, we shall carry with us, at
least, on quitting that post, the con-
solation of having maintained it
faithfully.

Whatever judgment our con-
temporaries or posterity may pass
upon us, we shall not have to dread
that of our own consciences: to
whatever danger we may be expos-
ed, the happiness will remain to us
of having spared the torrents of
French blood, which a conduct
more weak would have made to
flow ; we shall be spared remorse at
least; nor shall we have to reproach
ourselves with having seen a means
of saving ourcountry, and not hav-
ing dared to embrace it.

(Signed)
GuApcer, President.

Govuson,

G. Romne,

Marans,

CRESTIN,

ARENE LECOINTE-PUIRAVAUX,

Secretaries.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

Declaration to be made to the Fo-
reign Powers, relative to the
King’s Suspension, drawn up by
M. Brissot.

Be menbnanta thoes: the representa-

tives of the French people have
already, and repeatedly, manifested
to foreign powers the _ senti-
ments by which they are directed
with regard to their external con-
nections, they think it incumbent
on them to give a still more ample
declaration, on occasion of the pre-
sent unexpected crisis, which brings
forward a new revolution, and, by
the suspension of a constitutional
branch of the government, appears
to create some uneasiness in some
of the neutral powers.

This is not a time to recite the
causes of the war which is now
drawing the blood of Europe; the
articles agreed to by the coalesced
powers are public, and sufficiently
testify that the courts of Vienna and
Berlin, in contempt of all treaties,
in contempt of the right of nations,
which they invoke while they tram-
ple them under foot, are leagued
together against the independence
of the French nation, and to reine
state Louis XVI. on his ancient
throne. . Every measure was vainly
employed to prevent or dissolve this
conspiracy; and it would have
brought dishonour upon France,
and have endangered her liberty
and security, to have suffered any
longer her independence to be
sported with, under the affectation
of an apparent respect for her
King: she declared war against the
court of Vienna; or, rather, she
began to put herself in a situation
to repel an aggression concluded
by treaties, and for the execution
of which there were carrying on
effectual preparations.

During

STATE PAPERS.

During this war with foreigners,
who pretended to take up arms for
the King of the French, the nation
might reasonably expect that the
King would act a decided part, and
form opposition not only by express
declarations, but by such military
preparations as might leave no room
to doubt of his sentiments.

These expectations of the nation
have been disappointed; the King
has not taken a single measure pro-
per to convince either the French
or foreign nations of his constitu-
tional sincerity. Such acts of his
as have been denominated formal,
either came very late, or were equi-
vocal, and were not stamped with
that frankness and loyalty which
carry conviction. The preparations
he made were faint; they were
slow and inadequate; the decrees
which ordered them were ill exe-
cuted, or not at all. Offensive war
met with every obstacle, and was
entered into no farther than to turn
it into an intrigue, wherein the
court of the Thuilleries, the gene-
rals, and the foreign powers, visibly
acted in concert.

Nor were the treasons going on
at home less manifest than those
concerted abroad: the King was
constantly attended by men who
detested the revolution, and by mi-
nisters who gave it a retrograde
tendency. When this council was
composed of patriots, they were
soon dismissed from it. He had
need of a guard devoted to anti-re-
volution principles: such an one
was formed, and yet that did not
satisfy him, but he must also pay
a salary to his quondam body guards,
who were disbanded by a decree,
and actually in a state of open re-
bellion on the frontiers. To put an

Vor, XXXIV.

273

end to popular associations which
supported liberty; to bring the Na-
tional Assembly into disrepute; to
create misunderstandings between
the national guards and the people;
to discredit assignats, and facilitate
the return of the emigrants, were
so many feats to be atchieved; and
the King had closed with all such
projects, and encouraged them with
criminal perseverance; proofs of all
which have been discovered in the
books of accounts of the civil list,
and other authentic pieces. The
money allowed to maintain the
splendour of the throne was em-
ployed to crush the nation and stifle
liberty, to hire assassins, and mur-
der the very people who had raised
him to that throne. Such a multi-

plicity of treasons could not but be

detected: and the representatives of
the people were examining what
remedy the constitution afforded, in
order to prevent them for the fu-
ture, and whether the King's case
did not amount to that of abdica-
tion, when the people rose, and pre-
vented the decision,

At present, itis proved that the
blood which was shed in the insur-
rection of the 10th of August must
be laid to the account of those court
devoted chiefs who transformed the
Thuilleries into a place of war; and
were so dastardly perfidious as to
order their soldiers to fire on the
citizens of Paris and the confede-
rates, at the very instant they and
the Swiss were interchanging tokens
of amity and coofraternity. The
friends of tyranny expected, in this
conflict, to see despotism triumphs
but they themselves were vanquish-
ed; and the people, now wrought
up to fury, demanded the King
should be divested, and even de-

S prived

Q74

prived of life.-—Their represent-
atives, however, judged there was a
medium whereby to reconcile the
wishes of the people, the spirit of
the constitution, the safety of the
state, and that of the King: and this
consisted in the measure of suspend-
ing the King from his functions,
convoking the people to judge him
in a convention, and yielding their
places to that convention as soon as
it could be assembled.

By the suspension, the threads
of collusion between the executive
and the foreign powers were cut
asunder, An appeal to the people is
an homage paid to its sovereignty,
and to the constitution: the people
alone, by a new deputation, could
pronounce between the King and
the present legislature. If the mis-
understanding, the treasons, and
misfortunes of France spring from
any constitutional source, the people
alone could find out the evil, and
apply to it a cure.

This vigorous measure, to which
France will owe her preservation,
has been applauded by all the na-
tion: the citizens, the administra-
tions, the armies, have almost uni-
versally adhered to it—And yet
this measure seems to have alarmed
some of ihe neutral powers, who
had continued their agents in France,
One of these potentates, whose prin-
ciples by France are respected, and
whose alliance is greatly valued, pro-
fesses a strict neutrality, anda re-
solution not to interfere with the
internal government of France; yet
expresses, at the same time, the
keenest solicitude about the King’s
situation; and thus declares a re-
solution to be neutral and not. to
be neutral in the same breath; the
ambassador is. accordingly recalled,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

under the pretext that the King is
suspended. ;

Other potentates have followed
the same line of conduct, without
making use openly of the same lan-
guage; but dictated, as is evident,
by the same principles.

The representatives of the French
people are therefore under the ne-
cessity, from the duty they owe to
their constituents, and in order to
perpetuate a good understanding
between France and the said poten-
tates, of hereby exposing the prin-
ciples of political jurisprudence, in
order to set before the potentates in
question the errors which influence
their conduct.

They have all of them, in reality,
acknowledged the French constitu-
tion. Now that constitution lays it
down as a principle, that the people
has an unalienable right, against
which there lies no prescription, to
change its own government when
it thinks convenient. On the other
hand, the constitution specifies di-
vers cases, in which the King is un-
derstood to have incurred abdica-
tion.

Into some such case the King is
judged to have now fallen by the
representatives of the French people;
and they are seconded by innumer-
able addresses, by facts and proofs
incontestible; but it not being
equally evident that the present case
is one of those wherein a legislature
is authorised to pass sentence, the
legislature remit the judgment to
the nation itseif, and suspend the
King till the trial commences: in
doing this, the legislature has made
use of the power granted to it by
the constitution, in the case of the
King’s being absent, or by a neces-
sary analogy, of his being in a fair

°

STATE PAPERS.

of lunacy, and of all other similar
cases wherein the welfare of a nation
is concerned:

The neutral powers, therefore,
cannot, without contradicting their
own conduct, break off or interrupt
the connexions with France, on the
pretext of the King’s suspension, and
the convocation of a National Con-
vention: for those two are consti-
tutional cases, and the constitution
they have acknowledged; so that
to make a rupture on account of
those two measures, is to interfere
with the government of France,
while all such interference is at the
same time disavowed.

By the French constitution the
King is the first public functionary,
the organ of the nation in respect to
foreign powers. In himself he is a
mere citizen, like another: he is
raised above other citizens by being
appointed the nation’s representa-
tive: but even in that quality he
can never be considered as above
the nation. To pretend that, be-
cause he is suspended from his func-
tions, all political relations are to be
interrupted with the nation, is to
suppose that he is either the supe-
rior or the equal of the nation, or
that he is the naticn collected in
himself; it is to suppose that fo-
reign relations are entered into for
the king, and not for the nation:
a doctrine incompatible with the
people’s sovereignty, and independ-
ence on foreigners. Foreign poten-
tates ought to be informed, that
the rights of people, and the tran-
quillity of Europe, do essentially
stand on this basis; that each state
is respectively independent, and that
this independence is guaranteed to
each one by all the others; the
which, however, must be oyerturn-

275:

ed, if any foreign power claim: a:
right to’ interfere with the interior
changes a neighbouring people may
think it convenient to adopt.
France, long before her own re-
volution, had condemned one of her
kings who obstructed so passionate-
ly that Jast’ revolution, to which
England owes: her liberty, and the
house of Hanover her crown. What
right had a French King to oppose
the exercise of an inalienable right
in the English people to change their
own government, and to alter the
line of succession to their crown?
And how comes it to pass that the
cabinet of St. James should at: pre-
sent adopt the principles which it:
reprobated not a century ago? If
France has not a right to change her’
constitution, nor to suspend her ex-
ecutive power, we must then con-
clude that the English are rebels,
and the house of Hanover usurpers:
But assuredly no Englishman, no
well-informed man, will maintain
such a doctrine; and, indeed, the
French nation is far from apprehend=
ing any hostile dispositions on the
side of England, the assurances of
whose government are solid, -and
the friendship and loyalty of whose
people may be firmly depended. on.
When the cabinet of St. James: has,
more calmly compared the conduct
of the French with the’ true: prin-
ciples of policy, it will clearly see
that the French nation: has alone
the right to decide, by its repre-
sentatives, whether the first public
functionary has incurred forfeiture,
and whether the constitution is to
be the exclusive mode of the go-
vernment of the nation, in whose
decisions on these points no earthly
power has any right to interfere,
The representatives of the Freneh
$2 people

276

people will not spend their time in
vefuting the calumnies spread against
them in foreign countries, nor in
apologizing for that anarchy with
which, for four years, the nation
has been reproached. But is it cre-
dible that 25,000,000 of people can
have lived four years in anarchy ?
that a million of men can take arms,
fly to the frontiers, and fight in
support of anarchy? Where is the
people whose governors are in bet-
ter understanding with the govern-
ed, whose government is more vigo-
rously administered than in this na-
tion, the pretended seat of anarchy ?

Let the representatives of that
nation here call upon the ambassa-
dors of foreign powers. Has not
that people, said to be in anarchy,
in the very height of its insurrec-
tions and conflicts, when no power
could withstand its omnipotent will,
constantly respected the inviolable
habitaticns and privileges of foreign
ambassadors ?

Let those who speak of anarchy
visit our camps, where, in spite of
the immense numbers, reign order
-and discipline, indefatigable and un-
conquerable courage !—A people in
anarchy is a people of egctists! the
individuals hide themselves, and
do not fly to battle—the discipline
required for combat will not be
submitted to by a people in anar-
chy.—But if foreign nations mean
to be convinced of the love of order
now existing in France, iet them
attend to an instance of it that is
new to the world, an instance that
miust convince the most reluctant,
and that is, the bold, the solemn
probation to which France at this
moment submits herself; while a
most formidable coalition is threat-
ening her with numerous armies

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

trained to war, well-disciplined, al-
ready at her gates in her very terri-
tories. At such a crisis, France
sees her King suspended, a new
ministry formed, the people invited
to rise, primary assemblies convok-
ed, the present legislature supersed-
ed by a National Convention, em-
powered to express the supreme will
of the people to judge the constitu-
tion and the King.—Does the his-
tory of any people offer an example
of so sublime, so bold a measure ?
And, did not a steady love of order
pervade the realm, would not the
mere mention of such a measure
have long ago set every thing in up-
roar? whereas at present it unites
the citizens more closely together,
stifles all dissentions, and melts dowa
all parties into one; for there is but
one parly remaining at this day, ever
since the retreat of that chief, whose
family is the only pretending one in
France. What kingdom in Europe
would not have been torn by dissen-
tions and disorders, had the smallest
of the above-mentioned operations
been attempted therein ?

A nation so united as to undergo
without danger such a probation, is
as formidable to her adversaries as
she will be to all foreigners, and
constant in her attachments; for
all her virtues are linked together.
She will therefore more calmly wait
till more sound reflections bring
back to her tne neutral powers who
have taken the alarm at the last re-
volution. Trusting in the rectitude
of her intentions, the justice of her
cause, the power of her arms, the
bravery of her citizens, and espe-
cially their unshaken resolution te
live free or perish, she will continue
to live in good understanding with
the neutral powers, and to cultivate

the

STATE PAPERS.

the commercial and friendly inte-
rests that connect them with her;
and it is therefore hereby declared,
—That all the agents of France,
actually residing with due creden-
tials at foreign courts, are there to
continue their services as long as
their character and treaties are re-
spected. France will observe those
treaties with scrupulous exactness,
and will therefore shew the greater
ardour in pursuing, by every means,

the reparation of any real injuries or”

affronts that may be offered to her.
In doing the most impartial justice
to other governments, she is entitled
to demand a similar return; and
will employ every means in order
to attain it.

Memorial to the King of Prussia.
Sept. 26th, 1792.

HE French nation has undoubt-
edly decided its fate, and fo-
reign powers cannot refuse to ac-
knowledge the truth of this asser-
tion. They no longer see the Na-
tional Assembly, whose powers were
confined; whose acts required to
be either confirmed or abrogated to
have the force of laws; who pos-
sessed only a contested authority,
which might have been considered
as usurped; and who had the wis-
dom to appeal to the whole notion,
and to request of themselves, the
eighty-three departments, to put an
end to their existence, and to sup-
ply their place by representation in-
vested with all the powers and
- complete sovereignty of the French
people, authorised by the constitu-
tion itself, under the name of the
National Convention.
This assembly, the first day of its

277

sitting, actuated by a spontaneous.
movement, which is the same
throughout the whole empire, de-
creed the abolition of royalty. This
decree was everywhere received
with great joy; it was everywhere
expected with the utmost impa-
tience; it everywhere augments the
energy of the people; and at pre-
sent it would be impossible to make
the nation re-establish a throne
overturned by the crimes which
surrounded it. France then must
necessarily be considered as a re-
public, since the whole nation has
declared the abolition of monarchy.
This republic, then, must either be
acknowledged or combated.

The powers armed against France
had no right to intermeddle in the
debates of the National Assembly on
the form of its government. No
power has a right to impose laws on
so great a nation; they therefore
resolved to employ the right of the
strongest.—But what has been the
result ?>—The nation has been more
incensed; they have opposed force
to force, and the advantages certain-
ly which the numerous troops of
the King of Prussia and his allies
have gained, are of very little con-
sequence, ‘The resistance which
he meets with, and which increases
as he advances, is too great not to
prove that the conquest of France,
represented to him as very easy, is
absolutely impossible. Whatever
difference of principies may exist
between the respectable monarch
who bas been misled, and the French
people, neither he nor his generals
can any longer consider that people,
or the armies which oppose him, as
a collection of rebels.—The rebels
are those infatuated nobility who,
after having so long oppressed the
people in the name of monarchs,

whote

278

whose throne they themselves shook,
have completed the disgrace of
Louis XVI. by taking up arms
against their own country, by filling
Europe with their falsehoods and
their calumpies, and by becoming,
by a conduct as foolish as it is cri-
minal, the most dangerous enemies
of Louis XVI. and of their. country.
I have often myself heard Louis
XVI. Jament their crimes and their
chimeras.

I shall leave the King of Prussia
and his whole army to judge of the
conduct of these dangerous rebels—
are they esteemed or despised? I
do not require an answer to that
question; I already know it—yet
these men are suffered to remain in
the Prussian army, and to form the
advanced guard of it, with a small
umber of Austrians, as barbarous
as themselves.

Let us now come to the Austiians.
Since the fatal treaty of 1756, France,
after sacrificing its natural allies,
became a prey to the ambition of
the court of Vienna. All. our trea-
sures served to satiate the avarice
of the Austrians. Inthe beginning,
therefore, of our reyolution,—at the
opening of the National Assembly,
under the name of the States Ge-
neral, the intrigues of the court of
Vienna were multiplied to deceive
the nation respecting its real inte-
rests; to mislead an unfortunate
King, surrounded by bad advisers,
and lastly, to render him perjured.
—It is the court of Vienna that has
occasioned the downfal of Louis
XVI. What has been done by that
court, the crooked politics of which
are too subtle to display a bold and
open conduct? It represented the
French as monsters, while it, and

{be criminal emigrants, paid emis-
saries and consvirators, and kept up

,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

by every possible means the most
frightful discord. This power,
more formidable to its allies than its
enemies, has engaged us in a war
against a great King, whom we es-
teem; against a nation which we
love, and which loves us. This
reversion of all political and moral
principles cannot long continue.
The King of Prussia will know one
day the crimes of Austria, of which
we have proofs, and will abandon
it to our vengeance. I can declare
to the whole world, that the armies
united against the forces which now
invade us, cannot be induced to
look upon the Prussians as their
enemies, nor the King of Prussia as
the instrument of the perfidy and
vengeance of the Austrians and the
emigrants. They entertain a nobler
idea of that courageous nation, and
of a king whom they wish to con-
sider a just and honest man.

The King, say they, cannot aban-
don his allies—Are they worthy of
him? Has a man who has associat-
ed with robbers a right to say that
he cannot quit that society ? He
cannot, it is said, break his alliance.
—Upon what. is it founded ?—On
perfidy and projects of invasion.—
Such are the principles upon which
the King of Prussia and the French
nation ought to reason, in order to
understand each other.

The Prussians love royalty, be-
cause, since the great elector, they
have had good kings, and because he
who now conducts them is doubt-
Jess worthy of their affection.—The
French-have abolished royalty, be-
cause, since the immortal Henry
IV. they have always had weak,
proud, or timid kings, governed by
mistresses, confessors, insolent or
ignorant ministers, base and abject
courtiers, who have afflicted, with

’ every

STATE PAPERS.

every kind of calamity, the most
beautiful empire in the universe.

The King of Prussia has too pure
a soul not to be struck with these
truths. I present them to him for
the interest of his own glory, and,
above all, for the interest of two
magnanimous nations, the happiness
or misery of which he can secure
by one word; for, as it is certain
that his arms will be resisted, and
that no power can subdue France, I
shudder when I think on the dread-
ful misfortune of seeing our plains
strewed with the dead bodies of two
respectable nations, from a vain idea
of a point of honour, for which the
King himself will one day blush,
when he sees his army and his trea-
sure sacrificed to a system of per-
fidy and ambition, in which ‘he has
no share, and to which he is ren-
dered the dupe.

In the same degree tbat the French
nation, become a republic, is violent
and capable of making every effort
against its enemies, in the same de-
gree it is generous and affectionate
towards its friends. Incapable of
bending its head before armed men,
it will give every succour, and even
expend its blood for a generous ally;
and if ever there was an epoch when
the affection of a nation could be
depended on, it is that when the
general will forms the invariable
principles of a government: it is
that when treaties are no longer
subjected to the insidious politics
of ministers and courtiers. If the
King of Prussia will consent to treat
with the French nation, it will be-
come a generous, powerful, and un-
changeable ally; but if the illusion
of a point of honour prevails over
his virtues, his humanity, and bis
real interests, he will then find ene-
mies worthy of him, who will com-

279:

bat him with regret, but to the ut-
most, and who will be continually,
succeeded by avengers, whose num-
ber daily increases, and whom no
human efforts will prevent from
living or dying free.

Is it possible that the King of
Prussia, contrary to the rules of true
policy, im:nutable justice, and huma-
nity, should consent to be the in=
strument of the will of the perfidious
court of Vienna? should sacrifice
his brave army and his treasures to
the ambition of that court which, in
a war it has been directed to under-
take, has the finesse to expose its
allies, and to furnish only a smalk
contingency; while it alone, were
it brave and generous, ought to sup-
port the whole burthen? The King
of Prussia at present can act the
noblest part that any king ever acted.
His operations alone have been at-
tended with success: he took two
towns: but this success was owing
to treachery and cowardice. Since
that he has found free and brave
men, from whom he cannot with-
hold his esteem. He will still find
a greater number; for the army
which stops his march increases
every day: itis in excellent disci-
pline, and animated by the same
spirit: it-has been freed from trai-
tors and cowards, who might have
excited an idea that France could be
easily conquered; and instead of
defending, it will soon attack, unless
a reasonable negotiation makes a
distinction between the King and
his army, whom we esteem,—and
the Austrians and the emigrants,
whom we despise. It is time that
an open and sincere explanation
should terminate our discussions, or
confirm them, and enable us to
know our real enemies. We will
combat them with courage; we are

S 4 upon

280

upon our own soil: we have to
avenge the excesses committed in
our fields; and it may be readily
believed that a war against republi-
cans proud of their liberty must be
a bloody war, which can never end
but with the entire destruction of the
oppressors or the oppressed. —This
dreadful reflection ought to agitate
the heart of a just and humane king.
He ought to consider that, instead
of protecting by his arms Louis XVI.
and his family, the more he conti-
nues our enemy, the more he will
aggravate their calamities.

I hope, for my part, that the King,
whose virtues I respect, and who has
shewn me marks of esteem which
do me honour, will be pleased to
Tread with attention this note, dictat-
ed by the love of humanity and of
my country. He will pardon the
hurry and incorrectness of the style
of these truths from an old soldier,
occupied still more essentially with
military operations, which must de-
cide the fate of the war.

(Signed) Dumouriez,
Commander of the Army
of the North.

Declaration of theDuke of Brunswick.

HEN their Majesties the Em-

peror and the King of Prussia
entrusted me with the command of
their armies, which have since en-
tered France, and rendered me the
organ of their intentions, expressed
in the two declarations of the 25th
and 27th of July 1792, their Ma-
jesties were incapable of supposing
the scenes of horror which have
preceded and brought on the im-
prisonment of the royal family of
France. Such enormities, of which
the history of the most: barbarous

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

nations hardly furnishes an example,
were not, however, the ultimate
point to which the same audacious
demagogues aspired.

Thesuppression of the King’s fune-
tions, which had been reserved to him
by the constitution (so long boasted
as expressing the national wish)
was the last crime of the Nation=
al Assembly, and which has brought
on France the two dreadful scourges
of war and anarchy. There is but
one step more necessary to perpe-
tuate those evils; and a thoughtless
caprice, the forerunner of the fall-
of nations, has overwhelmed those
who qualify themselves the substi-
tutes of the nation, to confirm its
happiness and rights on the most
solid basis. The first decree of their
convention was the abolition of roy-
alty in France; and the unqualified
acclamations of a few individuals,
some of whom are strangers, has
been thought of sufficient weight to
overbalance the opinions of fourteen
centuries, during which the French
monarchy has existed.

This proceeding,at which only the
enemies of France could rejoice, if
they could suppose its effect lasting,
is directly contrary to the firm re-
solution which their Majesties the
Emperor and the King of Prussia
have adopted, and from which they
will never depart,—that of restoring
his Most Christian Majesty to his li-
berty, safety, and royal dignity, or to

‘take exemplary vengeance on those

who dare to continue their insults,
For these reasons, the undersign-
ed declares to the French nation in
general, and to every individual in
particular, that their Majesties the
Emperor and the Kiog of Prussia,
invariably attached to the principle
of not interfering in the internal go-
vernment of France, persist equally
in

STATE PAPERS. 281

in requiring that his Most Christian
Majesty, and all the royal family,
shall be instantly set at liberty by
those who now imprison them.—
Their Majesties insist also, that the
royal dignity shall, without delay,
be re-established in France in the
person of Louis XVI. and his suc-
cessors; and that measures may be
taken in order that the royal dig-
nity may not again be liable to the
insult to which it is now subject.
If the French nation have not en-
tirely lost sight of their real in-
terests, and if, free in their resolu-
tions, they wish to end the calami-
ties of war, which expose so many
provinces to the evils inseparable
from armies, they will not hesitate
a moment to deClare their acquies-
cence with the peremptory demands
which I address to them in the name
of the Emperor and King of Prussia:
and which, if refused, must inevi-
tably bring on this kingdom, lately
so flourishing, new and more ter-
rible misfortunes.

The measures which the French
nation may adopt, in consequence
of this declaration, must either ex-
tend and perpetuate the dreadful
effects of an unhappy war, in de-
stroying, by the abolition of mo-
narchy, the means of renewing the
ancient connections which subsisted
between France and the sovereigns
of Europe, or those measures may
open the way to negotiations for
the re-establishment of peace, or-
der, and tranquillity, which those
who name themselves the deputies
of ‘the national will are most in-
terested in restoring speedily to the
nation.

C. F. Duke or Brunswick
LUNENBURG. |

Hans, Sept. 28, 1792.

Address from the National Convention
of the Republic of France to the
Thirteen Helvetic Cantons.

Brethren and Allies,

HE house of Austria has long

eudeavoured to draw you into
the league fermed against the liber-
ties of France; your declaration of
neutrality has not disconcerted it 5
and it is seeking new pretexts in
the events of the 10th of August.
It dares still to hope you will be
seduced by the language of calumny
and intrigue. We willspeak to you
that of freedom and reason.—Louis
XVI. reigned only by a constitu-
tion which he had sworn to main-
tain; the power he held from it he
employed to subvert it; numerous
armies were already advancing un-
der the guidance of his brothers;
it was in his name they came to
conquer France; he had _ every-
where hatched treasons; the throne
of despotism was to be again erect-
ed.—The people feared for their
liberties, they complained, and the
answer they received was the signal
for massacring them, given in the pa-
Jace itself of their first officer. At
the head of his assassins were the
Swiss guards, whom the constitution
had ordered to be disbanded, and to
whom, nevertheless, we had reserv-
ed their rank and pay, as an effect
of that good-will which unites the
French to the Helvetic nation.

It was necessary to conquer—it
was necessary to destroy the instru-
ments of such an attempt, or again
to receive our chains. And you,
who know the value of liberty, you
we ask,—Onght free citizens to de-
liberate in their choice ?

Such, brethren and allies, are the
events which our enemies shew you,
under such perfidious colours. We

have

282

have shaken off the tyranny of the
Bourbons as you did formerly that
of the Austrians; and it isto you
that these Austrians propose to as-
sist the accomplices in their hate to
liberty.—The French do not dread
one enemy more; they know how
to resist the efforts of every despot,
and those of every people who can
have the baseness to serve their fe-
rocious projects.—But it is with
grief they shall see ranking among
their enemies a nation which na-
ture appears to have destined their
eternal ally,

We will not recall to your me-
mory what they have done for you,
and particularly what they did in
the last century, to force Austria to
acknowledge your national inde-
pendence. It is your present inte-
rest, itis your glory, itis your po-
litical existence, that we invite you
to consider. Is it not indispensably
necessary to your country to be en-
livened by an uninterrupted com-
merce with France? What have
our enemies to offer you as a re-
compense for the loss of our friend-
ship? Do you not see that our ene-
mies are yours? Have you forgot
the inclination that Joseph disco-
vered in spite of himself? They
are hereditary in his house, which,
faithful to the principles of tyrants,
still regards Switzerland as its pro-
perty. ;

Should your long mistrust of its
political conduct abandon you in a
moment that the. great struggle
which is taking place between des-
potism and liberty may perhaps de-
cide for ever the fate of nations, to
what disgrace, to what dangers, even
do you not exposé yourselves, if,
after having by your example taught
modern nations that the people
are imprescriptibly sovereigns, you

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

should espouse, against emancipated
France the cause of a race of tyrants,
which has constantly shewn itself
the enemy of all popuiar sovereignty ?
—Ah ! if ever you should have de-
clared yourselves against France,
it ought to have been when one of
its guilty chiefs had formed with
Austria the most monstrous of alli-
ances. Now that this alliance is
broken, their cause is again become
yours! Itis particularly so since
they are become a republic.

What signifies, then, these jea-
lousies with which it is endeavoured
to inspire you on the march of our
armies, It is not against them, but
against the French refugees among
you; it is against some of yourmem-
bers sold to despotism ; it is against
wicked men, who separate their
cause from that of the people, and
who would impel you to sacrifice
the general interest of the Helvetic
Body to their personal ambition; it
is against these that you should have
been on your guard. °

Our armies have no other desti-
nation but to drive tyrants from the
Jand of the French republic, and at
the same time to attack the coali-
tion in its own dwellings, They
will ever respect the territory of
neuter or allied powers. —They will
respect property even on the land
oppressed by the tyrants who have
provoked us ; and will avenge them-
selves of those only, by offering li-
berty to the people whom they hold
in bondage.

Substance of Dispatches from M.
Sainte-Croix, Minister Plentpo-
tentiary of France at Treces, rela-
tive to the Dispersion of the French
Emigrants assembled there. Com-
amunicated by Order of the King

to

STATE PAPERS.

to the National Assembly, on the
. 16th of January, 1792.

N extraordinary courier has

‘& been sent by M. Sainte-Croix,
with the dispatches, which have
been transmitted to him by the mi-
nister of the Elector of Treves. The
King has ordered a communication
of their principal contents to the
National Assembly.

M. Sainte-Croix has watched with
the greatest attention over the effi-
cacy of the dispositions, which had
been made the subject of an * ordi-
nance for the dispersion of the

Meetings formed by the French
emigrants,
positively announces, that the dis-
persion is as real and as complete as
the nation has desired and the King
directed. The annihilation of eve-
ry hope of receiving succours from
the most considerable powers ; the
wisdom of the government of the
Low Countries, and the more seri-
ous reflections of the Elector, are,
according to M. Sainie-Croix, the
causes which have accelerated the
success of his negotiation. M. le
Baron de Duminique, with whom
he has had a long conference, has
promised him to take measures still
more severe and more extended than
those which were announced by the
first note of the Elector. He has an-
nounced to him the following ar-
rangements :—AIl bodies of French-
men formed in the electorate, un-
der whatever denomination, shall
remove. Many of them are alrea-
dy removed ; and at the moment of
the departure of the courier, a void
was perceivable in consequence of

By this last dispatch he-

283

their removal: there was but one
company regularly formed, which
was named the body-guards, Ma-
ny other small corps, for instance
the company of French guards,
composed of forty-six men, are dis-
persed. Uniforms have been pro-
scribed by an order. Horses follow
men; divisions of cavalry are de-
parting every day: fourscore artil-
lery horses departed on the same
day with the courier ; and, in con-
sequence of an order of regency,
carriages which were lodged in dif-
ferent places have been sent away.
In a word, the emigrants are dis-
persed on all sides; they are all
upon their route, by the most fright-
ful roads, in spite of the snow, where
scarcely twenty-five men can halt
in one village for want of lodging.
They march without any fixed des-
tination, and receive no orders till
they reach a considerable distance.
It is probable that they will proceed
to the country of Nassau and the
neigbhouring principalities; and
many retern into France.

With respect to ammunition and
arms, M. Duminique has assured M.
Sainte-Croix that there remain none
at the disposal of the emigrants, and
that the Elector will cause the mea-
sures ordered by the Emperor to be
exactly executed in his states. He
has farther assured him that the emi-
grants have no cannon, and that if
they had any, they have been oblig-
ed to sellthem. That all the con-
tracts for furnishing them are brok-
en ; that the flour will be sold with-
out delay, and that there will re-

main to them no magazines of any
kind.

~-* This ordinance was communicated to the National Assembly on the 6th of Ja-

muary, The
here related.

purport of it will appear sufficiently from the execution of it

There

284

There has also been transmitted
to M. Sainte-Croix a note touching
the Cardinal de Rohan. The Em-
peror has caused the most lively re-
monstrances to be made to him by
his vice-chancellor, stating, that he
will not tolerate on his territories
any hostile preparations ; ‘and that
he forbids his subjects all enter-
prizes contrary to the laws of good
neighbourhood, and which may
give rise to an invasion on the part
of the French. In fine, M. Dumi-
nique has communicated to M.
Sainte-Croix a note, by which the
Emperor announces that he is ready
to protect all the states of the em-
pire, and, above all, such as have
been injured ; but forbidding, at the
same time, that any one of them
should disturb, by assemblings, or
any act of their chief, the good bar-
mony subsisting between the empire
and France. - a

Note from the Government General
of the Netherlands to M. delaGra-
viere, Resident of France, at Brus-
sels, dated January 15th, 17.92.

here government-general of the
Low Countries has already
marked to M. de Ja Graviere the
satisfaction which it received from
the measures of reciprocity which
the King has taken for preventing
the assembling and arming of cer-
tain emigrants, calling themselves
Brabanters, who have directed their
inquietudes and sinister projects
against their country, at Lisle, at
Douay, and at Bethune and its
environs, under the conduct of a
Count de Bethune Charost, who
does not take the trouble to conceal
his foolish designs. The measures
taken by the King are perverted by
the societies ajling themselves

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

“ Friends of the Constitution,’”
whom the states bordering on
France cannot but consider as the
friends of licentiousness, of disorder
and of insurrection against the le-
gitimate authorities. It is in this
point of view that the government-
general of the Low Countries has
the honour to denounce to M. de
la Graviere by the present official
note, a seditious: writing, entitled
“ The Discourse pronounced by S.
J. F. Girard,’ &c. which has been
profusely spread in print through
the Belgic provinces. This writ-
ing, so contrary to the intentions
manifested by the National Assem-
bly and by the King, had been pre-
ceded by another piece, entitled
*¢ Seraphin Joseph Girard, Elector
of the Department of the North to
his Fellow-Citizens,” &c. The pro-
tection openly promised to the fac-
tious by the societies calling them-
selves constitutional, in France, em-
boldens them to that extreme, that
they no longer observe measures in
their conspiracies, or in publishing
their projects of open plunder.

The care which the government- .
general awes to the tranquillity of
these provinces, requires that, in
imparting these circumstances it
should strongly iusist that the exe-
cution of the dispositions ordered
by the King and the French govern-
ment, forsecuring the public repose,
and preserving good neighbourhood
onthe frontiers, should answer with-
out delay to the declarations made
in that respect, and that those in-
quietudes be done away which cre-
ate a necessity for measures of pre-
caution. When proper means are
employed on’ the part of France for
dissipating the cause of such mea-
sures, it is to be hoped they will be
found superfluous on our part.

Extract

STATE PAPERS.

Extract* fromthe Instructions of M.
Delessart, Minister for Foreign
Affairs at Paris, to M. Noailles,
Ambassador from France to the
Court of Vienna.

Paris, Jun, 21st, 1792.

* & KK & # Hi) \% *

HAVE already spoken to you
concerning the official note
which was transmitted to you by
the Prince of Kaunitz on the 2\st
of December. I shall again speak
to you concerning it. This unex-
pected declaration produced at first
the greatest agitation, for it was
conceived that the language of the
court of Vienna conveyed a degree
of mewace in its tone. In order to
justify this opinion, it will be ne-
cessary to enter into some details.
It was in the month of November
that you acquainted the Austrian
minister with the formal invitation
which the King had just renewed to
the Elector of Treves, for the pur-
pose of procuring a dispersion of
those bodies which were collected
in his dominions ; and at the same
time you demanded, in the name of
the King, ‘‘ the interposition of the
good offices and authority of the Em-
peror, toinduce the Elector to com-
ply with this act of Justice.” These
bodies, the hostile preparations, the
collection of military corps, were
incontestibly notorious to every
one. The measures of the emigrants
to excite every where enemies a-
gainst France, were not less notori-
ous, Thecourt of Vienna, more
than any other court, perhaps, was
furnished with proof. Neverthe-
less, instead of attempting to induce
the Elector of Treves to put a pe-
riod to this cause of fermentation

285

and inquietudé, the court of Vien-
na appeared indifferent to all these
movements, and thereby added to
them a greater degree of power and
importance.

It was impossible for the nation
to view with the same indifference
the aggression with which it was
menaced. The National Assembly
addressed itself to the King, disclos-
ing to him a wish that had mani-
fested itself in all parts of the king-
dom, for the purpose of inviting
him to take the necessary precau-
tions which the safety of the state re-
quired. It was then that the Elec-
tor of Treves, terrified by this mea-
sure, requested the protection of the
Emperor ; and that, without any
communication, or any preparatory
elucidations, the Prince of Kaunitz
declared to you, ‘‘ that the Empe-
ror had given orders to the Marshal
Bender to march to the assistance of
the Elector of Treves, if he should
be attacked.”? It is true, that this
order appeared to relate to some
violence and incursions committed
by the municipalities, in disobedi-
ence of the intentions of the na-
tion and of the King; but allows
ing even this supposition, acts of
this nature should never have been
considered but as private opera-
tions, against which the Elector
might easily have defended himself
by means of his own power, which
were susceptible of an amicable ar-
rangement, and which certainly did
not require any movement on the
part of Marshal Bender to repress
them. We are not ignorant, in
truth, that at the very time when
the Emperor gave this order, he
sent word to the Elector of Treves
“* to follow a fixed rule with respect.

* This paper is so called by the Nationa) Assembly, and is all that was published.

te

986

to the emigrants, and to imitate in
every thing the example which had
been set on this subject in the Low
Countries.” We are not ignorant
also that on the previous compliance
with this.condition, depended that
assistance which General Bender
was to afford to the Elector in case
of an ulterior attack on our part.
Why was not this disposition dis-
closed in the note transmitted to
you? It will be unnecessary to ex-
plain to you how devoid of veracity
that exposition is which the Elec-
tor made to the Emperor. Every
thing which he is obliged to do for
the purpose of conforming to the
rules established in the Low Coun-
tries, gives the lie to the assertions
he has made, and proves in the clear-
est manner the really hostile condi-
tion in which the emigrants were in
his dominions.

But I cannot pass over in silence
that passage in the official note in
which the Elector of Treves affirms,
“¢ that it is easy to discover that the
King was not free when he subscrib-
ed the document which was trans-
mitted to him on the part of his
Majesty.” This mode of expres-
sion ought not to have procured the
Elector of Treves so easily that pro-
tection which he requested.

I pass on, Sir, to the last para-
graph of the note of the 21st De-
cember.. It is this article, the peru-
sal of which has produced the great-
est number of reflections, and has
left the deepest impression. Itis there
said, ‘‘ that the Emperor is too sin-
cerely attached to his Most Chris-
tian Majesty, and feels too much
concern’ for the well-being of
France and the general repose of
Europe, not to desire ardently the
prevention of this extremity, and
of the infallibile consequences which

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

it will produce, as well on the part
of the chief and the states of the
German empire, as of the other so-
vereigns who have united in concert
for the maintenance of the public
tranquillity, and the safety and ho-
nour of crowns.”

I. It cannot be conceived in what
manner particular acts, committed
perhaps by certain municipalities, |
ought to interest all Europe; since,
as has been already observed, a small
portion of good-will would have
terminated such events in an ami-
cable way.

Il. The following expressions
have made a deep impression :—
«“ The sovereigns who have united
in concert for the maintenance of
the public tranquillity, and the safe-
ty and honour of crowns.” It has
been conceived, that these words
are an index to a league formed
without the knowledge of, and per-
haps against, France: it has been a
matter of astonishment, that the
Emperor, the brother-in-law and
ally of the King, should not have
informed him of this combination
of the sovereigns of Europe, at the
head of which his Imperial Majesty
seems to be placed. This observa-
tion, Sir, naturally leads me to speak
to youof the uneasiness which has
already entered into the minds of
many, and to which the words
which I have just quoted added
a great degree of strength. It is ap-
prehended, that there does indeed
exist 2 combination between the
principal powers of Europe, for the
purpose of producing some change
in the French constitution, It is
supposed that these powers enter-
tain a design of establishing a con-
gress, in which this object will be
discussed between them. _ Finally,
it is imagined that, uniting their

power

STATE PAPERS.

power and their means, they will
endeavour to force the King and
the nation to accept those laws
which they make.

I do not doubt that the emigrants
have often represented this plan as
the thing in the world most pacific
and easy to be executed; but I
cannot persuade myself that it has
been so easily adopted. I cannot
believe, above all, that the Empe-
ror, guided as he is by views of
wisdom and justice, can have im-
bibed such ideas. Vain would be
the attempt to change by force of
arms our new constitution: it has
become toa great majority of the
nation a species of religion, which
they have embraced with enthusi-
asm, and which they will defend
with that energy which belongs to
the most exalted sentiments.

Those who would draw the fo-
reign powers into violent measures,
Tepeat incessantly that France is
full of malcontents, who wait only
for the opportunity of declaring
themselves. There are many who
suffer and who complain ;_ but [|
firmly believe, and my belief is
commensurate with the belief of
those who know the actual dispo-
sition of the public mind, that the
first moment in which the constitu-

tion shall be attacked, there would
' be but one party, one sentiment,
one interest ; and the greatest part
of the malcontents, attaching them-
selves to the common cause, would
become its warmest defenders.

At the same time that they speak
of malcontents, they exaggerate the
want of discipline in our armies,
the disorder of our finances, and our
intestine commotions; in a word,
they represent us ina state of abso-
Jute imbecility. J do not dissem-
ble, that our embarrassments are

287

great; but were they still greater,
they would much deceive themselves
if they thought they could insult
France with impunity, or if they
despised her power.

You have often informed me, Sir,
that the people were extremely asto-
nished at Vienna, ‘* at the appa
rent disorder of our government, at
the want of subordination in the
different powers, and at the little
respect with which the King was
treated.” It ought to be con-
sidered, that we are but just com-
ing out of one of the greatest revo~
lutions that ever happened; that
this evolution, in its essential cha-
racteristic, being at first wrought
with an extreme rapidity, has beery
prolonged by divisions arising’ in
the different parts, and by the op-
position established between differ-
ent passions and interests. It was
impossible that such opposition and
such effects, such innovations and’
such disasters, should fail of produe-
ing long agitations ; and it may rea=
sonably be expected that the re-
establishment of order ean only be
produced by time.

Besides, what is the cause of this
intestine fermentation, at which the
court of Vienna seems so much of-
fended? It is the steps which the
emigrants have taken, their prepa-
rations, their projects, their me-
naces, and the support, more or less
considerable, which they have re-
ceived in most of the courts of
Europe.

There was, without doubt, an
epoch in which their cause, appa-
rently connected with that of the
King, might have excited the in-
terest of sovereigns, and more par-
ticularly of the Emperor. But when
once the King, by the acceptance of
the constitution, had put himself at

the

288

the head of the new government,
the emigrants ought to have created
no further interest, except from
their misfortunes ; and it was easy
to judge that their pretensions and
movements, in affording hopes to
someand uneasiness to others, would
produce troubles in the kingdom,
and would perhaps communicate
those troubles toa large part of Eu-
rope. Hence the document of the
2lst December, which seemed to
announce an intention of protect-
ing them, produced a kind of ex-
plosion, and gave rise to so many
suspicions and reproaches. And
upon whom was all this to fall?
Upon the King; because malevo-
lence endeavoured to inculcate a
belief “that there exists between
- the Emperor and the King a per-
fect intimacy ; that all their mea-
sures are concerted ; and that it is
thus the King, who protects the
emigrants, directs the coalition of
all the powers of Europe.” It
would therefore be a great means
of calming men’s minds, and re-es-
tablishing order and tranquillity in
the kingdom, if a stop were put to
these scandalous associations of emi-
grants, who, without titles or terri-
tories, endeavour to elevate them-
selves to power, thinking only to
revenge their private injuries, and
to make good their personal pre-
tensions,

It appears, Sir, that one of the
things which has most displeased the
Austrian minister, is the licence of
speech and writing; and that he
pretends that a government, in
which such excesses are tolerated,
is in itself intolerable. Upon this
subject we have laid down wise
principles, and established just laws.
But it ought to be considered, that
our organization is only in its infan-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

cy ; that the resources of our new
government are not yet in possession
of all their energy ; and that, in the
midst of disquietude, occasioned
partly by foreign powers, it is im-
possible that the Jaws should exercise
all their dominion in the interior of
the kingdom. Let them cease to
disquiet us, to threaten us, and to
furnish pretexts to those who only
wish to produce disorder, and order
will soon be established. This de-
luge of libels, with which we have
been so completely inundated, has
already diminished, and continues
daily to diminish. Indifference and
contempt are the arms with which
this affliction ought to be encoun-
tered. Ought all Europe to be irri-
tated against the French nation,
because it conceals in its bosom some
declaimers and pamphleteers; and
would they do them the honour of
answering them from the mouth of
their cannon? Moreover, if it were
possible that a miserable cause like
this should draw all the powers of
Europe into a war, this war, what-
ever might be the event, would not
destroy the object against which it
was undertaken. It would, on the
contrary, add to its strength and
activity.

I have just, Sir, pronounced an
important word: a word which oc-
cupies every person’s mind; a word
which gives uneasiness to some, and
is the desire of others. This word is
War. You will easily believe that
the King is at the head of those who
opposeit. His excellent mind, act-
ing in concert with his heart, re-
volts at the idea. I regard it, even
if it should be fortunate, as a cala-
mity to the kingdom, and a scourge
to humanity. In the mean time I
can assure you, that the King has
been very sensibly affected by the

document

STATE PAPERS. 286

document of the 21st of December.
Every: intelligence that has been
since received, either from Brussels
or Coblentz, has confirmed the real
disposition of the Emperor ; and. his

jesty, desiring that the National
Assembly should partakein this sen-
timent, has required me to commu-
nicate successively every thing that
could tend to this end. But the
order given so abruptly to Marshal
Bender ; the apparent intention of
succouring the Elector of T'reves, at
the’ very time that this prince ob-
served the most hostile conduct
towards us ; the annunciation of a
combination unknown tous between
the powers of Europe; the tone and
temper of the official document,
have made an impression which the
wisest could not avoid receiving,
and which the King has not been
able to efface.

“Treturn to that essential object,
the war. Is it for the Emperor’s
interest tosuffer himself to be drawn
into this fatal measure? I will allow,
forthe sake of argument, that the
most favourable events may attend
his armies ;—what then will be the
consequence? The Emperor will
leave off, by being moreembarrassed
by success than he would have been

‘disasters; and the only fruit
which he vil gather from this war,
will be the sad advantage of having
destroyed his ally, and of having
encreased the power of his enemies
and his rivals.

I think, then, from incontestable
evidence, that peace is as necessary
to. the Emperor as to France; |
_ think that it is prudent, for him to
‘preserve an alliance, which cannot

eafter produce any inconveni-
ence to him, and which may be
beneficial ; i think that, instead of
taking in| measures which

Vou. XXXIV,

might tend to overthrow the king-
dom, he ought, on the contrary, to
desire the preservation of its power
and prosperity.

You ought, Sir, to demand expla-
nations on three points. Ist. Upon
the document of the 21st December.
2d. Upon the Emperor's interpo-
sition in our internal affairs. 3d.
Upon the meaning of that expres-
sion, — ‘‘ the sovereigns combined
for the safety and honour of crowns.”
Each of these explanations, de-
manded from his. jusiice, may be
given with that. dignity which ac-
cords with his person and power.

One circumstance will perhaps
embarrass the imperial court in that
explanation, which I wi!l suppose
it may be inclined to give: thisas,
the affair of the princes having pos-
sessions in Alsace and Lorraine, in
which the Emperor may think him-
self obliged to interpose as chiefiof
the empire. I shall first however ob-
serve, that this.is.a separate trans-
action, and ought to be treated in
a way different from that which is
the object of the present discussion.
I shall add, that the decree of the
i4th allews this negotiation a great-
er degree of latitude than it has
hitherto possessed; for, except
every ‘thing whichmight tend to re-
establish the feudal rights on the ter-
ritories:of France, a measure which
was and willalways. be impossible,
every thing else is permitted; and
the King will certainly never refuse
any reasonable arrangement. I be-
lieve that 1 may hope that the Na-
tional Assembly will be disposed to
adopt the proposition of his Majes-
ty on this subject.—In a word, Sir,
L express; to you the wish of the
King, that of his council, and I he-
sitate not in saying that of the sound
part of the nation :—We wish: for

T peace.

290

peace. We ask that a period should
be put to this expensive state of
war into which we have been
drawn; we demand a return to a
state of peace; but we have receiv-
edso much cause of uneasiness, that
itis now absolutely necessary we
should receive a full and ample
assurance of it.

Instructions of the Prince de Kaunitz
to M. Blumendorff, the Imperial
Minister at Paris, dated Vienna,
V7th of February, 1792.

HE ambassador from France at
this court has been directed to
demand explanations respecting the
aote which | delivered to him on
the 21st of December: he has ac-
quitted himself by communicating
to me the following extract of the
dispatch, which was addressed to
him for that purpose by Mons. De-
lessart on the 21st of January last.
It might be sufficient for me to
refer, respecting the explanations
demanded, as well to the notoriety
of the facts as to a posterior note
sent by metothe French ambassador
on the 5th of January, which, with--
out doubt, was known at Paris six-
teen days after, at the date of the
dispatch of M. Delessart ; neverthe-
fess, the sentiments and intentions of
the Emperor respecting France are
so pure and sincere, that he is rea-
dily inclined to repeat the fullest
explanations, being sensible that it
is of infinite importance for them
to be justly known, and entirely to
dispel the false light in which it is
endeavoured to represent them, for
the purpose of endangering their
mutual tranquillity.
The explanations that the ambas-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

a

sador has been commissioned to
demand, may be reduced to the
two following heads: ‘* The orders
given to Marshal Bender;? and
*¢ The concert which subsists be-
tween the Emperor and several
other powers for the maintenance
of the general tranquillity, and the
safety and honour of crowns.”

EXPLANATION _ON THE FIRST
HEAD,—“ AS TO THE ORDERS
GIVEN TO MARSHAL BENDER.”

The Emperor, without waiting
for a requisition from France, was
the first to subject the reception of
the French emigrants in all his do-
minions to the most strict rules of a
simple asylum; and it is also not
secret throughout all Europe, that
since their assembling, the Emperor
has continually given the most po-
sitive directions and advice to hin-
der them from any actions that might
disturb the general tranquillity. On
what foundation then, or to what
purpose, does M. Delessart re-
proach the court of Vienna with
having appeared in any manner in-
different to the movements of the
emigrants ?

The orders ta Marshal Bender,
which is the point in question, were
connected with an absolute condi-
tion, that the Elector of Treves
should fully perform his promise ‘‘ of
adhering to the same rules which
are in force in the Low Countries
relative to the emigrants; and M.
Delessart confesses this tohave been
known in France. This point re-
quired, therefore, no explanation ;
and I know not what to think of the
minister’s reproach on account of
** this disposition not having been
expressed in the note of the 21st of
December,” when at the same time
the ‘‘ assistance demanded by the

Elector

STATE PAPERS.

Elector isthere avowedly promised,

tiers and his states should be infring-

ie: case the tranquillity of his fron-

ed, notwithstanding the wise mea-
sures of that prince in adopting the
same regulations which were put in
force in the Austrian Low Coun-
tries ;’ and when at the same time,
in my second note of 5th January,
the declaration on our part, of
assistance, is positively limited to the
case of an invasion taking place,
** in defiance of the moderate and
prudent precautions of the princes
of the empire, in observing a con-
duct similar to that pursued by the
government of the I.ow Countries.”
If such manifest indications were
not sufficient to clear all doubt, and
if, in respect to himself, it were pos-
sible to suppose the Emperor would
support armaments which he has
forbidden in his own estates, what
could remain to be desired, after the
letter that the Count de Mercy ad-
dressed you on the 7th of January,
and of which, Sir, you acquaint-
ed me that you had made an
exact communication to M. Deles-
sart ; by which this ambassador en-
joins you “ to communicate to the
French minister, that the Emperor
had declared he would grant no as-
sistance to the Elector, if he did not
fully satisfy the demand of France,
not to permit in his states assem-
blages of emigrants, nor any prepa-
rations, nor hostile steps of any kind
whatever ; but that he should adopt
in every respect the same impartial
conduct which has always been ob-
served in the LowCountries towards
the French emigrants ?” ‘This offi-
cial explanation, together with the
above indications, is confirmed by
the fact, and by the reportsof Mons.

‘de St. Croix on the execution of

the orders given to prevent these

29t

assemblages. Did it not therefore
place in the hands of the minister
sufficient motives of satisfaction to
dissipate the most confirmed and
malevolent mistrust ?

How, therefore, can Mons. De-
lessart confine the motives for the
orders given to Marshal Bender to
the supposition of some violence,
and some incursions committed by
the municipalities? Why does he
pass over in silence the other mo-
tives which my note of the 21st
December specified, “* that daily
experience does not give sufficient
assurances of the stability and pre-
ponderance of moderate measures in
France, and a regular subordination.
of powers, especially of the provin-
ces and municipalities??? Of all
this passage, the last word only is
caught up. Is it that the other mo-
tives which it expresses, and which
are found at length in my note of
the 5th of January, but on which
he also observes silence, are not
equally true as important? It is
assuredly easier to pass them over,
than to combat their justice and
reality.

It was therefore clearer than day
that the Emperor, far from being
inclined tothreaten France,was only
inclined toremind her of the obliga-
tions he was under, as chief of the

‘Germanic body, as a co-estate and

neighbour, to succour another state
of the empire against unjust attacks
which evidently were to be appre-
hended from the extreme violence
manifested in the temper of the
national assembly, as well as of the
nearest departments and municipa-
lities, joined to such a precipita-
tion and disproportion of measures,
as did not permit any delay in the
orders for eventual assistance. And
as it is equally evident, that there

T2 did

292

did not remain to France a shadow
of doubt as to the true intentions of
the Emperor,—the result of course
is, that on the first head there was
no ground for requiring the expla-
nations which have been demand-
éd, if the French minister had not
been absolutely determined to start
objections.

EXPLANATION RESPECTING THE
CONCERT OF POWERS.

*¢ Without doubt,” says Mons.
Delessart, ‘ there was an epoch in
which their cause (that of the emi-
grants) apparently connected with
that of the King, might have excit-
ed the true interest of sovereigns,
and more particularly of the Em-
peror.”

At this period, which the minister
fixes before the time that the King,
by the acceptance of the constitu-
tion, placed himself at the head of
a new government, France gave to
Europe the spectacle of a “lawful
king forced by atrocious’ violence
to fly; protesting solemnly against
the acquiescence which they had
extorted from him; and a little af-
terwards, together with his family,
stopped and “detained prisoners by
his subjects.

Yes; it then did concern the
brother-in-law and the ally of the
King to invite the other powers of
Europe to join with him in a decla-
ration to France, * that they all view
*‘the cause of his Most Christian
“¢ Majesty as their own; that they
“demand that this prince a and his
“ family be set at liberty, and'have
“ power to go where they please ;
“ and they requite for these royal
«* personages inviolability and due
* respect, which by the laws of na-
*‘ ture and of nations are due from
“subjects to their princes; that

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

‘‘ they will unite to avenge, in the
“* most signal manner, every further
* attempt that may be committed or
‘* suffered to be committed against
“ the liberty, the honour, and thie
“« safety of the King, the Queen, and.
“ the royal family; and that, final-
“ly, they will not acknowledge as
‘* constitutional laws, legally esta-
** blished in France, any but those
“which shall have the voluntary
“* acquiescence of the King enjoy~
“ing perfect liberty. But if, on
“the other hand, these demands
“are not complied with, they will
“in concert employ all the means

“in their reach to’ put a stop to

*« thescandalous usurpation of pow=
“er, which bears the appearance
“* of an open rebellion, and which,
‘* from the danger of the example,
“it concerns all the governments
** of Europe to repress.”

‘These are the terms of the de-
claration which the Emperor pro-

posed in the month of July 1791, to —

the principal sovereigns of Europe
to be made to France, and to be
adopted as the basis of a general
concert.

He defies a word to be found
which is not sanctioned by all the
principles most sacred in the law
of nations :—and is it pretended
that the French nation, by its
new constitution, has raised itself
above the universal law of all
coutitries, in all ages? Nay, more;
they could not, without contradict-
ing the constitution itself, give the
title of a league against France, and
an union of powers to oblige the
King and the nation to accept laws
which they shall have made, toa
concert, whose only view was to
succour and support the inviolabili-
ty of the King and French monar-

chy, which the new constitution ac-_

know-

a ee a

Re i si ng

le eek See

STATE PAPERS.

knowledges and sanctions as an
immutable foundation of the go-
vernment.

_ To this same epoch of the de-
tention of the King and his family,
must be referred the stipulation
comprised in the preliminary arti-
cles of a defensive alliance between
the courts of Vienna and Berlin,
which were signed the 25th of July,
1791, importing ‘ that the two
courts would jointly consult, and
would employ themselves toaccom-
plish a concert on the affairs of
‘France, to which his Imperial Ma-
jesty should invite the principal
powers of Europe:” a stipulation
which rests entirely, as plainly ap-
pears, on the avowed principles.and
views of the concert, as does also
the declaration signed in common
-by the Austrian and Prussian mo-
narchs at the time of their inter-
view at Pilnitz, on the 27th of Au-
gust following: —

This concert was on the eve of
being consolidated, when the King
and Queen were released, the royal
authority restored, the mainten-
ance of a monarchical form of
government adopted as a funda-
‘mental principle of the constitution,
-and his Most Christian Majesty de-
-clared, in his letter of the 13th of
September to the National Assem-
bly, that “ he accepted the consti-
tution, though in truth he could
‘not discover that energy in the go-
vernment which would be neces-
sary effectually to direct and pre-
serve the unity of all the parts of
so vast an empire ; but he consent-
ed, that experience only should de*
cide.”

‘Then the Emperor addressed
himself a second time to the powers
‘whom he had invited. to this con-
cert, and proposed to them to sus-

293

pend their design, as may be proy-
ed by the circular dispatches which
for this purpose were received by
the Imperial ministers at the differ-
ent courts in the course of the
month of November; and of which
you will not make any difficulty of
producing the copy hereunto an-
nexed.

This proposed suspension was caus-
ed by the King’s acceptance of the
constitution, and by the appearance
that he had done it freely, and in
hopes that the dangerswhich threat-
ened the liberty, the honour, and
the safety of the King and the royal
family, as also the existence of the
monarchy of France, would cease
in future. It is only in case these
dangers should be reproduced, that
the concert will again resume its
activity.

Instead then of this circular dis-
patch containing that which is ad-
vanced without proof by the invi-
tation, in form of a decree, which
the Assembly presented to the King
on the 25th of January, ‘ that
the Emperor had endeavoured to
excite a concert of different powers
inimical to the sovereignty and
safety of France,” it shews the di-
rect reverse ; it shews, that his Im-
perial Majesty had sought to pacify
the other powers, by engaging them
to participate with him in. those
hopes which were the motives of
his Most Christian Majesty’s ac-
ceptance of the constitutions

Since that time the, concert of
the Emperor with those powers has
only eventually existed, on account
of the apprehensions which it was
natural to entertain in consequence
of a revolution which, to make use
of Mons. Delessart’s own words,
“ having been wrought with ex-

-treme rapidity, was prolonged by

r3 divisions ;

294

divisions ; it being impossible that
80 many contrary opinions, so many
efforts, and’ so many violent exer-
tions, should not leave after them
Jasting agitation.” These fears, and
the concert of passive observation,
which is the result of them, have a
double motive, equally well founded
as inseparable in its objects.

As long as the interior state of
France, instead of giving reason to
expect that the favourable predic-
tions of M. Delessart will be re-
alized on the recovery of order, the
activity of government, and the ex-
ecution of the Jaws, shall manifest,
on the contrary, daily encreasing
symptoms of ferments and resist-
ance, the powers, friends of France,
will have the most just motives to
fear the fepetition of the same vio-
lences against the King and the roy-
al family ; anid even 6 apprehend
that the French nation willbe plung-
ed in the most dreadful evilthat can
attack a great state,—popular anar-
chy. But this is also an evil the
most infectious towards other na-
tions; and as more than one foreign
state has already furnished fatal ex-
amples of its progress, other pow-
ers must be denied the same right
of maintaining their constitutions,
which France claims of protecting
her own,—if it be not allowed that
never did there exist a motive of
alarm, and a genera! concert more
just, more urgent, and more essen-
tial to the tranquillity of Europe.

The relations too of the best au-
thenticated daily events must be
disbelieved, to attribute the princi-
pal cause of the agitation in the in-
terior of France to the stand the
emigrants have made, to their pre-
parations, their projects, their
threats. and to the assistance ‘they
have received. The impotent ar-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792

maments of the emigrants did not
require the collecting of forces
thirty or forty times more numer-
ous: the armaments of the emi-
grants are dissolved, while those of
France continue; and the Emperor,
so far from approving their designs,
insists that they make no attempt
to disturb the public tranquillity.
The princes of the empire follow
his example; no power supplies
them with troops; and the pecu-
niary aid which may have been af-
forded them in consideration of
their misfortunes, is hardly suffici-
ent for their subsistence.

No; the true cause of this fer-
ment, and of all the consequences
which may ensue, is but too mani-
fest to the eyes of France, and of
all Europe; it is the influence and
the violence of the republican par-
ty, condemned by the principles of
the constitution, and proscribed by
the constituent assembly ; a party,
whose ascendance in the present
legislature has been viewed with
dread by all those who have the
good of France at heart.

It is the violence of this party
which produced those crimes and
scenes of horror which disgraced
the commencement of the reforma-
tion of the French constitution, cal-
led for and secured by the King
himself; and the consummation of
which Europe would have seen with
unconcern, had not attempts, for-
bidden by all laws, human and di-
vine, forced foreign powers to unite
for the preservation of the public
tranquillity, and for the safety and
honour of crowns.

It is the agitators of this party
who, since the new constitution has
declared the inviolability of the
monarchy, invariably seek to sap
and overthrow its principles, some-

times

STATE PAPERS.

times by motions and direct attacks,
and sometimes by a settled plan to
annihilate it in effect. by leading
the legislative assembly to seize the
exclusive functions of the executive
power, or forcing the King to yield
to their wishes by explosions which
they excite, and by the mistrusts
and reproaches which their ma-
neeuvres bring upon the King.

As they well known that the ma-
jority of the nation is unwilling to
adopt their system of a republic,
or, more properly, of anarchy; and
as they despair of succeeding to
bring it about, if tranquillity should
be established in the interior of the
nation, and peace preserved with
the surrounding powers, they di-
rect al! their efforts to foster the
internal troubles, and bring on a
foreign war.

It is in the first of these views
that they carefully encourage reli-
gious disputes, as the most active
cause of civil commotions, annihi-
lating the effect of the tolerating
views of the constitution by an in-
tolerance in its execution directly
contrary to its spirit. It is to this
end they endeavour to make the
reconciliation of the different par-
ties impossible; and the method
they take of reclaiming one side,
which has been alienated by the
severest trials the human heart can
suffer, is by depriving them of the
hope of mitigation or protection ;
and while they themselves are seen
to attack and violate with impunity
the new constitution in its most es-
sential principles, they excite the
public enthusiasm for its imimuta-
bility and perfection, and yet baffle
the desire of rendering it perma-
nent by the temperate improve-
ments of judgment and experience,
not Jess important towards its es-

4%

205

sential end, the establishment of a
free monarchy, than necessary to
reunite all classes in unanimity, ane
restore that order and energy which
are absolutely requisite for internal
government.

But knowing well that their éx-
istence, and the success of their
views, depend only on the degree
of enthusiasm which they may ex-
cite in the nation, they have pro-
voked the present crisis between
France and foreign powers. It is
for this purpose, therefore,that they
have induced the government to
lavish the public revenue, insuffici-
ent for the current expences and the
support of the credit of the state, in
awar-establishment of 150,000 men,
under the pretext of making head
against about four theusand, whom
the emigrants did assemble, and do
no longer assemble in Germany ;
but in reality with the evident in-
tent that these armaments, accom-
panied with menacing language,
shall infallibly provoke counter-ar-
manients, and finally an open rup-
ture with the Emperor and empire.

This is the reason that, instead
of appeasing the just apprehensions
which the foreign powers have en-
tertained for a long time on account
of their dark yet detected projects
of seducing other nations to anar-
chy and revolt, they plot at this
day, with a publicity of declarations
and measures without example in
the history of any civilized govern-
ment. ‘They reckoned that sove-
reigns must at length cease to op-
pose indifference and contempt to
their furious and calummiating ha-
rangues, when they should see that
the national assembly toleratesthem
in its bosom, collects them, and
even decrees their publication.
They reckoned, above all, that they

T4 should

206

Should drive the Emperor to extre-
mities, and force him into serious
measures (which might again be
turned to keep up the alarms of the
nation) by protecting and support-
ing the new conspiracy of a revolt
which has been lately discovered in
the Low Countries, and of which
it is known, beyond the possibility
of a doubt, that the focus exists at
Douay; and that the whole scheme
was founded on the assurances of
assistance from the republican par-
ty in France. It is in general a-
gainst the Emperor, and to take
advantage of the unprepared state
of his forces in the neighbouring
provinces, that their principal or at
least their firstdesign seems direct-
ed; expecting, without doubt, to
prevent the consequences of an at-
tack which would become the com-
mon cause of the powers, by en-
deavouring with negotiations, and
-separate deceitful offers, to disunite
them, and to inspire them in a con-
‘trary sense with the same emotions
of jealousy and rivalship of alli-
ance, which they will nowise excite
at a time when every thing con-
spires sincerely to fix on the firmest
basis a system of repose and gene-
ral moderation.

It is finally owing to the fatal in-
fluence of this same party, and to
the same object of precipitating a
war with his Imperial Majesty, that
theextraordinary decree of the 25th
of January may be -attributed ; by
which, encroaching on the initia-
tive reserved to the King by the
constitution, the liberty is taken of
reproaching the Emperor with hav-
ing violated the treaty of uniomand
alliance of 1756, because he wished
to succour the King of France when
a prisoner, and the French monar-
chy when nearly destroyed,: at the

ANNUAL REGISTER; 1702.

period of the 21st of June last; and
because afterwards he uséd all his
influence to bring the‘other sove-
reigns to an unison with the -deter-
mination and the hopes of his Most
Christian Majesty. By this decree
the King even is invited to demand
an explanation, in the name of
France, who is arming for-war, of
the hostile designs of the Emperor,
who has not armed at all, who has
put a stop to the armaments of
others, and whom France ‘obliges
at this day to arm in his own de-
fence. By this decree, adding in-
sult to injustice, aright is arrogated
of prescribing, on reproaches with-
out proof, to a respectable ‘sove-
reign, the ally of France, a peremp-
tory time of satisfaction; as if the
rules and regards consecrated by the
public law of nations were to be
subjected to the arbitration of a
French legislature.

‘Notwithstanding these offensive
proceedings, the Emperor will give
to France the clearest proof-of the
constant sincerity of hisattachment,
by preserving on his oe that quiet
and moderation which his friendly
concern for the situation of the
kingdom inspires ; he does justice
to the personal sentiments: of the
King his brother-in-law ; he is far
from ascribing such measures to the
majority of the nation, who either
groan under the evils produced by
a frantic party, or involuntarily
take a part in the errors and pre-
judices which are instilled into
them against the conduct of his
Imperial Majesty.

To lay open the details and the
true intentions of his conduct to-

‘wards. France, without reserve and

without disguise, to the eyes of the
King and the whole nation, ‘is the
only weapon to which the Emperor

wishes

_

ee.

a SS ee, hee ee

STATE PAPERS.

wishes. to have recourse, to baffle
the artifices of a. cabal, which, esta-
blishing a state within a state, and
founding its ascendant, forbidden
by the law, on troubles and confu-
sion, has no other means of sup-
porting itself in the inextricable
embarrassments which it has pre-
pared for the nation, than to pre-
cipitate it into still greater embar-
rassments and calamities, under
favour of which it may accomplish
its plan of overthrowing the mo-
narchical government, confirmed
by the constitution.

It is with this amicable and sa-
lutary intention that the Emperor,
at the same time that he sought,
not only in words but by actions,
to dissipate the uneasiness caused in
France by the emigrants, thought
it his duty to remind her of the
existence of the concert of powers,
and declare to her his resolution of
assisting the states of the empire, in
case of attack, for the purpose of
making those who should provoke
hostilities responsible to the King
and the nation; and doubtless the
French minister would not suffer
them to remain ignorant of a de-
elaration, word for word similar,
which was officially made by the
envoy of his Prussian Majesty,
with the like intention.

‘Finally, it is with the same view
‘that the Emperor opposes truth to
malevolence, being persuaded that
his Most Christian Majesty and the
sound and major part of the nation,
will plainly see the professions and
actions of a sincere friendship, and
be much obliged to him for dissi-
pating freely, and without manage-

ment, the illusions to which it is
intended they should fall victims.

You will remit for this purpose a
‘copy of this dispatch to the minis-

, Aeix

207

ter for foreign affairs, requesting
him to lay it before the King, and
to procure for it the most exact and
extensive publicity.

Note addressed to the French Am-
bassador.at Vienna, by the Prince
de Kaunitz, on the 19th of Fe-
bruary, 792, accompanying a
Copy of the Dispatch of the Prince
to M. de Blumendorff.

rq HE chancellor of the court and
the state, Prince de Kaunitz
Reitberg, cannot dissemble with the
ambassador of France that the Em-
peror has been extremely surprized
at the demands of explanationscon-
tained in the dispatch of M. De-
lessart, of the 21st January,,as well
as at the reproaches andthe insinua-
tions respecting consequences with
which they are accompanied. On
reflecting that never was an impar-
tial and pacific intention moreclear-
ly announced and proved than that
of his Imperial Majesty in the affair
of the assemblings in the country of
Treves ; that the nature and the le-
gitimate end of the proposals of
concert made by the Emperor.in the
month of July, 1791, aswell as the
moderation and amicable intention
of that which he made in the month
of November following, could not
escapethe cognizance of the French
government, after the one and the
other had so long transpired, and
‘even the publicnewspapers had re-
ported the substance and the essen-
tial passages—his Majesty has asked
himself, what is the aim of those
who demand explanations on mat-
ters so well known to them ?—Two
facts, which contradict all their facts

and.all their arguments.
But his Majesty will easily findthe
solution

298

solution of the problem in the con-
sideration of those circumstances of
effervescence and explosion which
necessitated this measure of the
French ministry, and in the princi-
ples and avowed designs of the per-
sons who have brought on those cir-
cumstances of violence. All Eu-
rope is convinced, as well as the
Emperor, that the persons distin-
guished by the denomination of the
Jacobin Party, willing to excite the
nation to ‘an armament, and then
to a rupture with the Emperor, af-
ter making the assemblings in the
territories of Treves a pretext for
the first, are now searching to draw
pretexts of war by means of expla-
nations which they have brought
on with his Imperial Majesty, in a
manner and with circumstances v1-
sibly calculated to make it difficult
for that prince to reconcile in his
answers the pacific and amicable
intentions which actuate him, with
the feeling of his dignity wounded,
and his repose endangered, by the
fruits of their maneeuvres. The
chancellor of the court and the state
doubts not, however, that the an-
swer transmitted by his orders to the
Imperial chargé des affaires at Pa-
ris, and of which the ambassador
will see the contents in the sub-
joined copy, will be judged by
France, or at least by the rest of
Europe, as perfectly proper in the
present state of things.

On one hand, the explanations
demanded are there given with the
greatest candour, the motives of the
Emperor’s proceedings explained
by incontestable facts, and the whole
evidenced by the very words of his
transactions, which he sees himself
forced to produce, in order to con-
vince the French nation how ca-
lumnious are the imputations, in

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

which the liberty has been taken of
taxing the Emperor with unjust at-

tempts against the sovereignty, the-

independence, and the safety of
France, in concerts and alliances
tending to interfere in its govern-
ment, and to overturn and change
by violence its constitution ; and
that, on the contrary, his Imperial
Majesty has not passed one step

beyond the line of conduct marked

out to him by his character of ally,
of friend, and of neighbour, and
imposed upon him by the most le-
gitimate solicitude for the mainte-
nance of public tranquillity. On
the other hand, the Emperor be-
lieves it his duty, for the welfare of
France, and also because he is au-
thorized in so doing by the provo-
cations and by the dangerous se-
cret practices of the Jacobin par-
tv, to expose and denounce pub-
licly a pernicious sect as the ene-
mies of the Mest Christian King,
and of the fundamental principles
of the present constitution, and as
the disturbers of peace and public
repose. Will the illegal ascendan-
cy of this sect bear it up in France
over justice, truth, and the safety
of the nation ? This is the question
to which all others are now re-
duced. But whatever may be the
result, the cause of the Emperor is
that ofall other powers; and if he
feels pain from the present state of
things, yet it is only in consequence
of his sentiments and his concern
for his Most Christian Majesty,and
for a kingdom and nation in friend-
ship with Austria, that the chan-
cellor of the court and the state is
induced to abstain from entering
upon the subject of the differences
between France and the Germanic
empire, with which he is not im-
mediately concerned. He should

wish

STATE PAPERS.

wish in general to meet a more

agreeable occasion of repeating to |

theambassador of France assurances
of the most distinguished respect.
? (Signed) Kaunirz.

Letter from the Count de Goltz, Envoy
Extraordinary of the King of
Prussia in France, addressed to
M. Delessart.

ft ode undersigned envoy extra-
ordinary and minister plenipo-
tentiary of the King of Prussia at the
courtof his Most Christian Majesty,
has the honour to remind his Excel-
lency M. Delessart, that he has re-
peatedly informed him that an inva-
sion of the territory of the empire
by the French troops cannot but be
regarded as a declaration of war
against the Germanic body; and
that, in consequence, his Prussian
Majesty could not avoid opposing it
in conjunction with his Imperial
Majesty, with all his forces. He
has more particularly given this in-
formation to the ministry of France,
on occasion of the official note
which the Imperial court sent to
the ambassador of France under date
of the 5th of January last. He now
repeats it in consequence of a dis-
patch dated the 17th of this month,
from the chancellor of state and of
the court, Prince de Kaunitz, to
M. de Blumendorff, chargé des af-
Jaires of his Majesty the Emperor,
and transmitted by the latter to the
ministry of his Most Christian Ma-
jesty: which dispatch contains the
principles on which the courts of
is and Vienna are perfectly in
concert.
The Count de Go.rz,
Paris, 28th February, 1792.

299

Note of the French Ambassador at
the Court of Vienna, to the Impe-
vial Minister, March 11th, 1792.

tan ambassador from France to
his late Imperial Majesty has
received instructions relative to the
official note which the chancellor
Prince de Kaunitz honoured him
with on the 19th of February, and
also to the other pieces that were
joined to that note.

The King had caused these in-
structions to be sent to him on the
very day the Emperor, to whom he
had the honour of being accredited,
died. The importance of the com-
munications he is ordered, to make
do not give him time to wait for
new credentials; he would reproach
himself were he to delay the mea-
sures prescribed to him, which have
for their object the preservation of
a good understanding, and general
tranquillity. After all the circum-
stances which have given mutual
uneasiness, he is happy to have it in
his power to propose means for
their termination.

The King thinks that it neither be-
comes the dignity nor the indeperd-
enceof the nation to discuss objects
which, he is of opinion, relate to the
internal concerns of the kingdom :
but his Majesty observes with plea-
sure the assurances given inthename
of the Emperor, ‘‘ that far from sup-
porting the projects and preten-
sions of the emigrants, he was de-
sirous to cunvince the French na-
tion of the falschood of those re-
ports which have been propagated
against his Imperial Majesty, and
which impute to him designs against
the safety and independence of
France, by plans and alliances tend-
ing to interfere in the government
and overturn the constitution.”

His

‘300

His Majesty has found in the
answer of the deceased Emperor
some amicable and pacific overtures;
and he has received them with plea-
sure. As it is however necessary
‘to remove all those doubts which
have been too much prolonged, he
declares, that, “‘ conscious of his
attachments to the French nation
and the constitution, and equally
trusting in the attachment of the
French people, he cannot behold
without uneasiness a confederacy,
the object of which appears to give
just cause of alarm.” He, in conse-
quence demands of his ally to aban-
don that confederacy, and rénew
his assurances of peace and union.
He explains to him his views with-
out reserve, and relies on the same
frankness and readiness in his de-
clarations, which he expects as a
pledge of mutual friendship.

The ‘King’ has charged his am-
bassador to promise, that “ as soon
as his Imperial Majesty shalk have
engaged to discontinue all prepara-
tions for war in his dominions, and
to reduce his military forces in the
Low Countries and Brisgaw to the
footing they were on at the Ist of
August 1791, his Majesty will also
discontinue all preparations, and
will reduce the French troops in
the frontier departments to the or-
dinary state of the garrisons.”. It
is on this determination, the only
one becoming the dignity and in-
terests of two great powers, that
the King has acknowledged the
sentiment he expected from the
late Emperor his brother-in-law,
and the ancient ally of France.

Finally, the ambassador has been
charged to observe, that after a pro-
posal so just and so formal, the
‘King relies on an answer of the
same deseription, announcing a re-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

solution to put a period to a situa-
tion in which France neither can
nor will remain much longer,

Such are the sentiments which
the King ordered his ambassador to
express to the late Emperor the
King of Hungary aud Bohemia.

Overtures of conciliation and
friendship are the first words that
princes, already united by so many
ties, address to one another. The
measures proposed have for their
object the insuring of two nations
from the calamities of war. The
ambassador congratulates himselfon
the opportunity of presenting this
important reflection to the Prince
de Kaunitz; it will be a pleasure
for him to accomplish the desire of
a monarch, whose chief actions
aim at human happiness. The
French ambassador has the honour
to renew his assurances of the great-
est esteem. ;

(Signed) NoArLtes.

Answer, dated 18th of March, 1792,
‘of the Chancellor Prince de Kau-

nitz to the Note of M. Noailles, of

the 11th of March.

THE French “government hav-

ing demanded a categorical expla- —

nation concerning the intentions
and measures of the late Emperor

relative to the present situation of —

France, this answer is sent in con-
sequence of that demand. It is re-

garded only as an act of complai- —

sance and friendly respect, after the

steps taken on the subject of this”

question. But with much stronger

reason would it suit the dignity of

great potentates to refutewith open
fairness, not to discuss by confiden-
tial insinuations which may be dis-
sembied in a reply, imputations and
interpretations, with which are

mingled

STATE PAPERS.

mingled the words of peace and of
war, and which are accompanied
with'every kind of provocation.

The justice of the motives, and
the truth of the assertions on which
rest the explanations already given
by order of the late Emperor, are
incontrovertible; and the chancel-
lor of the courtand state, the Prince
de Kaunitz, is therefore the less
bound to addto them at present
any new arguments. The King
of Hungary and Bohemia fully
adopts on this subject the senti-
ments of his father; and the new
demands which the French am-
bassador has since been charged to
make here, revert to those which
have already been completely an-
swered.

The King knows not of any ar-
mament, or any measures in the
Austrian states, which can be de-
nominated preparations for war.
The defensive measures ordered by
his late Imperial Majesty are not
to be compared with the hostile
measures of France; and as'to those
which his Apostolic Majesty shall
judge necessary for the security and
tranquillity of his own territories,
and above all for stifling the trou-
bles which the examples of France
and the criminal proceedings of the
Jacobin party foment in the Belgic
provinces, he neither can nor ever
will consent previously to tie up his
hands with any ore whomsoever;
nor has any one a right to prescribe
limitstohis conduct. With respect
to the concert in which his late
Imperial Majesty engaged with the
most respectable powers of Europe,
the King of Hungary and Bohemia
cannot anticipate their common
Opinions and determinations ; but
he does not believe that they will
judge it expedient to dissolve the

301.

concert until France shall have re-
moved the causes. which provoked
or necessiated the opening of it.
His Majesty, on his part, expects
this the more, as he presumes'too
much on the justice and reason of
a nation distinguished by its mild+
ness and wisdom,. to abandon the
hope thatit will not be slow to with-
draw its dignity, independence, and
repose, from the attempts of a san-
guinary and furious faction, which
promotes anarchy, in order to, de-
stroy, by insurrection and popular
violence, the exercise of all sorts of
authority, Jaws, and principles; and,
by an illusive mockery: of words;
is attempting to rob the Most Chris-
tian King of his liberty, to destroy,
every constitution and all regular
government, and to violate the
faith of the most solemn treatias,
aud the duties of the most sacred
public right.

But should their designs and their
artifices prevail, his Majesty flatters
himself that at least the sound and
principal part of the nation will
then behold, as a prospect of conso-
lation and support, the existence of
a concert whose intentions are wor-
thy of their confidence in the most
important. crisis which has ever af-
fected-the common interests of Eu-
rope.

This is what the chancellor of the
court and: state is' charged to. reply
to the answer which the French

-ambassador had been ordered to

make to his late Imperial Majesty ;
and in requiring him to transmit it
to his court, he has the honour to
repeat his assurances of the greatest
esteenty

(Signed)
‘Kaunirz Rerrsencn.

Vienna, 18th March,,1792.
Letter

302 ANNUAL REGISTER,

Letter of M. Louis de Narbonne,
Minister at War of France, to the
Duke of Brunswick. Paris, Jan.
9, 1792.

My Lord,

} AD I followed the rules of

ordinary policy, I should not
have been induced to make the
bold demand which I address to
you in the name of the King, and
which I should have addressed to
you also in the name of the nation,
had the secrecy which this step re-
quires permitted me to consult its
wishes. Come and assume the
command of the French army—

I know not what the Duke of

Brunswick, as a prince of the Ger-

man empire, as a member of the

Germanic body, may have to offer

in answer to this proposal, but I

address myself to an hereditary

prince, to one who has courted
success in war, and who has been
so often gratified in that high am-
bition. I can say to him “ among
us you will acquire a glory worthy
of your character.” Is not this
sufficient to engage you? Should
you say, my Lord, that you are
going to command an undisciplined
army, I will answer, that political
quarrels have divided it; but that
it will rally under the standards of

a man who depends only on his

own genius, and who, in the cause

of equality, finds himself previously
disinterested by all the gifts of na-
ture. -

You will perhaps say also, that
it is against the cause of Kings
that you are going to take up arms:
but our principles have consecrated
monarchical government; and,with-
out defending them in every point,
I will remind you, that the Duke
of Brunswick has practised in all
his states several of our maxims;

1792.

that the greatest general of Europe
has not endeavoured by force to
render his country more military
than the extent of it would allow;
that he has done nothing but what
is worthy of a great character;
and that the glory, even the most
suited to his genius, has not made
him pursue measures contrary to
the happiness of his people.

Whatever our principles may have
exaggerated ; whatever violence,
above all, may be in our constitu-
tion, time already begins to apply
a remedy; but nothing can equal
the effect which will be produced
by the presence of the Duke of
Brunswick. In taking an oath to
defend liberty, you would give
cause of exultation to the French
people; that mistrust which has
ruined us would not approach the
Duke of Brunswick.—Who would
dare to doubt his word? Is not
courage the surest pledge of loy-
alty ?

The scourge of war might per-
haps be averted from France. The
name of the Duke of Brunswick
will perhaps be sufficient to pre-
serve us from it; but, even in the
midst of peace, the glory of creating
a power, and of re-establishing an
army, would belong to him.

The faults and enemies of France
may, perhaps, have made it be
considered by Europe asa kingdom
almost annihilated. Twenty-four
millions of people, distant posses-
sions, arts, all have been in danger
of being forgotten; but all these
still exist, all wait for the genius of
good order. The French nation
is susceptible of enthusiasm: the
glory and example of your Se-
rene Highness would excite it.
By this sentiment you would rally a
nation which is ruined only by be-

ing

STATE PAPERS.

ing divided. In aword, your pre-
sence, by depriving our enemies of
hope, will deprive those factions,
by which we are torn, of all the
strength they derive from terror.—

This word will no longer be pro-
nounced in a country, the defence
of which you undertake; and you
will acquire every kind of glory by
restoring to France that tranquillity
which is necessary for framing good
laws, and by securing to the King
the eternal gratitude of a people to
whom he shall have given the Duke
of Brunswick as a defender.

You may be told that the French
constitution, which you might think
proper to support, abounds with
faults; but such as it is, it isa grand
epoch in the human mind; and no
judgment ought to be passed on it
while it is seen surrounded only by
all the troubles of a civil war, really
existing, though that expression has
never openly been pronounced.

In short, the French people wish
to bury themselves under the ruins
of this constitution; and in their
devoting themselves there will be
something heroic, which will oblige
the Duke of Brunswick, should he
become their enemy, to confess,
that ¢hat nation, in its defeat, knows
how to snatch from the conqueror
. the prize of his glory.

I could also, in coolly discussing
the interests of Europe, prove to
your Serene Highness the utility of
_ the step which I propose; but I
place my hopes only in that love of
glory which we ought to believe to
be the characteristic of your High-
ness. To this sentiment I wished
to address myself: it is the language
of antiquity, a language such as the
Romans would not have resisted,
that I have thought proper to em-
ploy. The glory of the Duke of

303

Brunswick seems to be cotempora-
ry with those ages of heroism.

Should Isave my country by per-
suading your Serene Highness to
pursuethe courageous course which
I request you to follow you cannot
doubt that my whole attention, in
the office I occupy, shall be to unite
all the means which prudence can
suggest to second your views: and
you will find the same enthusiasm
which has dictated this letter, in the
ardent care I shall employ to make -
you enjoy success in the noble step
which I may prevail upon you to
pursue.

M. de Custine will give account
to your Royal Highness, with as
much exactness as ability, of the
present situation of the affairs of
France. When you have heard
him, and read this letter, you will
pronounce an answer which will
weigh much in the balance of the
fate of the empire. But if, my
Lord, you deceive my hopes, if you
resist the impulse of your heart, all
will not be terminated between you
and the French nation. We shall
still have the ambition of acquiring
sufficient glory, to make the Duke
of Brunswick regret having refused
tu gratify a wish which I have ex-
pressed tu him in the name of the
people andthe King.

I am with respect,
my Lord, yours, &c.
(Signed) Louis pe NARBONNE.

Answer of the Duke of Brunswick to
M. Louis de Narbonne, Minister
at War.

Sir, January 22.
The letter which you have done
me the honour to write to me, could
not fail to excite my most respect-
ful gratitude to the King, and the
liveliest

304

liveliestsensibility on account ofthe
very polite mannerinwhich you. ex-
ecuted the orders of his Majesty.
I will not detain you with detailing
the impression I have felt from the
offer you have made to me, in terms
proper to determine my sentiments.
The imagination is flattered by re-
presenting the situation of a mili-
tary officer, employed in the army
of a nation to which no kind of
glory. is a stranger, and which, in
that career, hasproducedmen whom
it is easier to admire than to imitate.
But notwithstanding all the splen-
dor of the sphere to which you in
vite me, I think myself obliged to
request, that you will immediately
communicate to his Majesty the
motives that compel me to deprive
myself of the advantages of asitua-
tion which would enable me to ex-
ecute the orders of a great and just
monarch, who attaches his felicity
to that of the nation.

My relations, as members of the
Germanic body, are not unknown
to the King; those which attach
me to the King of Prussia-and his
august family, to his monarchy and
army, are known also to you, Sir.
Permit me to add an acknowledge-
ment. of my incapacity to filla place
which requires talents that Iam far
from having a right, to suppose I
possess,though! am fully convinced,
that a minister so enlightened as
you, Sir, is oneof the most capable,
by the aid of your talents, to dissi-
pate those fears which a well-
grounded mistrust might excite in
my mind. I must not neglect also
to direct your attention to a secon-
dary circumstance :—I allude to my
health, which has experienced avio-
lent shock by an obstinate malady,
the effects of which are not entirely
dispelled.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

Be, Sir, the interpreter of my —
most respectful sentiments to the
King, of whose kindnessI am high-
ly sensible, and present to hin the
ardent vows which I incessantly: —
form for they glory and pola Soe ;
of that august monarch.

It has given me great pleasure
to receive M. de Custine; his tas
lents and prudence announce him
to be aman who does honour to his
nation, and who is highiy worthy
of belonging to it.

(Signed) C. U. F. Dake of .
Brunswick LUNENBURG. —

Letter from Ms Dumouriez, Mini-
ster for Foreign Affairs in France;
to M. Noailles, French Ambassa-
dor at the Court of Vienna.

Sir, Paris, March 19, 1792.
'HAVE laid before the King
your dispatches of the 29th of —
January, and the Ist and 3rd of
March.
As theaffairs of Austria may take
a new direction, in consequence of —
the Death of Leopold, the King does
not expect an immediate answer to
the dispatches transmitted vou by
M.Delessart. The disgrace of that
minister has been occasioned ina
great measure by: the feebleness
with which he conducted his nego- —
tiations. }
It is unpleasant that you should
have communicated to M. de Kauwe _
nitz the confidentialletter, of which
an extract, properly made, would
not have furnished that minister
with the means of a violent decla- —
mation, which could not be injuri-
ous to the pacific negotiatians; e
which might have been perceived —
inthe dispatches of M. de Kaunitz
to have formed a principle of be,
ate

STATE PAPERS.

late Emperor’s policy. The future
Negotiation will take a simple and
direct course—such is the intention
of the King, which he has recom-
mended to me upon entering into
the ministry ; so that all the dis-
patches which you shall in future
receive, may without danger be pre-
sented to the minister of the new
sovereign.

Peace or war depends entirely
upon the cabinet of Vienna. What
you have said relative to the cha-
racter of the King of Bohemia and
Hungary, affords room to hope
that he will reflect maturely upon
the horrors of a loug and terrible
war, of which he alone must bear
the expences and the losses, even if
he were to atchieve the ruin of
France. I also think that the sa-
crifice of an alliance, which has
been so useful to his family, will
leave him after the termination of
hostilities without any ally what-
ever, and so much the more in the
power of his natural enemies, in
proportion as he fails of success.

Certainly, if he should favour the
criminal fury of the emigrants,
which is a subject of such regret to
the paternal heart of the King, there
would only result to himself a state
of feebleness and exhaustion equal
to that in which he should have in-
volved France; and then he would
lose all that ascendency which the
possession of the imperial throne for
two hundred years has given to his
predecessors ; he would likewise,
perhaps, lose that exalted dignity ;
and should he afterwards be attacked
by his allies of the present moment,
France, exhausted and torn in pieces
by a civil war, which might last even
long after the foreign war had ceas-
ed, would be unable to afford him
assistance against his new enemies.

Vor. XXXIV.

305

This is a true picture of the dan-
gers attendant upon his suecess. On
the contrary, should the issue of the
war prove unfavourable to the
offending powers, the victories of
France would affect the King of Bo-
hemia and Hungary alone, on ac-
count of the vicinity of his territories
to our frontiers. It is possible that
the prospect of a speedy coronation
may be held out to him, of which
his accelerating the war may be made
a condition ; but this distinction of
head of the empire, and head of
the house of Austria, cannot avail
him for one minute. From that mo-
ment the ties will be broken, and the
war will become personal to himi
Thus he alone will have tosustain al
its weight, as already observed.

What can be the motives of such
a war ?—The claims upon Alsace
and Lorraine ?—These can be ad-
justed by negotiation alone; and,
on the contrary, war will break off
all measures of accommodation..—
The cause of the emigrants ?—The
King attests that he has employed
every means in his power to induce
them to return to France. They
are acting in open disobedience to
his Majesty, and as criminals to
their country. Can the King of
Bohemia and Hungary take upon
him to defend rebels? and would
not the example be dangerous to
himself ?—Our armament? It was
provoked by the treaty of Pilnitz,
and by the asylum granted to the
refugees on the frontiers. It is
purely defensive; and, as a proof of
it, the king has not ordered a fleet
to be equipped, merely because Eng-
Jand has not exhibited any symp-
toms of menace.

I shall say nothing of the clubs
and pamphlets which have been
so repeatedly complained of, If

U this

306

this was) 4 just motive for war, all
Europe would long since have un-
dertaken a crusade against Great
Britain. Itis in our constitution,
it is in our laws, itis in our declara-
ration of rights itself, that the chiefs
of nations may find our principles,
and the foundation of our conduct.
The King of the French has the
new constitution engraven upon
his heart; it bas his firm attach-
Ment; it has his best wishes; his
conduct wi!l be invariable; and the
open sincerity of his negotiation
May be reliedupon. Such is that
persuasion with which you ought to
inspire thenew King and his minis-
ters, which ought to deprive them
of every motive of war.

The head of a great free nation,
the King, will do every thing con-
sistent with his dignity to avoid a
war founded cn motives so unjusti-
fiable. If circumstances, or the
blind infatuation of the chiefs of
other nations, compel him to de-
fend-himself, he will present to the
French nation the negotiations
which he shall have made, in order
to produce peace, and will derive
from it the resources and energy
necessary to carry on war.

A concert of powers is evidently
formed against France. This con-
cert can hardly exist beyond the
present moment, because it strikes
at the root of order and sound poli-
cy. It cannot remain; it must ne-
cessarily cease either after or during
the war. In either case, the head
of the house of Austria will remain
alone exhausted of men and money.
All danger of hostility would cease,
on receiving a frank and open de-
claration on the part of the court of
Vienna, and a mutual disarming
would instantly take place.

The pretext of the necessity of a

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

large body in the Low Countries,
to prevent the spirit of revolution
from spreading there, is by no
means a sufficient motive. The
more troops are assembled in these
five provinces, the more will the
inhabitants be harrassed, oppressed,
and excited to insurrection. | Ar-
mies cannot restrain a people when
they wish to be free. The more
force is opposed, the greater ener-
gy rises, till it becomes fury which
cannot be resisted. Genoa may af-
ford an example to the house of
Austria. This small town routed a
whole army.

The French revolution affords an
example still more striking. Allow
the Belgic provinces to be happy,
and to maintain their constitution,
and they will remain in tranquillity.
The court of Vienna well knows
who have excited the Belgic dis-
turbances. It knows well that the
Constituent Assembly rejected the
Belgic provinces, because their the-
ocratic revolution was the reverse
of ours.

To their new allies they are in-
debted for this bad piece of service ;
and if they should no longer inter-
fere in the affairs of Flanders, pro-
vided it enjoyed a good govern-
ment, the ordinary garrisons would
be sufficient for its security. The
diminution of the troops ia this
province is then necessary to prove
the good intentions of the king of
Hungary, as well as the expulsion
of all the emigrants who are con-
vened in arms from the Austrian
dominions. This example would
influence the inferior sovereigns of
the Germanic league; in a short
time the assemblement of troops,
suspicions of hostilities, would cease
on both sides; all the menaces
and preparation of war will disap

pear,

a

EE

ee Te te ee

STATE PAPERS.

pear,:and nothing will remain. but
to adjust in an amicable manner the
claims of the princes. This cannot
be done amidst the din and bustle
of armies. As to the concert of
powers, as it has only one object,
which ought not to exist ; as it isa
political monster, it will destroy it-
self, and there will remain only the
means of better securing the peace
of Europe.

Such, Sir, is the basis on which
the King orders you to treat with
the court of Vienna, (hat you may
obtain an open and decisive answer.
I will lay before bis Majesty the
account of the success of your ne-
gotiation; and I am persuaded that,
by holding out, with all the energy
of truth, these powerful interests to
the court of Vienna, you will soon
be able to determine the issue of
this political crisis, which cannot be
of a long duration.

(Signed) DumouriEz.
Letter from M. Noaiiles, the French
Ambassador at the Court of Vienna,
to M. Dumouriex, French Minis-
ter for Foreign Affairs.
Sir, April 2d, 1792.

'I YESTERDAY received by the
courier Duclos, the letter which
you did me the honour to write me
on the 19th of March. It was on
the same day that the answer went
off to the last note, which I had
been charged to transmit to the mi-
nistry. I conformed entirely to
the communication made on the
ist of March to the National As-
sembly. You will have seen, Sir,
what has been the result. There
is no doubt that affairs in reality
have not assumed a new appearance
since the death of the Emperor Le-
opold, nor has any change taken

307

place which ought to strengthen
the hopes of those who entertain
sincere wishes for the general tran-
quillity. The young King, as I
have formerly imformed you, will
necessarily allow himself to be guid-
ed in the commencement of his
reign; andif notin his own cha-
racter, will at least, in the conduct
of lis ministry, display great inflex-
ibility of principle.

I have, Sir, availed myself of the
letter of M. Delessart, under the
title of an * Extract, communicat-
ed confidentially.”” [did not com-
municate the whole letter. I pre-
served, however, a great part of it,
because the expressions were so mo-
derate as to give me reason to hope
for the greatest success. The ex-
perience which I had from a resi-
dence of nine years, induced me to
adopt this step. The Austrian mi-
nister all at once made a declaration
of sentiments which before he had
dissembled—the letter of M. Deles-
sart was taken in pieces, and de-
tached passages were perverted to a
construction foreign to their real
meaning. }

These reflections are not intend-
ed to justify myself, bat to prevent
a statement of the real dispositions
of the court of Vienna. Can my
last note have given ground for
those violent declamations, which
are to be found in the Austrian an-
swer, and which brings us back to
the very point fron: which we set out
last July ? It is not necessary for me
now to dissemble those efforts which
I have made to pesuade the minis-
try here, that if they were desirous
to secure their own repose and pro-
mote ours, they ought to avoid all
censure of our internal administra-
tion. Ihave incessantly repeated,
that censure, only allowable in pri-

U2 vate

308

vate conversation, when committed
to ministerial communications, be-
comes the most sensible affront to
the honour of a nation. What ef-
fect, Sir, have these representations,
so strongly urged, produced? You
have at present in your hands the
communication of March 1Sth; the
government here have made this
communication, and those which
preceded it, as public as possible, by
publishing it, of which I enclose you
three copies, and by announcing
that an exact translation of them into
German will speedily make its ap-
pearance. What can be more glar-
ingly offensive, or what means can,
after such a conduct, remain open
for negotiation? So little am I ac-
quainted with any, that I should
think myself wanting to the honour
of the naticn and the dignity of the
King, if I took any step with the mi-
nistry here till you shall have the

oodness to answer my dispatch of
the 19th of March. I have only ta-
ken occasion to send to the chancel-
lor of state a letter to the King of
Hungary, presuming it was an an-
swer to the notification of the death
of the Emperor.

{ shall suspend sending my resig-
nation, from those motives of ho-
nour which I have mentioned ;
otherwise nothing is hazarded, since
there is nothing to negotiate.—I[
shall mention, for this last reason,
that I have had the honor to write
to the King to entreat his Majesty
to permit me toresign. J again de-
mand this favour, Sir, through your
mediation, and J solicitit with all the
ardour ofa zealous servant of his coun-
try; who, perceiving ihat be can no
Jonger be useful at his post, thinks
himself bound to yield it to another.
I can, in the mean time, continue to
attend to the ordinary business till

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the end, and while I wait to receive
the final orders of his Majesty.
(Signed) NoatLugs.
‘ fit
Dispatch from M. Dumouriez to M.
de Noailles.

Sir, Paris, March 27th.

I HAVE received your letters of
the 28th and 29th of February, and
one of the 12th and 13th of March,
andalso one, No. 10, from M. Mar-
bois, dated the 13th. IL. see, by
your first letter, that the negotia-
tions would be infinitely prolonged,
if you do not carry it on according
to the spirit of my first dispatches;
that the King would not be able to
give a satisfactory answer to the
nation ; and that shoutd the opinion
of M. Cobentzel prevail, we should
not be able for a great while to
terminate the business; for it is im-
possible to make us believe that the
troops by which we were surround-
ed, ought not to give us umbrage ;
it is impossible to make us believe
that the court of Vienna sends
troops into the Brisgaw, reinforces
those in the Milanois, and is form-
ing an army attended with a train
of besieging artillery and immense
magazines, for the sole purpose of
maintaining tranquillity in the Ne-
therlands.

As the spring is approaching, and
the troops are reinforcing ;—as we
see over all Europe hostile prepara- _
tions making against us, it is no
longer possible to be imposed on by
words,—The opinion of Cobentzel
is besides erroneous, when he at-
tempts to make you believe that
there is no reason why the federa-
tion of the different courts should
not continue on the same ground as
before ; that is, depending on events.
Whatever M. Cobentzel may say,

our

STATE PAPERS.

our governmert is possessed of
strength, and rests on a firm basis.
it has nothing to do with a republi-
can system. The King is invested
with constitutional power, far supe-
rior to despotic power. It is witha
very ill grace asserted, that we are
likely to cause alarms among all the
neighbouring nations. If we are
plunged in anarchy, we cannot be
formidable to other powers. <A
league formed against us must there-
fore be intended for the purpose of
dividing our spoils. If we be ina
settled state, it is unjust to make use
of menaces against us. In every
point of view there is therefore no
reason for forming aleague against
us. The reunion of Avignon is al-
s0 4 vain pretext. This country,
in the bosom of the surrounding
Southern provinces, has for a great
while belonged to France ; her title
to it has never been lost by prescrip-
tion. It was simply a process be-
tween the King of France and the
Pope; it is now a process between
the French nation and the King of
the French on one part, and the
Pope on the other.—At the worst,
it can only be terminated by grant-
ing an indemnity, in the same man-
ner as to the German princes having
possessions in Alsace.

The ministry of Vienna might have
known by the conduct of the Nation-
al Assembly, and by the constitution,
which must be read, that we may be
understood (and which constitution
has been acknowledged by the Em-
peror Leopold) that we renounce all
war for conquest ; it is not, there-
fore, in our power to desire the inba-
bitants of the Netherlands to throw
themselves into the arms of France.
M. de Cobentzel does not, any
more than yourself, place any con-
fidence in the observations which

309

he made toyou. TJastead of tending
to a pacific negotiation, they would
tend to break off all kind of nego—
tiations. It is impossible the King
can wait any longer. It is impossi-
ble that, after he has been invited
by the National Assembly to de-
mand a categorical answer, he
should suffer this negotiation, on
which the fate of Europe depends,
to be farther protracted. It is ridi-
culous to demand, within eight days,
the confutation of worn-out argu-
ments, which are employed simply
to gain time.
Entrusted with their presentation,
and with the confidence of a great
nation, he daily expects a categori-
cal answer. By my first dispatches
you are informed in what this an-
swer must consist.—If the successor
of Leopold be willing to observe
his treatise with France, be mast
without hesitation break off those
which he has made unknown to her,
and with bostile intentions against
ber. He must also withdraw those
troops by whom we are threatened,
because such a state of perplexity
is contrary both io the proceedings
of an ancient ally, and to the inte-
rests of the court of Vienna. Ifthis
declaration be not very speedy and
very sincere, the King will, on the
return of the courier whom you
shall send, consider himself as de-
cidedly in a state of war, and he
will be supported by the whole na-
tion, which is eager for a prompt
decision. Endeavour, Sir, to finish
this negotiation, someway or other,
before the 15th of April. If from
this moment to that epoch we
should be informed that the troops
remain on the frontiers, and re-
ceive reinforcements, it’ will no
longer be possible to restrain the
just indignation of a free and spirit-
U3 ed

310

ed nation; which it is in vain to
seek to vilify, to intimidate, or to
impose upon, until all preparations
be ready to attackit, I expect from
you, Sir, all the energy which be-
comes the French nation. You will
preserve its dignity by speaking free-
ly, and by speedily coming some
way or other to a conclusion.

Letter from M. Noailles to the French
Minister for Foreign Affairs.
April 5th, 1792.
Sir,

YOUR dispatches of the 27th of
March were brought to me by the
courier Dorville, on the 4th of April.
I immediately obeyed the instruc-
tions contained in them, by visiting
the Count Cobentzel, vice-chancel-
lor of the state and of court. I pre-
ferred addressing myself to him, be-
cause he is more accessible than
Monsieur the Prince de Kaunitz,
and because I was sure by his means
of introducing whatever I chose to
the knowledge of the sovereign.

I said every thing to the vice-
chancellor which could produce a
definitive explanation, such as you
wished. I represented to him how
much our uneasiness increased every
day upon observing the hostile pre-
parations directed against us. ‘* I

said it was in vain to object to our.

arming, or to our armaments; that
it was well known hey had been
provoked; that we were desirous of
being able to have confidence in the
conduct of foreign powers with re-
gard tous; that they had reason to
be easy with regard to our conduct;
tbat if malice had been less exercis-
ed against us we would have quietly
concluded the work of our regene-
tation; that the court of Vienna

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

had begun a league or plot against
us, by granting an asylum and pro-
tection to the emigrants, and coun-
tenancing their agents ; and that at
present they had assembled forces.
in the Brisgaw, which were, to us
very suspicious; that the tranquil-
lity of the Low Countries did not
require any thing like it; that we
wanted better assurances than words;
that simple pacific assurances at pre-
sent appeared to us calculated solely
to gain time ; that at length things
were come to that pitch, that I had
a positive order to demand a declar-
ation by which the court of Vienna
should renounce her armaments
and the coalition, or to make known
in default thereof, that the King
would consider himself to be in a
state of war with Austria, and that
he would be strongly supported by
the whole nation, which was anx-
ious for a speedy decision.”

Count Cobentzel undertook to
justify his court from the hostile
views imputed to it. ‘ He pro-
teSted that the King of Bohemia
was by no means inclined to med-
dJe with our interior concerns,.
and did not design by any means.
to support the interests of the emi-
grants; he repeated what be had
often said before, that they had
sent reinforcements to Brisgaw. as
they thought them necessary to
preserve order and justice in the
country, and that they might sue-
cour the states of the empire which
had requested it ef their neigh-
bours.” I observed, that so many
precautions, afier the concert that
was known to us, justified our
alarms. I insisted especially upon
the conclusion of this concert, so
contrary to what we might expect
from our ally.

The

STATE PAPERS.

The reply of Count Cobentzel
confirmed me in my former opi-
nion, that his court did not wish
to attack us, but would make requi-
sitions, which it would be difficult
to avoid without a war. He said,
that the concert was no longer
personal to the King of Hungary ;
that he could not withdraw himself,
but with other courts; and that
this concert would continue till
what remained to be setidled with
France was brought to a conclu-
sion. He specified to me three
points.

Ist. That satisfaction should be
given to the princes possessioned in
Lorraine and Alsace.

2d. That satisfaction should be
given to the Pope for the county of
Avignon.

3d. That measures should be
taken on our part to that purpose ;
and that our government should
have a sufficient power to repress
whateyer might give uneasiness to
other states.

All the arguments on our part
being exhausted, and the system
established here not having the ap-
pearance of being near a change,
I asked Count Cobentzel, if for
answer to the representations which
I had made him, I might say that
his court adhered to the official
note of the 10th of March, The
minister perceiving himself sur-
reunded by the circle which | had
drawn, said, that he would take
directions of his Majesty, and in-
form me of what he should be or-
dered to say.

__M, de Bichoffswerder set out this
day upon his return to Berlin. . He
would have begun his journey
soover, but that he waited for a
circular leuer, which will be ad-
dressed. to the coalesced courts,

311

and probably to the states of the
empire, as co-states, demanding
from each the assistance that they
have proposed to give, either in
money or men, in case of war.

This, I am informed, was the
motive of his delay, but. I have no
certainty upon the subject. M. de
Bichofiswerder will stop at Prague
to see the Prince of Hohenlohe, and
agree with him upon the time and
place for an interview between the
Austrian general and the Duke ef
Brunswick. ‘This interview is. ex-
pected to take place at Leipsic in
the course of a month. According
to my opinion, the court of Vienna
has adopted a plan purely defen-
sive, notwithstanding the endea-
vours of the court of Berlin to sug-
gest another.

(Signed) NoAtrces.

Second Letter from M. Noailles to M.
Dumouriez, dated Vienna, April
7th, 1792.

I HAVE detained the courier,
Sir, for the answer of ‘the Count
de Cobenizel: he has just informed
me, on the Tal of the King his
master, “ that the note of the “18th
of March contains the answer to
the demands I have been charged
to renew; and that the dispesition
expressed in that note could be the
Jess altered, since it also contained
the opinion of the King of Prussia
upon the affajrs of France: an opi-
nion agreeing in all respects with
that of the King of Hungary.” The
Count Cobentzel also informed me,
that he had received orders from
his ajesty to make the same com-
munication ' to M. Blumendorff at
Paris.

(Signed) Noa LLES,

U4 Note

312

Note presented by Count de Kellar,
the Prussian Minister, to their
High Mightinesses the States-Ge-
neral.

HE ties of confidence and friend-

ship, projected for some years,
as well at Berlin as Vienna, have,
been formally cemented by a defen-
sive treaty of alliance, signed at Ber-
lia, on the 7th of February, and ra-
tified a short time before the de-
cease of the Emperor. /

The King of Prussia, desirous not
to retard the communication of this
treaty to your High Mightinesses,
has authorised the undersigned, his
envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary, to deliver to you a
copy of the said treaty, which he has
this day the honour to present to you.

The stipulations i it contains having
for their aim the general tranquillity
of Europe, as well as the repose and
happiness of individuals, his Majesty
believes them to be perfectly appli-
cable, without the smallest incon-
venience, to the position and interests
of the United Provinces.

The King of Hungary and Bohe-
mia, on his part, disposing himself,
High and Mighty Lords, to invite
you to concur in this alliance, and
\o propose to your defensive engage-
meats, similar to those of the afore-
named treaty, the friendship and in-
timate relations which already unite
the court of Prussia with the repub-
jic, engage his Prussian Majesty to
advise your High Mightinesses of
the overtures his Apostolic Majesty
is about to make to you. The King
cannot, at the same time, forbear
the testimony of the satisfaction he
feels, on observing the republic adopt
the same principles which have de-
termined his Majesty’s alliance with
thehouse of Austria. —W ishing that

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

your High Mightinesses may see, in
the same point of view, the utility
and advantages which will result

- from these alliances, the King will

felicitate himself on the power of
contributing, as far as may depend
on his Majesty, to the success of the
negotiation, which cannot fail to con-
duce to the republic, and the satis-
faction of all the powers interested.

Ly Comte pe KELLar.

Hague, April 27, 1792.

On the 23d of August 1792, the Mi-
nister at War read in the National
Assembly the following Note of the
Court of Petersburg, ordering away
the French Minister , M. Genet.

Uh a disorder and anarchy which
have for some time prevailed in
France, to the prejudice of that au-
thority which foreign powers were
accustomed to acknowledge, and
which are manifested every day more
and more by new excesses, have at
length determined the imperial court
of Russia to suspend the intercourse
and correspondence which it form-
erly kept up with that kingdom, un-
til his Most Christian Majesty shall
be re-established in all those rights
and prerogatives assigned to him by
human and divine Jaws. On these
considerations, after having recalled
from Paris her minister plenipoten-
tiary, and her chargé des affaires, who
remained there some time, her Ma-
jesty thinks that the presence of the
Sieur Genet, established under the
latter title in her capital, is become
not only superfluous, but even into-
lerable. He is therefore informed,
that he must quit her capital in eight
days, and the states of Russia as soon
after as possible,

Laer

STATE PAPERS.

Letter from the Minister of Foreign
Affairs in France to the National
Convention.

Paris, Oct. 1st, 1792.

Citizen President,
ANNOUNCED to the National

Convention that overtures for a
negotiation had been made in the
name of the King of Prussia to
General Dumouriez. J mentioned
at the same time that decision of
the executive power which ordered
the generals to listen to no pro-
posals until the armies of despots
had first evacuated the land of li-
berty. The proposals of the King
of Prussia were however remark-
able, as they contained a precise
acknowledgement of the national
authority, and of the quality of re-
presentative of the nation in ex-
ternal relations, which had been
attached formerly to the political
existence of the constitutional King.
Another acknowledgement, no Jess
remarkable, was, that the ancient
order of things destroyed by the
will of the nation since 1789, was
contrary to the happiness of the
people.

Suchan unexpected acknowledge-
ment, spontaneously made, without
any previous negotiation, might in-
cline us to think that the enemy’s
armies are in the greatest distress.
There are, however, other motives
equally pressing, which make them
think of peace—a kind of truce
was agreed upon—General Dumou-
riez took advantage of it to collect
and properly dispose the different
bodies which were to be joined to
his army. He made in quietness
and with silence all those move-
ments which were necessary to give
him a superiority, by his situation,
my \

313

and to confine the enemy ifi theirs.
While he was thus preparing for
his military plans, frequent com-
munications, which could not but
be advantageous to liberty, were
established between the two armies.
General Dumouriez embraced this
opportunity of exchanging prisoners
of war.—The cartel agreed on with
the Prussian generals was formed
according to the Jaws decreed by
the National Assembly, The emi-
grant prisoners were not included
in it; and the Duke of Brunswick
did not even persist in a remon-
strance, which he had made in their
favour.

A conference on this occasion
took place between the Duke of,
Brunswick, Count de Luchesini,
minister of the King of Prussia, and
Lieutenant Colonel Adjutant-Ge-
neral Thouvenot, who was charged
with conducting the exchange of
prisoners. In this conference the
Duke of Brunswick expressed him-
self almost in the following terms :—=
As our nations are not formed to
be enemies, might not some means
be devised for accommodating mat-
ters in an amicable manner? We
are in your country: it is desolated
by the inevitable misfortunes of
war; we know that we have no
right to prevent a nation from giv-
ing itself laws, and from tracing out
its internal government—we do not
wish it—we are only interested for
the fate of the King. Assure us
that a place will be assigned to him,
in the new order of things, under
any denomination whatever, and his
Majesty the King of Prussia will re-
turn to his own states, and become
your ally.

The moderation of this language,
from a man who signed the mani-
festos already published, and to Ore

the

314A

the contempt of the French nation
has done ample justice, must appear
surprising.

Lieutenant Colonel Thouvenot re-
plied, ‘that the will of the French
Republic would not yield to any
foreign influence; and that the re-
presentatives of the nation, to whom
the valuable deposit of its honour
and glory was particularly intrusted,
would continually persist in main-
taining decrees which had been
sanctioned by general opinion.”

The Duke of Brunswick termi-
nated the conference, by saying that
he wouid transmit to General Du-
mouriez a memorial upon the sub-
ject. This memorial is a third ma-
nifesto, worthy in every thing of the
two former. General Dumouriez
receive it with indignation, in which
we shared, and which must also be
excited in the National Convention,
and in all France.

It was immediately announced
that the truce was broken: and
letters from the General, written in
a style suited to a man honoured
with the noble employment of con-
ducting Frenchmen to victory, pro-
cured an answer from the King of
Prussia’s aid-de-camp, stating, that
the intentions of the King and of
the Duke of Brunswick had been
misunderstood; that a new confer-
ence was demanded; and that the
royal and imperial armies would not
be the first to break the truce. Ge-
neral Dumouriez refused to consent
to any new conference, or any delay
in the operations of the campaign,
unless the memorial of the Duke of
Brunswick should be first annulled.
Such is the actual state of things.—
What passed during that circum-
stance will shew the French nation
in that respectable point of view
which belongs to it, All our pro-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

ceedings have been marked with
candour and firmness. We have
abandoned stratagem and weakness
to our enemies; and all Europe must
perceive in our conduct a people
who set a just value upon peace, but
who are not afraid of war.

(Signed) Le Brun.

Extract of a Letter from M. Bour-
going, the French Minister at the
Court of Spain, to M. Dumouriez,
the Minster for Foreign Affairs.

Aranjuez, 5th April, 17.92.

* % % & & K #

T would be very vexatious, Sir,

if, when every thing seems to

coucur for uniting the two nations,
differences purely local should arise
to disturb the good intentions of the
two governments. We need enter-
tain no farther apprehension on ac-
count of the hostile preparations of
Spain. The corden, which preju-
dice and exaggeration have made an
object of terror, comprehends at the
utmost but twelve or thirteen thou-
sand men from Saint Sebastian to
Barcelona, which certainly would
not be formidable, even if it were
destined against us; but it appears
to me by demonstration, that even
the hot-headed Florida Blanca en-
tertained no such idea, and still less
his successor. I think, therefore,
Sir, on this side, there is nothing to
excite our alarms, or cause the ex-
penditure of treasure in preparations.
These are facts which it may be
proper to make known throughout
all France; because they will pre-
vent inquietude, and consequently
render credit more secure.

Memasnal

STATE PAPERS.

Memorial transmitted to his Excel-
lency, the Count de Bernstorff, Mi-
nister of State and of Conference
to his Danish Majesty, by the Mi-
nisters of Austria and Prussia, in
June, 1792.

A aire undersigned envoy extra-
ordinary of his Hungarian
Majesty, and the chargé des affair €s
of his Prussian Majesty, have the
honour of communicating tothe mi-
nister of his Danish Majesty the

subsequent memorial, relative to the.

affairs of France, and to accompany
it with some observations and re-
quisitions of their courts on that
subject. There are at present at
stake the common cause of all so-
vereigns, and the common interests
of all governments. Hence arises
the necessity of obligation for them
all to interfere efficaciously, by the
union of their means and forces ;
and their community of efforts re-
quiting necessarily a previous con-
cert, for the purpose of settling with
those courts the end of the concert,
and the means of effecting it.

The end unites two different ob-
jects; the one embraces the injured
rights of the Princes of the empire,
as well as those of the holy see, and

the dangers with which the propa-
gation of French principles threatens,
more or less, sooner or later, the
other states, if they de not proceed
in preventing it. The other relates
to the maintenance of the essential
foundations of monarchical govern-
ment in France. The first of these
, two objects is determined in every
_ point by their declaration itself ; the
- second, on the contrary, does not
prints of a positive determina-
tion.
_ All the other powers have by no
means a right to require of a great
7

315

and free power, such as France, that
every thing should be entirely re-
established in its former state, and
that it should, without alteration,
adopt its former mode of govern-
ment. It follows, that they should
and ought to acknowledge, as legal
and constitutional, such a modifica-
tion in its ancient government, and
its internal administration, as the
King, enjoying full liberty, shall ac-
cept, in conjunction with the legi-
timate representatives of the nation.
Besides these, several important con-
siderations seem to prescribe to the
wisdom and foresight of these unit-
ed courts, to display and maintain
invariably the greatest moderation
in that respect.

As to the means to be employed,
they ought to be sufficient, in order
to render the success infallible, pro-
portioned to the respective forces of
the united powers, and regulated up=
on one general plan of operations.

This concurrence of efforts may
be effectuated either by troops, or by
subsidies of money, proportioned im
favour of the powers who shall un-
dertake to furnish a greater number
of troops than the amount of their
contingent. In both cases it will be
necessary to specify the nature and
quantum of these means which they
shall engage to furnish, as well as
the term at which these engage-
ments shall be fulfilled. In order to
proceed to the arrangement of these
points, bis Apostolic Majesty aud
his Prussian Majesty propose the
city of Vienna as the centre of the
distances, with a view to accelerate
and abridge the “labour as. much as
possible.

But when, in consequence of the
concert, the assembling of the armies
shall be effected from all quarters,
and followed by a declaration of the

powers

316

powers announcing their common
intention, and the objects of which
they demand the redress; and if
then it be necessary to establish a
formal armed congress, it follows,
that this congress cannot be held at
Vienna, at too great a distance from
France, but in some other place that
tthe united powers shall judge most
convenient. Their Apostolic and
Prussian Majesties are ready on their
part to concur in this manner with
all the promptitude and energy pos-
sible, in support of the common in-
terests of all sovereigns and govern-
ments.

The measures that the two courts
have taken till now being purely
defensive, the active. measures that
they shall further pursue will de-
pend upon the fulfilment of the pro-
posed concert, and consequently the
effective co-operations of the other
courts.

It is in virtue of the precise or-
ders, and in the name of their re-
spective courts, that the undersigned
have the honour of inviting the court
of Denmark to this concert, and the
engagement of furnishing its minis-
ter at Vienna with instructions, and
with full powers necessary for that
purpose, demanding the eventual in-
formation of the means that it should
contribute to the common end, and
the limited time in which it may be
able to furnish them.

As the present notorious extre-
mity of the affairs of France, and,
above all, the hostile invasion of the
territory of Germany, and of the
circle of Burgundy, which it is about
to renew, renders urgent the ne-
cessity of accelerating, as much as
possible, the execution of the com-
bined measures, the undersigned
flatter themselves, that his Excel-
lency M. le Comte de Bernstorff,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

will not delay to inform them of
the intentions of his court relative-
ly to its accession to the proposed
concert.

(Signed) Weevetin.

BREUNNER.

The Answer of his Evcellency the
Count de Bernstorf’.

T is with all the sentiments wor-
thy of the confidence of the so-
vereigns, his friends and allies, and

with an equal return of confidence, -

that his Danish Majesty has received
and weighed the overtures of their
Apostolic and Prussian Majesties.
He has there perceived the most
just principles, and the most re-
spectable solicitude for the happi-
ness and tranquillity of all Europe,
evidently threatened by the French
anarchy, and also by the imposing
appearance of these deceitful but
seducing forms. The proposal of a
perfect concert, to secure the ge-
neral basis of social order, to set
bounds to the attempts of those who
despise it, and to restore the French
again to that prosperity which they
once enjoyed, but which has been
annihilated, cannot but flatter the
King my master. If he cannot
concur in it, it does not proceed
from. a difference of opinion: or
views; it is from reasons founded
on a different position, upon greater
interests, upon duties which ought
to form his law and his guide, and
which do not permit him to listen
to his inclinations, or consult his
regrets. His Majesty will explain
himself upon this head with trath,
frankness, and the utmost cordiality.
He knows that it is only thus that
he can prove his esteem and friend-
ship to the sovereigns to whom he

is

\
NI
w

'%

STATE PAPERS.

is attached, and whose virtues he
well knows, and most sincerely re-
spects.

It is no longer possible to be si-
lent, or to maintain peace by a for-
midable concert. The French have
already declared war. The general
system of the King is the most per-
fect and impartial neutrality; but
he cannot entirely reconcile him-
self with one of the belligerent
parties in opposition to the other,
by a re-wnion which has only taken
place since the war has in reality
commenced. Denmark has acknow-
ledged, as well as the deceased Em-
peror and the King of Prussia, the
constitution of France, since Louis
XVIth has solemnly avowed it.
There is not yet any direct and
public proceeding. The sovereigns
who have not particular reasons,
are not yet called to support or
avenge the cause of*him who be-
lieves himself free, and entirely sa-
tisfied with the limitation of royal
authority, adopted without com-
piaint.

There is a wide difference be-
tween neutral and distant powers,
who have not been provcked, and
those that have been offended, who
ought to defend themselves, who,
by their engagements, their vicinity,
their forces, their position in general,
are under the necessity of taking a
part, and besides are able to per-

form a principal part without in-
convenience. Their first object,
and what is most worthy of them,
_is without doubt to ‘preserve their
“subjects from the dreadful infection
awhich spreads itself as the most
active and dangerous poison; his
Majesty has prevented its progress
means adapted to the genius of
his nation; and he will not deviate
from his system.
‘

317

Denmark is besides a maritime
and commercial power. It has then
particular measures to pursue, espe-
cially with respect toa pation with
which it is connected by a treaty of
commerce, and which requires the
most careful management. Its pros-
perity does not solely depend upon
peace, but likewise on the opinion
that it shail not be interrupted, and
that there exists nothing which can
have this effect; and the King can-
not permit himself to destroy this
opinion.

His Majesty was unwilling to
delay his answer under a pretext of
consulting with others, or waiting
till he might be assured of the con-
cert or universal concurrence of so-
vereigns, so difficult to be foreseen
or imagined. He has wished to
prove how much he was impressed
by the truths expressed with sa
much force and dignity in the me-
morials which have been communi-
cated to him. He confesses and
acknowledges also his obligation to
concur, as a member of the empire,
in all the common measures which
shall be employed in its defence,
and in the support of its tights.
His Majesty will be always equally
ready to confess and to fulfil his
duty.

From the department of foreign
affairs, at Copenhagen, the Ist
of June, 1792.

(Signed) Bernstrorry.

The Republic of Geneva, in conse-
quence of Treaties which stipulate,
thatwhen Warexists between France
and Savoy, it may call in a Garri-
son from the Cantons of Berne and
Zurich, hacing resolved to station
1600 Swiss Troops within its Do-

minions,

318

minions, the Executive Council of
France ordered a sufficient number
of French Soldiers to march into
the Territories of Geneva, to pre-
vent the entrance of the Helvetic
Troops. The Counsellor of State
of Geneva visited the French Com-
missioners with the Army on the 8th
of Oct. 1792, who referred him to
General Montesquiou; and the
Dispute at last terminated in the
following Convention :

I, LL the corps of Swiss troops

which are now in Geneva,
shall successively retire into Swit-
zerland; and the said retreat shall
be completed betwixt the present
period and the Ist of December
next.

II. Between this time and the
same epoch, the heavy artillery, and
the French troops who surround
Geneva, and who had approached it
on account of differences terminated
by the present convention, shall be
withdrawn, and posted in such a
manner as not to give any cause of
alarm to Geneva.

If. From the date of the present
‘convention, a free communication
between the inhabitants of Savoy
and the two Republics, and full li-
berty of passing from Geneva to
Switzerland, and from Switzerland
to Geneva, shall be re-established
on the same footing as in time of
peace, agreeably to treaty and to
usage.

IV. The Republic of Geneva ex-
pressly and solemnly reserves to
itself all anterior treaties with its
neighbours, and particularly that
of 1584, with the respectable can-
tons of Zurich and Berne, as well
as the first article of the treaty of
1784. :

The French Republic not mean-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

ing that the reserve should connect
it with treaties in which it is not
concerned, nor prejudice in any thing
the power it has reserved to itself of
revising its own treaties executed
provisionally until the time of such
revision.

V. The present convention shall
be ratified by the French Republic
and the Republic of Geneva, and
letters of ratification shall be duly
exchanged on bo'h sides within the

space of twelve days, or, if possible, —

sooner.

Done and agreed upon between
us, at the quarters-general of
Landracy, Nov. 2, 1792, First
Year of the French Republic.

(Signed) Monresquiou.

J. F. Prevost, Chancellor of State.

Amr Luttin, Counsellor of State,
Member of the Grand Council.

Francois D’Ivernois, Member of —

the Grand Council.

Address of the Genevese Minister to

the National Convention, on his —

Presentation, Dec. 19, 1792.

ITIZENS, I am sensible of the —
value of such a reception as you —

honour me with.

Hitherto the presentations made —
to the depositaries of power, have —
offered a vain and fastidious cere- —

mony only. On the one part were

seen men erected into demigods, —
receiving an almost idolatrous wor- —
ship; on the other, servile adorers, —
drunk themselves with the incense —

offered at the shrine of their idols.

Now a simple citizen presents him- —

self with confidence before men ho-
noured with the same title. The
ministers of a powerful and glorious

nation —

STATE PAPERS.

nation have willed, that the repre-
sentative of a small but free ‘and
sovereign republic, should receive
from them the proof of good-will
and fraternity.

In seeing thus among free states
‘the strong countenance the weak,
and being pleased with alliances in
which the latter have all the advan-
tage, we truly feel that liberty is
the most valuable of all ties; that
amidst so many nations, strangers
to each other, the free nalions are
fellow-citizens, and the sentiment
of their reciprocal sovereignty esta-
blishes between them a tender tie
of equality.

Citizens, the republic of Geneva
felicitates itself on preceding the
other states in testimonies of attach-
ment and confidence for the French
republic; and if, under these cir-
cumstances, they honoured me with
their choice, it is because they
Knew that, to be the faithful inter-
preter of their thoughts and wishes,
it was only necessary for me tc ex-
press my own sentiments.

Letter from the King of Sardinia to
_ the Thirteen Cantons, and the Al-
lies of the Helvetic Body.

Victor Amadeus, by the Grace of
God, King of Sardinia, Cyprus,
' and Jerusalem, &c.
Most dear and great Friends,
Allies, and Confederates,

WOU must doubtless have been

4 informed, and learnt with as-

_tonishment, the invasion of Savoy by

the French, who entered it on the

side towards Mont Melian, with a

diag ior force of more than 20,000
aah

319

men; without any previous decla-
ration of war, and without having
been provoked by any measure or
act of hostility whatever on our part.
We cannot forbear communicating
this to you, as an event which must
excite the surprize and indignation
of all the powers of Europe, and in-
terest in a particular manner the
Helvetic body, with whom we and
our royal predecessors have always
sincerely desired to live as good
neighboursand ancient allies, friends,
and confederates.

Considering then the fatal effects
and dismal consequences which such
an unheard-of proceeding as that of
the French towards us and our states
is likely to occasion to all neigh-
bouring countries, we are persuaded,
that taking a part in the disagree-
able circumstances into which we
are thrown by it, you will not omit,
at the same time, to pay the great-
est and most serious attention to
every thing that may result from it.
We even hope, that weighing in
your wisdom the means most proper
and efficacious to hinder and pre-
vent the progress of an evil which
threatens to ruin all states, by over-
turning all governments, you will
maturely consider, whether, among
these means, that of concerting with
us measures tending to that end,
and that in particular of assisting us
to deliver Savoy from the yoke of
the French, may not be the most
proper. You will know, yourselves,
the influence which the example
of what has just passed in Savoy
may have in neighbouring countries,
and the dangers which may thence
result to them, without our endea-
vouring to represent them to you.
We shall here consequently confine
ourselves to request, that, site spit

vo)

320

of the injustice of the attack of the
French against us,—o! the conse-
quences which may be apprehended
from it,—and of the necessity of
forming some good and strong union
between all the interested and good
neighbours,—above all, to prevent
them, you will, as far as your own
circumstances allow, form some de-
termination favourable to our just
views, and enable us to hope that
we shall receive from you that as-
sistance which our confidence in
your friendship, and in the interest
which you have always taken in
every thing that concerns our fa-
mily states, induce us to ask from
you, on so weighty and pressing an
occasion as the present.

In expectation of this, nothing re-
mains for us but to assure you of the
continuance of our great affection ;
and we pray God, &c.

Written at Turin, this 10th of
October, in the Year of Grace
1792, and of our Reign the
20th.

(Signed) Vicror Amapvevs.

Form of the Answer to be returned to
the King of Sardinia, Nov. 1792.
Sire,

WE have learnt with much re-
gret by your Majesty’s letter of the
10th of October, that the flames of
war have extended to your Majesty's
states; and we take a real interest
in this unhappy event.

Your Majesty invites all the Hel-
vetic body to make yours a common
cause against the French nation.
You must still remember that we
addressed to you, as well as to the
other two belligerent powers, a de-
claration,in which we engaged to ob-
serve the strictest neutrality. Your

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Majesty will deign to take into fa-
vourable consideration, that the si-
tuation and circumstances under
which the Helvetic body now are,
and the assurance which they gave
ip consequence, require that they
should remain faithful to the system
they have adopted, and that they
should scrupulously adhere to a neu-
trality which has been announced to
all the belligereut powers.

We beg that the Almighty will be
pleased soon to restore peace, so de-
sirable, and to pour down his bles-
sing on your Majesty in particular,
and on all your subjects.

Letter from the King of Sardinia to
the Canton of Berne.

Victor Amadeus, by the Grace of
God, King of Sardinia, Cyprus,
and Jerusalem, &c.

Most dear and great Friends,
Allies, and Confederates,
IF at the first moment when we
heard of the invasion of Savoy by
the French, we did not hasten to
communicate to you that disagree-
able event, we flatter ourselves that,
without ascribing this delay to any
want of confidence on our part, in
the sentiments entertained by your
republic towards us, you will con-
sider it as the natural effect of our
first surprise, andof the indispens-
able operations in which such an
event must engage us. Hoping,
however, that you must have else-
where learnt, with as much indig-
nation as displeasure, a proceeding
so injurious and flagrant on the part
of a neighbouring nation, with
which we were not at war, and
which we had not provoked by any
hostilities whatever,—we now com-
municate to you as to good im
an

STATE PAPERS.

and neighbours, the just alarm
which we have reason to conceive
respecting the farther plans which
the French may have formed against
the remainder of our states, and the
determined resolution we have form-
ed of employing all our means to
oppose them with effect.

~ The interest which your republic
has alwaystakeninevery thing which
concernsusas wellasour states, does
not permit us to doubt that you will
be particularly disposed in this dis-
agreeable conjuncture to give us
new proofs of it,-as far as the situ-
ation and circumstances of your state
will permit. Of this we flatter our-
selves the more, as the connexion
which has always'subsisted between
the states of your’ republic and our

duchy of Savoy, and the dispositions

which we have always found in it to
contribute, according to respective
circumstances, to the preservation
of the said duchy in its ancient de-
pendence on our dominion, assure
us that you will not behold with in-
difference what has happened in the
said duchy, and the consequences
which may thence arise to the neigh-
bouring states.

Referring the'above to your wis-
dom and penetration, we can only
assure you, that notwithstanding the
necessity under which we are at pre-
sent of uniting all our forces on this
side of the Alps, to secure Piedmont
from an invasion by the French, we
will omit nothing which may be in
our power to repair the losses we
have sustained; and we think we
may particalarly depend on the
friendship of your republic; and the
More so, as its own interest is con-
cerned; and to find it disposed to
assist us in accomplishing our end,
when the series of events shall per-
* Vou. XXXIV.

321

mit. In ‘the mean time we have
heard with great'satisfaction the mea-
sures which you. have so vigorously
pursued, both to prevent the city of
Geneva from sinking under the
power of the French forces, which
threatened it, and to secure your own
state from any disagreeable event on
their part:—and we most ardently
wish, that you would farther open
to us the measures which you think
necessary to be adopted, to remove’
still farther from your frontiers an
enemy which may justly be called
the common one of all Europe. At
the same time, if you think proper
to combine any measures with us
for that purpose, and which may
contribute more effectually to the re-
spective advantage of the two states,
we shall hasten to receive with as
much pleasure as gratitude every
thing which you may propose. You
may, consequently, from this mo-
ment, be persuaded that we shall
continually be disposed to concur,
on our part, in whatever may be the
most proper for attaining the desired
common end; and we have reason
to flatter ourselves that the powers,
our allies, and those who have gua-
ranteed our states, will find the case
sufficiently ‘urgent, and our cause
sufficiently just, to induce them ‘to
hasten to give us that assistance
which we have a right to expect, in
conformity with our treaties, and the
pressing requisitions which we have
made.

On this we pray'God that he will
take our most dear and great friends,
allies, and confederates, under his
holy protection.

Written at Turin, the 10th of
Oct. the year of grace 1792,
and of our reign the 20th.

(Signed) » Vrcror AMADEUs.

X Letter

322

Letter from the French Minister for
Foreign Affairs.

Paris, Oct. 22.

I HAVE the honour of trans-
mitting to the National Convention
the translation of a letter which
has been addressed to me by the
minister of the Ottoman Porte.
The convention will there see what
manoeuvres have been employed at
that court to discredit Citizen Se-
monville, appointed ambassador in
-the room of the heretofore Count
de Choiseul. As soon as the recall
of the latter, and the nomination
of the former, were known, the
ambassadors of Vienna, Berlin, and
other courts, used every kind of
intrigue to cause Citizen Semon-
ville to be rejected by the Porte;
and in this they have succeeded.
The provisional executive council
has already pursued proper mea-
sures to undeceive the Ottoman
Porte, and to avenge the insult of-
fered to this citizen.

(Signed) Le Brun,

Declaration of the Kings of Prussia
and Hungary, delivered to all the
Ministers at the Diet of Ratishon,
excepting those of Saxony and Ha-
nover. Delivered at Ratisbon,
May 17, 1792.

TN consequence of the association

made between all the princes,

on the invitation of the deceased

Emperor, for the defence and safety

of the empire, the Kings of Prussia

~and of Hungary, conjointly, hope
that none of the states of the empire

will withdraw themselves there-

from ; but, on the contrary, will

hasten to contribute, by every

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

means in their power, to support
the war against France, who threat-
ens the empire. Their Majesties
demand that the aforesaid states,
without entering into any discussion
on the question, whether the war
is against the empire or against the
house of Austria, will explain them-
selves categorically on the succours
they are willing to supply ; and on
which, however, they are left to
their entire free will, flattering
themselves, that the supplies will
be proportioned to the grandeur of
the respective states. These suc-
cours may be given in troops, in
warlike stores and arms, in money,
or in provisions, and a full liberty
to the belligerent armies to recruit
in the said states. If, contrary to
all expectation, there should be any
state who, by any reason whatever,
renounces the association, their said
Majesties will be forced purely and
simply to cover their own states,
as also those of their allies, and to
abandon the others to their fate.
They will even adopt the principle,
“‘ He that is not for us is against
us,” and will put it in execution as
circumstances may require; but
their Majesties have so high an
opinion of the patriotism of all the
states of the empire, that they
assure themselves beforehand of re-
ceiving from each a speedy and sa-
tisfactory answer.

[This declaration, after being
made verbally, was delivered in
writing to all the ministers at the
Diet, except those of Saxony and
Hanover. It was received with
general dissatisfaction. The impe-
rious tone assumed by the Kings
of Hungary and Prussia, and their
menacing the co-estates, were loud-
ly complained of. ‘‘ If Francis I.”

it

*

STATE PAPERS.

it was said, ‘ already takes upon

4 him to command us, what will he
_ do when elected Emperor ?—‘ I told

_ you,’ said the minister of Saxony,
‘that in this young prince we
should find a master.’]

Letter of the Helcetic Congress to the
King of the French,

Sire, June 11, 1792.

FNHE necessity of preserving our
precious country in these cri-
tical times, with the same courage
and firmness as our ancestors, who,
reposing in God, founded our re-
public, under the protection and
visible assistance of the Almighty,
has engaged all of us, the cantons
and allied states, maturely to weigh
and to deliberate, by our deputies
assembled at. Frawenfeld for that
purpose, on the most proper means
of preserving the tranquillity and
peace of our country, and avert-
ing the dangers arising to it from
abroad.

In consequence of these mature
deliberations, we have the honour
of addressing to your royal Majesty
the present letter.—Following the
€xample of our ancestors, we have
taken the firm and unanimous reso-
lution to observe with fidelity, on
our side, the most entire and strict
neutrality towards the great powers
actually engaged in war, and to sup-
port the same by an armed force,
as circumstances shall require; for
which end we are already fortifying
our frontiers, to put them in as se-
cure a state as possible.

At the same time we presume to
conceive hopes that the principalities
of Neufchatel and Vallangin, the
Republic of Geneya, the Val de

323

Munster, (Montrier Grand Val) as
well as the other states of the Bishop
de Bale, who are all more or Jess
intimately connected with some of
our co-estates, will be, as usual,
included in the neutrality, and
respected on that account as at
every former period. In conse-
quence, we earnestly demand of
your Majesty to issue orders for
the troops which are in the terri-
tory of Porentruy to be withdrawn,
in order that the confederate terri-
tories may be more safe, and may not
have reason to fear an invasion on the
part of the belligerent powers.

After this formal and solemn de-
claration of neutrality, we hope,
from the generosity of your royal
Majesty, that you will, upon our
urgent demand, give orders that
your troops and armies may not set
foot upon the Helvetic territories,
that they may not occupy any post,
that they may not make any incur-
sion, nor traverse the country. We
take the liberty of asking, as be-
fore, that you will soon issue the
agreeable declaration which we hope
to obtain likewise from his Apos-
tolic Maiesty, the King of Hungary
and Bohemia, in consequence of
the demand which we have made
this day. We will employ all the
means in our power to act and ob-
serve with fidelity all that is requir-
ed by a full, loyal, strict, and true
neutrality.

We regard this gracious declara-
tion, which we expect from’ your
Majesty, as a new proof of your
goodness and benevolence towards
all the confederation. We beg yoa
would continue to preserve the same
dispositions, and pray that the Al-
mighty may maintain the prosperity
of your sacred person, and of the

X 2 royal

324

royal family, and conduct all events
for the general good,

Your Majesty’s most attached and
zealous servants, the burgomasters,
magistrates, counsellors, of the Thir-
teen Cantons and United States of
Switzerland.

Given and sealed in common
with the seal of the state of
Zurich, June 11th, 1792.

Memorial presented to the Porte by
the Imperial Internuncio.

HE sanguinary faction of the

Jacobins, wishing to diffuse
every where that spirit of discord
and anarchy by which they are ani-
mated, have dispatched to Constan-
tinople one of their most dangerous
members, named Semonville: a man
so notorious for the perversity of bis
principles, that several courts have
already refused to receive him as an
ambassador, or to admit him into
their territories. The execrable pro-
jects of this emissary, known to the
imperial and royal courts, tend to
nothing less than to destroy that
perfect harmony, so happily esta-
blished between the two empires,
in order to prepare a diversion fa-
vourable to those hordes of villains,
whom his august allies are endea-
vouring to deprive of the power of
subverting all Europe. The under-
signed internuncio has too often had
an opportunity of admiring, in the
proceedings of the Sublime Porte,
its exalted wisdom and its just sen-
timents of its dignity, to dare suffer
himself for a moment to think it
will so far debase itself as to receive,
in a public capacity, before that
throne where honour sits with ma-
jesty, the most worthless of these

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

factious men, commissioned to offer
the most insidious proposals ; but
as evil-minded or ill-informed per-
sons affect to represent the admis-
sion of Semonville as a thing in-
different in itself, it is the strict
duty of the undersigned to extin-
guish their voice by a formal re-
monstrance, and to declare, that if,
contrary to the intention of the al.
lied powers, and contrary to all pro-
bability, Semonville should be ad-
mitted, the court must suppose that
the most powerful interest, awak-
ened by deceitful offers, has prevail-
ed over the only course prescribed
to the Sublime Porte by the extreme
delicacy of its) honour, that.of ab-
solutely rejecting an emissary, sent
abroad by the enemies not only of
the allied powers, but'of the whole
human race. In short, the under-
signed flatters himself that the ex-
planation which he ‘has had the ho-
nour of officially requiring by the
present memorial, will serve to
strengthen the confidence which
his Imperial Majesty already has in
the valuable friendship and exalted

sentiments of the Sublime Porte.
After this information on my
part, will not his Imperial Majesty
have reason to suspect the greatest
coolness on the part of his friend,
should he not hesitate to receive and
acknowledge as ambassador one of
the principal members of that sect
who are his enemies? Will not
those powers who are neighbours to
the Ottoman empire, be alarmed
at the possibility of the success of a
negotiation, the intention of which
is to make the Porte again take up
arms against them? These alarms
will give rise to measures which
prudence prescribes, and to suspi-
cions which must necessarily Bre
that

STATE PAPERS.

that harmony which has been just
happily estabiished by a peace.
When I propose to the Sublime
Porte to reject M. Semonville, I do
not mean that it should reject every
other minister whom France may
send: this would be declaring my-
self an enemy to the new constitu-
tion ; but as a minister is only the
agent who maintains the bonds of
amity between two courts, a court
which may find in an individual
qualities disagreeable to it, has a
right to reject him, and to require
another. By refusing to receive M.
Semonville, the Sublime Porte will
in no manner break its connection
with France,
Aug. 9, 1792.
(Signed) KwnoBELspORFFE.
Memorial presented to the Porte by
the Prussian Envoy.

AS soon as the undersigned
learnt that M. Semonville was ap-
pointed ambassador from France to
the Ottoman Porte, he thought it
his duty, and of the utmost import-
ance to the Sublime Porte, to com-
municate to it some information on
that subject. He made the strongest
remonstrances, in order that they
might prevent his arrival; but as
these remonstrances had no effect,
he has been induced to present, in
this memorial, a detail of the reasons
which made him pursue those steps.

M. Semonville, appointed some
time ago minister of the court of
France at the court of Turin, was
rejected, because he was known to
be a zealous Jacobin in his conduct
at Genoa, where he stirred up the
people against the government: an
usual and favourite conduct of the
Jacobins, who, after having shaken
the throne of France, and spread li-

325

centiousness and disorder throughont
the whole kingdom, have resolved
to seduce the people of all countries,
to preach up revolt to them, and to
instigate them to murder their so-
vereigns.

The existence of M. Semonvyille
in any country is dangerous, for he
is a Jacobin; that is to say, a mem~'
ber of a villanous sect, composed of
mad fanatics, inspired with demo-
cratic rage, sworn enemies and
avowed assassins of all sovereigns,
against whom they employ perfidy,
treachery, poniards, and poison: all
means are equal to them, provided
they can deliver the earth from des-
pots: an injurious title which they
give to lawful sovereigns. Such is
their language, and such their mo-
rality: an infernal morality, which
they have the impudence to pro-
pagate in the face of the whole
world. Such are all the Jacobins ;
such is M. Semonville—and shall
such a monster approach the foot
of the sacred throne of the Emperor
of the Ottomans? This idea fills
me with horror; my heart, alarmed
for days which are precious to it,
has spoken ; but should it be pos-
sible that this true language of my
heart is not heard, I can still add
that of policy. In the first place,
it is contrary to the dignity of so.
great a sovereign to receive as a
minister a man already rejected and
despised by another court; that the
King, my master, now at war, not
against France, but against the Ja-
cobins and the unhappy people
whom they have seduced, &c.__

(This memorial, which is very
Jong, concludes, like that of the
Imperial Internuncio, by formally
demanding ‘that the Porte will
refuse to receive Semonville as am-
bassador.” }

X 3 Evtract

326

Extract from the Dispatch of the
Minister of the Ottoman Porte to
the Court of France.

OUR most dear and sincere
friends, whose end we wish may
be happy, it is evident, that in order
to preserve the good harmony which
subsists between France and our
Sublime Porte, the ambassadors sent
by France should be men distin-
guished for their talents, wisdom,
and judgment. Hitherto the Sub-
lime Porte has had reason to com-
mend the ambassadors sent to it by
that power. We have now learnt
that the ambassador residing at pre-
sent at the Sublime Porte has been
recalled; and that one named Se-
monville, who has observed an im-
prudent conduct in other courts,
has been chosen to succeed him;
we have therefore written you this
friendly letter, to inform you that it
is our desire that you would appoint
another person more capable of dis-
charching this important and useful
mission to the greatest advantage of
the two powers.—When this letter
shall reach you, by the grace or
God, our desire will be fully known
to you.

At Constantinople, the

well- guarded.

_Memorial presented Ly Order of the
Grand Signior to the Ministers of
the Christian Princes resident at
Constantinople.

AS the present war between
France and the powers of Prus-
sia, Austria, England, and Holland,
will give rise to battles and attacks,
both by sea and land, whilst it is
well known that the said powers are
connected by friendship with the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Sublime Porte, and that the latter is
neutral in this war, it becomes ne-
cessary to renew an ancient regula-
tion of the year 1194 (which answers:
to 1780) when some of these powers
were at war, in virtue of which the
vessels of these powers were to ab-
stain from engaging in the ports of
Turkey, near its coasts, under the
cannon of its fortresses, and in places
lying within three miles of the shores
of the White Sea, both in Asia and
Europe, &c. In case of an engage-
ment in the open sea, between ships
of the belligerent powers, none of
the captains of the Ottoman fleet,
nor any other naval officers or com-
mauders, shall intermeddle, or give:
any marks of partiality in favour of
either party, &c.

Instructions to the Captain Pacha.

Fr Ee present war between France
and the powers of Prussia, Ger-
many, England, and Holland, and
the hostilities which are now carry-
ing on, making it manifestly evident
that battles and mutual attacks wilt
take place both by sea and land;
and the said powers being connected
by friendship with the Sublime
Porte, which is entirely neutral;.
and as in times past, and particu-
larly during the years 1194 and
1195 (which correspond with the
years 1780 and 1781 of the Chris-
tian gra) when some of the said
powers were at war, a regulation
was made, which was then com-
municated and presented ina me- |
morial to the ministers of the belli-
gerent powers, in order that they
might execute it with all diligence 5
and as orders were issued, addressed
to the Grand Admiral of this em-
pire, for protecting trading vessels,
which

STATE PAPERS.

which navigated the seas under my
jurisdiction in the Archipelago, both
on the coasts of Asia and of Europe,
—according to this regulation, it
was established that the vessels of
the said powers which might be
under the cannon of fortresses at the
entrance of harbours near trading
ports, and within three miles of
them, should abstain from molesting
each otber, or committing mutual
hostilities ; and that those who might
transgress in this respect should be
repulsed, and amicably reprehended
by their respective consuls.

That such of his subjects as might
wish to enter themselves as sailors,
with a view of privateering, should
be seized and punished.

That none of our Mussulmen sub-
jects, or others, should take charge
of merchandise and effects in ships
belonging to the said powers at war,
without having a document or act
from the consul.

That in case any battle or action
should take plaee between the ships
of the said powers in the open sea,
none of the commanders of my im-
perial fleet, naval captains, or offi-
cers, shall dare to interfere, or to
give marks of partiality, by support-
ing any of the parties.

Having, therefore, found it ne-
cessary at present to issue the came
imperial order concerning the above
regulations, these presents are expe-
dited to you by the Captain Pacha,
the tenor of which is as follows :

The ships belonging to the powers
at war shall abstain from molesting
each other, from committing hosti-
lities, and from giving each other
battle at the entrance of harbours,
and near the trading ports in my
jurisdiction, under the cannon of
fortresses, and within three miles of

327

them. In consequence’of this, me-
morials have been delivered. on the
part of the Sublime Porte to each of
the ministers, and to the chargé des
affaires of the said powers, who re-
side at my port of felicity, the con=
tents of which they must commu-
nicate to their respective courts in *
writing, and to all those whom it
may concern, in order that the said
naval regulations may be observed,-
and that they may give an answer,
by memorial, to my Sublime Porte,
to be registered in its department.
As all the powers engaged in the
present war are connected in friend-
ship with my Sublime Porte, you
will take care to give orders, by
your particular mandates, and to
recommend to all the naval com-
manders who are in the islands of
the Archipelago, and to all others
whom it may concern, that on ac-
count of onr neutrality they must
abstain from any act contrary to an~
terior orders, and to the regulations
above specified ; and that they must
be careful not to make the least
movement in favour of either party.
You must pay strict attention to
every thing specified in the present -
order which has been issued; that
as soon as it is known to you, and
communicated to the English and
Dutch ministers, you may transmit
orders by your own mandates to
judges, commandants, and officers,
as well as to commanders of for-
tresses, captains and commandants
of my imperial fleet, and to all
others whom it may concern, and
who may be in the islands of the
Archipelago, and in the fortresses
and ports both in Asia and Europe.
And, as has been above specified,
you will not permit vessels belong-
ing to France, Germany, Prussia,
X4 England,

328

England, and Holland, to commit
hostilities against each other, under
the cannon of fortresses, nor at the
entrance of ports, or within three
miles of them; and those who may
transgress in this respect shall be
amicably reprimanded by _ their
consuls.

You must be careful that no bad
subjects may enter as soldiers and
sailors, with the idea of privateering:
and as.soon as you are informed of
such circumstance, you must seize
the offenders, aud bring them to
condign punishment.

You must take care also, that none
of our Mussulmen subjects, or others,
shal! take charge of effects in vessels
belonging to the said powers, with-
out having previously received a
document from their respective
consuls.

That none of our naval officers
or commanders may interfere in
the engagements which may take
place between the ships of the said
powers on the open sea, and that
they shall shew no partiality to either
party.

Finally, that as all these powers
are friends to the Sublime Porte,
care must be taken.to shew no pre-
ference to either party; and you
mist act with prudence, in such a
manner as to do nothing which may
be contrary to the good friendship
which subsists between them and
this high empire. You must do
your utmost endeavours to see the
above regulations put in execution,
that they may be every where pub-
lished; and that those who offend
against them may be brought to pu-
nisbment.

Written in the middle of the
month of Schahan, in the
year 1207 of the Hegira.

ANNUAL REGISTER; 17092.

Substance of the Articles contained in
the Definitive Treaty of Peace be-
tween Russia and the Porte; con-
cluded at Jassyy, Jan. 9, 1792.

L HERE shall-be from hence-
forth a stable, permanent

friendship between the bigh con-

tracting powers. i:

II. All the stipulations in force
before the late rupture shall be re-
newed,

IlJ. The Dneister shall. hereafter
be considered as the frontier and
line of demarkation between the
respective states. All the terri-
tories situated on the right hand
of that river, shall be restored to
the Porte.

1V. The principal cities of Mol-
davia and Wallachia shall be con-
firmed in their ancient rights and
privileges; the inhabitants shall be
exempted from all tribute during two
years; and those who wish to sell
their property, andremove elsewhere,
shall be perinitted so to do. |

V. The Sublime Porte hereby
guarantees tne tranquillity of Grusi-
nia, Georgia, and the neighbouring
territories,

VI. The Sublime Porte under-
takes to do the same in regard to
Caucasus.

VII. The Sublime Porte under-
takes to do the same in regard to all
the piracies of the Barbary corsairs,
and to indemnify the subjects of
Russia from any losses they may sus-
tain in consequence of an infraction
of any of the above three articles.

VIII. Liberty shall be granted
to prisoners of all, nations, whe-
ther Russians, Greeks, Moldavians,
Poles, &c. 1

1X. All hostilities, shall cease,

&c. &c.
X. The

STATE PAPERS.

X. The two high contracting
powers shall send ambassadors re-
ciprocally to each other.

XI. Allthe Russian forces, either
appertaining to the sea or land ser-
vices shall quit the Ottoman terri-
tories on or before the 10th of May.

XII. The ratification of the
Count de Besborodko and the Grand
Vizier shall be interchanged within
fifteen days.

XILI. That of the respective so-
vereigns in five weeks, reckoning
from the day of the signature of
the present treaty.

Declaration of M. Bulgakow, Rus-
sian Ambassador at Warsaw, deli-
vered to the Diet on the 18th of
May.

sear liberty and independence
of the illustrious republic of
Poland, have at all times attracted
the attention and concern of all her
neighbours.

Her Majesty the Empress of all
the Russias, who, together with this
claim, still unites the right of her
formal and positive engagements
with the republic, has endeavoured
in a more peculiar manrer to watch
over the inviolable preservation of
these two precious attributes of her
political existence.

These continual and . generous
endeavours of her Majesty, being
the effects of her love for justice
and order as well as her affection
and good wishes. towards a nation
whom the identity of origin, lan-
guage, and so many other natural
relations with the nation she reigns
over, rendered dear to her, did
doubtless repress the ambition and
avidity of those rulers who, not sa-
tisfied with the share of authority

329

assigned to them by the laws of the
state, aspired at a greater extent
of power at the expence of these
very laws.

With this intent they have, on
one hand, neglected nothing to
weary out the active vigilance of
the Empress over the integrity of
the rights and prerogatives of the
illustrious Polish nation; and, on
the other hand, to defame the pu-
rity and munificence of her inten-
tions, and placing them on every
occasion in the most odious point of
view.

In this manner they have had
the perfidious dexterity to cause to
be declared, as a cumbersome and
humiliating yoke, the act by which
Russia guarantees the lawful con-
stitution of this nation; whereas
the greatest realms, and among the
rest the German empire, far from
rejecting ‘such like guarantees, have
considered, sought, and accepted
them as the most stable founda-
tion of their property and independ-
ence.

Events of a recent nature shew
better than all proofs, how indis-
pensable and efficacious such a
guarantee might be; and that the
republic without them, after hav-
ing been involved by the practices
of her internal enemies to recover
her constitution, could have no
other claim on the intervention of
the Empress than solely her friend-
ship and generosity.

Meanwhile, those who very long
since meditated the degradation and
ruin of the ancient liberty of the
republic, grew bolder and bolder,
when part of the nation proposed
all sorts of perverse and erroneous
notions, and only waited for a fa-
vourable moment to execute their
ruinous designs. They thought

they

330

they would find it in the two wars
by which Russia was attacked at
once. About this time the diet
assembled at Warsaw. ‘The in-
structions which the legates had
received from their Woywodships,
fixed the same as a free and ordi-
nary diet. All at once it was
transformed into a _ confederate
diet, without any known good rea-
sons. The act of confederation,
which was made public, announced
the transactions of the same. Its
chief objects were to be “ the
maintenance of the free republican
government,—the maintenance of
the magistrates in their functions
and actual limits,;—and the preser-
vation of the property of citizens.

It belongs to the people of the
Polish nation themselves’ to judge
from the consequences and result
of the transactions of this diet, how
far it has abused public confidence,
by departing from the original ob-
jects of its meeting, and adopting
others which were entirely oppo-
site to them. Without entering
upon an enumeration of all the
illegalities and violations of the laws
and immunities of the republic,
which this confederate diet, or ra-
ther the faction prevailing in it,
presumes to execute, it will suffice
to say, that after having usurped,
mingled, and concentrated in itself
all branches of power, whose union
in the hand of one individual is
utterly inconsistent with republican
principles, has moreover usurped
in a most tyrannical manner each
branch of this power; it has pro-
longed its duration for above three
years and an half (a duration of
which the Polish annals do not

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

May 1791, the edifice of goyern-
ment, under which the republic was
happy for so many years.

On this day this edifice vanished,
and on its ruins arosé a monarchy,
which in its new laws, by which
it was thought to limit it, offers no-
thing but contradictions, incohe-
rency with the old Jaws, an entire
insufficiency in every respect, which
leaves not even to the Polanders
the shade of that liberty and those
prerogatives of which they were
always so jealous.

The elective throne is rendered
an hereditary one; and that law,
which the wisdom of their ances-
tors had dictated, and which for-
bids to meddle during the life-time
of the King with the election of
his successor, was transgressed in
as rash a manner as were all those
that did guarantee the perpetual
consistency of the republic.

The means made use of for exe-
cuting these violent actions, were
well enough calculated to charac-
terize them. On the day of the
revolution, the palace and the
diet-hall were crowded with the
Warsaw mob. Armed persons
were introduced—cannons were
brought from the arsenal, in order
to fire on such as might endeavour
to prevent the success of the plot.
The regiment of artillery and the
Lithuanian guards were assembled
for supporting the mob. Their
fury was excited against those
whose resistance was dreaded. Se-
veral legates who persevered in
their patriotic sentiments were
threatened with death. When the
legate of Kalitsch humbly approach-
ed the throne to remind the King of

offer a single instance) and finally _ his sacred oath, concerning the pacta

crowned all its ruinous enterprizes
by totally subverting, on the 3d of

conventa, that sacred and indissolu-

ble tie which connects him with the

nation,

—S— le ee

STATE

nation, he was trod under foot in
_an unmerciful manner, in spite of
his inviolable character as a repre-
sentative of this nation, to the
shame and disgrace of every Po-
lander who has not lost all sense of
hovour and liberty. A revolution
effectuated in this manner, was
deemed by its promoters to have
been the free wish of the nation.

Not satisfied with the internal
misfortunes they brought upon their
unhappy mother country, they also
endeavoured, by all possible me-
thods, to hurt her abroad, by hav-
ing plunged her into discords which
are likely to degenerate into an open
war with Russia, the old ally; the
best and most solid friend of the re-
public and the Polish nation.

It required the whole extent of
the known generosity of the Em-

press, and especially that justice and _

penetration by which she knows how
to discern the intentions of the spirit
of party from the general wish of the
nation, to prevent her from sooner
resenting the extreme abuses by
which she has been continually
provoked.

A brief enumeration of the string
of facts belonging to this matter,
will set the truth of this assertion in
a proper light.—At the time of the
declaration of the war to which
Russia was necessitated by the Ot-
toman Porte, the ambassador of the
Empress delivered to the ministry of
the republic, which bad then no
diet, a note, apprising them of the
instantaneous marching of the Rus-
sian troops through the Polish states;
and proposing to appoint commis-
sioners in the palatinates that were
Nearest to the quarters of these
troops, in order to agree with them
concerning the furnishing and pay-
ment of the requisite forage.

PAPERS.

All this was regulated and anica-
bly agreed upon with mutual jatis-
faction, though at that very priod
animosity and rancour seemed @ea-
dy to manifest themselves. Bt as
soon as the diet was formed, anche
long harboured plan of subverng
the republic had got the better oall
considerations, with respect to je
preservation of peace within éd
without the kingdom, it was not oly
required immediately to withdra
the Russian troops from the Poli,
territory, without even excepting th
small number of those that were 1
guard the magazines, but also th
furnishing them with provisions wé
rendered difficult by means of seve
ral impediments to the establishin,
of new magazines for their support
and it was required that even thy
old magazines should be removec
beyond the frontiers of the republic
On the same occasion, the treasury
board made the unjust proposal that,
on crossing the river Dniester, duties
of exports should be collected for
those magazines, which were pro-
cured at a considerable expence, and
greatly to the advantage of the Po-
lish citizens,

Such a proceeding was, in fact,
contrary to the reciprocal equity
which two neighbouring, friendly,
and allied states owe to one another.

The oppressions of all kinds
practised upon the subjects of her
Majesty the Empress, were carried
to such a height, that some of those,
whose business retained them on
the territory of the republic; and
who, fully relying on the sanctity
and inviolability of existing treaties
and the law of naticns, though
carrying their trade on in the quiet:
est manner, were, notwithstanding
most maliciously impeached for hav:
ing excited the inhabitants of th«

plac

331

332

place to insurrection; and were
arrered and thrown into prisons.
Whn the judges who were com-
- misoned to try these people, found
no‘aces of the crime they stood
imeached for, they had recourse
tohe torture, to extort a confes-
sid; and after having in this man-
nt forced it out, these. hard-heart-
€ judges condemned them to die,
ad absolutely had the sentence
«tried into execution. The first
say of inhumanity, injustice, and
rnelty, opened a vast field for in-
uisitions of all kinds, by which the
rovinces were chiefly oppressed,
vhose inhabitants confess the or-
hodox Greek religion. The Bi-
ihop of Pazejastaw and Abbot of
3luck, though an imperial subject,
fell a victim to this persecution.
Notwithstanding his high ecclesias-
tical dignity, purity of manners, and
austerity of principles, he was ac-
cused of crimes which malice, and
the eagerness of encreasing the once
effectuated fermentation, invented
upon every occasion. The prelate
was arrested and conducted to War-
saw, where he was doomed to Jast-
ing imprisonment.—Even in the
very centre of the metropolis, and
towards the Empress’s ministers,
the Jaw of nations was as little re-
spected ; for their chapel, which is
considered as a part of the hotel oc-
cupied by them (and the Russian
arms being suspended, clearly proves
to every body that itis a privileged
place) was forced by Polish soldiers,
who seized upon a minister of the
ittar and carried him before an in-
‘ompetent tribunal. The satisfac-
ion which the minister has de-
aanded on this subject has been
efused, upon vague and insignifi-
ant pretences. In short, not only
ae solemn treatise which connect-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

ed Russia and Poland were violat=
ed and transgressed in the most im-
portant articles, but the animosity
has been carried so far as to send an
extraordinary deputation to Turkey,
then in open war with Russia, offer-
ing to this power an offensive trea-
ty aimed against Russia :—a fact of
which the archieves of the ministe~
rial correspondence of the cabinet
of Warsaw contain the documents
and clearest proofs.

The respect due to the person
and the exalted rank of the Em-
press, was not observed in the
speeches held in public sessions in
the diet; and this rudeness, instead
of being reprimanded, as it deserv-
ed, was even encouraged and ap-
plauded by the chiefs of the party
that subverted the laws of the con-
stitution of the republic.

The least of these grievances,
without mentioning those which
are voluntarily suppressed for the
sake of brevity, would already jus-
tify, in the face of God and men,
the resolution of her Majesty to
take signal vengeance. Yet it is
not with this view that her Majesty
publishes this declaration of the
said grievances. Her innate equity
does not suffer her to confound all
the Polish nation with one of the
parties which has betrayed her Ma-
Jesty’s confidence. The Empress,
on the contrary, is fully convinced
that the greatest number had no
share in any of the things attempt-
ed against herself and the republic.

For this very reason she’ is wil-
ling to sacrifice her just resentment
to a hope more compatible with her
generous and pacific sentiments, of
seeing all those grievances remedied
by means of a new diet, ‘which shall
more strictly adhere to the orders of
their superiors, and the immutable

funda-

dS et

—- . |

STATE PAPERS.

fandamental laws of the state, than
the present existing diet, which has
trespassed upon them all in the most
manifest’ manner, and marked all
their transactions, in opposition to
those laws, with the oni of ‘their
own illegality, © |

But should her Majesty fase to
listen to the voice of her own re-
sentment, she cannot be deaf to the
voice of claims made to her by a
great number of Polanders, among
whom are several who are: as illus-
trious by birth and rank in the re-
public as they are by their’patriotic
virtues and ability ms ogee the
state.

Animated by a ai sid praise-
worthy zeal for the welfare of their
country, and the recovery of its
former liberty and independence,
they have united themselves for the
purpose of forming a lawful confe-
deration, as the only effectual reme-
dy for the misfortunes which the
illegal confederation and usurpation
at Warsaw has caused to the nation.

With these sentiments they have
claimed the support and assistance
of the Empress, who did not hesi-
tate to assure them of both, being
guided on her part by her friendly
and amicable dispositions in favour
of the republic, and her desire of
strictly fulfilling the SekEaK ons of
her treaties.

In order to fulfil her promise, the
Empress has ordered part of her
troops to enter the territory of the
republic. They shew themselves
there as friends, and co-operating
in the re-establishment of the rights
and prerogatives of the republic.
All such as shall receive them under
this title, will, besides a perfect ob-
livion of what is past, receive eve-
Ty protection and security for their
‘persons and property. Her Majes-

333 |

ty hopes that all good’ Polanders,
who truly love their native coun-
try, will know how to value the in-
tentions of her Imperial Majesty,
and perceive that it is for their own
benefit that they should co-operate,
with all their heart and soul, in the
generous endeavours which her Ma-
jesty is to employ in conjunction
with all true patriots, for restoring
to the republic liberty and laws, of
which it has been deprived by the
pretending constitution of the 3d
of May. If there should be any
who harbour’ any’ scruple concern-~
ing the oath which they have been
led to take from error, ‘or which
they were compelled to by force
and seduction, such may consider,
that is the only true jand sacred
oath by which they engaged to
maintain and defend the free and re-
publican. government under which
they were born; and that the re-
newal of this former oath is the on-
ly means of repairing the perjury of
which they have been guilty in
taking the new oath. Yet, if there
are any found who, persevering in
a perverse way of thinking, should
oppose the benevolent intentions
of the Empress, and the patriotic
wishes of their fellow citizens, they
may thank themselves if they meet
with the treatment they deserve ;
the more so, as they had it in their
power to secure themselves by a

sincere abjuration of their errors.
The extraordinary ambassador
and minister plenipotentiary has
orders to notify these resolutions of
her Majesty the Empress; and also
to publish her just motives ; he is,
moreover, to invite the illustrious
Polish nation to place an unlimited
confidence in the generosity and
disinterestedness which induces her
to take this step, and which makes
her

334

her most ardently desire that the
republic, by means of a prudent
balance of the different powers,
which forms the safest means of
securing both her. internal tran-
quillity and her good understand-
ing with her neighboars, should re-
cover the solid basis of its welfare.
Given at Warsaw, on the
7—18thof May, 1792.
(Signed) Buxcacow.

Promuilgation of the Provisional Ad-
ministrators freely chosen by the

People of Mons.

In the name of the Sovereign
People,

E declare before the face of
Heaven and Earth, that all
the bonds which united us to the
house of Austria-Lorraine are bro-
ken: we swear that we will never
more contract them, and acknow-
Jedge in no one any right to the
Belgic sovereignty; for it is our
will to regain the exercise of our
primitive, imprescriptible and ina-
lienable rights. All authority aris-
ing from the people, we declare
that the states of Hainault, as well
as all superior and subaltern judica-
tore is at an end, inasmuch as they
have not been constituted by the
people; and we expressly forbid
them to exercise any functions what-
soever, under pain of being consi-
dered as usurpers of the public so-
vereignty.—Done in the general
assembly of the free town of Mons,
the 8th of November 1792, first
year of the Belgic republic.
(Signed)
A. G. Grenier, Vice-President.
C. F. Lartvigre, Secretary.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Address of the King of Poland to
the Army.

B* virtue of the constitution,

enacted 22d March, 1792, the
supreme and general command of
all the forces of the republic is en-
trusted to us in the following terms
(here the actof legislature is recited):
thus the defence of our dear coun-
try is confided to us and to you.
The enemy that invades it is well
known to every Polander. So ma-
ny injuries, misfortunes, and humi-
liations heaped on us by Russia
call to God and your courage for
vengeance. The war is no sooner
declared than begun, without the
least justifiable motive. Some de-
generate Poles, rebe]s to their coun-
try, have lent a pretext for it. They
wish, with foreign aid, to restore
the ancient anarchy, subjection, and
insignificance, which your King,
at the head of a virtuous diet, has
luckily banished from tbe Polish
territories. Brave countrymen ! we
are now called upon to maintain
our possessions, our honour, and
our liberties—to defend our breth-
ren, to revenge so many wrongs

which we and our forefathers have

suffered, and to protect the honour
ot your King, who consecrates, with
pleasure and sincerity, the remnant
of his old age to his country. The
nation longed to have a respectable
army, but anarchy and foreign in-
fluence always opposed it: at last,
by cheerful offers, it is raised to
have in you its defenders, the im-
provement of whose condition was
not forgotten by the present go-
veroment. It was proper to add
regularity and discipline, common
and necessary in all armies, to the
courage of Poles, which, though they
may seem new, to you, are not the
less requisite for the strength, ho-

nour,

STATE PAPERS.

nour, and glory of the army. To
execute those regulations shall be
the duty of your commander, and
to obey them ought to be your am-
bition: we all must obey the laws,
and those who execute them. The
army we have opposed to us owes
its strength to a blind obedience and
submission to orders. Endeavour
to surpass it even in this, and then
neither its numbers nor its bravery
will be able to intimidate the Poles.
It is true, Russian troops have been
accustomed to despise the Polish
soldiers; but you have now an open
field to deserve a more honourable
opinion in future. Your country,
for whose independence we are go-
ing to fight; your King, whose
steps are directed by justice, shall
value and reward your merit and
valour. You may be sure of being
amply repaid for the hazard of your
lives, by the gratitude of your coun-
trymen, by the acquisition of glory,
and by the hands of your King.
Therefore, as your King and your
commander, we recommend to you
most earnestly to unite good conduct
to obedience, fortitude to courage,
and love of your country to loyalty.
We recommend to the command-
ing officers vigilance and attention,
exemplary temperance and courage,
vigour and justice on every occasion,
The army of a free nation, thus
qualified with a good cause on their
side, cannot fail to find their sup-
port in the powerful arm of the
Omnipotent. You serve for ho-
nour—let it be your guide; the ho-
nour of a Polish scldier is of the
highest importance, because it is a
pledge of his allegiance to his coun-
try, to which he owes all.
Do not suffer a traitor amongst
you (should any unfortunately be
found) and the safety of your coun-

335

try will be your own work. In
every danger remember and think
of your dear country; our life is
the least thing that we can offer her.
Your common father, your King,
and your commander, gives you
for ever this word of command,—
Children ! let us either live free and
respected, or die with honour.
Given at Warsaw, May 25th, the
twenty-eighth year of our Reign.
(Signed) ,
STanisLaus AuGustus, Rex.

Circular Letter of the King, and the
assembled States of Poland, ad-
dressed to the Natton.

THE. Declaration of the Em-
press of Russia, delivered by her
minister at Warsaw, and commu-
nicated to the provinces, is known
at this moment in every part of the
territories of the republic. Every
Polish citizen will learn from it the
situation of our country since its
publication:—in this declaration,
the sovereignty and dignity of the
republic are treated with contempt.
A diet, to which the nation has de-
legated all its powers; a diet con-
nected with the whole nation, by a
confirmation of the confederacy
in all the dietines, and by the elec-
tion of double representatives; a
diet the most important and inte-
resting in all its proceedings and re-
gulations, and distinguished in the
last dietines by an union and obe-
dience to laws hitherto unknown,—
that diet, by an insupportable insult,
is called a prevailing party, and de-
clared illegal. A new meeting of
a diet is announced, the support of
foreign troops promised to unlaw-
ful leagues ; repentance and retract~
ing the rejection of the guarantee
held forth to the states and to all

citizens

336

citizens firm in their duty, as the
only means of avoiding hostilities.
The inhabitants, ‘by circulating this
publication, excited to broils and
disturbances, to an insurrection a-
gainst lawful authority, to the hor-
rors of a ciyil war, false assertions
alleged to magnify the pretended
injuries, in defiance of all public
faith, the invasion of Russian ar-
mies, with a denounced and alrea-
dy effected threat of prosecuting
in their lives and fortunes, al] those
who will not join them against their
own countrys: 5

There is no instance in the an-
nals of mankind, of one nation, of
one. government, using such con-
temptuous language to another.
The above-mentioned declaration
breaks and violates all the laws of
nations, addressing Poland not like
a sovereign state, but as if issuing
arbitrary orders to a conquered
province.

Whatever sensation this writing
has occasioned to us, the assem-
bled states, and to the whole com-
munity, you, Polish citizens, un-
doubtedly share it all. A few un-
worthy Polanders (painful reflec-
tion) hostile to their country, pro-
voked against the diet, for not hav-
ing inits endeavours to raise the re-
public conformed to their private
views, went to Petersburgh, incul-
pated the diet and the nation ; and
having applied themselves to destroy
that work, erected with so much la-
bour and expence, which constitutes
the freedom and independency of the
republic, which restores the ancient
splendor of the Polish name, and
recovers the rank and dignity of
our nation in Europe, they have
obtained the above-mentioned de-
claration, and have introduced a fo-
reign army into the country. Their

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

impious efforts, coincided but too
well with the interest of Russia.
It was far from agreeable to the
Russian government ‘to see Poland
shake off the odious guarantee, to
find her sensible of her ancient an-
archy (which reducing her to the
lowest degradation, “would have
brought her to unavoidable destruc-
tion) establish a firm and lasting go-
verment, raise sufficient forces to
defend her liberty and independen-
cy, provide an income equal to the
public expenditure; in a word, be-
come a nation well regulated at
home, and respected by her neigh-
bours. The conspiracy of those
degenerate sons of their country,
whom Russia calls a legal confede-
racy, happened conveniently to her
views ; and drawing from it a spe-
cious pretext, she enters forcibly
our territories, and supports the
conspiracy of those detested citizens
who, (according to the tenor of the
declaration). have solicited the as-
sistance of the Empress, and now,
jointly with her armies, do not
shudder to attack the lives and for-
tunes of their brethren.

We acquaint you, therefore, re-
spectable citizens, in our name and
that of the assembled confederate
states, that the present state of Po-

land is that ‘of self-defence against —

the Russian power ; that Russia has
declared war against Poland; but at
the same time let us inform ‘you,
that confident of the courage and
spirit of the nation, the more ef-
forts our enemies make to destroy
our government and country, the
more vigorous will our measures be

to repel this foreign invasion.
Worthy citizens, the fate of your
dear country is now at stake! such
as you shall preserve it by your cou-
rage and virtue, willit pass to your
remotest

STATE PAPERS.

remotest posterity. You are going
to fight in defence of your country,
your privileges, your freedom, and
-your fortunes; in defence of your
parents, wives, and children; in
short, of ali that is most dear to
man. (4 |

We have an army raised by your

zeal and assistance, supplied with
every requisite, which will be your
‘protection. There isan heroic spi-
rit and courage which promises to
support it. Such anoble ardour in
defence of the country and national
liberties, as is only to be found in
free nations, inspires us with the
- most flattering hopes. We receive
from a}l parts news the most con-
soling to our paternal feelings, with
what eagerness citizens of all con-
ditions, at the call of their country,
enlist and join the national army.
The love of our country pervades
all individuals, and excites their
generosity in the public support.
There is no class of citizens who,
inflamed with a patriotic zeal, do
not contribute, according to their
capacity. We havea certain con-
fidence, that the same gracious
power who bas inspired the whole
nation with such a noble ardour,
considering the justice of our cause,
) and the purity of our intentions, will
- not refuse his irresistible aid.
| But, above all, respectable citi-
zens, seek for the safety of your
_- country in union and firmness. We
- have sufficient strength to oppose
-- our enemy, but nothing can save
us from the effects of division and
_. discord. A foreign war is never so
_ dreadful to a nation as the internal
_ disunion of the citizens. Has any
power been able to effect any thing
against Poland, while all the citi-
_| zens, joining their King, have bold-
_ ly stood forward in defence of their
»» Vor, XXXIV.

7

.

337

national “laws, immunities, and
territory ? You will soon hear, dear
citizens, the voice of falsehood and
deceit; you will receive writings
full of treachery and fraud. Those
whose blindness and obstinacy have
carried them so far as to make them
insensible to the horror of raising
their arms against their own coun-
try, and of bringing toreign soldiers
against her, will calumniate the pre-
sent government, will create dis-
trust against us and the virtuous
diet, will try to divide and separate
you, knowing that they cannot re-
sist your united strength and endea-
vours. Arm yourselyes with forti-
tude and virtue, and give proof of
such unanimity, sach concord, in
the defence of your country, in re-
sisting perfidy and deceit, as you
have demonstrated in accepting, in
voluntarily swearing to maintain
this happy constitution ; and lately
on the same occasion in the expres-
sion of your patriotic sentiments,
so dear to our paternal feelings.
They who have brought a foreign
army against your country deserve
your vengeance, and not your con-
fidence. Vhat army which comes
for the purpose of destroying your
government, prepares only the re-
turn of your former slavery instead
of liberty. You have already ex-
perienced at how dear a rate Rus-
sian protection is obtained. Vio-
lently carrying off from our resi-
dence, and during the diet, senators,
ministers, and nuncios; the con-

‘temptuous treatment of our nobili-

ty, the violation of property, the
oppression of towns, the seizure and
forcible transportation of peasants
and their families; and finally, the
dismembering of the republic ;—
these are the effects of the guaran-
tee imposed upon us by Russia! And

can

1838

ean you expect any thing ‘better,at
»present from this power? As soon
vas Russia has seduced you, she will
-Tenew, the ancient wounds of your
couniry; she will renew allourmis-
fortunes... The, nobility: and. citi-
zens will only feel the heavier pres-
sure.of a newly enforced. yoke, for

having. dared to -become free and,

independent; . the poor ‘villagers,
our, labourers, and husbandmen,

whom the law (benetiting all the,

. Polish inhabitants)-has received un-
der its protection, willbe driven) in
numbers, from their, fertile fields
into desert wastes. ;. and lastly, the
partition of the republic, and. the

final, extinction of the, Polish name, .
will be the fatal consequence of the |

disunion of Polanders.

Citizens and dear countrymen,
this is the advice, and warning you
receive from your King and father,
jand from the confederate states of
the republic. But your virtue, the,
love of freedom, so natural to every
Polander, assures us that fraternal
concord will unite, you in the de-
fence of vour country ; that, inspired
with the same spirit which guides
your King and father, you will .as-
semble under him, and will make a
rampart impenetrable to all the at-
tempts of the enemy.

ln the present convulsive state of
the republic, you, plainly perceive
that it is improper either to put an
end to the diet, or to dissolve the
confederation, without endanger-
ing the sovereignty and freedom of
the nation. ‘There remained, in-
deed, but little to accomplish ;- but
an the moment when action is, re-
quired, when we go in person to
head'a nation entrusted to our care,
peaceful deliberations must be sus-
pended. From this motive we, with
the assembled confederate states

ANNUAL REGISTE

+ with contempt, thongh distinguish-

sion of thanks, has given the omost
. The dignity, then, of the supreme
vasion of foreign troops,.cannot be
_dietines; and the remembrance» is
but too recent of thoserunfortunate —

-was carried, on under the influence |

‘and speaks. of them only »withyhor- —

ony, are not yet brought toa conclu- —

A, 1792.

of the republic, find jourselves

obliged .to.,terminate the present
sittings, aod sto, prorogue athe diet —
and confederacy to-a more) distant 4
period. sey
The writing ) presented, lhidec f
Russian minister, under the mame —
of a declaration, does notiacknow- —
ledge the present diet; it treatsyit —

yeioey

ed by.a double representation, cand —
the universal will and) consent of a
the mation ;—consequently,. ity in- |
sults the will of the whole nation,
which has not only delegatedisits —
power to this diet, but by:a volun-
tary,oath, and a.universal/\expres- —

solemn sanction to its proceedings. —

national, .authority demands jithe |
contuuuation of this diet :—thevin- —

reconciled, with the freedom »of

diets, when the election. of muncios —

of. foreign arms:—the nation, still —
deplores their fatal consequences, 4

ror, Toguard the republiciagainst —
similar violences, it is necessary that
the supreme authority should jexist
in this diet, whichwas freelyyassem-
bled, and whose salutary works re= —
ceived a:general approbation, atthe —
last dietines (acting with equal free-
dom) throughout the country: Be- —
sides, the negotiations with his Se- —
rene Highness the Electorof Sax- —

sion. The final arrangement can- —

not be determined but, by the su-

preme power of the'diet. The mo-

ment will at last arrive, when Hea- —

ven, merciful to our prayers, will —

restore us aan: cand raps
/) an

STATE PAPERS.

and’ the presence of a diet’ in ‘ts
ver will be necessary. - And
he Russian declaration insists up-

‘on a meeting of ‘a new diet, which
‘being controuled by a foreign ar-
‘my, would only be subservient to
‘the commands of Russia, so the pre-
‘servation, integrity, laws, liberty,
‘and independence of the republic,
‘Yequire ‘that the same diet, a diet
‘truly free, shail continue itscare and
‘deliberations. ©

~ "You'see, citizens, what is your
situation ; you see what measures
‘your King ‘and ‘diet undertake for
‘the common safety. Let the de-
fence of your country engage ‘all
your thoughts and attention ; let the
strictest peace and union ‘prevail
amongst you in such a critical mo-
‘ment as this; follow’ your King,
your father, your commander ; fol-
‘low him whom you’ have ‘raised’ to
‘the throne from amongst yourselves,
“and who; in his'advanced age, is go-

‘ing with youlto expose his ‘life in ©

“the common’ defence of his country.
‘Let us encovrage each other by
words and examples; let us boldly
‘encounter'all danger in support of
ourlaws’and liberty; let us con-
quer all difficulties and dangers by
“our courage and ‘fortitude.’ “Let
_every man consider, that -on ‘the
abt of the republic depends
“his own, that of his children, and

“his ‘latest progeny —Thou, God of ©

armies, God of our forefathers,’ who
“seest the imnocence and the justice
of our cause, who knowest the pu-
rity, of our intentions, infuse and
“maintain the spirit of union and
_ concord inthe Polish nation ! Grant
“success to those arms whose object
“is not to shed blood for the sake of
“ambition, unjust spoil, or dominion
“over others, but solely to defend
“our ‘national laws and liberty,

389

which evén thou’ allowest to free
and rational beings—to defend that
country which ‘thy Almighty pow-
er has so often protected, and which
even now thou hast rescued from
the brink of destruction, by the
‘spirit of thy wisdom and councils’!
A faithful King and nation implore
thy assistance, and will praise ‘in
hymns of gratitude thy providence
and mercy.
Wishing that this our address ma
the sooner reach the public know~-
Tedgé, we recommend to-all crdinal
commissions of the palatines and
districts, to insert this circular let-
ter in all public records: likewise
to have it read’from all the pulpits,
and published in all the parishes and
charches four following Sundays.
- Warsaw, May 29th, 1792.

‘The Answer of the Republic of Poland

to the Declaration delicered at War-
“saw, May \8th, 1792, dy M, de
— Bulgakow, Envoy of Russia.

WYNHE declaration which M. Bul-
JL ogakow,. envoy -extraordinary
‘and minister: plenipotentiary of her
“Majesty the Empress ofall the Rus-
ssias, delivered: at) Warsaw ion the
£8th of Jast month, while: it presents
astate of things umexpected, and
-ealculated to impress with senti-
ments of grief a free mation, the
friend of peace and of justice,—
solely occupied in providing for
her own conservation, safety, and
independence,—offers at the same
time, in the series of motives al-
leged in support of its result, a
consideration very capable of soft-
ening the aspect of consequences
afflicting to humanity, which on the
first view seemed attached to that
declaration. It is, that the impulse

xs by

340

by which it was dictated, equally
foreign, undoubtedly, to the known
magnanimity of her Majesty the
Empress, as to the true character of
the facts alleged as the reasons of
it, bear the invisible stamp of unfa-
vourable impressions; . the work of
a dexterous and interested impos-
ture, which assuming the mask of
civic zeal, has found means to sur-
prise the confidence of a sovereign,
whose heart it knew accessible to
the imposing voice of patriotism.

A connected and explanatory nar-
tative of the objects set forth in
that declaration, will be sufficient
completely to dispel the false light
under which malevolence has en-
deavoured. to represent the most
simple details, for the purpose of
distorting them. Can it be possi-
ble that the ascendency of truth

~unveiled, should find no access to
the panitable spirit of her Imperial
Majesty ?

The liberty, and the independence
_of Poland, these two essential attri-

butes of ee political existence, are
recognized by the declaration itself,
to be the objects of all her neigh-
\bours in interesting themselves in
her affairs.» The) confirmation! of
them has also been the guide, the
limit of all the wishes andthe’ ef-
forts of the present diet.

To shew to the eyes of all Eu-
Tope, as well as to those of her Ma-
jesty the Empress, that the national
liberties, far from having been in-
fringed or sacrificed to the ambitious
views of a pretended ruling faction,
receive, on the contrary, in the late
jaws, wise combined powerful safe-
guards against all usurpation, a sim-
ple exposition of the progress and
the results of the labours of the pre-
sent assembly shall suffice. It will
exhibit the whole equally free from

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

the vice of illegality chargec
it, as from characters incom:
with republican principles.

Convoked under the happy : aus-
pices. of the public spirit, whose
energy was soon displayed, the pre-
sent diet commenced its operations
with all the favour of the national
opinion. This advantage pointed
out the epoch of useful reforms;
and it was seized with ardour. But
to be efficacious, such an enterprise

was ill adapted to the duration and |

forms of an ordinary diet. The ne-
cessity was felt of transforming. it
into a considerable diet—a mode
known and useful, even on less im-
portant occasions. The happy. ef-
fects of this measure soon demon-
strated ‘its. propriety. The harmo-
ny; the active progress of the deli-
beration, a spirit of fraternity daily
more and more apparent, announc-
ed a revolution happily effected in
the national ideas and dispositions.

-The public voice applauding the

patriotism that centered. all efforts
in the public good, encouraged the
legislators to give to their labours

a greater degree of latitude than
‘ the tepour of the act of confedera-

tion, prepared in the first fermenta-
‘tion of indefinite ideas of ameliora-
tion, seemed to embrace.

From the natural connexion of
the different parts of administration,
a partial reform could have produce
ed only results incomplete or inco-
herent. The administration of
justice, the finances, the police,
public force, all equally demanded
the enlightened eye of examination,
and were fully investigated. The
general approbation followed close
upon and justified every reform that
was made. A second choice of re-
presentatives, founded. on the ex-
piration of the biennial term, im-

pressed

STATE PAPERS.

pressed ‘a sanction of the national
will, stil] more imposing on the la-
bours already accomplished, and au-
thorized further proceedings. Ac-
cordingly the spirit of the new was
soon seen to assimilate with that of
the old representatives. A union
of will and of sentiment necessarily
reinforced the system of patriotic
views. In proportion as opinions
were enlightened by discussion, and
ideas generalized, men’s minds ap-
proached faster and faster towards
conviction, that the best laws would
fall short of the good which was
their object, if it were not made a
point to perfect the means of put-
ting them in execution, and to pre-
vent those, periodical convulsions
that exposed the best establishment
to uncertainty. The consequence
was a plan of constitution which
was sanctioned on the 3d of May,
and which is only the abstract of a
plan of reform of government, or-
dained by the diet, and submitted
to its deliberation nine months
before.

In making the crown hereditary,
Poland had felt all the reasons for
so doing, in a Jong and unfortunate
experience of the troubles insepara-
ble from vacancies of the throne.
She even served the interest of the
neighbouring Powers by the sup-
pression of an abuse which was con-
stantly a recurring source of specu-
lations and jealousies to cabinets, and
exposed them to influences often
involuntary and injurious to their
own tranquillity. These internal
and external advantages appeared a
sufficient price for the sacrifice of
an illusory prerogative, of which
the nations the most enthusiastic in
their zeal for liberty, andthe most

attached to’ republican principles,
Qui May

341°

have perceived the emptiness and’
the danger.

It was by a calculation deduced
from the same.experience, that the
nation discovered the inconvenien-
ces of the vicious composition of
the executive power, divided in such
a manner as to present imposing”
forms and inefficient consequences.
Deposited in the hands of the King,
with proper modifications, it has
acquired all the advantages of uni-
ty, without leaving an opening for
abuses of authority,—considering
the responsibility of Ministers not
remove ible at will, and subject to
the superintendence of the legisla-
tive body, which has always the
power of preventing or repressing 2
departure from their duty, Such a
system, impressing on government
all the energy compatible with re-
publican principles, is equally fa-—
vourable to external convenience,
by the stability which it gives to
the political connections of Poland.

Thus the constitution of May 3d,
resting on foundations wisely adapt-
ed, is its own defence against the
imputations of monarchical views,
which the enemies of the prospe-
rity and quiet of their country strive
to make believed, to awaken the
apprehensions of the nation and the
attention of her neighbours :—in
vain do they exert themselves to
paint that memorable day in odious
colours.

If patriotic enthusiasm, titania
by the importance of its objects, as
well as by the fear of intrigue, in
the slowness of the ordinary. forms,
the means of making it miscarry,
did not confine itself to the strict
observance of some formalities, the
following sitting of May 5th, most
eminently’ compensated’ for this

omission,

342,

omission, by inapressing on the, work
the imposing character of the unani-,
mity of a reconsidered opjnion, soon
did a uniform voice of. applause and:
joy resound from one extremity, of,
the kingdom to another; different
national assemblies, different meet-
ings. of individuals, successively
transmitted to,the King in addresses
dictated by a_ patriotic, enthusiasm,
the publick homage of gratitude for
the blessing ofa constitution, cal-
culated to cement the national. pros-
perity. This public:spirit, enlight+
ened with respect to: the true inte-,
rests. of the country, ,.crowned. its,
display in the general assembly of,
the dietines, in a manner that asto-
nished all. Earope—valuntary oaths
to maintain, the constitution; ho-
mages and delegations solemnly de-
creed to the King,.and the states,
proved at how high a price it, was.
estimated by the nation... And this
is not the solitary conclusion of a
small number of districts. or palati-.
nates, yielding. to. the impulse of
some preponderating influence ;_ it
is the general and uniform, expres-
sion of profound sentiment, whose,
towering flight pronounced, banisbes,
all ideas.of intrigue, constraint, and,
seduction; , it ,is the intimate ad-
herence of the nation.to a work in
which she sees with. conyiction, the
confirmation of her liberties, of her
happiness, and her tranquillity.

This state of things, which is very
far from being exaggerated, refutes
the supposition of an existing faction;
which, according to the terms offthe
declaration,toaccomplish.its viewsof
domination,at the expence of repub-
lican equality, was striving,to inter-
pret the,act by which the ancientcon-
stitutions of Poland wereguaranteed,
asa most heavy.aad degrading yoke.

eimo

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

The. Polish nation has but one and,
the: same sentiment on.the nature of,
guarantees... It is, conformable to)
the known. ideas of the public juris+,
prudence. of all ages and, countries,
respecting acts of this.kind. Their,
operation cannot. be. direcied, but;
against. some third party, who would,
infringe the rights of one body,por,
litic guaranteed by, anothers and,in,
this sense the guarantee becomes, the;
respectable safeguard. of the public
tranguillity.. Any other acceptation, _
of such political engagements would,
present only the idea of a shackle,
incompatible with the independence,
of|a-nation, instead, of, that.of a sup-
porter.. The example of the;Ger-
man empire offers, no exception. to,
the general axiom, . Composed, of,
several states equally free, equally,
independent, this federative -body,
finds in the guarantee. a. solid con--
firmation of. the respective rights of
each of its, co-estates, against any
other.—The republic of Poland,
forming but one and the same, body,
politic, comes not within the appli-
cation.. An. act, of guarantee shat
should concern her, and that should:
be entered into by herself over, here
self, would. carry in, it a contradic-.
tory idea, so much the more, as it is:
only onthe. demand of. the legal au»
thority of the republic that, the gua-.
ranteeing power could. legally act,
in consequence of iis engagements;
otherwise, if a part of the citizens,)
revolting against authority, could
support their insurrection by: a) fo-
reign, interference clothed, with,,an,
appearance of law; it the solitary ery,
ot a few individuals could usurp the
rights,of a,natior.al reclamation, such,
an abuse of guarantee would become,
the principle. of a,subversion of all
order,, of all tranquillity ;) a conse~

quence

M

tt

_ gagements.

coc SDATE PAP ERS)“.

quence dreadful and: repugnant: toi »
informed) of: this state of things,

theecommon interests of socievy.
Anepursuing the developement of
the declaration, at the conclusion’
ofthe, assertions. which. inculpate:
the: progress and the whole of the
operations.of ‘the present diet, are)
found):particulan complaints: which
betray: the stamp) of the same insi-
dions insinuations that have aggra-:
vated; the nature of them. .
'The:sending of) an) extraordinary
legation to, Turkey: is represented
asihaving had for its:object an. of-
fensiveileague against Russia. It is
natorious that, this mission: had re-
ference tothe same: period, and. to
the:same: motives, as all the others:
deereed: to the greater pare of the:
courts: of) Europe, that of Peters
burgh included. If the nomination:
of thissiastewas) fruitless, the fault,
itds well known, lay not with; go-
verament. —The. common. object of :
thesesmissions;was toomake known

tovallythe courts, the spire and the:

pacitieobject of the indispensable:
operations of the diet, tending) sole-
ly-to the amelioration of the: inter-
nal government.—The same. spirit
dietated:the instructions with which.
Count Potocki was furnished for:
Tairkeys) Tbe negotiations. into:
whielx, be: afterwards entered were
negpart of his original instructions,
Being arrived at. Constantinople,
heofound the Ottoman ministry.
clearly disposed, not only to: renew
anctovcultivate’ the; amicable: con-
nexions with Poland, but evento
addvto them -by more - positive: en-
y Pressed as they were

_ byrthe arms. of Russia, the Otto-

+ mans would have been: glad toifind:

ausefuldiversion in an-alliance with
Poland: ‘They: accordingly: made)
theirs advances, accompanied with)

offérsithe: most seductive.

hove

343»
-The states of the republic, being

having) to: demand: the enjoyment
of indulgences,’ the most important
to commerce, founded on ancient
treaties, did not think it adviseable
to reject, by an absolute refusal,

these: first. overtures, which opened
/a-prospect of means and arrange-

To!

ment! advantageous to Poland.

‘the mean itime, the instructions to!

this effect, sent to the minister of °
the:republiec, were restricted by all’

‘the: reservations necessary to secure

the interests of Poland, without

compromising those of her neigh-

bours.. Accordingly, the whole of:
this negotiation, in. which the Ot"
toman)' ministry shewed as much’

eagerness: to: draw’ the minister of

the republic’ into their views as he '
opposed circumspection, offered ra-

ther! proofs of regard for ber Ma-

jesty the Empress, than just causes

of complaint. —

The circumstances of the evacu+
ation of the magazines and the
Russian troops, set forth with aggra-
vation» inthe declaration, will also
appear tobe much softened, by
recollecting the period’ to which it
belongs.

‘It was, in fact, that in which the
republic saw herself at the eve of a
crisis ‘which: might: long disturb. her
internal tranquillity. Official re-
ports from different’ parts of the
kingdom, almost atthe same’ time,
had announced the‘ indications of a:
general dispasition, to revolt among
the: peasants: of the Greek commu-
nion, united and not united. »Soon
after, multiplied advices confirmed
the» successive unfolding of » this):
baneful:germe-of sedition. ‘The im-=-!
mivence of) the danger called for:
ptomipt and vigorous measures: as.
surances:were obtained, by the uni-

Y4 form

3AA4

form depositions of some of the re-
volters, apprehended in different
parts, that the first sparks of this
commotion had been struck and fo-
mented by the fanaticism of some
monks of the Greek communion
not united, seconded by the suttlers
and other Russian subjects. A sys-
tematic concert of these machina-
tions appearing in different parts of
the kingdom, threatened a danger-
ous conspiracy. In this alarming
situation, the stay and the frequent
passing of Russian troops, oceasion-
ed by their indispensable comruni-
cations with the magazines establish-
ed in Poland, gave a just cause of ap-
prehension that their presence might
encourage the people, easy to be
deluded to a revolt, which they saw
daily fomented by subjects of that
nation, and might equally favour
the conflux of the latter into the
kingdom. These considerations re-
quired the measures adopted, both to
obtain the entire evacuation of the
Russian troops with their magazines,
and to subject their passing and stay-
ing in Poland, to a regulation com-
patible with the maintenance of the
internal safety.

The enlightened equity of her
Majesty, the Empress, will perceive
in this conduct of the Polish govern-
‘ment, the symptoms rather of well
‘founded uneasiness than that of ill-
will towards her.

The same solicitude rendered in-

dispensable the measures qualified
in the declaration, with the term
of persecution against the Russian
subjects.

In order to stop the conspiracy
in iis source, endeavours were made
to discover the authors. These did
not escape the vigilance of enquiry ;
and, if among a great number of
individuals apprehended, the hand

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

of justice fell on some guilty heads,
these acts of rigour following as the
consequence of regular proceedings,
were called for by the interest of
the public safety, which was deep-
ly endangered. The charge against

the judges of having employed even »

torture to extort a confesson of the |
crime, is repugnant to the known
organization of the justice of Po-
Jand :—Humanity has there pro-
scribed, as in other well regulated
countries, the barbarous practice of
torture. No fact, no complaint of
this nature, has reached the know-
ledge of government, which would
not have failed to do signal justice.

The principles of mildness and hu-

manity which ‘direct it, even in-
spired the foresight of preventing
the possibility of having to regret
misplaced rigours that the precipi-
tation of the subordinate judges
might have occasioned, at a crisis
in which the indications of a flame
ready to burst forth, were likely to
aggravate apprehension. | The es-
tablishment of a commission of en-
quiry provided against it. Its ob-.
ject was to endeavour to cut all the
threads of a conspiracy discovered
in its birth, and to prevent, rather
than punish, the crime. ‘The vigi-
lance, the solicitude of this com-
mission, fully answered the expec-
tation of the public. By measures
wise and multiplied, it soon suc
ceeded in putting a stop to the fears
of a revolt, by cutting off the means.
of propagating one.

The arrests of the Arechiman-
drite of Sulk was one of those ne-"
cessary measures. Allthesuspicions,
all the informations supported by.
depositions, were united against him.
The rank which he held in the’
hierarchy of Greek communion: not |
united in Poland, the credit he »

possessed

———

—— e

am

——

a ee eS

-

—

Serge

STATE PAPERS.

possessed among his followers, added
to the dangerous influence of his
known principles and inclinations,
of which his papers, when seized,
furnished the proofs, To secure his
person was a measure due to the
interest of the public safety.

Such is the collective aspect of
measures which the gravity of cir-
cumstances commanded. ‘The true
colour under which they are here
presented, clears them of all their
odium.

The particular accident that oc-
cured in the chapel of the Greeks
not united, situated in the suburbs of
Warsaw, has still Jess of these odious
colours. The inadvertence of a sub-
altern officer and some soldiers, de-
ceived (as was proved before the
commission of enquiry) by the ex-
ternal appearance of the house, oc-
casioned their fault, for which suffi-
‘cient reparation was made, by the
discharge of the one, and the vigo-
rous punishment of theothers. False
reports have, no doubt, represented
this fact like all the rest, accompa-
nied with circumstances of a nature
to exasperate the spirit of her Im-
perial Majesty.

It was undoubtedly by interesting
her delicacy, that it was hoped to
surprise her conviction ; but the ac-
curacy of knowledge, which distin-
guishes that Sovereign, will make
her easily discover, in this detail of
the several objects laid before her as
causes of complaint, all the malice
that wilful misrepresentation had
added tothem; and the pure inten-
tions of the King and the Polish na-
tion, may expect in consequence cf
these explanations, to obtain of her
tebaaghah: Majesty the same justice
that impartia! Europe has aiiready
rendered them.

But if,;contrary toall expectation,

;
Ve)

345

these intentions, directed by the love
of peace and justice, having no ob-
ject but the safety and internal peace
of Poland, should be still misunder-
tood; if the reclamations of some in-
dividuals, dissatisfied with order,
should prevail in the mind of her
Majesty the Empress over the wish
of the nation; and if the Republic
should find herself in the melancholy
situation of seeing her sovereigaty
and her legal authority disputed, —
the Polish nation, jealous of the es-
teem of Europe, Jealous of the es-
teem of asovereign who knows well
that noble sentiments will not hesi-
tate in their choice between a de-
grading surrender and the honour-

able perils of a necessary defence.

Warsaw, June 1, 1792.
The original is signed
SrAnistaus NaLtecz MaLacnHows-
KI, Referendary of the Crown,
Marshal of the Diet and of the
Confederation of the Crown.

Casimir Nestor, Prince Sapieha»
General of the Artillery and Mar-
shal of the Confederation of Li-
thuania.

Letler from the King of Poland to
the King of Prussia.

Warsaw, May 31st, 1792.
Sir, my Brother,
FPXHUIS letter will be delivered t°
your Majesty by the Comte d&
Potocki,GrandMarsha) of Lithuania-
I write it at an epoch when every |
consideration imposes on me the
duty to defend the independence and
territory of-Poland. Both the one’
and the other are evidently attacked
by the pretensions of her Majesty
the Empress of Russia, pronounced —
in

346, ANNUAL) REGISTER, 1792.

ip, her, declaration. of the 18th, of
May, and by the hostilities that have
followed that declaration. If the,al-
liance which; exists, between, your
Majesty and me-is a title to claim
your succour, it. essentially imports
me to know the mode that you will

prescribe for the fulfilment of these ,

engagements. The positive know-

ledge, of the sentiments of your, Ma-
jesty is aiso necessary to me for my),

conduct, as your forces are necessary,
to my success,
the territory of the republic, ,gua-
ranteed by your Majesty, is violated;
that its independence. is invaded and
attacked in a manner so general and
extensive, that descending, even into

the most subtle interpretations, it is,

impossible to ascribe it merely to the
articles of the new constitution.

On an oceasion when, asan ally,
the dignity of your Majesty is so in-
clusively united with the indepen-
dence, and, honour of my nation, [
have reason to expect that. you will
make known to me your sentiments.
My confidence in your Majesty will
have no other limits than those which
you shall yourself establish; and the
more that the succours which you
may be pleased to give to Poland shall
be clearly and promptly announc-
ed, the more they will be’ advaata~
geous and dear to her.

In the midst of my inquietudes and
fatigues; that which cousoles me is,
that never was there'a beiter cause,
nor a cause which had for its support
anjally- more. respectable; and. more
faithful, in the eyes of | his. contem-
pQraries.and of posterity.

All that your Majesty;shall please.
ta,deign to confide (0, Marshal :Po- ,

tocki, the bearer of the present letter,
wall be-entrusted with safety anduse,
ashe enjoys my utmost confidence,
as, well.as.that of all the,nationy who.

It is apparent that;

ane united..with) me, onstbiss great:
subject. lire: efrerwonebion
It.is with sentimentayo: the high-.
est consideration, and. of» theitruest
friendship, that Iam, bbs
your. Majesty's, mail brother,»
STANISLAUS«)

1esTty

Answer of the King of Prussiato thes
King of Polaud.o 9
Berlin, June Sth, 1792. ow

Sir, my Brother,

THE Grand.Marshal pidjuban.
nia, the Compte de. Potocki; has.de-.
livered to me your Majesty's letters:
dated the 31st of May. there seey,
with regret, the embarrassment: iny
which. Poland. finds itself mow» ins.

volved. But J, will acknowledges»

with equal frankness, that after, all

that. has. passed; for the, last. twelve

months, these embarrassments were’
to be foreseen. . Your Majesty will.
recollect that, oo more/thap one Ges
casion, the- Marquis de, Lucchesinin
Was) charged tomanifest not only te»

you, but the preponderatingsmemibers: |
of the government, my, just appre-

hensions on thissubject.. From they
moment that the general re-estabs.
lishment of tranquillity in) Hurope

permitied me to explain myself, and:
the Empress of Russia had shewna

decided, opposition to the orden of»
things established on the 3d of) May»
1791, my way of thinking and ther
langnage of my ministers havenever\
varied; and.in observing witha trans)
quil eye the new, constitution, which!
the republichas given to itself with=
out, my privity or coneurrences, bi:
have. never had, the idea either , of:

supporting or protecting it. Ihave’) -
predicted, on the contrary thatthe |

threatening: measures and the swar-
like preparations which the: dietun=,

ceasingly deliberated upon,.one after

another,

STATE PAPERS.

anothers, would. infallibly provoke
the. resentment of the. Empress: of
Russia; and draw upon Poland the
evils which they were undertaken to
avoid. The event has justified these
appearances; and they cannot dis-
semble in the present moment, that
without toe new form of govern-
ment for the republic, and without
the efforts which they have announ-
ced) for supporting it, the court of
Russia would not have determined
on, the vigcrous proceeding she has
now embraced.

» Whatever be the friendship that I
have sworn to your Majesty, and the
interest that I take in, every. thing

t,concerns you, you will yourself.
believe. that the state of things being:
entirely changed since the. alliance:
that, I.contracied with the republic,
and the present conjuncture, brought
on by the constitution of the 3d of
May. 1791, posterior to my treaty, not.
being, applicable to the engagements;
therein stipulated, it does not belong
to. me.-to resist: the attack, made on
your Majesty; if the intentions of the
patriotic party are still the same; and
if they, persist in the desire of main-
taining theirown.work; but if, re-
tracing their steps, they shall consider.
the. difficuliies tat are rising up on
all. sides, 1 shall be ready to concert
measures with her Majesty the Em-
press of Russia, and to explain my-
self at the same time, with the court
of Vienna, to strive to reconcile.the
different interesis, and to agree on
measures capable of restoring to Po-
land its tranquillity.

_ I flatter, uyself that your, Majesty
will frod in these dispositions, and
in, these assurances, the sentiments
of.sincere friendship, and of the con-
sideration with which I am

rah your Majesty's good brother,
Fre Derick-WILLIAM,

o2

347,

Official Note delivered, by: M. Chrep=
towitz, the Polish Minister for Fo-

reign Affairs, to the: Marquis de
Lucchesin, the Prussian Amlassa-
dor at the Court of Warsaw.

i) ain undersigned has, by speciak
. command of the King and re-
public, the honour to communicate
to the ambassador extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary of his Ma-
jesty the King of Prussia, the Mar-
quis de Lucchesini, the annexed
declaration which M, Bulgakow, the
Rassian ambassador, delivered here
on the 1Sth instant.

The entering of the Russian army
into.the dominions of the republicy,
which is expressly announced in it,
and which (with the intention, of
preventing the transactions of. the
legislative power of the republic)
has already iaken place, obliges. the:
King and the republic to demand
the assistance of his) Majesty the
King of Prussia, their ally, in they
Most’ pressing manner.

‘The known sincerity; the mode of
thinking, the principles: of /his Ma~’
jesty; and the confidence in the en=)
gacements. of this prince with Po-
land, as well asthe amicable dispo-
sition of which he has ever given
them so many instances,do not leave:
any room to the King and the: re-
public to deubt but that, asithey find
themselves exactly in the case men-
tioned inthe sixtbarticleof the treaty
ofulliance, they may depend on the
good offices and effectual assistance
of their illustrious ally; pursuant to
the entire tenor of the said article.

The condition of the Polish fron=
tiers towards Russia, represents the
danger as sufficiently imminent, to
shew his Prussian Majesty the im=
portance of a speedy assistance:

And whereas the King:and the Po-
lish nation gratefully recollect, what

they

>

348

they owe tothe kind concerns of this
monarch, in their first endeavours for
laying the foundation of their welfare,
they hope, with a well-grounded
certainty, that they will be indebted
to him for the confirmation of the
same in this decisive moment.
(Signed) Curertrowirz.

Warsaw, May 25th, 1792.

Answer of the Prussian Ambassador
to the above Note.

THE underwritten ambassador
and minister plenipotentiary of his
Majesty the King of Prussia, has sent
to his court, by this day’s post, the
note which his Excellency Count
Chreptowitz, the Chancellor of Li-
thuania, and minister of foreign af-
fairs, delivered to him this morning,
together with the declaration which
the Russian ambassador, M. Bulga-
kow, deliveredion the 18th of May.

The Marquis of Lucchesini, in ex-
pectation of orders from his court,
does not hesitate, on account of the
tenor of this note, to put Count
Chreptowitz in mind of the contents
of that which the underwritten de-
livered on the 4th instant, and of the
verbal declaration he made on. the
same and following days to the Mar-
shal of the diet, and members of the
then diet.

These two steps are perfectly con-
formable to the ministerial language
which the underwritten has adopted
since his return to Warsaw, after the
change of government of the 3d of
May 1791; and are recent instances
of the acknowledged sincere mode
of thinking of his Prussian Majesty,
who would not suffer the illustrious
Polish nation. to be Jeft in the dark
concerning the present critical situ-
ation. of affairs.

Maravuis or Luccursin1.

Warsaw, May 26th, 1792.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Act of Adherence of his Majesty to the
Most Serene Confederation General
of Targowitz, as read at the first
Sitting of thetwo General Confeder-
ations at Brzesc, and conformable

to the Original, deposited among:

the Archives of their Chancellary.

NITED in heart and mind with

a free and republican nation,’
which from the rank of citizen, has’
elevated me to the throne; wishing
to co-operate in concert with that’
nation in the salutary work which:
must lay a new and more durable
basis, on which the republic may
stand free, independent, and entire,’
and which tends to organize its poli-'
tical and civil administration with
more wisdom,—I give way ‘to ‘the’
impulse of that sentiment by which
Iam animated. Yes, it is the wish, :
it is the passion for the public good,
which I ought to place before every
other interest; it is the desire to se-
cure your happiness, generous and
free nation! which dictate the fresh’
testimonies of paternal love I offer.
you this day. On
Sincerely attached to my country,
knowing no other pains, no other
pleasure than those [ partake with’
you all, my efforts have continually
had for its object their safety, ho-:
nour, and glory. But the private’
views of my co-assistants, a taste for
reform and novelty, have not always’
permitted me to follow the move-’
ments’ of a heart which was ever
yours, ¥
Of this the operations of the last
diet are a proof. Seduced by new
and bold maxims, which tend only
to trouble the tranquillity of nations,
our legislators have dared to break
the respectable ‘empire of laws
which, from, the first ages of the
republic, have served as its found-
ation: | ‘they! bave' endeavoured to
subjugate

ee ee

STATE PAPERS.

subjugate Poland to the yoke of a
government monarchic and demo-
cratic at the same time. Our diet
alone has seen the birth of so many
different laws, that when it became
necessary to digest and apply them,
the difficulty of the enterprize caus-
ed it to be renounced. Besides,
the basis which was given to this
new constitutional government, too
‘weak to support it; was directly
‘contrary to that legislative system
»which can alone secure the existence
.of Poland. But now, when every
‘true Polander acknowledges the
errors of those who misled him,
-after being themselves misled by
ambition, I declare, both asa King
who ought to be the chief of this
‘generous republic, and as a Poland-
‘er who cherishes his countrymen,
-that the republican government, as
-established by our ancestors,: can
-alone eternize the «duration. and
‘glory: of Poland. In fact, whenever
‘a nation, instead of correcting the
defects of its former government,
“endeavours totally to overthrow it,
it draws upon itself those ‘terrible
‘disasters which must end in a sud-
‘den:and forcible shock of the whole
~state.

» After having acknowledged in the
‘face of a republican nation, the wis-
.dom 2nd truth of these maxims, I
-abandon the confederation formed
-in 1788, and the diet convened in
consequence at Warsaw, uoder the
presidency of M. Stanislaus Mala-
-chowski, Grand Referendary of the
crown: a diet which, to form and
eestablish the more firmly a danger-
-ous and impolitic revolution, was
prolonged to the term of four years,

349

contrary to the constant custom of
the republic, and in contempt of its
most express laws.

I accede freely, and join myself,
heart and mind, to the new confe-
deration, formed, according to the
wish of the whole country, at Tar-
gowitz, the 14th of May, in the pre-
sent year, by the care, and under
the auspices of M. Stanislaus Felix
Potocki, Grand Master of the Ar-
tillery to the crown: a confeclera-
tion to which that of the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania has united itself
by a solemn and public act. I re-
gard the operations they avow as
those only which are legal ;' I pro-
mise to conform to all the laws they
may proclaim, and swear to second
them in all their views which have

“only the publie welfare for their ob-

ject, in concert with a republican
nation, which has been free for ages.

J agree the morerwillingly to this
step, as the plan of reform projected
by this confederation, offers to the
impartial eye of good citizens no-
thing but what is just and salutary,
and particularly because the gener-

-ous and disinterested protection of

her Majesty the Empress of all the
Russias restores tranquillity to the
bosom of the republic, becomes a
new source of prosperity, and most
efficaciously guarantees its rights,
and preserves it entire.

In consequence, I require that the
present act of adherence be register-
ed in the chancellary of the geueral
confederation of the two nations,
and in those of the territorial yuris-
dictions of the states of the republic.

Done at Warsaw, Aug. 2, 1792.

CHARACTERS.

Character of Mr. Howard *, froma
View of the Character and Putilic
Service of John Howard, Esq.
LE. D. iF. RS. Fc. by John
‘ Aikin, M.D.

WAR. HOWARD possessed the
rare quality of being able, for
any length of ‘time, to bend all the
~powers and faculties of his mind ‘to
-one puint, unseduced by every al-
durement’ which curiosity or any
other affection ‘might throw in his
‘way, and unsusceptible of that sa-
itiety and disgust which are so apt
to steal upon a protracted pursuit.
Though by his early travels he had
sshewu himself not indifferent to
-those objects of tasteand information
‘which strike the cultivated mind in
va foreign country, yet in the tours
expressly for the purpose of examin-
‘ing prisons and hospitals, he appears
‘to have had eyes and ears for no-
thing else; at least he suffered no
other object .to detain ‘him or draw
thim aside}. Impressed with the
‘idea of the importance of his designs,
and the uncertainty of human life,
-he was impatient to get as much
~done as possible within the allotted
limits:—and in this disposition con-
sisted that enthusiasm by which the

CHARACTERS.”

ti Gaobters
+ 2athaeys
rviethit
| 3 ' Tai Osi
‘public supposed him actuated; «for
otherwise, his cool and steady temper
gave no idea of the character usually
distinguished by that appellation.
He followed his plans, indeed, with
wonderful vigour and constancy, but
by no means with that heat and éa-
gerness, that inflamed and exalted
dmagination, which denote the én-
thusiast.. Hence he was not liableto

catch at partial representations, ito.

‘view facts through. fallacious medi-
ums, and to fall into those: mistakes
which are so ‘frequent in there-
isearches ofthe man of fancy»and
warm feeling. Some persons, who
only knew him. by his extraordinary
actions, were ready enough’to bestow
‘upon him that sneer of contempt,
which men of cold beartsand selfish
dispositions are so apt ‘to ‘apply to
whatever has the shew of high sen-
sibility; while: others, who had a
sslight acquaintance with him, and
saw occasional features of phlegm,
and perhaps harshness, were dispos-

‘ed to question his feeling altogether,

and to attribute his exertions either
merely to a sense of duty, or tov-ha-
bit and humour. But both these
were efroneous conclusions. He
felt'as a man should feel; but not so
as to mislead him, either in the esti-

ve

* For an account of his life and death, we must refer our readers to our Register

for 1790, vol. xxxii. p. 12.

+ He mentioned being once prevailed upon in Italy to go and hear some extra-
ordinary fine music; but finding his thoughts too much occupied by it, he would

never repeat the indulgence.

mate

—_— —

—

:
3
'

’
,

JCHA RAG TERS.

mate he formed of objects of utility,

or: in his reasonings concerning the

-means by which they’ were to be
-brought into effect. The reforma-
-tiom of abuses, and the relief of mi-
sery, were the two great »~purposes

owhich he kept in view inal] his un-
-dertakings ; and I haveequally seen
thetear of sensibility start into his

-eyes on recalling some of the dis-
-tressful scenes'to whiclvhe had been
»Witness, and the spirit of indignation
vilash from them on relating instances
of baseness ‘and oppression. Still,
bowever, his constancy of mind’and
sself-coliection never deserted him.
He was never agitated. never off his

guard; and the unspeakable advan-

-tages of sucha temper in the scenes

biniavhich he was engaged, need not

rs upon:
His whole ‘course ‘of action was

sanclsie) trialvof intrepidity and forti-»

itade; that it. may seem altogether su-
(perfluons to speak of ‘his possession
of these qualities:—he had them, in-
deed, both from nature and principle.
His nerves were firm; ‘and his con-
wietion of marching: in the path ‘of
duty made’ him “fearless of conse-
quences, “Nor was it only on great
wceasions that this strength cf mind
was shown:—it raised him above
‘false’ shame, and «that awe which
“takes a coward of many a brave man
-dnoethe'presence of a superior. No
yone ever less “feared the face of
man” than he; nor no one hesitated
-dess in speaking bold truths, or avow-
Jing obnoxious opivions. His cou-
rage was equally passive and active.
~He was prepared to make every
sacrifice that a regard to strict ve-
vacity or rigorous duty could enjoin ;
vand it cannot be doubted that, had
“he lived in an age when asserting
his civil and religious rights would
have subjected him to martyrdom,

naries.

351

“not amore willing’ martyr would
‘ever have ascended the scaffold, or

embraced the stake.2o >) o")
To propose as a model: a character

‘marked with such singularities, and,

no doubt, with some’ foibles, nveiiid
be equtally vain and injudicious: bat
his firm attachment to principle, bigh
sense of honour, pure benevolence,

ounshaken~ constancy, and indefati-

gable perseverance, may properly be

held upto the view of all’ persons

occupyivg important stations, or en-
gaged in useful enterprizes, as qua-

-lities not ‘Jess to be iefuned) than

admired.

Anecdotes of John Beruh. Bassedow.
From the German.

FOHN Bera; Bassedow is deser-
wvedly placed on a level with the
most respectable characters. ‘To his
dissatistaction with the: common
mode of educating youth, and to his

unwearied endeavours to introduce

a better, Germany is indebted for

‘the very considerable changes that

are now making in most of its semi-
To his dissatisfaction with
the religious tenets insewhich he was
educated; and which constitute the
orthodoxy of the German meridian,
his countrymen are in a great meu-
sure obliged for that free spirit of
inquiry which is now pervading the

‘Lutheran church:—where also the

human mind, feeling its vigour, and
claiming its rights, is powerfully
struggling against the shackles of
established creeds.

The peculiarity of his method of
education consisted in a direct oppo-
sition to those that have been com-
monly observed. He not only en-
tertained the idea that the compul-
sive methods, so generally adapted,

were

352

were calculated to retard the progress
of improvement, while the pupil was
under the care of his tutor, and to
give him a disgust for learning after
he has escaped from the rod, but
also that early education is, in some
cases, of too abstracted a nature;
and, in others, that it is confined
merely to words as preparatory, to
the knowledge of things; while in
reality theuseful knowledge of things
ought to be made preparatory to the
knowledge of words. Conformably
to this idea, he attempted to adapt
every branch of scierice to the capa-
city of his scholars, by making judg-
ment keep pace with memory, and
by introducing him to an engaging
familiarity with the objects of pur-
suit. This he effected by the inven-
tion, due arrangement, and familiar
explanations of figures and prints,
of which young minds are naturally
fond; and, by means of which, they
have a more perfect impression of
an object than the most elaborate
description could possibly give. For
those who were farther advanced, he
called in the aid of different species
of mechanism, and different models,
by means of which the pupil might
form precise ideas, obtain accurate
knowledge, and, in some instances,
acquire address in a manner corres-
pondent with that love of active
amusements which characterizes
youth.

This ingenious person was born
at Hamburgh, in the year 1723.
His father was of the lower class of
illiterate burgers, and of an hasty
and morose disposition. Instead of
cherishing the early sparks of ge-
nius, and directing the distinguished
talents of his son in a proper man-
ner, he endeavoured, by every spe-
cies of severity, to suppress and
extinguish them: but his endea-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

vours had no other influence than
to alienate the affections of his son,
at a very early period.—The me-
lancholy temper of his mother far-
ther contributed to render his: pa-
rental residence so comfortless, that
his chagrin had frequently tempted
him to destroy himself. On Jeav-
ing his father’s house, he became
servant to a land-surveyor at Hol-
stein, ‘The mild and engaging dis-
position of his master rendered his
situation under this roof extremely
happy, and inspired him with that
philanthropy to which he had been
a stranger at home. After he had
passed a year at Holstein, which,
in his most advanced age, he pro-
nounced to have been the hap-
piest in bis life, his father recalled
him, and placed bim in the public
school at Hamburgh. Here he
suffered all those hardships and
marks of tyranny to which indigent
youth is so frequently exposed,
both from. masters and_ scholars,
while he remained in the lower
classes :
industry and superiority of genius
gave him the ascendency over his
school-mates. He made himself
necessary to the ignorant and indo-
lent, by assisting them in their ex-
ercises. By making verses, and by
other methods, he was able to sub-
sist at the age of sixteen, indepen-
dently of his parents.) When he
was advanced to the higher class,
he attended the lectures of Profes-
sors Richey and Reimarus, with
whose friendship he was honoured ;
and from whose instructions he de-
rived great improvement, particu-
Jarly from those of Reimarus :—but,
as he afterward complained and
confessed, he did not apply to the
sciences in any regular series, nor
in a manner sufficiently systematic ;

and,

but as he advanced, his-

ee

_*

CHARACTERS.

and, by his becoming the favourite
companion of the richer scholars,
he began to lead an indolent and an
irregular course of life. He remain-
ed some time undetermined con-
cerning the choice of an occupation.
When a youth, he had no disposition
for study. It was only the ambi-
tion of his father to make his son a
clergyman, that impelled him to the
profession ; and when the resolution
was finally taken, the want of proper
means of support detained him some
time longer from entering on anaca-
demic course. This difficulty being
at length surmounted, in some de-
gree, he went to Leipsic in 1744, to
prosecute his studies, particularly in
theology. Here be continued for two
years, and attended the lectures of
Professor Crusius, who had distin-
guished himself at this period, by
rejecting the visionary systems that
had been so much in vogue, and by
uniting philosophy with religion.
The instructions which he received
from the school of Crusius had an
important and permanent influence
on his mind :—but his vigorous ge-
nius was wearied by the slow pro-
cess of public lectures ; he applied
himself, therefore, with unremitted
diligence, to study his master’s sys-
tem, by reading the most distin-
guished authors that had writien in
opposition to it, or in support of it.
The writings of Wolf, to which he
also applied, rendered his mind un-
settled respecting many doctrines
that he had imbibed for Christianity ;
aod a sceptical disposition being
once excited, he began to entertain
some anxious doubts respecting the
truth of the Christian revelation
itself:—till, at length, by reading
the best authors on this interesting
controversy, he became a firm be-
liever of the truth of Christ’s mis-
sion, though he denied most of those
Vor. XXXIV.

353

doctrines which many Christians
think an essential part of their faith.
During his abode at Leipsic, his fi-
nances were so scanty, thatit was only
three times ina week that he could
afford himself a comfortable meal.

In the year 1749, he was appoint-
ed private tutor to the son of a gen-
tleman in Holstein. This situation
gave him an opportunity of bringing
to the test of experience, the plan of
an improved method of education,
which he had for some time had in
contemplation. The attempt suc-
ceeded to his wishes. His young
pupil was only seven years of age at
the time when he was appointed his
preceptor, and could merely read the
German language. We are inform-
ed, that, in the space of three years,
he was able not only to read Latin
authors, but to translate from the
German into that language, and also
to speak and write it with a degree
of fluency. The young gentleman
had moreover madeconsiderable pro-
gress in the principles of religion and
morals, in history, geography, and
arithmetic. This success procured
the preceptor much renown, anden-
couraged him to prosecute his plan.
with redoubled assiduity.

M. Bassedow was chosen professor
of moral philosophy and belles lettres
atthe university of Sorde, inthe year
1753; where he enjoyed farther op-
portunities of pursuing his favourite
object. While in this station, he
published several works which were
well received; particularly a treatise
on practical philosophy for al] classes,
in which the particulars of his plan
are fully explained; and also a gram-
mar of the German language. He
applied himself, with great assiduity,.
during his residence in this place, to
the study of theology ; from an ea-
ger and conscientious desire of form-
ing just and consistent ideas of reli-

Z gion,

354

gion, and’to avoid the absurdities
which attend the established system,
on'the one hand, and the doctrines
of infidelity, on the other. From
Sorde, he was nominated to a pro-
fessorship at Altona. He now em-
ployed his leisure hours in commu-
nicating.to the world the result of
his theological inquiries. It was in
vain that bis friends advised bim to
tread in the path of discretion: in
vain did they preach to him the
necessity of imitating their exam-
ple, in believing one set of doctrines
and professing another. His mental
optics were so peculiarly construct-
ed, that he could not see the honesty
of this conduct; and he was, not-
withstanding his general acumen,
so dull of apprehension, that he was
not able to conceive how any one
couid be a faithful minister of Jesus
while he preached doctrines oppo-
site to the genuine spirit of Chris-
tianity. He had the imprudence,
therefore, to beccme the strenuous
advocate for what he deemed to be
truth, in opposition to systems and
creeds established by law.

The writings of M. Bassedow, ex-
cited the most violent opposition on
every side, particularly among the
clergy ; and more especially among
his townsmen, the clergy of Ham-
burgh; among whom the Rev.
Messrs. Gosse, Winkler, and Zim-
merman distinguished themselves:
they not only preached but pub-
lished against him, seconding their
arguments with all the force of in-
vective. They represented his doc-
trines as inimical to religion and mo-
rals. They calumniated him as a vi-
sionary and dangerous sceptic, a mad
projectorof reforms, a detestable he-
retic, andan apostate from Christiani-
ty unworthy of station or stipend, and

* deserving exemplary punishment.

The populace of Hamburgh were

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

excited to tumults; and it becom-
ing the universal opinion among
them, that to stone the apostate to
death would be a meritorious act,
he was obliged to absent himself
from the city. At length, the ma-
gistrates, partly from the importu-
_nity of the clergy, and partly to ap-
pease the clamours of the people,
prohibited the publishing and read-
ing of his works; warned citizens
not to put any of his institates ‘into
the hands of their children; and for-
bade schoolmasters from using them
in their schools, under the pain of
banishment; while, on: the other
hand, they encouraged every pub-
lication against him.

M. Bassedow, however, stood firm
against the violence of opposition,
continued to justify his sentiments.
from misrepresentations, and sup-
ported them with additional argu-
ments, by every method which
those parts of Germany, more dis-

tant from the seat of contest, left

open to him till the time of his

death, which happened at Magde-

burgh in 1790.
To a quick, comprehensive, and

penetrating genius, and a sound.

judgment, were united unusual vi-
vacity of disposition, strength of
feeling, and warmth of imagination.
’ He thought and philosophized on
every subject that presented itself:
but the discovery of traths, which

promised utility, was his chief de-:

light. He had little taste forno-
tions merely speculative ; his most

earnest attention was fixed on prin=

ciples that could be made operative.
His mind was an_ inexhaustible
source of plans and projects, but
it applied itself too much to gene-
rals. He pressed forward with im-
petuosity in every undertaking, and
had neither the patience nor the
perseverance necessary to survey’

every

age ag

CHARACTERS.

every part of it, to reflect on the
obstacles and difficulties that might

ise, nor provide the means of
removing them. Being accustom-
ed to follow the dictates of his
own mind, without seeking foreign
aid, he frequently preferred the
more difficult modes of bringing his
plans to maturity, rather than tread
in the steps of any other person,
Observing, in his youthful days,
that he’ was quicker of compre-
hension than’ most of those with
whom he was connected, he be-
came impatient of contradiction ;
and, in the first impulse of his
mind, it was difficult to convince
him of an error: but when the
impetuosity subsided, he cheerfuliy
yielded to truth as soon as he per-
ceived it. His temper was open
and ingenuous; he was more sus-
ceptible of great and strong impres-
sions than of the softer emotions ;
more disposed to melancholy than
cheerfulness. This disposition is not
to be ‘ascribed wholly to nature,
but to the many unfavourable cir-
‘cumstances of his early life, which
rather suppressed than fostered the
kinder feelings. Yet, in his riper
years, when he became convinced
of the worth and excellency of a
benevolent disposition, and that
the most acceptable part of religion
was to do good to man, he applied
himself to the task with unremitted
eagerness ; and, to his last breath,
he made this the principal object
of his study, exertions, and liberal
sacrifices. This character has the
greater merit, as he acquired it by
struggling against a disposition and
education naturally inimical to it.
In fine, his first object and princi-

355

pal ambition were to render man-
kind better informed on subjects
of the greatest moment; to facili-
tate the improvement of youth in
all useful knowledge; to inspire
them with an ardent love of virtue;
and to diffuse just and attractive
ideas of religion, by reconciling
Christianity with good sense and
sound philosophy.

>

Character of his lute Majesty King
George the Second*.

From Anecdotes of William Pitt, Earl
of Chatham, 2 vol. 4to.

FF HIS Prince, though not born in

this country, was educated in
those principles by which the na-
tion rose to power and happiness,
and gloried in being the King of a
free people. He carried the power
and commerce of the nation to a
degree to which they had never
till then attained. Abroad, he
established the importance, the ho-
nour, and dignity of his crown, up-
on a footing not known before his
time toa king of this country, and
made the name of Englishman re-
spectable in every corner of the
world. No foreign power trifled
with his resentment, or despoiled
his people with impunity, It hath
been said that he had prejudices ;
and the assertion, from the mouths
of Tories and Jacobites, should not
surprise us. The nation was bene-
fited by the prejudices of this prince.
Abroad, they operated against the
natural enemies of the kingdom ;
at home, against the enemies of the
national freedom, and of the pro-

* For particulars of his life and death see Annual Register, vol. 3, for 1760,

p. 39—41—1338—140.

Z2

testant

356

testant establishment made at the
Revolution: against those who pre-
ferred the odious tyrannical govern-
ment of the accursed race of Stu-
art, to the mild and legal govern-
ment of the House of Hanover ;
against those who held to the divine,
indefeasible, hereditary right of
princes, and to the slavish doctrines
of passive obedience and non-resist-
ance; those men who, when in pos-
session of power, in every instance,
have driven hard to the destruction
of England, and from whose perni-
cious projects this country has been
more than once saved by almost mi-
raculous interposition. Ifhe headed
a party, it was the most glorious of
all parties,—the national freedom ;
if he encouraged and supported a
particular set of men, it was those
who distinguished themselves most
in their attachment to that cause : if
he were averse to another set, he was
only averse to them as public men ;
averse to their being the first de-
partments of the state, because their
maxims of government were in-
compatible with the happiness of
his people; and when be did em-
ploy them, which he did more fre-
quently than they deserved to have
been, he took care to put it out of
their power to practise their mis-
chieveus principles, by distributing
them chiefly among the subaltern
officers of the state, and, by keeping
a sufficient number of Whigs in the
higher departments, to watch and
over-rule their pernicious projects.
If he loved war, he made not his
own subjects the devoted objects
of his vengeance. Foreign, national,
natural, manly war, upon British
principles, in defence of British

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

rights, he indeed entered into,
secuted with ardour, and reaped
most glorious consequences from,
for this country. He was honest,
wise, brave, and liberal. Capable
of opening his heart to new con~-
nexions, he did not contract and_
give it up to one man; but when,
the voice of bis people demanded.
it, he yielded up the object of his
choice, and received the object of;
theirs tohis bosom. The greatest of
his favourites, if he ever bad any~

in the criminal sense of that term,

were made to yield, Sir Robert,
Walpole and the Duke. of, New-.
castle, who by long lives of useful.
service, had well earned the favour
of this monarch, had each their:
favourite measures, and at dif-.
ferent periods were compelled to;
sacrifice an excise scheme and,
a Jew bill, and finally their places,,
to the demands of. his people.—,
He received Mr. Pitt from the.
people, as the gift of the peo-

ple ; and when the public good re-_

quired a sacrifice of that resentment,
which had been excited in_ his.
mind by the parliamentary conduct

of that person, who had opposed

his best and most favoured servants
with unusual violence, he made it
with manliness and dignity. wi

-
$$

Am
Character of Charles 11.* from the
History of Political Transactions
and Parties, from the Restoration’
of Charles Il, to the Death of
King William, by Docan Som=

merv ralled

ie is not to be denied that yin
ture had furnished the mind of

* See Bishop Burvet's character of him, and other curious particulars relating to

him, in vols. 3, 4, and 5, of the Annual Register.

this

Ato, Meal i

CHARACTERS.

‘this prince with a more than com-
‘mon share of genius and taste.
-Affability, sprightliness, wit, and
-good-breeding, conveyed an amia-
ble view of his character to those
who surrendered judgment to the
sudden and transient impressions of
conversation and external manners.

Tried by that system which
ascribes transcendent merit to the
graces, few royal characters appear
more deserving of applause and ad-
miration; few will stand lower in
‘the decision of those who hold
moral accomplishments to be the
most essential ornaments of charac-
ter, and the only genuine basis of
esteem and praise.

Without any sense of religious
principles; ungrateful to bis own
friends and those of his father;
timid and fluctuating in his coun-

‘sels; destitute of all pretensions
to patriotism ; ever ready to sa-
_ 4rifice the interest and glory of
_-his country to the gratification of
L his pleasures and the supply of
his wants,—what remains to claim
the approbation, or restrain the
ee neapet reproach of impartial pos-
terity ?
- The satisfaction which Charles
enjoyed in the later period of his
feign, on account of his triumph
over the Whig party, must have
been greatly diminished, by the
personal mortifications he incurred
om the insolence ard treachery
of France. How painful must it
have been to discover that Louis
ad been intriguing with those
ery persons in England whom he
had considered as enemies to his
government, and to the inter-
est of France! Nay, so little re-
spect did Louis show, either to the
honour or the domestic tranquillity
#f Charles, (hat he was accessary to

357

a design of exposing him to the
contempt of his subjects, and of all
Europe, by a publication of the
secret treaties by which Charles, to
his disgrace, had connected bimself
with the court of France. The en-
croachments which the French king
made upon Flanders, were a mock-
ery of the engagements into which
he had entered with Charles by the
Jast money-treaty. His invasion of
the principality of Orange, was an
insult to the royal family of Eng-
land. A circumstance which, we
may believe, made a deeper im-
pression upon the mind of Charles,
was the withholding the pension
promised to him for remaining an
indifferent spectator of such out-
rageous usurpation, at a time when
he was reduced to the utmost dis-
tress, on account of his contracted
and embarrassed revenue. Thus,
like the unhappy female who has
fallen a prey to the snares of the
licentious seducer, robbed of her
innocence, and cheated of the re-
ward of her prostitution, consigned
to infamy and poverty, Charles, if
any spark of sensibility remained,
must have been torn with all those
pangs of remorse and of shame
which result from the consciousness
of the bases: iniquity and most egre-
gious fully. No wonder, if, as at-
tested by cotemporary historians,
he became pensive and melancholy,
and entertained serious thoughts of
changing the plan of his govern-
ment. The arrangements be had
made in the several corporations by
the guo warran/o prosecutions, anda
considerable reinforcement added to
hisarmy by the garrison recalled from
Tangiers, would probably encourage
him to hope, that, if he called ano-
ther parliament, he would find it
more obsequious to his desires,

Z 3 Description

358

Description of a Dwarfish Race in
Madagascar, called the Kimos.

From Rochon’s Voyage to Madagas-
car, 8vo.

HOSE who are fond of the mar-

vellous, will receive with plea-
sure, an account of a race of pig-
ties. I here speak of those dwarfs
in the interior parts of the large
island of Madagascar, who form a
considerable nation, called, in the
Madecasse language, Quimos or Ki-
mos. The distinguishing charac-
teristics of these small people are,
that they are whiter, or at least
paler in colour, than all the negroes
hitherto known; that their arms
are so long that they can stretch
their hands below their knees with-
out stooping; and that the women
have scarcely any breasts, except
when they suckle; and even then,
we are assured, that the greater
part of them are obliged to make
use of cow’s milk, in order to nou-
tish their young. With regard to
intellectual faculties, these Kimos
are not inferior to the other inha-
bitants of Madagascar, who are
Known to be very lively and inge-
mious, though they abandon them-
selves to the utmost indolence ; but
we are told that the Kimos, as they
are much more active, are also much
more warlike, so that their courage
being, if we may use the expression,
in the double ratio of their stature,
they have never yet been overcome
by their neighbours, who have often
made attempts for that purpose.
Though attacked with superior
strength and weapons (for they are
not acquainted with the use of gun-
powder and fire-arms, like their ene-
mies) they have always fought with
courage, and retained liberty amidst
their rocks, which, as they are ex-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

tremely difficult of access, certainly
contribute very much to their safety.
They live there upon rice, various
kinds of fruits, roots, and vegetables,
and rear a great number of oxen
and sheep with large tails, which
form also a part of their subsistence.
They hold no communication with
the different castes by whom they
are surrounded, either for the sake
of commerce or on any account
whatever, as they procure al] their
necessaries from the lands which they
possess. As the object of all the
petty wars between them and the
other inhabitants of the island, is to
carry away on either side a few
cattle or slaves, the diminutive size
of the Kimos saves them from the
latter injury. With regard to the
former, they are so fond of peace,
that they resolve to endure it to a
certain degree; that is to say, till
they see from the tops cf their
mountains a formidable body ad-
vancing, with every hostile prepara-
tion, in the plains below. They
then carry the superfluity of their
flocks to the entrance of the defiles,
where they leave them; and, as
they say themselves, make a volun-
tary sacrifice of them to the indi-
gence of their elder brethren; buat
at the same time denouncing with
the severest threats to attack them
without mercy should they endea-

-vour to penetrate farther into their

territories : a proof that it is neither
from weakness nor cowardice that
they purchase tranquillity by pre-
sents. Their weapons are assagays
and darts, which they use with the
utmost dexterity. It is pretended,
if they could, according to their
ardent wishes, hold any intercourse
with the Europeans, and procure
from them fire-arms and amoiuni-
tion, they would act on the offensive

as

;

‘CHARACTERS.

as well as the defensive against their
neighbours ; who would then per-
haps think themselves very happy
to preserve peace.
‘At the distance of two or ‘three
days journey from Fort Dauphin,
the inhabitants of that part of the
country shew a number of small
barrows, or earthen hillocks, in the
‘form of graves, which, as is said,
‘owe their origin to a great massacre
“of the HOS: who were defeated in
‘the field by their ancestors. How-
‘ever this may be, a tradition gene-
rally believed in that district, as
well as in the whole island of Mada-
gascar, of the actual existence of the
Kimos, leaves us no room to doubt
that a part at Jeast of what we are
told respecting these people is true.
It is astonishing that every thing
‘which we know of this nation is
‘collected from their neighbours ;
“that no one has yet made observations
‘on the spot where they reside; and
that neither the governor of the isles
of France and Bourbon, nor the
commanders at the different settle-
ments which the French possessed
on the coast of Madagascar, ever
atteinpted to penetrate into the in-
eerie parts of the country, with a
‘view of adding this discovery to
“many others which they might have
“made at the same time.

To return to the Kimos, I can de-
‘clare, as being an eye-witness, that
in the voyage which I made to Fort
“Dauphin, about the end of the year

1770, the Count de Modave, the
last governor, who had already com-
municated to me one part of his
observations, at Jength afforded me
‘the satisfaction of seeing among his
sslaves a Kimos woman, aged about
‘thirty, and three feet seven inches

in height. Her complexion was in-
milo |

359

deed the fairest | had seen among
the inhabitants of the island; and I
remarked that she was well limbed
though so low of stature, and far
from being ill-proportioned, that her
arms were exceedingly long, and
could reach without bending the
body as far as the knee; that her
hair was short and woolly ; that her
features, which were agreeable, ap-
proached nearer ‘to those of an
European than to ‘an inhabitant of
Madagascar ; and that she had na-
turallya pleasant look,and was good-
humoured, sensible, and obliging,
as far as could be judged from, her
behaviour. With regard to breasts,
I saw no appearance of them, ex-
cept the nipple: but this single
observation is not at all sufficient
to establish a variation from the
common laws of nature.

A little before our departure from
Madagascar, a desire of recovering
her liberty, as much as a dread of
being carried away from her native
country, induced this little slave to
make her escape into the woods.

Every thing considered, I am in-
clined firmly to believe in this new
variety of the human species, who
have their characteristic marks as
well as their peculiar manners, and
who inhabit mountains from sixteen
to eighteen hundred fathoms high
above the level of the sea.

Diminution of stature, in respect
to that of the Laplanders, is almost
graduated as from the Laplapder to
the Kimos. Both inhabit the cold-
est regions and the highest moun-
tains in the world. Those of Mada-
gascar, where the Kimos live, are,
as I have already observed, sixteen
or eighteen hundred fathoms high
above the level of the sea. The
vegetable productions which grow

ZA on

360

on these elevated places appear to
be stunted; such as the pine, the
birch, and a great many others,
which from the class of trees de-
scend to that of humble shrubs,
merely because they have become
alpicoles; that is to say, inhabitants
of the highest mountains.

History of the Swiss Union, and Cha-
racter of the Inhabitants of, the De-
mocratic Cantons”.

From Watkins’s Travels, vol. I.

N 1315, Uri, Schweitz, and Un-

- derwalden, entered into a perpe-
tuai league for their mutual defence,
being fearful of encroachments by
the house of Austriat. In 1332,
Lucerne joined this alliance, in op-
position to a design which had been
formed by the Austrian party to pre-
vent it, and get possession of the
town. In 1351, Zurich, from simi-
lar motives (a conspiracy of its ban-
ished citizens) made the fifth con-
federate canton; and, from ils su-
perior power and wealth, was con-
sidered as the first of the association.
The following year Glaris and Zug
acceded; and in 1355, Berne, though
a previousalliance subsisted between
it and the three first Waldsteett. Be-
fore this period, the cantons allied
themselves for their mutual protec-
tion; but we find, from experience,
that the love of freedom is so closely
connected with ambition, that no
sooner haye we acquired our literty,
than we are desirous of increasing

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

our dominion at the expence of our
neighbours. ‘Thus it was in the pre-
sent instance, though with more ap-
pearance of justice, as the enemies
of the Swiss were the aggressors ;
but it too often happens that, among
nations, justice and interest are sy-
nonymous. ‘Two circumstances now
arose, which induced them to take
a more active part, and bear arms on
the offensive: the first was the rest-
less ambition of the Dukes of Aus-
tria; who, by secret intrigue, as well
as open force, would have reduced
thein toa state of vassalage: and the
second, the encouragement of the
emperors, who, jealous of the grow-
ing power of Austria, persuaded
them, by assurances of support, to
violate all treaties. Hor the purpose
of terminating these dangerous fac-
tions, the allied cantons, in 1370,
entered into a convention, which re-
gulated every thing with the Ger-
mans, aud for the general welfare
of the league.

But Lucerne, probably conscious
that the new allies would make its
private quarrel a common cause,
broke with the house of Austria, for
the purpose of exonerating itself from
a duty imposed upon its iohabitants
at Rothenburg. This brought on a
general war, which, after two fa-
mous victories gained by the Swiss
in 1386 and 13388, at Sempach in
Lucerne, and Nafels in Glaris, was
concluded by an advantageous
peace ; but aware of the dangerous
consequence that might result from
too great presumption on their va-
lour and alliance, they entered into

* Mr, Coxe’s reflections upon the general state of the thirteen Swiss Cantons
we have given in the Annual Register for? 11719; p- 13.
+ There was an alliance w hich had suibsivied between these three cantons ever

since the year L291;
oyer the Austrians at Morgarten,

but it was not made perpetual till 1315, after their victory

a con-

CHARACTERS.

a convention at Sempach in 1393,
for the purpose of preventirg indi-
viduals, or even any one people of
the new confederacy, from engag-
ing in a war without the consent
and approbation of the whole. In
1460, the conquest of Turgovy, or
the country that lies between the
canton of Zurich and the lake of
Constance, occasioned their cele-
brated war with Charles the Bold,
Duke of Burgundy, which ended
with his defeat and death at Granson,
Morat, and Nancy. This quarrel was
fomented by that perfidious monarch
Louis XIth. of France, who only
consulted in it his own interest, by
the destruction of his rival Charles ;
however, the event of the war may
be considered as the epoch of two
important circumstances in Swiss his-
tory,—their perpetual union with
Austria, and an alliance with the
crown of France. But this tide of
success was not unaccompanied by
evils, as it introduced among the con-
querors the spirit of pride and licen-
tiousness, which probably would
have ended in their disunion, had not
Nicholas de Flue, an .anchorite, left
bis retreat, and at a meeting of the
deputies in Stanz, formerly the chief
place of Underwalden, persuaded
them so fully of their real interests,
in a strain of the most animated elo-
quence inspired by patriotism, and
the danger to which his country
was exposed, that they entered into
an immediate convention, by which
they determined on the following
resolution: That mutual protection
should be granted, as well from in-
terior as exterior violence; that just-
ice should be impartially adminis-
tered among them; and that the-
profits of successful war should be
divided in proportion to their respec-

361

tive quotas of troops and money.
After this they confirmed their an-
cient treaties of union, and agreed
to swear to them every five years.
About this period, Freyburg and So-
leure were associated to the common
league; and in 1501, Basil and Shaft-
hausen; the last was Appenzel,
which, in 1513, made up the whole
number.

Whilst the four Waldsteett, and
the other cantons on that side of
Switzerland, which afterwards ac-
ceded to the combination, were dis-
membering the territories of Aus~-
tria, Berne and Freyburg took pos-
session of the Pays de Vand, Gex,
and Chablais, part of the Dukes of
Savoy’s dominions, who, theugh in-
capable of recovering by force what
had been stripped from them, would
not renounce their superior right to
these countries, until through the
mediation of Spain, France, and the
neutral cantons, the then reigning
Duke, obtaining restitution of Gex
and Chablais, renounced all preten-
sion ta the Pays de Vaud, and ceded
it to Berne and Freyburg for ever.
Since this period, the limits of Swit-
zerland have neither been extended
nor diminished. What principally
disturbed the interpal harmony of
the cantons, was a difference in reli-
gious opinions. Qn this dangerous
subject wars arose between Berne
and Zurich for the reformers; and
Uri, Schweitz, Underwalden, and
Zug, for the church of Rome. How-
ever, after various success, they
were happily ended, and are not
likely to be renewed.

The only constitution that can be
said to have any reference to the na-
tional body of the Swiss, is the es-
tablishment of a confederate army,
determined on in 1688, between the

cantons

362

cantons and theirallies. Thsi, how-
ever, was adopted only as a plan of
defence, similar to our militia*,
each state sending its quota of troops
according to its extent and’ popula-
tion: the whole forms a body of
13,400 men; but in cases of neces-
sity this number would be consider-
ably augmented in the same pro-
portion.

The commerce of Switzerland is
very inconsiderable. Its exports
consist of linens, muslin, hides, and
the produce of their dairies, which
are small huts called chalets, built
on the mountains, where, during the

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

summer months, their cattle are
sent to feed. ‘The Swiss cheese is.
excellent, and consequently much
esteemed i in the neighbouring coun-
tries, particularly in France, where
a great consumption is'made of it.
Their imports are considerable,
though a fragal people, they being
in want of corn, iron, and salt; the
latter article they draw from France;
and, according to the treaties of
alliance subsisting between the two
countries, receive dunually a cer-
tain quantity at a much more rea-
sonable price than it is sold by the
French government to their own

* In the contribution of these troops the following proportion is observed, ac-
cording to the original agreement between the cantonsand their allies -—

No. of Men. Religion. Government,
I Zurich - - 1400 Protestant <Aristecrazy
2 Berne - - - 2000 Protestant Aristocracy
8 Lucerne - - - 1200° Catholic Aristocracy
4 Uri - - =) - 400. Catholic Democracy
5 Schweitz - - 600 Cathatic Democracy
6 Underwalden - 400 Catholic Democracy
7 Zug - - - - 400° Catholic Democracy
8 Glariss - - -- 400° Mixed Democracy
9 Basil - - - - 400° Protestant Aristocracy ,
10 Freyburg - - 800 Catholic = Aristocracy
11 Soleure - - = 600 Catholic Aristocracy
12 Schaffhausen - A400 Protestant Aristocracy
13 Appenzell - - 600 Mixed Democracy
Allies of the Cantons.
1 Abbey of St.Gall 1000 Mixed
2 Town of St.Gall 200 Protestant
3 Bienne - - = 200 Protestant
Provinces subject to the Cantons.
1 Lugano - = - 400. Catholic
2 Locarno - - - 200 Catholic
3 Mendristo - - 100 Catholic
A Val Maggia - 100 Catholic
5 The free bailiwicks 300 Catholic
6 Sargans - - - 300° Catholic
1 Turgovy - - - 600 Mixed
8 Baden - - - - 200 Catholic
9 The Rheinthal - 200 Mixed
13,400 men

subjects.

CHARACTERS.

subjects. Nevertheless, even in
Switzerland it is a dear article,
being retailed by the officers of
state, who monopolize, and draw a
principal part of the public revenues
from its sale. The total receipt of
Berne amounts to about 75,0001.
and of Zurich to a little more than
one half. Exclusive of this tax on
salt, the revenue is made up by cus-
toms and duties on merchandize,
the profits of demesne lands, and
the tithes of the general produce of
the country (the clergy being paid
by government); to which might
be added the money that the ditfer-
ent cantons receive from foreign
powers for the hire of their troops.
This is a custom that has given rise
to a difference of opinion among
the Swiss, relative to its advantage
or ill consequence. They who op-
pose it, maintain that the officers
and soldiers of those regiments ac-
quire the vices of the different
countries in which they serve, and
on their return to Switzerland, by
spreading them, corrupt the purer
morals ‘of its inhabitants. In an-
swer to this it is asserted that, as
the revenues of the cantons are in-
adequate to the expences of govern-
Ment,a::d the support of a sufficient
army for the national defence, it is
necessary to pursue this system, laid
down by their ancestors, as it gives
them all the advantages of a regular
army without the expence of its
Maintenance, it being stipulated in
their treaties, that in case of attack

om a foreign enemy, these troops,
which amount to 30,000, sbould
be at liberty to return home, and
act in concert with their country-
men. Both of these arguments are
plausible; but the question is, if
‘they be" admitted as fact, whether

ele:

363

the morality of a nation should be
sacrificed to its policy? but it may
be asserted again, that true policy is
inseparable from good morals; and
still further, the Swiss ‘cannot be
apprehensive of the encroachments
of any foreign state, as long as they
perceive that the general aim of
Europe is to preserve an equilibrium
of power: this balance is their best,
and indeed their only safeguard:

for, though no: soldier, I think I

might assert that Switzerland, with
all its force, could never maintain
a defensive war against either France
or the Emperor. The Swiss and
their allies are supposed to amount
to more than two millions of souls.
Their manner of living ‘is much
more simple than that of their
neighbours, as they are more re-
stricted by their respective govern-
ments; sumptuary laws being in
full force among them; and no
amusement, such as games of haz-
ard, plays, operas, cr even dancing,
except at appointed times, being
permitted. As every citizen 15 a
soldier (the clergy excepted) they
on Sundays, after divine service, go
through the military exercise. They
are careful of the education of their
youth, as is evident from their pub-
lic seminaries or‘ universities; the
principal of which are at Basil and
Berne.—In giving you a sketch of
the national character, I shall con-
fine myself to the popular govern-
ments, as I think the people there
retain the temper and manner of
the ancient Swiss more than the
other canions. Of them I think
very favourably, ‘provided I except
those of the lower class who have
seen other countries, or bave any
communication with travellers; as
such are, not only in this, but I be-

lieve

364

lieve in every country in the world,
mercenary and deceitful. With re-
gard to the general inhabitants of
these cantons, they seem to be frugal
without meanness, brave without
vanity, and hospitable witbout os-
tentation: to strangers they are
courteous and polite, without being
either designing or troublesome.
They value but litde those distinc-
tions of rank, birth, and fortune,
which, in the other countries of Eu-
rope, and indeed in the other can-
tons of Switzerland, are so cbsequi-
ously cultivated, as they measure the
dignity of the situation by the merit
of the individual. Every man here
knows the advantages of his own
free government; and as he also
knows himself to be a component
part of it, is, from interest as well
as principle, a real patriot. Such
is their attachment to their country,
that of the Swiss regiments in fo-
reign service, many of the soldiers,
after a long absence, pine and sick-
en for their return. Should that
liberty be refused them (which
never is, from experience of the ill
consequence) their death is inevit-
able, as neither promotion nor emo-
himent can dissipate the melan-
choly that preys upon them. Home
is the only cure of this singular
malady, which is called the Swiss
sickness *, and that infallible. In
domestic life their private virtues
flow from their public character;
to their parents they are grateful
and obedient, to their families affec-
tionate and attentive, inflexible in
friendship, mild as superiors, and
benevolent as men.

* They call it in German dos heim wehe,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Character of the Genoese.
From the same.

HE Genoese are said to inherit

the character of their Ligurian
ancestors; but I rather think, if
they retain any part of it, it is the
worst, as they certaizly are the most
turbulent, most superstitious, most
vindictive, and most mercenary race
in all Italy. Of the first charge,
the history of their country affords
a variety of instances ; of the second
and third, the frequency of religious
processions and assassinations. To
prove the last, I need only to relate a
circumstance that would be incred-
ible, if it were not sufficiently
vouched by the testimony of all
travellers who have visited Genoa ;
and that is, their voluntary servi-
tude on board the gallies after the
term of their sentence is elapsed.
Examples of this are very frequent,
the contract is generally tor twelve
months, and the price of their li-
berty eighteen shillings in Genoese
money. I am really at a loss to
account for such depravity; ‘but
my surprise yields to my indigna-
tion, not so much against the
wretched slaves, as against the more
wretched government that permits
and encourages so infamous a com-
pact. Thovgl the condition of the
galley-slaves be better here than
in France, nevertheless it is so bad,
that were I not assured of the fact,
I never had given it credit; chain-
ed one to another, exposed to all
weathers on board the gallies, sub-
ject to arbitrary and severe ‘cor-
rection ; ill clothed, worse fed, and

There is no motive that induces us to

recollect the places which we love, more than the music we have heard ‘in them
aud from this it is that all songs and tunes that were popular in their country, are
strictly forbidden among the Swiss regiinents on foreign service.

finally,

CHARACTERS.

finally, eat up by disease and ver-
min,—who would have imagined
it possible ? but so it is; and such
is the imbecility, the infatuation,
the misery of human nature at
Genoa!

The character of the nobles too,
has a leading feature in it that is
seldom found in other countries,

They affect a superiority to those
prejudices which so frequently and
so \foolis!:ly exist against commerce ;
yet this mask of wisdom is only the
result of avarice, as no race of men
are prouder and more ignorant. But
the commerce carried on by the
noble Genoese is that of money,
or, in other words, usury, as they
supply the needy of France and
Italy with sums at the most exor-
bitant interest. They are in pos-
session of this money from the ex-
ercise of the most rigid parsimony
in domestic life ; for instead of us-
ing the noble palaces which they
owe to the ostentation of their an-
cestors, they inhabit only the attic
stories: fathers, uncles, brothers,
with all their female relatives and
servants, are stowed in different
apartments; and their tables, in-
stead of being served in a style ade-
quate to their opulence, are (as I
am well informed) most pitifully
supplied. In the article of dress,
as they always wear black, they in-
cur but little expence: and for hos-
pitality, it is a virtue unknown
to them, even among each other.
Their general amusement is conver-
sazioni, where they entertain them-
selves at cards, and are refreshed
with coffee, lemonade, and biscuits.
The women are pretty; but their
sable dress, and manner of wrapp-
ing up their heads in a veil called
Il Messero, are, in my opinion,
very unbecoming. Their whole

365

time is taken up in play, intrigue,
and the observance of church-cere-
mony. They never appear from
home, either with their husbands,
or without their cecisbez, the latter
of whom are always the objects of
their choice, and often the fathers
of their children. From the general
imputation which the Genoese lie
under from ignorance, I am not at
all surprised to find no university
here; but from that partiality to
music which they entertain in com-
mon with all the Italians, I did not
expect to see so vilea theatre. The
singers were what I should have
been out of humour with, even at
Novi, and the band was still more
despicable: this is the consequence
of their parsimony, as the managers,
from the Jittle encouragement they
receive, are not able to employ the
best voices and music.

Commerce at Genoa is reduced
to its lowest ebb, having declined in
proportion to its rise at Leghorn.
Few of these noble usurers would
risk a cargo in a vessel of their own
state, as they know how entirely
their flag is unprotected, and there-
fore make use of British bottoms as
their best security. In these they
export their velvets, silk, oil, dried
mushrooms (which are famous)
wines, Parmesan cheese, and Carrara
marbles. Their imports are various;
English cloth is a considerable art-
ticle: their chief trade, however, is
with Spain. But that on which the
existence of this republic as an in-
dependent state, as well as the pro-
perties of many of its citizens have
long rested, is the celebrated Bank
of St. George, established since the
commencement of the fifteenth
century, It is less dependent on
government than government is on
it, being managed exclusively by

1{s

366

its own laws, and separate directors;
its capital is immense, its credit
universal, and the security as firm
as the defenceless condition of Ge-
noa will admit. In 1746, it sup-
ported the republic in its distress,

by advancing 750,0001. the whole.

of which (as I am informed) has
been liquidated. The interest it
gives for money is two and a half
er cent.

I shall conclude this letter with
an anecdote related to me by a
French gentleman who resides here,
and which will give you a much
better representation of the national
character than any thing which I
could otherwise write upon the
subject.

Some months ago two Venetians
(whose countrymen and the Geno-
ese still keep up that inveterate
hatred to each other which distin-
guished their ancestors) were pre-
sent at an osteria, of wine-house,
where the conversation of the tom-
pany arose, not, as it would in Eng-
land, on politics or pleasure, but
upon the merits of St. Jobn, the
protector of Genoa, who, it was
asserted, had worked innumerable
miracles, and was the greatest of
all saints. If Nature be so much
the parent of patriotism as to create
in us an affection for those minuter
objects in our native land which
the citizen of the world would re-
gard with an eye of indifference,
how much more powerfully must
she operate on our passions, when
we remember that on which the
prosperity of our country is sup-
posed to depend! The two Vene-
tians were precisely in this predi-
cament. They probably knew as

ANNUAL! REGISTER, 1792.

little of St. John as they did.of St.
Denis; but St. Mark was the guar-
dian of Venice, and consequently
their all in all. Resolved therefore
to maintain his' honour in opposition
to this provoking eulogium of ‘the
Genoese on their patron, one of
them observed, that the bones of
his saint had worked more miracles,
particularly in healing diseases, than
all the apostles and saints ; thatin
heaven he was next in rank to’ the
Virgin and popes, and as’ much
superior to their St. John as the
Patriarch of Venice was to the
Archbishop of Genoa. To prevent
any reply to this, he and his friend
left the room, but were soon fol-
lowed by one of the company, who
had the honour of bearing the great
cross of a religious order in their
church-processions. This desperate
enthusiast, on overtaking the Vene-
tian who had spoken, stabbed him
to the heart, crying out with the
blow, Tz manda questo San Giova-=
ne, che ti guariano le osse di San
Marco*. His friend, astonished at
a deed so bloody, applied to a ma-
gistrate for justice; who, having
heard the particulars, told him, that
had a Venetian murdered a Geno-
ese in Venice, no notice would have
been taken of it, but that his com-
plaint would probably be considered
in a few days:—and ‘so indeed it
was, even sooner than he had pro-
mised; for early the next morning
he too was found assassinated at the
door of his lodgings ; and the bearer
of the great cross still maintains his
post of honour!—Now determine
on the character of a people set
whom such crimes are committe
with impunity.

* St. John sendsthce this, thit the kone; of St. Mark may heal thee.

Interesting —

CHARACTERS.

Interesting} Account of an Indented

Servant. From. Eddis’s Letters
Srom America.

. GENTLEMAN of consider-

&X able influence and fortune,
parchased a servant as an assistant
to his gardener; having been pre-
viously informed that he had origi-
nally acted in that capacity, and was
qualified for the undertaking. The
man, soon after he was brought on
shore, received instructions to enter
on his business; when it was im-
mediately discovered that he was
wholly unaquainted with the nature
of hisemployment. On being in-
terrogated relative to this deception,
he-acquainted his master, that ‘‘ ex-
treme indigence induced him to
abandon his native country ;—that
in the course of the voyage, having.
intimated that he had not been
brought up to any mechanical pro-
fession, he was informed by’ the
captain, it was absolutely necessary
he should avow some particular
calling, in order to secure a more
comfortable situation; that in Ame-
rica, a. competent skill] in gardening
was easily attainable, and seldom re-
quired the exertion of greater talents
than what were immediately essen-
tial for domestic purposes : and that
by engaging in such employment, he
might avoid a more laborious ser-
vitude, under the discipline of some
rigid and inflexible planter.”

This declaration was delivered in
terms so apparently consistent with
truth, as obtained entire credit with
his master, who, from his deport-
ment and exterior, was likewise
induced to form sentiments much
to his advantage; he therefore de-
termined to receive him into his
family, in the capacity of a domestic,

367

and to give him that encourage-
ment to which he might be entit-
led by the propriety of his future
conduct.

Every sentiment of gratitude ap-
peared to operate on the mind of
the servant, when he found himself
destined to a station more comfort-
able than his original allotment ;
and, for some time, the whole tenor
of his actions was such as might
shew that he highly merited the
indulgence which he had so unex-
pectedly obtained.

For a tew mosths, his diligence
and attention secured him the entire
approbation of his master; and he
was continually gaining ground on
his confidence and esteem. It was,
therefore, with the utmost concern
that bis benefactor began to observe
an appearance of discontent, a
disregard to the duties of his sta-
tion, and an evident alteration in
every particular. Remonstrances
and threats were equally meffectual :
his disposition became sullen and
reserved; while he obstinately re-
fused to assign any cause for such
an obvious change in his conduct.
At length he quitted the house of
his benevolent employer, and by
travelling in the night, and lying
concealed in the day, he took the
proper precautions to elude the vi-
gilance of pursuit.

His plan, though well concerted,
was, nevertheless, ineffectual. In
a few days he was discovered, al-
most famished, Necessity com-
pelled him to supplicate the aid of
charity; his story was equivocal, and
excited suspicion; heobtained relief,
but with the detention of his person.
A magistrate, before whom he was
conveyed, threatened him with con-
finement and rigorous treatment,

unless

368

unless he gaye a proper and satis-
factory account from whence he
came, and the circumstances which
had reduced him to his present si-
tuation. Finding every fallacious
pretext fruitless, he made a candid
and explicit discovery, and was, in
consequence, with all possible expe-
dition, conducted to the presence
of a master, whose tenderness he had
basely returned with such unpardon-
able ingratitude.

The most compassionate nature
is seldom proof against repeated in-
stances of an incorrigible disposition.
It was therefore thought necessary
that he should experience the con~
sequences cf his behaviour; but he
was previously reminded of the re-
peated acts of kindness that. had
been shewn him, and the ungrateful
return he had made. From such
considerations it was observed, that
it was a debt strictly due to justice
to compel him to serve the residue
of his time in the most laborious em-
ployment allotted to worthless ser-
vants. He was accordingly senten-
ced to the iron mines; there to reap
the bitter effects of his conduct.

Overwhelmed with the consci-
ousness of guilt, and terrified at the
prospect of the punishment that
awaited him, the unfortunate cul-
prit, in the most ingenuous terms,
confessed the equity of the sentence
passed upon him, but not without
an intimation, that there were cir-
cumstances in his case which, were
they known, he was_ persuaded,
would plead powerfully in his be-
half. An irvesistible inclination to
return to his native country, and the
obstacles which appeared to bar his
delusive hopes, had possessed his
mind with that gloom and discon-
tent, which had almost obliterated

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

the impressions of gratitude, and
occasioned that conduct which had
brought him into his present situa-
tion. He concluded by declaring,
that he had not the most distant
claim to compassion; yet relying on
that goodness and lenity which he
had so frequently abused, he was
encouraged to admit a ray of hope,
and to supplicate forgiveness, how-
ever undeserved.

His humane master heard hic
with the most candid attention. He
pitied a deviation from rectitude,
which originated in motives natural
to the human mind; and determin=
ed not only to exempt him from the
situation to which he had been just-
ly doomed, but to send him, by an
early opportunity, to his much loved
native country, there to pursue such
eligible methods as Providence might
suggest for his future comfortable
provision.—I shall not attempt to
delineate the transports which on
this intimation took possession of
his mind.

About this time, the captain of a
ship preparing to sail for England,
signified his want of a steward to
attend on those passengers who had
engaged his cabin for the voyage,
The emancipated servant was recom-
mended for this employment; his
services were accepted; and with
solemn assurances of the most last-
ing and grateful attachment, he bade
farewell to a master, by whose ge-:
nerous, disinterested conduct, he
was so providentially restored to
happiness and liberty.

Two years elapsed without the
least intelligence respecting his si-
tuation, when at length a letter ar-
rived, filled with every sentiment
of gratitude. —-His sense of re-
peated obligations was acknow-

ledged

CHARACTERS.

ledge in terms which delineated a
heart conscious of the important
benefits he had experienced; and
he concluded by entreating his late
master’s acceptance of a bill, as a
trifling consideration for the resi-
due of that time which he had been
so generously and humanely ex-
empted from serving.

The sum remitted, very greatly
exceeded the original cost of the
most valuable servant. In this
epistle, not the least intimation was
given relative to the circumstance
which had enabled a man, so lately
at the lowest ebb of misery, to spare
from his immediate occasions so
considerable a sum as thirty pounds;
but an answer was requested, to be
addressed toa merchant in London,
that the party concerned might be
properly apprized his bill was re-
ceived and acknowledged.

Mr. J— was inexpressibly happy
in the pleasing reflection, that, by
an indulgence of Jenity, natural to
his disposition, he had been ren-
dered by Heaven the instrument of
such unexpected prosperity. He
could not, for a moment, admit the
idea of appropriating any part of
such money to himself, as the pay-
ment of a debt which he considered
as a free donation to the claims of
humanity; but he was naturally
anxious to become acquainted with
the particular events by which his
late servant was so happily situated
as to obtain the power of transmit-
ting such a proof of his honesty and
gratitude. He, therefore, imme-
diately addressed a letter to the mer-
chant, expressive of the satisfac-
tion he experienced in receiving in-
telligence of such an agreeable na-
ture, and desiring him to return the
note, which he had enclosed for

Vou. XXXIV.

369

that purpose, into the hands of the
party who had conceived it his duty
to transmit it, with earnest wishes
that his future successes might am-
ply compensate for every former
calamity. He had only to request
that, by an early opportanity, he
would afford him the satisfaction of
knowing by what unexpected cir-
cumstance he had been so rapidly,
and so providentially favoured with
the smiles of fortune.

By the return of the first ship, an
answer from the agent arrived. The
bill was sent back, with an earnest
entreaty, that, if Mr. J——— re-
fused to apply it to his particular oc-
casions, he would appropriate it to
some charitable purpose: that with
respect to tke situation of the man,
formerly his servant, there were
powerful reasons which precluded
him from giving the information
he requested. All that he was at
liberty to disclose was, that the per-
son who had visited America, under
circumstances so desperate and for-
lorn; who had been necessitated to
become a common indented servant,
subject to all the hardships and mi-
series incident to so abject a condi-
tion, was, by an astonishing transi-
tion of fortune, elevated to a very
affluent and respectable situation in
his native country.

The above particulars were de-
livered to me by the benevolent
master himself, who during a course
of years, has assiduously endeavour-
ed, by every eligible mode of en-
quiry, to develope a secret so indus-
triously concealed from his know-
ledge ; but every method has _hi-
therto proved ineffectual; and he
has now relinquished the idea of
having so natural a curiosity even
confidentially gratified.

Aa Of

>

370.

Of the Inhabitants of Cairo, and its
Neighbourhood.

From Niebuhr’s Travels in Arabia, §:c.

RABS and Turks from all the
provinces in the Ottoman em-
pire, form the most numerous part
of the inhabitants of Cairo. There
are also Magrebbins, or Arabs from
Barbary, other Africans, Persians,
and Tartars: all these are Maho-
metans, and most of them attached
to the sect of Schafei.

After the Mahometans, the Copts
are the next in numbers :—they
occupy whole quarters of the city,
and very large streets. They have
a great many churches, both in the
capital, and at Masr-el-atik in its
vicinity. , Their patriarch also re-
sides at Cairo.

The Jews are the most numerous
class, next after the Mahometans
and the Copts. Some Pharisees, or
Talmudists, reside here, as well as
Karaites, who, though not nume-
rous, have a synagogue of their own,
The Talmudists are numerous and
very powerful: they have long
farmed all the customs: an under-
taking which brings them both
wealth and credit. In the repub-
lican governmentof Egypt, they find
it easier to gain steady protectors
than in the other provinces of Tur-
key, where all depends upon the
caprice of a pacha, who knows not
how soon he may lose his own place;
or of the superintendant of the cus-
toms, who resides in Constantinople.
One proof of the consequence which
the Jews enjoy under the aristocra-
cy of Cairo, is, that the offices of
the customs are shut upon their Sab-
bath, and no goods can pass on that
day, although belonging to Chris-
tians or Mussulmans.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.
The Greeks have | only, two.

‘churches in Cairo, in one of which

the service is performed, by the, Pa-

triarch of Alexandria, and in the

other by the Bishop of Mount Si-
nai. The Armenians, who are not,
numerous, have only. one church ;.

but that a handsome one. From.
Europe here are several French and.
Italian merchants, but no Dutch-

men ; yet the Dutch have a consul,
here, as well as France, Venice,
and other European nations.

If Cairo come ever to want Eu-
ropean merchants, yet it is not pro-
bable that it willbe without eccle-.
siastics of the Roman communion.
Here are Jesuits, capuchins, corde-
liers, and fathers of the society for
the propagation of the Christian
faith. These monks are all eager
to make proselytes, and sometimes
succeed so far as to convert some
schismatic Christian of the east.
The government readily tolerates
these modern apostles, on account
of the profits which they derive from
the quarrels which the conversions
produce between the apostateand the
members of the communion which
he forsakes, The pacha is often not.
content with fining the contending
parties, but examines the affair to
the bottom, and exacts considerable
sums from the monks besides.

The neighbourhood of Cairo is
partly inhabited by Copts, but chief-.
Jy by Arabs, wandering or settled.
These deserve to be more particu-
larly considered.

Of the Copts.—From the same.

| i an ancient origin and illustri-
ous ancestors could confer me-
rit, the Copts would be an highly

estimable

CHARACTERS.

estimable people. They are de-
scended from the ancient Egyp-
tians; and the Turks, upon this ac-
count, call them, in derision, the
posterity of Pharaoh. But their
uncouth figure, their stupidity, ig-
nerance, and wretchedness, do little
credit to the sovereigns of ancient
Egypt.

They have lived for 2000 years
under the dominion of different fo-
reign conquerors, and, have experi~-
enced many vicissitudes of fortune.
They have lost their manners, their
language, their religion, and almost
their existence. They are reduced
toa small number, in comparison
of the Arabs, who have poured like
a flood over this country. Of the
dimioution of the numbers of the
Copts, some idea may be formed
from the reduction of the number
of their bishops: they were se-
venty in number at the period of
the Arabian conquest ; but they are
new only twelve, and most of these
settled in Upper Egypt, to which
the ancient inhabitants seem to
have retired from the centre of the
conquest.

The Egyptians have been always
distinguished as a melancholy, con-
ceited, and superstitious race. Their
posterity maintain, with the same
obstinacy, the opinions which they
_ were compelled by the Greeks to
adopt. The Copts have an insur-
mountable aversion to the Romish
church. Their patriarch is at the
same time head of the Abyssinian
church, whither he sends a bishop
to govern the clergy.

__~ It would be a matter of singular

importance to recover the know-
ledge of the ancient Coptic, the Ri-
san Pharaoun, or language of Pha-
taoh. In Egypt we see, even on
the mummies, alphabetical inscrip-

ou

371

tions, which are very different from

the hieroglyphics, and, if decypher-

ed, might throw light upon the an- '
cient history of Egypt, and help to

an explanation of the hieroglyphics.

But this language of the ancient

Egyptians seems to be entirely lost,
The Ptolemies were at pains to
substitute the Greek, instead of the

ancient language of their new sub-)
jects. The Greek Emperors of
Constantinople forbade the use of
the Coptic in conversation, under

pain of death; and obliged the

Egyptians to adopt the Greek, in-

stead of the Pharaonic’ alphabet.

Hence the modern Coptic, in which

these people have their version of
the holy scriptures, is a mixture of
Greek and old Egyptian. The

sultans of Egypt effaced the remains

of this language, thus corrupted, by

forbidding it to be spoken, under

the same penalty, and introducing,

in its room, the Arabic, which is

the present language of the Copts.

The liturgy is still read in the mo-

dern Coptic; but the people un-

derstand it not, till explained from

an old Arabic translation, which is

written beside the text. Even the

priests understand not the language

of their scriptures, and can scarce

read the characters.

Mr. Forskal became acquainted
with a Copt, named Ibrahim En-
nasch, a man of learning and po-
lished, manners, whose employment
was in copying the books of the li-
turgy ; by which he earned at the
rate of half-a-crown in three days.
My fiiend saw, in the hands of this
Egyptian, a dictionary of a great
many genuine old Coptic words,
with their explanations in Arabic.
He was also informed by Ibrahim
Ennasch, that there still are, in se-
veral convents in Upper Egypt, a

Aa2 good

372

good number of Coptic books; but
his informer knew nothing of their
Nature or contents., The clergy
conceal these books with great care,
lest the Catholics, as they say, should
carry them off, and, after falsify-
ing their contents, print them in
Europe. Thus they have hitherto
remained unknown. If those ec-
clesiastics could be persuaded that
we are not ail of the same party as
the Pope, and were at the same time
gratified with something to alleviate
their extreme poverty, copies of the
books in this hidden literary treasure
might surely be obtained.

Of the Arabians in Egypt.
From the same.

5 Aan Arabians appear to have
conquered and settled in Egypt
at several different periods, very dis-
tant from one another.. Vestiges
may still be traced which prove
their ancient residence in this coun-
try. ‘The shepberd-kings, whose
memory was in abhorrence among
the Egyptians, must have been lead-
ers of troops of wandering Arabs.

But whatever may have passed
in those remote ages since Egypt
was conquered by the Saracens, the
greater part of its inhabitants have
been Arabs. Of these, some are
settled in the cities; others live in
the villages, and cultivate the
ground; and the rest wander. thro’
the country with their cattle, and
encamp in tents.

When I come to speak of the
Arabian nation in general, I shall
then have occasion to speak of its
different branches, their manners,
and customs:—bhere I shall only
Mention some particulars relative
to the !gyptian branch.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

The Arabian inhabitants of the™
cities of this province have nothing
peculiar to distinguish them from
those in the Other cities of the east,
or in Arabia, in particular ;—and
the Arabian peasant of Egypt equal-
ly resembies the other peasants of the
east: yet, the posterity of strangers
settling in Egypt, are thought to de-.
generate. Arabian horses, too, lose
their strength and mettle here.—
Egyptian peasant is a denomination
of contempt through Arabia.

The Bedouins, or wandering
Arabs, being free, almost independ-
ent, and rather the tributary allies.
than subjects of the Egyptian go-
vernment, are the most remarkable.
branch of the nation. They are
divided into tribes, governed by
hereditary chiefs, called Schiechs ;
and these subordinate to a great
Schiech, who has authority over se-
veral tribes. Upon paying a cer-
tain tribute to government, the Be-
douins are permitted to feed their
flocks through the rich pasturage-
grounds of Egypt:—but they fre-
quently abuse this permission, and
pillage without distinction, as well
the husbandmen in the districts in
which they encamp, as those travel-
lers who have the misfortune to fall
into their hands. They are ready,
too, to take part in the dissensions
which frequently arise in this mili-
tary republic. When government
attempts to punish them, or to con-
strain them to their duty, they either
defend themselves by force or retire
into the deserts till their misdemea-
nors be forgotten.

They are almost always on horse-
back, and armed with a lance,—
at least the more considerable among
them,—and ranging from place to
place. The care of their catile, and
excursions for either robbery or

amusement,

CHARACTERS.

“amusement, are all their employ-
‘ment.
' Independence renders them
shaughty and insolent; and their
ddle, unsettled way of life, with the
poverty which naturally attends if,
probably inspire that spirit of theft
and robbery by which they are so
much distinguished. I have already
had occasion to mention some in-
stances of their propensity to infest
the country, and insult passengers.
Mr. Forskal and I had a new proof
of it in an excursion which we
made to the Pyramids. Setting out
from Geesh, we met two Bedouins
on horseback, whom we hired to
guide and escort us. Just as we
reached the foot of the Pyramids,
we observed an Arab riding up to
us at full gallop. He was a young
Schiech, and behaved at first to us
with great civility; but he soon
changed his tone, threatened us
with his Jance, and ordered us to
give him money before we quit-
ted the spot. Upon Mr. Forskal’s
refusing to comply with so insolent
a demand, the Schiech seized
his turban, and held his pistol to
my breast, when [ offered to de-
fend my friend. The two Bedou-
ins, our guides, made no attempt to
interpose, either out of respect to
the Schiech, or from natural per-
fidy. We were at last obliged to
gratify the robber. We returned
another time better attended ; but
this did not hinder the Arabs from
gathering about us, and_ stealing
whatever they could iay their hands
on unobserved. r
The Arabic language has, from
the circumstances here enumerated,
become the language of Egypt; but,
in the mouths of the Egyptians and
) vagabond Bedouins, it dis-
ys little of its genuine purity.
ir. Forskal made a Jong list of

373

words used at Cairo, which differed
entirely from the words expres-
sive of the same ideas in the dialect
of Yemen:—the last, being the
dialect of a province shut up-in a
manner fron) strangers, and there-
fore not liable to be debased by an
infusion of foreign idioms, is to be
regarded as the test of the other di-
alects. That of Egypt is contami-
nated with forms of expression from
all the diversity of languages which
the vicissitudes of its fortune and the
diversity of its inhabitants have
occasionally introduced into that
country.

Account of an ancient and extinct
religious Sect in Spain, called
Mozarabs.

From Robinson's Ecclesiastical
Researches.

T may not be amiss in this place,

just to glance at the class of men
in Spain, who were called Mozarabs.
When the Moors conquered Spain,
many, as Lobserved before, fled to
the mountains ; but Oppas, bishop
of the Catholic church at Seville,
and brother or son of King Witiza,
made terms with the conquerors,
and continued in bis station. He
was suspected of having invited the
Moors into Spain. His family and
himself had more liberal sentiments
than the monkish clergy, and they
had abrogated penal laws against the
Jews, and had encouraged them to
settle in Spain. Oppas went into
the mountains after bis fugitive bre-
thren, and endeavoured to convince
them of the folly of resisting the
Moors, and of the prudence of
settling quietly under their govern-
ment. He had no success with
them: but greater numbers of
Catholics, influenced either by his

Aas reasons,

374

reasons, or his example, or by si-
milar sentiments of their own, con-
tinued in their habitations. and
quietly conformed to the civil go-
vernment of their new masters.
These are the people who are
called Mozarabs. Several opinions
prevail concerning the derivation
of the name; but the most usual
is, that it signifies mixt Arabs, or
Catholics living among the Ara-
bians,

The Mozarabs enjoyed as many
of their rights and privileges un-
der the Moorish government as it
was possible for a people to enjoy
under an absolute monarch,and such
as no absolute christian monarch
ever allowed to dissenters. At Cor-
deva, where the king: resided, they
had at least six public places of
worship within the city, and more
than ten monasteries and churches
in places adjacent. They had a
regular succession of bishops, and
they held several councils. Priests,
and monks, and nuns walked about
in public, in the habits of their
orders: they kept public schools :
they abounded in wealth; and
many held public offices of honour
and profit under government.
They were under the civil go-
vernment of a Conde or Count
of their own religion, who himself
or his vice counts or deprties, held
courts, and settled disputes among
themselves. In return, they paid
tribute to the king, under whose
protection they enjoyed all these
rights.

A detail of the affairs of the Mo-
zarabs would be tedious, and fo-
reign from the general design of
this history. There are three arti-
cles, however, which deserve a slight
attention: these are their martyrs,
their liturgy, and their morals.

It is not conceivable that in such

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

circumstances as have been just now
mentioned, there should be any
martyrs, properly so called. There
were some Mozarabs, as well vas
some Jews, and some Mohamme-
dans, who were courtiers ; and if
any of them fell a sacrifice to the
lawless passions of the reigning
despot, they only shared the fate
of others, whose imprudent ambi-
tion impelled then to tread such
dangerous ground. Religion was
out of the question; they were not
martyrs. There were others, who
pretended that the clergy ought
not to be taxed. They argued,
that estates given to the church
were oblations to God and the saints,
in their representatives the monks,
who were appointed general re-
ceivers by Heaven ; that it was sa-
crilege to profane such oblations to
secular purposes; and that it was
the most infernal of all kinds of
sacrilege to apply the property of
the saints to the support of infidels 5
and they added, all the saints in
heaven would revenge the crime.
The Mohammedan financiers did
not understand this logic; and’ they
levied the taxes equally. The
Mozarabie commissioners thought
the pretended saints revilers, who
should not enter into the kingdom
of God; they therefore took the
side of the Moors, justified their
conduct by scripture, and made im-
partial assessments. The monksex-
communicated the commissioners,
called their mild maxims, though
expressed in the literal words of
scripture, heresy, and fomented
riots; in suppressing which some
suffered, and the survivors put them
in a list of martyrs, and published
their merits to the world, as if they
had suffered for conscience sake.
King Abdoulraham was so justly
offended at this cruel slander on his

mild

CHARACTERS.

mild government, that he ordered
‘the Mozarabic bishops to summon
‘a council at Cordova, and to wipe
‘off the scandal which their sedi-
tious brethren had brought on all
Christians, by censuring the con-
duct of the Jate insurgents, and by
‘issuing an order that they should
‘not be worshipped as martyrs.
Historians call this a satanical coun-
cil, and condemn the bishops who
obeyed the monarch, as apostates
and false apostles. There was a
vagabond monk, now called Saint
Eulogius, a disciple of an abbot, one
Father Hope-in-God, who published
a memorial in a barbarous style, in
defence of these martyrs, and filled
with invectives against government,
and the commissioners, and all other
Christians, who deny that rioters
‘were martyrs. This took so well
‘with the bulk of tle Mozarabs, that
they elected him Archbishop of
Toledo: an honour whic!: he never
enjoyed, for he was imprisoned,
and executed for sedition. There
were many enthusiasts, who ran up
and down to make proselytes, rush-
ing into the presence of judges in
their courts, interrupting business,
execrating the Mohammedan doc-
trine of one God, and proving the
Trinity by cursing Mohammed, and
chanting about martyrs and mira-
cles. The Mussulmen thought
them drunk or mad; and they were
obliged to confine some and punish
others: but all were deemed saints,
and most were dubbed martyrs.—
Of such materials are martyrologies
made !

‘The Mozarabs made use of a
liturgy in divine service, concern-
ing which learned men have thought
_ it worth while to write many vo-
Tames. Some think the Goths had
a liturgy before their pretended

375

conversion, and that the original
was an Arian composition. Others
suppose that Leander began, and Isi-
dore finished the present liturgy,
for the purpose of obtaining an
uniformity of worship, as the coun-
cils held in the time of Reccared
had ordered. Dr. Geddes says,
“ In the beginning of the sixteenth
century, the Mozarabic liturgy was
printed by Cardinal Ximenes. Bat
we are ceftain of that cardinal’s
having made some alterations in it.
The copy, which he had of the
Mozarabic liturgy was destroyed,
and with it all the rest, if there
were any more at that time: there
not being, that I can hear of, after
much eaquiry, a manuscript copy
of the Mozarabic liturgy any where
to be met with.”? The present is
a very contemptible compilation,
and not worth the investigation of
critics. There was, certainly, a
Mozarabic liturgy; and successive
Popes took great pains to get it
laid aside in favour of the Roman
office; but the kings could not
gratify them, for it had been con-
firmed by many councils in Spain.
Tt was in the eleventh century,
in the pontificate of Gregory VIT.
and in the reign of Alpbonsus VI.
who had lately conquered Toledo,
that the Roman ritual was gerie-
rally received. The clergy were
obstinate; and it was determined to
try the merits of the two missals
by a combat, and then by casting
both into a fire. ©The Mozarabic
triumphed in both. The natives
clamoured, and the old priests tri-
umphed: but Queen Constance,
who had been used to the Roman
ritual, prevailed, and, in spite of
the miracle, obliged the clergy to
use if, She was a princess of
France; and the ladies of that

Aa 4 house

ANNUAL

house were remarkable for con-
quests of this kind :—probably they
were very handsome. The Moza-
rabic liturgy, however, subsisted
in six parishes in Tolado as late as
the fifteenth century, but is now
restrained to the single chapel of
St. Eustatia, in the cathedral, where
Cardinal Ximenes, unwilling that
his church should lose all remem-
brance of its ancient forms, made
a foundation of thirteen priests and
three clerks, who officiate every
Morning according to the Moza-
rabic manner. One proof of many
of the nullity of that uniformity
which the church of Rome hath
cominitted so many crimes to pro-
cure, but which no mortal power
can effect.

Very little can be said in favour
of the morals of the Mozarabs.
The government was not in their
hands, and the natural consequences
followed. Bigots and enthusiasis
raved against heresy in harmless
books, which nobody took the trou-
‘ble to read. The Moors wisely
allowed this liberty, or licentious-
ness of the pen, well knowing that
much venom discharged itself this
way without any damage to men
of sense, and with some advantage
tothe revenue. The case of Eli-
pand, Archbishop of Toledo, in the
Jatter end of the eighth century,
proves that the Mozarabs, having
no lord over conscience, thought
and wrote freely on religious sub-
jects. The jesuit Mariana, in his
History of Spain, laments this: but
others rejoice that a bishop might
write against opinions received in
his own community ; that an abbot
named Beatus, and a youth named
Etherius might write against him;
and that no damage was done to
society by the dispute. The re-

376

REGISTER, 1792.

flections of the learned James Bas-
nage are very judicious. ‘ This af-
fair, says he, may serve to inform
princes and prelates, that it is not
an easy matter to eradicate error ;
indeed, divines yield to the autho-
rity of priuces, and are affected
with the fear of punishment: but
they continue-to think as before,
and do not readily renounce fa-
vourite opinions. This history is an
example; several learned men wrote
against Felix and Elipand; the Em-
peror took the side against them ;
{wo popes anathematized them ;
the councils, which were held
against them, often compelled Felix,
who lived under the dominion of
the Emperor, to abjure his opinion;
his abjurations were feigned, for he
abjured them at his death. On the
contrary, Elipand, although he lived
among Saracens, implacable ene-
mies of the whole Christian faith,
continued to his death in despising
the authority of the Emperor, the
Pope, and the councils, and a de-
legation of bishops sent to him out
of France, as well as the influence
of Alcuin, who at that time en-
joyed mines of wealth, had a re-
tinne of twenty thousand slaves,
and a sort of omnipotence in the
empire. Vane sine viribus ire.”
There were among the Moza-
rabs many men of liberal senti-
ments. Eulogius, who pretended
to disprove what was objected against
the conduct of his saints and mar-
tyrs, hath put down the arguments
of his opponents, who were both
gentry and clergy, and the texts
urged by them in support of what
they affirmed. His answers are fu-
tile, and their arguments prove that
his opponents understeod religion
mueh beiter than he. The monks
and their gentry, however, had a
, great

CHARACTERS.

great number of tenants, trades-
men, and dependants; and as the
Jatter attended public offices of de-
votion, they stood forth under the
direction of their masters, and
passed for the bulk of the Moza-
rabs. The religion of these peo-
ple lay in applauding and clapping
their masters the actors, who played
their parts so as to excite the pity
of other Christians, the contempt
of Jews, and the hearty abhorrence
of the Moors, who for their sakes re-~
jected Christianity itself. In con-
templating the little Spanish king-
doms, the eye of an historian, fa-
tigned with beholding a succession
of crimes, turns away from monas-

377

teries, and miracles, and. martyrs,
and a thousand other fine things,
which are exhibited instead of vir-
tue: but in observing the Moza-
tabs, who were the same sort of
people, of the same religion, and
in the same counuy, the eye is re-
freshed with a mixture of liberality
and virtue, just as it is in a landscape
of rocks and deserts intersected with
rills and vallies. No probable rea-
son can be assigned for this, except
that in the Moorish governments
the frantic inventions of the monks
were never in the least supported
by the reigning princes: but in
the Christian states they very often
were. .

NATURAL

E'S7e Bf Ht

NATURAL

A Narrative of the Earthquake felt
in Lincolnshire, and the neighbour-
ing Counties, on the 25th of Feb.
1792. Ina Letter from Edmund
Turnor, Esq. F. R. 8. to Sir
Joseph Banks, Bart. P. R. S.

From the Philosophical Transactions

Jor 1792.
Dear Sir,

HEN I heard of the earth-

quake of the 25th of Fe-
bruary Jast, which was felt in Lin-
colushire, and some of the neigh-
bouring counties, about a quarter
before nine in the evening, I imme-
diately wrote to my friend Captain
Pennyman, at Little Paunton, near
Grantham, desiring him to inform
me of the duration and extent of
the shock, the direction it came in,
and the state of the weather before
and after it was perceived. His re-
marks, together with the subsequent
information [ have obtained, great
part of which I derive from your
obliging communication, may serve
to record this recent instance of a
phenomenon, to the terrors of
which this country is but little ex-
posed.

Lord Rawdon’s Information
to Sir Joseph Banks.

At Donnington Castle, Leicester-
shire, Lord Rawdon’s steward was

HISTORY.

sitting with his back against an old
massy stack of chimnies, which gave
him a sensible shove; he at the same
time saw the chairs of other per-
sons in the rooms moye very visi-

1
Di
Thomas Barker, Esq.
in a Letter to Mr. Turnor.

An earthquake was felt all over
Rutlandshire. What I felt, and it
was the general description given
of it, was, that it came with a rat-
tling noise, something like wheels
running over a pavement, and a
trembling shake, which those who
were leaning against a wall felt
more than those who were stand-
ing, or sitting upright. It lasted a
considerable time; different people
estimated it from a quarter of a mi-
nute toa minute. Several thought
the noise and shake came from the
north or the north-east; and indeed,
I think I heard more of it from the
northward than the southward of
us. Some thought they heard a
thunp, as of a heavy thing falling
down ; but the rattling and shak-
ing were much more taken notice
of. Several persons at first suspect-
ed it might be a ball of fire, but no
such thing was seen; and many
were immediately sensible it must
be an earthquake, especially those
who had felt one before. No ma-

terial

NATURAL HISTORY.

terial hurt was done by it; some
who were standing were seen to
reel, and one who: was walking was
thrown against a wall by it, but not
hurt; a stack of wood was thrown
down, and some saida chimney. I
heard of it as far as Newark, in
Noitinghamshire; and it was said
to be felt at Biggleswade, in Bed-
fordshire. The. season was at the
conclusion of a frost; there had been
alittle rain, and a thaw was begin-
ning. The barometer gradually fell
from the 23d to the 26th—the ther-
mometer was as under:

2st, morn. 16.5; 22d, 27.3;
aftern. 28.0; 32.65
24th, morn, 24.0; 25th, 34.9;
aftern, 39.0 ; 38.0;
27th, morn. 40.2.
aftern, 52.2.

I felt the earthquake of Septem-

23d, 22.3
93.2
26th, 39.8
45.5

ber 30th, 1750, as I did this, and

heard the same rattling noise, and
my seat shook under me. Many
others heard and felt the same; but
some described it as the falling down
of a weight. September 1750, was
almost all a calm, dry, and hot sea-
son, scarce a breath of wind, or a
glimpse of sun. The end was
cooler: but dry and calm as before.
The 30th was cloudy and calm, but
there was a gentle wind>for some
time after the earthquake.

The Rev. Edw. Gregory's Informa-
tion to Mr. Turnor.

The earthquake at Nottingham,
as felt by Dr. White, was unduta-
tory in both: shocks; but in the se-
cond, he perceived the direction of
the shock to be a little inclined to
the horizon, towards the south-east.
At Laogar, its noise was like that
of a heavy carriage driving rapidly
along. Here the shock was felt by
one or more persons, but not by all

379

in the same room. Its. direction
was from west to east. It was felt
at Derby very slightly ; and, was of
no great extent from north to south
in these parts, as. it was not felt at
Harborough. to the south, ‘nor at
Chesterfield to the north. It was
sharply felt at Stamford and Wan-
desford, but not at Alconbury.

Mr. King's Information
to Mr. Turnor.

At Belvoir Castle the shock seemed
to be perpendicular, up and down,
as if part of the castle had given
way; no noise was perceived but
wind.

Captain Pennyman,
in a Letter to Mr, Turnor.

At Little Paunton, Lincolnshire,
the morning presented a thick fog,
which continued all the day; the
air extremely heavy and close. A-
bout half past eight in the evening,
a noise came on resembling thunder,
which lasted nearly half a minute,
when two undulatory motions, in
the quickest succession, were felt;
a gust of wind, for some seconds,
instantaneously succeeded, and in
about five minutes it rained heavy
and large drops, which continued
some time. The windows, win-
dow-bells, pewter upon shelves, &c.
gave ample evidence of the agita-
tion. Its direction was from north-
west to south-east. It was slightly
felt at Branston, though not at Lin-
coln.

Chr. Driffield,
in a Letter to Lord Brownlow.

We were all much alarmed by 4
violent and sudden shock of an earth-
quake; it made the house at Belton
shake, and was followed by a violent
gust of wind, and a noise like thun-

der,

380

der, which lasted about six or seven
seconds. 1 really thought’ my chair
was sinking into the ground; and,
after I bad recovered myself, I was
not convinced that one of the fronts
of the house, or a chimney, had not
given way, tili I had been in all the
rooms, where I found every thing
in its place. All the other servants
felt it as I did; and the neigh-
bours in the village thought their
houses were going to fall upon
them. It was felt at Grantham,
Mantborpe, and other towns in the
neighbourhood.

The Rev. Archdeacon Brown,
in a Letter to Mr. Turnor.

An uncommon rumbling noise
was heard round my premises at
Peterborough, 110 yards, resembling
that occasioned by drawing a large
garden-roller slowly over the pave-
ment. The sound did not appear
like thunder over the head, but upop.
or near the ground. The like, in
every respect, happened October
27th, 1776, about a quarter before
ten at night.

Mr. Fydel’s Information
to Sir Joseph Banks.

The earthquake was felt and heard
by a lady at Boston, who declared
so at the time it happened, and said,
she was sure it was something ex-
traordinary, though no one else in
the town observed it, or paid any
attention to her, till the news of
its having been felt at other places
arrived.

The Transactious of the Royal
Society give an account of the earth-
quakes in the northern parts of Eng-
land, in the years 1703 and 17530.

* Phil. Trans, vol. x1, p. 722.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

That of the latter year is described
as ‘* beginning in Derbyshire, and
passing off the island, through Lin-
colnshire aud part of Cambridge-
shire, its direction being from west
to east*.” From the preceding
narrative it appears, that nearly the
same tract of country was affeeted
by the late concussion, and that it
came in the same direction from
west to east; circumstances which
correspond with the observations
of Mr. Mechel: Ist, “* That the
same places are subject to returns
of earthquakes at different intervals
of time ;"—2diy, ‘*Thatearthquakes
generally come to the same place
from one and the same point of the
compass.” -These, and other facts,
that ingenious philosopher adduces
in support of his hypothesis, that
earthquakes are caused by the steam
raised by waters contained in the
cavities of the earth, suddenly rush-
ing in upon subterraneous fires ;
which steam, the moment it is ge-
nerated, insinuates itself’ between
the strata of the earth, and pro-
duces the undulatory motion before
mentioned. It may, however, be
remarked, that the state of the air,
before the shock, was calm, close,
and gloomy, such as is described
by Dr. Stukely as necessary to pre-
pare the earth to receive an elec-
trical stroke ; and the circumstance
of its having been partially felt in
the same room, may be supposed
to favour that hypothesis; but yet
the concussion seems not to have
been so strong on the eminence at
Belvoir Castle as it was in the neigh=
bouring vale. :
I have the honour to be, &c.
Epmunp TuRnor.
March 10th, 1792.

/

The

NATURAL

The great Importance and proper
Method of Cultivating and Curing
Rhubarb *, €Fc. by Sir William
Fordyce, M.D, F.R.S.

From the Annals of Agriculture, vol. 18.

T will not be denied, that the
taste for luxury is become more
than ever general and prevalent in
this country; that partly the indo-
lence which is its common attend-
ant, and partly the extreme mutabi-
lity of the climate, prevent multi-
tudes from taking proportioned ex-
ercise in open air; and that many of
the most painful and dangerous dis-
eases proceed from weakness and
disorders in the stomach and bowels,
always increased by intemperance.
It will therefore be allowed, that if
a simple or plant, possessing powers
to correct those disorders and streng-
then that weakness, could be propa-
gated amongst ourselves at an easy
Tate, so as to be purchased at a small
expence, it would be a circumstance
highly grateful to every friend of
humanity.

Such a plant, we have the happi-
ness to know, has been provided by
the beneficence of nature; I mean
rhubarb, or rheum palmatum of the
London Dispensatory 1788, so justly
celebrated by the best physicians,
both at home and abroad. We can-
not however but regret, that hitherto
it has not been cultivated in Britain
with the care or skill requisite for
producing any quantity worth a
name, far less such a supply as could
either save the country altogether its
present expensive importation, or
render the article so cheap as to be
attainable by the great numbers who
have not now the benefit of sharing
in its salutary effects,

HISTORY.

The late Sir Alexander Dick, Bart.
President of the College of Physicians
at Edinburgh, being acquainted with
these particulars, and prompted by a
zeal for the public good that strong-
ly marked his character, was solici-:
tous to try whether the culture of
this salutary root might not be in-
troduced into Britain so effectually
as to answer the purposes of general
utility before suggested. Full of the
benevolent idea, he applied to a me-
dical friend of his own, the Jate Dr.
Mounsey, at the court of Petersburg,
with whom he corresponded, and
who was fortunately in such high
favour with the late Czar Peter, as:
to procure, by the intervention of
his Imperial Majesty, an order for
some of the best rhubarb-seeds to be
sent to the imperial gardens at Pe-
tersburg. There it prospered exceed-
ingly, often producing seed within
two or three years, and growing so
fast as to gain not seldom, in the
space of less than three weeks, the
height of twelve or fourteen feet.
It isin truth a very hardy plant; and,
where it is thriving, shoots up in
stems of great size and beauty,

After the Czar’s death Dr. Moun-
sey brought home with him, to Bri-
tain, some of its seeds, and gave a
part of them to Sir Alexander Dick,
who took the most sedulous pains
to raisethe plant in his own gardens
at Prestonfield, and to dry its roots.
Nor did he fail to distribute the seeds
among such of his noble and learned
friends as he thought would be best
disposed and qualified to cherish his
favourite object. Among the rest,
he imported them to the late Duke
of Athol, the Earl of Bute, and the
late Dr. Hope of Edinburgh, my old
fellow-student there; of whom I

381

_* Yor several curious particulars respecting this plant, and the various methods
of culliyating it, see vols. x. and xxxii. of this work.

cannot

382

cannot forbear saying, that whether
regarded as a botanist, a physician,
or a man, he was an ornament to
his country. ny

- About seven years after the period
to which I refer, 1 found plenty of
the true palmated rhubarb in the
botanical garden at Edinburgh, as
well as in that of the amiable Baro-
net above named, From him I
brought some, both of the roots and
of the seeds into England.

Whence it happens, that cultiva-
tion of this root, as an articleof pub-
lic utility, is still generally neglected,
I know not; unless it’ be the sup-
posed difficulty attending the drying
of it. I have been told, that not less
than 200,0001. is paid annually for
rhubarb imported into this country :
and it is likely to cost yet more, if
not propagated by ourselves, as mo-
dern luxury daily increases.

It is certain that the enormous
quantity of butter, in all its different
forms and uses, constantly devoured
by vast'‘numbers of both sexes ; with
every species of fat foods and heavy
ales, besides porter; want of due ex-
. ercise, and the pernicious custom of
late hours, and jading attendance on
gay assemblies and card tables, infi-
nitely hurtful to bealth; it is cer-
tain, I say, that all these, with other
causes that might be named, concur
in rendering extraordinary aids to di-
gestion necessary. But what aids so
natural, safe, or efficacious, as ve-
getable bitters as well as vegetable
acids ?

Convinced that the former are pe-
culiarly calculated, when properly
combined with other ingredients, to
supply the deficiency of bile, and of
the pancreatic juice, I was led to
bestow particular attention upon the
culture of rhubarb, after the lights I
had received concerning it: and a

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

sample of its roots, which grew in
my own garden on Putney-heath, I
took the liberty of exhibiting to the

- Society, encouraged by a certificate

from the druggists in the city, that.
they had found it of superior good- ©
ness, as well as the first English spe)
cimen which they had seen of tru
marketable rhubarb, or the rheum
palmatum of the Dispensatory. For
this the Society honoured me with
a-Jetter of thanks, and afterwards
with a gold medal.

To this attempt I am emboldened,
by having last summer raised more
than three hundred plants, and after=
wards transplanted themin a thriving
condition, according to the rules and
orders of the Society, with the pro-
per certificates.

As soon as I had seed enough for
the purpose of making experiments,
I sowed it in a hot-bed, and when it
had shot up with three or four seed-
Jeaves, I planted it out in an east and
south-east exposure, where ground
upmanured, or not too rich, is least
apt to breed the fly: to which indeed
this plant is more subject than even
the turnip. On the whole, it has
answered best when sown in the si-
tuation now mentioned, during the
last half of the month of March, or
in April, or even as far as the end
of May; or yet later, if the spring
has proved cold and dry. It may be
also transplanted duriog the whole
course of the summer. Sets like-
wise, from the more abundant stems,
will often succeed very well; and
even the tap-root, in the deepest
mould, and where the upper part is
already fit to be cut into slices of
two inches in depth and three in
breadth, before the plant has pushed
out its rapid stems,

With regard to the time of taking
up the roots, that may be done with

safety

NATURAL HISTORY.

safety when it shews its first growth,
or as soon as it has seeded, or when
the seed is ripened, or any period in
the last quarter of the year, or in the
first of the ensuing. Though it may
be taken up, dried, and used, at the
end of four years, it will not, how
properly soever managed, possess
that solidity which is mecessary for
its excellence. It will be found in
its most perfect state at the end of
seven years, and after that age, if it
has been carefully cultivated, and
skilfully cured.

This last operation must be con-
ducted in the following manner :—
As soon as a root, weighing froin
three or four to seventy pounds, is
dug up, let it be washed till it is
thoroughly clean; let the fibrous
roots be taken away, and not the
smallest particle of bark left.on the
large ones: let these be cut into
square pieces, as nearly as they will
admit, of four inches in breadth, and
one and a half in depth: let a hole
be made in the middle of each, about
half an inch square;—then let them
be strung upon a packthread, with a
knot on each, and at such a distance
from one another as to keep them
from rubbing or entangling, Thus
secured, let them be hung up in the
form of a festoon, without delay, in
the warm air ofa kitchen or laundry,
till the superfluous moisture is ex-
haled, in order to prevent their be-
coming mouldy, or any way musty.
They may be afterwards sufficiently
dried at more leisure, then wrapt se-

parately in cotton, and put into a.

bottle with a wide mouth.

Let it be observed here, by the
way, that the tap-roots, next to the
roots themselves, make excellent
tinctures: of them too, as well as
the parings dried and powdered, I
haye frequently giyen half an ounce,

383

with double the quantity of cream
of tartar, to my horses each day, on
finding the crust of their blood deep-
ly tinged with bile, and that for three
or four days running. Of such
blood, every race-horse would be
the better for losing a part the day
after running, unless he is to ran
again very soon.

Ist. Of this cream of tartar let
half an ounce be dissolved in a quart
of boiling water; of which let the
patient drink but one half every
twenty-four hours, giving, in a cup
full of it, ten grains of powder of the
same rhubarb, twice or thrice with-
in that space of time.

2d. Burn two or three ounces. of
this same cream of tartarin a cru-

_cible till it is red hot, and you have

a salt which, powdered in a marble
mortar, and whilst hot and dry,
poured into a bottle well corked, is
as good as the salt of wormwood.
Give twenty. grains of this, dissolved
in three table-spoonfuls of water and
one table-spoonful of lemon-juice,
and you have one of the most use~
ful febrifages known io all hot fe-
vers, if taken four or five times with-
in the twenty-four hours.
3d. Mix as much of the salt with
some of the above solution of the
cream of tartar, till the effervescence
is over, and you have tartarized tar-
tar, of such wonderful use in the
cure of remitting fevers, jaundice,
anasarca, obstructions of the liver,
hypochondres, delirium, melan-
choly, and even what is called mad-
ness, if that be not hereditary.
4th, Add a proper quantity of
distilled vinegar to a due proportion
of the above salt of tartar, and you
have the regenerated tartar or diu-
retic salt, known even to Pliny the
natural historian, and whose powers
are extolled so highly by our best
cbhymists,

384 ANNUAL RE
chymists, Hoffman, Boerhaave; and
our most eminent physicians, Hux-
ham, Fothergill, and innumerable
other practitioners, not to name the
wonderful combination of rhubarb,
with the different preparations from
tartar, which is more than sufficient
to justify my saying that, until an
universal febrifuge be discovered, it
is as a second alkahest for the cure
of the most afflicting and stubborn
diseases, whether acute or chronic.

5th. Mix a quarter of an ounce
of rhubarb in powder, with three
quarters of an ounce of the cream
of tartar, into the form of a linctus,
with oxymel of squills. A tea-spoon-
ful of this, taken twice or thrice a
day, is one of the best medicines for
a dropsy hitherto known.

6th. Add sixty grains of our rhu-
barb to as much of the salt of tartar,
boil them for a quarter of an hour in
stx ounces of water in a tin saucepan,
strain it through blotting paper, and
you have what one of the best wri-
ters on the* Materia Medica calls
anima rhabarlari. One tea-spoon-
ful of this, given once a day toa child
of a year old, twice a day to one
of twenty-four months old, and three
times a day to onea year older, is»
one of the best compositions as yet
known for strengthening the sto-
mach and boweis of little children,
and preventing the big bellies, rick-
ety joints and limbs, incident to
their age.

7th. Put half an ounce of the fi-
brous roots of our rhubarb, mention-
ed above, with two drachms of this
same salt of tartar, into a bottle of
brandy, or as much aniseed-water,
and you have an excellent tincture
and domestic medicine for the wind-
colick.

GISTER, 1!792.

An Account of the Uses and Value of
' the Chesnut Tree.

From the Transactions of the Society
for the Encouragement of Arts,
Manufactures, and Commerce.

Sir,
Gince I have had the honour of
becoming a member of the So-
ciety for the Encouragement of Arts,

Manufactures, and Commerce, I

have read, with great satisfaction,

Mr. Majendie’s judicious remarks

upon the Spanish Chesnut, in the

ninth volume of their Transactions,
page 17; and observation and expe-
rience have long convinced me that
it is the most profitable tree that
can be planted. Although the cha-

racter which he gives of it has, in a

great measure, anticipated what I

had to say in its favour, still 1 am

persuaded a few more particulars re-
lative to it will not be considered as
impertinent or ill-timed, though it

may in some instances carry the ap- |

pearance of repetition.

I entirely agree with Mr. Majen-
die that, for hop-poles and stakes, it
has no equal in point of durability,
and consequently no underwood can
be applied to those purposes with
equal profit. He seems to think,
indeed, that it is not so quick in
its growth as ash, upon a moist soil:
I think it is not; but upon a sand
or loam, I apprehend it will keep
full pace with the ash, and attain
a sufficient size for hop-poles in
fourteen years, and be worth, at
that age, two guineas a hundred,
and last, with proper care, twenty
years; whilst ash, which seldom
comes to sufficient size in less than
twenty years, will only bear two

# Wolfgangii Wedelii Amcenitates Materie Medice.

thirds

oe ee

NATURAL

thirds of the price, and decay in
half the time.

For gates and hurdles it is equal-
ly good ; and being less heavy than
oak, is another great recommenda-
tion to it, as it is removed from
one place to another with greater
ease. To these and many other
purposes, chesnut, trained and cut
as underwood, is peculiarly adapt-
ed; and, in point of beauty, no
wood surpasses it, as it admits of
close planting, runs straight in its
branches, and always appears florid
and healthy.

I shall next consider the value of
the Spanish chesnut for timber, in
which (except for the unrivalied
purposes of ship-building) it will be
found for most uses equal to the
oak ; and in buildings and out-door
work much superior.

In 1676, an ancestor of the pre-
sent Mr. Windham, of Felbrigg,
in Norfolk, had the merit of being
a considerable planter of chesnut.
In the space of fifty years, it is pre-
sumed these plantations required
thinning, as his successor, about
that time, began to apply this tim-
ber to useful purposes upon his es-
tate.

The first account is, of the branch
or limb of a chesnut, about thirteen
inches square, which, in the year
1726, was put down as a hanging-
post for a gate, and carried the gate,
without any alteration, fifty-two
years, when, upon altering the in-
closures of the farm where it stood,
it was taken up under my direction,
and, appearing to be perfectly sound,
was put down for a clapping-post
in another place.

In 1743, a large barn was built

with some of this timber, and is
now as sound in every part, beams,
principals, and spars, as when first

Vou. XXXIV.

HISTORY.

the barn was built. About the same
time several chesnut-posts and rails
were put down, which I have since
seen removed ; and, after standing
thirty or forty years, generally ap-
peared so sound, as to admit of be-
ing set up in some other place.

The last instance [ shall mention,
though notof so longa date, will shew
the great superiority of this timber
over ihat of oak in fences. In the
year 1772, the present Mr. Wind-
ham made a large plantation in his
park, which was fenced with posts
and rails, converted from young
oaks and chesnuts of the same age
and scantlings, such as were picked
out of a place where they stood too
thick. Last year, upon Mr. Wind-
ham’s enlarging this plantation, it
was necessary to remove this fence ;
when the chesnut-posts were found
as sound as when they were first put
down; but the oak were so much
wasted just below the surface of the
ground, that they could not be used
for the same purposes again, with-
out the assistance of a spar to sup-
port them.

To these modern proofs of its
utility and durability, we may join
the authority of Evelyn, an author
of established reputation, who as-
serts, it is good for “ mill-timber ~
and water-work ; and that great
part of our ancient houses in the
city of London were built with it;
and that it does well for table and
other furniture.”

As a candid quoter of Evelyn, hows
ever, I admit that he says, in another
place, that he ‘‘ cannot celebrate
this tree for its sincerity ; it being
found (contrary to oak) that it will
make a fair show outwardly, when
it is all decayed and rotten within ;
but that this is in some sort recom-
pensed, for the beams have the pra-

perty

385

386

perty of being somewhat brittle, of
erackling, and giving warning of
danger.”

To account for this drawback in
Mr. Evelyn’s opinion, it will be
proper to observe, that this. certain-
ly is the case with old chesnut that
has been suffered to stand beyond
the time of its attaining its full
growth : it is then the worst of all
timber, being more brittle and more
apt to crack and fly into splinters
than any other: but I have never
known this to be the case with
young chesnut; and therefore, in
point of ceconomy, it should never
be suffered to stand longer than the
points of the branches and the
eomplexion of the bark indicate it
to be in a growing or healthy state;
which is not very difficult to ascer-
tam, by a person accustomed to
make observations upon timber:
and it is thisvery circumstance, when
properly attended to, that makes
this timber mere profitable than
most others; for it is so early use-
ful, that if it be cut when it squares
only six inches, it will be as dura-
ble as an oak of six times its size
and age. This is in a great mea-
sure accounted fur, by its having so
little sap in proportion to other
trees, as it will seldom exceed in
thickness the breadth of the bark ;
whereas the sap of an oak will often
be from an inch totwo inches thick,
which is not only useless, but, if
suffered to remain, tends very much
to the destruction of the timber: in
other respects, the duration of the
chesnut may be accounted for, from
its being less affected by worms or
insects than other timber; otherwise
it would be impossible that such
roofs as King’s College, Cambridge,
built in the reign of Henry VI. with
chesnut, and mavy other equally

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

ancient buildings, should have lasted
so long, and be still in such a per-
fect state as many of them are.

Therefore, like Mr. Majendie, I
earnestly wish to see the culture of
this most valuable plant extended
over every part of the kingdom, as
it must prove highly beneficial to
the public.

But let noone be afraid of cutting
it too young ; for let this tree be
ever so small, if it is large enough
for the purpose for which it is want-
ed, it will be the Jess liable to de-
cay, from its youth; and, if under-
wood be the object, the proverb,
in beech countries, will be fully ve-
rified, “ Cut wood and have wood.”

Lam, Sir,
your most obed. humb. servant,
NaTHanieLt Kent.
Ripon-Hail,
January 16th, 1792.

An Account of two Cases of Polydipsia,
or excessive Thirst.

From Medical Facts, vol. I.

LMOST all the modern noso-
logists have introduced. inte
their systems a disease to which, on
account of the excessive thirst that
forms its characteristic symptom,
they give the name of Polydipsia;

but in none of the examples of it

they have been able to collect, does
it appear to have been idiopathic;
and Dr. Cullen expressly says that
it is almost always symptomatic,
A very curious instance, however,
of such an affection, apparently
depending on a peculiarity of tem-
perament, or what is called idiosyn~-
crasy, occurs in a woman now liv-
ing at Paris, of whose case the first
account was given by M. Bessejon
de Ja Chassagne, in a letter which

we

a ED

ee ee

eS ee.

NATURAL HISTORY.

we shall here translate from the
Paris Journal of May 1, 1789.

“© To the Authors of the Journal.
sé Paris, April 18, 1789.

s Gentlemen,

‘* You will interest) equally the
humanity and curiosity of the pub-
lic, by inserting in your journal the
following anecdote, which, without
doubt, will be considered as a phe-
nomenon. I have assured myself,
with the most serupulous, accuracy,
of the facts which I announce; but
1 leave to the reader to explain
their nature and cause.

“ Catherine Bonsergent has been
remarked from fer tenderest years.
A burning thirst, a drought without
example, with which sbe has been
continually afflicted from the time
of ber birth, has always fixed on
her the attention of persons of ob-
servation. Her parents, after hav-
ing entrusted the first care of her to
a nurse, took her home when she
.Was three years old. It was not
long before they observed that an
extraordinary quantity of water was
consumed in the hovse; and at
length they discovered that. their
daughter drank, every day, to the
amount of nearly two pailfuls. At
first they attributed to improper
education what in reality was the
effeet of a surprising, though natu-
ral, appetite. It was to no purpose
that they attempted to correct this
defect by caresses or threats, by de-
nying her water, or lessening the
quantity of what she drank; and
they were still more surprised to
see her secretly availing herself of
every means to satisfy her thirst.
In summer she drank the first water
she could meet with ; in winter she
had recourse io snow and ice; and
she was always careful to reserve as

387)

much as would enable her to:drink)
abundantly during the night.

«« The ill treatment this disposi-
tion occasioned, her to experience
from ber parents, at length obliged:
her to quit them; and she came te
Paris and lived as a servant with:
different families, who were more?
indulgent to her ; for although thes
infirmity in question was not to be
concealed, her good conduct in
other respects secured her from re~
proach.

‘* At the age of twenty-two years
she married one Fery, acobler, from
whom she contrived to conceal her
complaint till after their marriage.
She has had by him eight children.
three of whom are still alive, and
she is now pregnant with a ninth,
What appears particularly extraor-
dinary is, that, during her lyings~-
in, instead of having recourse to
such food and liquors as would seems
to be most likely to strengthen her,
she chuses rather, for the sake of
satisfying her thirst, which at those
times is more intense, to drink, al-+
most withont interruption, three or
four quarts of the coldest water
During the severe cold of Jast win=
ter, this woman, who was then
pregnant, drank to the amount of
four pailfuls of water in twenty-
four hours; snd ber husband, being
unabie to afford the expence of
such a consumption, was under the
necessity of supplying her with
melted snow and ice. The price
of a load (two pailfuls) of water, at
that time, was six sols; and the
quantity she required would have
cost him more than he earned by
his work,

“This woman has never made
use of any sort of strong liquors;
and if she drinks only a single glass
of wine, she feels an uneasy sensa-

Bb2 tion

388

tion in all her limbs, and seems to
‘be in danger of fainting. She is
mot dropsical; she even enjoys a
pretty good state of health; she
voids naturally all the water she
drinks; but her urine is extraordi-
narily fortid. She lives at the Ho-
tel des Arts, Fauxbourg Saint Mar-
tin.
(Signed)
** BESSEJON DE LA CHASSAGNE,
«* Pretre de Saint Laurent.”

The facts related by M. de la
Chassagne seemed, if they might be
relied on, to afford an instance of
an affection, at any rate extremely
rare, if not altogether without ex-
ample; but their value, like that of
every other fact, depended on their
authenticity. There was a possibi-
lity that the writer of the account,
without any intention of stating
more than was true, might, have
been deceived by the patient or
her friends ; and that the story in
question might, on further inquiry,
like too many other extraordinary
assertions, be found to be greatly
exaggerated, or even to have its
origin in ignorance or imposture.
A narrative so remarkable seemed,
however, to be deserving of investi-
gation; and accordingly the Editor
of this work ventured to direct the
attention of some of his medical
friends at Paris to the case, and to
solicit their assistance in ascertaining
the degree of confidence it might
merit.

The first communication he was
favoured with on this subject was
from M. Tenon, Professor of Ana-
tomy, and Member of the Royal
Academies of Sciences and Surgery
at Paris; who, in a leiter, dated
Paris, September 7th, 1790, says,
*¢ This woman, Fery, at the Hotel

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

des Arts, Fauxbourg St. Martin, is
now thirty-nine years old, and preg-.
nant of her tenth child. According
to her own account, from the age
of four or five years, to that of six-
teen or eighteen, she drank one of
our pailfuls of water, that is to sav,
ten quarts (or Paris pints) each

weighing two pounds of sixteen’

ounces, daily. Since that period
she has constantly drank twenty
quarts, and sometimes thirty, in the
space of twenty-four hours. Every
time she drinks she swallows rather
more than a quart. Her health
does not appear to be affected, on-
ly she experiences a little heat in
her under lip, whieh at the same
time hardens it. When she is in
the least indisposed, her thirst dimi-
nishes.

‘* She has reared only two children:
the eldest is not more than eight
or ten years old. Neither of them
partake of their mother’s com-
plaint.

“This woman is of a middle sta-
ture, lean, and of a fair complexion,
inclining to red.

** | have employed a person, on
whom I can depend, to procure for
me these particulars, and he has
them from the patient herself; but
I cannot be sure that she has not
imposed on him.”

The next account the Editor re-
ceived of this case was from Mr.
William Maiden, of Stroud, in
Kent, an ingenious student of phy-
sic, who went lately from London
to Paris, and who, at his request,
visited this woman in August, 1791.
Mr. Maiden found her rather thin
in the face, but seemingly in good
general health, without any swell-
ing of the legs or preternatural en-
largement of the belly ; and she re-
lated to him nearly the same cir-

cumstances

a

NATURAL

scumstances of her case that the
ereader has seen mentioned in the
»preceding accounts. But Mr. Mai-
den, who delayed this inquiry till
the day before he intended to leave
-Paris, having been able to remain
with her only a few minutes, the
‘truth of the facts still rested chiefly
on the assertion of the woman her-
self, and nothing less than the ocular
testimony of some intelligent per-
son, whose accuracy might be fully
relied on, seemed sufficient to es-
tablish their authenticity. Such a
testimony has, at length, been ob-
tained through the obliging exer-
tions of M. Souville, Physician at
Calais, and M. Parmentier, Apothe-
cary Major of the Royal Hospital
of Invalids at Paris, at whose re-
-quest M. Brougniart, who is well
‘known to the Editor of this work as
a very accurate and ingenious stu-
dent of physic, readily undertook
the investigation of the case. The
following papers relative to this
subject, with which we shall close
our account of the case, will show
the satisfactory manner in which
‘the facis in question have been
ascertained:

Extract of a Letter from M. Par-
mentier, Apothecary Major of the
Royal Hospital of Invalids, &c. to
M. Souville, Physician at Calais,
and Member of the Royal Medi-
cal Society at Paris, &c. Dated
Paris, Oct. 27, 1791.

** T have delayed, Sir, doing my-
self the honour of answering your
letter till I should be furnished with
ahe particulars of the case Dr. Sim-
mons has requested of us; and I
thought I could not do better than
to request M. Brougniart to procure
them for him. You will judge
from the inclosed papers how well
POL

HISTORY.

he has acquitted himself of a com-
mission which I myself should have
readily undertaken, had I not had
reason to bope that it would be still
more completely executed by pby-
sicians who, though young, are good
observers.”

389

Extract of a Letter from M. Brong-
niart, Student of Physic at the
Royal Hospital of Invalids at Pa-
ris, to Dr. Simmons ; dated Paris,
Oct. 25, 1791.

“You wrote lately, Sir, to M.
Souville, for the parpose of procur-
ing some authentic information re-
lative to a woman at Paris who
drinks a great quantity of water.
You expressed to him a wish that
some person, whose accuracy could
be relied on, might be engaged to
visit this woman, and see with his
own eyes the truth of this fact. M.
Souville wrote to M. Parmentier,
and sent him your letter. M. Par-
mentier, with whom I have the good
fortune to be intimately connected,
knowing how much I wished for
an opportunity of making you some
return for your kindness tome dur-
ing my stav in England, did me the
favour to put into my hands your
letter, and at the same time en-
gaged me to make the inquiries you
desired.

** Being persuaded that whenever
the object is to ascertain a fact, two
persons observe better than one, and
must necessarily inspire more con-
fidence,—I communicated your let-
ter to a society who meet for scien-
tific purposes, and of which I am a
member. The society joined with
me a young physician for the pur-
pose of assisting me in the inquiry;
and we saw together, in my apart~
ments, the woman in question.
Several other members of the same

Bb3 society

3900 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

society were present during the in-
ovestigation, as you will see by the
‘annexed report, which I have the
‘honour to send to you.”

Report made to the Philomatical
Society, relative to a Woman who
drinks a great Quantity of Water;
by M. M. Bellot and Brougniart.
Read atia Meeting of the So-
ciety, on Saturday the 22d of
QOct..1791.

“* The Philomatical Society, being
desirous of complying with the re-
quest made by M. Parmentier, in
the name of Dr. Simmons, appoint-
ed us to examine the temperament
and habits of a woman who drinks
a great quantity of water.

‘¢ We accordingly went, on Sa-
turday, the 15th ef October, to the
woman in question, at the Hotel
des Arts, Fauxbourg St. Martio.
Not having. met with her at home,
we wept from thenee to the place
where her husband was at work,
having previously collected, from
the porter of the Hotel, several
points of information which agreed
with what had already been told to
us. We found the woman with a
pitcher of waterby ber side ; and a
day being appointed for the: pur-
pose, it was settled that she should
come and pass the whole of it with
us.

** We met accordingly on Mon-
day the 17th of October, 1791,.and
received from this woman the fol-
lowing particulars: —

‘Catherine Bonsergent, wife of
James Fery,,a cobler, new living in
ithe Hotel des Arts, Fauxbourg St.
Martin, parish of St. Laurence, at
‘Paris, is forty years old, and was
‘born at Senlis.

‘She is very fair; her skin is
fine, but ‘freckled. She is rather

lean than fat, and seems to‘be:of:a
bilious temperament. Her arms are
leaner than any other “part nats ange
body,

‘© At the time she was ieiiiea
she was placed ;with her grandmo-
ther, who, drinking a good deal of
wine, made her also drinkiit.: When
she returned home to her mother,
she vomited up every thing she took.
What she vomited was of ‘a black
colour.

‘** From ber earliest infaciéyy she
bad.a very considerable thirst, and
sought every means of satisfying it.
While she was single she drank three
pailfuls of water,a day; atter she
was naarried, two pailfuls were suf-
ficient for ber till she was delivered
of ber first child ; she then returned
to her former quantity of three pail-
fuls, and continued it till after the
birth of her fourth child. Since
that period she has drank only two
pailfuls in the four-and-twenty
hours. When she is sick she has
no longer the same thirst, and when
sie does not drink as) much as ishe
desires, she is ill. ;

** When she lays-in sine has «much
nore thirst than usual.

‘© She has not more hich} in sum- —

mer than in winter.

‘* Salted: meats she is ‘not fod of
eating; but they do not render

her more thirsty than other ali-
ments.

«© Her thirst occasions a sensation
at the stomach similar 'to that which
is excited by hunger. Her mouth
is clammy, and she is unable, she

says, to swallow a bit of bread,

*© When she has drank, she/feels
about the region of the stomach a
pretty considerable coldness, which
occasions her to shiver for some
time, and obliges her to ‘be ‘cons

stantly near the fire whenever the

weather

NATURAL

weather happens to be in the least
cold.

“This woman has the lower lip
rather thick, and covered with scabs.
This lip smarts and at times is very
painful to her, especially in summer.
She is subject to the blind piles ;

and when these take place, the com-
plaint in her lip ceases.

“© She has had eleven children in
ten lyings-in. Jt is since the birth
of her first child that she has been
subject to the piles.

“Of all her children there re-
main only two. . Almost all of
those she has suckled have been
subject to different diseases. Her.
eldest, who is still living, has a dis-
ease of the skin similar to the itch,
but which is not infectious. Her
youngest child, which she has suck-
led only a month, is in very good
health.

«© This woman is the only one of
her family who has so great a thirst.

“« She perspires sufficiently ; and
her urine is in proportion to what
she drinks.

“ She does not spit.

* She drinks neither wine, nor
coffee, nor spirituous liquors.

_« She told us that she ate a great
deal; but we did not observe this
while she was with us.

*¢ This woman drank, in our pre-
sence, during the space of ten hours
which she remained with us, four-
teen quarts (or Paris pints) of water,
which must be equal to about twen-
ty-eight pounds, She assured us that
in the night-time she rises every
hour and a half to drink; and this
will be found to make. pretty ex-
actly the load, or two pailfuls of
water, which this woman asserts
that she drinks in four-and-twenty

hours.

HISTORY,

_ © She voided ten quarts of urine
that was nearly colourless.

“’M. M. Bonnard, Lair, and Ro-
billiard, members of the Philomati-
cal. Society, observed,! with us, this
woman during a considerable part
of the day.””

391

While the preceding account was
preparing for the press, the follow-
ing paragraph appeared in the Lin-
coln Mercury of Friday, Decem-

ber 9, 1791.

“* However extraordinary the fol-
lowing circumstance may appear, it
may be depended on as fact. —Aman
who lives with Mr. John Julyan, of
Woodstone, near Peterborough, is
afflicted with such an immoderate
degree of thirst, as obliges him to
drink the astonishing quantity of
three gallons of water a night, and
one gallon a day; and w hat makes
this appear stil! more extraordinary,
he has continued this practice twen-
ty-three years.”

The facts described in this para-
graph bore too striking a resemblance
to those he had just before received
from Paris, not to excite in the Edi-
tor a wish to see the case more fully
and satisfactorily investigated. This
has since been done through the
kind offices of Sir Joseph Banks,
Bart. who being acquainted with a
gentleman in the neighbourhood of
the patient, on whose accuracy he
knew he could depend, had the good-
ness to transmit to him some queries
from the Editor relative to this sub-
ject, with a request that he would
engage in the inquiry.

In consequence of this request,
Mr. Maxwell, the gentleman alluded
to, sent for ‘the man to his house,
where he remained a whole night,
and was carefully attended ts." “The

Bb4 result

392

result of this investigation, which
sufficiently establishes the truth of
the facts, we shall here give in Mr.
Maxwell's own words.

Extract of a Letter from Mr. Geo.
Maxwell to Dr. Simmons, dated
Fletton Lodge, near Peterbo-
rough, December 18, 1791.

“With respect to the water-
drinker, whois the subject of your
inquiry, and who lives at Stanground,
near Woodstone, though he works
at the latter place, it happens that
Mr. Beal, the person who now looks
after my farm, employed him as a
thrasher more than twenty years
ago. His account of this man is,
that he always drank the quantity
he is now said to do, or at least was
at that time reputed to drink it.

“As he resided three or four
miles from Mr, Beale’s habitation,
the latter used to inake up a bed for
him in his house; and Mr. Beal
observed that at night he always
took a bucketful of water up stairs
with him.

«°T have a labourer likewise who
has worked with him, and who says
that, in mowing-time, this man al-
ways takes four quarts of water out
with him from a pump in the village,
besides two quarts of beer.

‘« These accounts being si:ffici-
ently satisfactory as to his not being
an impostor, I have sent for him,
and put to bim your queries; which
I shall here set down, together with
his answers to each :—

Q. Ist. ‘* His name, age, occupa-
tion, habit of body, and general state
of health?

A. “ William Read; in the fifty-
first year of his age; a labourer ;
never costive; geverally in good

health.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

Q. 2d. “* Whether his thirst is
natuial, or a consequence of disease,
and if so, at what period of life it
first shewed itselt ?

A. ** Not natural, but came on
after an ague and fever, which con-
fined him a whole winter, twenty-
four years ago.

Q. 3d. ‘ Whether his thirst is
constant and uniform, the same ir
summer as in winter, or only occa-
sional, and varying in degree ?

A. * Always the same, when he
is well.

Q. 4th, “ Whether he drinks any
other Jiquor besides water ?

A. ‘ Has no objection to other
liquors, but can seldom get any.

Q. 5th. “How much does he
usually take at a draught, and how
often does he repeat it ?

A. “ A quart ata time, and re-
peats it sixteen or eighteen times in
the course of a day and night.

Q. 6th. * Whether his thirst is
diminished or increased, when his
general healih happens to be af-
fected ?

A. “ When his health happens
to be affected he drinks but litle ;
nothing like sc much as the usual
quantity.

Q. 7th. * What is the state of his
tongue and fauces with respect to
dryness, moisture? &c.

A. ‘* No appearance of dryness.

Q. 8th. ‘* What quantity of urine
does he void ? and what is the state
of it ?

A, “He makes water almost
every time he drinks and as much
upon the whole as be drinks. He
knows nothing of the state of it.

Q. 9th. “ Does he perspire much
or little? yor

A. “ Very much when he works,
but not at all in the night.

Q. 10th.

NATURAL

Q. 10th, ‘‘ What is the general
state of his bowels ?

__ A. * No purging, nor any pain in
his bowels.

~ Q@. 11th. “Is he the only one of
his family who bas been remarkable
for this excessive thirst ?

Fas. YES,

“© The man adds, that he has con-
sulted several medical gentlemen
about his complaint, but has not been
able to get any thing that could in
the least relieve him.

* On Sunday, the 18th instant, at
two o'clock, he ate a hearty dinner
of roast beef with my servauts, and
drank a quart cr more of beer.
Contrary to his promise, he went
home as socn as dinner was over,
but returned about five, when I
ordered him into the room where I
was sitting, and he drank a quart of
water at a draught, and very greed-
ily. He said he had drank three
times whilst absent.

“* At eight o'clock he supped, and
‘drank a quart of small beer.

“At nine o’clock he went to
bed. , .

“Mr. Beal promised to watch
‘him all night.

“ At half past nine I went over
_to Mr. Beal’s to settle the plan of
Management, his house being at a
little distance from mine. It was
agreed that no water should be left in
Read’s bed-room, but that it should
be set ready in a room below, to be
earried to him at a quart at a time
in the night.

“The next morning (Monday) at
eight o'clock, I found him at break-
fast. Mr. Beal informed me that

he had carried him the water him-

‘self, and that at ten o'clock (the
night before) he had drank a quart;
-at eleven o'clock, another quart; at
‘twelve o'clock, another quart; at

3”

HISTORY.

near three (Monday morning) ano-
other quart (al! which he drank
most greedily, and each at a single
draught); between four and five
o'clock, another quart, except a little
left in the mug; at near six, ano-
ther quart was carried to him, but of
this he left about half.

“* A servant-boy who slept with
him, says he drank the remainder
of the last quart after Mr. Beal left
him.

“The patient himself says he
drank a seventh quart as soon as he
got up, whilst Mr. Beal was employ-
ed in the yard.

“I found him, as I just now
mentioned, at breakfast, in the kit-
chen, eating heartily of milk with
bread crumbed in it. He observed
to me that he prefers milk to cold
meat or any thing else; that he
was not more thirsty last night than
usual, and thinks he usualiy drinks
as much every night; but that
never having had his liquor mea-
sured to him before, he could not
speak with certainty in the account
he gave.

“1 examined the water made by
him in the night. There appeared
to be between five and six quarts of
it, and it shewed no appearance of
sediment.

“© At nine o'clock the man had
finished his breakfast, having ate
a quart of milk and bread, and some
cold meat after it, and drank two
quarts of small beer, except about a
gill which we found left in the bot-
tom of the last jug.

“ The facts being thus ascertain-
ed without a possibility of doubt, I
did not think it necessary to detain
him any longer; and, for my own
part, I believe all he says on the
subject.”

$03

Account

_ 304
“Account of the Island of Senegal*.

From Saugnier's and Brisson's Voy-
age to the Coast of Africa,

HIS island, properly speaking»

is only a bank of sand in the
middle of the river. It is a thousand
geometrical paces long, and about
sixty in its greatest widih ; is almost
on a level with the river and with
the sea, being defended from the
latter by Barbary Point, which is of
greater elevation than the colony.
The eastern branch of the river is the
more considerable of the two, being
about four hundred toises across; the
western branch is only from fifty to
two hundred toises wide. The isle
consists entirely of burning sands,
on the barren surface of which you
sometimes meet with scattered flints,
thrown out among their ballast by
vessels coming from Goree; or with
the ruins of buildings formerly erect-
ed by Europeans. There is scarcely
such a thing as a garden upon the
island, European seeds in general
not thriving here. Jt is not surpris-
ing that the soil is so unproductive;
for the air is strongly impregnated
with sea-salt, which pervades every
thing, and consumes even iron in a
very short space of time. The heats
are excessive, and rendered still
more insupportable by the reflection
of the sand; so that from ten in the
morning until four in the afternoon,
it is almost impossible to do any
work. During the months of Jana-
ary, February, March, and April,
the heats are moderated; but in Au-
gust, and in the following ones, they
become so oppressive as to affect
even the natives themselves, What

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

1 dee 4
effect then mist they have upon the
Europeans, suddenly transported,un-
to this burning climate! The nights
are little less. sultry; not . always,
however, but only, when the sea-
breeze sets in. It is then that the
inhabitants of the colony breathe a
fresher air, for which they, have
been longing the whole of the day;
but .this air, in our climate, would
seem a burning vapour. The nights
are nevertheless troublesome, not-
withstanding the comfortsof the sea-
breeze. The instant the sun:is set,
we are assailed by. an infinity of
goats, which are cailed musquitos;
their stings are very painful, and
their multitudes incredible. The
inhabitants find but a poor defence
in their gauze curtains. For my
own part, accustomed as I had been
to Jive among the Moors, I was but
little annoyed by these insects:—
being halfa savage, I felt no desire
to recommend myself to the favour-
able regard of the fair sex, and I was
therefore under no: necessity of tak-
ing care of my person. In imitation
of my former masters,,I smeared
myself with butter; and this expe-
dient preserved meat all times from
these impertinent stingers, these
spiteful enemies to the repose of
the human kind.

If the prospect of Senegal is not
agreeable to the eye, much Jess are
its environs, which are covered over
only with sand, and over-run with
mangles. It may be said, without
exaggeration, that. there is not a
more forlorn situation to be found
on. the face of the inhabited globe,

or a place in which the common —

necessaries of life are procured with
el

* For an account of the source and course of the Senegal river, and of the va-
rious settlements, by different European nations, on the banks of it, see Annual

Register, vol. I. p. 75.

greater

ee

—~

NATURAL HISTORY.

greater difficulties. | Water, that
indispensable aliment of man, is
here not potable. Wells are dug
in the sand to the depth of five or
six feet, and water is obtained by
this means ; but whatever pains are
taken to freshen it, it ever retains a
brackish taste. I have distilled this
water myself, and observed that it
always kept a disagreeable savour,
which cannot fail to be hurtful to
the health : it is true that when the
river is high, its streams are fresh,
‘but the water is only the more
dangerous. It proves the cause of
most of those maladies which carry
off the Europeans so rapidly, that at
the end of every three years the ‘co-
lony has a fresh set of inhabitants.
The blacks themselves, although
accustomed to the climate, are not
in this season free from disease.
There is not any good water to
be got in the country, buat that
which is brought forty leagues
down the river, and through the
most infectious swamps. A spring
of good water rises, however, four
leagues above Gandiole, upon the
way from Senegal to Goree; but
it is not sufficiently copious to be-
come of general utility. As to the
other aliments of life, they are
equally unwholesome, notwithstand-
ing the lying report of travellers,
and their book-makers, who, in
their aceounts of this sad country,
seem as if they were striving to-out-
do'each other in falsehood. ‘The
meat is in general detestably bad,
and the fish of an ill taste. It must
be dressed the day it is caught ; for
the next morning it is good for no-
thing. The oxen furnish the best
meat; but they are not half so tall
or’so big as those of France, even
of Brittany. Messrs. Adanson and
Dumanet have taken a pleasure in
ats

205

embellishing ‘the ‘narratives they
have written relative to these coun-
tries, where they have found some-
thing marvellous at every step. As
for me, who have gone ‘over ‘the
greater part of these districts, I
have found the country only ‘more
or’ less detestable. No man can
speak in its favour, except ‘to an-
swer some particular purpose.’ The
Senegal Company derive great be+
nefit from their commerce,’ and
conseguently have an interest in
representing the country as a ter-
restrial paradise; for if it were
known to be such as it is ‘in’ fact,
they would find nobody to go'there,
the chance being five to one that
the adventurer will never refurn
(independent of the hazards of the
voyage)—and that in the’ space of
three years. It must, however, be
confessed that this charming coun-
try has one advantage, which is,
that if a man becomes tired of life,
he may easily terminate his exist-
ence without committing the crimé
of suicide. He need ocly remain
at Senegal a little while ; or, if he
would wish to make it shorter still,
let bim undertake a voyage to Ga-
lam. Those, on the contrary, who
wish to prolong their life a little,
must be satisfied with negto food—
and heavens! what food! The
females pound millet in wooden
mortars upon the sand: bat it is-so
ill prepared, that it grates between
the teeth. Walking or riding out
is no amusement here, as it is ever
attended with danger, and as there
are no situations tolerably agreeable
nearer than ten Jeagues from the
colony. Besides, aman is always
exposed either to the danger of be-
ing made captive by the inhabitants
of the country, or to be devoured
by wild beasts, such asthe weer

the

390

the lion.
sions be made without danger, even
when the colony is at peace with
the natives of the country. This,
however, does not involve a con-
tradiction, for there are in Senegal,
as. in every other part cf Africa,
troops of robbers, who carry away
whatever they meet with, and who
wage war with all the world. A
person may, therefore, be in dan-
ger even in time of peace, more es-
pecially as one or other of these
gangs are always scouring the coun-
try. These robbers never attack
the inhabitants of the colony on
their own ground; but whenever
they find them upon the. territories
of their enemies, they fail not to
lay hold of the occasion, to the
ruin of those whom curiosity leads
abroad. In fine, in order to give a
just idea of this wretched colony,
let it suffice to observe, without ex-
aggeration, that it is the most de-
testable spot on the face of the
earth ; and that nothing but utter
ignorance, or a total want of any
other means of subsistence, can in-
duce a man to settle there.

Of the Mikkias, or Nilometer, and of

the rising of the Nile.
From Nicbuhr’s Travels in Arabia, &c.

ETWEEN Masr-el-atik and
Geesh, in the middle of the
Nile, is the isle of Rhodda, which
formerly communicated with those
two cities by two bridges of boats,
that no longer subsist. In the flou-
rishing days of Fostat, the island was
covered with gardens and villas. But
since Cairo has become the capital of
Egypt, Masr-el-atik, Bulak, andeven
Birket-el-Hadgi, are preferred as si-
tuations for gardens and villas.

Neither can such excur- .

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

‘This island shews, at present, no-
thing remarkable, except, that on
its southern extremity stands a wall,
which has been built to break the
force of the current. Upon this ex-
tremity standsalsoa mosque,in which
is the famous Mikkias or Nilometer.
This is well known to be a bason
having a communicaticn. with the
Nile, on the middle of which stands
a column that serves to indicate the
height of the waters of the river.
Norden has given a draft of it,
finer than the origioal, which is
mouldering fast away; for the Turks
will not Jay outthe smallest expence,
even upon the most necessary repairs.

Iknow not whether any person
has yet measured the breadth of the
Nile. By a geometrical operation,
I found it to be 2946 feet. With-
out knowing this measure, one can
form no idea of the astonishing mass
of water which this river carries
down, when in its full height.

The Nile, it is well known, be-
gins every year to rise about the
middle of June, and continues ris-
ing 40 or 50 days; it then falls, by
degrees, till, in the end of May
next year, itis at the lowest. The
causes of its rise are now well known.
During the hot months of the year,
rain falls every day in Habbesch or
Abyssinia ; ‘and al] that rain water is
collected into the Nile, which, from
its entrance into Egypt, till it reach-
es the sea, runs through a wide vale.
It does not rise alike high through
all Egypt. I durst not measure it
near the Mikkias ; but, from obser-
vations made at Geesh, I saw that,
at Cairo, the full height is at least
twenty-four feet above its ordinary
level. At Rosetta and Damietta it is
only four feet. But this vast differ-
ence is not surprising ; for, at Cai-
ro, the Nile being confined to one

channel,

oh i ee

NATURAL

channel, between high banks, must
necessarily rise to a much greater
height. than nearer the sea, where
it is divided into two streams, after
running over so much barren ground,
and forming so many lakes. The
branch upon which Rosetta stands,
is only 650 feet broad; and that by
Damietta, not more than 100.

As soon as the Nile begins to
rise, all the canals intended to con-
vey the waters through the coun-
try, are shut and cleansed. They
are kept shut, however, till the ri-
ver rise to a certain height, which is
indicated by the Nilometer in the
isle of Rhodda. A Schech attends
for this purpose, by the Mikkias,
and gives notice, from time to
time, of the rising of the river, to a
number of poor persons who wait
at Fosta for the information, and
run instantly to publish it in the
streets of Cairo. They return eve-
ry day to Fostat, at a certain hour,
to Jearn from the Schech how ma-
ny inches the river has risen: and
its rise is every day proclaimed in
public, till it reaches the fixed height,
at which the canals are permitted
to be unlocked; the usual tax is
then paid for the waters to the Sul-
tan, and a good year expected.

The canal at Cairo is first open-
ed, and then, successively, al! the
other great canals down to the sea.
The inhabitants of no particular dis-
trict dare draw off any part of the
water of the Nile, although it have
risen to the height that best suits the
inlands ; for this would injure the
higher grounds; and therefore eve-
ry body must wait till the public
order be given out. There are laws
in Egypt which are strictly observ-
ed, and which determine the distri-
bution of the waters, and the time
when the large and small canals are
to be opened,

HISTORY. 307

Between the dyke of the canal
of Cairo and the Nile, a pillar of
earth is raised, nearly of the height
to which the waters of the rivers
are expected to rise. This pillar is
called Anes, or the bride, and
serves as a sort of Nilometer, for
the use of the common people.
When the waters enter the canal,
this bride is carried away by the
current. A like custom, which pre-
vailed among the ancient Egyptians,
has subjected them to the imputa-
tion of sacrificing every year a vir-
gin to the Nile.

The canal is usually opened with
great festivity, and a concourse of
people:—but when we were in
Cairo, it was opened without any
parade, for it had been imperfectly
cleansed, and the water did not en-
ter it readily. As this ceremony
has been described by so many au-
thors, I shall not trouble the reader
with any account of it.

A piece of superstition now pre-
vails in Egypt, of which history
makes no mention before the con-
quest of the country by the Arabs.
Certain women, both Christian and
Mahometan, pretend to foretell
what height the Nile will rise to,

. by means of certain rites which they

practise. These depend upon the
popular notion, that, on the night
of the 17th or 18th of June, there
falls, in Habbesch, a drop (in Ara-
bic nokta) into the Nile, which
causes its waters to ferment and
swell. To discover the quantity of
this drop, and the force with which
it falls, and, of consequence, the
height of the river and the fertility
of the lands for the year, those wo-
men put a bit of paste on the roof
of the house on the night on which
the drop is imagined to fall;: and
they draw their prediction from
the greater or smaller increase of

weight

398:

weight which it receives—It is
easy to explain this experiment :
for in the season in which it is

formed, there fall regularly
heavy dews throughout Egypt. A
sensible and learned Makometan,
who looked upon the predictions
as fooleries, told me, this vulgar
error arose, like many others,
from an) ambiguous expression ;
Nokta, signifying, in Arabic, both
a drop and the time of the sun’s
entering the sign of Cancer; at
which season the great rains fall
in Abyssinia, which occasion the
swelling of the Nile.

I have remarked that the canal
of Cairo is cleansed every year;
and it then serves as a street; but
it can never be long used as such ;
for it.is never cleansed fill the
dyke be ready to be cut down.
While the water is running in this
canal, the houses about it are very
agreeable ; but through the rest of
the year it is avery uncomfortable
neighbourhood; for it is always
exceedingly filthy. The insuffer-
able sme!l and noxious putridity
which it: diffuses all around, infect
the air, and produce epidemic dis-
tempers.

No water fit for drinking is to be
had at Cairo, unless out of the Nile;
from which it is brought every day
into’ the city, in skins, upon asses
and camels. Under several mosques
ate large reservoirs, in which water
ig preserved for the use of. the pub-
lic during the swell of the Nile; for
the river is then muddy, and its wa-
ter thought unwholesome. Indeed
the water of the Nile is. always:
somewhat muddy; but, by rubbing
with bitter almonds, prepared in a

x

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

particular manner, the earthen, jars
in which it is kept, this water is. ren-
dered clear, light, and salutary.. The
use of it is generally thought to be
the occasion of a cutaneous. erup-~
tion to which the inhabitants of
Cairo are subject, at a certain season
in the year. It is troublesome, but
does not injure the health.

‘

Of the Egyptian Agriculture.
From the same.

EPs had few opportunities
of observing theindustry of this:
people, I shall have little to say con-
cerning the state of the arts in Egypt,
which is not yet very flourishing.
But there are some which afford ar-
ticles of trade; and these it would be
improper to overlook entirely.
Agriculture, the first and most im-
portant of all arts, is net in a very
thriving condition here; at least, if
we compare the present produce of
the lands with what.a country of such
natural fertility might be brought by
cultivation to produce. I have hint-
ed, above, at the, natural causes of
this decline. But the local circum-)

_ stances of this singularly situated

country are such, that evenan unhap-
py mode of government, and the mi-
sery of the husbandman, cannot ex-
tinguish the natural fertility of the.
soil. However ill-cultivated, it stilh
continues to compensate richly the
slight labour that is bestowed upon
it, and to repay, with usury, the
trifliag expence laid out thereon,
The soil of the lower Egypt
seems to be a sandy earth that has
been gradually deposited by the ri-
ver*, In adry and torrid climate,

* The formation of the Delta has beena subject of speculation with every writer

concerning Egypt, from Herodotus to Bruce.
head; willdo wellto consult’: Herodotus, Maillet, Bruce, and Savary.

The reader who is curious on this

and

NATURAL

and under an unclouded sky, such
long seasons of droughtas Egypt ex-
periences would render it an arid and
barren desert, were it not for the
fertilizing waters of the Nile.

Some descriptions of Egypt
would lead us to think that the Nile,
when it swells, lays the whole pro-
vince under water. The lands.ad-
joining immediately to the banks of
the river are indeed laid under wa-
ter; but the natural inequality
of the ground hinders it from over-
flowing the interior country, A
great part of the lands would there-
fore remain barren, were not canals
and reservoirs formed to receive
water from the river when at its
greatest height, which is thus con-
veyed every where through the fields
and reserved for watering them
when occasion requires.

The best part, therefore, of Egyp-
tian agriculture, is the watering of
their grounds. The water which
the husbandman needs is* often in a
canal, much beneath the level of
the land which he means to moisten.
The water he must therefore raise
to an equality with the surface of
the grounds, and distribute over
them as it is wanted. The great
art of Egyptian husbandry is thus
reduced to the having proper ma-
chines for raising the water, and
enough of small canals judiciously
disposed to distribute it.

Those machines are commonly
very simple; a wheel with buckets
forms their whole mechanism, The
largest are moved by oxen; the
smaller by the strength of the arm.
It is not easy to see how the Egyp-
tians have come to be so much ce-
lebrated for the ingenuity of their
machines. These are not of the
invention of the modern Egyptians,
but have been used for time imme-

HISTORY. 309

morial, without receiving the slight-
est improvement.

Their instruments of husbandry
are very bad. Their plough, which
they call Marha, is no better than
that of the Arabians, of which, I
shall hereafter have occasion te
speak. To smooth the ground, they
use a tree or athick plank, drawn
by oxen yoked with cords. The
driver sits upon this machine ; for
the Egyptian peasants are not fond
of walking. .

They use oxen, as the antients did,
to beat out their corn, by trampling
upon the sheaves, and. dragging af-
ter them a clumsy implement, This
machine is not (as in Arabia) astone-
cylinder, nor a plank with sharp
stones (as in Syria) but a sort of
sledge, consisting of three rollers
fitted with irons, which tarn upon
axles. A farmer chooses outa le+
vel spot in his fields, and has
corn.carried thither ia sheaves, upon —
asses or dromedaries. Two oxen
are then yoked in a sledge, a driver
gets upon it, and drives them back-
wards ana forwards upon the
sheaves; aod fresh oxen succeed in
the yoke, from time to time. By
this operation the chaff is very much
cut dowa. The whole is then win-
nowed, and the pure grain thus
separated. This mode of threshing
out the corn is tedious and. iccon-
venient; it destroys the chaff, and
injures the quality of the grain,

I saw no wheeled carriage ip
Egypt; every thing is. conveyed
backwards and forwards on camels
or asses, When the canal of Cairo
was tobe cleansed, a peasant brought
two oxen drawing a sort of open
tray on the dry ground; and whep
it was filied, led them with it toythe
bank. Within tbe city, where the
bottom. of the canal, was not ary,

the

400 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

the persons employed in cleansing
it, threw dust from the street upon
the mire in the canal, and then,
with their hands, into panniers up-
on asses, and thus removed it to a
proper distance.—Such is the boast-
ed industry of the Egyptians.

I have seen neither wind nor wa-
ter-mill here. A few large mills
there are, which are moved, by
oxen turning a post that forms the
axle-tree of a large wheel. The
poorer people have only hand-mills
to grind their corn; and these they
use also in breaking the beans with
which the asses are fed.

Recourse is had to the impres-
sion of the elements in the manage-
ment of no other machine. Oxen
are employed in working the oil-
mills, saffron-presses, &c. Among
the different manufactures of Egypt,
that of saffron merits particular no-
tice; the process by which the
Egyptians prepare this article gives
it a livelier colour than what is made
elsewhere.

a

‘Account of some New Discoveries in
the Interior Parts of Africa,

HE association for promoting

the discovery of the interior
parts of Africa, having received
some intelligence since they printed
their proceedings, have given an
additional chapter to them, from
which we extract the following in-
formation :—

An Arab of the name of Shabeni
excited the attention of the Com-
mittee of this society, by the ac-
count he gave of an empire on the
‘banks of the Niger: for he said,
“That the population of Houssa,
its capital, where he resided two
years, was equalled only (so far as

his knowledge extended) by that of
London and Cairo: and, in his rude
unlettered way, he described the
government as monarchical, yet
not unlimited; its justice as severe,
but directed by written laws ; and
the rights of landed property as
guarded by the institution of certain

hereditary officers, whose functions .

appear to be similar to the Canon-
goes of Hindostan, and whose im-
portant aud complicated duties im-
ply an unusual degree of civiliza-
tion and refinement.

‘“* For the probity of their mer-
chants he expressed the highest re-
spect; but remarked with indigna-
tion that the women were admitted
to society, and that the honour of
the husband was often insecure.

* Of their written alphabet he
knew no more than that it was
perfectly different from the Arabic
and Hebrew characters; but he
described the art of writing as very
common in Houssa. When he
acted the manner in which their
pottery is made, he gave, unknow-
ingly to himself, a representation of
the ancient Grecian wheel.

** In passing to Houssa from
Tombuctoo, in which last city he
resided seven years, he found the
banks of the Niger more numer-
ously peopled than those of the Nile
from Alexandria to Cairo; and his
mind was obviously impressed with
higher ideas of the wealth and gran-
deur of the empire of Houssa, than
of those of any kingdom he had
seen, England alone excepted.”

The existence of this city and
empire was confirmed by letters
from the English consuls at Tunis
and Morocco; who added, that the
eunuchs of the seraglio at those
places, were brought from the city
of Houssa.

In

NATURAL HISTORY.

In order to investigate the truth
of these accounts, and to explore
the origin and course of the Niger,
Major Houghton, who, in 1779,
had acted under General Rook as
Fort Major in the island of Goree,
undertook to penetrate to that river
by the way of the Gambia. He
was instructed to ascertain the
course, and if possible the rise and
termination of the Niger, and to
visit the cities of Tombuctoo and
~ Houssa.

The Major left England on the
16th of October, 1790, arrived at
the entrance of the Gambia on the
10th of November, and was well
received by the king of Barra, whom
he had formerly visited. He pro-
ceeded thence up the river to Jun-
kiconda, where the English have a
small factory. Here he purchased
a horse and five asses, and prepared
to pass with his merchandize to

edina, the capital of the small
kingdom of Woolli. From some
words accidentally dropped by a
negro-woman in the Mundingo
language, he learnt that a conspi-
racy had been formed against his
life by some traders, who feared
that his expedition portended the
auin of their commerce ;: he there-
fore swam with his horse and asses
across the Gambia, and proceeded,
though with much difficulty, on the
side opposite to that which is usual-
Jy the route, to the district of Can-
tor, where he repassed the river,
and was hospitably entertained by
the king of Woolli, at his capital
Medina.

This town is situated about 900
miles by water from the entrance
of the Gambia. The country a-
bounds with corn, cattle, and all
things requisite for the support, or
essential to the comforts, of life.
~ Vor. XXXIV.

AOI

The people are distinguished, not
divided, into two sects with regaré
to religion, Mahommedans an&
Deists. . The former are called
Bushreens, and the latter, fronr
their drinking with freedom wine
and liquor, which Mobammed pro-
hibited, are called Sonikees, or
drinking men.

The Major's dispatches to the
Society from this place were lost 5
but in a letter to his wife, whicha
seaman preserved from the wreck
of the vessel, he describes his situa—
tion as extremely agreeable,—the
country healthy, the people hos-
pitable, game abundant; and he
could make his excursions on horse=
back in security. Above all, he
indulges in the idea of the advan—
tages that would attend the English
by erecting a fort on the salubrious
and beautiful hill of Fatetenda,
where they once had a factory >
and expresses a hope that his wife
will hereafter accompany him to 2
place in which an income of ter
pounds a-year will support them im
affluence; and where, from com=
merce, he imagines vast wealth may
be obtained.

While he was here waiting for a
native merchant, whose company
he had engaged for the further
prosecution of his journey, the
greater part of Medina was destroy-
ed by fire, and with it several ar-
ticles of merchandize, to which he
trusted for defraying his expences.
At the same time his interpreter
disappeared with his horse and three
of his asses ; and to add to his mis-
fortunes, a trade-gun, that he pur-
chased on the river, burst and
wounded him in the face and arm.
The inhabitants of the neighbour-
ing town of Barraconda on this
occasion cheerfully opened their

Cc houses

A402,

houses to more than.a thousand fa-
milies, whose tenements had been
consumed, and anxiously exerted
themselves for Major Houghton’s
Telief.

Oo the Sth of May the Major
proceeded on foot, in company with
a slave-merchant, whose; servants
drove his two remaining asses,
which, carried the wreck. of his. for-
tune; and journeying by a north-
east course, he arrived in five days
at the uninhabited frontier which
separates the kingdoms of Woolli
and Bondou. '

A journey of 150 miles, through
a country before unvisited by Euro-
peans, of which the population is
numerous and extensive, and where
his companion traded in every town,
conducted him to ibe south-western
boundary of the kingdom of Bam-
bouk. This kingdom is inhabited
by a nation whose woolly hair and
sable complexions. denote them to
be of the negro race: but their cha-
racter seems to be varied in propor-
tion as the country, rises from, the
plains of its western division, to the
highlands on the east. The people
are here, as in the kingdoms, of
Woolli and Bondou, distinguished
by the tenets. of Mohammedans and
Deists; but they are equally at peace
with each other, and) mutually to-
lerate the respective opinions. they
condemn,

Agriculture and pasturage are the
chief occupations of this people;
but they have made. sufficient pro»
gress in the arts to smelt their iron-
ore, and fabricate from it the seve-
ral instraments of husbandry and
war. Cloth of cotton, which seems
to be universally worn, they appear
to weave by adifficult and laborious
process; and hence probably it is,
that the measure ofjvalue is not, as

‘ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

on the Adantic coast,, a:bar of. iron,
but a piece of cloth. The vegetable
food of the inhabitants jis: rice; their
animal, beef and mutton. A drink
prepared from fermented, honey
supplies the place of wine, and fur-
nishes the means of festive enter--
tainments, which constitutethe prin=
cipal luxury of the court of Bam-
bouk. Ud
Major Houghton arrived) at the
river Falemé, which separates the:
kingdoms of Bondou and Bambouk,.
just at the termination of a war be-
tween those kingdoms; by which
the former had obtained the cession:
of some part of the low lands, be-
longing to the latter ; and in these:
conquests the King of Bondou, re-
sided. The Major hastened to pay
his respects to the victorious princes.
and offer him a present; but he
met with an ungracious reception.
He was permitted to leave the pre-
sent ; but ordered, to repair to the:
frontier town from whence: he:
came ; and the next day the King’s
son, with an armed. attendance,
entered the house where he had
taken up:his abode, and took, from:
him such articles. as) he choses,
particularly: a: blue: coat,. in. which

the. Major hoped to have been,

introduced: to, the: Sultan of Tom-=
buctoo.
Major Houghton next set out om
a visit to the King of Bambouk ;
but unfortunately lost his way in
one of the vast woods of that coun
try; and the wet season: having
commenced on the 4th of July, he
was obliged to pass the night om
ground deluged by rain, while: the
sky exhibited that continued blaze
of lightning which in those latitudes
often accompanies, the tornado,
This brought on a fever; and it
was with great difficulty that he
reached

i
f

NATURAL HISTORY.

reached the capital of Bambouk, af-
ter wading through the river Serra
Coles, or River of Gold, on the
eastern side of which it is situated.
On his arrival at this town, which
is called Ferbanna, his fever rose to
a height that rendered him deliri-
ous ; but by the strength of his con-
stitution, and the kindness of the
negro family to which he was con-
ducted, be soon recovered.

From the King cf Bambouk the
Major met with a friendly recep-
tion; and he informed him, that
the losses which he had sustained in
the war with Bondou, arose from
his having exhausted his ammuni-
tion ; the French having abandon-
ed the Fort of St. Joseph, and, from
some cause’ or other, deserted the
navigation of the upper part of the
Senegal, he had no means of reple-
nishing his stores; whereas his ene-
my received from the English,
through the channel of his agents
on the Gambia, aconstant and ade-
quate supply.

The Major took this opportunity
of representing to the King the ad-
vantage of encouraging the English
to open a trade, by the way of: his
dominions, to the populous. cities

Ce2

A403

on the banks of the Niger. This
negotiation was put a stop to by the
commencement of an annual festi-
val, at which the people sead pre-
sents of mead to the King, which
are followed by intemperate. festi--
vity for several days. During this
the Major agreed with an old and
respectable merchant of Bambouk,,
who offered to carry him to Tom-
buctoo, and bring him back to the
Gambia, for 125/, to be paid at their
return by the British factory at
Junkiconda. This plan was much
approved of by the King, to whom
the merchant was personally known 3
and, as a mark of. bis esteem, and.
pledge of future friendship, he pre-
sented Major Houghton at parting
with a purse of gold.

Witb an\account of his prepara:
tions for this journey the Major
closes: his dispatch of the 24th of
July;. and as no. further advices
had been received from him by his:
correspondent on the; Gambia (Dr.
Laidley) om the 22d of December
last, the writer of this narrative
concludes that he had descended
the eastern hills of Bambouk, and
proceeded on his journey to Tom-
buctoo,

USEFUL

( 404 )

USEFUL PROJECTS.

Experiments on the Causes of the
Warmth of warm Clothing, by
Major General Sir Benjamin
Thompson, Knt. F R.S.

Extracted from the Philosophical
Transactions, Part I, Page 60.

AVING found that the fine-
ness and equal distribution
of a body or substance made use of
to form a covering to confine heat,
contributes so much to the warmth
of the covering, I was desirous to
see the effect’ of condensing the
covering, its quantity of matter re-
maining the same, but its thick-
ness being diminished in propor-
tion to the increase of its density.
The experiment I made for this

purpose was as follows:—I took
sixteen grains of common sewing-
silk, neither very fine nor very
coarse, and winding it about the
bulb of the thermometer in such a
manner that it entirely covered it,
and was as nearly as possible of the
same thickness in every part, 1 re-
placed the thermometer in its cy-
linder and globe, and heating it in
boiling water, cooled it in ice and
water. The results of the experi-
ment were as may be seen in the
following table; and in order that
it may be compared with those
made with the same quantity of
silk differently disposed of, I have
placed those experiments by the
side of it.

5 “= ~ oS

re c. 7 5 =. oe

LY) a. we i a5 2 =~

3 = fo | ape |5ea8

= af ae: aoe | w22e

E 3 fil Bes Veece

es z a een | ghee

Pe = ate) =3s

Exp. No. 4./Exp. No.14.)Exp. No.15.|Exp. No.19.
70° _ —_ — _

60° gi" 90” 67" 46"
50° 110 106 79 62
40° 133 128 99 85
30° 185 172 135 121
20° 273 246 195 191
10° 489 427 342 399
Total times| 1284 1169 917 904

It

USEFUL P

It is not alittle remarkable, that,
though the covering formed of sew-
ing silk wound round the bulb of the
thermometer in the 19th expe-
riment, appeared to have so little
power of confining the heat when the
instrument was very hot, or when it
was first plunged into. the ice and
water, yet afterwards, when the heat
of the thermometer approached much
nearer to that of the surrounding
medium, its power of confining the
heat which remained in the bulb of
the thermometer, appeared to be
even greater than that of the silk
in the experiment No. 15, the time
of cooling from 20° to 10° being
in the one 399", and in the other
342”. The same appearance was
observed in the following expe-
riment, in which the bulb of the
thermometer was surrounded by

a a :
= - 2 4
ie as js | ES.
SSecilecevletsao
oe ee
~ » 2 ve ar ts
D SCeelsStElose
So m-—<} Ss Sa6 -—=.
se = = vme=)
< fs BE este aE
€ | é&s8|ss2| 52
Mm ewe ee ol eee
aeelese Eo
2te|2£2e\)ei=z
rt aha ee (RES
re a a
v=s = pt es Ee aj
Bie Ba pihie

70° ~
46"

my 00 tl! 79" 83” | 45” | 80” 42"
50° 95 63 95 60 93 62 56

4u° | 118 89 | 117 83 | 115 83 74

80° | 162 126 152 115 150 117 108

90° | 93g | 200 | 221 | 179 | 218 | 180 | 168

“ 10° | 4296 | 410 | 378 | 370 | 376 | 385 | 338
tec 1118 | 934 |1046 | 852 |1032 | 873 | 783

Cc3.

Exp. 5, |Exp. 20.| Exp.6. |Exp. 21.) Exp.7. Exp. 22./Exp 23

ROJECTS.

threads of wool, of cotton, and of
linen, or flax, wound round it in
the like manner as the sewing-silk
was wound round it in the last ex-
periment.

The following table shows the
results of these experiments, with
the threads of various kinds; and,
that they may the more easily be
compared with those made with
the same quantity of the sane sub-
stance ina different form, I have
placed the accounts of these ex-
periments by the side of each other.
I have also added the account of
an experiment, in which sixteen
grains of fine linen cloth were
wrapped round the bulb of the
thermometer, going round it nine
times, and being bound together at
the top and bottom of it, so as
completely to cover it. bY

A405.

~

“ fn C3 a
wn

eSu/, £2 ./2%
—- 3s cay 3
2es2|5¢6 .;&28| Fee
Shee) | te Ee Pa aS
oté ese |CSEL/ESY
=~ ao m—-<=Ss be E
SUel|Eteluwacel/eose
SEE ave (DEEL HS2
ee OO) ef el &sg een
Pee,urElessllsri
= a ae A et
ee
ay gs Sts Whee] RED

= Sieg
= 5% ~~ ss est oa
= —] cc- i—j i~] Det
Bie Oh ee, W five Ber Se
Ss) a a 5

————_—— —-_—--

46"

That

406

That thread wound light round
the bulb of the thermometer should
form a covering less warm than the
game quantity of wool, or other
saw materials of which the thread
is made, surrounding the bulb of
the thermometer in a more loose
‘woanner, and consequently occu-
pying a greater space, is no more
‘than what I expected, from the
idea I had formed of the causes of
the warmth of covering; but I
confess I was much surprised to
find that there is so great a differ-
ence in the relative warmth of these
two coverings, when they are em-
ployed to confine great degrees of
“heat, and when the heat they con-
‘fine is much Jess in proportion to
‘the temperature of the surround-
ing medium. This difference was
very remarkable. In the experi-
ments with sheep's wool, and with
woollen thread, the warmth of the
covering formed ‘of sixteen grains
of the former, was to that formed
of sixteen grains of the latter, when
the bulb of the thermometer was
heated to 70° and cooled to 60°,
as 79 to 46 (the surrounding me-
dium being at 0°) ; but afterwards,
when the thermometer had only
fallen from 20° to 10° of heat, the
warmth of the wool was to that of
the woollen thread only as 426 to
410; andin the experiments with
Jint, and with Jinen thread, when
the heat was much abated, the co-
vering of the thread appeared to
be even warmer than that of the
tint, though in the beginning of the
experiinents, when the heat was
much greater, the lint was warmer
than the thread, in the proportion of
80 to.46.

From hence it-should seem that
@ covering may, under certain
eircumstances, be very good for

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

confining small degrees of warmth,
which would be but very indiffe-
rent when made use of for confin-
ing a more intense heat, and vice
versa. This, I believe, is a new
fact ; and, I think the knowledge
of it may lead to further discove-
ries relative to the causes of the
warmth of coverings, or the man-
ner in which heat makes its pas-
sage through them. But I forbear
to enlarge upon this subject, till I
shall kave given an account of se-
veral other experiments, which I
think throw more light upon it,
and which will consequently render
the investigation easier and more
satisfactory.

With a view to determine how
far the power which certain bodies
appear to possess of confining heat,
when made use of as coveiing, de-
pends upon the natures of those
bodies, considered as chymical sub-
stances, or upon the chymical prin-
ciples of which they are composed,

I have made the following expe-

riments.

As charcoal is supposed to be
composed almost entirely of phlo-
giston, I thought that, if that prin-
ciple was the cause either of the
conducting power, or the non-
conducting power of the bodies
which contain it, I should discover
it by making the experiment with

charcoal, as I had done with various

other bodies. Accordingly, having
filled the globe of the passage-fher-
mometer with one hundred and
seventy-six grains of that substance
in very fine powder (it having
been pounded in «a mortar, and
sifted through a fine.sieve) the bulb
of the thermometer being surround-
ed.by this powder, the instrament
was heated in boiling water; and
being afterwards plunged into a

mixture

USEFUL PROJECTS.

mixture of pounded ice and water, ment with lampblack, and with very
the times of cooling were observed pure and very dry wood-ashes: the
as mentioned in the following table. results of which experiments were

AO7

I afterwards repeated the experi-

The Bulb of the Thermometer surrounded by

|

176 grains of 176 grains
fine powder of | fine powde
charceal,

Heat lost,

79"

gi”

95 91
100 109
139 136
196 192
331 321

_ 940 937

charcoal.

Exp. No. 24. Exp. No.25.

as under mentioned:

of
rot

307 grains of
pure dry wood
ashes,

195 grains of

lampblack. |

|

|

|

Exp. No. 26. | Exp No, 27.

124"

96"
118 92
164 107
164 136
257 185
394 Sik
1171 | 097

The experiment, No. 25, was
simply a repetition of that number-
ed 24, and was made immediately
after it; but, in moving the ther-
mometer about in the former ex-

iment, the powder of charcoal
which filled the globe was shaken
a little together ; and to this cir-
cumstance | attribute the difference
in ‘the results of the two experi-
ments.

In the experiments with lamp-
black and with wood-ashes, the times
taken up in cooling from 70° to
60° were greater than those em-
ployed in cooling from 60° to 50°.
This most probably arose from the
considerable quantity of heat cor-
tained by these substances, which
was first to be disposed of before
they could receive and communicate

to the surrounding medium that
WG» i

which was contained by the bulb of
the thermometer.

The next experiment I made was
with semen lycopodii, commonly
called witch-meal: a substance
which possesses very extraordinary
properties. It is almost impossible
to wet it; a quantity of it strewed
upon the surface of a bason of water,
not only swims upon the water
without being wet, but it prevents
other bodies from being wet which
are plunged into the water through
it; so that a piece of money, or other
solid body, may be taken from the
bottom of the bason by the naked
hand without wetting the hands
which is one of the tricks common-
ly shown by the jugglers in the
country. This meal covers the hand,
and, descending along with it to the
bottom of the bason, defendsit from

Cec4 the

408

the water. This substance has the
- appearance of an exceeding fine,
light, and very moveable yellow
powder, and it is very inflammable;
so much so, that being blown out
of a quill into the flame of a candle,
it flashes like gunpowder ; and it is
made use of in this manner in our
theaires for imitating lightning.
Conceiving that there must have
been a strong attraction between this
subsiance and air, and suspecting,
from some circumstances attending
some of the foregoing experiments,

The Bulb of the Thermometer surrounded by 256 grains of Semen Lycopodii.

Cooled.

Heat lost. a Heat
———— | acquired, ; [—————-—_.——
Exp. No. 28. Exp. No. 29. Exp. No. 30.
70° ae ose o*
60 146" 157" 10
50 162 160 123 68
40 175 170 30 63
30 209 203 40 76
20 284. 288 50 121
10 502 AoLS 0 316
—_ em =m 70 1585
Total times 1478 1491 _ 2459

In the last experiment (No. 30)
the result of which was so very
extraordinary, tbe instrument was
cooled to 0° in thawing ice, after
which it was plunged suddenly into
boiling water, where it remained
till the inclosed thermometer had
acquired the heat of 70°, which took
up no less than 2456 seconds, or
above 40 minutes; and it had re-
mained in the boiling water full a
minute and an half before the mer-
cury in the thermometer shewed the
Jeast sign of rising. Having at length

Cooled,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

that the warmth of a covering de-
pends not merely upon the fineness
of the substance of which the cover-
ing is formed, and the disposition of
its parts, but that it arises in some
measure from a certain attraction
between the substance and the air
which fills its interstices, l thought
that an experiment with semen lyco-
podii might possibly throw some light
upon this matter; and in this opi-
nion I was not altogether mistaken,
as will appear by the results of the
three following experiments.

Heated.

been put into motion, it rose very ra-
pidly 40 or 50 degrees, after which
its motion, gradually abating, be-
came so slow, that it took up 1585
seconds, or something more than
26 minutes, in rising from 60° te
70°, though the temperature of the
medium in which it was placed dur-
ing the whole of this time, was very
nearly 80°; the mercury in the ba-
rometer standing but little short of
27 Paris inches.
All the different substances which
I had yet made use of in these ex-
periments

USEFUL PROJECTS.

periments for surrounding or cover-
ing the bulb of the thermometer,
_ fluids excepted, had in a greater, or
in a less degree, confined the heat,
or prevented its passing into or out
of the thermometer so rapidly as it
would have done, had there been
nothing but air in the glass globe,
in the centre of which the bulb of
the thermometer was. suspended.
But the great question is, how, or
in what manner, they produced this
effect ?

And, first, it was not in conse-
quence of their own non-conducting
powers, simply considered ; for if,
instead of being only bad conductors
of heat, we suppose them to have
been totally impervious to heat, their
volumes or, solid contents were so
exceedingly small in proportion to
the capacity of the globe in which
they were placed, that, had they
had_no effect whatever upon the
air filling their interstices, that air
would haye been sufficient to have
conducted all the heat communi-
cated, in less time than was actually
taken up in the experiment.

The diameter of the globe being
1.6 inch, its contents amounted
to 2.14466 cubie inches; and the
contents of the bulb of the thermo-
meter being only 0.08711 of a cu-
bie inch (its diameter being 0.55 of
an inch) the space between the bulb
of the thermometer and the internal
surface of the globe amounted to
2.1440—60.087 11=2.05755 cubic
inches; the whole of which space
was occupied by the substances by
which the bulb of the thermometer
was surrounded in the experiments
in question.

. But though these substances oc-
copied this space, they were far
from filling it; by much the greater

4 e722

‘substances in question.

409

part of it being filled by the air
which occupied the interstices of the
In the ex-
periment No. 4, this space was oc-
cupied by 16 grains of raw silk ; and
as the specific gravity of raw silk is
to that of water as 1734 to 1000,
the volume of this silk was equal to
the volume of 9.4422 grains of wa-
ter; and as one cubic. inch of water
weighs 253,185 grains, its volume
was equal to 7234325=0.037294
of a cubic inch; and, as the space
it. occupied amounted to 2.03755
cubic inches, it appears that the silk
filled no more than about =; part
of the space in which it was con-
fined, the rest of that space being
filled with air.

In the experiment No. 1, when
the space between the bulb of the
thermometer and the glass globe,
in the centre of which it was con-
fined, was filled with nothing but
air, the time taken up by tbe ther-
mometer in cooling from 70° to 10°
was 576 seconds; but in the expe-
riment No. 4, when this same space
was filled with 54 parts air,and one
part raw silk, the time of cooling
was 1284 seconds.

Now, supposing that the silk bad
been totally incapable of conduct-
ing any heat at all, if we suppose,
at the same time, that it had no
power to prevent the air remaining
in the globe from conducting it, in
that case its presence in the globe
could only have prolonged the time
of cooling in proportion to the quan-
tity of air it had displaced to the
quantity remaining ; that is to say,
as 1 is to 54, or a little more than
10. seconds. But the time of cool-
ing was actually prolonged 708 se-
conds (for in the experiment No. 1,
it was 576 seconds, and io the ex-

periment

410

periment No. 4, it was 1284 seconds,
as has just been observed) ; and this
shews that the silk nov only did not
eonduct the ‘heat itself, but that ‘it
prevented the air by which its inter-
stices were filled from conducting it:
or, at least, it greatly weakened its
power of conducting it.

_ The next question which arises
is, How air can be prevented from
conducting heat? and this necessar-
ily involves another, which ‘is, ‘How
does airiconduct heat ?

Tf air conducted heat, as it is pro-
bable, that the metals and water,
and all other solid bodies and un-
elastic fluids conduct it; that is to
say, if its particles remaining in their
places, the heat passed ‘from one
particle to another, ‘through the
whole mass, as there is no reason to
suppose that the propagation of heat
isinecessarily in right lines, I cannot
conceive how the interposition of
sorsmall a quantity of any solid body
as =!; part of the volume of the air,
could have effected so remarkable a
diminution of the conducting power
of the air, as ‘appeared in the ex-
periment (No. 4,) with raw silk,
above mentioned.

If air and water conducted heat
inthe same manner, it is more than
probable that their conducting pow-
ers might be impaired by the same
means; but when I made the expe-
riment with water, by filling the glass
globe, in the centre of which the
bulb of the thermometer was sus-
pended, with that fluid, and after-
wards varied the experiment, by add-
ing 16 grains of raw silk to the wa-
ter, I-did not find that the conduct-
ing power of the water was sensibly
impaired by the presence of the'silk.

But we ‘have just seen that the
game'silk, mixed with an equal vo-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

lume of air, diminished its conduét-
ing power in avery remarkable de-
gree; consequently there is’ great
reason to conclude that water and air
conduct heat in a different manner.

But the following experiment, f
think, puts the matter beyond all
doubt.

It is well known that the power
which air possesses of holding water
in solution, is augmented by heat,
and diminished by cold; and that,
if hot air is saturated with water,'and
if this air is afterwards cooled, a part
of its water is necessarily deposed.
I took a cylindrical bottle of very
clear transparent glass, about,$ inches
in diameter, and 12 inches high,
with a short and narrow neck, and
suspending ‘a small piece of linen
rag, moderately wet, in the middle
of it, I plunged it into a large vessel
of water, warmed to about 100° of
Fahrenheit’s thermometer, where I
suffered it to remain till the con-
tained air was not only warm, ‘but
thoroughly saturated with the mois-
ture which it attracted from the lin-
en rag, the mouth of the bulb being
well stopped up during this time
witha good cork; this being done,
I removed the cork for a moment,
to take away the linen rag, and
stopping up the bottle again imme-
diately, I took it out of the ‘warm
water, and plunged it into a large
cylindrical jar, about 12 inches in
diameter, and 16 inches high, con-
taining just ‘so much ice-cold water,
that, when the bottle was plunged
into it, and quite covered by it, the
jar was quite full.

As the jar was of very fine trans-
parent glass, as well as the bottle,
and as the cold water contained in
the jar was perfectly clear, I could
see what passed in the bottle most

distinctly 5

eee

USEFUL PROJECTS. |

‘distinctly ; and having taken care
‘to place the jar upon a table near
the window, in a very favourable
Tight, I set myself to observe the
appearances which should take place,
‘with all that anxious expectation
which a conviction that the result
of the experiment must be decisive,
‘naturally inspired.

I was certain that the air con-
‘tained in the bottle could not part
with its heat, without at the same
time (that is to say) at the same
Moment, and in the same place,
parting with a proportion of its wa-
ter; if, therefore, the beat pene-
trated the mass of air from the
centre to the surface, or passed
through it from particle to particle,
in the same manner as it is probable
that it passes through water, and all
unelastic fluids, by far the greatest
part of air contained in the bottle
would part with its heat, when not
actually in contact with the glass,
anda proportional part of its water
being let fall at the’ same time, and
in the same place, would necessarily
descend in the form of rain: and,
though this rain might be too fine
tobe visible ia its descent, yet I
was sure I should find it at the bot-
tom of the bottle, if not in visible
drops of water, yet in that kind of
veloudy covering which cold glass
acquires from a contact with hot
steam or watery vapour.

Bat if the particles of air, instead
of communicating their heat from
one to another, from the centre to
the surface of the bottle, each in
its turn, and for itself, came to the
surface of the bottle, and there de-
posited its heat and its water, I con-
eluded that the cloudiness occasion-
ed by this deposit of water would
‘appear all over the bottle, or, at

!, mot: more of it at the bot-
Ais

411

tom than at the sides, but rather less;
and this ‘I found to be the case in
fact.

The cloudiness first made its ‘ap-
pearance upon the sides of the bot-
tle, near the top of it; and from
thence it gradually spread itself
downwards, till, growing fainter ‘as
it descended lower, it was hardly
visible at the distance of half an
inch from the bottom of the bottle;
and upon the bottom itself; which
was nearly flat, there was scarcely
the smallest appearance of cloudi-
ness.

These appearances, I ‘think, are
easy to be accounted ‘for. The air
immediately in contact with the
glass being cooled, and having de-
posited a part of its water upon the
surface of the glass, at the same time
that it communicates to it its ‘heat,
slides downwards by the sides of the
bottle, in consequence of its “in-
creased specific gravity ; and, taking
its place at the bottom of the bottle,
forces the whole mass of hot air up-
wards: which, in its turn, coming
to the:sides of the bottle, there de-
posits its heat and its water; and
afierwards bending its course down-
wards, this circulation is continued
till all the air in the bottle has ac-
quired the exact temperature of the
water in the jar.

From hence it is clear why the
first appearance of condensed ‘va- _
pour is near the top of the bottle,
as also why the greatest collection
of vapour is in that part, and that
so very small a quantity of it is
found nearer the bottom of the
boitle.

This experiment confirmed ‘me
in anopinion which I had for some
time entertained, that, though the
particles of air individually, or each
for itself, are capable ‘of Wace

an

412

and transporting heat, yet, in a qui-
escent state, or as a fluid whose
parts are at rest with respect to each
other, is not capable of conducting
it, or giving it a passage; in short,
that heat is incapable of passing
through a mass of air, penetrating
from one particle of it to another ;
and that it is to this circumstance
that its non-conducting power is
principally owing. yt

It is also to this circumstance, in
a great measure, that it is owing
that its non-conducting power, or
its apparent warmth when employed
as a covering for confining beat, is
so remarkably increased upon being
mixed with a small quantity of any
very fine, light, solid substance,
such as the raw silk, fur, eider-
down, &c. in the foregoing experi-
ments: for, as I have already ob-
served, though these substances, in
the very small quantities in which
they were made use of, could
hardly have prevented, in any con-
siderable degree, the air from con-
ducting, or giving a passage to the
heat, had it been capable of passing
through it, yet they might very
much impede it in the operation of
transporting it. ~

But there is another circumstance
which it is necessary to take into
the account, and that is, the attrac-
tion which subsists between air and
the bodies above mentioned, and
other like substances, constituting
natural and artificial clothing. For,
though the incapacity of air to give
a passage to heat in the manner so-
lid bodies and non-elastic fluids peér-
mit it to pass through them, may
enable us to account for its warmth
under certain circumstances, yet
the bare admission of this principle
does not-seem to be sufficient to ac-
count for the very extraordinary

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

degrees of warmth which we find
in furs and feathers, and in va-
rious other kinds of natural and ar-
tificial clothing; nor even that
which we find in snow; for if we
suppose the particles of air to be at
liberty to carry of the heat which
these bodies are meant to confine
without any other obstraction or
hinderance than that arising from
their vis inertie, or the force neces-
sary to put them in motion, it seems
probable that the succession of fresh
particles of cold air, and the conse-
quent loss of heat, would be much
more rapid than we find it to be in
fact. ’

That an attraction, and a very
strong one, actually subsists between
the particles of air and the fine hair
or furs of beasts, the feathers of
birds, wool, &c. appears by the ob-
stinacy with which these substances
retain the air which adheres to
them, even when immersed in wa-
ter, and put under the receiver of
an air-pump; and that this attrac-
tion is essential to the warmth of
these bodies, I think is very easy to
be demonstrated.

In furs, for instance, the attrac-
tion “between the particles of air
and the fine hairs in which it is con-
cealed, being greater than the en-
creased elasticity, or repulsion of
those particles with regard to each
other, arising from the heat com-
municated to them by the animal
body, the air in the fur, though
heated, is not easily displaced; and
this coat of confined air is the real
barrier which defends the animal
body from the external cold. This
air cannot in the least carry off the
heat of the animal, because it is it-
self confined, by its attraction to the
hair or fur; and it transmits it with
great difficulty, if it transmits it *

all,

USEFUL PROJECTS.

all, as has been abundantly shown
by the foregoing experiments.
Hence it appears why those furs
which are the finest, longest, and
thickest, are likewise the warmest ;
and how the furs of the beaver, of
the otter, and of other like quadru-
peds which live much in water, and

the feathers of water-fowls, are able

to confine the heat of those animals
in winter, notwithstanding the ex-
treme coldness and great conduct-
ing power of the water in which
they swim. The attraction between
these substances and the air which
occupies their interstices, is so
great, that this air is not dislodged
even by the contact of water, but,
remaining in its place, it defends

the body of the animal at the same

time from being wet, and from be-
ing robbed of its heat by the sur-
rounding cold fluid ; and it is possi-.
ble that the pressure of this fluid
upon the covering of air confined
in the interstices of the fur, or fea-
thers, may at the same time increase
its warmth, or non-conducting pow-
er, in sucha manner that the animal
may not, in fact, lose more heat
when in water than when in air:
for we have seen by the foregoing
experiments, that, under certain
circumstances, the warmth of a co-
vering is increased, by bringing its
component parts nearer together,
or by increasing its density even at
the expence of its thickness, But
this point will be further investi-
gated hereafier.

Bears, wolves, foxes, hares, and
other like quadrupeds, inhabitants
of cold countries, which do not of-
ten take the water, bave their fur
much thicker upon their backs than
upon their bellies. The heated air
Occupying the interstices of the
hairs of the animal tending natural-

A13

ly to rise upwards, in consequence
of its increased elasticity, would
escape with much greater ease from
the backs of quadrupeds than from
their bellies, had not Providence
wisely guarded against this evil by
increasing the obstructions in those
parts, which entangle it and confine
it to the body of the animal. And
this, I think, amounts almost to 2
proof of the principles assumed re-
lative to the manner in which heat
is carried off by air, and the causes
of the non-conducting power of
air, or its apparent warmth, when,
being combined with other bodies,
it acts as a covering for confining
heat.

The snows which cover the sur-
face of the earth in winter, in high
latitudes, are doubtless designed by
an all-provident Creator, as a gar-
ment to defend it against the pierc-
ing winds from the polar regions,
which prevail during the cold sea-
son.

These winds, notwithstanding the
vast tracks of continent over which
they blow, retain their sharpness as
long as the ground they pass over is
covered with snow; and it is not
till, meeting with the ocean, :hey
acquire from a contact with its
waters, the heat which the snows
prevent their acquiring from the
earth, that the edge of their cold-
ness is taken off, and they gradually
die and are lost.

The winds are always found to
be much colder when the ground
is covered with snow than when it
is bare; and this extraordinary cold-
ness is vulgarly supposed to be com-
municated to the air by the snow ;
but this is an erroneous opinion ;
for these winds are in general much
colder thaa the snow itself.

They retain their coldness, be-

cause

ALA

cause the snow prevents them from
being warmed at the expence of
the earth; and this is a striking
proof of the use of the snow in pre-
serving the heat of the earth during
the winter, in cold latitudes.

It is remarkable that these winds
seldom blow from the poles directly
towards the equator, but from the
land towards the sea. Upon the
eastern coast of North America the
cold winds come from the north-
west; but upon the western coast
of Europe, they blow from the
north-east.

That they should blow towards
those parts where they can most
easily acquire the heat they are in
search cf, is not extraordinary ; and
that they should gradually cease and
die away, upon being: warmed: by
a contact with the waters of the
ocean, is likewise agreeable to the
nature and causes of their motion:
and if I might be allowed a conjec-
ture respecting the principal use of
the seas, or the reason why the pro-
portion of water on the surface of
our globe is so great, compared to
that of the land, itis to maintain a
more equal temperature in the dif-
ferent climates, by heating or cool-
ing the winds which at certain. pe-
riods blow from the great conti-
nents.

That cold winds actually grow
much milder upon passing over the
sea, and that hot winds are refresh-
ed bya contact with its waters, is
very certain; and it is) equally cer-
tain ‘that the winds from the ocean
are, in all climates, much more tem-
perate than those which blow from
the land.

In the islands of Great Britain
and Ireland, there is not the least
doubt but the great mildness of the
climate> is’ entirely owing: to. their

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

separation from the neighbouring.
continent by so Jarge a track of sea;
and in all similar situations, inevery
part of the globe, similar causes are
found to produce similar effects,

The cold north-west winds, which:
prevail upon the coast of North-
America during the winter, seldom
extend above 100 leagues from the
shore ; and they are always found to.
be: less violent, and less piercing, as
they are further from the land.

These periodical winds from the
continents of Europe and North
America, prevail most towards the
end of the month of February and
in the month of March; and I con-
ceive that they contribute very es-
sentially towards bringing on an
early spring and a fruitful sammer,
particularly when they are very vio-
lent in the month of March, and
if at that time the ground is well
covered with snow. The whole at-
mosphere of the polar regions be-
ing, as it were, transported into the
ocean by these winds, is there warm-
ed and saturated with: water: and,,
a great accumulation of air upon
the-sea being the necessary conse-
quence of the: long continuance of
these cold winds from the shore, up-
on their ceasing, the warm breezes
from the sea necessarily commence,
and, spreading themselves upon the
Jand far and wide, assist the return-
ing sun in dismantling the earth of
the remains of her winter-garment,
and in bringing forward into life all
the manifold beauties of the new-
born year.

This warmed air which comes in
from the sea, having acquired its
heat from a contact with the ocean,
is, of course, saturated with water ;
and hence the warm) showers of
April and May, so necessary to a
fruitful season.

The

USEFUL PROJECTS.

_The ocean may be. considered as

the great reservoir and equalizer of,
heat ;, and its. benign influences in,

preserving a proper temperature. in
the atmosphere, operate in all sea-
sons-and in all climates.

. The parching. winds from the
land under the torrid zone, are cool-
ed by a contact with its waters;
and, in return, the breezes from the
sea, which, at certain hours of the
day, come in to the shores in almost
all. hot countries, bring with them
refreshment, and, as it were, new
life and vigour both to the animal
and vegetable creation, fainting and
melting under the excessive beats of
a burning sun. What a vast track
of couptry, now the most, fertile
upon the face of the globe, would
be absolutely barren and uninhabi-
table on account of the excessive
heat, were it.not for these refresh-
ing sea-breezes! And is it not more
than probable, that. the extremes of
heat and of cold, in. the different
seasons, in the temperate and frigid
zones, would be quite intolerable,
were it not for the influence of the
ocean in preserving an equability of
temperature ?

And to these purposes the ocean
is) wonderfully well) adapted, not
only on account of the great power
of water to absorb heat, and the
vast depth and extent of the differ-
ent seas (which:are such, that one

summer or one winter could hardly:

be:supposed to have any sensible ef-
fect in: heating or cooling this. enor-
- mous mass); but also on account of
the continual circulation which is
carried on in the ocean itself, by
means of the currents whicli pre-
vail in it. The waters under the
torrid zone being carried by these
_ Currents towards the polar regions,

are there cooled by’a contact with

AIS

the cold winds, and, having thus:
commuopicated) their) heat to these
inhospitable, regions, return towards
the equator, carrying’ with them: re-
freshment forthoseparchingclimates:
The wisdom and goodness of:
Providence: have’ often:been | called!
in question with regard to the dis«:
tribution of land and: water upon
the: surface: of our globe; the vast
extent of the ocean having been
considered as a proof! of the little
regard that has been paid'‘to man
in this distribution. But, the more
light we acquire relative to the real’
constitution of things, and the va-
rious uses of the) different: parts’ of
the visible creation, the less we
shall be disposed to indulge our-
selves in:such frivolous criticisms.

Specification of the Patent granted to
Mr. Charles William Ward, of Hat-
ton-Garden, Middlesex, for his Me-
thod of changing the Smoke, or Va-
pour, arising from the Conbustion of
many Kinds of Substances, into
various useful Materials. Dated.
March 15, 1792:

hid all. to. whony these presents
shall.come, &c. Now; know»
ye, that: I the said: Charles William:
Ward, in compliance with the pro-
viso in the said letters: patent con-
tained, do hereby describe and as-
certain: the: nature of my: said: in-
vention of a method of changing:
the smoke, or. vapour, arising from
the combustion: of many-kinds: of}
substances into various useful’ ma~
terials, according to the substances:
burot,. as follows::—All smoke, or
vapour, from the combustion of
different bodies, is capable of being:
decomposed) or condensed ; but as
the yapours, according to the sub-.

: stance

416

stance they proceed from, require
to pass through cold water, the
steam of boiling water, or to be
contined some time in cold vessels
before they can be condensed, the
change cannot be effected by any
method hitherto known, because
none of them is capable of making
the vapour pass through water, or
of confining it long enough for it
to condense, without choaking up
the draught of air necessary for the
burning of the fires. My invention
supplies this defect, by making a
constant draught from the fires, and
causing the vapour to pass through,
or be retained in, proper vessels, a
sufficient time for it to condense.
This is effected by connecting the
aperture of the chimney or chim-
neys, with the condensing vessels,
or chambers, by means of tubes or
pipes ; then is to be placed, either
between this connection, or behind
the condensing vessels, any machine
or machines, whose principle de-
pends upon the known property of
all fluids rushing in to fill up the va-
cuum caused by their action ; that
is to say, air-pumps, water-pumps,
ventilators, bellows, air-machines,
&c. These, however different their
constructions, have all one common
principle, and therefore the applica-
tion of them, or others depending
upon the same principle, to effect
the purpose above mentioned, will
be an infringement upon my said
patent. The size, number, and con-
struction of the condensing vessels,
must depend upon the vapour to be
decomposed, as some vapours are
more difficult to condense than
others, and therefore require a
longer process, The apparatus be-
ing thus fixed, the substances to
yield the smoke, or vapour, are to
be set on fire under the chimney or

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

chimneys; and the machine, or
machines, set in motion by either
steam, engine, water, or horse-
wheel, &c. The vapour will be
drawn from the fires by the action
of the machine, and made to pass
through the condensing vessels, to
be decomposed. There must be
apertures at the end of the condens-

‘ing-vessels, if the pumping-machine-

is placed between them and the
chimney, to open and shut, for the
purpose of giving vent to the in-
condensable airs, which will com-
bine with the vapour in burning,
and pass with them through the
apparatus. If the machine is placed
behind the vessels, there will be no
occasion for those apertures. In
witness whereof, &c.

Specification of the Patent granted to

Mr. Hector Campbell, of the Parish
of St. Mary Magdalen, Bermondsey,
an the County of Surrey, Chemist,
for his Method of destroying the
colouring Elements and Particles in
coloured Rags, and other Materials
used in muking Paper.

Dated Nov. 28, 1792.

FTO all to whom these presents
shall come, &c. Now, know
ye, that, in compliance with the
said proviso, I the said Hector
Campbell do hereby declare, that
my said invention of an improved
method of destroying and taking
away all the carbonic, oleaginous,
and colouring elements and par-
ticles in linen, cotton, hemp, and
in all coloured rags and other ma-
terials used in making paper, in a
manner hitherto unattempted in
this kingdom, and at a much less
expence than any method pow in
use, is described in manner follow-
ingi—

USEFUL PROJECTS.

ing: I the said Hector Campbell
having practised, and still practis-
ing, under circumstances, the me-
thod invented by the French
(which I believe I frst adopted for
absolute business in England) of
saturating atobof water, or aoy
other fit receiver, with oxygenated
muriatic acid, and applying this
liquor to a variety of bleachable
articles; in the year one thousand
seven hundred and ninety-one, I
took it up as a manufactory, and
applied it to whitening coloured
brown Hamburgh and other cheap
rags, both whole and in a reduced
state, for the purposes of selling
rags, pulp, and other materials for
meking paper. But notwithstand-
ing the previous use of an alkaline
ley, and, when the liquor was put
to the article, the revolution of the
vessels, and the variety of plans to
excite internal motion, suchas sticks
to catch and divide, internal re-
volving and up-and-down powers,
and levers to agitate and divide, all
of which I pr«ctised, I still found
the op+ration in preparing the said
materials for making paper, in point
of time, labour, inequality ot beau-
ty, and bleaching only to a cer-
tain degree, extremely imperfect.
Therefore, from numerous con-
siderations and experiments, and at
@ great expence of time, labour,
and money, I discovered the fol-
lowing improved method: Take
of rag, coloured or not, or pulp, or
any cotton, flaxen, hempen, or
other material fit to make paper,
and let the first consideration be
for what you want it, that is, how
valuable you intend to make the
article: wash the said material for
making paper. When the material
for making paper is wanted for

» making an inferior sort of paper, it

Vo. XXXIV.

417

does not require to be passed thro”
au alkaline ley previous to bleach-
ing, but may be bleached in the
manner hereinafter described.—
Should the material be wanted for
making better paper, it may be
passed through an alkaline ley,
cleansed from it, and then bleached
in manner hereinafter described ;
but this process of previously pass-
ing the material for making paper
through an alkaline ley, will not
bleach, in one bleaching, beyond
a certain degree, extremely inade-
quate to constitute superior excel-
lence. Therefore, to bleach the
material in the best manner, take
of either of the said materials for
making paper, and either pass it
through an alkaline ley previously
or not; then bleach it in the man-
ner hereinafter described; then
boil it in an alkaline ley (a solu-
tion of caustic pot-ash will answer
the purpose) : the time of boiling
and the strength of the ley must be
acjusied by the nature and quality
of the material, and the purpose it
is wanted for; then wash the alkali
from the material, and present it
again to be bleached. This pro-
cess will be sufficient ; but, to bring
the material to a great perfection,
it may be repeated alternately ;
but, after the material has been
alkalized, passing it through, or
having any thing to do with what
are termed the sours, or vitriolic
acid and water, or any other acid
and water, is unnecessary. Fine
materials are considerably improved
by bleaching, and then boiling in
alkali, and then bleaching again;
but more especially coarse, white,
or brown materials, such as have
never been coloured, will never
so well have their carbonic, oleagi-
nous and ligneous elements and

Dd particles

418

particles (with which they abound)
done away, or be brought to any
State of perfection, without the
above process of bleaching and boii-
ing. The vessel or receiver for
bleaching the material in, may be of
any shape or dimension, and made
of any substance capable of com-
pression and condensation. I do it
in receivers made of wood, in
glazed earthen vessels, and other
vessels, of any shape or dimension ;
and indeed it may well be done in
any receiver, the substance of which
is devoid of oil and metal, and not
subject to be materially affected by
the oxygen or acid. The quantity
of the materials to be bleached
should contain about its own weight
of water, the superabundant quan-
tity of water being pressed out.
The material must then be opened
by a machine, called by the cotton-
manufacturers a Devil, or some
machine of that nature. Then
distribute the material in the re-
ceiver thinly, on one or more frames
or Jayers, placing them so as not to
come in contact with each other;
or the material may be placed in
the body of the receiver, and turn-
ed round in it, so as that the
bleaching power may have a free
communication with all parts of
the material. Then close the re-
ceiver; make one or more holes,
or apertures, in the side, or other
part of the receiver, of a sufficient
size to admit the end or mouth of
aretort; then get one or more re-
torts, or other proper vessel; put
therein a substance containing oxy-
gen or vital air, which may be found
in many substances besides manga-
nese ; but as manganese particularly
abounds with oxygen, and therefore
2 guantity of it is ready made by

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

nature, take of manganese (such as
contains the most oxygen) a third
part of any given quantity, and mix
it with a proportion of two-third
parts of marine, or sea-salt; but this
proportion must be governed by the
aérated state of the manganese: mix
them well together, previous to their
being put into the retort, and, with
the manganese and sea-salt so mix-
ed, put in sulphuric or vitriolic acid,
of a quantity equal to, or rather
more than the sea-salt. Then join
the neck or mouth of the retort with
the receiver and lute it; or, if the
retort is tubulated, you may join it
to the receiver and lute it, before it
it charged as aforesaid. The num-
ber of retorts to be applied cannot
be ascertained, as they will depend
on the size of the receiver, and the
quantity of material put in to be
bleached. The retorts should rest
on sand kept continually heated for
working, or heat otherwise suffici-
ently communicated would do. The
bleaching willnow commence, which
should be continued until the ma-
terial is sufficiently whitened for
the purpose wanted, which may be
known by looking atit. Then take
it out, and add more material to be
bleached in the same manner, and
soon, again charging the retort, in
manner aforesaid, strong enough to
proceed; taking care that the ma-
terial to be bleached should never
wait for the bleaching power, or the
bleaching power be played upon a
material which is not bleachable.
And the material thus bleached
being immerged and washed in wa-
ter, to take away the acid contained
in it, becomes fit to be applied for
the purpose of making paper, and
may be proceeded on accordingly.
In witness whereof, &c.

An

USEFUL PROJECTS.

An Idea of making a Map of the
World on a larger Scale.

From Forrest's Voyage in the Mergui
Archipelago.

i the account of my voyage to
New Guinea, I forgot to men-
tion that, at my leisure at Mindano,
during the south-west monsoon, I
constructed upon two thick planks,
well pinned together, a map of the
world: it was 84 feet by 44, allow-
ing a margin; and when finished,
by cutting a strong outline to mark
both continents and islands (taken
from a small plain chart) it was hung
up in Rajah Moodo’s hall, where,
unless destroyed by fire, it is likely
long to remain; while paper maps,
had I had such to present him,
would, it is most likely, be lost,
tore, or neglected.

Since then, I have ofted said to
myself, during my solitary aquatic
travels, Why does nobody turn a level
verdant plain of a very few acres
into a map of the world? When
sometimes invention is stretched to
lay out grounds ,with taste in the
gardens of men of fortune, such a
thing surely would not either be
absurd or unuseful. I rather think
the contrary; the project could not
_ be attended with great expence,

would be pleasant and healthful to

young folks, especially in the exe-
cution, and make very young per-
sons expert in simple geography,
far beyond what they get from
books and maps even at a more ad-
vanced age.

Let a spot of level ground, three

\

419

hundred and sixty yards in length
from east to west, and one hundred
and eighty yards in breadth from
north to south, be inclosed by a
wall (in these directions) of a very
small height, perhaps one or two
feet; let thirty-six marks be made on
the east and west walls, and eight-
een be made on the north and south
walls, to fix the degrees uf longitude
and latitude at ten degrees, or six
hundred miles asunder; let four
pieces of oak timber be made, thirty
feet long, and eight inches square,
with holes bored in them at the dis-
tance of three inches, or five miles,
from one another: thus thirty-six
inches, or three feet, on this piece
of timber (which is easily trans-
ported and put under cover, and
which I call scale) area degree; and
the whole scale ten degrees, or six
hundred miles in length *.

These scales being placed upon or
stuck in the ground, at any of the
large divisions of ten degrees made
on the walls, and opposite to each
other, afford an opportunity, by cross
log-lines, or pack-thread, of deter-
mining the particular town, city, or
head-land, that is to be marked on
this map, in the same manner as
upon a sheet of paper on a table,
with a Gunter’s scale and a pair of
compasses.

The continents and islands may
be made in turf, the sea in gravel:
the boundary or outline may be a
hard terrace made of mortar, pieces
of slate fixed in mortar, or the
marrow-bones of bullocks; which
some forty years ago I have seen
beyond Whitechapel, used asa kind

* An equator and middle meridian of terras, made narrow ‘and low, and gra-
duated at each ten degrees, would facilitate the construction of the map, dividing
_ the whole into four, and admit the log-lines to be shorter,

d2 of

420

of fence near the turnpike-road
(this may be remembered by many);
or a border of common box mey
be planted, as is usual in many
gardens.

At particular places on this ocean
of gravel, posts may be fixed up,
indicating particular circumstances
of monsoons, trade-winds, and cur-
rents, &c. prevailing in particular
parts, to amuse the contemplative
owner, who, taking a few turns be-
fore breakfast on the surface of this
flat globe, ‘* Where Nature’s volume
is attempted to be widely exposed
to view” (as Thomson says) the
powers of his mind will expand,
and he will, I am persuaded, be
ofien inclined to say, “* This is ob-
vious: I see this circumstance in a
new light from what I formerly
learned from books and maps only.
Isee a passage from the Downs to
India is nothing: the difficulty dis-

appears, compared with the hard-,

sbips and fatigue of sailing in narrow
seas. Here seems to live kind ease;
while in a passage from London to
Newcastle, what with anchoring and
weighing every twelve hours, reef-
ing and handing of sails, heaving the
lead, &c. in a distance of less than
three hundred miles, and perhaps
seven or eight times in a summer,
a young man must learn the duty of
a seaman.” ’ Such reflections: will
naturally occur to the contemplative
mind, and many others of the same
nature. I therefore take upon me
to say, that the idea of making such
a map is worthy of a prince, and
within the reach of a private gentle-
man to put in execution. I think
it would very much adorn the villa
of the minister of a great commer-
cial nation; nay, even the palace of

royalty itself.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

On the Scabin Sheep. By Paul Treby
Treby, Esq. of Plympton, Devonshire.

From Annals of Agriculture, vol. 17+

Sir, Plympton, Nov. 2. 1791.
SEND you a recipe for the scab’
in sheep, which I have found in-

fallible.

gallons of brine,

gallons of urine,

lb. sulpbur vivum,

lb. white copperas,.

lb. roch alum,

Ib. stone brimstone,

Ib. leaf tobacco,

handful of fox-glove leaves,
ditto of broom twigs.

These ingredients to be boiled
until reduced to two gallons, and
then corked,

The wool should be parted on the
buds of scab, and a small quantity of
the mixture poured on them: this
should be repeated three or four
times, and wel] rabbed in,, I scaree-
ly ever knew this application fail the
first tine. My sheep running on a
common, where this disorder pre-
vailed very much, when first I kept
them, I found it very troublesome ;,
but I have now the pleasure, with:
this recipe, not only to find my own
sheep quite clear of it, but those of
my neighbours.

I use as much sublimate as will lay
on a shilling (I forget the weight) to
a quart of warm water, in which [
sometimes put a wine-glassful of spi-
rits of turpentine, for the worms in
sheep. My servant says this is too
strong, and that he often replenishes
his bottle with urine: it answers com-
pletely. I bave always experienced
that camphor alone expelled bugs.

Your devoted servant,
Pau T. TREBY.
P. 5.

DD ioheopledenii! ee OD 09

—

—_—

USEFUL PROJECTS.

P. S. I have written in such
haste, that I have forgotten to men-
tion that the mixture ought to sur-
round the part affected with the scab.

Method of curing Butter, practised
in the Parish of Udney, and its
Neighbourhood.

From the general View of the Agri-
culture of the Counly of Aberdeen.

Drawn up for the Consideration of

‘the Board.of Agriculture, by J.
Auderson, LL.D.

From the Repertory of Arts and Ma-
nufactures, iol. 1, p. 389.

PXHE following mode of curing

& butter is practised by some in

the parish of Udney, and that neigh-

_bourhood, whic! gives totheir butter

a great superiority above that of
others.

Take two parts of the best com-
mon salt, one part of sugar, and one
part of saltpetre; beat them up to-

_gether, and blend the whole com-
pletely. Take one ounce of this
composition for every sixteen ounces
_of butter, work it well into the mass,
,and close it up for use.

I know of nosimple improvement
in economics greater than this is,
-when compared with the usual mode
of curing butter by means of com-
mon salt alone. -I have seen the

experiment fairly made, of one part
of the butter made atone time being

A21

the other. The butter cured with
the mixture appears of a rich mar-
rowy consistence, and fine colour,
and never acquires a brittle hardness, »
nor tastes salt; the other is compa-
ratively bard and brittle, approach-
ing more nearly to the appearance
of tallow, and is much salter to the
taste. IJ have eat butter cured with
the above composition, that had
been kept three years, and it was as
sweet as at first; but it must be
noted, that butter thus cured «te-
quires to stand three weeks or a
mouth before it is begun to bewsed.
If it be sooner opened, the salts are
not sufticiently blended with it: and
sometimes the cooluess of the nitre
will then be perceived, which totally
disappears afierwards. ;

The pernicious practice of keeping
milk in leaden vessels, and salting
butter in stone jars, begins to gain
ground among some of the fine
Jadies in this county as well as else-
where, from an idea of cleanliness.
The fact is, it is just the reverse of
cleanliness; for, in the hands of a
careful person, nothing can be more
cleanly tban wooden dishes; but,
under the management of a slattern,
they discover the secret, which
stone-dishes indeed do not.

In return, these latter communi-
cate to tbe butter, and the milk,
which has been kept in them, a
poisonous quality, which inevitavly
proves destruciive to the human
constitution. To the prevalence of
this practice, I have no doubt, we

must attribute the frequency of
palsies, which begin to prevail jso
much in thie kingdom ; for the well
known effect, of the poison of lead
is, bodily debility, palsy, —death !

_ thus cured, and the other part cured
with salt alone: the difference was
-anconceivable: I should suppose that,
_ sim any open market, the one would
sell for thirty per cent. more than

Dd3 ANTIQUITIES.

a ee |

ANTIQUITIES.

Order of Council to the Lord Mayor
of London, in the Reign of Queen
Elizabeth. From Harrington's
Nuge Antique.

To the Lord Mayor of London.

Ae our right hartie com-
mendations, Whereas their
hathe bene of late printed and pub-
lished within that citie a certaine
libell intituled, ‘“‘ A discoveringe of
the gapinge gulphe,” &c. whearin
the author hathe not onlie verie con-
temptuouslie intermedled in matters
of state towchinge her Majesties
person, but alsoe vttered certaine
things to the dishonour of the Duke
of Aniou, brother to the Frenche
Kinge. Forasmuch as divers of the
said books havebene verie seditiouslie
cast abroade, and secretle dispersed
into the hands of sondrie of her Ma-
jesties subiects, as well the inha-
bitants of that citie as in other parts
of this realme; with an intencion,
as much as in them laie, to alter
the mind of her Highness good and
dewtifullsubiects, and to drawethem
into a suspition and misliking of
her Maiesties actions, as though the
same tended to the preiudice of the
realme, and subversion of the estate
of true religion (nowe a longe time,
by the goodnes of Almightie God,
4

and her Highness authoritie, as God’s
minister, established and contynewed
among vs) Albeit her Maiestie hathe
received such an assured opinion of
the loyaltie of her said subiects, and
speciallie of the inhabitants of that
her citie of London, that they will
not soe easelie give credit to any
suche secret’ synister devises tend-
ing to the impairing and defacinge
of her Highnes good proceedings,
especiallie in the pointe of religion,
where shee hathe willed vs to assure
you, that shee desireth no longer
life than shee shalbe a mayntayner
and vpholder of the same; yet for-
asmuch on the one parte yt beho-
veth her Maiestie in honour to have
soe notorious an iniure done to so
great a Prince, her neighbour, whoe
in suche kinde and confident sorte
(all respecte of perill and dainger
Jayd aparte) vowchsafed to do her
Maiestie that honor to come and
visit her, repaired by all the waies
and meanes that any waie can be
devised: soe on the othaur side, hir
Highnes is verie desireous, that as
hitherto shee hathe bene verie care-
full (as by her doings hathe well
appeared) to maintaine and conty-
newe this realme, bothe in matters
of policie and religion, in such quiet
and peaceable estate as hitherto shee
hathe done, and which never any

Prince

ANTIQUITIES.

Prince did more carefullie before ;
soe at this present yt sholde be
knowen vnto her subiects what her
Meaning is; not by any treating or
dealing with the said Duke of An-
iou, whoe, neither by himselffe nor
his ministers, dyd at anye time
presse her to doe anye thinge to the
preiudice of this state, to innouate
or infringe any thinge in the govern-
ment which shee hathe bothe estab-
lished, and hytherto, by God’s good-
mes and assystaunce maintayned
against sondry designes and com-
plotts of many enimes, of whome,
the Lord be thanked, there is at
present no souche great doubt as
was heretofore to be conceiued:—
For these and other good consider-
acions, to the intent that her said
subiects giue not any credit to
suche vntrewe and vaine suspitions,
her Highnes hathe at this present
caused a proclamation to be made
in ber name, to be printed and di-
rected thither to be published; at
the publishing whearof within that
citie and liberties in place aecus-
tomed, her Maiesties pleasure is,
that you the Lord Mayor, accom-
panyed with some good nombre of
the Aldermen your brethren, and
the Shrives nowe, as in like cases
hathe bene accustomed, shoulde be
presente; and further, for the bet-
ter confirminge of the inhabitants
of the said citie on her Maiesties sin-
cere meaning towards theme, and
the whole realme, it is alsoe thought
onuenient, and soe wee require
your Lordship to call the masters,
governors, and wardens of the com-
pany of the citie before you, and, in
hir Highnes name, to commaund
theme, that, appointinge some daie
as soone as convenientlie mai be, for
the assemblies in their seuerall halls

A423

of their companies, they doe cause
the said proclamation and contents
of these our letters to be openlie
red and published, chardginge all
and euerie person, vpon the penaltie
contayned in the said proclamation,
to bringe vnto the said master, go-
vernor, and wardens, all such the
said bookes, printed or written, as
they or any of theme maie have.
And bothe nowe, and frome tyme
to tyme hereafter, to signifie what
persons, to their knowledge, have,
or maai have, had any of the said
bookes; which bookes ye shall
chardge the said master, governor,
and wardens to bringe vnto you,
with the names of the parties and
manner how they came by theme,
except in cases where any person
shall willinglie bringe the same
themselves to lighte, to be distroyd
according to the content of the said
proclamacion. And therevpon shall,
with as muche speede as you con-
venientlie maie, perticulierlie cer-
tifie vs theirof, to th’ entent, if any
person shall be found culpable, wee
maie take such farther order as shal-
be thought expedient. And soe,
earnestlie chardging you that hear-
of their be no defalt, as youe tender
her Maiesties favour and will, vpon
your perill, aunswer the contrarie,
we byd you right hartelie farewell.
From Gydde-Hall, the 27th of Sep
tember, 1579.

Your Lordship’s
very loving freendes,
Bromtey, Canc.
Bos. LEYCESTER.
Cur. Hatton.
W. BurGHLey.
H. Hunpswon.
H. Sypney.
Fra. WALSINGHAM.

Dd4 Letler

AQ4

Letter from the Countess Dowager of
Nithsdale * to her Sister the Coun-
tess of Traquair, giving an Ac-
count of the Earl's Escape out of
the Tower in 1716.

[From Vol. I. of Transactions of the
Society of Antiquaries of Scot-
land.]

Dear Sister,

MA Lord's escape is now such
an old story, that [ have al-
most forgotten it; but since you de-
sire me to give you a circumsvantial
account of it, | will endeavour to
recal it to my memory, and be as
exact in the narration as I possibly
can; for | owe you too many obli-
gations to refuse vou avy thing that
lies in my power to do.

I think I owe myself the justice
to set out with the motives which
influenced me to undertake so ha-
zardous an attempt, which I des-
paired of thoroughly accomplishing,
foreseeing a thousand obstacles,
which never could be surmounted
but by the most particular interposi-
tion of Divine Providence. I con-
fided in the Almighty God, and
trasted that he would not abandon
me, even when all human succours
failed me.

I first came to London upon hear-
ing that my Lord was committed to
the Tower. I was at the'same time
informed, that he had expressed the
Zreatest anxiety to see me, having,
as he afterwards told me, nobody to
console him till I arrived. I rode
to Neweastle, and from thence took
the stage to York. When [arrived
there the snow was so deep, that the
stage could not set out for London.

ANNUAL REGISTER,

‘dear Evans.

1792.

The season was so severe, and the
roads so extremely bad, that the post
itself was stopt: however, I took
horses and rode to London through
the snow, which was:generallyabove
the borse’s girth, and arrived -safe
and sound, without any accident.

On my arrival, I went immediately
toimake what interest 1 could among
those who were in’ place. ‘No one
gave me any hopes; butall, tothe
contrary, assured me, that, although
some of the prisoners were to be
pardoned, yet my Lord would cer-
tainly not be of the number. When
I enquired into the reason of this
distinction, I could obtain no other
answer, than that they would ‘not
flatter me. But I soon perceived the
reasons which they declined alleging
to me. A Roman Catholic upon
the frontiers of Scotland, who head-
eda very considerable party; aman
whose family had always signalized
itself by its loyalty to the ‘royal
bouse of Stuart, and who was the
only support of the Catholics against
the inveteracy of the Whigs, who
were very numerous in that !part of
Scotland, would become an agree-
able sacrifice to the opposite ‘party.
They still retained a lively remem-
brance of his grandfather, who
defended his own castle of Carla-
verock to the very Jast extremity,
and surrendered it up only by’the
express command of his royal mas-
ter.—Now, having his grandson
in their power, they were deter-
mined not to let him escape from
their hands.

Upon this I formed the resolution
to attempt his escape; but opened
my intentions to nobody but toumy
In order ‘to concert

* This ‘sensible spirited Lady, who saved her-bushand’s life, ‘and preserved the
family estate for her sen, was the daughter of William Marquis of Powis.

measures,

—

ANTIQUITIES.

measures, I strongly solicited to be
permitted to see ‘my Lord; which
they refused to grant me, unless [
would remain confined with him in
the Tower. This I would not sub-
mit to; and alleged for excuse,
that my health would net permit
me to undergo the confinement.
The real season of my refusal was,
Hot to put it out of my power to ac-
‘complish my designs. However, by
bribing the guards, | often contrived
to see my Lord, till the day upon
which the prisoners were con-
‘demned ; after that we were al-
lowed for the last week to see and
take our leave of them.

By the help of Evans, I had pre-
pared every thing necessary to dis-
guise my Lord, but had the utmost
difficuliy to prevail upou him to
make use of them. However, I at
length succeeded, by the help of
Almighty God. j

On the 22d of February, which
fell on a Thursday, our petition was
to be presented to the House of
Lords; the purport of which was,
to interest the Lords to intercede
with his Majesty to pardon the pri-
‘soners. We were, however, dis-
‘appointed the day before the peti-
‘tion was to be presented; for the
Duke of St. Alban’s, who had pro-
mised my Lady Derwentwater to
present it, when it came to the
“point, failed in his word. However,
-as she was the only English Coun-
tess concerned, it was incumbent
“upon her to have it presented. We
‘had but one day left before the exe-
cution, and the Duke still promised

“to present the petition ; but for fear
“he should fail, I engaged the Duke
“of “Montrose, to secure its being
Wdone by the one or the other. I
‘then went in company of most of the
YJadies of «quality ~who were ‘then

AYS

in town,’to ‘solicit the interests -of
the Lords as they were going to the
House. They all behaved to me
wih great civility, but particularly
my Lord Pembroke, who, though
he desired me sot to speak to him,
yet promised to employ his interest
in our favour, and honourably kept
his word; for he spoke in the House
very strongly in our behalf. The
subject of the debate was, Whe-
ther the King had the power to par-
don those who had been cond: mned
by Parliament? And it was chiefly
owing to Lord Pembroke’s speech
that it passed in the affirmative:
however, one of the Lords stood
up and said, that the House would
only intercede for those of the pri-
sonets who should approve them-
selves worthy of their intercession,
but not forall of them indiscrimi-
nately. This salvo quite blasted all
my hopes; for I was assured ‘it
aimed at the exclusion of those who
should refuse to subscribe to the pe-
tition, which was a thing I knew
my Lord would never submit to;
nor, in fact, could I wish to preserve
his life on such terms.

As the motion bad passed gene-
rally, I thought I could draw some
advantage in favour of my design.
Accordingly, I immediately left the
House of Lords, and hastened to
the Tower, where, affecting an ‘air
of joy and satisfaction, I told all the
guards I passed by, that I came to
bring joyful tidings to the prisoners.
1 desired them to Jay aside their
fears, for the petition had passed the
House in their favour. I then gave
them some money to drink to the
Lords ‘and his Majesty, tho’ it »was
but trifling ; for I thought, that if I
were ‘too liberal on the occasion,
‘they might suspect my designs, and
that-giving them something would

gain

426

gain their good humour and ser-
vices for the next day, which was
the eve of the execution.

The next morning I could not
go to the Tower, having so many
things in my hands to put in readi-
ness ; but in the evening, when all
was ready, I sent for Mrs. Mills,
with whom I lodged, and acquainted
her with my design of aitempting
my Lord’s escape, as there was no
prospect of his being pardoned; and
this was the last night before the ex-
ecution. I told her that I had every
thing in readiness, and that [
trusted she would not refuse to ac-
company me, that my Lord might
pass for her. I pressed her to come
immediately, as we had no time to
lose. At the same time I sent for
a Mrs. Morgan, then usually known
by the name of Hilton, to waose
acquaintance my dear Evans has
introduce me, which [ look upon
as a very singular happiness, I im-
mediately communicated my reso-
lution to her. She was of a very
tall and slender make; so I begged
her to put under her own riding-
hood, one that I had prepared for
Mrs. Mills, as she was to Jend hers
to my Lord, that, in coming out,
he might be taken for her. Mrs.
Mills was then with child; so that
she was not only of the same height,
but nearly of the same size as my
Lord. When we were in the
coach, I never ceased talking, that
they might have no leisure to re-
flect. Their surprise and astonish-
ment, when I first opened my de-
sign to them, had made them con-
sent, without ever thinking of the
consequences. On our arrival at

the Tower, the first I introduced.

was Mrs. Morgan; for I was only
allowed to take in one at a time.
She brought in the clothes that

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

were to serve Mrs. Mills when she
left her own behind her. When
Mrs. Morgan had taken off what
she had brought for my purpose,
I conducted her back to the stair-
case ; and, in going, I begged her
to send me in my maid to dress me;
that I was afraid of being too late
to present my last petition that
night, if she did not come imme-
diately. I dispatched her safe, and
went partly down stairs to meet
Mrs. Mills, who had the precaution
to hold her handkerchief to her face,
as was very natural for a woman to
do when she was going to bid her
last farewell to a friend, on the eve
of his execution. I had, indeed,
desired her to do it, that my Lord
might go out in the same manner.
Her eye-brows were rather inclined
to be sandy ; and my Lord’s were
dark, and very thick: however, I
had prepared sore paint of the co-
lour of hers, to disguise his with.
I also bought an artificial head-dress
of the same coloured hair as hers ;
and I painted his face with white,
and his cheeks with rouge, to hide
his long beard, which he had not
had time to shave. All this provi-
sion I had before left in the Tower.
The poor guards, whom my slight
liberality the day before had en-
deared me to, let me go quietly
with my company, and were not so
strictly on the wateh as they usually
had been; and the more so, as they
were persuaded from what I had
told them the day before, that the
prisoners would obtain their pardon.
I made Mrs. Mills take off her own
hood, and put on that which I had
brought for her. I then took her
by the hand, and led her out cf my
Lord’s chamber ; and in passing
through the next room, in which
there were several people, with f

the

3

ANTIQUITIES.

the concern imaginable, I said, My
dear Mrs. Catherine, go in all haste,
and send me my waiting-maid; she
certainly cannot reflect how late it
is: she forgets that I am to present
a petition to-night ; and -if I let slip
this opportunity, Iam undone; for
to-morrow will be toolate. Hasten
her as much as possible; for I shall
be on thorns till she comes. Every
body in the room, who were chiefly
the guards wives and daughters,
seemed to compassionate me ex-
ceedingly ; and the centinel offici-
ously opened the door. When I
had seen her out, I returned back
to my Lord, and finished dressing
him. I had taken care that Mrs.
Mills did not go out crying as she
came in, that my Lord might the
better pass for the Lady who came
in crying and afflicted: and the
more so, because he had the same
dress which she wore. When I had
almost finished dressing my Lord in
ail my petticoats excepting one, I
perceived that it was growing dark,
and was afraid that the light of the
candles might betray us; so I re-
solved to set off. I went out Jead-
ing him by the hand; and he held
his handkerchief to his eyes. I spoke
to him in the most piteous and af-
flicting tone of voice, bewailing bit-
terly the negligence of Evans, who
had ruined me by her delay. Then
said I, my dear Mrs. Betty, for the
love of God, run quickly and bring
her with you. You know my lodg-
ing ; and, if ever you made dispatch
in your life, do it at present: I am
almost distracted with this disap-
pointment. The guards opened
the doors, and I went down stairs
with him, still conjuring him to
make ali possible dispatch. Assoon
as he had cleared the door, I made
him walk before me, for fear the

A27

centinel should take notice of his
walk ; but I still continued to press
him to inake all the haste he possibly
could. Atthe bottom of the stairs
I met my dear Evans, into whose
hands I confided him. I had be-
fore engaged Mr. Mills to be in
readiness before the Tower to con-
duct him to some place of safety, in
case we succeeded. He looked up-
on the affair so very improbable to
succeed, that hisastonishment, when
he saw us, threw him into such con-
sternation, that he was almost out of
himself; which Evans perceiving,
with the greatest presence of mind,
without telling him any thing, lest
he should mistrust them, conducted
him to some of her own friends,
on whom she could rely, and so se-
cured bim; without which weshould
have been undone. When she had
conducted him, and left him with
them, she returned to find Mr. Mills,
who by this time bad recovered him-
self from his astonishment. They
went home together; and having
found a place of security, they con-
ducted bim to it.

In the mean while, as I had pre-
tended to have sent the young Lady
on a message, I was obliged to re-
turn up stairs, and go back to my
Lord’s room, in the same feigned
anxiety of being too late; so that
every body seemed sincerely to
sympathize in my distress. When
I was in the room, I talked to him
as if he had been really present ;
and answered my own questions in
my Lord's voice as nearly as I could
imitate it. I walked up and down,
as if we were conversing together,
till I thought they had time enough
thoroughly to clear themselves of
the guards. 1 then thought proper
to make off also, I opened the
door, and stood half in it, that those

in

A2S

in the outward chamber might bear
what Isaid; but held it so close
that they could not look in. I bid
amy lord a formal farewell for that
night; and added, that something
more than usual must bave hap-
pened to make Evans negligent on
this important occasion, who had
always been so punctual in the
smallest trifles that Isaw no other
remedy than to-go in person; that,
if the Tower were still open when
I finished my business, I would re-
tura that night; but that he might
be assured [ would be with him as
early in the morning as I could gain
admitance into the Tower; and [
flattered myself I should bring fa-
vourable news. Then, before [
shut the door, I pulled through the
string of the latch, so that it could
only be opened on the inside. I
then shut ‘it with some degree of

force, that I might be sure of its
being well shut. I said to the ser-
vant as I passed by, who was igno-
rant of the whole transaction, that
he need not carry in candles to his
master till my lord sent for him,
as he desired to finish some pravers
first. ] went down stairs, and called
acoach. As there were several on
the stand, | drove home to my lodg-
ings, where poor Mr. Mackenzie
had been waiting to carry the pe-
tition, in case my attempt had
failed. I told him there was no
meed of any petition, as my Lord
was safe out of the Tower, and out
vof the hands of his enemies, as I
hoped; but that I did not know
where he was.

I discharged the coach, and sent
for a sedan chair, and went tto the
Duchess of Buccleugh, who: ex-
“pected me about that time, as 1 had

“begged of her to present the peti-
«tion for me, having taken my pre-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

cautions against all-events, and ask-
ed if she was at bome; and they
answered, that she expected me, and
bad another Duchess with her. Lre-
fused to go up stairs, as she +had
company with her, and J was not
in a. condition to see any other com-
pany. I begged to be shewn into
a chamber below stairs, and that
they would have the goodness to
send her Grace’s maid to me, ‘hay-
ing something to say to her. I had
discharged the chair, lest I might
be pursued and watched. When
the maid came in, I desired her to
present my most hamble respects to
her Grace, who they told me had
company with her, and to acyuaint
her, that this was my ouly reason
for not coming up stairs. I also
charged her with my sincerest thanks
for her kind offer to accompany me
when I went to present my peti-
tion. I added, that she might spare
herselfany further trouble, as it was
now judged more adviseable to
present one general petition in the
name of all: however, tbat I should
never be unmindful of my particu-—
Jar obligations to her Grace, which
I would reiuro very soon to acknow-
ledge in person.

I then desired one of the servants
to call a chair, and [ went to the
Duchess of Montrose, who had al-
ways borne a part in my distresses.
When I arrived she left her com-
pany to deny herself, not being
able to see me under the affliciion
which she judged me to bein. By
mistake, however, I was admitted ;
so there was no remedy. She came
to me ; and, as my hea:t was iman
ecstacy of joy, I expressed it in my
countenance as she entered the
room. I ran upto her in the trans-

“port of my joy. She appeared to
-be-extremely shocked and frig hted ;

and

ANTIQUITIES 429

and has since confessed to me, that
she apprehended my trouble had
thrown me out of myself, till I
communicated my happiness to her.
She then advised me to retire to
some place of security, for that the
King was highly displeased, and
even enraged at the petition that I
had presented to him, and had com-
plained of it severely. I sent for
another chair; for I always dis-
charged them immediately, lest I
might be pursued. Her Grace said
she would go to court, to see how
the news of my Lord’s escape was
received. When the news was
brought to the King, he flew into
an excess of passion, and said he
was betrayed; for it could not have
been done without some confede-
racy. Heinstantly dispatched two
persons to the Tower, to see that
the other prisoners were well se-
cured, Jest they should follow the
example. Some threw the blame
upon one, some upon another: the
Duchess was the only one at court
who knew it.

When I left the Duchess, I went
to a house which Evans had found
out for me, and where she proposed
to acquaint we where my Lord was.
She got thither some few minutes
after me, and told me, that when
she had seen him secure, she went
in search of Mr. Mills, who by this
time had recovered himself from
his astonishment; that be had re-
turned to her house, where she had
found him; and that he had re-
moved my Lord from the first place,
where she had desired him to wait,
to the house of a poor woman, di-
rectly opposite to the guard-house.
She had but one small room up one
pair of stairs, and a very small bed
init. We threw ourselves upon
the bed, that we might nor he heard

walking up and down. She left us _
a bottle of wine and some bread,
and Mrs. Mills brought us some
more in her pocket the next day.
We subsisted on this provision from
Thursday till Saturday night, when
Mrs. Mills came and conducted my
Lord to the Venetian Ambassador's.
We did not communicate the af-
fair to his Excellency; bu ore of
his servants concealed him in his
own room till Wednesday; on
which day the Ambassador's coach
and six was to go down to Dover
to meet his brother. My Lord put
on a livery, and went down’ in the
retinue, without the least suspicion,
to Dover, where Mr. Mitchell
(which was the name of the Am-
bassador’s servant) hired a small
vessel, and immediately set sail for
Calais. The passage was so re-
markably short, that the captain
threw out this reflection, that the
wind could not have served better
if his passengers had been flying for
their lives, litle thinking it to be
really the case. Mr. Mitchell might
have easily returned without being
suspected of having been concerned
in my Lord’s escape ; but my Lord!
seemed inclined to have himy con-
tinue with him: which he did, and
has at present a good place under
our young master.

This is as exact and as full an ac-
count of this affair, and of the per-
sons concerned in it, as I could pos-
sibly give you, to the best of my me-
mory ; and you may rely on the
truth of it.

For my part, I absconded to the
house of a very honest man in Dru-
ry-lane, where I remained till I
was assured of my Lord’s safe ar=
rival on the continent. I them
wrote to the Duchess of Buccleagh
(every body thought till then that I

was

430

‘was gone off with my Lord) to tell
her, that I understood I was sus-
pected of having contrived my
Lord’s escape, as was very natural
to suppose; that, if I could have
been happy enough to have done it,
I should be flattered to have the me-
rit of it attributed to me; but that
a bare suspicion, without proof,
could never be a sufficient ground
for my being punished for a suppos-
ed offence, though it might be mo-
tive enough to me to provide a
place of security; so I entreated
her to procure leave for me to go
with safety about my business. So
far from granting my request, they
were resolved to secure me if possi-
ble. After several debates, Mr.
Solicitor General, who was an ut-
ter stranger to me, had the huma-
nity to say, that, since Ishewed so
much respect to government as not
to appear in public, it would be
cruel to make any search after me:
upon which it was decided, that if I
yemained concealed, no further
search should be made ; but that if
I appeared either in England or
Scotland, [should be secured. But
that was not sufficient for me, un-
less I could submit to expose my
son to beggary. My Lord sent for
me up to town in such haste, that I
had no time to settle any thing be-
fore I left Scotland. I had in my
hands all the family-papers : I dar-
ed trust them to nobody. My house

might have been searched without

warning, consequently they were
far from being secure there. In
this distress, I had the precaution to
bury them under ground; and no-
body but the gardner and myself
knew where they were. _I did the
same with other things of value.
The event proved, that I had acted
prudently ; for, after my departure,

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

they searched the house; and God
knows what might have transpired
from these papers.

All these circumstances rendered
my presence absolutely necessary,
otherwise they might have been
lost ; for, though they retained the
highest preservation, after one very
severe winter (for, when I took
them up, they were as dry as if
they came from the fire-side) yet
they could not possibly have re-
mained so much longer without pre-
judice. Inshort, as I had once ex-
posed my life for the safety of the
father, I could not do less than ha-
zard it once more for the fortune of
the son. I had never travelled on
horseback but from York to Lon-
don, as | told you; but the difficul-
ties did not now arise from the se-
verity of the season, but from the
fear of being known and arrested.
To avoid this, I bought three sad-
dle-horses, and set oft with my dear
Evans and a very trusty servant,
whom I brought with me out of
Scotland. We put up at the small-
est inns on the road that could take
in a few horses, and where I thought
I was not known; for I was tho-
roughly known in all the consider-
able inns on the north road. Thus
I arrived safe at Traquair, where I
thought myself secure; for the
lieutenant of the county being a
friend of my Lord’s would not per~
mit any search to be made for me,
without sending me previous notice
to abscond. Here I had the assur-
ance to rest myself for two whole
days, pretending that I was going
to my own house with the leave of
the government; and sent no notice
to my own house, lest the magis-
trates of Dumfries might make too
narrow inquiries about me; so they
were ignorant of my arrival in the

country

ANTIQUITIES.

country till I was at home, where
A still feigned to have permission to
remain. To carry on the deceit
the better, I sent for all my neigh-
bours, and invited them to come
to my house. I took up xy papers
at night, and sent them off to Tra-
guair. It was a peculiar stroke of
Providence that [ made the dis-
patch [ did, for they soon suspected
me; and, by a very favourable ac-
cident, one of them was overheard
to say to the magistrates of Dum-
fries, that the next day they would
insist upon seeing my leave from
government. This was bruited
about ; and when I was told of it,
T expressed my surprise that they
had been so backward in coming
to pay their respects ; but, said I,
better late than never: be sure to
tell them that they shall be wel-
come whenever they choose to
come. This was after dinner; but
I lost no time to put every thing in
readiness, but with all possible se-
cresy, and the next morning, before
day-break, set off again for Lon-
don with the same attendants ; and,
as before, I put up at the small
inns, and arrived safe once more.
On my arrival, the report was still
fresh of my journey into Scotland,
in defiance of their prohibition. A
lady informed me that the King was
extremely incensed at the news;
that he had issued orders to have
me arrested; adding that I did
whatever I pleased, in despite of all
his designs; and that I had given
him more anxiety and trouble than
apy woman in all Europe. For
which reasons, 1 kept myself as
closely concealed as possible till the
heat of these rumours had abated.
In the mean while, I took the opi-
nion of a very famous lawyer, who
was a man of the strictest probity.

A3}k

He advised me to go off as soon as
they had ceased searching for me.
I followed his advice; and about a
fortnight after, I escaped without
any accident whatever.

The reason he alleged for his
opinion was this, that although, in
other circumstances, a wife cannot
be prosecuted for saving her hus-
band ; yet in cases of high treason,
according to the rigour of the law,
the head of a wife is responsible for
that of a husband ; and as the King
was so highly incensed, there could
be no answering for the conse-
quences; and he therefore entreated
me to leave the kingdom.

The King’s resentment was great-
ly augmented by the petition which
I had presented, contrary to his ex-
press orders; but my Lord was very
anxious that a petition might be
presented, hoping that it would be
at least serviceable to me. I was in
my own mind convinced that it
would answer no purpose; but, as I
wished to please my Lord, I desired
him to have itdrawnup ; and I un-
dertook to make it come to the
King’s hand, notwithstanding all
the precautions he had taken to
avoid it. So the first day I heard
that the King was to go to the draw-
ing-room, I dressed myself in black,
as if | had been in mourning, and
sent for Mrs, Morgan (the same
who accompanied me to the Tow-
er) because, as I did not know his
Majesty personally, I might have
mistaken some other person for him.
She staid by me, and told me when
he was coming. I had also another
Jady with me; and we three re-
mained in a room between the
King’s apartments and the draw-
ing-room; so that he was obliged
to gothrough it ; and, as there were
three windows in it, we sat in the

middle

A32

middle one, that I might have time
enough to meet him before he could
pass. I threw myselr at his feet,

and told him in French that I was
the unfortunate Countess of Niths-
dale, that he might not pretend to
be ignorant of my person. But,
perceiving that he wanted to go off
without receiving my petition, I
caught hold of the skirt of his coat,
that he might stop and hear me.
He endeavoured to escape out of
my hands; but I kept such strong
hold, that he dragged me upon my
knees from the middle of the room
tothe very door of the drawing-room.
At last one of the blue ribbons who
attended his Majesty, took me
round the waist, whilst another
wrested the coat out of my hands.
The petition which I bad endea-
voured to thrust into his pocket, fell
down in the scuffle, and I almost
fainted away ‘through grief and dis-
appointment.

One of the gentlemen in waiting
picked up the petition; andas [
knew that it ought to have been
given to the Lord of the Bed-Cham-
ber, who was then im waiting, I
wrote to him andintreated him to
do: me the favour toread the peti-
tio which I had had the honour to
present tohis Majesty. Fortunately
for me, it happened to be my Lord
Dorset, with whom Mrs. Morgan
was very intimate. Accordingly,
she went into the drawing-room,
and delivered him the letter ; which
he received very graciously. He
could not read it then, as he was at
cards with the Prince; but as soon
as. ever the game was over, he read
it, and behaved, as I afterwards
learned, with the warmest zeal for
my interest; and was seconded by
the Duke of Montrose, who had
seen me in the anti-chamber, and

vou desired,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

wanted to speak tome. But I made
him a sign not to come near me,..
lest his acquaintance: might thwart
my designs. They read over the
petition several times, but without
any success ;, but it became:the: to-
pic of their conversation the rest of
the evening; and the harshness
with which I had been treated soon
spread abroad, not much. to the ho-~
nour of the King. Many people
reflected, that they had themseives.
presented petitions to the late King,
and that he had never rejected any,
even from the most indigent ob-

jects; but that this behaviour to a

person of my quality, was a strong
instance of brutality.

These reflections, which circu-
lated about, raised the King to the
highest pitch of hatred and indig-
nation against my person, as he has.
since allowed: For when all the
Jadies whose husbands had been
concerned in the affair, presented
their petitions for dower, mine: was
presented amoog the rest; but the
King said I was not entitled to the
same privilege; and, in fact, I was
excluded; and it was remarkable
that he would never suffer my name
to be mentioned. For these rea-
sons, every body judged it prudent
for me to leave the kingdom; for, so
long as this hatred of the King sub-
sisted, it was not probable that I could
escape from falling into his hands.
I accordingly went abroad.

This is the full narrative of what
and of all the transac-
tions which passed relative to this
affair. Nobody living, besides your-
self, could have obtained it from me;
but the obligations I owe you, throw
me under the necessity of refus~
ing you nothing that lies in my
power to do.

As this is for yourself alone, your

indulgence

i

ANTIQUITIES.

indulgence will excuse all the faults
which must occur in this long re-
cital. The truth you may depend
upon. Attend to that, and over-
look all deficiencies.

My Lord desires you to be assured
of his sincere friendship.—I am,
with the strongest attachment, my
dear sister,

yours most affectionately,
(Signed)
WINEFRED NITHSDALE.

3 a.

Observations on the late Continuance
of the Use of Torture in England.
In a letter from George Chalmers,
Esq. F.R. and A. SS. to John
Topham, Esq.

From the Xth Volume of the Ar-
cheologia.

_ Office for Trade, Whitehall.
Dear Sir,

PRESUMED to think, that what-

ever had a tendency to trace
‘the modes of our government, or
to mark the improvemeut of our
freedom, would not be deemed
by you altogether unworthy of
your learned curiosity. And I
was thus induced to communicate
to you a copy of a warrant of
the privy council, as late as 1620,
for using torture on a_ person
who was suspected of treason ;
which, asa Jink connecting former
practice with subsequent dissue-
tude, may be regarded as an in-
structive document.

The following is an Authentic Copy
Srom the Record: *

“€ To the Lieutenant of the Tower
; of London.

“ Whereas Samuel Peacock was
Vor. XXXIV.

A33

heretofore committed prisoner to
the Marshalsea, and that now it is
thought fit, upon vehement suspi-
cion of high treason against his
majesty’s sacred person, to remove
him thence, and to commit him to
the Tower,—these shall be therefore
to will and require you to repair
to the prison of the Marshalsea,
and there to receive from the keep-
er of that house the person of the
said Samuel Peacock, and him
safely to convey under your cus-
tody unto the Tower of London,
where you are to keep him a close
prisoner until further order. And
whereas we have thought meet to
nominate and appoint Sir Henry
Montagu, Knut. Lord Chief Justice
of the King’s Bench, Sir Thomas
Coventry, Knt. his Majesty’s So-
licitor General, and yourself, to
examine the said Peacock, for the
better discovery of the truth of
this treason,—this shall be likewise
to authorise you, or any two
of you, whereof yourself to be
one, to examine the said Peacock
from time to time, and to put
him, as there shall be cause, for
the better manifestation of the
truth, to the torture, either of
the manacles or the rack; for

which this shall be your warrant.

And so, &c.
ary, 1619.”

Allow me to subjoin a few ob-
servations. The Lieutenant of the
Tower, who was thus’ entrusted,
was Sir Allan Apsley; the Privy
Counsellors, who directed that mea-
sure, and signed that warrant, were
the Lord Chancellor Bacon, the Kart
of Worcester, who was then Lord
Privy Seal, the Earl of Arundell,
the Lord Carew, Lord Digby, Mr.
Secretary Naunton, and Sir Edward
Coke; who, after he had ceased to

Ee be

The 19th of Febru-

A34

be Chief Justice, as a Privy Coun-
sellor sometimes sanctioned. prac-
tices, which he lived to condemn
as a writer.

But the silence of the record does
not allow us to suppose that the
king was either present, or knew of
this transaction.

When, Sir Edward Coke. pub-
lished his second Institute, he gave
it as his opinion, that. torture was
prohibited by the following words
of the great Charter: ‘* Nudlus liber
homo aliquo modo destruatur nist per
legale judicium parium suorum vel per
legem terre.’ Nevertheless, I fear
that if our criminal prcceedings,
from that great epoch to the ac-
cession of the Tudor family, were
searched with malicious diligence,
Many instances of torture would
be found, though Magna Charta
was, meanwhile, confirmed by se-
veral statutes. During the reigos of
the Tudors, torture was often used
upon slight occasions. Lord Bacon
relates of Queen Elizabeth, that
when she could not be persuaded
that a book was really written by
the person whose name it bore, she
said with great indignation, that she
would have him racked, to produce
his author. I replied, ‘* Nay, Ma-
dam, he is a doctor, never rack his
person, rack his style; let him have
pen, ink, and paper, and. help of
books, and be enjoined to continue
his story, and I will undertake by
collating the styles, to judge whe-
ther he were the author.” The
rack was shewn to Guy Fawkes on
his examination, as King James
relates. ‘Torture was used on Pea-
cock in 1620, as the warrant be-
fore mentioned evinces. When
Felton assassinated Buckingham in
1628, and the question was pro-
posed for discovering his accom-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

plices, the judges declared, that
consistent with law, torture. could
not be used, as Rushworth has
recorded. / Aaa

Such was the former practice;
and such the happy disuse of tor-

tore in England; Yet, in Scotland,

the rack continued. to terrify and.
debase the people for ages after~
wards. Sir George Mackenzie has
_a whole chapter Of Torture; shew-.
ing that the privy council, or the
supreme judges, could only use the
rack; how those were punished
who inflicted torture unjustly ; and
who were the persons that the law
exempted: and he insists thar all
lawyers were of opinion, that even
after sentence, criminals might be
tortured, for knowing their accom-
plices. Yet, be shews incidentally,
that though the practice of torture
continued in Scotland till the Re-
volution, yet the privy council re-
fused, in 1666, to order the Cove-
nanters to be racked after con-
demination ; assigning as a reason,
‘* Nam post condemnationem, judices
‘© functt sunt officio.”? The learned
Lord Stair contirms what Sir George

. Mackenzie had thus laid down be-
fore him.

It is very remarkable, that when
the parliament of Scotland framed
their claim of right, in April 1689,
they only declared, that the using
torture without evidence, or in or-
dinary crimes, is contrary to law.
It requires no elaborate conimen-
tary to prove, that when there was
evidence of extraordinary crimes,
torture might still be lawfully used
in Scotland subsequent to the Re-
volution. Jt was the union, and
the salutary spirit which that happy
measure brought with it, that freed
Scotland from the danger and re-
proach of using torture im any case.

And

ee a

ANTIQUITIES.

And it was the act of the British
parliament which was passed, in
1768, for improving the union of the
two kingdoms, that putan end to tor-
ture, by enacting, among other fa-
vourable regulations, that no person
accused of any crime in Scotland
shall be liable to torture.

Such are the observations which
hastily occurred to me on perusing
the before-recited warrant. It you
should think that document and
those observations would be ac-
ceptable to the Society of Antiqua-
Ties, you will be so good as to pre-
sent them, in the manner most re-
spectful to the members and most
agreeable to yourself. Allow me
only to add, that [I everam, with
sincere kindness, :

Your most faithful
and obedient servant,
Gero. CHALMERS.

On the Offices of Thane and Abthane.

[From V ol.1.of the Transactions of the
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.)

To the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Buchan.

My Lord, Friars Carse.
HE great deference | always
pay to your Lordship’s opinion
cencerping any thing relative to the
constitution and antiquities of Scot-
land, has induced me to request your
Lordship’s opinion upon some tre-
marks | have lately made on the title
of Thane, in Scotland; and the au-
thority that was annexed to that most
ancient aod honourable office, by
our kings and the estates in the ear-
lier ages of the Scottish monarchy.
A Thane, which signifies a ser-
vant, held (under the king) a juris
diction over a district called a
Thanedom, and afterwards a she-
riffdom, or county. His office was
to give judgment in all civil and

A35

criminal cases within his thane-
dom.

Upon perusing the claims of ne-
reditary jurisdictions in Scoiland,
when they were annexed to the
crown, in 1748, I find, that in the
year 1405, a precept was granted
by Robert Duke of Albany, Regent
of Scotland, for infefting Donald,
Thane of Calder, in his thanedom,
as heir at law to Andrew, Thane of
Calder, his father, to whom he had
previously been served heir, and
retoured in the heritable offices of
sheriff (or Thane) of Nairn, and
Constable of the castle of Nairn.
He was accordingly seised of his
lands and thanedom; and the sei-
sine is produced as a voucher in the
year 1748, to prove the fact. By
this it appears, that the Thanes of
Calder exercised a jurisdiction over
the thanedom, and afterwards she-
riffdom, of Nairn.

The title of Earl (an ‘English
dignity, derived from the Saxon
word Ehrc, signifying honour, and
the monosyllable, al?) was intre-
duced in Scotland, first, by Mai-
colm Canmore, and gained ground
to the prejudice of the more an-
cient title of Thane. ‘The title of
Earl was often granted without any
jurisdiction annexed to it: but the
dignity of Thane never. And this,
perhaps, was the chief reason for its
total disuse in the year 1476, when
William Thane of Calder, had his
thanedom erected into a free barouy
and regality. He was the last Thane
in Scotland; for the crown, to add
to its influence, then abolished this
dignity.

As to the very ancient title of
Abthane, I am more at a loss te
point out the nature and extent of
its jurisdiction. I find Crinam,
Abthane of Dull and the western

Ee2 isles.

A36

isles.
eldest daughter of Malcolm II, and
was father to Duncan I. King of
Scotland. He was considered as
the most powerful man in the
kingdom.

It is generally thought that he
exercised the office of chief justi-
ciar over the kingdom, perhaps in
a similar manner as it was exercised
by the family of Argyle, so late
as the year 1628, when the Lord
Lorn, heritable justiciar of a!l Scot-
land, did resign that high office to
King Charles I. i

In addition to the office of chief
jasticiar, Crinan, it is thought, was
the king’s steward over the crown-
Jands in the western isles, as well as
a large district on the main land of
Scotland, called Dull.

What the extent was of the
crown’s patrimony, called Dull, I do
not know; but, in the claim of Sir
Robert Menzies for the lordship of
Apin O'Dull, in 1748, the “Lord
Advocate, in his reply, says, that
the lordship of Apin O’Dull was
anciently a part of the patrimony
of the crown. And it is natural
to suppose that it was part of Cri-
nap’s Abthanedom.

The Lordship of Apin O’Dull,
as claimed by Sir Robert Menzies,
comprehends the lands situated in
the parishes of Weem and Dall,
and Logierait.

Crinan was the last Abthane in
Scotland; for his son, Duncan J.
appointed Bancho, Thane of Loch-
aber as his Dapifer or Seneschalus ;
and Malcolm Canmore appointed
Walter to the office of Dapifer
domini Regis, which became here-
ditary in his family, until they suc-
ceeded to the throne, in the person
of Robert II.

I shall be extremely happy to re-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

He married Beatrix the ceive your Lordship’s sentiments on

this subject, and am,
My Lord,
Your Lordship’s
most obedient servant,
Ropertr RIDDEL.

An Account of a Combat between the
Macphersons and the Davidsons.

From the same.

Colinton.
N the year 1291, Macdonald,
Lord of the Isles, and of part of
the highlands, sent his sister's son,
Angus Macintosh, chief of the Mac-
intoshes, to inform Dugal Dall
Macgillie Chattan, chief of the clan
Chattan, that the Lord of the Isles in-
tended to dohim the honour of a visit.
It was then expected, that when
this haughty Lord made a visit,
the host was to make an offer of
his own wife or daughter, accord-
ing to the’ situation of his family,
as a companion for the night to his
visitor. Macgillie Chattan knew
that this barbarous mark of respect
would be rigorously insisted on ;
and having an only daughter, and
desirous of shunning the disgraceful —
consequences Of the visit, he con- —
trived matters so, as to clap upa
marriage betwixt this daughter and —
Angus Macintosh, who had come —
as messenger from his uncle, Lord
of the Isles, to announce the in=
tended visit. By this match the ©
estate and chieftainship of the clan —

Chattan was transferred to Macin- —

tosh, who let the greatest part of
his new acquired estate to the Ca- ©
merons. But the Camerons had _
no sooner obtained possession, than —
they refused to pay the stipulated —
rent; and Macintosh, endeayour-
ing to compel them, many severe

conflicts —

ANTIQUITIES.

conflicts happened betwixt the two
clans, of which the most remark-
able was at Innernahavon, in Ba-
denoch. About the year 1296,
Macintosh having received advice
that the Camerons were assembling
their numerous clans and depend-
ents, to drive off his cattle, soon
collected a superior force, consisting
of several smaller clans, under the
general name of clan Chattan.
But, when the adverse hosts were
in view of one another, an unsea-
sonable difference arose betwixt
the Macphersons and Davidsons.
Though both agreed that Macin-
tosh should command the whole,
Macpherson of Cluny, and David-
son of Innernahavon, contested for
the next post of honour, each af-
firming that he was the eldest
branch of the clan Chattan. This
dispute being referred to Macin-
tosh, he gave his decision in favour
of Davidson ; which Cluny resented
so much, that he drew off his men,
who stood by, idle spectators, while
the Camerons overpowered the
Macintoshes and Davidsons, a part
of them being only saved by the
coming on of night. Macintosh,
taking advantage of the darkness,
sent his own bard towards the
camp of the Macphersons; but by
a circuitous route, as if he had come

_ from the camp of the Camerons,

There the bard, speaking as if in
the person of a Cameron, often
repeated the following sarcastic
lines :

Tha luchd na failleadh air antom,

San bolz-shuileach donn na dhraip:

Cha ba bhur cairdeas ruinn a bhann,

Ach ba bhur Jamhan a bhi tais.

The meaning of this is, the false
party are on the hillock, and the
man with big brown eyes (by this
expression was marked out Macin-

A37

tosh) in distress: it was not out of
friendship to us, but merely your
own cowardice. This reproach
nettled Macpherson so much, that
he called up his men, and, attack-
ing the Camerons that same night,
when he was least expected, made
a great slaughter, pursued them far,
and killed their chief, Charles Ma-
calonair, ata hollow place in the
hills; which, in memory of that
has been ever since known by the
name of Coire Thearlaich, 2. e.
Charles’s Caldron.

Though the above conflict termi-
nated the dispute with the Came-
rons, there arose another betwixt
the Macphersons and Davidsons,
that filled that part of the High-
lands with numberless disorders for
an hundred years; so that king
Robert III. found it necessary to
send the Earls of Crawford and
Dunbar, two of the principal noble-
men in Scotland, with an armed
force, either to reconcile or subdue
them. These two leaders, finding
that to subdue them would be dif-
ficult, and to reconcile them im-
possible, brought them at last to
submit to the only terms suited to
their own distempered dispositions.
These terms were, that their future
superiority should be determined by
the event of a combat of thirty of
each side. They were to fight in
presence of the king, with only
their broad swords, on the North
Inch of Perth.

When the appointed day arrived,
the Macphersons wanted one of
their number, It was proposed to
balance the difference by with-
drawing one of the Davidsons: but’
these were so earnest for a share of
the honour of the day, that none
of them would consent to be the
man let out. In this perplexity,

Ee 3 one

438 ANNUAL RE

one Henry Wynd, a sword-cutler,
commonly called An Gobhcrom,
3. e. the Stooping Smith, offered to
supply the place of the absent man
for a French crown of gold, about
seven shillings and six-pence ster-
ling. ‘This point being settled, the
combat began with all the fury of
enraged enemies; aad Henry Wynd
contributed much in making vic-
tory declare for the Macphersons ;
of which side, however, besides him-
self, there survived only ten, and
these all grievously wounded. Of
the Davidsons, twenty-nine were
killed, and only one of them being
anburt, jumped into the Tay, swam
across the river, and so escaped.
Henry Wynd went home with the
Macphersons, and was received as
one of their clan, His descend-
ants are called Sliochd a Ghobh-
eruim, 2%. ¢ the race of the Stoop-
img Smith. Smith of Balhary’s
motto, Caraid ann em Feum, “a
friend in time of need,’ seems to
allude to this piece of history.

It seems proper here to take no-
tice of two mistakes usual to those
who relate the above incident.
First, Henry Wynd is usually said
to have been a saddler ; but the ap-
pellation of the Stooping Smith,
ati}l continued to his posterity, suf-
ficiently proves. what was his occu-
pation. Sccondly, What is bere said
to have been done by the Davidsons,
is commonly attributed to the
Mackays. This last mistake pro-
ceeds from want of knowledge in
the Gaelic language ; the pronun-
eiation of Mac Dhai, Davidson,
wery much resembling that of Mac
Cai: but the clan Cai lived atia
distance from the clan Chattan, and
had no connection in what is above
elated.

GISTER, !7092.

Egyptian Antiquities in general.
From Nielbuhr’s Travels.

F all countries in the known

world, Egypt presents to cu-
rious observation the greatest num-
ber of monuments of remote anti-
quity. Various causes concur to
give this country the advantage
in this respect over every other
part of the globe.

A potent, rich, and enlightend
people, are naturally led to leave
some marks of their existence, and
some proofs of their prosperous
condition that may descend to the
latest posterity. We know, by the
unanimous testimony of the antients,
that the Egyptians have.been, from
time immemorial, a polished and
flourishing nation, before the com-
paratively recent period which we
regard as the era of ancient history.
Three thousand years have elapsed
since the memory of the authors of
many of the celebrated works in
Egypt was lost from. among the
traditions of priests. So ancient a
people must undoubtedly have had
a great share in the first population
and the civilization of the south of
Europe. All historians agree con-
cerning the splendid exploits of the
ancient Egyptians; and of such .a
people there cannot but remain
some vestiges in the country which
they inhabited.

It is true, that we have many de-
cisive proofs of the existence of
other nations in the remote ages of
antiquity, as powerful as the Egyp-
tians, and even more enlightened.
Yet, of those nations, no vestige
remains ; their buildings, and other
public works, are totally effaced.
The country which they cultivated
and embellished, is, at present,

a barren

ANTIQUITIES.

a barren desert, destitute of every

remains that might mark its ancient.

state, and inhabited, or rather ra-
vaged, by wandering barbarians.

Some physical cause must, there-
fore, have contributed to the pre-
servation of the antiquities of Egypt.
Such a cause is discernible in the
nature of the climate and of the soil.
The air is dry; rain seldom falls,
and frost is unknown. Wet and
cold, therefore, whose destructive
agency wastes away even the most
solid works of human construction,
have here no influence.

The soil of Egypt, too, might
furnish the inhabitants with the
most durable materials for building.
Through Lower Egypt, and in the
Tising ground on its confines, cal-
careous stones are found, of a par-
ticular species, and full of small ca-
vities. But of these, no building,
except the pyramids, has been con-
structed. In Upper Egypt, again,
where the surface is unequal and
elevated, are granites of all colours,
the bardest known. The ranges of
mountains are composed of granite ;
and it was, therefore, easy for the
Egyptians to employ in their build-
ings large masses of stone, of a na-
ture the most proper to resist the in-
fluewce of all unfriendly agency,
whether pbysical or moral. The
modern inhabitants of Egypt can-
not break a column of granite, to
employ it in building a cottage, as

. those of other countries break pillars

of marble, for similar purposes.
Besides, the ancient Egyptians
‘@ppear to have spared no expence

' or pains, in order to confer dura-

diliiy oo the works which they
reared. Their pieces of sculpture
are all saliant, and all of a size and
solidity, unusual in the buildings of
‘the other nations of antiquity. ‘The
inscriptions, although on so hard a
Species of stone, are so deeply en-

A39

graven, that the authors must cer-
tainly have incended them never to
te effaced.

Upper Egypt being more eleva-
ted than the Lower, must bave been
first inhabited. It seems to have
been the principal seat of the an-
cient Pharaohs, who were so pow-
erful and magnificent; for in it are
the most numerous and most superb
monuments of antiquity to be
found. Many travellers have de-
scribed these interesting ruins. Po-
cocke and Norden are the most e-
minent :—they have carried their
researches farthest, and have given
the most exact and particular de-
scriptions.

I had not great opportunity of
examining the curious antiquities of
Egypt. All that [ could bring away,
were a few of the figures that were
worshipped as idols, of bronze and
barnt clay; and these do no credit
either to the taste or the skill of the
Egyptian artists. In general, it ap-
pears that this nation never ex-
celled in the arts of design. Their
paintings are remarkable for no-
thing but glaring colours ; and their
sculpture is equally faulty in the de-
sign and in the figures.

Of the Pyramids.
From the same.

F the antiquities of Egypt, the

most astonishing, are, doubt-
less, the Pyramids. The eye, if
not pleased, is at least singularly
struck by the appearance of those
enormous masses.

The three principal pyramids are
seen from Cairo; and every strang-
er who arrives in that capital, is
tempted to approach and examine
them. We have a number of de-
scriptions of these pyramids alrea-

‘dy, and { shall not eacrease the num-

ber. I shall only mention some
Ee4 observations

440

observations, in which I am obliged
to differ from those who have gone
before me. ;

The pyramids stand upon the
first hill between Cairo and the
western bank of the Nile. In go-
ing thither from Geesh, we passa
considerable arm of that river, over
two beautiful bridges, consisting
each of ten arches. Between the
two bridges is a long dyke, of sub-
stantial mason-work. Several tra-
vellers represent the bridges as
works of the ancients. But the
Arabic inscriptions upon them,
prove them to have been built by
the Mahometans.

The traveller is astonished, and
feels his imagination in some mea-
sure expanded, when he arrives at
the foot of those prodigious masses.
It is from this circumstance, I sup-
pose, that the pyramids are thought
much bigher, on a first view, than
they actually are. My first care was
to measure them. This I performed
with all the exactness possible, a-
mongst a crowd of jealous and
troublesome Arabs, by whom I was
surrounded ; and found the largest
and foremost pyramid to be four
hundred and forty feet. I was sur-
prised to find the result of my mea-
surement so different from what
many otlter travellers bad given out
to be the height of this pyramid;
and was for some time uneasy about
communicating it to the public.
Upon my return to Europe, I
found in the Description of the

Plains of Heliopolis and Memphis, —

by Mr. Fourmont, the following
passage: ‘‘ Lord Charlemont, who
arrived in Egypt while I was there,
told me, that he had measured the
height of the foremost pyramid, and
assured me, that it was only four
hundred and forty-four feet.” The
agreement of this measurement
with my own, rendered me less

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

doubtful of the correctness-of my
operations. Veta

_ Those enormous masses are built
of soft calcareous stone, of the same
nature as the rock on which they
stand. It is presumeable, then, that
all the polished stone has been taken
from the same place, and wrought
at small expence. The fondness
for the marvellous, therefore, so
common to travellers, has caused
them to magnify the expence and
labour which those mountains of
hewn stone must have cost. With
the help of natural philosophy and
natural history, wonders of all kinds
are reduced to their true value.

To enhance the high ideas which
they hold out of the magnificence
of those monuments, various wri-
ters represent the pyramids as havy-
ing been once coated upon the out-
side with marble. But of this, I
could not, by any pains, discover
the slightest vestige. Beside the
third pyramid, indeed, some pieces
of granite are to be seen; but these
are neither large nor numerous
enough to afford reason for sup-
posing, that even one pyramid
could be covered with them. Those
blocks might perhaps serve as orna-
ments, and might possibly bear the
inscriptions, of which none are, at
present, discernible on the pyra-
mids, |

I entered the foremost pyramid,
and examined the large chamber,
with the coffer in it, of which all
travellers speak. But I did not
see the second chamber, which was
discovered immediately after our
departure, by Mr. Davidson, who
had accompanied Mr Montague in-
to Egypt. That chamber is thirty
feet above the first, and as large, but
not so lofty in the. roof. jai

The famous Sphinx is sinking
still deeper in the sand ; and a great
part of the body is already buried.

It

ANTIQUITIES.

It seems to be formed out of the
rock upon which the pyramid stands;
a circumstance which confirms my
conjecture concerning the place
from which the stones for building
the pyramids were carried. I
found the chin of the Sphinx to
measure ten feet six inches in height;
and the whole length of the coun-
tenance nearly eighteen feet.

The memory of the authors of
these stupendous and fantastic mo-
numents has been Jost some thou-
sand years since: the pyramids are
visibly decaying, and must perish in
their turn; although, if we may
judge of the’ future by the past,
several thousand years must still
elapse before their entire decay.

_ Of the Hieroglyphics.*
From the same.
VAHE most judicious and enlight-
ened authors of antiquity, a
part of whom had travelled into
Egypt, speak of this country in the
most favourable manner. They ce~-
lebrate the wisdom of its govern-
ment, and the knowledge of its in-
habitants. Such a country, which
must afford so much information
concerning the earliest revolutions
of human society, may well engage
our particular attention. It is na-
tural for us to wish to know its his-
tory and institutions. —

That we are at present ignorant
of all these things, is not the fault
of the Egyptians: no people on
earth were ever more anxious than
they to transmit to posterity the
memory of their revolutions, and of
their knowledge too, perhaps. No
country in the world contains more
inscriptions engraved upon stones
of the most durable nature, than

AAI

Egypt. But this pains to inform us,
has been rendered fruitless by the
imperfection of the mode of writ-
ing this peopleemployed. Instead
of characters expressive of the dif-
ferent sounds in their language, or
signs marking each a syllable, with
a determinate idea affixed to it, such
as the Chinese use: the ancient
Egyptians made use of emblems, to
mark ideas somehow referable to
them, although by a very forced and
distant analogy. This is what we,
after the Greeks, call Hieroglyphic
writing.

As the relation between allego-
tical figures and the ideas which they
are employed to represent, cannot
be at all times equally evident; and
as they depend often upon the way
of thinking peculiar to those by
whom the signs were invented, it is
plain, that writing of this sort can-
not be legible, without a key to ex-
plain the original signification of the
characters. Some of the ancients
have, indeed, explained a few of
those symbols; but we meet with
an infinite number of which nothing
can be known. The hieroglyphics
therefore, cannot be decyphered,
because we want the proper key.

When the Tadlet of Isis became
first known io Europe, some learn-
ed men attempted to explain it by
guessing from one figure the mean-
ing of another ; but their data were
insufficient.

Yet, I would willingly hope that
the key to those mysterious writings
of the ancient Egyptians may yet
be recovered, Various learned men
have displayed astonishing sagacity
and penetration in decyphering in-
scripticns in unknown languages,
where there has been a considera-
ble quantity of characters for them

* In our volume for 1768, p, 139, we have given from the French an explanation of

Egyptian Hierog)yphics.

to

442

to exercise their conjectures upon.
Travellers should, therefore, coilect
asmany as possible of the hiero-
glyphic characters and publish them
carefully, that we may thus be fur-
nished with more points of compa-
rison for those symbols, through a
greater variety of combinations.

The study of the ancient language
of Egypt would be equally necessa-
ty for this purpose. I suspect that
the true nature of the bieroglyphics
has hitherto been mistaken, while
all the symbolical figures and cha-
racters have been supposed to be of
the same sort. After copying a
considerable number of hierogly-
phics from obelisks, sarcophagi,
urns, and mummies, I began to
think I could perceive plainly that
the large figures were emblems, of
which the smaller might afford an
explanation. I thought I could also
distinguish, in these smaller hiero-
glyphics, some marks of alphabetic
characters, or at least of a mixed
species of writing, bearing some re-
semblance to the alphabetical.
Wherefore by the study of the lan-
guageof the Pharaohs, we may come,
with more ease, to decypher these
small characters.

The hieroglyphic _ inscriptions
are found chiefly in Upper Egypt,
where al] the monuments, and even
the walls of those superb temples,
which are siill standing, are co. ered
over with inscriptions of this sort.
It is not less common upon the
tombs of the mummies at Sakara.
The embalmed bodies. have covers
full of hieroglyphics ; and the se-
pulchral urns are marked with
them. Such as have been painted
upon wood and cloth are in as good
astate of preservation as those which
are engraven upon stone. It is
very probable, that, in the caverns

ANNUAL REGISTER, 17092.

of Sakara, if these were examined,
there are other more precious an-
tiquities.

To collect these scattered re-
mains, would be a matter of great
importance. But travellers, seem
to have neglected this care; orat
least to have misemployed_ their
pains uponit. They satisfy them-
selves with examining what can be
seen for money, by paying an infi-
del guide; but they use no means
to gain the friendship of the Arabs,
who rule in Upper Egypt. With-
out the good-will of this jealous race,
it must be impossible to make such
researches with ease or security.
The Arabs, if cured of their natu-
ral distrust, would assist, instead of
obstructing the curious researches of
strangers. But a person, who would
gain their friendship, must stay
longer in this country than is com-
mon for vhat tribe of travellers who
go into Egypt, merely that they
may say they have been there.

Other travellers are too indolent
to take the trouble of copying these
Strange and fantastic characters.
This task became irksome to me,
too, at first; but in a short time,
the hieroglyphics became so fami-
liar to me, that I could copy then
with the same ease as alphabetic
characters, and. found the task an
amusement instead of a toil.

But one cannot engage, particu-
larly in such pursuits, without ex-
posing one’s self to a variety of ine
conveniences among an ignorant
race, who regard Christians with
distrust ; and are always ready to in-
sult or abuse them. But we often
bring such troublesome accidents
upon ourselves, by neglecting to ac-
quire a sufficient knowledge of the
manners and language of the coun-
try.

I my-

ANTIQUITIES.

I myself often met with such in-
conveniences in copying hierogly-
phics at Cairo, where the people are
More mischievous in their disposi-
tions thanin the country. Going
to make a drafi, at one time, of a
piece of curiosity that struck me, I
carried with mea Mullah for protec-
tion. ‘The street in which it stood
Was very much frequented; and a
crowd of people drew round us;
but, without ‘offering any insult,
only admired my European dexte-
rity in writing with a pencil without
ink. A saradgi, however, one of
a body of soldiery, somewhat of the
character of bussars, in the service
of the Beys, came up, and, to shew
his consequence, attacked me with
abusive language. The Mullah ad-
vised me to go away, before the
fellow should proceed to strike me.
I returned at another time: and, to
secure myself against a similar in-
terruption, gave a trifle to a saradgi,
whe was standing near. But ano-
ther saradgi came up, and asked
me who had given me permission to
write there ? He whom I had paid,
answered, “ my master.” The
other replied, that ‘* his master for-
bade me.”? <A third time | return-
ed, and had nearly finished my copy,
without disturbance, when the
Imam of a mosque observed how I
was employed, and made a noise
that obliged me to retire. ‘Tbus
should I have been disappointed of
my purpose, if I bad suffered myself
to be discouraged, and not opposed
coolness and patience to their teaz-
ing and mischievous arts.

At another time, when I was
drawing sketches of some fragments
that stood before the governor's
house, I was suffered to proceed,
without interruption, for several
ours. But at last the governor

AA3

sent a saradgi to carry me before
him: When I appeared, he asked
my reason for copying the Pharaonic
inscriptions. When I bad explained
it to bim, he took my paper, and
shewed it to the nobles about him,
who laughed at the vain curiosity
of the Europeans. The saradgi
carried away my paper; and when
I asked it from the governor, he
told me that I might have it from
the saradgi when I chose. This I
understood to be a hint to give the
fellow a present; and accordingly
presented him with a crown; upon
which I bad my papers restored,
and obtained leave to copy the rest
of the inscription. '

That which is the greatest curio-
sity, and contains the greatest num-
ber of hieroglyphics, is, a coffer of
black granite, seven feet long, stand-
ing near the old castle, Kalla el
Kabsch. It was this coffer that I
had to come and go so often to, be-
fore 1 could get a drawing of it made.
Pococke and Maillet mention it by
the name of the Fountain of Trea-
sures, or the Fountain of Lovers,
A part of those inscriptions is cover-
ed over with plaster; for this fine
piece of antiquity now serves as a
cistern for water. This seems to
have been the coffer of some person
of distinction.

A similar coffer was dug up
twenty years ago, and was conveyed
to Cairo, to be placed in a mosque ;
but it was broken in bringing it
ashore at Bulak. The fragments
were placed around a tree before the
governor’s house; and while they
were in that situation, I made a
draught of them.

I was told that similar coffers
stood at the entrance of several
other mosques, containing, in like
manner, hieroglyphic inscriptions:

but,

AA4

but, not being permitted to approach
near enough to those mosques, I
could Jearn nothing positive about
them.

I copied the inscriptions from a
broken obelisk, and from some urns
of white alabaster, of which Nor-
den has given representations. The
French consul permitted me to make
a drawing of a very interesting piece
of antiquity at his house. It was
the wooden lid of a coffin that had
contained a mummy, and was co-
vered all over with hieroglyphics,
and with other characters that had
some appearance of being alphabe-
tical. But as Cairo was not the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

place in which such inscriptions
were to be found in the greatest
abundance, I could not copy so
many of them as I should have
wished to do.

To facilitate the explanation of
the hieroglyphics, I have made out
a table of such as occur most fre-
quently in all inscriptions. It may
be farther remarked, that certain
figures or characters occur oftener
upon the obelisks; and others,
again, upon the fragments of tombs.
This fact may be of some use in
helping to an understanding of the
meaning which they were intended
to convey.

MISCELLANEOUS

( 445 ).

MISCELLANEOUSESSAYS.

Thoughts on Physic and Physicians,

From the European Magazine.

Dum tentat pulsum vene, dum stercora
versaty
Fullitur & fallit: sed non discriminis equa
Conditio. Llle miser moritur (causamque
canendi
calvis prebet, caldisque cucullis
Hic alius, contra,sceleris mercederecepta,
Causatur superos, & satis imputat ipsis
(Si quis obit) \etusque implet multo zre
crumenam.
Zodiac. Vit. 4 Palingenio.

wy young physician who wish-
es to come into practice very
speedily, should always set out with
anew theory. If he could attempt
to prove that the blood does not
circulate, he would be most cer-
tainly a made man. He should
make, too, some wonderful disco-
very in some little article of diet;
for instance, he should attack the
wholesomeness of salt, of bread, or
of the inside of a sirloin of beef in
preference to the outside. He
should attempt something singular
in his manner; he may be either
very brutal or very polished, as he
pleases. Radcliffe told Mead one
day, on the latter’s starting for prac-

tice, ‘* There are two ways, my
boy, for a physician to treat his
patients; either to bully or to cajole

them: I have taken the first, and

done very well, as you see; you
may take the latter, and perhaps do
as well.”

Skill in pursuits not very conso-
nant to medieal ones, now and then,
has a great effect in procuring prac-
tice; it has been found to have been
of great use to affect fox-hunting,
boxing, &c. Singularity* is what
affects the general run of mankind
with wonder; and from wonder to
admiration the transition is obvious.
A physician too should never affect
ignorance of the cause of any com-
plaint ; he should even place it in
the pancreas, or the pineal gland,
if he has no other place ready for it.
He must always be ready with an
answer to every question that a
lady puts to him; the odds are,
that she will be satisfied with it;
he must not care whether there be
or be not a possible solution of it.
I remember hearing a lady ask her
apothecary, from what substance
castor oil (the oleum palmz Christi)
was made; he, unembarrassed, said,
it was made from the beaver.—I
did not expose his ignorance, but

* Dr. Taylor being consulted on the complaint of an infant who had aschixrous
liver, forbade the use of potatoes, which he pronounced was a species of the deadly
nightshade. The sickly infant is become a stout man; and, in spite of the Doctor,
has been as great an eater of potatoes ay any Trish giant,

desired

AAO

desired his partner to advise him
to be more cautious another time.
A lady was one day very anxious
to know ‘how long she should be

ill_—** Madam,”’ replied the phy-

sician, ‘‘ that depends on the dura-
tion of the disease.’—‘* Much ob-
liged to you, Doctor, for your in-
formation,” was the iady’s wise
answer.

A physician should never negiect
to take his fee; it is astonishing
how the aurum sokdum quickens
his faculties, and sets them to work
with double effect. A celebrated
physician at Bath, lately deceased,
upon not finding himself better for
his own prescriptions, said laughing-
ly to a friend one day, ‘‘ Come, I
think I will give myself a fee; I
am sure [ shall do better then.” The
Doctor put his band with great so-
lemnity into his pocket, and passed
ever a guinea to the other hand;
this had the desired effect. The
same physician, on receiving the
last fee be took in this world, a few
days before he died, said, holding
it up with streaming eyes toa friend
that was nearhim, ** Ultimus Ro-
manorum, my good friend,”—The
late Dr. Ward used to call physi-
cians. “ the Scavengers of the Hu-
man Race;” and so indeed they
are when they condescend to visit
a dram-drinking, woman, or a cra-
pulous man, withthe apparent at-
tention with which they would visit
a person. in a pleurisy or a putrid
fever. A late physician of Bath
(who was.a fine gentleman, as well
as a good scholar andeminent physi-
cian) when sent for to a patient who
indulged himself in strong drink,
used to enquire of what particular
liquor be was: fond, and to make
him drink it well diluted with water,
after he had given him a pretty

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

strong vomit. This, of course, ra-
ther indisposed the patient against
his beloved potation for some time.
Dr. Radcliffe, who indulged him-
self not unfrequently with a bottle
or two of claret, was oace called
unto a lady who had the same pro-
pensity, but who was drunk. The
Doctor, who was in the same situ-
ation himself, but who little dreamt
of the lady’s condition, approached
the bed-side, and finding himself
unable to feel her pulse, stammered
out (speaking of himself) ‘ Devil-
ish drunk, indeed!”’ The lady’s
maid, who was present, thinking
the Doctor had said this of her lady,
whispered him, ‘‘ Indeed, Sir, you
have hit upon my mistress’s disor-
der; she is apt now and then to
take a litle too much wine.”? The
Doctor now had his cue, prescribed
as well as he could to her particular
complaint some emetic tartar and
warm water, and bustled out of the
room as well as he could.

A very singular story is told of
this celebrated practitioner. He
used to go to some coffee-house in
the ciiy, where he gave bis advice
gratis, or for half a fee. A cele-
brated miser who lived near Lon-
don, to save his money, presented
himself before him in a shabby coat,
and with a very fine nosegay, which
he gave to the Doctor (who was
fond of flowers) telling him that he
was a poor man, and had nothing
better to give him for his advice.
The sagacious physician, who knew
him through. all his disguise, asked
him if he did not live near Chelsea,
and if he had ever seen Mr.
(the disguised gentleman’s real
name). On his telling him that he
knew him very well, ‘‘ Well then,”
added he, “ when you see him,
give my compliments to him, a

. te

—————————— Sl ee

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS.

tell him that Old Nick will have him
ere three weeks are past.’—The
person went home, and, as the story
goes, died within the time, to com-
plete his friend’s prediction.

To some court-iady, who was
much oppressed with a nervous
complaint, then called Vapours, who
asked him what she was to do to
get rid of them, he said, ‘* Your
Grace must either eat and drink
less, take exercise, take physic, or
be sick.””

_ It has always been found of great
use to physicians to be of some sect
in religion: he is in general pretty
sure of those that belong to it, and
to some other patients out of curio-
sity. He should be a Catholic, a
Presbyterian, a Quaker, a Sande-
manian, a Swedenborgian, or a Jew,
(in this country, indeed, he may
pick and chuse)., The ‘hee and thou
of the Jate Dr. John Fothergill, of
London, was supposed to be worth
two thousand pounds a year to him
at Jeast. A physician (if be hap-
pens to be sent for by a nobleman
or a lady of quality) should never
cease telling his poor plebeian pa-
tients of his being called in by a
person of that rank. He should
tell his wondering patients of the
compliments that were paid him
on his skill by this very discerning
person; and should mix up some
anecdotes of the great family for
his patients with as much nicety as
he would compose a box of pills,
It has oftentimes been of use to a
physician to give good dinners and
suppers, and card-parties and balls
at bis house; the allure of good
cheer and amusement is very often
as good a bait for a patient as a
May-fly is fora trout. If, however,
he wants immediate practice, and
does not very much care whether

447

it is continued or not, a pamphlet
atiacking some ancient axiom in
medicine or in diet, or the mere
dressing up old doctrines in a new
manner and in a new stile, will do
extremely well.

A very celebrated broehure upon
health, written some years ago,
brought into its author’s pocket, in
three months only, one thousand
guineas—the Doctor, however, made
a full stop there ;—and an excellent
physician at Bath (then the father
of the waters) said, that in conse-
quence of the excessive temperance
into which many foolish persons
had too suddenly thrown themselves
from the contrary extreme, the sa-
lutary springs (over which he pre-
sided) were, in the year in which
this pamphlet came out, more fre-
quented than he had ever known
them. So wonderfully sagacious is
crude and inexperimental theory,
and so fatal at last to the Doctor as
well as his patient.

With Eton and Westminster, and
classical persons, the idea of a physi-
cian’s being a good scholar, has great
weight: as if the putting together
with difficulty in a particular lan-
guage, what is perhaps not worth
telling’ in any, dispheyed much
strength of thinking or aeuteness of
mind. This is, however, thought
of so much consequence by some
physicians in England, long after
they have quitted their classical] pur-
suits, that they pay some indigent
scholar to put their thoughts inte
elegant Latin for them.

So much for the arts, not the art
of physic !—that art, so complicated,
so difficult, so useful and honourable,
when practised with skill and imie-
grity, that the rant of Pliny respect-
ing it is bardly byperbolical, ‘* Dais
primum inventores suos assignavit

medicina

AAS

medicina ceeloque dicavit ;"—and, ac-
cording to Rhasis (to whom, as a
professor, some allowance might be
made when he speaks of his art)
“ Medicina tota est Dei, © est res
venerabilissima.”

I may, perhaps, in another Jetter,
have a touch at the patients,

CaRBONARIUS.

Friendly Hints relative to the Modern
Practice of Physicians.

Bu an Old Patient.

From the same.
——Quaque ipse miserrima vidi,
Et quorum pars magna fui. Vrrain.

Notre credulité fait toute leur science,
VOLTAIRE,

MS‘ are never such dupes as
when they are ill, or fancy
themselves so. Physicians need not
possess talents, or have much know-
ledge of their profession ; it is suf-
ficient if they have skill and address
to captivate the understanding of a
few fashionable but weak women,
or if they write in quantity to satisfy
the avarice of apothecaries.

Ladies of the don ton must have
tonish physicians; and tonish phy-
sicians are useful to give. advice in
more things than one.

Women, especially old ones, are
quacks. These must be humoured;
by no means contradicted, at eave
abruptly. Partly by gratifying their
vanity, partly by surprising them, by
divulging some nostrums as wonder-
ful arcana, those physicians who have
the most knowledge of the world,
and the best talents for pleasing, will
ingratiate themselves into the good
opinion of females, when men of
profound learning, but awkward
manners, will be neglected. On
these occasions the nurses are en-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

titled to their share of adulation.
The fact is, that a case that requires
great penetration, does not occur
once in a hundred instances; and
Nature being left to herself, a physi-
cian often acquires credit where no
credit is due.

The recommendation of a bebither
physician is the most suspicious thing
imaginable, either for a consultation,
or to prescribe in the absence of the
family-doctor. In the first instance,
it is meant only as a cloke or a pre-
tence to enlarge fees. In the se-
cond, a man recommends one who
in his turn will recommend him; in
like manner as the master of the
Black Bear in one town will recom-
mend the publican of the White
Bear in another. If the apothecary
speaks well of a doctor, you may
be sure that Galen will not be spar-
ing to commend the drugs, and the
great care of the apothecary in pre-
paring them.

A London patient is sent to Tun-
bridge, Bath, or Bristol; but not till
the whole Pharmacopeia has been
exhausted. His physician, at tak-
ing leave, gives him the address of
a doctor who is in league with ano-
ther; and supposing him to have
great skill in the metropolis, he has
more than common at these places
—men who return the compliment,
when they have an opportunity. On
such occasions, the question may be
too direct: ‘*‘ To whom, Doctor,
do you trust yourself?” or, “ To
whose care do you commit your
wife and children, when you wish
to preserve them ?”

If money does not pass by way of
gratuity (and God knows whether
such largesses have not been made
to men extremely avaricious) the
London Esculapius may be gratified
in various ways; and if he is so ele-

vated

MISCELLANEOUS. ESSAYS.

vated as to be superior to the re-
commendation of the poor country-
doctor, baskets of game, and the
choicest fish at Christmas-time, are
not unacceptable presents to the
president or censor of the college.
For the faculty are no enemies to
high living ; and repletion, so dan-
gerous to their patients, is ren-
dered harmless by their preventa-
tives.

Nationality stands a young licen-
tiate in great stead. A Scotchman
says of Sawney, “‘ that he is the
brawest chiel that e’er stadied phy-
sicat St. Andrew’s or Aberdeen; ”’ an
Irishman prefers Paddy bred at Dub-
lin or St. Omer’s; whilst the sim-
pleton of an Englishman is gulled
by both, ‘and to shew his imparti-
ality, swallows every quack medi-
cine that is advertised; at one time
tries Animal Magnetism, at another,
with thesame alacrity, descends into
the earth-bath, and ascends the ce-
Jestial-bed. A seaman thinks the
navy the best schoo! for physic ; the
soldier.an army-hospital. A Scotch
diploma, conferred for a few pounds
ona navy or army-surgeon, is more
than equivalent to the most labo-
rious and learned education at Ox-
ford or Cambridge, and to all the
knowledge that can be obtained in
chemistry, in botany, in anatomy,
in the Materia Medica, both ancient
and modern.

The greatest duperie is, that the
Jess time and attention a noted phy-
sician can give to your case, the
more he is to be paid. The physi-
cian in the greatest practice in Lon-
don, who tires three pair of horses
in a day, and who (besides diurnal
Visits to great folks who pay him
annual pensions to meke it his in-
terest (0 prolong their miserable ex-
istence) sees sixty occasional pa-

Vor. XXXIV.

44g

tients in a day, and: receives from
many double fees, to tempt him to
come again, and neglect those who
pay him less—I say, such a lumi-
nary can allow only five minutes in
his rapid course, whilst another, not
arrived at a chariot, can bestow a
great part of the day or night to
watch your distemper, and give yeu
some small chance for) your life,
supposing drugs can save you.

Do what you can, the giorious
uncertainty of physic is a proverb,
and wiil continue to baffle to the
end of time the most expert prac-
titioners. The boldest, therefore,
are the most fortunate; at least the
dead (as in the case of murder) can
tell no tales.

In many respects, a physician
must make his.court not by silence,
bui by prying and telling all he
knows. A small part of his fee is
estimated a full consideration for
his advice, especially in chronic dis-
orders; the greatest part jis for
the news he picks up and dispenses,
whether public or private. ‘The
spirits of a hypochondriac lady are
wonderfully revived by a dose of
scandal well applied. As for the
apothecary, whose drugs bear no
proportion to the amount of his bill,
he likewise is paid for his tittle-
tattle.

A stale trick ought to be men-
tioned ;—that of a young physician
being called out of company by a
servant oc porter, as if he was sent
for in a great hurry by a patient in
the agony of death; when nobody
has required his assistance, nor is
likely to do so.

It remains that I offer an opinion
concerning the prognostics of a
physician’s skill. I say then, if you
employ aman that shews comaion
sense and penetration in other mat-

Ff ters,

450

ters, you have a chance of his pos-
sessing a reasonable share of the
learning to be acquired of the va-
rious seats of disorders, and the hid-
den powers of medicine.

‘* Acute diseases (said Dr. Ba-
thurst to Dr. Johnson) cure them-
selves; chronic diseases are never
cured.”

«© Why, Doctor (said Dr. Johnson
one day to Dr. Laurence) you phy-
sicians seem merely to be called in
to see your patients die, you do so
little.”

‘¢Why, Doctor (replied that learn-
ed and honest physician) a physi-
cian who has done little for his pa-
tient, passes in general a better night
than when he has done much, how-
ever it may be with the sick person.”

** Ars conjecturalis experimentis
nitens,” says Celsus of the medical
art ; and art indeed it is too often,
and not a science. ‘ Fiat experi-
mentum in corpore vili,” said one
French pbysician to another, when
poor Passerot, the celebrated French
scholar, was brought into the hospi-
tal of La Charite; ‘ Corpus non
vile est, Domini Doctissimi (replied
the patient, to the astonishment of
the two sons of Aésculapius) pro
quo Christus ipse non dedignatus est
more.”

Dr. Moore used to say, that ‘¢ at
least two-thirds of a physician’s fees
were for prescrihing to imaginary
complaints.”— Among several in-
stances of this nature, he mentions
one of aclothier, who, after lOng
drinking the Bath waters, took it
into his head to try the Bristol hot-
wells. Previous, however, to his
setting off, he requested his physi-
cian to favour bim with a leiter,
stating bis case to any brother Ga-
Jen. This done, the patient got
into a chaise and started.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

After proceeding about half way,
he felt an itch to pry into the con-
teots of the letter, when the fol-
lowing words presented themselves :
“* Dear Sir, The bearer is a fat
Wiltshire clothier ; make the most
of him,”’. It is unnecessary to add;
that his cure was from that moment
effected, as he ordered the chaise
to return, and immediately proceed-
ed home.

It has been said, that of all men
of letters who attach themselves to
any profession, none so willingly
quit their professional studies to en-
ter on other subjects as physicians.
Why physicians write so little on
their own art, is a question not ea-
sily to be resolved, unless we sup-
pose that, as they are better ac-
quainted with it than other persons,
they are the best able to judge of its
futility.

CARBONARIUS.

Detraction : a Vision.
From Coiton’s Pieces, in Prose
and Verse.

UPERIOR excellence is the ge-
neral mark for calumny ; and en-

vy is usually led to asperse what it
cannot imitate. A little mind is
scandalized at the pre-eminence of
its neighbour, and endeavours to de-
preciate the virtues which it cannot
attain to. Thus the distempered eye
is impatient of prevailing bright-
ness; and, by attempting to observe
the lucid object, inadvertently be-
trays its own weakness. Pride is
the fruitful parent of detraction :
and it is the unjust estimate which
men set upon themselves, that ge-
nerates in their minds this ridiculous
contempt of greater worth. Per-
sons of this unhappy complexion
regard

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS.

regard all praises conferred upon
another as derogatory from their
own value. The arrows of the
backbiter are generally shot in the
night ; and the most unspotted in-
nocence is the game of this infernal
destroyer. The heads of his darts
are imbrued in poison; and it too
frequently happens, that a small
wound proves mortal to the injured.
But to drop for the present these
figurative expressions, I yvould only
observe, that it is pity a well-regu-
lated society cannot more effectu-
ally curb this impious licentious-
ness of those sons of darkness. | If
a wretch, necessitated by the cries
of a starving family to seek illegal
supplies of bread, shall make an
open attack on me, the law of the
tealm consigns such a pitiable ma-
lefactor to infamy and death. And
shall this miserable object of com-
Passion prove the victim of my re-
sentment, while the backbiter may
with impunity revel in the excesses
of his iniquity, and boast defi-
ance to all laws? As this is a topic,
however, which hath been descant-
ed upon by a variety of pens, I shall
endeavour to enliven it with the
air of novelty, by throwing my
further sentiments into the form
of a vision.

I found myself, during the slum-
bers of the night, in a very exten-
sive region, which was subject to the
jurisdiction of a fury, named De-
traction. The fields were wild, and
carried not the least appearance of
cultivation. The tops of the hills
were covered with snow ; and the
whole country seemed to mourn the
inclement severity of one eternal
winter. Instead of the verdure of a
pleasing herbage, there sprang up to
sight hemlock, aconite, and other
baneful plants. The woods were

ASL

the retreats of serpents; while on
the boughs were perched the birds
of night, brooding in most doleful,
silence.

In the midd!e of tbe plain was a
bleak mountain, where I discover-
ed a group of figures, which I pre-
sently made up to, The summit
presented the fury of the. place.
There was a peculiar deformity at-
tending her person. Her eyes were
galled and inflamed ; her visage was
swollen and terrible, and from her
mouth proceeded a two-edged sword.
A blasted oak was the throne which
she sat on; her food was the
flesh of vipers, her drink gall and
vinegar.

At a little distance from her, I ob-
served Ignorance talking loud in his
own applause ; Pride strutting upon
his tiptoes ; Conceit practising at a
mirror ; and Envy, like a vulture,
preying upon herself.

The multitudes who paid their
addresses to this fury, were a com-
position of all nations and profes-
sions, of different characters, and
various capacities. There was the
mechanic, the tradesman, the scha-
lar; but the most zealous votaries
consisted principally of old maids,
antiquated bachelors, discarded
courtiers, and the hike. Each
strove to ingratiate himself with
the fury, by sacrificing the most
valuable of his friends ; nor could
proximity of blood move com-
passion, or plead exemption from
being victims to her insatiable pas-
sion. Some addressed this infernal
Moloch with the very fruits of
their bodies, while others were tri-
umphantly chanting forth the ex-
tent of her power, and expatiating
on the numbers of her conquests.
At this incident arose in my breast
all the tender sentiments of hu-

Fr2 manity

452 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702. ©

manity that I ‘had ever cultivated ;
and I began to blame my criminal
curiosity, which ‘had prompted me
to ascend the mountain. But in
a few minutes the whole scene was
very agreeably reversed. For, to-
wards the southern boundaries, I
observed the clouds parting, the
sky purpling, and the sun breaking
forth in all its glory ; when imme-
distely there appeared marching to-
wards us Good-nature, in all ber
pomp and splendor, arrayed like a
sylvan nyinpb, and blooming with
unstudied graces. She was ofa fair
and raddy complexion, which re-
ceived additional beauty from the
frequent smi'es that she threw into
her countenance. On her right
hand shone Good-sense, with much
“majesty and diffidence in her mien.
She was an essential attendant on
the young Iady, who had never
yet appeared to such advantage as
when she was under ber more im-
mediate direction, On her left
was Generosity, carrying a heart
in her hand. The next that pre-
sented, was Modesty, with her eyes
fixed on the ground, and her cheeks
spread with roses, Then followed
a train of beauties, who, by the
unaffected charms of their persous,
made me desirous of a nearer in-
spection. Upon a close approach,
I discovered that they were a tribe
of British ladies, who were always
fond of appearing in the retinue of
the goddess, from whose indulgent
smiles they received an accessional
lustre to their charms. I then tarn-
ed my eyes towards the monsters
I have above described; the prin-
cipal of which turned pale, and fell
down in a swoon from her throne.

Pride shrunk into a shade: Envy
fell prostrate, and bit the ground ;
while Ignorance vanished like’a
morning-cloud before the rng
sun. As the goddess drew near, th
whole collection of fiends disap-
peared. The basilisk skulked into
the glade, and an oak on which the
fory was seated, budded forth afresh.
Wherever the goddess walked, the
flowers sprang up spontaneous at
her feet. The trees, surprised with
new-born life, displayed the enamel-
led blossom. ‘The tender roe was
seen bounding over the mountains,
and the little lamb: sporting on the
hills. Instead of the briar and the
thorn, there shot forth thé myrtle,
and every odoriferous' shrub. The
voice of the turtle was heard in the
groves; and the dales resounded
with the melodious harmony of
the nightingale. In a word, the
whole region confessed the hap-
py influences of the Deity, and
charmed in all the genial softness of
the spring.

Observations on the Passage from
India, commonly called * Over Land.

From Howell's Journal.

tne public service, as well as
the interest of many individu-
als, is materially concerned in the
knowledge of what may be the best
and most expeditious route between
India and this country. I shall not
waste the time of my readers by
advancing arguments in support of
a position so univerally admitted
as this is: I shall content myself
with reminding them of a fact, too
melancholy to have been entirely
forgotten, and which alone is a suf-

* As this expression, though extremely incorrect, is warranted by general use,
both in conversation and in writing, I presume that the reader will not require an
apology for its having been adopted iu this work.

ficient

;

MISCELLANEOUS

ficient proof of the importance of
@ speedy conveyance’ to our settle-
ments in the east.

At the conclusion of the late
war, in January 1783, advices were
sent to India of the cessation of
hostilities, both round the Cape of
Good Hope and over the great
desert of Arabia; but through the
delays to which conveyances by
those routes are unavoidably sub-
ject, the dispatches were not re-
eeived at Madras till the beginning
of July. On the 13th and 25th
days of the preceding month, six
months after the date of the pre-
liminary articles, above two. thou-
sand gallant men lost their lives in
engagements between the French
and British forces at Cuddalore,
beside those who fell im the action
between the two fleets about the
same time. This unnecessary ef-
fusion of blood would have been
prevented, if government, or the
India Company had possessed such
information on the subject of the
route to’ India, as would have ena-
bled them to have transmitted ear-
lier advice to their officers of the
important event of the peace.

I shall now proceed to the busi-
ness of this paper, which is to point
out as concisely as possible, the
superiority of the route by Con-
stantinople over those by Aleppo
and Cairo, which are considerably
more expensive of time and money,
without affording any greater secu-

‘ity to the person of the traveller

than that. which I.am about to re-
commend.

». Bhe most usual course of those
who now come from: India over

ESSAYS. 453
land, is by the great desert of Ara-
bia, over which they pass with the
caravans from Bussora to Aleppo
and Latichea ; at which latter place
they embark for some port of Italy
or France. To those who traveb
with much baggage, or who are un-
able to encounter fatigue, this route
will certainly be found convenient,
as a number of camels and horses
may always be procured, propor-
tionable to the quantity of baggage
the traveller carries with bim ; but
to those who are charged with pub-
lic dispatches, or whose affairs re-
quire expedition and economy, this,
perhaps, is the least suited of any.
The times whew caravans set out
to cross the great desert are uncer-
tain and rarely occur above once or
twice in a year; and, at the slow
rate at which loaded camels travel,
they seldom perform their journey
under fifty days. If to this you add
the tedious navigation of the Le-
vant seas, im which northerly. winds
prevail three-fourths of the year, it
will be pretty evident that this pas-
sage from India will engage the tra-
veller for at least nine months.

Another mode of crossing the
desert* is to hire a guard of forty
or fifty men, with whom you: set
out without waiting for a caravan.
This method appears to me the
most ineligible of any; the great
expence to which this: mode of tra-
velling must. be subject, is too obvi-
ous to need any particular details
neither is it necessary to dwell on
the well-known risk of being at-
tacked by the Arab plunderers, who
in parties of two or three hundred
infest the desert.

-

* The passage over the great desert is almost impracticable from the end of
April till the end of August, on account of the parching heat of the climate; which
few English constitutions are able to endure.

vis

Ff3

A third

454

A third mode of crossing the de-
sert is with four or five Arab guides.
This, I must confess, appears to me
preferable to the others, on account
of the cheapness and quickness of
the journey, which may be perform-
ed in this manner in twenty-two or
twenty-three days; but it is incom-
patiole with the carrying any large
quantity of baggage.

The passage up the Red Sea, and
over the little desert to Cairo, and
from thence down the Mediterra-
nean, bas been lately recommended
as more expeditious than the for-
mer. This, I believe, would be
really the case, if the winds were
favourable; but the fact is, that
northerly winds prevail in those seas,
at Jeast ten months of the year, ex-
cept in that part of the Red Sea
which is within the Tropic; besides,
the navigation of the Red Sea* is
replete with danger and difficulty,
which may eventually occasion a
greater loss of time than the more
slow, but more certain passage over
the great desert. However, packets
might be forwarded to India by this
route with as much celerity, perhaps,
as by any other; but if sent from
India this way, must be liable to
great and unavoidable delay.

The route [ should recommend,
in preference to the two already
mentioned, would be up the Persian
Gulph to Bussora, and from thence,
by the Euphrates, in a boat as far
as Hilla; then to Bagdad, and from
this last p!ace, with a Tatar or Cou-
rier, by Diarbekir to Constantinople.
Instead of embarking here, | would
proceed by land through Vienna to
Ostend, so as to be independent of
all the contingencies to which the

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

navigation of the Mediterranean is
liable. The whole. of the passage
from India might thus be performed
in a much shorter time than usual ;
and packets dispatched this route
to India might reach Bombay in
sixty: two days, provided the traveller
can bear fatigue, will content him-
self with such baggage only as is
essentially requisite, and submit, for
a short time, to the Turkish customs
and manner of living. This, I must
confess, would not be agreeable to
an unpractised person, and, I should
imagine, would net be attempted
‘without very powerful inducements.
The advantages of this route are
numerous; the traveller, at a small
expence, is provided with provisions,
and suffers no delay in waiting till
a caravan can be found, or escorts
collected. If he travels unincum-
bered with any other baggage beside
his mere necessaries, he avoids being
detained on the road by custom-
house officers ; and offers no tempt-
ation to robbers, who in this coun-
try are seldom guilty of violence for
a small booty. The face of the
country from Bussora to Constan-
tinople is greaily diversified, and
presents the curious traveller with
a variety of productions, customs,
climates, and romantic prospects,
which, by engaging the mind, be-
guile the length of the journey;
it also abounds in the necessaries of
life, and in that essential article,
water, the want of which has been
sometimes so painfully experienced
by the caravans of the desert.

From Constantinople it is prefer-
able to continue the route by land
through Vienna to Ostend, which is
practicable in a short time, without

* Tam assured by persons of great nayal experience, that vessels are sometimes

fous or five months working up to Buez.

7

any

—_—

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS.

any great inconvenience; and ob-
viates. the delay of waiting for a
vessel, which is afterward to be ex-
posed to the casualties of a voyage of
Do inconsiderable length

From England you may reach
Vienna in ten days, and Constanti-
nople, I presume, in fifteen days
more ; from thence you may go to
Bagdad by Diarbekir in twelve days,
and from Bagdad to Bussora*, in a
light boat along the Tigris, in four
days. If a vessel is ready there to
receive you, Bombay may be reach-
ed in twen'y-one days.

This, I am persuaded, is perfectly
practicable, if our ministers and re-
sidents at the different places make
use of their influence in preventing
unnecessary delays, and the person
charged with the packet is reward-
ed according to the diligence he has
shewn in the performance of the
joursey.

Obelisk of Sesostris at Rome.

From Wilcox’s Roman Conversations.

N their way to that part of the
Campus Martius, the eldest of

the young gentlemen conversed
much with his noble friend, on the
successive rise and fall of many
seats of science, Thebes, Memphis,
Alexandria, Babylon, Athens, and
Rome: not without bestowing on bis
own country the fond, patriotic wish
_Esto perpetua! Words worthy to be
the dying speech of every good man.

~

A55

He was repeating them with an
emphatic warmth, when the coach
stopped. Crito then led the com-
pany into a small back area, where
they saw that famous obelisk, to
‘which, as to an eternal monument,
the great Sesostis, in some measure,
consigned the history of his glory :
inscribing upon it the extent of his
enipire, and the number of his tri-
butary nations. They saw it over-
turned,—broken in several. frag-
ments,—half covered with filth and
rubbish,—omni inguinatum contu-
mela t,-——-and proportionately in as
Jow a state of ruin and humiliation
as the glory of its founder was ever
exalted; that proud and _ insolent
man, who so arrogantly styled him-
self ‘‘ king of kings,” and ‘* lord
of lords.’”

Two of its sides are entirely
maimed and obliterated by fire; in-
juries repeatedly received in the
times of Cambyses, Totilas, and
Robert of Normandy. On the other
two sides, and on its top, are several
inscriptions and figures, which may
justly be thought the most ancient
sculptures now extant in the whole
world}. They are of such excellent
workmanship, as plainly to demon-
strate that the Greek and Roman
art of sculpture was founded on the
primeval arts of Egypt. These
figures and inscriptions have been,
for many centuries past, utterly un-
intelligible.

The same fate attends all the
other monuments in Upper Egypt ;

* Timagine that the journey from Aleppo to Bussora over the desert, would be

much sooner performed, if the teaveller was to make directly for the Euphrates,
and take boat to go down the river to Bussora,

+ Phadr. L. ii, 21.

_ t The extreme antiquity of this obelisk will appear to the reader in a stronger
light, when he recollects that it was hewn into its present shape before any of the
pyramids were built, From Pliny’s accowat, this obelisk was the work of Sesostris;
and according to all the Greek historians, Sesostris was prior in antiquity to Cheops,
Cephren, or any of the builders of the pyramids,

Ps Ff4

for

456

for their ‘materials and fabric seem
eapable of an eternal duration’; yet
owing'to this defect, they have not
been able to preserve with certainty
even the names of most of their
founders.—These were the reflec-
tions of the young nobleman.

Perhaps, added he, the time may
come, when the Latin inscription
which Augustus had engraved on
the’ basis, which seeins as’ fresh as
if the sculptor had finished it but
last week, will be found as unin+
telligible as: these hierog!yphic cha-
yacters.

While the young nobleman was
expressing these sentiments, Crito
stood for some time in silence, fix-
ing ‘his eyes on the vast ruins of the
shaft of the obelisk.

“* Ts not this,” said he, “a strong
“emblem of the vanity of thegreat-
‘“est human grandeur?’’ Such is
become the monument and’ memo-
vial of the proudest of kings. How
awful is this spectacle! and how
instractive, not enly to the’ philo-
sophie moralist, but even to adh most
mortified saint !

Oh, sons of earth! atlemptye still to rise
By mountains. pil’d on mountains to the
skies?
Heay’n still, with laughter the vain toil
surveys,
Andibories madmen in theheaps they raise.

But what,—continued he, after
another short but solemn pause,—

what has become of the empire of

Egypt itself?

Ruined, like this obelisk;
fallen, never to rise again.

An example for ever to mankind,
that no excellence of situation (for
Egypt was almost as well situated
ss: any island) no degree of popu-
Tousness or power, of wealth or sci-
ence, is able to secure a vation from
ruin and perpetual servitude, when-

and

‘

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702:

ever the people, as was the caseinthe
decline of Egypt; shall for the love
of luxury quit the love’ of virtue’;
whenever its: governors’ shall think
wisdom to be consistent with: self-
interest and pride: thus despising
God, and injuring mankind; instead
of labouring witb joy to be the -be+
nefactors of their fellow-creatures,
and the dutiful servants of their
great and common Creator.

Saying this, Crito: looked with
his usual kindness on his pupil, and
repeated to him the following’ most
poetic lines of the Hebrew’ prophet;
leaving him'to judge which of the
great modern cities of the world
might most suitably bear the* appli+
cation,

Art thou better than the populouscity of
Ammon?

She that was seated among the waters »

The river of Egypt was her defence:

The sea was her dominion and riches.

Lybia and Africa were her helpers:

JEthiopia and. Egypt were her infinite
strength ;

Yet even she » ent into captivity:

Even she was destroyed utterly,

O my dear pupil, though I am no
prophet, let me contemplate, in ima-
gination, the probable history of
future ages,

Two thousand years hence, some
foreigners will perhaps be going up
the Thames, in search of antiqui-
ties; in the same manuer as Norden
lately went up the Nile.

Sailing by the ruins of Greenwich,
they will look to Flamstead’s hill’;

they will recollect the name of New-
ton, and of other ancient. English
astronomers: ‘* How is: this: island
‘« degenerated!” they will’perhaps
add, “It has not at present one
6c bial of mathematics, or of na-
“ tural philosophy}, in an of its
** pruvinees !?’ '

Rowing

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 457

_/Rowing then along the wides it is said to have been two thousan
spread desolation of London*, they y ears ago.
will pass through some arches of Rursus & in veterem fato revoluta figu-

its broken bridges, standing in the
middle of the stream. Qn the grassy
shore, perhaps they will view, with
admiration, the still remaining por-
tico of St. Paul’s, and perhaps one
of the towers of Westminster Abbey.
They will land there; and be shewn
the pool of water where Westmins-
ter Hall and the Parliament-Houses
stood. They will inquire in vain
for St. James's Palace. On search-
ing for it in a wrong place, they will
accidentally discover the portico of
St: Martin’s, then again in the
Fields :| they will find its columns
half buried in the earth.

If they continue their voyage up
the Thames, they will pass close by
the once elegant situation of the
brick-palace at) Hampton-Court,
without. knowing it. Advanced
some leagues farther, they will see
from. their boat the stately remains
of Windsor Castle: but perhaps
they will not venture to laod, for
fear of fa'ling into the hands of the
wild inhabitants of the neighbouring
woods. The same fear will damp
their desire of venturing so far as
to the much-celebrated, but little
known, ruins of Oxford.

And:do you really think, replied
the eldest of the young gentlemen,
that. the English can ever grow as
wild as the Arabs, or the Nubians?

It is by no means impossible, re-
plied. Crito: length of time and a
vatiety' of events may gradually pro-
duce.such a change. The English
nation two thousand years hence,
may. very possibly, be im the same
state of savage barbarism in which
Bi: 2
Anna lib. xiv. c. 33.

+ + Virgin. Hn, vi. 149.

ramt.

On the prevailing Opinion of a Sexuat
Character in Women, with Stric-
tures on Dr. Gregory's Legacy to
his Daughters. From a@ Vindiea-
tion of the Rights of Woman, By
Mary Wollstonecraft.

Bh speak disrespectfully of love,
is, 1 know, high treason against
sentiment and fine feelings: but
wish to speak the simple language
of truth, and rather to address the
head than the heart. To endeavour
to reason love out of the world,
would be to out-Quixote Cervantes,
and equally offend agatnst common
sense: but an endeavour to restrain
this tumultuous passion, and to
prove that it should not be allowed
to dethrone superior powers, or to
usurp the sceptre which the under-
standing should ever coolly wield,
appears less wild.

Youth is the season for love in
both sexes: but in those days: of
thoughtless enjoyment, provision
should be made for the more im-
portant years of life, when reflection
takes place of sensation. But Rous+
seau, and most of the male writers
who have followed his steps, have
warmly inculcated that the whole
tendency of female education ought
to be directed to one point,—to
render them pleasing. = © ”

Let me reason with the supporters
of this opinion who have any know-
ledge of buman nature: do» they
imagine that marriage’ cat eradicate

Londinium,—Copie: negotialorum, et commealuum, maxime celcbre, See Tacit.

the

4.58

the habitude of life? The woman
who has only been taught to please,
will soon find that her charms are
oblique sun-beams, and that they
cannot have much effect on her
husband’s heart when they are seen
every day, when the summer is past
and gone. Will she then have suf-
ficient native energy to look into
herself for comfort, and cultivate
her dormant faculties? or is it not
more rational to expect that she will
try to please other men: and, in the
emotions raised by the expectation
of new conquests, endeavour to for-
get the mortification her love or
pride has received? When the hus-
band ceases to be a lover—and the
time will inevitably come, ber desire
of pleasing will then grow languid,
or become a spring of bitterness:
and love, perbaps, the most evan-
escent of all passions, gives place to
jealousy or vanity.

I now speak of women who are
restrained by principle or preiudice ;
such women, though they would
shrink from an intrigue with real
abhorrence, yet, nevertheless, wish
to be convinced, by the homage of
gallantry, that they are cruelly ne-
glected by their husbands; or days
and weeks are spent in dreaming of
the happiness enjoyed by congenial
souls, till the healih is undermined,
and the spirits broken by discontent.
How then can the great art of pleas-
ing be such a necessary study ? it is
only useful to a mistress ; the chaste
wife and serious mother should only
consider her power to please as the
polish of her virtues ; and the affec-
tion of her husband as one of the
comforts that render her task less
difficult, and her lite happier.— But
whether she be loved or neglected,
her first wish should be to make
herse)f respectable, and not to rely

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

for all her happiness on a being sub-
ject to like infirmities with herself.

The amiable Dr. Gregory fell in-
to a similar error. I respect his
heart ; but entirely disapprove of his
celebrated Legacy to his Daughters.

He advises them to cultivate a
fondness for dress, because a tond-
ness for dress, he asserts, is natural
tothem. Iam unable to compre-
hend what either he or Rousseau
mean, when they frequently use this
indefinite term. If they told us that
in a pre-existent state the soul was
fond of dress, and brought this in-
clination with it into a new body,
I should listen to them with half a
smile, as I often do when I hear a
rant about innate elegance.—But if
he only meant to say that the exer-
cise of the faculties will produce this
fondness,—I deny it; it is not natu-
ral: but arises, like false ambition
in men, from a love of power.

Dr. Gregory goes much further;
he actually recommends dissimula-
tion, and advises an innocent girl to
give the lie to her feelings, and not
dance with spirit, when gaiety of
heart would make her feet eloquent
without making her gestures im-
modest. In the name of truth and
common sense, why should not one
woman acknowledge that she can
take more exercise than another?
or, in other words, that she has a
sound constitution ; and why, to
damp innocent vivacity, is she darkly
to be told that men will draw con-
clusions which she little thinks of?
—Let the libertine draw what in-
ference be pleases; but I hope that
no sensible mother will restrain the
natural frankness of youth by in-
stilling sach indecent cautions. Out
of the abundance of the heart the
month speaketh; and a wiser than
Solomon hath said, that the heart

should

=

—

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS.

should be made clean, and not tri-
vial ceremonies observed, which it
is not very difficult to fulfil with
srupulous exactness when vicereigns
in the heart.

Women ought to endeavour to
purify their hearts; but can they
do so when their uncultivated un-
derstandings make them entirely
dependent on their senses for em-
ployment and amusement, when no
noble pursuit sets them above the
little vanities vf the day, or enables
them to curb the wild emotions
that agitate a reed over which every
passing breeze has power! To gain
the affections of a virtuous man, is
affectation necessary? Nature has
given woman a weaker frame than
man; but, to ensure her husband’s
affections, must a wife, who by the
exercise of her mind and body whilst
she was discharging the duties of a
daughter, wife, and mother, has al-
lowed her constitution to retain its
natural strength, and her nerves a
healthy tone,—is she, I say, to con-
descend to use art and feign a sickly
elicacy, in order to secure her
husband’s affection? Weakness
may excite tenderness, and gratify
the arrogant pride of man; but the
lordly caresses of a protector will
Mot gratify a noble mind that pants
for and deserves to be respected.
Fondness is a poor substitute for
friendship !

. In a seraglio, 1 grant, that all
these arts are necessary; the epicure
roust have his palate tickled, or he
will sink into apathy; but have wo-
men so little ambition as'to be satis-
fied with such a condition? Can
hey supinely dream life away in
lap of pleasure, or the Janguor

of weariness, rather than assert their

im to pursue reasonable pleasures,

Gt)

459

and render themselves conspicuous,
by practising the virtues which dig-
nify mankind? Surely she has not
an immortal soul who can loiter life
away merely employed to adorn her
person, that she may amuse the
languid hours, and soften the cares
of a fellow-creature, who is willing
to be enlivened by her smiles and
tricks, when the serious business of
life is over.

Besides, the woman who strength-
ens her body and exercises her
mind, will, by managing her family
and practising various virtues, be-
come the friend, and not the humble
dependant of her husband; and. if
she deserve: his regard by possess-
ing such substantial qualities, she
will not find ic necessary to conceal
her affection, nor to pretend to an
unnatural coldness of constitution
to excite her husband's passions. In
fact, if we revert to history, we shall
find that the women who have dis-
tinguished themselves, have neither
been the most beautiful nor the
most gentle of their sex.

Nature, or to speak with strict
propriety, God has made all things
right: but man has sought him out
maby inventions to mar the work.
I now allude to that part of Dr.
Gregory’s treatise, where he advises
a wife never to Jet her husband
know the extent of her sensibility
or affection. Voluptuous precau-
tion! and as ineffectual as absurd.
—Love, from its very nature, must
be transitory. To seek for a secret
that would render it constant, would
be as wild a search as for the philo-
sopher’s stove, or the grand pa-
nacea: and the discovery would be
equally useless, or rather pernicious
to mankind. The most holy band
of society is friendship. It has pee

we

460 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

well said by a shrewd satirist, “ that
rare as'true love is, true friendship
is still rarer.”

This is an obvious truth, and the
€ause not lying deep, will not elude
a slight glance of inquiry.

Love, the.common passion, in
which chance and sensation take
place of choice and reason, is, in
some degree, felt by the mass of
mankind; for it is not necessary to
speak, at present, of the emotions
that rise above or sink below love.
This passion, naturally increased by
suspense and difficulties, draws the
miud out of its accustomed state,
and: exalts the affections; but the
security of marriage, allowing the
fever of love to subside, a healthy
temperature is thought insipid only
by those who have not sufficient in-
telleet to substitute the calm ten-
derness of friendship, the confidence
of respect, instead of blind admira-
tion, and the sensual emotions of
fondness.

This is, must be, the course of
nature :—friendship or indifference
inevitably succeeds love. And this
constitution seems perfectly to har-
monize with the system of goverti-
ment which’ prevails in the moral
world. Passions are spurs to action,
and open the mind; but they sink
into mere appetites, become a per-
sonal and momentary gratification
when the object is gained, and the
satisfied mind rests in enjoyment.
That man who had some virtue
whilst he was struggling for a crown,
often become a voluptuous tyrant
when if graces his brow; and when
the lover is not Jost in the husband,
the dotard,. a prey both to childish
caprices and fond jealousies, ne-
glects the’ serious duties of life; and
the’ caresses which should excite

confidence in his children are lavish»
ed on the overgrown child, iis wife:
Tn order to fulfil the duties of life,
and to be able to pursue with vigour
the various employments which
form the moral character, a master
and mistress of a family ought not
to continue to love each other with
passion. I mean to say, that they
ought not to indulge those emotions
which disturb the order of society,
and engross the thoughts that should
be otherwise employed. The mind
that has never been engrossed’ by
one object, wants vigour:—if it can
long be so, it is weak.
A mistaken education, a narrow
uncultivated mind, and many séxual
prejudices, tend to make women
more constant than men; but, for
the present, I shall not touch on this
branch of the subject. I will go still
further, and advance without dream=
ing of a paradox, that an unhappy
marriage is often very advantageous
to a family, and that the neglected
wife is, in general, the best mother;
—and this would almost always be
the consequence if the female mind
was more enlarged; for it seems to
be the common dispensation of Pro-
vidence, that what we gain in pre+
sent enjoyment should be dedueted
from the treasure of life, experiences
and that when we are gathering the
flowers of the day, and revelling ‘in
pleasure, the solid fruit of toil and
wisdom should not be caught at the
same time. The way lies before us.
we must turn to the right or left;
and he who will pass life’away if
bounding from one pleasure to’an+
other, must not coniplain if he ne

ther acquires wisdom or respects
lity of character. jit ett
Supposing, for a moment, ‘that
the soul is not immortal, and that
man

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS.

man was only created for the pre-
sent scene, —I think we should have.
reason to complain that love, infan-
tine fondness, ever grew insipid and
palled upon the sense. Let us eat,
drink, and love, for to-morrow we
die, would be, in fact, the language
of reason, the morality of life: and
who but a fool would part with a
reality for a fleeting shadow? But, if
awed by observing the improvable
powers of the mind, we disdain to
confine our wishes or thoughts to
such a comparatively mean field of
action, that only appears grand and
important as it is connected with
a boundless prospect and sublime
hopes, wu hat necessity is there for false-
hood in conduct? and why must the
sacred majesty of truth be violated to
detain a deceitful good that saps the
very foundation of virtue? Why
Taust the female mind be tainted
by coquetish arts to gratify the sen-
sualist, and prevent Jove from sub-
siding into friendship, or compas-
sionate tenderness, when there are
not qualities on which friendship
can be built? Let the honest heart
shew itself, and Reason teach Pas-
sion to submit to necessity; or let
the dignified pursuit of virtue and
knowledge raise the mind above
those emotions which rather im-
bitter than sweeten the cup of life,
when they are not restrained with-
in due bounds.

I do not mean to allude to the ro-
mantic passion, which is the conco-
mitant of genius.— Who can clip its
wing? But that grand passion not
proportioned to the puny enjoyments
of life, is only true to the sentiment,
and feeds on itself. The passions
which have been celebrated for their
durability, have always been unfor-
tunate: they have acquired strength
by absence and constitutional me-

A461

lancholy.—The fancy has hovered
round a form of beauty dimly seen
—but familiarity might have turned
admiration into disgust, or, at least,
into indifference, and. allowed the
imagination leisure to start fresh
game. With perfect propriety, ac-
cording to this view of things, does
Rousseau make the mistress of his:
soul, Eloisa, love St. Preux, when
life was fading before her; but this
is no proof of the immortality of the
passion. :

Of the same complexion is Dr.
Gregory’s advice respecting delicacy
of sentiment, which he advises a
woman not to acquire, if she has de
termined to marry. This determi-
nation, however perfectly consis-
tent with his former advice, he calls
indelicate, and earnestly persuades
his daughters to conceal it, though
it may govern their conduct: as if it
“were indelicate to have the common
appetites of human nature,

Noble morality! and consistent
with the cautious prudence of a
little soul that cannot extend its
views beyond the present minute
division of €xistence: If all the fa-
culties of woman’s mind are only to
be cultivated as they respect her'de-
pendence on man; if, when she ob-
tains a husband, she has arrived at
her goal, and, meanly proud, is sa-
tisfied with such a paltry crown, let
her grovel contentedly, scarcely
raised by her employments above
the animal kingdom; but if she is
struggling for the prize of her high
calling, let her cultivate her under-
standing without stopping to consider
what character the husband may
have whom she is destined to marry.
Let her only determine, without
being too anxious about present’
happiness, to acquire the qualities
that enoble a rational being; anda

rough

462

rough inelegant husband may shock
her taste without destroying her
peace of mind. She will not model
her soul to suit the frailties of her
companion, but bear with them:
his character may be a trial, but not
an impediment to virtue.

If Dr. Gregory confined his re-
mark to romantic expectations of
constant love and congenial feelings,
he should have recollected that ex-
perience will banish what advice can
never make us cease to wish for,
when the imagination is kept alive
at the expence of reason.

I own, it frequently happens that
women who have fostered a romantic
unnatural delicacy of feeling, waste
their lives in imagining how happy
they should have been with a hus-
band who could Jove them with a
fervid increasing affection every day,
and all day: but they might as well
pine married as single—and would
not be a jot more unhappy with a
bad husband than longing for a good
one. That a proper education, or,
to speak with more precision, a well
stored mind would enable a woman
to support a single life with dignity,
I grant; but that she should avoid
cultivating her taste, lest ber hus-
band should occasionally shock it, is
quitting a substance for a shadow,
To say the truth, I do not know of
what use is an improved taste, if the
individual is not rendered more in-
dependent of the casualties of life ;
if new sources of enjoyment, only
dependent on the solitary operations
of the mind, are not opened. People
of taste, married or single, without
distinction, will ever be disgusted by
various things that touch not less ob-
serving minds. On this conclusion
the argument must not be allowed

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

to hinge; but, in the whole sum of.
enjoyment, is taste to be denomin-
ated a blessing ? }

The quesiion is, whether it pro-
cures most pain or pleasure? The
answer will decide the propriety of
Dr. Gregory's advice, and shew how
absurd and tyrannic it is thus to lay »
down a systeny of slavery; or to at-
tempt to educate moral beings by
any other rules than those deduced
from pure reason, which apply to
the whole species.

Genileness of manners, forbear-
ance, and long-suffering, are such
amiable God-like qualities, that in
sublime poetic strains the Deity has
been invested with them; and, per-
haps, no representation of his good-
ness so strongly fastens on the hu-
man affections as those that repre-
sent himabundant in mercy and will-
ing to pardon. Gertleness, consider-
ed in this point of view, bears on its
front all the characteristics of gran-
deur, combined with the winning
graces of condescension; but what
a different subject it assumes when
it is the submissive demeanour of
dependence, the support of weakness
that loves, because it wants protec-
tion; and is forbearing, becaus eit
must endure injuries; smiling un-
der the lash at which it dare not
snarl! Abjectas this picture appears,
it is the portrait of an accomplished
woman, according to the received
opinion of female excellence, sepa-
rated by specious reasoners from
human excellence, Or they * kind-
ly restore the rib, and make one
moral being of a man and woman!
not forgetting to give her all the
* submissive charms.’

How women are to exist in that
state where there is neither marry~-

% Vide Rousseau, and Swedenborg.

ing

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS.

ing nor giving in marriage, we are
nottold. For though moralists have
agreed that the tenor of life seems
to prove that man is prepared by
various circumstances for a future
state, they constantly concur in ad-
vising woman only to provide for the
present. Gentleness, docility, and
a spaniel-like affection are, on this
ground, consistently recommended
as the cardinal virtues of the sex ;
and, disregarding the arbitrary eco-
nomy of nature, one writer has de-
clared that it is masculine for a wo-
man to be melancholy. She was
created to be the toy of man, his
rattle ; and it must jingle in his ears
whenever, dismissing reasou, he
chooses to be amused.

To recommend gentleness, in-
deed, ona broad basis, is strictly
philosophical. A frail being should
labour to be gentle. But when for-
bearance confounds right and
wrong, it ceases to be virtue ; and,
however convenient it may be found
in a companion,—that companion
will ever be considered as an infe-
rior, and only inspire a vapid ten-
derness, which easily degenerates
into contempt. Still, if advice
could really make a being gentle,
whose natural disposition admitted
not of such a fine polish, something
towards the advancement of order
would be attained; but if, as might
quickly be demonstrated, only af-
fectation be produced by this indis-
criminate counsel, which throws a
stumbling-block in the way of gra-
dual improvement, and true melio-
ration of temper, the sex is not
much benefited by sacrificing solid
virtues to the attainment of superfi-
cial graces, though for a few years

they may procure the individual's:

regal sway.
As a philosopher, I read with in-

463

dignation the plausible epithets
which men use to soften their in-
sults ; and as a moralist, I ask what
is meant by such heterogeneous
associations, as fair defects, amiable
weaknesses? &c. If there is but
one criterion of morals, but one
archetype for a man, women appear
to be suspended by destiny, accord-
ing to the vulgartale of Mahomet's
coffin; they have neither the uner-
ring instinct of brutes, nor allowed
to fix the eye of reason on a perfect
model. They were made to be
loved, and must not aim at respect,
Jest they should be hunted out of
society as masculine.

But to vew the subject in ano-
ther point of view. Do passive in-
dolent women make the best wives ?
Confining our discussion to the pre-
sent moment of existence, let us see
how such weak creatures perform
their part. Do the women who, by
the attainment of a few superficial
accomplishments, have strengthened
the prevailing prejudice, merely
contribute to the happiness of their
husbands? Do they display their
charms merely to amuse them ?
And have women, who have early
imbibed notions of passive obedi-
ence, sufficient character to manage
aftamily or educate children? So
far from it, that, after surveying the
history of woman, I cannot help
agreeing with the severest satirist,
considering the sex as the weakest
as well as the most oppressed half
of the species. | What does history
disclose but marks of inferiority >
and how few women have emanci-
pated themselves from the galling
yoke of sovereign man!—So few,
that the exceptions remind me of
an ingenious conjecture respecting
Newton :—That he was probably a
being of a superior order, acciden-

tally

AGA

tally caged in a human body.—In
the same style I have been led to
imagine that the few extraordinary
women who have rushed in eccen-
trical directions out of the orbit
prescribed to their sex, were male
spirits, confined by mistake in a
female frame. But if it be not phi-
losophical to think of sex when the
soul is mentioned, the inferiority
must depend on the organs: or the
heavenly fire, which is to ferment
the clay, is not given in equal por-
tions.

But avoiding, as I have hitherto
done, any direct comparison of the
two sexes collectively, or frankly
acknowledging the inferiority of
woman, according to the present
appearance of things, I shall only
insist that men have increased that
inferiority till women are almost
sunk below the standard of rational
creatures. Let their faculties have
room ‘to unfold, and their virtues
to gain strength, and then deter-
mine whether the whole sex must
stand in the intellectual scale. Yet
let it be remembered, that for a
small number of distinguished wo-
men I do not ask a place.

It is difficult for us, purblind mor-
tals, to say to what height human
discoveries and improvements may
arrive when the glocm of despotism
subsides, which makes us stumble
at every step; but, when morality
shali be settled on a more solid basis,
then, without being gifted with a
prophetic spirit, I will ventare to
predict, that woman will be either
the friend or slave of man. We shall
net, as at present, doubt whether
she is a moral agent, or the link
which unites man with brates.

Bet, should it then appear that,
like the brutes, they were principal-
ly created for the use of man, he

‘ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

will let them patiently bite the bri-

‘dle, and not mock them with e
praise ; or, ‘should their ‘rationality:

be proved, be will not impede their
improvement merely ‘to gratify his
sensual appetites. He ‘will not,

with all the graces of rhetoric, ad-’
vise them to submit implicitly their:
understanding to ‘the guidance of:

man. He will not, when he treats

of the education of ‘women, ‘assert’
that they ought never to have the’

free use of reason, nor ‘would he 're-
commended cunning and dissimula-
tion to beings who are acquiring, in

like manner as himself, the virtues

of humanity.

Surely there can be but one ‘rule
of right, if morality has an eternal
foundation; and whoever sacrifices

virtue, strictly so called, to present”

convenience, or whose duty it is to
act in such a manner, lives only for
the passing day, and cannot be an
accountable creature.

The poet theu should bave drop-
ped his sneer when he says,

“If weak women go astray,

‘‘ Their stars are more in fault than they.””
For that they are bound by the ad-
amantine chain of destiny is most
certain, if it be proved that they are
never to exercise their own reason,
never to be independent, never to
rise above opinion, or to feel the
dignity of a rational will that only
bows to God, and often forgets that
the universe contains any being but
itself and the model of perfection to
which its ardent gaze is turned, to
adore attributes that, softened into
virtue, may be imitated in kind,
although the degree overwhelms the
enraptured mind.

If, | say, for [ would not impress’

by declamation when Reason offers
her sober light, if they are really ca-
pable of acting like rational crea-

tures,

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS.

‘tures, ‘let ‘them not be treated like
slaves, or like the ‘brutes, who are
wependant on the reason of man
owhen they associate with him; but
eeultivate their minds, give them the
salutary, sublime curb of principle,
and let them attain conscious dig-
nity by feeling themselves only de-
pendent on God. Teach them, in
xommon with man, to submit to ne-
eessity, instead of giving, to render
them more pleasing, a sex to morals.

‘Further, should-experience prove
‘that they cannot attain the same
degree of strength of mind, perse-
werance, and fortitude, let their vir-
‘tues be the same in kind, though
‘they may vainly struggle for the
ame degree; and the superiority
of man will be equally clear, if not
eclearer; and the truth, as it is a sim-
ple ‘principle, which admits of no
«modification, would be common to
both. Nay, the order of society as
it is at present regulated, would
not be inverted: for woman would
then only have the rank that reason
assigned her, and arts could not be
_practised to bring the balance even,
much Jess to turn it. Z
/ These may be termed Utopian
dréams.—Thanks to that Being who
impressed them on my soul, and
gave me sufficient strength of mind
‘to dare to exert my own reason, till,
becoming dependent only on him for
the support of my virtue, I view,
with indignation, the mistaken no-
‘tions that enslave my sex.

I'love mao as my fellow; but
his sceptre, real or usurped, ex-
tends not to me, unless the reason
of an individual demands my ho-
mage; and even then the submis-
sion is to reason, and not to man.
In'fact, the conduct of an account-
able being must be regulated by the
operations of its own reason ; or on

Vor. XXXIV.

what foundation rests the throne
of Goda st’ + ae

It appears to ‘me necescary ‘to
dwell on these obvious truths, be-

‘cause females ‘have been ‘insulted,

as it were; and, ‘while they have

‘been stripped of the virtues that

should clothe humanity, they have
been decked with artificial graces
that enabled them to exercise a
short-lived tyranny. ‘Love, in their
bosoms, taking place of every
nobler passion, their sole ambition
is to be fair, ‘to raise emotion In-
stead of inspiring respect: and this
iguoble desire, like the servili

in absolute ‘monarchies, d-stroys all

strength of character. Liberty is
the mother of virtue ; and if wo-
men are, by their very constitaiion,
slaves, and not allowed to breathe ~
the sharp invigorating air of free-
dom, they mast ever languish like
exotics, and be reckoned beautiful
flaws in nature. Tet it also-be re-
membered, ‘that they are the only
flaw.
As to the argument respecting
the sdbjection in which the ae
ever been held, it retorts on mam.
The many have always been en-
thralled by the few; and monsters,
who scarcely have shewn any dis-
cernment of human excellence,
have tyrannized over thousands of
their fellow creatures. Why have
men of superior endowments sub-
mitted to such degradation? For,
is it not universally acknowledged
that kings, viewed collectively, have
ever been inferior, in abiliues and
virtue, to the same number of men
taken from the common mass of
mankind? yet, have they not, and
are they not still treated with a
degree of reverence that is ao in-
sult toreason? China is not the
only country where a living mano
5 has

466

Aas been a god. , Men, have sub-
mitted to superior strength, to en-
Joy, with impunity, the pleasure of
the moment :—women, have only
done the same ;,.. and therefore till
it is proved) that the courtier, who
servilely resigns, the birthright of a
man, is not,a moral agent, it can-
not be demonstrated that: woman is
-essentially inferior to man, because
.she has always been hitherto subju-
gated.

Brutal force has hitherto govern-
ed the world; and that the science
of politics is in. .its infancy, 1s evi-
dent from philosophers scrupling to
give the knowledge most useful to
man that determinate distinction.

I shall not pursue this argument
any further than to establish an ob-
vious inference, that as sound po-
lities diffuse liberty, mankind, in-
cluding woman, will become more
wise and virtuous.

Madame de Warens.

From Young’s Travels during the
Years 1787, 1788, and 1789.

GAM REEY had objects to me
very interesting. I was eager
to view Charmettes, the road, the
house of Madame de Warens, the
vineyard, the garden, every thing,
in a word, that had been described
by the inimitable pencil of Rous-
seau. There was something so de-
liciously amiable in her character,
in spite of her frailties—her constant
gaiety and good-humour—her ten-
derness and humanity—her farm-
ing speculations—but, above all
other circumstances, the love of
Rousseau, have written her name
amongst the few whose memories
are connected with us by ties more
easily feJt than described. The
house is situated about a mile from
Chambery, fronting the rocky road

ANNUAL REGISTER,

11792.

which leads to that city)./and the
wood of chesnuts in the valley. It
is small, and much of. the-same size
as we should suppose. in. England
would be found on a farm of one
hundred ‘acres, without the least
luxury or pretension ;;.and the gar-
den for shrubs and flowers is con-
fined as well as unassuming.' The
scenery is pleasing, being near a
city ; and yet, as he observes, quite
sequestered. It could not but in-
terest me; and I viewed it with a
degree of emotion; even in the
leafless melancholy of December it
pleased. I wandered about some
hills, which were assuredly the walks.
he has so agreeably described. I re-
turned to Chambery with my heart
full of Madame de Warens. We
had with us a young physician, »
Mons. Bernard, of Modanne.en
Maurienne, an agreeable man, con-
nected with people at Chambery.
With some trouble I procured the
following certificate :

Extract from the Mortuary Register
of the Parish Church of St. Peter

de Lemens.

*« The 30th of July 1762, was
buried, in the, burying-ground of
Lemens, Dame Louisa Frances Ele-
anor de la Tour, widow of the
Seignor Baron de Warens, native
of Vevay, in the canton of Berne,
in Switzerland, who died yesterday
at ten in the morning, like a good
christian, and fortified with her last
sacraments, aged about sixty-three
years. She abjured the Protestant
religion about thirty-six years past ;
since which time she lived in our
religion: She finished her days in
the suburb of Nesin, where she had
lived for about eight years, in the
house of M. Crepine.

(Signed) GaIME,
Rector of Lemens.
POETRY.

——

ost AD Dale, Fy Y

POETRY.

ODE for His Majesty's Birth- Day, 1792. Past es ae Pay Es¢-

HEAR ye the blast, 2 ee sullen roar
Burst dreadful from the angry skies ?
Saw ye against the craggy shore

The waves in wild contention rise ?—
On the high cliff’s embattl’d brow
The castle’s ruin’d tow? rs lie low,
And, as the corn-van’s winnowing sail
Drives the loose chaff before the gale,
The winds in giddy eddies sweep
The scatter’d navy o'er the deep—_
Yet harmless as the halcyon breeze
That gently lifts the sammer seas,
The tempest breaks on Albion's coast,
Its strength controul’d, its fury lost;

Down on the surge she looks with danntless face,

And sees it idly lash her white cliffs rocky base.
Not more secure her rocky shores

Defy the rude wind’s stormy host ;
Not with more idle vengeance roars

The billow ’gainst Britannia’s coast,
Than her firm breast, by virtue arm’d,
By glory’s purest radiance warm’d,
Defies loud Discord’s rising sound,
And mocks the tumult raging round ;
For Freedom o’er her favour’d head
Her adamantine shield has spread,
And looking far, with brow serene,
Beyond Europa’s troubl’d scene,

On distant climes her cares display
Her guardian power’s celestial ray:
The sacred beam till sultry Afric see

Burst Siavery’s galling yoke, and boast her sons are free.

Freedom on this congenial shore

Her holy temple rear’d of yore.

Tho’ Faction to its solid base

Has oft apply'd his iron mace ;

Tho’ Tyranny’s gigantic powers

ft try’d to shake its massy towers,
' Cemented firm with patriot blood,

Thro’ many an age, unhurt, the mighty frame has stood ;
G

g2

aos

:

ae

And

468 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

And still her sons, a mingled line,
Warm in her hallow'd cause combine.—
Offspring of those whose feariess ranks
Bore from oldyThames’ high trophy'd papks Cy |
Her vaunted charter, whieh unites ~~
A monarch’s with a people's rights ;
_ OF those w. por spears, tremendous. ‘gleam 2 ee Lan
*\ By’Galedonian Banna’s stream, Te
While stern Carnarvon’s archers fly
Before the van ofiLiberty;. 9°) ni rakes
Offspring of thosewwhose patriot ost
On tair lerne’s sister coast
Saw Tyranny’s expiring pride >» Die
Whelm'\l deep in Boyne’sensanguin'd tide 5)
In dread array they staud round Britain’s® throne,
And guard, at Freedom's éall, a’Monerch’ all her own.

9 od

by

To welcome George's natal hour, vie ih,

No vain display of empty pow’r,
In flatt'ry steep’d no soothing lay
Shall strains of adulation pay 3 j enhary

But Commerce rolling deep and wide Hh ytaeg

To Albion's shores her swelling tide,
But Themis’ olive-cinctur’d’bead,
And white-rob’d’ Peace: by Viet'ry*led,
Shall fill his breast-with virtuous pride,
Shall give dim pow’r to truth ally’d;

Joys which alone a patriot King! can’ prove— pe

A nation’s strength his pow’r, his. pride. <r sHlove: aw

PARE RA.’ Rss, thementesamahea taauns?

| gb RA*, thron'd upom the banks of Nile,

- Spread her smooth leaf, and waved her silver style. —

—— The story’d pyramid, the laurel’d bust,
The trophy'’d arch had crumbled into dust ;
The sacred syepbed and the epic song
{Unknown the character, forgot the tongue)
With each unconquer'd chief, or sainted maid,
Sunk undistinguish’ d in oblivion’s shade.

Sad o’ersthe scatier'd ruins’Genius sigh’d,
And infant arts but learn'd to lisp and dy’d,
Till to astonish'd realms Papyra taught

To paint in mystic colours sound and say

«Ww, AGO

ra

With

* Cyprus. Papyrus. Three males, and one Disiity The leafiof this» plant
was first used for paper; whence the word Paper 5 ; and leaf, on folium, fora rold

of abook. Afterwards the bark of a species of mulberry was used 5

whence Tiber

significs a bouk, and the bark ofa tree. Before the invention of letters, mankind

may

co SSPOpPPRYIAUY (Oh sy

With Wisdom’s voice to print the'page sublime,
And mark‘invadamant thesteps of times
—Thrée favour’d youths list softatrestion share,
The fond disciples of the stidions:fairs 9°
Hear her sweet ‘voiee, the golden proces ‘prove j ” a
Gaze, asthey learn; and, as they listen, Tove. |
The first'from Alpha'to Omega joitis’ @ |
The'letter’d tribés-along the level'liness" :
Weighs with’ nice ear the vowel, ‘Viquid, surdy a
And breaks insyllablesthe volant'words 4 |
Then forms the next ‘upon the marshal’d plain
In deep’ning ranks his dext’rous cy pher-train;
And counts, as wheel the decimating bands,
The dews of Egypt, or Arabia's sands, A
And then thethird’or'four concordant lines
Prints the lone crotchet, and the quaver joins ;
Marks the'gay trill; the solemn: pause inscribes,
é _And parts'with bars the undulating tribes.
Pleas’d, round her cane-wove throne, th’ applauding crowd
Clapp’d their radevhanis, their swarthy foreheads bow’d ;
With loud acclaim, a “ present God: ” they cry’d:
“ A present/God! ”? rebellowing shores reply’d=— ~
Then peal’d at intervals with mingled swell! A
The echoing harp, shrill clarion, born, and:sbell;
While bards ecstatic, bending o’er the: lyre,
Struck deeper chords, and wing’d the song with five, —
Then mark’d astronomers, with’ keener eyes, ah
The moon's refulgent journey through the skies -
Watch’d the swift comets, urge their:blazing carsy
And weigh’d the Sun with his revolvmg stars.

we
it

may be said to have been perpetually in their infancy,asthearts of ene a or
country generally died withtheir inventors... Whence arosethe policy, whieh still
continues in Hindostan, of obliging tke son to practise the profession of his father.
After the discovery of ‘letters, the facts of astronomy and chemistry became re-
corded in written langdage, thoogh’ the ancient hieroglyphic characters for the
planets and metals continue ‘io use atthis day. The antiquity of the invention of
music, of astronomical observations, and the manufacture) of gold and\iron, are
recorded in Scripture. , — Treats |

About twenty letfers, ten cyphers, and seven crotch’ts, represent by their nume-
rous combinations af our ideas and sensations ! the musical eliaricters are probably
arrived at their perfection, unless emphasis, and tone, and'swell,could be xpressed,
as well as note and time. Chanlesothe Twelfth) of Swedenj had-a design to have
introduced a numeration by squares, instead) of by decimations which might have
served the purposes of philosophy better tnan the presen mode; which is suid to be
of Arabic invention, The alphabet is yet in a very imperfect state ; perhaps se-
venteen letters could express all the simple sounds inthe European Nevers In
China they have not yet learned to divide their Words into syHibles and arehence
necessitated to employ many thousand characters : it ivslid above eighty thousand.
It is to be wished, in this ingenious age, that the European nations would aceard to

reform our alphabet,
hel Sai - Gg3 High

470 ANNUAL / REGISTER, 1792.

High rais’d the chymists their hermetic wands\"' ,.\"y
(And changing forms, obey’d their waving hands) (./.
Her treasur’d.gold from earth’s deep chambers tore,
Or fus’d aud harden’d her chalybeate ore...) 17 |
All with bent, knee from fair Papyra claim,,,.,. | «> %
Wove by herjhands, the wreath of deathless fame...
Exulting Genius crown’d his darling child, »
The young arts clasp’d her knees, and Virtue smil’d.
So now Delany forms her mimic.bow’rs,. |-)//
Her paper foilage, and her silken flow’rs; |!
Her virgin train the tender scissars ply, 6) non
Vein the green leaf, the purple petaldye:. 4 of
Round wiry stems the flaxen tendril bends, 4)
Moss creeps below, and waxen fruit impends. ..
Cold Winter views, amid his realms of snow,, v fives
Delany’s vegetable statues blow; ,.., Mt
Smooths his stern brow, delays his, hoary wing,, ) \/
And eyes with wonder all the blooms of spring.

AIR BALLOONS. From the same.”
GAIN the Goddess strikes the golden lyre,’
And tunes to wilder notes the warbling wire ;

With soft suspended step attention moves,

And silence hovers o’er the list’ning groves;

Orb within orb the charmed audience throng,

And the green vault reverberates the song.

‘* Breathe soft, ye gales !” the fair Carlina cries,

** Bear on broad wings your votress to the skies.

** How sweetly mutable yon orient hues,

** As Morn’s fair hand her op’ning roses strews ;

“* How bright, when Iris blending many’a ray,

“« Binds in embroider’d wreath the brow of day ;_

** Soft, when the pendent moon with lustres pale

“*¢ O’er heav’n’s blue arch unfurls her milky veil ;

“© While from the north long threads of silver light

** Dart on swift shuttles o’er the tissued night!

“* Breathe soft, ye zephyrs! hear my fervent sighs, — ;

*« Bear on broad wings your votress to the skies!"—- ,

—Plume over plume, in long divergent lines,

On whale-bone ribs the fair mechanic joins ;

Inlays with eider-down the silken strings,

And weaves in wide expanse Deedalian wings ;

Round her bold sons the waving pennons binds,

And walks with angel-step upon the winds.

So on the shoreless air th’ intrepid Gaul

Launch’d the vast concave of his buoyant ball —

' t

fogule Te L286
Journeying

iT pom Ry!” ATY

Journeying high, the silken castle glides

Bright as a meteor through the azure tides ;,

O’er towns and tow’rs, and temples, wins its way,
Or mounts sublime, and gilds the vauit of day,
Silent with upturn’d eyes, unbreathing crowds
Pursue the floating wonder to the clouds ; it
And, flush’d with transport, or benum’d with fear,
Watch, as it rises, the diminish’d sphere. 4
—Now less and less—and now a speck is seen ;—= 9
And now ihe fleeting rack obtrudes between !

With bended knees, rais’d arms, and suppliant brew,
To ev'ry shrine with mingl’d cries they vow.—

“‘ Save him, ye saints! who o’er the good preside;

‘« Bear him, ye winds! ye stars benignant, guide !”
—The calm philosopher in ether sails,

‘Views broader stars, and breathes in purer gales :

Sees, like a map, in many a waving line

Round earth’s blue plains her lucid waters shine ;

Sees at his feet the forky lightnings glow,

_And hears innocuous thunders roar below.

Rise, great Montgolfier ! urge thy vent’rous flight
High o'er the moon’s pale ice-reflected light ;

High o’er the pearly star, whose beamy horn

Hangs in the east, gay harbinger of morn ;

Leave the red eye of Mars on rapid wing,

Jove's silver guards, and Saturn’s crystal ting 5

Leave the fair beams, which, issuing from afar,

Play with new lustres round the Georgian star:

Sbun with strong oars the sun’s attractive throne,

The sparkling zodiac, and the milky zone ;

Where headlong comets, with increasing force,

Thro’ other systems, bend their blazing course.—

For thee Cassiope her chair withdraws,

For thee the Bear retracts his shaggy paws ;

High cer the north thy golden orb shall roll,

And blaze eternal round the wond’ring pole.

‘So Argo, rising from the southern main, ;
Lights with new stars the blue ethereal plain ;

With fav’ring beams the mariner protects, _

And the bold course, which first it steer’d, directs.

ELIZA. From the same.
: ; 1c
© stood Eliza on the wood-crown’d height,
O’er Minden’s plain, spectatress of the fight 5
Sought with bold eye, amid the bloody strife, ; Ul
_» Her dearer self, the partner of her life ;
- So RS Gg4 From

AG

ic

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

From hill to hill the rushing host pursu’d,

And view'd his banner, or‘believ'd she view'd,
Pleas’d with the distant roar, with quicKer tread,
Fast by his hand, ove lisping boy she led ;

And one fair girl, amid the loud alarm, mh
Slept on her kerchief, cradled by her arm:
While round her brows bright beams of honout dart,
And love's warm eddies circle round her heart.
—Near and more near th’ intrepid beauty prest,
Saw through the driving smoke his dancing. crest ;,
Saw on his “helm, her virgin hands inwove,

Bright stars of gold, and mystic knots of love ;
Heard tl’ exulting shout, “ they run! they, ran!”

“‘ Great Gad!” she cry’d, “ He's safe! the battle’s won!" ,

—A ball now hisses through the airy tides,
(Some fury wing’d it, and some demon guides rot
Parts the fine locks her graceful head that deck,
Wounds her fair ear, and sinks into, her neck ;,
The red stream, issuing from her azure des Bea,
Dyes her white veil, her iv’ry bosom stains. —
—‘* Ah me;” she cried, and, sinking on the ground,
Kiss'd her dear babes, regardless of the wound;
“© Oh, cease not yet to beat, thou vital urn!
“« Wait, gushing life, oh, wait my love’s return !
«: Hoarse barks “the wolf, the vulture sereams from. far !—
“« The ange! Pity shuns the walks of war !—
«Qh, spare, ye War-honods, spare their tender age !—
“On me, on me,” she cry’d, “ exhaust your rage !”
Then with weak arms her weeping babes carest,
And, sighing, hid them in her blood-stain’d, vest. _
From tent to tent th’ impatient warrior flies,
Fear in his heart, and fienzy in. his eyes ;
Eliza’s name along the camp he calls, _ ee
Eliza echoes through the. canvas walls: |

Quick through the murm’ring gloom his footsteps tread,.

(er groaning heaps, the dying and the dead ;
Vault o’er the plain, and in the tangled wood,,

Lo! dead Eliza welt’ring in her blood!

—Soon hears bis list’ ning son the welcome sounds,
With open ar ms and sparkling, eyes be bounds :-—

“« Speak low,” he cries, and gives his little hand,

** Eliza sleeps upon the dew-cold sand;

“* Poor weeping babe, with bloody fin ers prest,

“ And try’d with pouting lips her milkless breast ; ~
“« Alas! we both with cold and bunger quake—

““ Why do you ‘weep ?—Mamma will soon awake.”

—‘ She'll wake no mare!” ‘the hopeless mourner’ cry'd: :

Upturn’d bis eyes, and clasp’ i $ hands, “and, sigh'd.

14 y vw

—

to
wiars

eS

_—— ee

POETRY. — AT"

Stretch’d-on the ground awhile entrane’d he lay,

And press’d warm Kisses on the lifeless clay ;

And then upsprung with wild convulsive start,

And all the father kindled in his-heart:

“ Oh, Heavens!” he-cried, ‘* my first rash vow forgive ;
“« These bind to-earth, for'these | pray to jive !”"—
Round his chill babes he ‘wrapp’d his crimson vest,

And clasp’d them sebbing to his aching breast.

ODE TO THE POPPY.
From Desmond, a Novel, by Mrs. C. Smith.

N2 for the promise of the labour’d field,
Not for the good the yellow harvests yield,
1 bend at Ceres’ shrine ;
For, dull. to humid eyes appear
The golden glories of tk® year ;
Alas !—a melancholy, worship’ 's mine! -
T hail the goddess for her scarlet flow’r!
Thou brilliant weed,
That dost-so far exceed
The richest gifts. gay Flora can bestow 5,
Heedless I pass’d thee in life’s morning hour,
(Thou comforter of woe).
Till sorrow taught me to confess, thy pow’r.
In early days, when Fancy cheats, .
A various: wreath | wove,
Of laughing spring’s luxuriant sweets,
To deck ungrateful love:
The rose or thorn my numbers crown’d,
As Venus smil’d, or Venus frown’d ;
But Love, and Joys, andall their trainy. are: flown 5 3
Hen languid: Hope no more'is: =a ag
And I will sing of thee alone;'
Unless, perchance, the attributesiof grief,»
The cypress-bud and willow-leaf .
Their pale-funereal foliage blenduwith a
Hail, lovely blossom !—thou canst ease:
The wretched victims of disease;
Canst close:those weary eyes any oe
Which never open but'to weep!»
For, oh! thy potent charm
Can agonizing pain disarm; ©
Expel imperious mem’ry from her seat,

aan bid her throbbing heart forget to beat. )
Soul

474, ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

<a

Soul-soothing-plant !—that.can such blessings give ; »

By thee the mourner bears to live! . ; Lond
By thee the hopeless die ! Pia add bel
Oh! ever * friendly to despair,” vs
Might sorrow’s palid vot’ry dare, yaad, OD ot
Without a crime, that remedy implore,
Which bids the spirit from its bondage By, vid Lito

I'd court thy palliative aid no Motes weds b'a
No more I’d sue that thou shouldst spread.
Thy spell around my aching head, ~
But would conjure thee to impart.

Thy balsam for a broken heart; _
And by thy soft Lethean pow'r, —
(Inestimable flow’r) ana
Burst these terrestrial bonds, and other regions try.

PROLOGUE AND EPILOGUE TO dolibos,
%R A WORLD DISCOVERED: An Historical Play.
ProLocue written by W. T. Fitagerald, Esq. Spoien by Mr, Holman.

HEN fam’d Columbus nobly dar'd to brave

The untry'd perils of the western wave,
Ten thousand dangers in his passage lay—
Dark was his night, and dreary was his day !
The rude companions of his bold design,
Fatigu’d with toil, against their chief combine :
When sudden—bursting on th’ astonish'd view !
A world discover'd prov’d his judgment true.—
** Yet black ingratitude, the great man’s fate,
“* Pursu’d Columbus with envenom'd hate ;
«« But minds like his, a base degen’rate race
‘© Might meanly persecute—but not disgrace ;
“¢ ‘The noble soul its energy maintains,
“ In spite of dungeons, tyranny, and chains.”

The sons of Europe found a guileless race ;

No fraud was veil'd beneath the smiling face ; |
Their manners mild, benevolent, and kind,
Pourtray'd the cloudless sunshine of the mind :
Bless'd in their prince’s patriarchal reign,
Whose power reliev’d, but ne’er inflicted pain,
Their placid lives no fancy’d evils knew ;
Their joys were many, and their wants were few.
One custom with their virtues ill agreed,
Which made Humanity with angnish bleed ;
Compell’d at Superstition’s shrine to bow,
The hapless victims of a cruel yow!

Their

POETRY. 'j Zi ATS.

Their sweetest maids were often doom’d to prove -

No joy in friendship, nor no bliss in love! ;
Yet love and nature cannot be suppres; pall
The sigh will heave, and palpitate the breast; wo al
For spite of vows, which Heav'n's wise laws disown,’
Love sits triumphant on the heart—his throne ! of
And breaks: those fetters bigots would impose, |

To aggravate the sense of human woes.
The rigid laws of time and place, our bard

In this night’s drama ventures to discard ; wa

If here he errs—he errs with him whose name

Stands without rival in the rolls of Fame: .>

Him whom the passions own with one accord,

Their great dictator, and despotic lord! ;

Who, plac’d aloft on inspiration’s throne, aL

Made Fancy’s magic kingdom all his own; — A.

Burst from the trammels which his muse confin'd,
‘be, And pour'’d the wealth of his exhaustless mind ! "

Though Shakspeare’s flight no mortal shall pursue— ~

Columbus’ story, patroniz’d by you,

Will yield an off’ring, gratetul to his dust—

A British laurel on a hero’s bust. .

Eritocug, written by Miles P. Andrews, Esq. Spoken by Mrs. Pope

Oo” stories done—old times long since forgotten, .
Like musty records, little read, and rotten,
Return we now to periods sounder grown,
To happier days, and readings of our own.
Where'er we ope the book, the style is clear,
The int rest charming, the conclusions dear ;
Our means are flourishing. our joys not scant,
Possess’d of ev’ry good the heart can want ;
Old tales of conquest thrown on distant shelves, “
We've little ieft to conquer—but ourselves.

Aw arduous task—and yet, to dovus right,
We lose no time in env’ring on the fight. :
Miss, scarcely in her teens, attacks mamma,
Already having routed sage papa:
“ T'm not a chit—I will turn up my locks: |
«© ] will wear powder, and [ wont wear frocks ;—
«« | hate to dance with boys. now I'm so tall;
“ ]’m fit for any man, at any ball:
“ You want to keep me back, because ‘tis known,
“ When girls grow up, their mothers they grow down,”

“"

ai yan

470:

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.
Pert Master Bobby. too, released from:school,

Hectors at Home, and early:learnsto rule: | dary
The splendid stud; relinquish'd'by his sire, ¥
In grand display awaits the:youthful quite: tlota ot

Andiwhile to Cambridge he should studious steer, — "i
Newmarkét's course-arrests his'gay career< ©
There he, long odds, short bets, pass dice, all. sachin
Sticks to the Greeks, and disregards the Latin.. i
Flown up totown, our fierce-cock’d captious: peri
Drives to the play, and quarrels'in the lobby:
“ Sir, you're a scoundrel !””—* Damme, Sir, youlies
“ Sir, here's my:card, for damme, Tam."
Thus is the boy intent to ape the man;
A puff of discord, anda flash in pan.— "
In marry’d life, resolving edolr to drives) 2 od on
A sweet contention keeps the flame alive: dando
** T know my province.”"—* So dol, my lady? dha
“¢ You'll prove my torment.” =“ You've: prov’d ‘mine already. ,
“ Fo guard my rights, my Lord, I must endeavour—-
“* You’re always out.”—* And you are out for ever? —
“« Then both I'trustiare happy, sposo'caro— ey

(with ironical tenderness) Mad
*¢ You throw at hazard, and | punt at Pharo.”
Each have their object—so resentment smother—
Hold \outthe clive branch, or wear another.
Suffice this raillery—enough to prove
Our noblest conquest is our own self-love. |
The author who to-night has greatly dar’d’
To brave the issue of your high award,
Though old the legend whence his scenes be: avenil |
Humbly presumes the inference may be new! !
Should then'the efforts of bis untaught muse,
By just, tho’ small desert, his flights excuse,’
Let him enjoy, for all’bis anxions toils,!
.That bright reward—the triumph ‘of Anat ‘smiles:

a
45> Sew

ISOLERO FOILED AND: NEARLY’ KILLED BY BAYARDO.
Description of the Battle between Rinaldo and Bayardo, who is at last

conquered and tamed by. Rinaldo. ~ From Houle’s Tela, :

ND lo! ‘the courser comes! with spurning. heel.
- He'strikes, and bounds in many an airy wheel ;
Kach nervous limb he shakes, erects his ears, arn
From his wide nostril fiery smoke appears : ) ae
He heeds nor trees nor rocks that cross his way, é
But breaks through all with unresisted sway :-
With

POETRY.

With neighings shrill:his foe to fight defies,

While to his hodfithe sounding earth:replies.

His-colour bay, and:thence his name he ‘drew,

Bayardo-call'd. A star of silver hue © yeont Ded

Emblaz’d his front, and:small his well-tara’d head, ©

Thick onthe tight ‘his roffi’d manewas spread;

White were his hinder'legs; ‘bisamplechest

With brawny muscles strength of lungs exprest;

His shoulders large and firm ; his sinewy feet

As thunder pow’rful,and as lightning fleet.

Such once was Cyillarus,'ere Pollux’ force,

Conjoin’d: with:art, ssubdu'd him to ‘the course ;

And such, ere Mars had»rein’d theironecks tovwar

The steeds that proudly drew his'sanguine car.
Dire though he seem’d, as sent to upper light, —

A hellish fiend from ‘realms of central night, sel

He swell’d with ardour bold Rinaldo’s'breast, th

While Isolero transient fear cofest. Bu
On Isolero first Bayardo: bends ;.

The knight.with;rested spear the shock attends:

The furious beast breaks short the crashing spear,

No strepgth,or weapon stops’ his»mad: career!)

Back shrinks th’ Iberian knight with wary speed,

And yields a passage for the rushing steed, ‘

That harmless pass'd, ‘but with asudden-wheel

Turns-as the'knight upsheaths his gleamy \steel ;

His sword be drew—for Isolero, came

With other purpose-than the steed:to tame : i

This task, feom those that, well instructed, knew,’

He held: beyond what human force ‘couldydp:

_. dHe,eame (since ev'ry other hope was vain)
“To leave the coarser by bis weapon slain.

Far different thought Rinaldo’s mind: revolw’d,
Far mightier, deed with peril strange resolv'd.
Against th’ Iberian-knight Bayardo turns,

Now here, now there, with feet alternate spurns.
The baron aims the weapon where from far
Amidst-his. forehead shines the silver star:

In vain he strikes what ne’er was doom’d to feel

A wound impress’d with edge of sharpest steel, =
Again, with strength renew’d, the sword he heav’d ;
Again Bayardo’s front the stroke receiv’d:

The pow'rful beast the mighty stroke confest,

That bow’d his head beneath his brawny chest;
Dreadful he foam’d, against the knight he flew,
, And with asudden shock to earth o’erthrew.

The, Pagan falls, and with him falling lie

His empty hopes of glorious victory !

477

Rivaldo

ws ANNUALY REGISTER, 1792.

Rinaldo saw pale Isolero spread. =)

All motiouless, his sense and vigour fled) slic iw }

While health seem’d banish'd fipia the prostrate dead.
And now the noble youth, with eager speed, ©

Intrepid rush’d t’ assail, the fearful steed ; ger.

Now near he drew, and now his gauntlet bent, He)

With matchless strength, at all hisarm’s extent,’

He aim'd a furious blow—the stagg’ring beast.

Had ne'er till then such mighty force confést.

His wounded mouth pour'd forth the streaming —

And stain’d the herbage with a crimson flood. >

Less swifily bounds an arrow from the string;

Less swift a falcon shoots upon the wing,

Than on the youth the raging courser flies;

With bloody teeth to seize his arm he triesz) ‘

Back drew the,wary knight, again he sped)

His mailed gaunilet at Bayardo’s head:

Bayardo turn'd and dealt with thund’ring feet.

A stroke to cast a mountain from its seat,

Close to bis flank the gallant youth adheres

Since there nor hoof nor furious teeth he fears, | °

By art, not strength of arm or weapon’s blow,

He seeks advantage o’er his crue] foe.

Yet once (it so befel) his footing fail’d,

When, lo! with spurning heel the steed assail’d

Th’ unguarded knight—his side the stroke receiy'd, |

That near of seose and life his limbs bereav’d:

He kept, yet scarcely kept his trembling feet ;

And had he chane’d the nearer force to meet,

The hoof (with such tremendous sweep it came)

Had shat'er'd all his arms, and crush’d his bleeding frame...

But now Rinaldo shun’d a second stroke, »

That snapt and hur\d to earth a solid oak ;

An oak, whose root as far beneath was spread

As o’er the plain he rais'd his ancient head.

Then ere his feet Bayardo backward drew,

On these his nervous hands Rinaldo threw,

And firmly held—while here and there the steed

Impetuous snorts, and struggles to be freed.

He bends his neck, displays his threat’ning teeth,

While smoky clouds his flamy nostrils breathe ;

With neighings shrill he makes the woods resound,

At length great Amon’s son th’ advantage found, }

And, by his art o’er thrown, Bayardo press’d the ground.

As when the sea, that late in tempest high,

With dreadfal ruin menac’d earth and sky,

Smooths its rough waves, and bids their anger cease ;

The waves obedient sink and sleep in peace,—

POETRY. 479

So when this courser, late the gen’ral dread,
Had touch’d the earth, his native ferceness fled,
All mild he seem’d, yet still a pride retain’d,

A pride that all ignoble lords disdain’d.

_And now his stately neck the warrior prest, __ yan f
Smooth’d his rough mane, and clapp’d his swelling chest ;
Loudly he neigh’d, as if rejoic’d to stand
Beneath the pressure of his master’s hand.

The son of Amon, who exulting view'd

Such savage fury by his arm subdu’d, ;

The reins and saddle from his steed displac’d, _ ih

And with the golden spoils Bayardo grac’d.
Th’ Iberian knight, who, from Bayardo’s force,

Lay streich’d on earth a seeming lifeless corse,

Recov’ring rose, what time the blocming knight

With dauntless breast maintain’d so strange a fight.

Th’ adventure thus atchiev’d, in mute surprise

He stood, and seem'd to question with his eyes ;

He little deem’d such strength of nerve to find

In tender limbs; such youth with manhood join’d.

STANZAS, written in a Leaf at the beginning of Mr. Rogers's Poem,
“ The Pleasures of Memory.”

1p map of Mem'ry !—oh supremely blest,
And justly proud beyond a poet's praise ;
If the pure confines of thy tranquil breast
Contain, indeed, the subject of thy lays!
By me how envy’d !—for to me,
The herald still of misery. |
Mem'ry makes her influence known
By sighs and tears, and grief alone:
I greet her as the fiend to whom belong
The vulture’s rav’ning beak, the raven’s fun’ral song.
Alone, at midnight’s haunted hour,
When Nature woos repose in vain,
Remembrance wastes her penal pow’r,
The tyrant of the burning brain ;
She tells of time misspent, or comfort lost,
Of fair occasions gone for ever by ;
Of hopes too fondly nurs’d, too rudely cross’d,
Of many a cause to wish, yet fear, to die:
For what, except th’ instinctive fear
Lest she survive, detains me here,
When “ all the life of life” is fled ?—
What, but the deep inherent dread,
Lest she beyond the grave resume her reign,
And realize the hell that priests and beldames feign.
ACCOUNT

ote (480 7°

Tt)

Account of Books for 1792.

A Journal of Transactions and Events,,

during a Residence of nearly sixteen
Years on the coast of Labrador ;
containing many interesting Parti-
eulars, both of the Country and its
Inhabitants, not hitherto known.

journalist, who prefers the simplicity
of plain language and downright
truth, to all the specious ornaments

-of modern stile and description. I

humbly tiust, that;this apology will
satisfy my friends, and ‘serve to ex-

Illustrated with proper Charts, by tenuate those errors which must be
George Cartwright, Esq. In three too obvious to be overlooked by cri-

Volumes 4to. 1792.

R. Cartwright here gives the

_world an acceunt of the daily
transactions of his life during a long
residence in the cold and dreary re-
gions of Labrador, and among a race
so low in the scale of human beings,
so wretched, so ignorant, and so de-
graded as the Esquimaux. These
volumes contain much interesting
information, and no small share of
entertainment, but are, as we think,
far too minute and tedious. For
these defects, however, the author
claims and deserves indulgence, from
the circumstance that his journal was
written for no other purpose than to
serve as a memorandum for his own
use and personal reference; and that
it was only owing to the solicitations
of his friends, who had occasionally
read parts of the manuscript, that he
was prevailed upon to print the
work.

Mr. Cartwright prefaces his work
with a short account of himself:
which he concludes with saying,
““The only merit to which I have
any pretensions, is that of a faithful

tical examinations,”

The first volume contains the
transactions of Mr. Cartwright’s first
voyage,and a residence of three years
at Labrador; which he undertook in
consequence of a partnership he had
entered into with Messrs. Perkins,
Coghlan, and Lucas, of Bristol, for
the purpose of carrying on various
branches of business upon that coast,
and particularly of endeavouring to
cultivate a friendly intercourse with
the Esquimaux Indians; and by the
terms of which Mr. Cartwright was
to reside in Labrador, to direct and
manage all their concerns on shore.
At the expiration of the term of the
partnership, daring which he had no
reason to be pleased with the conduct
of bis partners toward him, he re-
turned to England, and brought with
him a whole family of Esquimaux
Indians, consisting of six persons.

The impression made on these sa-
vages by the sight of things so extra-
ordinary and novel as they beheld in
this country, we shall leave our au-
thor to describe.

** | went down theriver this morn-
ing, met the vessel in the Pool, and

brought

ACCOUNT OF BOOKS.

‘brought the women on shore. They
were greatly astonished at the num-
ber of shipping which they saw in
‘the river; for they did not suppose
there were so many in the whole
world: but 1 was exceedingly dis-
appointed to observe them pass
through London Bridge without
taking much notice of it. I soon
discovered that they took it for a
natural rock which extended across
the river. They laughed at me
when I told them it was the work
of men; nor could I make them
believe it, till we came to Black-
friars Bridge, which I caused them
to examine with more attention;
‘shewing them the joints, and point-
ing out the marks of the chisels
upon the stones. They no sooner
comprehended by what means such
‘a structure could be erected, than
they expressed their wonder with
Astonishing significancy of counte-
nance.

“On landing at Westminster-
Bridge, we were immediately sur-
rounded by a great concourse of
people; attracted not only by the
uncommon appearance of the In-
dians, who were in their seal-skin
dresses, but also by a beautiful eagle,
and an Esquimaux dog, which had
much the resemblance of a wolf,
anda remarkable wildness of look.
I put them all into coaches, with as
much expedition as possible, and
drove off to the lodgings which I
had prepared in Leicester-street.

“Ina few days time, I had so
many applications for admittance to
see the new visitors, that my time
was wholly taken up in gratifying
the curiosity of my friends and their
acquaintances; and the numbers
who came made my lodgings very
inconvenient to the landlord as well

Vor. XXXIV.

ASL

as to myself. I therefore resolved
to look out for a house. I soon
hired a small one, ready furnished,
for ten guineas a month, in Little
Castle-street, Oxford Market, and
removed thither.

** Being willing, as far as lay:in
my power, to comply with the inces-
sant applications of my friends for 2
sight of the Indians; and finding it
impossible either to have any rest,
or time to transact business, I ap-
propriated two days a week to that
purpose, viz. Tuesdays and Fridays.
On those days, not only my house
was filled even to an inconvenience,
but the street was so much crowded
with carriages and people, that my
residence was a great nuisance to
the neighbourhood.

‘* As their skin-dresses had a dirty
appearance and an offensive smell,
I provided a quantity of broad-cloth,
flannel, and beads, together with
whatever else was necessary; and
the women now having leisure to
work, and being excellent taylors,
soon clothed them all anew; pre-
serving their own fashion in the cut
of their garments. :

‘I once took the men to the
epera, when their Majesties were
there ; and we chanced to sit near
Mr. Coleman, the manager of Co-
vent Garden theatre, who politely
invited all the Indians and myself
toa play athis house. He fixedon
Cymbeline : and they were greatly
delighted with the representation.
But their pride was most highly
gratified at being received with a
thundering applause by the audience
on entering the box. The men
soon observed to their wives, that
they were placed in the King’s box,
and received in the same manner as
their Majesties were at the opera ;

h which

: A482

which added considerably to the

pleasure which they felt from the

tout ensemble. Never did I observe
so young achild pay such unremitt-
ing attention to the whole represen-
tation, as little Ickenna: no sooner
‘did the swords begin to clash, in the
fighting scene between Posthumus
. and Jachimo, but she set up a most
feeling scream.

‘¢ About a fortnight after our ar-
rival in town, having provided great-
coats, boots, and hats for the men, in
order that they might pass through
the streets unobserved, I took Attui-
ock with me, and walked beyond
the Tower. We there took boat,
zowed up the river, and landed at
Westminster Bridge; from whence
we walked to Hyde Park Corner,
» and then home again. I was in
great expectation that he would be-
gin to relate the wonders which he
had seen, the. instant he entered the
room; but I found myself greatly
disappointed. He immediately sat
down by the fireside, placed both
his hands on his knees, leaned his
head forward, fixed his eyes on the
ground in a stupid stare, and con-
‘tinued in that posture for a consi-
derable time. At length, tossing
up his head, and fixing his eyes on
the ceiling, he broke out in the fol-
lowing soliloquy : ‘‘ Oh, I am tired;
here are too many houses; too
much smoke; too many people;
Labrador is very good: seals are
plentiful there; 1 wish I was back
again.” By which I could plainly
perceive, that the multiplicity and
variety of objects had confounded
his ideas; which were too much
confined to comprehend any thing
but the inconveniences that he had
met with. And indeed, the longer
they continued in England, the more

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

was I convinced of the truth of that
opinion ; for their admiration in-
creased in proportion as their ideas
expanded; till at length they begam
more clearly to comprehend the use,
beauty, and mechanism of what they

saw; though the greater part of

these were as totally lost upon them
as they would have been upon one
of the brute creation.

“¢ Although they had often passed:
St. Paul’s without betraying any
great astonishment, or at least not
so much as all Europeans do at the
first sight of one of those stupendous
islands of ice which are daily to be
seen near the east coast of their own
country, yet when I took them to
the top of it, and convinced them
it was built by the hands of men (a
circumstance which had not entered
their heads before, for they had sup-
posed it a natural production) they
were quite lost in amazement. The

people below, they compared to-

mice; and insisted, that it must at

least be as high as Cape. Charles,.

which is a mountain of considerable
altitude. Upon my asking them

how they would describe it to their

contrymen on their return, they re--
plied, with a look of the utmost ex--
pression, they should neither men-
tion it, nor many other things which
they had seen, lest they should be
called liars, from the seeming impos-
sibility of such astonishing facts.

** Walking along Piccadilly one
day, with the two men, I took them
into.a shop to shew them a collec-
tion of animals. We had no sooner
entered than I observed their atten-
tion rivetted on a small monkey ;.
and I could perceive horror most
strongly depicted in their counten-
ances. At Jength the old man turn-
ed to me, and faltered out, ‘* Is that

an

4
i

ACCOUNT’ OF BOOKS.

an Esquimaux>?” I must confess,
that both the colour and contour of
the countenance had considerable
resemblance to the people of their
nation; but how they could con-
ceive it possible for an Esquimaux
to be reduced to that diminutive
size, Iam wholly ata loss to account
for; unless they had fixed their at-
tention on the countenance only,
and had not adverted to any other
particulars. On pointing out seve-
ral other monkeys of different kinds,
they were greatly diverted at the
mistake which they had made; but
were not well pleased to observe,
that monkeys resembled their race
much more than ours.

** The parrots, and other talkative
birds, next attracted their notice.
And it was a great treat to me, both
then and at all other times, to ob-
serve their different emotions, much
more forcibly exprest in their coun-
tenances, than is possible to be done
by those whose feelings are equally
genuine. Civilized nations imper-
ceptibly contract an artificial expres-
sion of countenance, to help out
their languid feelings: for know-
ledge, by a communication with the
world and books, enlightens our
ideas so much, that they are not so
liable to be taken by surprise as the
uninformed mind of the savage, who
never had the least hint given him,
that certain things are in existence :
consequently they break upon him
as unexpectedly and forcibly as the
sun would do upon the man who
was born deaf and blind, in case he
should suddenly be brought to sight
on a clear day.

“ Being on a dining-visit with
that excellent surgeon and anato-
mist, the ingenious John Hunter:
in the afternoon Attuiock walked
out of the room by himself, but

A8S

presently returned with such evi-
dent marks of terror, that we were
all greatly alarmed, fearing some
accident had happened to him; or
that he had met with an insult from
one of the servants. He seized hold
of my hand, and eagerly pressed me
to go along with him. I asked the
cause of his emotions, but could get
nothing more from him than ** Come
along, come along with me;” and
he hastily led me into a room in the
yard, in which stood a glass-case,
containing many human _ bones.
“‘ Look there,” says he, with more
horror and consternation in his coun-
tenance than I ever beheld in that

_of any man before, “ are these the

bones of Esquimauz whom Mr.
Hunter has killed and eaten? Are
we to be killed? Will he eat us,
and put our bones there?”’ As the
whole company followed us, the
other Indians had also taken the
alarm before the old priest had ended
his interrogatories ; nor did any of
them seem more at ease by the rest
of us breaking out into a sudden
and hearty Jaugh, till I explained
to them that those were the bones
of our own people, who had been
executed for certain crimes commit-
ted by them, and were preserved
there, that Mr. Hunter might better
know how to set those of the living,
in case any of them should chance
to be broken ; which often happened
in so populous a country. They
were then perfectly satisfied, and
approved of the practice ; but Attui-
ock’s nerves had _ received too great
a shock to enable him to resume his
usual tranquillity, till he found him-
self safe in my house again.

‘* Passing through Hyde Park, in
our way to Holland House, and ob.
serving his Majesty looking at the
regiment of Old Buffs, which were

Hhe2 then

A8A

then ging to Plymouth, we got
out of the coach and went up to the
front; where I explained to them
the use of that body of men, and of
the evolutions which they were then
performing. After his Majesty had
viewed the regiment collectively,
the recruits were drawn out a few
paces distant from the left flank,
that he might examine them. sepa-
rately. So great a crowd had gather-
ed round us as incommoded our
view of the troops, and attracted the
notice of the King, who then sent
General Harvey to order me and the
Indians into the vacant place be-
tween the regiment and the recruits.
Here his Majesty rode slowly past
them, and condescended to salute
them by taking off his hat, accom-
panied with a gracious smile: ho-
nours which they were highly pleas-
ed with, and often mentioned after-
wards with great exultation. Nor
were they in the least displeased
that his Majesty did not speak to
them; since I had previously told
them not to expect it: and they ob-
served that he spoke to none but the
commanding officer, and one or two
of those who were in attendance.

“They were afterwards greatly
diverted at the expence of the Hon.
Stephen Fox. That gentleman
came to Holland House on purpose
to see the Indians there; but when
he arrived, they were at the end of
a long gallery: Stephen being ra-
ther out of wind with walking up
stairs, sat down at the door to wait
their return, where he unfortunately
fel] fast asleep. Although we con-
tinued a long time in the house with
Lord and Lady Holland, he did not
awake from his slumber till we had
got into the coach to go away; when
he mounted his poney and gallopped

_ of hounds,

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792.

off. His manner of retreat made
them express great compassion for
the poor beast, whose unfortunate
lot it was to carry so great a weight
at such a rate; nor could I help
censuring him myself for cruelty,
till I was informed that he would
have fallen asleep on horseback had
he gone slower.. Then, indeed, I
pitied both horse and rider.

“*T continued in London till the
month of February ; at which time
I took the Indians with me to my
father’s house. at Marnbam in Not-
tinghamshire, where we stayed six
weeks. While we were there I
amused them with all kinds of field-
diversions: we also made several
visits in the neighbourhood ;_ parti-
cularly one to Kelham, where Lord
George Sutton politely invited our
whole family, and entertained my
friends with a fox-chase. Fortu-
nately we had an excellent run of
twelye miles; and it was very sin-
gular, that although the Indians had
been on horseback only. three times
before, they were both in at the
death ; which happened in an open
field, with three couple and a half
out of twenty-five
couples: a proof how hard they
must have driven him,

** T soon found the country agree -
much better with their inclinations,
as well as their health, than Lon-
don. Here they could enjoy fresh
air and exercise, without being dis-
tressed by crowds of people gather-
ing round them whenever they
stirred out; which was always the
caseintown. The women, accord-
ing to the universal disposition of
the fair sex, enjoyed visiting and
dancing; and I must say, that Caub-
vick attained to great, perfection in
that graceful accomplishment, dur-

; ing

ACCOUNT

ing her short stay. The men
were best pleased with sporting;
the exquisite nose of the hound,
who could follow an animal by the
scent, over an open country or
through a thick wood, almost as
swiftly as he could have done had
the creature been in view, the saga-
city and steadiness of the pointer,
and the speed of the greyhound,
were matters of great astonishment
to them. But, above all, they were
most struck with the strength,
beauty, and utility of that piece of
perfeetion in the brute creation,
that noble animal, the horse.

“The face of the country did not
pass unobserved by them ; and their
expression was * The land is all
made ;” for they supposed that we
had cut down the woods, and le-
velled the hills. In the former
supposition they were certainly
right; and Ido not wonder at the
latter, since they would naturally
suppose that all the world was like
the small part of it, which they had
formerly seen ; and which is almost
an entire collection of bills covered
with thick woods. As they had
néver before seen any cultivated
land (except a few small gardens,
which they observed were dug
with a spade) they formed an idea
of our immense numbers, by being
able to till so much land and con-
sume the produce of it ina year,
exclusive of the animal food with
which they saw our tables and mar-
kets abounded. How the inha-
bitants of London were supplied
with food, I could never make
them fully comprehend, any more
than I could the number of people
by which the metropolis was inha-
bited. Their arithmetic goes no
higher than the number twenty-
one; therefore, the best I could

OF BOOKS. A85
do, was to tell them, that a cer-
tain number of large whales would
serve them for one meal only.
Nothing surprised them more than
to meet with a man who assured
them he could not shoot, had never
killed an animal, nor seen the sea
in his life.

** After my return to town, by his
Majesty's permission, I took them
to court; where their dresses and
behaviour made them greatly taken
notice of. They were also at the
houses of several of the nobility
and people of fashion; and I omit-
ted nothing which came within the
compass of my pocket, to make
their stay in England agreeable, or
to impress them with ideas of our
riches and strength. The latter I
thought highly necessary, as they
had often, when in Labrador, spo-
ken of our numbers with great con-
tempt; and told me they were so
numerous, that they could cut off
all the English with great ease, if
they thought proper to collect
themselves together; an opinion
which could not fail to produce
in me very unpleasant reflections.
But they had not been long in Lon-
don before they confessed to me,
that the Esquimaux were but as
one, compared to that of the Eng-
lish.”

Having obtained the necessary
pecuniary assistance from his father,
Mr. Cartwright fitted out a ship to
trade in America, on his own ac-
count, and was preparing to sail,
when he discovered one of the In-
dians to be infected with the small
pox; which, notwithstanding all
possible medical skill and attention,
spread to the rest ; and only one of
the six (Caubvick) survived to tell
the melancholy tale to her country-
men; who received it with the

Hh 3 wildest

436

wildest apprehensions of grief and
consternation. Mr. C. returned to
England shortly after, and having
formed a new connection with a
Captain Robert Scott and his bro-
ther, he made two more voyages
to Labrador, which would have
proved somewhat more productive
than the former attainments, had
he not had the misfortune to be
pillaged by an American privateer,
lost several ships, and met with
other accidents. We shall extract
from his journal, during this period,
the following account of a singular
bear-hunt; which may not prove
uninteresting to our readers.

** On entering Eagle River, we
observed a wolvering going along
the south shore of it; which is the
first I ever saw alive, unless in a
trap. When we got to the first ra-
pid, which is as high as a boat can
go, we saw a brace of white bears
in the river above, and a black
one walking along the north shore.
I landed on the south side with my
double barrel and rifle; and ordered
Captain Kettle to land Jack on the
opposite shore; then to follow me
with one of his men, and leave the
other to take care of the boat, and
keep her afloat. I had not gone
far, before I observed a very large
black bear walking upwards, on the
other side of the river; which soon
took the water and swam across,
but landed at some distance above

“me, and went into the woods.

** About halfa mile higher, I came
to a very strong shoot of water, oc-
casioned by the river being pent in
between two high points; from
thence I saw several white bears
fishing in the stream above. I wait-,
ed for them, andina short time, a
bitch with a small cub swam down

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

eda little below. The bitch imme-
diately went into the woods, but
the cub sat down upon a rock, when

I sent a ball through it, at the dist- |
ance of a hundred and twenty yards _

at the Jeast, and knocked it over ;
but getting up again, it crawled into
the woods, where I heard it crying
mournfully, and concluded that it
could not long survive.

“Tbe report of my gun brought
some others down; and it was no
sooner reloaded, than another she-
bear, with a cub of eighteen months
old came swimming close under me.
I shot the bitch through the head,
and killed her dead. The cub per-
ceiving this, and getting sight of me,

as I was standing close to the edge |

of the bank, which was near eight
feet above the level of the water,
made at me with great ferocity ; but
just as the creature was about to re-
venge the death of his dam, I salu-
ted him with a load of large shot in
his right eye, which not only knock-

ed that out, but also made him close

the other; during which time he

turned round several times, pawed.

his face, and roared most hideously.
He no sooner was able to keep his
Jeft eye open, than he made at me
again, quite mad with rage and
pain; but when he came to the
foot of the bank, I gave him a se-
cond salute with the other barrel,
and blinded him most completely =
his whole head was then entirely
covered with blood. The second
shot made him act in the same man-
ner as the first, until he struck the
ground with his feet, when he Jand-
ed a little below me, and blundered
into the woods, knocking his head
against every rock and tree that he
met with.

“© T now perceived that two others

_ close to the other shore, and land- -had just landed, about sixty yards

above

/

Stl ceo

“4

ACCOUNT OF BOOKS.

abeve me, and were fiercely look-
ing round them. As both my guns
were discharged, the ramrod of
my rifle broken by loading in too
great haste the last time, and as I
had left my shot and ball-bag be-
longing to the other in the boat, I
freely confess that I felt myself in
a very unpleasant situation. But
as no time was to be lost, I darted
into the woods and instantly Joad-
ed my double-barrel with powder
only ; that I might singe their whis-
‘kers at least, if I were attacked ;
for the rifle-balls were too large,
Having loaded my rifle also with as
auch expedition as a broken rod
would permit, I returned to my for-
mer post. The bears having ad-
vanced a few yards, were at the
edge of the woods, and the old one
was looking sternly at me, The
danger of firing at her I knew was
great, asshe was seconded by a cub
of eighteen months; but I could
mot resist the temptation. She pre-
sented a fair broadside to me; I for-
tunately sent my ball through her
heart, and dropped her; but get-
ting up again, she ran some yards
into the woods; where J soon found
her dead, without her cub.

** The captain, bis man, and Jack
coming up, I was informed that
Jack could not get a shot at the
black bear, but had shot one of
those white ones which first passed
me; thar the beast had landed on
this side of the river, and had gone
upon a small barren hill some little
distance within the woods, and there
died; that they were going after
her, but thought it best to come
immediately to my assistance, when
they heard me fire so often.

** Leaving them to skin this bear,
I advanced higher up the river, un-
til 1 came opposite to a beautiful

A87 .

cataract, and to the end of a small. '
woody island which lies near the >
south shore. There] sat down up= ;
on some bare rocks, to contemplate -
the scene before me, and to observe
the manceuvres of the bears;_ num-
bers of which were then in sight.
“The cataract is formed by the ri-
ver being confined between two
elevated points, with a flat rock ex= »
tended across the bed of it; the
perpendicular fall of which is eight »
feet ; from whence there was a gra-
dual descent for about forty yards,
with several rude cubical rocks
standing upon it. These made a
most complete and magnificent cas-
cade ; far superior to the best arti-
ficial one I eversaw. Immediately
beneath was a deep pool; and the
river widened in a circular form, >
into a spacious bason of three hun- .
dred yards diameter, which, taking
a short turn below,
circular pond. . The water being
Jow, there was a space of some yards
between it and the woods; some
parts were composed of fragments
of rocks; others, of gravel, sand,
or flat rocks, with bushes of alder
growing in their interstices. The
whole was surrounded by small de= :
tached hills, covered with spruces »
and firs, interspersed with larches,’ |
birches, and aspin, forming a pleas= *
ing landscape; a drawing of which
I greatly regretted that [ was not
able to take. In the lower part of |
the pool were several island-rocks,
from one or two yatds over, with »
salmon innumerable, continually
leaping into the air: which hadat- .
tracted a great concourse of bears. |
Some of them were diving after the
fish; and I often observed them to
get upon a rock, from whence they ©
would take a bigh leap, fall head
foremost into the water, dive to the
Hh4 bottom,

resembled 2 -

A88

bottom, and come up again at seven-
ty or eighty yards distance. Otbers
again were walking along the shore ;
some were going to the woods, and
others coming out. I had not sat
there long, ere my attention was
diverted, from the variety of objects
which at first presented themselves,
to an enormous old dog-bear, which
came out of some alder-bushes on
my right, and was walking slowly
towards me, with his eyes fixed on
the ground, and his nose not far
from it; at the same time he pre-
sented a fair forehead to me. I
turned myself round to front him,
drew up my feet to elevate my
knees, on which [ rested my elbows,
and in that position suffered him to
come within five yards of me before
I drew the trigger; when I placed
my ball in the centre of his skull,
and killed him dead: but as the
shore was a flat reclining rock, he
rolled round until he fell into the
river ; from the edge of which, he
dropped at least four yards.

** On casting my eyes around, I
perceived another beast of equal
size, raised half out of the water.
He no sooner discovered me than
he- made towards me as fast as he
could swim. As I was not then
prepared to receive him, I ran into
the woods to makeready my unerr-
ing rifle. Whilst I was employed
in that operation, he dived and
brought up a salmon; which he re-
peatedly tossed up a yard or two in
the air, and, letting it fall into the
water, weuld dive and bring it up
again. In this manner he diverted
himself for some time, falling slow-
ly down with the stream until he
was shut out from my sight, by some

bushes, which grew a little lower

down. Being now ready, I advanc-
ed to the attack, and presently per-

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

ceived him standing in the water
with his fore-paws upon a rock, de-
vouring the salmon. I crept through
the bushes until I came opposite to:
him, and finding myself then with-
in fifty yards, I interrupted his re-
past, by sending a ball through his
‘head; it entered a little above his
left eye, went out at the root of his

right ear, and knocked him over;

he\then appeared tobe in the ago-
nies of death for some time; but
at last recovered sufficiently to land
on my side of the river, and to stag-
ger into the woods; where I found

he bled so copious a stream, that it:

was impossible he ‘could go far.
Captain Kettle and his assistants had
now finished their work, and joined
me a second time; and as I wished
them to skin the other bear, I sent
them to him for that purpose.

“* Never in my life did I regret the
want of ammunition so much as on
this day, as I was by the failure in-
terrupted in the finest sport that
man ever had. I usually’ carried
fourteen balls in the box which is

in the butt of my rifle, exclusive of’

the load; besides a couple of bags,
tied to my bandoleer, for the use of
my double barrel; one containing
six balls, and the other shot. But
this morning, I had inadvertently
neglected to replenish the box,
which bad only seven balls in. it,
and had left my bandoleer with the
bags in the boat, as 1 mentioned

before ; otherwise Iam certain that ©

I could with great ease have killed
four or five brace more. They were
in such plenty, that I counted thirty-
two white bears, and three black
ones;—but there were certainly
many more, as they generally retire
into*the woods to sleep, after mak-
ing an hearty meal; and they could
not be long in doing that here,

the

ACCOUNT OF BOOKS.

the river was quite full of fine sal-
mon.

“* Having now only two balls left,
beside that in my rifle, and fearing
I might be tempted to fire them,
and afterwards have my retreat dis-
puted, or be attacked by one: or
more enraged bear immediately af-
ter I had fired a shot, when I should
have had nothing to defend myself
with but the powder only, which
was in my other gun, I thought it
was most prudent to return to the
boat and get a fresh supply of am-
munition. When I got down, 1 not
only found myself very much fa-
tigued, but the day was far spent ;
and we had as much other work to
do as the remainder of it was com-
petent to. The Shalloway likewise
was Jeft in so exposed a situation,
that she might easily be driven from
her anchors, if it came on to blow
strong ; I therefore altered my in-
tention, and waited the return of
the other three people. It was not
long before they came down; for
they were not able to skin the bear ;
although his body was afloat in wa-
ter, which was about four feet deep,
and nothing but his head rested
upon a flat rock; yet they could
not lift even that up. It was with
the utmost exertion of their united
strength that they could heave him
off the rock with the assistance of
leavers; nor could they cant him
on his back, after he was wholly
afloat, in order to skin bim in the
water ; much less were they able to
drag him on shore. We judged
him to be as much as twelve bund-
red weight; nor could he well be
less than that, as he stood six feet
high, and his carcase was as big as
that of the largest ox I ever saw.
Finding themselves foiled in every
other attempt, at length they tied
some dry wind-falls to him, and

A8g

launched him into the stream, in
hopes that we might pick him up
with the boat; but the trees came
down without the bear, which made
us conclude that he had grounded
somewhere above. Thus ended in
disappointment the noblest day’s:
sport I ever saw; for we got only
one skin, although we had killed six
bears, and not one morsel of flesh ;
which at this time would have been
particularly acceptable, as we had
eaten nothing for fourteen hovrs.
“The black bear which I saw cross:
the river, appeared to swim very
heavily ; and I do not believe that
they can dive and catch fish in deep
water, but content themselves with
walking along the shores, where the
water is not out of their depth, to
pick up the offals which are left by
the white ones and otters; or such
as die of their wounds and drive on
shore; but they will catch fish in
shallow streams, and rake up clams.
and other shell-fish. When they
first come out of their caves in the
spring, for want of better food, I
have observed that they eat dead
grass; they also feed on ants and
other insects which they get out of
rotten windfalls; these they tear to
pieces for that purpose; but when
empetrum nigrum is ripe, they
feed almost wholly on the berries ;
which not only make them fat, but
also gives their flesh a very good fla-
your. As they have no chance with
a white bear, they always avoid the
unequal combat ; and I do believe
they will attack no animal that is
able to make a stout resistance. Even
the porcupine, I am inclined to
think, they do not molest; for I ne-
ver saw or heard of one which had
any of the quills of that creature in
him.”
His usual ill-luck attended our
author in two other voyages that he
under-

Ago

undertook, making in all six un-
suocessful attempts at founding an
establishment among the Eskimaux ;
and at length, his creditors refusing
to hear of any reasonable terms of
accommodation, a docket was struck
against him, and he was made a
bankrupt, after having sunk many
thousand pounds, and materially in-
jured his health and constitution by
this ill-fated scheme.—Mr. Cart-
wright concludes his Journal with
a short sketch of the natural history
of the inhospitable regions he re-
sided in, and with a poetical epistle
toa friend, which might as well have
been omitted ; for, inclined as we
have been to pardon the many inac-
curacies of his prose, on the score of
its being a plain and faithful narra-
tive of occurrences that really hap-
pened to him, we see no reason to
pay the same regard to the wretch-
ed verses with which he concludes
his work.

These volumes are handsomely
printed, and are accompanied by
a portrait of Captain Cartwright in
his Eskimaux dress, visiting his fox-
traps,—a correct map of the island
of Newfoundland, and an excellent
chartof part of the coast of Labrador.

Of the Origin and Progress of Lan-
guage, by Lord Monttoddo. Vol. 6.
‘1792.

ORD Montboddo, the learned
author of this work, having

in his two first volumes, given an
account of the origin of language,
and explained the nature of it, with
respect both to its matter and form ;
and compared together different lan-
guages, shewing in what they seve-
rally excelled, or were defective,
would have left his work very.im-
perfect, if he had said nothing of

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

style and composition; by which
language produces its effect, and
answers the purposes intended by
it. He has, therefore, in his third yo-
lume, treated of style in general, and
explained some general characters _
of. it; such as the austere, the
floral: the sublime, the witty, and
the humorous. In his fourth vo-
lume he was more particular, and
divided style according to the sub-
jects of which it reats, into six
different kinds; the epistolary, the
dialogue, the historical style, the
didactic, the rhetorical, and, lastly,
the poetical. In that volume and
the fifth, he treated of the first four
kinds of style ; and the fifth, na:nely
the rhetorical, in which the beauty of
style is most conspicuous, and pro-
duces the greatest effect, is the sub-
ject of the present publication. In
treating of this art, he follows the
same method that he had pursued in
treating of the grammatical part of
language, and of the other kinds of
style of which he has spoken, profess-
ing not to write a treatise upon rhe-
toric, but only to give the philosophi-
cal principles upon which it is found-
ed. Itisin this way that Aristotle has
treated of these arts, and in this re-
spect his three books of rhetoric,
and his single book of poetry, muti-
iated as it is, and little better than
a fragment, are of very great value.
Following, therefore, his footsteps,
and making the best use we can of
the light he has thrown upon the
subject, Lord Montboddo proceeds
to explain the nature, and shew the
proper use of rhetoric. He does
not however entirely confine himself
to the plan of this work, but adds a
variety of inferences and remarks,
the result of his own reading and re-
flection.
The leading heads of this volume,
are the matter and object of rheto-
ric 5

ACCOUNT OF BOOKS.

ric ; the style of rhetoric ; action or
pronunciation; characters of those
who have excelled in the rhetorical
art; the oratory of Demosthenes,
containing observations on his mat-
ter and style.

Treating of melody and rhythm,
a singular notion is advanced, that
singing is more natural to man than
speech ; and that, therefore, men
sung before they spoke. In con-
firmation of this opinion it is ob-
served, that language came from the
south and the east ; the inhabitants
of which countries are more musi-
cal than those of the north and
west.

“ History informs every man who
studies it in the grand and compre-
hensive view of the history of the
species, that language and the race
of men come from the south and
east. Now, the people there are
much more musical than in the north
and west, where they appear to
have almost quite lost those musical
talents which they brought with
them from the south and east ; and
the farther north they have gone,
the more they have lost of those
talents; so that, as Lemmius, the
Danish missionary among the Lap-
landers, informs us, these people,
though undoubtedly they came
from a country far to the east,
could hardly be taught the common
church-tunes. But there is a
southern and eastern nation, with
which we are pretty well acquaint-
ed, I mean the Chinese, who retain
the musical genius of their country
so much, that they have a far
greater variety of musical accents
upon their syllables than the
Greeks had ; for the same mono-
syllable among them, by being dif-
ferently accented, signifies nine or
ten different things; so that their

AQgl

Janguage, consisting of no more
than three hundred and_ thirty
words, serves all the purposes of a
highly civilized life. Mr, Bevin,
the gentleman whom I haye men-
tioned in my fifth volume, was so
obliging as to let me hear him
speak some Chinese; and, as far as
I could observe, their tones did not.
rise so high as the acute accent
of the Greeks; but the notes are
very much divided, and the in-
tervals very small, so that the mu-
sic of their language resembles in
that respect, the singing of birds.
Whether they did not vary their
monosyllables, by pronouncing
them longer or shorter, I forgot to
ask him; but I think it certain,
that as rhythm is an essential part
of music, they could not have had
so much music in their language
without rhythm; and I am per-
suaded that they distinguish in that
way the sense of several of their
monosyllables, as we know the
Greeks distinguished some of their
words by the length or shortness of
the syllables.

«* Of the Chinese language I have
spoken in page 108 of this volume ;
and I will only had here, that it is
the greatest phenomenon of the
language kind that is to be found
on this earth; for it is a language
without any of the three arts of de-
rivation, composition, and flection ;
without one or other, or all of
which, I should have thought it
impossible to have formed a lan-
guage which could serve the pur-
poses of a life of civility and arts,
such as that of the Chinese, It is,
as I have observed in the passage
above quoted, in that infantine
state of articulation, when men had
only learned to articulate single
syllables, but not to put them tope-

ther

AQ2
ther in words; for there must be a
progress in all arts, from what is
simplest and easiest, to what is com-
pound and more difficult.

“The first words, therefore, were
as simple as possible, being only
monosyllables: and there, I think,
it is natural to suppose that they
would stop a while; and by giving
tones and rhythms to those sylla-
bles, express their wants and desires,
and so keep up an intercourse with
one another. In this state, I ima-
gine, the languageremained for some
time, even in Egypt, where I sup-
pose it to have been first invented :
and while it was in that state, it
found its way to China, with other
Egyptian arts, and particularly hie-
roglyphical writing, which M. De
Guignes has shewn came from
Egypt to China. See vol. 34th of
the Memoirs of the French Acade-
my. The Chinese, who, I believe,
are, as Dr, Warburton has said, a
dull uninventive people, have pre-
served both the language and the
writings of the Egyptians as they got
them. But in Egvpt, I do not be-
lieve that either of these arts conti-
nued long in so infantine a state.
That alphabetical characters were
invented there, I think there can be
no doubt, and also the three great
arts of language, derivation, compo-
sition, and flection. When they
had got so far in the art of language,
words of many syllables became ab-
solutely necessary: the tones and
rhythms of the monosyllables were
nevertheless still preseryed ; and in
this manner was formed such a lan-
guage as the Shanscrit; which is
now discovered to have been the
ancient language of Egypt, and of
which the Greek is a dialect. Thus
was completed the most wonderful
of all human arts; by which about

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1702.

five millions of words were so con-
nected together, as to be compre-
hended in the memory, and readily
used, and at the same time pro-
nounced with a beautiful variety of
melody and rhythm.

“¢ But to return to the musical ac-
cents of the Chinese language. The
question is, whether they first learn-
ed to articulate their monosyllables,
and then learned these musical notes
by which they distinguish them one
from another? or, whether they first
practised music, and then learned
articulation ? And it appears to me
very much more probable, that hav-
ing first sung, whether by instinct,
or having learned it from the birds ;
and after that, having learned from
some nation with which they had
an intercourse, to articulate a few
sounds, they still continued to sing,
and, as it was very natural, joined
their musical tones to their articu-
late sounds, and so formed a musical
language, and at the same time sup-
plied the defects of their very scan-
ty articulation.”

The principles and rules of rhe-
toric are well illustrated in the ex-
amples of eloquence, which our au-
thor brings from the Grecian and
Roman writers, and particularly in
an excellent critique on Demosthe-
nes, in which the subject and the
stile of his orations are distinctly
considered, and fully illustrated. The
volume concludes with an account
of an oration pronounced at Oxford,
by Lord Mansfield, on the subject
of Demosthenes’s oration De Corond.

Calvary ; or the Death of Christ. A
Poem, in Eight Books. By Richard
Cumberland. Ato. 1792.

W 8 are sorry to observe an
author whom we have Jong

been

ACCOUNT OF BOOKS...

been accustomed to admire as a vo-
tary of the unhallowed nine, turn-
ing his back on the not unkind ob-
ject of his former adoration (Thalia)
to bring his offering to the epic
muse, who does not appear so pro-
pitious to his invocations.

Beyond the difficulty of following
so nearly in his subject the immor-
tal Milton, without causing invidi-
ous comparisons to be made, there
is a sameness and tediousness in
this poem which will, probably, al-
ways prevent its becoming a popu-
lar work.

The passages in which our author
shews most of the vis poctica, are
those where he introduces the in-

498

fernal spirits ; but even here we are
hurt by the too palpable imita-
tions of Milton. We shall not at-
tempt an analysis of a poem, the
subject of which has been given
with such beautiful simplicity by
the Evangelist, as to defy the me-
retricious embroidery of verse;
but we shall select a passage or two,
from which our readers may form
some idea of the nature and execu-
tion of the work. Satan, after hav-
ing delivered his. injunctions to
Mammon, the seducer of Judas
Iscariot, is lifted up from the earth
by a stormy gust, and carried out of
sight ; the description is in a high
degree sublime. *

So spake the parting fiend in his last hour
Prophetic, father though he were of lies :
To him the inferior damon answer none
Attempted, but in ghastly silence stood
Gazing with horror on his chieftain’s face,
That chang’d all hues by fits, as when the north,
With nitrous vapours charg’d, convulsive shoots
Its fiery darts athwart the trembling pole,
Making heav’n’s vault a'canopy of blood ;
So o'er the visage of th’ exorcis’d fiend
Alternate gleams like meteors came and went ;
And ever and anon he beat his breast,
That quick and short with lab’ring pulses heay’d.
One piteous look he upward turn’d, one sigh
From his sad heart he fain had sent to heay’n,
But ere the hopeless messenger could leave
His quiv’ring lips, by sudden impulse seiz’d,
He finds himself uplifted from the earth ;
His azure wings, to sooty black now chang’d,
In wide expanse from either shoulder stretch
For flight involuntary: up he springs,
Whirl'd in a fiery vortex round and round;
As when the Lybian wilderness caught up
In sandy pillar by the eddying winds
Moves horrible, the grave of man and beast;
Him thus ascending the fork’d lightning smites
With sidelong volley, whilst loud thunders rock
Heav’n's echoing vault, when all at once, behold !

Caught

494

Caught in the stream of a
High in mid-air, swift on
Northward he shoots, and
Long fiery track behind, s

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

n impetuous gust,
the level wing

, like a comet, leaves

peeding his course

Strait to the realms of Chaos and old Night,

Hell-bound, and to Tartar

The dreadful doctrine of eternal punishment is described

horrors.

Of that obscure, a pillary cloud arose

_Of sulph’rous smoke, that

ean darkness doom’d.

in all its.

At farthest end

from hell’s crater steam’d ;

Whence here and there by intermittent gleams
Blue flashing fires burst forth, that sparkling blaz’d

Up to the iron roof, whos

e echoing vault -

Resounded ever with the dolorous groans

Of the sad crew beneath.
The wailing suicide’s rem

Thence might be heard
orseful plaint ;

The murd’rer's yelling scream, and the loud cry
Of tyrants in that fiery furnace hurl'd.

Vain cry! th’ unmitigated furies urge

Their rutbless task, and to the cauldron’s edge
With ceaseless toil huge blocks of sulphur roll,
Pil’d mountains high, to feed the greedy flames :
All these, th’ accursed brood of Sin, were once
The guilty pleasures, the false joys, that lur’d

Their sensual vot'rists to t
Them their fell mother, w
With eye that sleep ne’er

h? infernal pit :
atchful o’er the work,
clos’d, and snaky scourge

Stillwwaving o’er their heads, for ever plies
To keep the fiery deluge at its height,

And stops her ears against the clam’rous din
Of those tormented, who for mercy call,

Age after age implor'd, an

These wretched beings are visited
a sigh of natural pity: but soon his

d still deny’d.

by Christ ; and they draw from him:
human sympathy gives place

To judgment better weigh’d, and riper thoughts
Congenial with the Godhead reassum’d.

Such rigorous justice, triumphing
over misery, cannot be easily recon-
ciled with rational ideas of the Su-
preme Being, nor with the mild and
gentle character of Christ :—but
whatever may be thought of the
doctrine itself, it must, we think, be

admitted, that such subjects are ill -
adapted to poetry. We cannot bet-
ter express our ideas on this head,
than in the words of Dr. Johnson, in
his life of Milton :

“‘ Of the ideas suggested by these
awful scenes, from some we ioe

wi

ACCOUNT

with reverence, except when stated
hours require their association ; and
from others we,shrink with horror,
or admit them only as salutary in-
flictions, as counterpoises to our in-
terests and passions. Such images
rather obstruct the career of fancy
than incite it.

» “Pleasure and terror are indeed
the genuine sources of poetry: but
poetical pleasure must be such as
human imagination can at least con-
ceive, and poetical terror such as hu-
man strength and fortitude may com-
bat. The good andevil of eternity are
too ponderous for the wings of wit ;
the mind sinks under them in pas-
sive helplessness, content with calm
belief and humble adoration.”

We could select here and there
passages equally poetical and impres-
sive; but after all, we question whe-
ther they will confer immortality
ona work, the far greater part of
which consists of diffuse narrations,
or of discourses put into the mouths

of the several parties concerned in-

our Saviour’s capture, trial, and
crucifixion.

Mr. Cumberland is throughout, a
warm advocate for the Trinity, and
the creed of the established church ;
but we fear the circulation of his
book will be too limited for it ever
to obtain the praise conferred on
the Paradise Lost; that is, of its
having contributed more to support
the orthodox creed than all the bo-
dies of divinity that ever were writ-
ten.

Travelsduring the Years 1787, 1788,
and 1789 ; undertaken more parti-
cularly with a View of ascertaining
the Cultivation, Wealth, Resources,
and National Prosperity of the
Kingdom of France. By Arthur

OF BOOKS. 405
Young, Esq. F.R.S. §c. 2 vol.

Ato. 1792.

A BOOK so valuable as this
must prove to every class of
readers, we could not leave unno-
ticed; though our contracted li-
mits,professing only to be an account,
not a review of books, will not al-
low of our making those copious
extracts of agreeable information
with which Mr. Young’s book
abounds, but in the selection of
which we should be at a loss where
to stop. Should our mention of it,
however, merely prove an induce-
ment to some of our readers to
peruse volumes which, from ac-
cidental circumstances, may not al-
ready have fallen into their hands,
we shall think we have done a pub-
lic benefit, by promoting, as much
as lies in our power, a turn for the
cultivation of and attention to a
science which is the source of our
real wealth, and which is the basis
of the prosperity of these king-
doms. From the comparative view
here presented by our author of
French and English agriculture,
though confessedly giving the latter
the preference in every respect,
we are taught to find that we do
not excel the rest of Europe so-
much as other travellers, who have:
not made agriculture the peculiar
object of their enquiries, would
make us believe we do.’ We do
not make this observation by way
of depreciating our own progress
in this department; but only that
the efforts of our rivals may stimu-
late us to fresh exertions, and ani-
mate us in the pursuit of so useful _
and so noble a science. Indeed it
must be admitted that, till lately,
the same attention has not been
paid to agriculture that has been
devoted

496

devoted to less important objects,

and occasioned our rapid progress
and improvement in them. The
study, however, of agriculture, ow-
ing to the exertions of our author,
assisted by the Board of Agriculture
in England, and of Sir John Sin-
clair in Scotland, bids fair to be-
come a favourite pursuit; and we
-have no doubt of soon making
equal strides to perfection in it,

The Annals of Agriculture, a
monthly publication carried on
under the immediate management
and care of our author, has certain-
Jy contributed much to the dissemi-
nation of this species of knowledge,
by forming a point of union to
which the inteiligent farmer can
resort, either to receive or commn-
nicate information. The agricul-
tural world is also indebted to our
author for a Farming Tour in Ire-
land, which though the only book
upon that subject, and containing
many interesting particulars, is, we
believe, but little known.

The first volume of the work
now before us, contains the jour-
nal or diary of our author’s tour in
France, Italy, and Spain; in this
journal are contained many inte-
resting observations on the face
and products of the countries thro’
which he passed, and upon the man-

ANNUAL REGISTER,

1792.

ners, customs, and amusements of
the inhabitants.

In the second volume, Mr. Young
throws the principal subjects be-
longing to the leading and predo-
minant object of his view, namely
agriculture, into distinct chapters,
in which he treats. of the extent,
soil, and face of the country, cli-
mate, produce, rent, and price of
land, courses of ‘crops, irrigation,
meadows, lucerne, sanfoin, pines,
inclosures, tenantry, size of farms,
sheep, capital employed in husban-
dry, the price of provisions, labour,
and produce of France; of po-
pulation, police, corn, commerce,
n anufactures, taxation, and con-
cluding observations on the revo-
lution, and the probable effects it
would have on the general interests
of the kingdom. On this variety
of interesting topics, much valuable
information is given, founded on
authentic documents and accurate
returns.

On the whole, we cannot take
leave of our lively traveller, with-
out expressing our obligations to
him for a vast deal of light on agri-
cultural and political subjects, in-
terspersed with much amusing de-
taii of the character and state of

~society in the countries he visit-
ed,

THE

THE

CONTENTS.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

©: AAP. yok

Human Affairs governed by permanent Principles. Characters of Nations
how formed. Character of the French, History of the Spirit of the
French Nation for more than a Century past. Connection between the
French Academy and the late Revolution. The greatest Characters in the
highest Stations, carried, along with others, on the Tide of public Opinion.
Question concerning the real Views of the Authors of the Revolution. Ma-
nifesto drawn up by Condorcet, and decreed by the National Assembly. The
same extravagant Hopes of general Improvement and Happiness that were
entertained in France, diffused throughout other Countries in Europe.
Different Parties concur in a Desire {0 subvert the old, and establish anew
Order of Affairs. The immediate Commencement of the Millenium ex-
pected. Miserable Disappointment. The Constitution from which so much
had been expected, fraught with the Seeds of Dissolution, Crime, and Ca-
lamity. In the Midst of these, the Levity and Impetuosily of the French
Character still predomiant. The first Fruits of the new Constitution
adopted by the Legislative Assembly. The Revolution and Massacres of
_ Avignon, The ambitious Policy of the French the same as that of the an-
cient Romans. Act against Emigration, and for punishing the Emigrants.
This not sanctioned by the King. The King writes Letters to the Princes,
pressing them to return within the Bosom of France. The Rovalists of
France, after the Retreat of the Princes, divided into two Parties; the
_ Queen?s and that of the Princes. Circumstances that fomented @ precon-
ceived Jealousy of the King. Plan of the Assembly for lessening the Power of
_the King, and establishing their own onits Ruins. The carious Steps taken
Sor this Plan. Those taken by the Court for their Counteraction. Change
of Ministry. Interual Contests and Dissentions. Declaration of War
against the Emperor. The King refuses to sanction Decrees for a Camp
near Paris, and against the Refractory Priests. A furious Multitude
breaks into the Thuilleries. Remonstrance against this Outrage by the
General La Fayette. Decree announcing the Country to be in Danger..1

OHA P.\vI0.

Confederation against France of Germany and Russia, and the Courts of Tu-
rin, Naples, Rome, Spain, and Portugal. The Combined Armies of Aus-
tria and Prussia, ou the Frontiers of I'rance, commanded by the Duke of
Brunswick. Manifesto of the Duke. Federates, from all Parts of France,
celebrate the Third Anniversary of the Revolution. The Whole of Paris
overawed by a small Band of Marseillois. The Marseilluis become a Rally-
ing Post to the passize Citizens, who gain by Degrees an Asccndency in
Paris, and the other Towns in France. Alotion for an Accusation against
la Fayette rejected. Which irritates the Parisians. Petitions to the As-
sembly for the Deposition of the King. Proclamation of the King to the
Nation. The Thuilleries attacked by an armed Multitude, and reduced by
the Assailants. The Defenders, after a gallant Resistance, overpowered by
numbers, and the greater Part massacred. The King and R, Family flee
to the Nat. Assembly. Measures taken or advised, previously to this, for

Vor. XXXIV. Ti the

CONTENTS.
the Support of the Royal Authority. Conduct of the Assembly before, at,
and after the Engagement of the, Thuilleries. ‘Generous Efforts of Indi-
viduals for saving the flying Swiss. The King suspended from the Royal
functions, The King andR. Family-detained ‘in Prison as ix ..30

, GH App, Ie,
Causes that involzed the Dissolution of the French Monévchy. The Founda-
tions on hich the Monarchy was established.) These removed by a Change of
Manners, Three Eras or Periods of the Revolution. The proximate Cause
of the final Dissolution of the Monarchy. . The Community of Paris takes
the Lead in Public Affairs. Change of Ministers. General Elections.
Arresteand Domiciliary Visits. Walking Commissioners. Prisons full of
Victims. Massacres at Paris. Cruel Treatment of the Roy. Family. The :
Meeting of the Nat. Convention. Their Proceedings, Theu abolish Roy-
alty. Court the Favour and invite the Aid of Philosophers. Amass in

their Treasury as much Gold and Silver as possitle. Prepare for a Mock
Trial, and the Execution of the King. Efforts of Roland to sooth the
public Mind, restore Order, and Industry. Without Success. Absurdity |
of the great political Principles. on which he acted, and Extracagance of :
his Eapectations. No general Change of inveterate Habits effected bynew
Laws. The Ejjicacy of Laws depends on Activity of human Passions..47
C' HAP? TVs
Tnsurr ection in the French W. Indies. Internal State of the Islands previous
to.1789. Division of the Inhabitants. Form of Government. Univer-
sal Oppression. All parties discontented. Threatening Aspect of Af-
fairs. Convulsions evidently near. Disposition of France towards the
Colonics. Society ‘of Les amis des Noirs. Its Proceedings. St. Domingo
sends 18 Deputies to the National Assembly in 1789. Suppression ofan
Insurrection of the Mulattoes.. The Legislature of France wisely resolve
not to interfere in the Affairs of the Colonies. The General Colonial’ As-
sembly of St. Domingo meets at St, Mare’s on the 10th April 1790. It
is opposed by Mauduit and the Royalists, who gain over the People of Co-
lour, kxtracagant Plan of a new Constitution, voted by the Assembly on
the 28th May. Both parties prepare for War. The Deputies embark for
France, to justify their Conduct before the King and the National Con-
vention. Proceedings -of the Jacobins in France, They precail upon
J. Ove to under takean £ Expedition to St. Domingo, in favour of
his Brethven, » His Character, Rebellion and Death. Hostile Disposition
of all Parties in France to the West Indian Planters. Reception of the
St. Domingo Deputies. Murmurs in the Colonies. Murder of Mauduit.

- Decree of the Nat. Assembly for placing the People af Colour on a Footing
with the IVhites. Its Impolicy. Its dreadful Effects in the Islands. Re-
beilion in Guadaloupe and St. Lucia. If is proposed at Cape Francois to
deliver up the Colony te the English. Meeting of the new Colonial As-
sembly at Leogans on the 25th of Aug. Insurrection of the Mulattoes.
They gain ovcr the Negroes, who risen a Mass. Their dreadful Atroci-
ties. They destropevery thing with Fire.and Sword. Consternation at
Cape Francois. Measures pursued by both Parties.. Negro Barbarity.
Peace restored by a Treaty between the Whites and Malatteas's 3 in which
the Decree of the 15th of May is agreed to by the former Repeal of
that Decree by the Nat. Assembly, and Civil War renewed in St. Domingo.
Battle of Cul de'Sac. | Mutual Cruelties. The Commissioners from the

National Assembly arrive in December. They are universally hated and
despised.

CONTENTS.

despised. Soon after, return to France, New ones appointed with unlimit=
ed powers. Decree of the 4th of May. Arrival in St. Domingo of San-
thonax, Polceril, and Ailtian. Their Tyranny and Oppression. They
become absolute Masters of the neg enslave it. State, of the other
Islands, Conclusion ...... 0.0.0.4 deat Sa aivewliae Revere . 68

Cc H ATP Vt
Death of the Emperor Joseph, and Accession of Leopold; their Effects.
Errors of tae Meeting at Pilnitz. Its real Object. Project of Leopold
Sor settling und preserving the Peace of Europe. The Cause of the King
and Royalists of France espoused by Catherine I1., the K.of Prussia, and
the young Emperor Francis. The Combined Armies of Austria, under the
Duke of Brunswick. The Duke not at Liberty to pursue his own “Plans.
The Manifesto in his Name. By whom composed ............00 0% 85-

Cy ALB Nel.

Mr, Rochambcau takes the Command of a French Army. Head Quarters at
Valenciennes. Disposition and State of the Army. Dzyevisions. The
greater Part of the Officers attached to Royalty. Expedition under Biron
against Mons. Fails of Success. So also, that under Dillon against
Tourney. Resignation of Rochambeau, Servan appointed Muister at
War. Reflections on the Military Operations of the French. New Plan
of Operations. Servan succeeded in the War Department by Dumouriez.
Operations under Marischal Luckner, First Division of the Prussian
Army under the Duke of Brunswick, arrive at Coblentz. The Situation and
Strength of the different Armies of France. Position of the Austrian
Army. Manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick. Desertions from the
Austrian Armies. Keduction, by the Austrians under General Clairfait,
of Longwy and Verdun. Siege of Thionville, and vigorous and success-
Sul Defence. Various Actions between the Prussians andthe French > Un=-
_der Dumouriez. Sickness in the Prussian Army. War with Sardinia,
and Successes of the French Troops under General Montesquieu. Retreat
Oh Gig. Pre BE naan iavninanilh> sensinndec-o ath helalonee avd: sien

CHAP. vil.

Accusations decreed by the National Assembly against the Generals Luckner
and Anselm. Progress of General Custine on the Banks of the Rhine, in
Germany. .drmistice proposed. Longwy given up by the Prussians-to
the French. Dumouriez goes to Paris. to concert with the Assembly the
future Operations of the War. His Progress in the Netherlands, Battle
of Jemappe. Consequences of the Victory obtained there by the French.
The Reduction of all the Austrian Netherlands; of Liege; and all the
Country between the Sarne and Moselle, as fur as the bridge of Cosare-
bruck. Effects of the Victories obtained by the French Republic. ... 108

CHAP." Vil¥.

The Sessions of the British Parliament opened, Debates in the H. of Com.
on the King’s Speech. On the War in India. On the Armament against
Russia. Motion for Papers by Mr.Gray. Debates in the 1. of Lords or
the Russian Armament. Debates in the 1. of Com. on the same Subject 126

CLAP... Uy,

Debates on the Treaty of Marriage between the Duke of York and. the Prin-
cess of Prussia, Stutement of the Finances, Petition to Parliament’
against Lotteries, Debates ou the Slave Trade in both Houses. ... 142

li2 CHAP.

CONTENTS.

OH APs \ee

Police Bill for Westminster. New Forest bill. Trial of Mr. Rose, for in-
terfering in the Westminster Election. Petition from the Scotch Burghs,
Society of Friends to the People. Debates on Mr. Gray's Motion for a
Parliamentary Reform. The King’s Proclamation, Debates on the Riots at
Birmingham. The Adherents to Episcopacy in Scotland relieved, Mr, Foa's
Motion iu favour of the Unitarians rejected. Debates on the Libel Bill, in
both Houses. Lord Rawdon’s Bill, concerning Debtors and Creditors, Mr.
Dundas’s Account of the Finances and Situation of India, Close of the
MSE REIN 2! Binis, o/s the als boya ME <taed i eS ee oe ee ee as ee nigel. 1.46

Observations on his Majesty's Speech un the Prorogation of Parliament. On
the Main Subject on which it turned, the National Debt-Bill. Impolicy of
the British Government, in not mediating in Tine, between the Rulers af
France and Germany. The Minister wisely seeks Popularity, by Endea-
wours to protect Public Credit, and opens new Channels of Commerce.
Dynbuvsy’ to Chiba! Se se oe i ew es ae ks He ROSE I, mt bana fey
. CA PO RR i
Political State of India at the Peace of, Mangalore. Power and Ambition of
Tippoo. Hatred borne him by all his Neighbours. Proceedings of the dif-
Ferent States of Hindostan, from 1784 to 1788. Tippoo descends theGhauts
to the kingdom of Travancore. Keturns upon a Remonstrance from the Eng.
lish, The Rajah purchases from the Dutch the Forts of Cranganore and
Jacottah. Indiguation of Tippoo. He attacks the Lines of T'ravancore.
Is repulsed. The Government of Madras interferes. The Rajah still ob-
- stinate. Is driven from the Lines, and loses almost all his Kingdom. The
English prepare for War. Arguments for and against the Justice of it.
Operations of Gen. Meadows, He takes Carour, Daraporam, Cuzmbatore,
and Dindigul. Expedition of Col. Floyd to Sattimungulum. He is sur-
prized by Tippoo. His Masterly retreat. Movements of the Sultan. Junc-
zion of the Grand and Carnatic Armies. Tippoo, to prevent the Invasion of
Mysore, marches for the Carnatic. Eludes the Pursuit of the British
Army. Lays Siege to Tiagar. Takes several Forts and lays waste the
Country with Fire and Sword. Transactions on the Malabar Coast. Gen.
Meadows takes Cannanore, Baleapatam, &¢. Brilliant Success of Col.
Hartley. Arrical of Lord Cornwallis at Madras. Plan of the ensuing
Campaign. Siege and Capture of Bangalore. The Army marches to the
North. Is joined bya large Body of Cavalry from the Nizam. Returns to
Bangalore. Lord Cornwallis determines tomarch to Seringapatam. Defeats
Tippoo. Distress of the Army. A sudden Swelling of the Cavery prevents
the Junction of Gen. Abercrombie. Lord Cornwallis returas towards Ban-
galore, and finds it necessary to abandon the Si:ge of Seringapatam till the
Jollowing Season. Junction of the Mahrattas at Milgottah. The allied
Armics arrive at Bangalore. They separate, Capture af Aussoor and
Rayacottah. A large Convoy arrives from the Carnatic. Capture of
Nundydroog, and the Forts north-east of Bangalore. Conduct of Tippoo.
His Troops repulsed from Coimbatore. He sends against it Cummer Ud
Deen Cawn, who takes it, after a vigorous Siege. Lord Cornwallis de-
taches Col. Maxwell to scour the Baramaul, and to protect the Convoys
then expected. He takes Penegra, and is repulsed from Kistnagheri. Siege
and €upture of Savendroog. Capture of Outre Droog. Transactions of
the Allies, Inactivity of the Nizain’s General. Successes of Purseram
Bhow,

— = el

CONTENTS.

Bhow. His Imprudence, The British Army again arrives before Serin-
gapatam. Description of Tippoo’s fortificd Camp. Lord Cornwallis re-
solves to attack it. Plan of the Attack. Its Success. Tippoo shuts him=
self up within the Fort. Preparations for the Siege. Tippoo attempts the
Life of Lord Cornwallis. Junction of Gen, Abercrombie. The Trenches
are opened. — Gen. Abercrombie invests the remaining Side of the Fort.

Certain Prospect of Success. Termination of Hostilities. Preliminary
Articles of Peace. Arrival in the English Camp of the Sultan’s tuo Sons.
His Reluctance to accede to the Demands of the Allics, Recommence-

ment of the Siege. Definitive Treaty concluded .......0++s0000s: 196
CHRONICLE. 1—6L

Warins yorene Pear (792? 3 POSER PS ON Ey 52
NITEM ED 703, - bara ncaa «sha n'en'oSa'o'n'e'e Sepa an toate OM IHS STON 53
Pomona) 5) SO SC Oy ed ost Ze 55
cg Ee RT een SP ON? Oi SONAL gs Sher 58
Sheriffs appointed by his Majesty in Council ......0...0-.0eeeeee =.GF

AFPENDIX TO THE CHRONICLE.
Unanimous Opinion of the Judges on the 27th April, 1792, respecting the
eter af Ee Wele). 6 3's «said a Rectan d toe BORA Bike veaahia Siaise we taheinile aden 62
Address of the Delegates of the Dissenters, to the Protestant Dissenters of
the Town of Bir mingham, who suffered from the Riots.....++.-+0++ 68
Address from the London Corr esponding Society, and Four ether Societies in
England, to the National Convention, with the President's Answer... .70
Address from the Revolution Society in London, to the Nat. Convention 72
Address of the Society for Constitutional Information, in London, to ditto 73
Address of the Clergy of the Diocese of Worcester to the Pisin on his Pro-

CUE ROS DETAR, a \S aca ojnin io asa ley x abielabe nine «inl D oiait ocanipraly zyes* seine hd
Address of the Clergy of the Diocese of Llanduff, on the same ¢ Occasion. . ib.
Case of the Suffering Clergy of France, Refugees in England ......++ 76
Declaration and Address of the Society for Par liamentar) ry Reform ....77
Resolutions of the same Society, May 5, 1792 200 ccee cece cesecee .82
Letter to the Society of the Friends of the People, from the Society for Con~

stitutional Infor mation at Sheffield, and Answer........0+..40+ oe. 8
Letter to the Society of the Friends of the People, and Resolutions...... 87
Resolutions of the same Society, December 15....00.-+0-0+0000% siete
The Tiheme December, 22. 1.5, 6.44 tea Mapte hao braless iolkiekavas'd iat eonsetegclin: oka 90.

Association for preserving Liberty and Property against Republicans, §c. 92
Proceedings at a Meeting of the Ward of Cripplegate Without, Dec.\2 96
Resolutions agreed to by the Inhabitants of St. George, Hanover Square,

bey CN eer Ce er oe eee NO, -97
Resolves of the Convention of Bun ‘gesses, relative to the Scottish Ro yal

Burgs, in Convention, Edinburgh, July 20 ....ceeeeeee ces erees 98
Scots Borough Reform, in Convention, July QQ.e..ceeeeeeeeeeeee ..99
Subscription towards the Succour of the People of Poland .....4++ -. 101
PORIASUBSCrIPLION , : « ... «Be in’oialals lative SMa deln0 0 5 Sa nea 102
Standing Orders of the House of Bras ‘respecting Navigable Canals, &c. 103
State of Ireland in 1748 and 1792, comparcd,.......0e+eseeeeeee 106

An Account of the Number of English Vessels, their Tonage, &c. 1792 105
Account of Goods, §c. imported into Great Britain from all Parts of the
World, from 5th of January 1792, to 5th of January 1793........ 108
British Merchandize xported, from 5th Jan. 1792, to 5th Jan, lig . 116
roreign

‘CONTENT 5.
Foreign’ Goods exported, from Jan.'5,1792, to January 5, 1793......120
‘Abstract of the Number of Vessels, with the Amount of their Tonage, that
~ “have cleared out from the Ports of London, Bristol, and Liverpool, to the
Coast of Africa, to purchase Slaves, in the Three Years preceding 5th of
Peary, 17a Oe NETS IEG). TR ony | 2 GRR VEray Wen SA eee 128
Phe like Abstract, from the 5th January 1792, to 4th May 1792... .ib.
Account of the Number of Slaves which have been imported from Africa into
‘the Brit. W. India Islands, between 5th Jan.1789, and 5th Jan. 1792,
~ distinguishing each Year ; of those retained in the Brit. W. India Islands,

and those re-exported to Settlements of foreign Powers.......... 129
‘Abstract of the Newfoundland Fisheries, from 1699 to 1791 ........ 130
Account of the Income and Charges upon the Consolidated Fund, in the

Quarter’ ended Sth of Jan. 1793... ono 0.0.9 v9,0:0,9.0 6 90 2,0, Saas 131

-Total Net Produce paid into the Exchequer of the Duties of Customs in Eng-
land and Scotland, distinguishing the Produce on every separate Article, the
Duties on which shall have amounted to 10601. or more, in the year pre-

ceding 10th Off) 1702 CMe mie: shan a Daal vccutla sg <2 ene ee 136
Produce of the duties of Excise in England, in the four Quarters next pre-
Oy COUENE LOL UOCE, B72 tammEnae so was Relea sc = aioe eRe ey etainic 140
_ The like Account on the Part of Scotland 0. .0. 6.000 ees cri tgs Ne
Total Net Produce of the Stamp Revenue in the Year 10th Oct.1792..143
The like of the Duties under the Headof Incidents ...... 20.000 4-05 144

Account of the’Total Produce of the Duties of Customs, Excise, Stamps, and
Incidents, respectively, for one Year, ending 10th of October, 1792. . 146
Supplies granted by Parliament for the Year 1792 ......+.-.0+-405 147
Public Acts passed in the second Session of the 17th Parliament of Great
EMT. OMEN OCCT tate ae ste Set sme ys ts ca pause aby stat 150
State of the Barometer, Thermometer, and Hygrometer, forthe Year 1792, 151
Erices Of Stocks. for the Year VP G2 ON, Ut Me dhe + ope ee Vina oe'e 152
Bill of Christenings and Burials, from Dec. 13, 1791, to Dec. 11, 1792, 153
Account of the Quantities of all Corn and Grain exported from and imported
into England and Scotland, with the Bounties and Drawbacks paid, and
the Duties received thereon for the Year ended 5th January, 1793 .. 154
ccount of the Average Prices of Corn in England and Wales, by the Win-
ehester"Bisner, Jor tie Leon Vee vata sea ke ee cate ct «5 wise ls ease 155
Sep AP EOP Ah ee RS:

His Majesty’s Speech to both Houses of Parliament, Jan. 31,1792 ..156
Speech of Mr. Speaker to his Majesty, April 5, 1792... 2+. -0ee eee 157
Proclamation for precénting Seditious Meetings, c. May 21, 1792 ..158
Joint Address of toth Houses of Parliament to his Majesty, June 2, 1792, 160

His M bjesty’s most gracious "Answer (20. ee coop ec een et ones 161
Speech of Mr. Speaker to his Majesty, June 15, 1792.......2..++0 ab.
Protest against the Address of the Lords, on the Proclamation, May 31.. ib.
Psdtesiananaes LIB BUE A, eS LN POO Ee ian lee ea 164
His Majesty’s Speech to both Houses of Parliament, June 15, 1792 ..165
Proclamation for calling out the Militia ..... 00... ee cee eee ees piel.
Proclamation for the Meeting of Parliament 1.2.2.2... ..0-eee000 .- 166
His Majesty’s Speech to both Houses of Parliament, Dec. 13, 1792 .. 167
Speech of the Lord Lieut. of Ireland to Do, January 19 ......++0++ 169
Speech of the Speaker to the Irish House of Commons on presenting the Bills

Of Sippy] APTA YS, TZ OO ss ve oo ' wey Wigton s sme aoe sales aap . 170

“Speech of the Lord Lieutenant to both Houses of Parliament, April 18.. td.
Treaty

CONTENTS.

‘Treaty of Peace with Tippoo Satb.. 2.2.0... ee eee eee eee eee 171
» Confidential Letter from the King of the French to the King of England. . 173

Note delivered by M.Chauzelin to Lord Grenville, May 12.......... 174
Note from Lord Grenville to M. Chawvelin, May 24 .......-...... 176

* Proclamation of Neutrality .......4... BS ee a ee 177
Note from M. Chauvelin to Lord Grenville, May 24 .....00.00.+.- 178
‘Letter from Lord Grenville to M. Chauvelin, May 25......0.......- 179
. Letter from M. Chauvelin to Lord Grenville, May 25.....0...00004 180
Note from M. Chauvelin to Lord Grenville, June 18 2. .0...-.60005 ab.
\ Note from Lord Grenville to M. Chauvelin, July 8......66...4.% rev 82
- Note*presented by Citizen Chauvelin to Lord Grenville, July 25.2.2... ib,
Mr. Dundas’s Letter to Earl Gower, Ambassador at Paris, Aug. 17.184
Sie ieatraderi Mie Vode Ca voor a eet ies Sau . itd.
Note to L.Grenville from Ministers of the Emperor and King of Naples,
Ms Sept..20...... ‘paca ae ae RES ie aig sh i. wiaed 185
Note in Answer from Lord Grenville ..........+++4 sieht iohts Shbda 2 ib.
Letter from Lord Auckland, English Ambassador at the Hague, to the Graf-
fier of the States General, Sept. 24 0... ccc e dee ee eee lebeseees 186
Extracts of the Resolutions of the States General, Sept. 25. .......... ib.

~ Declaration of his Brit. Majesty to the States General, Nov. 16...... 188
Ment Wa agerg boo stint. woe io. we ree Se sistas,’ ab.
- Note from M. Chauvelin to Lord Grenville, Nov.19..... MA eelani 189
~ Note from Lord Grenville to M. Chauvelin, Nov. 21 ........... pie Gs.
“Note from M. Chauvelin to Lord Grenville, Nov. 22 ........ Je\spta 190
“Letter from Lord Grenville to M. Chauvelin, Nov. 28, 1792 .....+.. sib.
Extract of a letter fram Citizen Maret to the Minister for Foreign Affairs
an Prtinve, Deco] 33) sug ysh0 30538 Cee tae obi west an aid ab.

Letter, written by Citizen Chauvelin, to the Rt. Hon. W. Pitt, Dec. 26, 193

Duke of Yorkwith a Princess of Prussia... 2... c000 cee eee eee 195
Decree of the Nat. Assem.of France, presented to the King, Jan. 26, 1792, 197
Wriswer of the King i.) 5.0 ste oe Ue i ore. sal aio’. HES
Letter from Do. to the Nat. Assembly on Reports of his Intention to leave
Parise. wee 0% Pe ey SR eS ew ~ 2h At) Siw Rania Ob fae Serene 199
Letter from Do. to Do. on their Complaints against the Minister of Marine,
PED AA CO as), DARL Bb Dowd af i eebinenal ake 199
Letter from the King of the French to the King of Hungary ........ ib.
Proclamation by Do. for the Maintenance of good Order on the Frontiers, 200
- Speech of Do. to the National Assembly, April 20 ..... a) ee 201
Re Prendent’svidnswer 7) WOE ined oh ete yee = «202
Decree of War against the King of Hungary and Bohemia.......... 203

' Address from the Representatives of the French People to the Citizens armed
for the Defence of the Country 0.0.0.0. cece cee cee eee eeee es ib.
Address of M. La Fayette to his Army,-upon their March, May 1, . ..205
Letter from M. La Fayette to the National. Assembly, June 16... ... 206
Letter from the King to the National Assembly, June 21....6.. ds wisue ZOO
Proclamation by the King, on the Events of the 20th of June........ ib.
Proclamation by the Municipality... 0.0.0.0. cece cence ees 210
Instructions to the Citizens of Paris by the Department, June 23...... ib.
Letter from the King to the National Assembly, July &.....2..4... 212

Notification to the Powers of Europe from the King of the French ....-id.
Address

CONTENTS.

Address to the French on the Dangers of their Country . : J213
Addresstothe try. 2. ke) eo Ae : RTL EN
The King’s Proclamation on the same \Sub bject, July 20 By Nast Seika Vad.

‘The Provisional Executive Councilof Fr. Rep. to the Prine Bis. of Rome. 216
Proclamation of the Government of Brussels, in Answer to the Declaration of
War onthe Part of Prams ier S04 Ot ERI se aeAs
Counter Declaration of the Court of Vienna against FRance.... -. bagMeZs
Substance of a T: reaty between the Emperor and K. of Prussia, Feb.7, 1792 ib.
Reasons determining the King of Prussia to take up Arms against France. ib.
Declaration by the Duke of Brunswick Lunenburg ‘2, commanding the combined
Armies of their Majesties the Emperor and the King of France, to the In-
habitanjeof Braktenpcohseiond eh. o3se00. Lol, oh oT TREN 229
Additional Declaration by Do. addressed to the Inhabitants of France . 282
Letter from the King of the French to the National Wii on the Publica
TRIER NIA a i ash 5 wins ened bac 9 oe doc». Wi cli ov shel) enone cle ERIE Sue aD.
Proclamation by the King of the French, August 7 Sac abene Bak at 234
Manifesto of the Emp. and the K. of Prussia, against the French, Aug. 4, 236
Declaration of Princes, his Most Christian Majesty's Brothers, and Princes of
the Blood united with them, addressed to France and Europe... 2.253
Exposition of the Motives on which the French National Assembly have pro-
claimed the Convention of a National Convention, and pronounced the Sus-

pension of the Executive Power in the Hands of the Wong, AC wae «263
Declaration to be made to the Foreign Powers, relative to the King's “Sus-
mension: oe kale: Ae ees aie ek Writs, Eh ayaa Palen op he
Memorial to the King of Prussia, by the French Nation. . sob SPARTT
Declaration of the Duke of Brunsinch, (Sept 28. 0 hsriguesic’s s'est 280

Address from the Nat. Convention, to the Thirteen. Helvetic Cantons .. 281
Substance of Dispatches from M. St. Croix, Minister Plenipotentiary of
France, at Treves, relative to the Dispersion of the I'rench Emigrants ; com-
municated by Order of the King to the National Assembly, Jan. 16. .283
Note from the Government General of the Netherlands, to M. de la Grovare,
Repident-of' France; vat) Brelaselsiiisic os istaid hee slat ts Sal's Viele 284
Extract from the Instructions of M. Delessart, Minister for For oreign n Affairs
at Paris, to M. Noailles, Ambass. from France to the Court of Vienna, 285
Instructions of Pr. de Kaunilz to M. Blumendorff, Imp. Min. at Paris . . 290
Note addressed to the French Ambassador at Vienna, by the Prince de Kau-

nitz, accompanying a Copy of the foregoing Instructions .......... 297
Letter from the Count de Goltz, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Prus-
sia, in France, addressed to M. Delessart. . P ss Avistate 209

Noteof the French Ambas. at the Court of Vienna, to the I mperial Minister tb.
Answer to the Note of the French Ambassador, by the Princede Kaunitz, 300
Letter of M. de Narbonne, Minister at, War of France, to the Duke of

Brunswick, Jan. 9.2.0.0 6s ccee vee cues sins evinn width DRS Re 302
Answer, by : the Duke Of ‘BransuMel |... eu ihiwes vic. bie oak vata ak 303
Letter from M. Dumouriez, to M. Noailles, in tnaiador at Vienna, . . . 304
Letter from M. Noailles to "M. Dumourtez ........ whee ce oie +e ei oor
Dispatch from M. Dumouriez to M. Noailles ..........000e0e000% . 308
Letter from M. Noailles to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs 14310
Second Letter from M. Noailles to M. Dumouriez ......+++++- Syev lh

Note by Count de Kellar, the Prussian Min, to the States Geel. Me aieos
Note of the Court of Petersburg, ordering away the French Minister . . 312

Letter from the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the N aint sei 313
sutract

vy CONTENTS.

Extract of a Letter from M. Bourgoing, to M. Dumouriez.......... 314
Memorial transmitted to the Count de Bernstorf, Minister of State to his
Danish Majesty, by the Ministers of Austria and Prussa ........315

Answer of the Count de Bernstorf. .... 0.04020 02208 vl, a 316
Convention hetween the Genevese and the French General Montesquieu. 3\7
Address of the Genevese minister to the Nationa? Convention ........ 318
Letter of the King of Sardinia to the Thirteen Cantons, and Allies of the
WevettCh: Body vi. 5. os 0.5 .4:n bina ais > simiees)\ninialaicinle aie 6.0 9 ol ota ay 319)
Answer returned to the King of Sardinia... ..6.0.cece reer recess 320
Letter from the King of Sardinia to the Canton of Berne ...++++++- ab.
Letter from M. Le Brun to the National Convention.....+.++20+++++ 321

Declaration of the Kings of Hungary and Prussia delivered to all the Minis-
ters at the Diet of Ratishon, excepting those of Saxony and Hanover . . 322

Letter of the Helvetic Congress to the King Of PGE TAIN a laos a a> 323
Memorial presented to the Porte by the Imperial Internuncio.....+..-- 324
Memorial presented to the Porte by the Prussian Envoy ......++++++: 325

Extract of Dispatch of the Minister of the Porte to the Court of France. 326
Memorial presented, by Order of the Grand Seignior, to the Minister of the

Christian Princes resident at Constantinople ..... Sons ata em tats sini ib.
Instructions to the Captain Pacha .... 0006 cece eee tence eee teens 26.
The Definitive Treaty of Peace between Kussia and the Porte, Jan. 9. . 328
Declaration of M. Bulzakoff, Russian Ambassador at Warsaw ...... 329
Promugation of the Provisional Administrators chosen by Mons...... 334
Address of the King of Poland to the Army ..... 00. ce eee ee cee ib.

Circular Letter of the King and the States of Poland, to the Nation ..335
Answer of Republic of Poland to Declaration a by M. de Bulgakoff.339

Letter from the King of Poland to the King of Prussia... ......60004+ 345
Answer of the King of Prussia to the King of Poland...........+++ 346
Official Note by M. Chreptowitz, the Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs, to

Marquis de Lucchesini, Prussian Ambassador, at Warsaw ........ 347
Answer of the Prussian Ambassador to the above Note ...-....-.-+. 348

Act of Adherence of the K. of Poland to the Confederation of Targowttz. it.
CHARACTERS.

Character of Mr, Howard, by John Aiken, M.D. ...... 000000 eee 350
Anecdotes of John Beruh Bassedow,—from the Germans... 6s eeees 351
Character of Geo. IT. from Anecdotes of W. Pitt, Earl of Chatham .. 353
Character of Charles I[.—from Dr. Somerville’s History ........+- 356

Description of a Dwarfish Race in Madagascar, called the Kimos ....357
History of the Swiss Union, and Character of the inhabitants of the Demo-

cratic Cantens,—from Watkins's Travel8......000+ee00 0s (Renee B00
Character of the Genoese,—fram the same vee psec cvnecteneencees 364
Account of an indented Servant,—from Eddis’s Letters from America. , 367
Inhabitants of Cairo and its Neizhbourhood.—from Niebuhr’s Travels, 370
Of the Copts, from the same .......000+ Bo oon iid eas o's wala ib.
Of the Arabians in Egypt, from the same... ..see cece cece ccee eens SY
Account of the Mozarabs, a Sect in Spain, from Robinson's Ecclesiastical

I 2 SY A RR RA I ALS MB PSA ABA 373
-NATURAL HISTORY. .

A Narrative of the Earthquake felt in Linconshire on the 25th Feb. 1792,

na Letier from E. Turner, Esq. F.R.S. to Sir Joseph Banks...... 378

Sir Wm, Fordyce on the cultivation of Rhubarb... 0.00. ceee cece ee 381

An Account of the Use and Value of theChesnut-Tree .....++.0004-- 384

Account of tw Cases of Polydipsia, ur exeessive'l hirst, from Medical Facts, 386
Account of the Island of Senegal, from Saugnicr’s and Brisson’s Voyages, 394
of

CONTENTS

Of the Mikkias, or Nilometer ;. and the Rising of the Nile, fr ip 396
Of Egyptian Agriculture, from the same .... 6.60 2.seeeee ences .. 898.
Account of some new Discoveries in the interior Parts of Africa . . hee -400
‘USEFUL PROJECTS:
SirB. Thompson’ s Experiments onCauses of the Warmth of Warm Clothing 4 404!
Ward's Patent for changing Smoke, &c. into useful Materials........ 415_
Campbell’s Do. as wi tina ‘li Colouring Particlesin Rags, &c. used for
OP Pees sit sid ih ein ses on tin Diecine iAs Sola tele AL eee eae 416
Idea of « Map of the World ona larger Scale from Forest’s Voyage. . oft
On the Scab in Sheep, by P.T. Treby, Esg.—from Annals of. ‘Agriculture. 420
Method of curing Butter, practised in Udny, andits Neighbourhood ..421

AN; PT 1.Q. ULF I BS,
Order of Council to the L. Mayor of London in the Reign of Elizabeth, 422

The Earl of Nitsdale’s Escape out of the Tower in 1710..-.. 0004. 2424
Observations on the late Continuance of the Use of Torture in England » fron,
La ELE) IGT Re eR eee ae 433

On the Oljices of Thane and Abthane, from the Scots Antiq. Soc, Trans, 435
An Account of a Combat between the Macphersons and the Davidsons, from

BONES SOULE 2 oi nli navn «Daye els AMIS os)» aled.0 > hve the, bunnigl ek ant 430
Of Egyptian Antiquities in General, JSrom Niebuhr’s Travels .... +++. 438
Giahe Pyramids, fromthe same: «44 sous. oth ot dest ate “RE on sa hmais 439
GEibe Hieroglyphics, from, the Same... » «sy »ia,2.+ mjs0n den Bien am setae 441

MISCELLANEOUS .ESSAYS.
Thoughts on Physic and Physicians, from the European Magazine... .445
Friendly hints on the Mode:n Practice of Physicians, by an old Patient. 448.

Detraction: a Vision,—from , Cotton?s Pieces, in Prose and Verse... . 450)
Observations on the Pussage from India; commonly called. over Land, fr om
Howclts Jaurney\. ve\srevsbla Wat 0 cease 2). Ve del ete ab 452
Obelisk of Sesostris at Rome, from Wilcou's Roman Conversations .. «.455
On the prevailing Opinion of a Sexual Character in Men, with Striciur res On.
Dr. Gregory's Legacy to his Daughter... oc. cee etree veces o o.0\e FO7,
Madame de War ens, from Young's Tr avels, in 1787 +8889. ... 02 ee oe 466
PO, E'T RY.
Ode for is Majesty's Birth-day, by H. J. Pye, Esq... see cece eee 467.
Papura, from Darwin's Botanic Garden .... 0.0200. cece eee cee 408
Air Balloons, fromthe same... 0. oes eee el eee eet ee oh eae: 470
kay FROME TERE TOPO I ASE OPIN TT BL SPE ND et Pe 471°
Ode to the Poppy, from Desmond, a Novel by Mrs. C. Smith. oc... 5 473°
Prologue and Epilogue to Columbus, an. Historical Play; ><\8P yore 8 47 4
Tsolero foiled and nearly killed by Bayardo. Battle between Rinaldo. and
Bayardo, from Fiisles Tames) sobloo drys fe PPS 476 -
Stanzas written in a blank leaf in the Pleasures of Memory... 0.2.0... 479.

“ACCOUNT OF BOOKS for. 1792.

A Journal of Transactions and Exents, during a Residence of nearly sixteen,
Years on the Coast of Labrador, &c. by Geor ge Cartwright, Esq. im 3
vols. 4to. 1792. Ae a idk 9) Me ee Bey Bas Ge ee eres oie co 480

The Origin and Progress of Language, by ‘Bor. d Monboddo, vol. 6, 1792, 490.

Calvary, a Poem, in eight Books, by Richard Cumberland, 4to. 1792 .. 492

Travels during the Year 1787, 1788, and 1789, undertaken with a View
of ascertaining the Cultivation, Wealth, &c..of France, by Arthur Young,
Esq. ERS, $e. 2 vols. ALGO davieseie vo. v50,0 vvayh AY he awaits oigis'e bol «1495.

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